Cooperation, a disputed territory1 : Cooperation for development, looking for new definitions

Oscar Azmitia Asociacin Latinoamericana de Organizaciones de Promocin . 1. The process of change in the policies of Cooperation for Development began in the last decade with the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), an incipient "social agenda" of globalization that made emphasis in poverty reduction and social development. Since then, we may see some processes that should be considered: a. Security replaces cooperation: the attacks of September 11 and the declarations of war against terrorism scored significantly the international agenda. Security concerns were repositioned at the center of cooperation, setting a trend of "securitization" 2 calendar, which means that the motivations and destinations of aid, are increasingly guided by the priority of donors in the fight against terrorism. Especially the United States, built a manichean discourse linking poverty and backwardness to terrorism, which explains, for example, why Colombia is the Latin American country that receives more ODA since 2005, showing how these criteria, eminently political, take precedence over those stated in the MDGs. b. The effectiveness of aid is the new paradigm: the Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey, linked to the mobilization of resources to meet the MDGs, though not far removed from liberal principles that governed the financing of development since its inception, gave rise to the High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, which gave birth to three program documents: the Rome Declaration on Harmonization, the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness (2005) and the Accra Agenda for Action , giving rise to the so-called Paris Agenda. The Paris Declaration is particularly significant because it establishes a new paradigm in
1 2

This paper is based on the document: "NGOs in Latin America and the European NGOs, the urgency of a common agenda in an unfavorable scenario. Eduardo Ballon, ALOP.

On this subject see, Sanahuja, Jose Antonio: The securitization of aid after the 11-S: no security, no development, http://www.mundubat.org/MT/Publicaciones/Prensa/Sanahuja.htm. See also Spillane, Shennia: Aid and Terrorism. What about the Poor? At: ROA-The Asia-Pacific Network (editor), Reality Check 2004, ROA, Manila, 2004.

the relationship between donors and recipients (called partner countries from the principle of responsibility), seeking to overcome the ties based on conditionalities and tackle the problems arising from the proliferation of donors and fragmentation of aid, clarifying the principles of ownership, alignment, harmonization and responsibility 3 in the management of the results. The Paris Agenda subsequent adjustment process led to a paradigm of donor assistance in the midst of high expectations and well-founded fear. The Declaration reflects the choice of the "effectiveness" selectivity "of aid and establishes the concept of good governance "as a framework for compliance, and at the heart of the responsibility to the state and engaging donors in strengthening institutions of those countries in which are not strong enough or do not respond to "good government." Despite important progressive elements in its content, the Declaration expresses a limited view of development and democracy. Its structure and conception moves us back to the developmental state and is limited to relations between state actors and, more specifically between central government, reducing civil society to the prospective role of subcontractor, without participation in the design of policies and unable to control citizens, ignoring their importance in building democracy and development . Mistakenly, the Declaration assumes that the lack of effective policies in the fight against poverty and the existence of policies that maintain and expand the exclusion in receiving countries, obviate the interests behind them and explain that reality as a result of malfunction of state mechanisms (who could resolve with technical prescriptions), ignoring the tension "between the strengthening of State and support the demands of excluded groups, which is still part of the development agenda can only be resolved with an agenda in which the alignment is not limited to state policies which are based on the interests of elites ... "4. Although the discourse of the Declaration intends to set the shared responsibility and mutual accountability (donors and recipient partners) actually extends the poverty trough debt cancellation5 and forget the relationship, by definition asymmetrical, between donors and recipients, which are consistent with both the idea of accountability itself of aid as conditional process. Perhaps more importantly, the obvious major policy statement that ODA as trade, foreign investment and access to technology, among others, which have a decisive influence on the effectiveness of aid, but especially in the development agenda , which is to contribute.
3

On this instrument, see Martinez, Ignacio and Jos Antonio Sanahuja: The international agenda for aid effectiveness and decentralized cooperation in Spain, Fundacin Carolina-CeALCI, Madrid, 2009.
4 5

Martnez Ignacio y Jos Antonio Sanahuja, Ibd.; pp.10-11 Tomlinson, Brian: The Paris Declaration on Aid-Effectiveness: Donor Commitments and Civil Society Critiques, en The Reality of Aid: The Paris Declaration: Towards Enhanced Aid Effectiveness?, ROA, Quezon City, 2007.

In the light of experience and criticism deployed, the Accra Agenda for Action sought to incorporate a limited number of civil society and local actors. The parallel forum was held, sought consensus on a position of various civil society organizations from dozens of countries (more than 700 people) with a view to the official forum, which finally recognized the importance of working with civil society, stating that donors supports initiatives to improve the skills of the different actors involved in policy development, recognizing, at least rhetorically 6 for civil society organizations and decentralized government and development actors and the system of international cooperation for development. Since then the focus of concern has been to incorporate to the broadest spectrum of organizations to the financial agenda for development and ensure their full participation in all stages of the debate. c. The discussion on the so-called middle-income countries: The classification proposed by the World Bank and later adopted as a selection criterion for ODA centrally for low-income countries, meant to equate the concept of development of a country, its GDP per capita. Based on this characterization, most Latin American countries (33 of 48 countries included in the category), attended a significant decrease in cooperation resources (public and private) and the loss of centrality of the region as part of the countries "developing." In the debate on the issue, it was possible to identify two neuralgic issues: the demand for many of our countries as eligible for cooperation and responsibility given to them as new donors and therefore its role in South-South cooperation and triangular cooperation 7.. 2 - The aid is stagnating or decreasing, but remains conditional Simultaneously with these changes, far ODA flows to increase, as indicated by the commitments of the MDGs, virtually stagnated since 2004 in constant dollars. Since 2007 there has been a decrease in the percentage of GDP spent by donors to this end and in 2007 only five OECD countries had fulfilled their commitment, while most countries this percentage decreased instead of increasing it, being particularly significant cases in the United Kingdom, decreased by 29% of its resources, and U.S., which spends only 0.16% of GDP for this purpose. Since 2003, less than a third of all ODA from bilateral donors has been available for priority programs which can be defined by developing countries, Afghanistan and Iraq while focusing nearly two-thirds support to countries severely
6

We say that rhetorically because they remain on the agenda and indicators of the Paris Declaration, which leaves everything left to the will of the donors.

On this subject see: Center for Research on International Cooperation and Development of the Universidad Nacional San Martn: Scenarios and Challenges in South-South cooperation 30 years of the Declaration of Buenos Aires, Working Papers, No.1, CICI + D National University of San Martn, Buenos Aires, October 2009. See also, Secretara General Iberoamericana: II Report of the SouthSouth Cooperation in Latin America, SEGIB, Madrid, 2008.

affected by conflict as part of the evils of "securitization." Many of the multilateral, theoretically committed to the processes described, resist them. For example, the IMF did not significantly decrease the number of structural conditional lending into development. 25% of all its loans, some for our region, still contain privatization or liberalization reforms, which are highly sensitive, have also shown inefficient for the purpose intended. As has been reiterated many times, this evidence and the principle of harmonization increases in the current scenario, the ability of IFIs to control the policies of developing countries8.. As it could not be otherwise, Latin America is particularly affected by these processes. In 2007, resources devoted to it represented only 6.4% of the total for developing countries and some countries in the region that receive even more aid obtain four times less resources than their African peers9. Key elements in the scenario of international ODA-security, extreme poverty reduction and global public goods-and its majority status of middle-income countries (Haiti being the exception) have affected the flow of cooperation, in which Latin America it is not seen as a priority in the agenda. But it has also influenced our government's inability to define a positioning and joint action in the processes described above. Although it is obvious, we must remember that in the current context of international crisis, the panorama, far from improving, it will probably get more difficult the next few years what we are facing many Latin American and European NGOs, the imperative to move steadily in one agenda, that beyond our limitations, difficulties and uncertainties 10 have not changed substantially in recent years to achieve in the center of the debate topics related to democracy and development, from the viewpoint of social, economic, cultural and environmental, which is like starting to recognize that development itself is at the heart of human rights. 3. Basic elements for a Dialogue Agenda Proposing elements for an agenda of dialogue between Latin American NGOs and ACI Europe, is a difficult task, even more so at this juncture, for the different dimensions involved in the effort. In principle, Latin American NGOs gathered here, we have not fully
8 9

10

About this point, consult; The IMF maintains its grip on low income governments, en http:www.eurodad.org/uploadedFiles/Whats_New/Reports/Critical-conditions.pdf More details, Fernndez, Rubn: Tendencias de la cooperacin internacional al desarrollo con Amrica Latina, en ALOP-The Reality of Aid: Mito y realidad de la ayuda. Amrica Latina al 2009, ALOP, Mxico D.F., setiembre 2009. Sobre el particular ver Balln, Eduardo y Mariano Valderrama, 2004, Ibd..

resolved the challenge of the priorities in our action and reflection on the necessary interaction with popular social movements and with other sectors of civil society. 3.1. Topics: Some of the central topics about aid and cooperation are : a. The relationship between globalization, sovereignty and citizenship in the context of the dispute that elaborates on the meaning of citizenship and the emergence of global civil society, an issue that has become increasingly expressive, a landmark powerhouse. This relationship, which has to be seen in the current complexity in which identities as indigenous, becoming visible in full force and complexity in many of our societies. The challenges and scope for new approaches to development where the proposal of the "good life" beyond its consecration in two Constitutions and the ability mobilizers showing 11, is still far from being clearly defined, but appears as a possible response that keep links with some innovative looks at the issue, as the theory of decreasing12 of the economist Georgescu-Rogen.

b.

c. The economic, social, cultural and environmental as an extension of human rights. d. Economically and socially, the definition of the role of the State as a leader in the development process and principal agent for integration into globalization, its necessary to overcome inequalities and change production which means the effective incorporation of Latin American society knowledge and generating decent jobs The meanings and characteristics of the restructuring of society and the nation living in the region, in all its dimensions, from local to supranational, taking the meaning of regional integration processes that can not be limited to the markets and businesses as a strategy for integration of

e.

11

This approach generally involves a friendly look to nature, careful resource, fraternal other human beings, value of shared assets, critical to the extractive and production without responsibility and a community perspective that gives meaning and limit on individual claims.
12

More information, Mosangini, Giorgio: Decreciomiento y cooperacin internacional en el portal web Debates sobre el desarrollo, gestionado por el Col-lectiu dEstudis sobre Cooperaci i Desenvolupament.

plural societies, the construction of shared identities and common horizons.

f.

Need and characteristics of a new international financial architecture and world trade order. Ensure participation of women's organizations in the Development Agenda: Special concern about how much marginalized or underrepresented groups exist in some societies. Taking into account the Declaration of Paris, where gender equality is mentioned in the declaration but not among the indicators that measure the progress (of the 12 goals that come with a set of numbers to achieve in 2010 refers to any situation women), is that women's organizations and networks have begun to develop different strategies to participate and influence the current debate. The role that these have been taken in this process is vital to view the absences of key issues in developing the agenda, and that make the development process. The participation of CSOs and women's networks has not been easy in this process, not being formally convened until 2007, when it was created the Advisory Group on Civil Society Organizations and Aid Effectiveness. "Since 2007, numerous initiatives of organizations and networks for the rights of women have promoted reflection and exchange strategies and experiences on how women can play a more effective, both technically and politically in all 13 levels. " Under the Third High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Accra for Development (2008), the International Coordinating Group of the OSC, which coordinated the "CSO Parallel Process to the High Level Forum in Ghana" 14, prepared a draft document by a series of recommendations 15, reinforcing the importance of some issues.

g.

3.2 Items to the agenda:

13

Accra. Women Forum 2008 Within the networks involved in this initiative, which aims to promote awareness on the agenda of aid effectiveness at the local, national and international level and I see the High Level Forum in Ghana as an important opportunity to encourage discussion and debate, are the Association for Women's Rights and Development (AWID) and European Network of Women in Development (WIDE).
14
15

See Annex 1

b.

Towards a new international financial architecture: This issues are the star point from which we should seek to advance towards a dialogue with our European counterparts, assuming in principle that in matters of international aid system, the fundamental problem before the issue of resources lies in institutions, as has been rightly expressed by Ignacio Martnez and Jos Antonio Sanahuja16. Therefore, it is obviously a first field of dialogue as the tools developed to date to address the effectiveness of aid, and biases are very clear limits.

In this perspective, we must discuss how to establish a new international financial architecture, "favorable to development, which fully incorporate emerging countries and includes a comprehensive regulation and supervision of all financial markets, a deep reform of government funding to economies countercyclical affected by negative business and financial shocks, combating tax evasion and effective stimulus to global warming 17. It is jointly push for reform of the Bretton Woods institutions under the UN system, from the principle of one member, one vote, seeking to secure the recognition of asymmetries in the development process and discussing measures that balance , especially in trade and international financial system as specific commitments and content on amounts of ODA, ending with "tied aid." In that perspective, and in the short term, it comes to discussing the role of international financial institutions have a significant responsibility for the lack of change and fulfilling a role as "guarantors of aid", which is a source of power limits the ability of recipient countries to reject his "recipes", offsetting any tendency towards bilateral donor conditionalities to change. c. Overcoming the technocratic dimension: second, and in view of the Paris Declaration, as proposed by The Reality of Aid, it is to go beyond technocratic dimension, recognizing human rights and democratic ownership in central policy development by donors and governments to promote the active involvement of parliaments, civil society organizations, social movements and citizens in the definition of agendas and policies. In order to effective accountability and transparency, it should discuss the establishment of a multilateral body, unlike the OECD, which monitors the international aid system, ensuring an emphasis on human rights and sustainable development. In the same vein, donors and IFIs should be committed to eliminating all forms of political conditionalities imposed, because they negate any possibility of democratic governance.
16 17

Idem. French-Davis, Ricardo; Ibd..

d. Incorporate the issues of development: Third, it is incorporated into the discussion, a number of development issues that matter to the region and that can be worked in the specific context of the Paris Declaration: Trade restrictions without compensation; Multilateral regulation of transnational corporations; Asymmetry in global Trade; the low taxation of most of the region, as an expression of the interests of the hegemonic sectors; expansion of democracy and human rights; Climate change

One of the recommendations made to the Accra Agenda for Action (AAA), 2008, is the necessary recognition that should be given to the role of CSOs as development actors and give the conditions that allow them to play an effective role in these processes. e. Incorporate gender issues: Another recommendation made by the OSC and supported by women's networks has been to promote and require the use of stronger language by the DP that has to do with gender equity and human rights, since the agenda raised is not neutral from a gender perspective. Moreover, the political environment in many of the contexts in which organizations operate for the rights of women does not only jeopardize the achievement of its objectives but also undermines their access to financing. Patriarchal societies, sexism and authoritarian governments are some of the most common challenges that women's groups said they had to overcome to mobilize more resources to support their work.

Trends among the sectors of financing will also impact the availability of the resources to work for the rights of women. Bilateral and multilateral agencies have undergone extensive reforms agenda as a result of the effectiveness of aid, which promotes cooperation between governments. Many groups (including women) have been working to influence this agenda and to ensure that resources are also allocated directly to civil society organizations, in recognition of their crucial role as development actors.

Women's funds are important sources of support - financial and general - for organizations for the rights of women and are a champion of support to grassroots groups in the global South. Have been strengthened and are proactive in assuming its role as strategic resources for women's movements. They have also been implementing innovative strategies, both to raise more funds to support the organizational development of their target groups. In absolute money terms, the two main sources of revenue for the organizations that responded to the survey 2008 AWID were bilateral and multilateral agencies and its own organizational resources. Private foundations represent a large portion of resources, but comprise a very small number of donations, which shows they are delivering large amounts of money distributed in very few contributions bulky. By contrast, women's funds deliver a large number of donations rather small, and represent a smaller proportion of total resources allocated to women's organizations. Most of the organizations finance their projects through foundations sponsorship, which means they often can not establish their own priorities. Based on the questions addressed how organizations cover their overhead costs, 30% reported receiving grants that explicitly cover those expenses (which translates into institutional funding), while 49% said they needed to withdraw money from funds project to cover these costs, and a significant 43% reported using funds from income-generating activities developed and managed by the organization itself. That 30% shows that there are some improvements in the quality of support given to advocacy groups for the rights of women, probably related to several good practices of some progressive donors, mostly women's funds. However, there is a need for donors develop more institutional funding practices and to improve the conditions and requirements to support women's organizations, while recognizing the important role they play in the progress towards social justice. The agenda should take into account the recommendations made in Annex 1. Of this document. 4-. About three issues of social ... Finally, some lines have already been raised earlier about the conditions and contents of an agenda for dialogue on social cohesion between Europe and Latin America18 .In relation to the conditions, in principle, is related to the European reluctance to recognize the linkage between issues such as trade, finance, investment and social cohesion. Without clarity in these relationships will be impossible to
18

Balln, Eduardo; marzo, 2008; ibid.

discuss the coherence of policies affecting directly the possibilities of development and democracy in Latin America. Secondly, from Latin America, the need to recognize in practice, the importance of social cohesion as a condition and result of their development policies and the terms of its construction of citizenship. The construction of citizenship is not only to work with disadvantaged sectors by communicating with them but also the opposite, namely that they establish relations with NGOs becoming agents of change from the dialogue. Helping them to discover not only their rights but also obligations. In our global societies and there is no concern and dialogue with the "other", individualism is fierce, so the sense of community are on the verge of collapse. We must revise our theories, knowledge and practices with the public. We need more dialogue with them to see their strengths and weaknesses and to launch educational plans embedded in all projects in this line of creating citizenship as a key element of development. Finally, from both parties, understand that to be such a dialogue must include civil society and social movements in both regions, as well as recognition of their conflicting nature and so long. Ensure basic questions: Once settled the three conditions, the usefulness of the dialogue would be ensured if some basic questions 19: can be achieved and resolved: a. Push the issue on the international agenda beyond the discussion of the Millennium Development Goals, focusing on the effects of globalization in inequality and the asymmetries between people, as well as the validity and enforceability of ESCR. b. Incorporate the theme in the dialogue involving both parts. They must have commitments which political and financial implications, which link with trade, finance and investment, involving the participation of organizations and social movements and pay special attention to issues such as decent work and migration flows between them; c. Give content to social cohesion in European cooperation to encourage the

institutionalization of mechanisms for building economic and social agreements in Latin America aimed at generating social cohesion, involving the participation of civil society and social movements; d. Making social cohesion contemplating the above, part of the Association Agreements, especially in relation to the issues of trade, finance, investment and intellectual property.

In this context, we believe it is possible to develop an agenda for dialogue on social cohesion, around four main areas which necessarily had broken down: i. human development, decent work, distribution of wealth and justice, which assumes the validity of the DESCA and must incorporate the way in which the region is integrated into the world, based on equity and justice 20; ii. democratization of democracy, citizenship and participation; iii. redefining the role and responsibilities of the State, public policies and social protection; iv. environmental sustainability and climate change. Address this agenda of dialogue and its potential implications in terms of research, debate and influence,. Working together to rethink and build a political alliance very accurate and extensive cooperative relationships with those who are members of the alliance. Bureau of Coordination and the European NGO Confederation for Relief and Development are key players in this process. Advancing the alliance should involve defining a process, organize and specify the partners and participants in it. 5. Facing challenges from civil society: NGOs must move forward on the understanding that we are a significant part of civil society, as well as other structural actor governments (including political parties aspiring to power), entrepreneurship and citizenship. We have changed over the years the social and political organization of each country and therefore the region with our presence and activities. Human rights were acquired and are respected by the action of many NGOs to have a president of the Latin American representative institution on the subject. The problem is that we can not yet articulate with other sectors already mentioned and that's what we need to move ahead. Equally we must move to be very present on the public agenda locally, nationally and globally. We need to create a civil society more comprehensive and efficient with the contribution of

NGOs. We are one of the new agents of change whose development take long to achieve.

By our own hand ... Our networks should help shape the civil society And perhaps our most important contribution not only bring concrete results, but produce new routes in the long term impact. It is not enough representation of groups, but the partnerships built to be defined in practice, from below and in political representation, to bring democracy and development as two inseparable aspects. Concerned that our commitment to the specific practices, we have prevented in many cases, build more knowledge and debate from what we do. We're not in the media but briefly and at times, we need more communication with those of up and especially with those below. We call for policy changes and other aspects but we do not do, we need a constantly changing and learning. It is important for NGOs to integrate themes and specialties between each other. And keep renewing our proposals in the light of the changes good or bad to be happening in reality. Time to change the relationship between our organizations, are "very often" little or competitive, the "project" becomes the focus of our work takes time away from us while we are confronted with each other, eager to get money to work. Even though there are no progress on this path, which seems urgent, you can assume that in ten years, the presence of European NGOs in Latin America, we now know, is very marginal and purely symbolic. But it can also mean the disappearance of many other Latin American NGOs, for lack of resources and what is worse, for loss of consciousness and lack of positioning. Opportunities still exist. Possibilities as well. Convinced of their priority, which aim is to establish a process and a narrow agenda, establishing mechanisms and flexible forms of work and exchange in various fields. The construction of citizenship is an issue that should be explained. It is not just working with disadvantage people we communicate with but also people we work to establish relationships to transform them in actors of their own change. It's all about helping them to discover not only their rights but also obligations. In our global societies and there is no

concern and dialogue with the "other", individualism is fierce, so the sense of community are on the verge of collapse. We must revise our theories, knowledge and practices with the public. We need more dialogue with them to see their strengths and weaknesses and to launch educational plans embedded in all projects in this line of creating citizenship as a key element of development.