B.

Title and Promoters (Dr. G.J. Botma possible supervisor)

From the screen to the street? A netnographical exploration of the role of Facebook and Twitter in political participation in Zimbabwe (January 2013 April 2014) B.2 Preliminary study and rationale .the internet is the most democratising innovation ever seen Joe Trippi, (quoted in Hindman, 2009: 2).

Debate on new medias potential to transform political participation was evident from the 1990s onwards (Breindl, 2010:43; Atton, 2004). This sense of optimism is well summarised by Trippis statement cited above. However, criticism against sweeping statements on the potential of social media to influence political participation gathered momentum after the 2009 postelections protests in Iran and Moldova as well as the so-called Arab Spring1 (Starbird & Palen, 2012;Shirky, 2011;Mungiu-Pippidi & Munteanu, 2009; ).

Some studies have shown that social media played a role in catalysing the revolts. Aouragh and Alexander (2011:349), for example, claim that Facebook provided tools to facilitate interaction and responses to questions they (activists) would have found difficult to answer offline , making grievances more urgent and difficult to ignore.

Critics, however, contend that social media bring inconsequential change as protests could still have transpired without using Facebook and Twitter (Gladwell, 2011; Morozov, 2011; Alterman, 2011). see how the previous can be improved; after all, all other revolutions took place without the involvement of e-communication Dewey, Kaden, Marks, Matsushima & Zhu (2012) indicate that the widespread social unrest was and continues to be rooted in a broader set of economic, social and political factors (p.13).

This study acknowledges the cyber optimist/pessimist divergence, and moves from a macro level theoretical overview to a specific emperical analysis of the potential of Facebook to transform political participation in Zimbabwe. The study combines political communication theory and mass communication theory in a conceptual framework to explore how new technologies enhance political participation. Data gathered through quantitative and qualitative
1

Popular protests that started as what was termed the Jasmine Revolution in late 2010 in Tunisia resulting in the change of government before spreading to Egypt then other Arab, North African and Sub-Saharan countries.

means will be analysed to gather empirical evidence on how Facebook influenced political participation in Zimbabwe in the run up to, during and after elections in 2013 and 2014.

Despite a growing body of literature on the use of social media in Zimbabwe (see Moyo, 2011; Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012; Kelly & Cook, 2011;), no empirical studies have focused specifically on how Facebook influences political participation during elections. Examining how Facebook alters political participation will yield important insights on claims by cyber-optimists that social media offer alternative, affordable and cost effective platforms for political participation within repressive societies (see Mungiu-Pippidi & Munteanu, 2009; Shirky, 2011; Starbird & Palen, 2012). This study focuses on Facebook because it has become a dominant social media platform in Zimbabwe with accounts already opened by virtually all sectors (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012:1).

Zimbabwe is selected as research focus because: 1) It is considered a repressive and not free country (Freedom House, 2012), with potential for use of social media for political mobilisation and protest as claimed by cyber optimistssource. 2) Zimbabwe has a restrictive legal environment making it virtually impossible to operate independent or grassroots press (Moyo, 2012; Zaffiro, 2001) giving rise to the use of computer medidated communication as alternative voices to those of government and political elites. 3) While internet penetration, at 15.7% (Biggs, 2012), is comparatively low (Egypt has 21% and Tunisia has 34% [Stepanova, 2011]), internet in Zimbabwe became and continues to be the platform through which to communicate as a result of an inhibited political and media environment (Moyo, 2011:2). The use of Facebook is likely to increase with the introduction of phones allowing users to browse the internet (Mutambo, 2011). 4) Zimbabwe is planning a referendum on a new constitution and general elections in 2013 and ?2014, offering an opportunity to gather data and observe how Facebook influenced political participation. Should this ethnographic focus not be emphasised also in title as an important component of involvement? Mass Media in Zimbabwe The use of the mass media as mouthpieces for state propaganda has persisted from the colonial through to independent Zimbabwe (Moyo, 2010:180). Successive governments have

controlled broadcasting since its introduction in the 1930s through the Broadcasting Act (1957) and Broadcasting Services Act (2001) (Moyo, 2004:11). The colonial state monopolised broadcasting services and jammed nationalist [Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African Peoples Union ZAPU] shortwave frequencies and prohibited all but FM receivers in rural areas (Moyo, 2004:13). ZANU and ZAPU, broadcasted on shortwave from Zambia, Mozambique, Egypt, Russia and Ghana from 1963 to 1980 (Morsia, Riddle & Zaffiro, 1994). After independence, the government immediately instituted national media policies fundamentally interconnected in efforts to perpetuate authoritarian, personalistic, de-facto one party rule (Zaffiro, 2001:102). The government attempted to reign in the press by buying out foreign shareholding in major newspapers (Zaffiro, 2001:113) to establish Zimpapers, a monolithic and monopolistic mouthpiece which political elites maintained a stranglehold on (Dube, 1995). Despite replacing the Broadcasting Act (of 1957) with the Broadcasting Services Act (2001), airwaves were not opened to any new players (Moyo, 2004), giving rise to shortwave pirate radio stations (Moyo, 2012). The advent of new ICTs altered the media landscape as the internet allowed alternative voices to proliferate in Zimbabwe (Zaffiro, 2001:114). The internet largely allowed citizens to access information without fear that the state was monitoring (Mpofu, 2011) and at the same time allowed the emergence of alternative voices (Mutsvairo & Mutsvairo, 2012). Internet access is inhibited by high costs and poor signal distribution. Notwithstanding the poor signal distribution, where towns have access to broadband, rural and outlying areas use affordable mobile Internet provided by

telecommunications companies. Close to 26% of mobile phone subscribers (3.27 million) have internet access (Potraz, 2012:2), a significant number rate in a country with a total population of 12,9 million people. Not a prelim study; indicate searches Zimbabwe saw rapid legislated closure of political space since 2000 (Freedom House, 2012) which coincided with a steep economic decline that negatively impacted political participation as citizens focused on survival and not politics (Schlee, 2011:1). The stifling of political space disabled and subsequently debilitated mainstream medias role as watchdogs and custodians of the public good and active citizens (Moyo, 2011:2), arguably giving momentum to emerging alternative media platforms. Faced with a restrictive legal environment, activists and grassroot organisations initiated innovative strategies to broadcast content (Moyo, 2012:484). Such strategies included shortwave radio stations, roadcasting (distributing pre-recorded audio materials), podcasting, social media, mass short message services (mass SMS) and interactive voice responses (Moyo, 2012; Windeck, 2010). These strategies had problems, for example,

roadcasting contravened the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (2001) (Moyo, 2012:485), while the Interception of Communications Act (2006) allowed the state to monitor telecommunications (Mavhunga, 2008:2) including mass SMS. The state started jamming shortwave broadcasts in 2007 (Mavhunga, 2008). In light of these problems, the internet, which is easily accessible, became a popular site for citizens seeking alternative information (Kelly & Cook, 2011; Zaffiro, 2001), giving rise to new reform based emergent alternative media narrative that encourage, articulate and stimulate public participation (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012:8). The Internet offered Zimbabweans an avenue to discuss a taboo subject in Zimbabwe without fear or being reprimanded by the secretive and authoritarian state (Mpofu, 2011:1). The adoption of Internet based platforms ties in with cyber optimists proposition that social media can transform political participation within repressive environments (see Starbird & Palen, 2012; Shirky, 2011). Diamond (2010:70) argues that adopting such liberation technologies empower individuals, facilitate independent communication and mobilization, and strengthen an emergent civil society. ?Short para on what social media is/what social media platforms are/and which of these will be studied? In Zimbabwe Facebook has become a dominant social media platform because of easy access through smart phones (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012; Mutambo, 2011) and it arguably has the potential to influence political participation. This study aims to investigate the nature and extent of the political influence of Facebook in Zimbabwe in 2013 and 2014.

B.4

Goals, theoretical points of departure, research questions and/or hypothesis/ hypotheses

Theories of the Press, Network Society, New Media and Political Participation

Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1956), employing a normative approach, came up with four theories of the press namely: authoritarian, libertarian, social responsibility and Soviet Communist. The Soviet Communist theory is viewed as an extreme application of authoritarianism ideas in that the media are totally subordinated to the interests and functions of the state (Ostini & Fung, 2002:42) with no private ownership of the press.

The four theories, however, failed to encompass media systems outside the ambit of fully communist and authoritarian regimes or rapid changes in ICT, especially internet and satellite

television (Firdaus, 2012:11). This prompted scholars like Hallin and Mancini (2004:10) to dismiss the four theories model, calling for its decent burial and move on to the development of more sophisticated models based on real comparative analysis. Hallin and Mancini (2004) proposed the liberal, the democratic corporatist and the polarized pluralist model. [Too simplistic?] The media in Zimbabwe arguably reflects the polarised pluralist model, integrated into party politics, displaying a weak historical development of commercial media, and a strong role for the state (Hallin & Mancini, 2004:11). But, just as the four theories preceding them, the three theories model, formulated from a Western perspective, seemed ill-suited to describe post-colonial African conditions.

Furthermore, theorising mass media remains problematic as the field is characterised by fragmentation and insufficient coherence (Dahlgren, 2005). Some scholars (see Chaffee & Metzger, 2001) question the validity, applicability and relevance of mass communication theories developed before interactive media. Chaffee & Metzger (2001) argue that traditional theories assuming a centralised mass media system may not work in a decentralised and demassified (p.374) environment. Nordenstreng (2006:36) takes the argument further by contending that theorists now look for models that allow reciprocal message sending between media institutions and the public as well as interaction among the audience, thus empowering audiences.

Castells (1996; 2009) and van Dijk (1999) in several publications (see Castells, 1996; Castells, 2009; Dijk, 1999;) have shown how various networks emerged with social media use. Additionally, social media fundamentally obliterated the thresholds of publishing, as anyone (with the ??right technology? access to technonology?) can publish opinions in real time to mass audiences (Luoma-aho, 2011:3). These new media enable multidirectional sending and receiving of messages, radically departing from unidirectional communication (Castells, 2009). The diffusion of the internet and Web 2.0s interactive communication characterised by the capacity of sending messages from many to many, led to what Castells (2009:56) termed mass self-communication. This interactivity challenges the traditional top-down political communication (and) is replaced by a more horizontal style of communication without a hierarchy (Lilleker & Jackson 2008: 6).

New media enabled the emergence of social networks, allowing strangers to establish ties in an egalitarian pattern of interaction where social characteristics are less influential in framing or

even blocking communications (Castells, 1996: 388). These social networks changed how people communicate offering an interactive system which features feedback effects and communications from anywhere to anywhere within the network (Castells, 2009: 7), with potential to influence political participation (Van Dijk, 1999).

Verba, Scholzman & Brady (1995) define political participation as an activity that has the intent or effect of influencing government action or selection of people who make policies. Political participation includes wearing party regalia, attending a rally, voting, buying a political party membership card, giving money to a candidate or demonstrating on the streets. Online political participation comprises writing a blog, membership to online political groups or organising a protest online.

According to the resources model, (Verba & Nie, 1972; Verba, Schlozman & Brady 1995) people may not participate in politics because they do not want to, they cannot or nobody has asked them to. Social media technologies represent an important instrumental resource (Eltantawy & Wiest, 2011:1212) to bridge participatory gaps, empowering and mobilising citizens to participate.

The general incentive model explains incidents of high intensity participation, like canvassing, attending a meeting or running for political office (Whiteley & Seyd, 2002). Social media are central to these incidents because of their interactiveness.

From the discussion above, two theoretical departure points can be formuled:

I.

Social media users have the potential to become a network of on-line political participation in oppressive regimes such as Zimbabwe

II.

Online political participation has potential to influence offline.

Research Questions

Flowing from the theoretical points of departure a general research question is formulated: How did Facebook influence political participation in Zimbabwe in the run-up to a referendum and general election in 2013 and 2014? and immediately thereafter?

I am still not clear whether the referendum is in 2013 and the election in 2014?/reflect titel more precisely Following from the general research question are four specific research questions:

1) What were the demographics and profiles of Zimbabweans who used Facebook for political participation during the 2013 elections and/or referendum? 2) What motivated Zimbabweans who used Facebook for political participation during the elections and/or referendum period? 3) What forms of political participation, linked to the referendum and general election, did Zimbabweans engage in on Facebook? 4) Did Facebook use influence political participation and offline political action? Hypotheses Drawing from the theoretical framework, it can be argued that citizens in repressive political systems may adopt social media platforms for political participation which is positively associated with offline action. As a result of this, the study seeks to test three hypotheses: Hypothesis 1 High repression and closure of political space in Zimbabwe has seen political activists using Facebook for political participation. Hypothesis 2 Using Facebook for political participation increases offline political activities. Hypothesis 3 Facebook has opened space for previously disenfranchised groups to participate in politics. B.5 Research design and methods

Data Collection? Research design? Both quantitative and qualitative methods will be used to collect and analyse data because this approach provides more comprehensive evidence for studying a research problem (Creswell & Clark, 2006:9). Quantitative methods, specifically surveys, will be used to collect numeric data necessary for statistical interpretation. Qualitative methodology, suitable for cases where variables are hard to define or quantify (Carver, Seaman & Jeffrey, 2004), will be used to collect information not covered by quantitative methodology.

A questionnaire, considered more objective (Oppenheim, 1992) and able to produce generalisable results, will be administered to 600 randomly selected respondents with Facebook accounts. This methodology seeks to address RQ1, probing gender, age, level of education,

profession, income, membership to online and offline organisations and political participation online and offline. The survey seeks to establish time spent on Facebook constituting political participation, how often and since when. Numeric data collected shall be used to test all three hypotheses. Oppenheim (2002) identified faulty design, incoherent sampling and biased questionnaire design and wording as possible weaknesses when administering a survey. A

pilot test, to ascertain consistency and correctness (Fink, 2009), shall be used to minimise these weaknesses.

Qualitative content analysis is a subjective interpretation of content or text data through systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Ten identifiable Facebook groups discussing Zimbabwean politics, specifically the elections and referendum, will form the basis for content analysis. These groups will be selected through purposive sampling, with all searchable Facebook groups discussing politics being the population. Data will be collected over 12 months, giving three months before the referendum and six months after the general elections2. This data will be used to address RQ2 on what motivates Facebook users to use the social platform for political participation.

Twenty semi-structured interviews with identified political activists will be conducted to gather more in depth insight on participant attitude, thoughts and actions. Interviewees will be leaders of organisations or groups and consistently contributing to online political debates. Interviews provide context with room for clarification, elaboration and explanation (Kendal, 2008). Data addressing questions why citizens use Facebook (RQ2) and how it leads to political action offline (RQ4) will be gathered through interviews. Pitfalls to be avoided include the asking of leading questions and guarding against respondents who provide answers they consider socially acceptable (Yin, 2009).

Online participatory observation will be used to gather data. Online participatory observation involves learning by becoming part of the community (Mann & Stewarts 2000). This entails becoming a member of Facebook groups which discuss Zimbabwean politics. Kozinets (2002:2) calls this participatory observation, netnography - qualitative research methodology adopting ethnographic research to study communities that emerge through computer mediated communication. Netnography raises ethical issues especially whether one has to disclose or
2

The general elections are held at least three months after the referendum.

remain covert. Mann & Stewarts (2000) argument that information collected publicly through participant observation can be used without permission would be used as a point of departure with a possibility of alterations. Data gathered through participatory observation will be analysed to answer RQ3 about the forms of political participation Zimbabweans engaged in on Facebook.

First introduce adherence to ethical clearance policyParticipants for both the survey and structured interviews will sign an informed consent form. Information gathered throughout the research shall only be used for the purposes of the study, and where necessary remain confidential, to protect the participants. Describe method of identification for participants in study to ensure validity of data e.g., participants will be identified according to a numerical system/

Data Analysis Data analysis shall employ both qualitative and quantitative techniques. SPSS version 17 will be used to analyse survey data because it allows for in-depth data access and preparation, analytical reporting, graphics and modelling. Qualitative data analysis is the process of working with data, organising them, breaking them into manageable units, coding them, synthesising them and then search for patterns (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). NVivo, software that allows text editing, coding, retrieval and category manipulation shall be used to analyse data collected through content analysis. Data Clouding, a data display using font size and colour to indicate numerical values, will be used to show what is discussed on selected Facebook groups or during interviews. B.6 Time framework and provisional chapter layout

Chapter 1 Introduction and Background (Four Months) Chapter 2 Literature Review (Six Months) Chapter 3 Theoretical Framework (Four Months) Chapter 4 Research Methodology (Eight Months) Chapter 5 Analysis of Findings (Four Months) Chapter 6 Conclusion (Four Months) B.7 Impact

This study adds to a body of research on the role of social media in Zimbabwe (Mutsvairo &and Columbus 2012, Moyo 2011 &and Windeck 2010) but specifically on the role of Facebook in the run-up, during and after a referendum and elections. B.8 Connection with the doctoral programme(s) of the department

An indication should be given here of the way the proposed research is related to or is part of the doctoral programme(s) offered by the department (according to the Jaarboek/Calendar). B.8 Budget

Enough financial resources have been secured for the successful completion of the research.