Best, Cotta - 2000 - Parliamentary Representatives (Desprotegido)

CONTENTS
Notes on Contributors 1. Elite Transformation and Modes of Representation since the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Some Theoretical Considerations
H E I N R I C H B E S T A N D M AU R I Z I O C O T TA
xi
2.
The Incremental Transformation of the Danish Legislative Elite: The Party System as Prime Mover M O G E N S N. P E D E R S E N From Political Amateur to Professional Politician and Expert Representative: Parliamentary Recruitment in Finland since 1863
I L K K A RU O S T E T S A A R I
29
3.
50
4.
Detours to Modernity: Long-Term Trends of Parliamentary Recruitment in Republican France 1848-1999

H E I N R I C H B E S T A N D DA N I E L G A X I E
88
5.
Challenges, Failures, and Final Success: The Winding Path of German Parliamentary Leadership Groups towards a Structurally Integrated Elite 18481999 H E I N R I C H B E S T , C H R I S T O P H E R H AU S M A N N , A N D
SCHMITT
138
KARL
6.
Belated Professionalization of Parliamentary Elites: Hungary 18481999

GABRIELLA ILONSZKI
196
7.
Parliamentary Elite Transformations along the Discontinuous Road of Democratization: Italy 18611999 M AU R I Z I O C O T TA , A L F I O M A S T R O PAO L O , A N D
VERZICHELLI
226
LUCA
8.
Representatives of the Dutch People: The Smooth Transformation of the Parliamentary Elite in a Consociational Democracy 18491998
INEKE SECKER
270
x 9.
Contents Democratization and Parliamentary Elite Recruitment in Norway 18481996 K J E L L A . E L I A S S E N A N D M A R I T S J VA AG M A R I N O Political Recruitment and Elite Transformation in Modern Portugal 18701999: The Late Arrival of Mass Representation J O S M . M AG O N E Spanish Diputados: From the 1876 Restoration to Consolidated Democracy J UA N L I N Z , P I L A R G A N G A S , A N D M I G U E L
310
10.
341
11.
371
JEREZ MIR
12.
Continuity and Change: Legislative Recruitment in the United Kingdom 18681999

M I C H A E L RU S H A N D VA L E R I E C R O M W E L L
463
13.
Between Professionalization and Democratization: A Synoptic View on the Making of the European Representative
M AU R I Z I O C O T TA A N D H E I N R I C H B E S T
493
Index
527
1
Elite Transformation and Modes of Representation since the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Some Theoretical Considerations
HEINRICH BEST AND MAURIZIO COTTA 1. ROKKANS CHALLENGE It is now approximately thirty years since Stein Rokkan developed his theoretical framework and empirical grid for a comparative study of nation building and state formation in Western Europe. His systematizations became the intellectual guideline for several generations of sociologists and political scientists and the point of departure for numerous research projects in comparative political sociology. In Rokkans conceptual framework, political elites formed a central object of interest because their structure sets the stage for the formation of sociopolitical coalitions, which are in turn the decisive, explanatory factor for the variations among European party systems. In his initial proposal for a grid of indicators for the comparative study of political development, there was already a section on the recruitment of elite groups. Recruitment patterns were of particular interest for Rokkan because he maintained that the changing composition of elites reects the processes of social and political mobilization, of societal integration, and the establishment of rules for access to positions and resources in a society (Rokkan 1967). Although in 1967 Rokkan was already able to present an impressive list of databases and ongoing research projects concerning elite groups in various countries, no successful attempt was made to co-ordinate these efforts and establish an integrated database for comparative elite research until recently. Despite a continuing tradition of empirical research, whereby truly comparative studies into the development of the welfare state, the extension of suffrage, and the formation of party systems ourished well, elites remained a white spot in the Rokkanian archipelago. Thus we have a eld of study where the richness of empirical research covering most of the democratic countries and often long-term periods has not been matched by an equally developed exploitation of their potential for the use of comparative analysis. Descriptive and one-country studies have dominated the eld.
Elite Transformation and Representation
It is interesting to consider why, until very recently, this well developed area of research could not be integrated into a comprehensive infrastructure and conceptual framework. The paradoxical answer may be that it was precisely because of its early take-off that research about political elites remained episodic and conned to national settings (Tardieu 1937; Marvick 1961;Thompson and Silbey 1985).Apparently, it is far more difcult to overcome the diversities and idiosyncrasies of existing coding standards, classication schemes, and data management techniques by an ex post effort than to start from scratch. However, despite obstacles built up by a tradition of nationally fragmented and temporally episodic research into political elites, the demand for the integration of databases and a standardization of research concepts has persisted in the eld of political elite studies. For example, twenty years ago, Robert D. Putnam in his seminal and still unmatched synthesis of political elite research, referred to the copious, but disparate ndings in this eld of scholarship, and complained about the unusually large gap between abstract, general theories and masses of unorganised evidence. He concluded that in important areas of elite research, generalizations remained merely plausible hunches (Putnam 1976: p. ix). In his ex post synthesis of the then available knowledge of political elites, Putnam was aware of the inevitable disadvantages of his patchwork approach, which used fragmented evidence from disparate sources rather to illustrate theoretical generalizations than to test them systematically. His joining in James Thurbers maxim that it is less important to know all the answers than to know some of the questions had an undertone of resignation. About ten years ago, Moshe Czudnowski and Gwen Moore were more interested in answers and more hopeful to get them. The collections of articles they published in 1982, 1983, and 1985 marked a considerable step forward to an ex ante co-ordination of comparative research about political elites. Contributors to their books were guided by sets of well-dened research questions and by stringent instructions as to how they might be answered. Nevertheless these publication projects were still far from a truly comparative approach to the analysis of trends and variations based on direct variable to variable comparisons. Nation states still formed the main objects of investigation in their own right and were not just contexts for the observation of the structure and change of political elites as proposed in Stein Rokkans original research concept. Even Pippa Norriss recently published work on legislative recruitment in contemporary democracies (1997) follows a country by country approach based on varying databases and dispersed empirical evidence, although an important attempt was made to integrate these studies in a common theoretical framework and to complement them by a cross-country study on candidates of the European Parliament. However, the aim to overcome the
patchwork approach that has marked so much of European recruitment research both geographically and conceptually (Patzelt 1999), has still to be achieved and with it Rokkans call to integrate cross-cultural and crosstemporal comparisons in one comprehensive approach. Behind Rokkans agenda lurked an ambitious but simple idea. The description and analysis of diversity is only possible on the basis of a homogeneous database, that is, a set of identical or at least equivalent indicators covering a plurality of nations. Ideally such a set of indicators would be organized in a three-dimensional data-matrix of countries, time, and variables. In the 1980s, such a data cube was still non-existent for the comparative research of political elites, although researchers in several European countries (such as Daalder, Dogan, Eliassen, Farneti, Pedersen, Sartori, and so on) had been working on databases at a national level with similar, in some cases almost identical, research agendas. Their convergence was owed partly to the restricted scope of primary data sources, partly to a socialization of the researchers involved by the eminent gures of classical political elite theory like Weber, Mosca, Pareto, Michels, or Schumpeter, and last but not least, by a common devotion to the great theoretical syntheses of Stein Rokkan. It was on the basis of this convergence, which helped to overcome the fragmentation and the disparities of research about political elites, and which provided the common ground for co-ordinated efforts, that a group of scholars who had contributed in the past decades to national empirical researches in this eld, thought that it was time to move forward along the lines suggested by Rokkan. They were convinced that it was both desirable and possible to launch a truly comparative study of the political elites of European countries and analyse their long-term transformations. This research collaboration is aimed particularly at the analysis of long-term trends in European parliamentary recruitment from the mid-nineteenth century to the present day. Its main focus is the interdependence between social change, political change, and the transformations of parliamentary representation, whereby representation is conceptualized as the hinge between society and polity, through which social conict and authority structures are translated into political action, but at the same time political actors guide, reshape, and reinterpret the demands of society. A crucial task for this research is to set up an integrated database that incorporates a series of common variables for the countries included in this study. Such a database, covering 150 years of parliamentary history and involving different paths of development towards modern parliamentarism provides, for the rst time, the empirical prerequisites for a comprehensive comparative research agenda. Following John Stuart Mills Method of Differences (Skocpol 1979), we intend to provide new insights into the effects on parliamentary representation resulting from the extension of suffrage,
the emergence of organized mass parties, the social transformation of the electorate, the growing inuence of mass media, and the declining role of the nation state. Divergent constitutional traditions and differences in the past performance of parliamentary assemblies provide the contrasting institutional background for the interpretation of long-term trends in the countries involved. 2. PARLIAMENTARY ELITES AND THE PROCESS OF DEMOCRATIZATION The starting-point of our investigation was 1848, one of the critical junctures (Lipset and Rokkan 1967) in European history and one which marks symbolically the birth of representative democracy in many areas of Western and Central Europe. The political mobilization of signicant parts of the population, the granting of freedom of association and political expression, the establishment of elected parliaments, the extension of suffrage, which led to a convergence between the pays lgal and the pays rel, the formation of parliamentary parties along ideological lines, their connection with support groups and even party organizations in the country, all formed a conguration which, for the rst time, connected important elements of a new political order (de Tocqueville 1942; orig. 1893; Marx 1965; orig. 1852). It is true that this political conguration was in some cases ephemeral and remained conned for some time to restricted areas in Europe, but it set the agenda and marked the goal for a process of political development which eventually enveloped all European countries. The long historical cycle from the homogeneity of the monarchical order, which was re-established in Europe after the Napoleonic wars, through the divergent multilinearity of developments towards democratization and parliamentarizationincluding extended periods of authoritarian and even totalitarian rule in some countriesto the new homogeneity of present Europe, which has with few exceptions adopted the principles and practices of representative democracy, denes the temporal limits and provides the substantive content of our investigation. This view on the moyenne dure (Braudel 1958) of change in parliamentary representation, combined with a comparative approach based on identical or at least equivalent indicators, was the new and distinctive feature of our approach. The comparative and long-term approach adopted by our study enables us to relate the study of elites more closely to one of the central themes of contemporary political science: the theme of democratization and of its internal variations. It is this theme which offers some of the crucial elements of the theoretical background of our investigation. It is obviously neither possible nor desirable to review in detail all the literature concerning
democratization, but it is necessary to highlight some of the more salient points which have been raised. The rst is that democratization processes have been a common experience for European political systems. Looking back at European political history from the vantage point of the end of the twentieth century, we can see signicant elements supporting an image of convergence, whereby the fundamental ingredients of contemporary mass democracy have progressively become part of some kind of political koin. The nal result at least seems to support the existence of some sort of deterministic trend towards democracy, whereby the process of democratization and parliamentarization in Europe seems to be guided by an iron teleological mechanism working in favour of one type of political order and sweeping aside all others. Yet such a deterministic and linear view of the democratization process appears far too simple as soon as we analyse the paths through which the end result was approached in greater detail. Such an approach also ignores the variations in the timing of the process, the crises, the discontinuities and setbacks as well as failing to take account of the fact that the end result itself, the democratic regime, can encompass signicant variations (Lijphart 1984). Already some of the pioneering studies of democratization, from Dahl, to Rokkan and to Linz, have drawn attention to important variations existing in Europe (and to even more outside Europe) within the common experience of democratization. Such differences have concerned both the formal institutional steps required for the attainment of democracy and the extension of citizenship by processes of political mobilization and participation. Some years ago, in an attempt to produce a scheme for the analysis of such variations, Dahl proposed focusing on differences in the relative timing and speed of the evolution of two main dimensions of the democratization processliberalization and inclusionwhich enabled him to distinguish between different paths of democratization (Dahl 1971). In addition, Rokkan for his part, having conceptualized the process of democratization as the passing of a number of thresholds (legitimation, incorporation, representation, executive power), has discussed the reasons and implications of variations in the sequences of the thresholds and in the timing of their overcoming (Rokkan 1970). These authors, and others following in their foot steps, have documented how the process through which voting rights have been extended to the whole adult population has varied signicantly among European countries. But it has also been shown that the political mobilization of the newly enfranchised voters has not automatically followed at the same speed: in some countries it has taken place more promptly while in others it may have lagged behind. The same can also be said for the development of the main agents of political mobilization and participation, the parties. A good deal of the literature devoted to parties has challenged the view of a uniform and deterministic trend in the
evolution of parties leading everywhere towards the supreme form of the mass organized party (or later of the catch-all party) and has proposed a more indeterminate view according to which distinctive developmental paths may appear in different countries, or even within the same country, thus producing signicant variations in the organizational models of a central actor of democratic life. Even more radical variations in democratization paths appear as soon as we take into consideration the existence both of continuous and of discontinuous patterns of development at the regime level. While in some European countries democratization has developed without major breaks and as a gradual process, in an even greater number of countries the process has faced one or more interruptions. In these cases, a democratic breakdown (Linz 1978) has opened the way for a non-democratic regime (of variable nature and length) and only at a later stage could the democratization process be resumed. Thus, the processes of democratization are best viewed as a complex interweaving of common and divergent threads. The signicant variations existing among European countries in the developmental paths towards democracy have been fairly thoroughly documented by many analyses of the steps in suffrage extension, of the trends of political mobilization, of the processes of party formation and transformation, of the transformation of institutions and of inter-institutional relations (in particular the relations between government and parliament). Crises and breakdowns of democracy have also been studied systematically and their connections to the previous dimensions have been investigated. Our view is that the empirical study of parliamentary elites can add a new dimension to these analyses by documenting how and to what extent the representatives, that is, those actors which are at the same time the main products and producers of the democratization processes and of the democratic institutions, have changed in parallel with the other dimensions of that great transformation. As a result, the study of the European processes of democratization will ideally have at its disposal the empirical data for the parallel sequences of developments concerning: (a) the rules of admission to the political arena (suffrage rights and other political rights); (b) the extent and patterns of political mobilization of the citizenship (turnout); (c) the main agents of political mobilization (parties); (d) institutional arrangements (parliamentarization of governments, and so on); (e) characteristics of political elites. Quite obviously such different aspects into which the democratization process can be broken down are linked together by important connections. In particular, it is clear that the recruitment of political elites will be affected in signicant ways by all the other phenomena mentioned above. At the same time, we have enough evidence to suggest that there is some degree of exibility in such linkages. The synchronism of these developments is not always the same. Leads and lags
among the different aspects are a real possibility and contribute to the variability of democratization processes. Extensions of suffrage may not be followed immediately by the political mobilization of the new enfranchised strata; new voters may not necessarily be channelled by new parties; old elites may survive and manage to adapt to the new conditions. Such variable interrelations (synchronisms, leads, lags) between the different aspects are at the same time a scientic puzzle (particularly vis--vis oversimplistic interpretations of democracy and democratization) and the starting-point for a more satisfactory understanding of the mechanics of the great political phenomenon of the last two centuries, the process of democratization. 3. REPRESENTATION AS THE CENTRAL FOCUS OF OUR RESEARCH The subject of our comparative study is parliamentary representation at national level. This is a conventional choice, which can be supercially justied with well-established research traditions in many countries and by a comparatively rich availability of data. Of greater importance, however, are theoretical considerations. Representation is a central element of modern democracy (Sartori 1987); therefore, the study of the members of parliament, that is, of that section of the elite which embodies the representational element of the regime, offers a strategic point of view for the understanding of democracy and of the processes through which it has been established, developed, and consolidated. The importance of studying the representatives is better understood when we reect upon their two-sided position, that is, being both on the borders between the political institutions of governance and society, and at the same time inside the architecture of democratic government. Parliamentarians by the fact of being the elected are a crucial link in the exchange process between society and polity typical of contemporary democracy. On one side, they obviously are the projection of society into politics. The elected members of parliament are the primary channel through which society, with its variety of conicting values, needs, interests, identities, resources, demands, makes itself felt in the institutional arena of democracy. Therefore their individual and collective features are at least to some extent the reection of society and of its changing structure. Yet, as the best studies of political representation have demonstrated, they cannot be viewed sic et simpliciter as a linear extension of societal structures of power and of social lines of conict into the political arena. Representation is never a purely passive process of translation of society into politics. In fact, it is also a much more active process through which societal elements
are politicized and thus in fact changed. The political actors of representation (be they individual leaders or organized groups such as parties) are to be considered as a relatively independent variable which shapes the political expressions of society (and to some extent society itself). In particular, it is quite clear that the enormous societal changes which have taken place during the age of democratization have been not only reected, but also ltered, selected and reinterpreted, absorbed or dramatized, and generally transformed, by the processes of representation. As a consequence, the group of people that has entered into the political game of democracy through the process of representation has been signicantly different from the raw materials offered by social life in itself (to the extent that it can be conceived as a new entity). Parliamentarians have played a very signicant role in this process. Being on the frontline of the representation process they have been in some way also the projection of politics into society, the terminals through which politics (and its processes) have politicized and shaped social demands. If this point of view is taken into account, they are not simply to be seen as the product of society but also as a product of (democratic) politics and of its specic dynamics. As we will discuss in more detail later, the production of parliamentary representatives, that is, the recruitment process, is best interpreted as an interactive combination of social and of political processes. However, members of parliament are also placed in a crucial position well inside the institutional architecture of democracy. Precisely because of their role as representatives, they are endowed with a prominent position in the law-making process, as well as (in all European forms of democracy) in the democratic legitimization (and consequently also often in the recruitment) of the executive branch of government. The potential relevance of the parliamentary elite, and of its properties for the working of democracy, seems therefore to be a plausible assumption. Yet when it comes to specifying a causal model of their inuence, a number of questions arise. Which features of the members of parliament should be considered as relevant: personal characteristics, past experiences, linkages to organizations, or what else? Which consequences or outputs should be explained: individual attitudes or behavioural patterns (such as votes)? Aggregate routine results (such as the legislation passed by parliament) or systemic outcomes (such as regime crises or regime consolidation)? And how direct and simple can the relationship between elite features and political outputs be? Within this perspective, the range of studies has gone from short-term microanalyses of correlations between personal features (such as gender, race, class, education) of individual members of parliament and their political attitudes or their legislative behaviour (Schleth 1971; Matthews 1985; Norris and Lovenduski 1995), to the attempts to infuse them with a longer-term perspective (von Beyme 1982), to the macroanalyses of the relationship
between systemic features of elites and regime dynamics (Field and Higley 1980, Higley and Gunther 1992). Different explananda have obviously guided such studies: it makes a difference to study normal current outputs of the political systems (such as legislation) or much broader fundamental features of them (such as the characteristics and persistence of regimes). But differences do not pertain only to the explanandum. They often also have to do with the theoretical models of political action upon which elite studies are based. In some cases, it is a simplied individualistic model which assumes that outputs can be related immediately to the characteristics of the individual members of the elites. Against this point of view, other models contend that only under very special conditions is reality accurately represented by this description and that more commonly, between the individual properties of elite members and political outputs, we must take into account the intervening effect of parties, organizations, hierarchies, institutional solutions, and so on (von Beyme 1982). Summing up, we can view parliamentary representation as the intersection of two sets of relations: on one side, relations with society (the input side), on the other side, with the decision-making processes of democracy and their outcomes (the output side). Thus, the study of the (individual and collective) characteristics of parliamentarians may be seen as an instrument for investigation in both directions and also for attempting to understand the connections of the two sets of relations. In the most simplied scheme of interpretation, a linear causal direction links the three elements: societal factors will explain the features of the representative elite and these will determine the outputs of the political process (Fig. 1.1a). If this scheme may in some marginal or extreme cases reproduce reality, in most cases more complex schemes are needed. On both sides of the scheme the impact of intervening variables must be taken into account (Fig. 1.1b). Therefore elite features cannot normally be interpreted as a simple indicator of societal factors nor as simple predictors of political outputs. Yet they allow inferences about both if we can relate them meaningfully to the other intervening variables.
4. THE RECRUITMENT FUNCTION On the input side, the study of parliamentary elites must be related to a clearer understanding of the processes through which they are produced, that is, the recruitment mechanisms. Recruitment can be conceptualized as the intersecting point between the supply of candidates, the demand of selectoratesthat is, those organizations and support groups which send the contenders for public ofces into the arena of electoral competition and the choice of the voters. Supply and demand models of legislative
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societal factors members of parliament with their specic features (as the dependent variable) members of parliament with their specic features (as the independent variable) parliamentary (micro- and macro-) outputs (as the dependent variable)
a. The simple scheme

societal factors processes of political mobilization, political processes, and structures of representation parties members of parliament with their specic features organization patterns of parliamentary life parliamentary outputs
b. The rened scheme Fig. 1.1. Two schemes for the analysis of parliamentary elites
recruitment have reached a certain degree of popularity among researchers in the past few years (Patzelt 1999: 243), whereby a new institutionalist design prevails focusing on the rules on the game dened by the legal system, the electoral system and the party system (Norris 1997: 2, 814). Our work, which is guided by a long-term perspective reaching back into
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the pre-party era, extends the study of contextual factors inuencing legislative recruitment to changes in the structure and prevailing normative orientations of whole societies over extended periods, and asks how these changes translate into changes of legislative recruitment patterns. It has to be taken into consideration here that actual recruitment is a highly improbable event when seen against the numbers of those who wish to stand for public ofce at some stage of their life, or against those who actually run for a placement on a party list, or even against those whose names eventually stand on the ballot-paper. Attributes and afliations of contenders give a favourable or unfavourable momentum to their passage through the recruitment process. The given makeup of a parliament can therefore be regarded as the nal balance of advantageous and disadvantageous factors working in the (self-) selective process preceding the act of recruitment. Divergent modes of parliamentary representation are therefore indicative of variations between opportunities, norms, and institutional settings interacting in the process of recruitment. Since this model of parliamentary recruitment had a direct impact on the selection and use of indicators for intertemporal and intercultural comparisons used in our study, its elements and their combinations should be further specied. We can distinguish four basic elements in the recruitment-process. 1. The contenders, who are stimulated to enter the competition for ofces by individual incentives like prestige, power, material rewards, spiritual or ideological commitments, and who dispose of certain resources qualifying them for entry into the electoral competition, such as availability for ofce, relevant qualications formally acquired in the educational system, certain skills informally acquired through personal experience, access to material resources to pay for electoral campaigns and to provide for clienteles or their own maintenance during or after a political career, credibility as an advocate for material and non-material interests, and nally, a social capital invested in reputation, in strong ties such as relationships of patronage and allegiance, and weak ties like acquaintances of a more casual but wider being. These contenders represent the offer on the recruitment market. The strength of the incentives and the value of their resources for those who are on the demand side determines their starting position in the race for ofce (Black 1970; 1972). 2. An important intermediary actor in the process of recruitment are the selectorates, that is, the party organizations, the personal cliques, the groups of dignitaries or state ofcials involved in the selection of candidates and in their presentation to constituencies. Selectorates select candidates according to the result of complex choices considering the probable value of the contenders resources for electoral success, their ideological t with and their practical function for the selectorates themselves and their likely
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loyalty, that is, their expected obedience to the implicit and explicit expectations of the selectors after becoming a parliamentary actor. Since selectorates have not only a demand position on the recruitment market but must also make convincing offers to the electorate, the relative weight of factors working in the selective process is variable: for example, in a situation when a selectorate is in secure control of a signicant part of the electoral support market, campaign qualities of contenders will be of less importance than their expected loyalty or their ideological t. When analysing the role of selectorates we must keep in mind that the meaning of the concept of selection itself is susceptible of signicant variations. Selection may vary from a substantially reactive mode (the contenders are there and compete for selection) to a more active mode (the contenders have to be searched for, convinced, stimulated to stand for ofce). In some contexts, selection comes very near to the meaning of production. For instance, in the case of some highly organized mass parties, the contenders that are selected for parliament had been in fact produced through a long process of socialization within the ranks of the selectorate itself. In other cases, selection means simply choosing and labelling someone from within a pool of contenders which have been formed completely outside the eld of inuence of the selectorate. 3. The end consumer of offers on the electoral support market and the nal judge of legislative recruitment is the electorate. Factors such as the candidates credibility, competence, impact, charisma, and conformity with essential values and interest concerns are part of the electors demand function when they evaluate the competing offers on the support market. The effect of some of these factors can be directly inferred from the social and political background of representatives, for example, a noble title of a representative is indicative of a connection to the traditional sources of political and social authority, whereas an occupational career as a trade union ofcial hints at an afliation to the aggregations of organizational power in an industrial society. Such attributes have not only functional relevance for the representatives themselves, they have also symbolic signicance for the electorate. Changes of such background attributes can therefore be interpreted as shifts in the relative weight of factors in the demand function of the electorate. However, it must again be kept in mind, that the prominence of candidates personal attributes in the recruitment process is dependent on the position of selectorates in the electoral support market: if a party has a strong and loyal electoral support in a given constituency, symbolic qualities of candidates attracting a wider audience are of less importance than their intra-organizational qualities such as loyalty or managing skills.
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4. All the three elements previously mentioned are strongly inuenced by the formal structure of opportunity for parliamentary representation. This is the fourth factor in our model of parliamentary recruitment. Here are to be considered the laws and administrative practices regulating access to legislative ofces and the competition for these ofces in different ways as, for example, the extension of franchise and eligibility, the opportunities for organizations to intervene in the recruitment process through list systems, laws and practices favouring or impeding governmental intervention in the process of recruitment, and so on. It is obvious that such rules of the game have a direct impact on the supply of and demand for contenders for legislative recruitment. To give just one example, the denial of allowances to representatives favours those candidates who either dispose of a regular independent income of their own or who are dependent on transfers from supporting organizations such as parties or trade unions. The resulting representation will be at once more plutocratic and oligarchic (in Michels sense) than in a parliament which offers allowances to its members. It is clear that time is a central element of our research design and that we are particularly interested in the dynamics of change. This causes something of a dilemma since our model of parliamentary recruitment is static, as are all simple demand and supply models. According to such a model, after the establishment of representative institutions, an equilibrium will emerge between the demands of selectorates and electorates on the one hand and offers from interested contenders on the other. Historical analyses of European parliaments show that such a balance can indeed be very stable; in some cases the makeup of parliaments hardly changed for decades and even withstood deep changes in other areas of society. Nevertheless, changes can occur and have occurred in all cases under observation. These changes must be the result of internal or external factors, which affect the choices of the actors in the recruitment market. In order to understand those factors of change, we must go back to the four elements of the recruitment function previously outlined: they can be seen as potential sources of variations in the output of recruitment within countries, across countries, and over time. The pool of the available (realistic) contenders is likely to vary very signicantly and it is obviously the element that will be more directly inuenced by societal differences (within and across countries) and transformations (over time). In particular, which resources are likely to be relevant for success as a potential candidate, and how they are distributed depends in a signicant way on the general makeup of society (a traditional agricultural society versus a dynamic industrial and then a post-industrial one,
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and so on). For example, being noble or not, owning a large piece of land or not, controlling the networks of clients typical of practising lawyers or having the prestige that derives from writing for newspapers, having or not a university education, being a man or a woman, may acquire rather different meanings in different societies. The fact that the nature of the selectorates has changed over the last 150 years and that cross-country variations are very signicant needs hardly be mentioned. An extensive comparative literature on parties from Ostrogorski to Katz and Mair, through Duverger and Kirchheimer provides sufcient evidence for that purpose. The substitution of parliamentary cliques with organized parties (Sartori 1976); the variable models of organization of the partiesfrom Duvergers mass party to the catch-all party of Kirchheimer, to the cartel party of Katz and Mairand the different patterns of competition among themare all elements which result in selectorates operating differently, with different priorities and constraints. And when talking about selectorates, we should not simply consider parties but also a variety of interest and pressure groups which interact with them in performing the selective function. Different selectorates will probably choose contenders with signicantly different properties. As for the end buyers in the representation market, that is, the voters, we need only recall the fundamental transformations that this element has undergone in the period we are considering. As a consequence of suffrage extensions which have brought the propertyless lower middle classes, peasants, workers, illiterates, and women into the electoral market in successive waves, the original narrow pool of middle and upper class, educated (and propertied) males has been severally diluted. We must also keep in mind the important variations in the predisposition of electors to make use of their voting rights. High or low (and possibly differentiated along some lines of social demarcation) levels of turnout may result in different electorates, but these quantitative elements are only the beginning of possible variations. Qualitative aspects such as the existence of segmented identities (based on region, ethnicity, language, religion, gender, and so on) or, vice versa, the predominance of a common sense of belonging, may guide the attitudes of the voters vis--vis the parliamentary candidate in a very powerful way. Where one such identity plays a major role, the voters will choose primarily on such grounds; otherwise, they may be guided by quite different criteria (such as opinions, interests, competence, and so on). Finally, the rules and the institutional system of opportunities must be considered. Variations in electoral systems (single member versus larger constituencies; rst-past-the-post versus proportional representation (PR) systems, the existence of preference vote, and so on) are the most obvious factors that, by affecting all the other elements of the game (contenders,
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selectorates, and voters) and their strategies, may inuence the recruitment of parliamentarians. But one should not forget also the potential importance of other institutional aspects, such as the role of the parliament vis-vis the executive. During the period examined, parliaments have generally moved from a position of limited inuence upon the legitimization and recruitment of the governments to a position of dominance. It is plausible to expect that the attractiveness of the position of parliamentarian for the contenders, the consequences (and thus the criteria) of the selection for the selectorates, the meaning of their vote for the voters will also change substantially. The transformations of some of these elements may have originated from processes of change internal to the social and political system of one country, but in some cases also under the impact of external events and actors. The most extreme examples of the second possibility are those countries, such as Germany and Italy, where democracy was re-established after World War II under the close scrutiny of the winners, which, as such, had a signicant inuence upon the new institutional structure of opportunity, the parties, and even some societal aspects. In other countries too, perhaps in a less visible way, external variables have probably contributed to stimulating the dynamics of change in some of the elements of the recruitment function. The social makeup of a parliament can in the end be viewed as a sediment of norms, values, interests, and opportunities of those involved in the recruitment process and of their respective strategies to achieve their goals. Certain contenders dispose of qualities and resources which equip them better than others to establish themselves on the recruitment market. Preceding processes of selection and self-selection should result in a structure depicting such advantages, whereby selectorates and electorates decide what will be considered as an advantage and which weight should be attached to it. It is obvious that the value of advantages varies over time, between countries and between parties. To be of noble origin will be advantageous in a society which maintains deference as a criterion shaping class and power relationships, whereby such political parties will promote noble candidates who defend the idea of a natural order of social inequality based on ascriptive criteria and may accordingly try to capitalize on the prestige, and the privileged access to resources of power, attributed to noble status. On the other hand, in a society where egalitarian principles predominate and achievement has been established as a criterion for access to positions of power, noble status will be of no advantage or even disadvantageous in the recruitment process. For a party favouring nobles as political leaders, it will be difcult to impose them as legislators against the resistance or even the mere indifference of a constituency which has become more egalitarian. These considerations may illustrate how
16
legislative recruitment can be used to reveal the mechanisms which generate a certain structure of social and political power and to identify the driving forces behind its change. Following Raymond Arons invitation to elite research (1950), the study of leadership groups provides us with a characteristic insight into the social structure of a society. Or, as Robert D. Putnam (1976: 166) put it: Because elite composition is more easily observable than are the underlying patterns of social power, it can serve as a kind of seismometer for detecting shifts in the foundations of polities and politics. The picture we obtain is not representative in the statistical sense of an equal opportunity for each unit of observation to enter a sample, but it is authentically depicting the inequalities, advantages, and disadvantages inherent in the process of recruitment. The main problem of this approach is not to dene a eld of observation, but rather to relate outcomesthe given composition of a parliamentto causesthe mechanisms generating a certain structure. If we nd a rising proportion of female legislators in a parliament, various explanations are on offer as, for instance, an improved availability of qualied and motivated women competing for seats, a higher concern in a given selectorate or electorate for gender equality or evenparadoxicallya lower attractiveness of legislative positions, making them more easily accessible to hitherto disadvantaged social categories. Within the logic of an inductive research design, there is no easy solution to the dilemma of competing explanations. One way would be to change the level of observation and seek for additional evidence in the micro-worlds of selective bodies. The other way is to make use of the comparative method and to use variations across countries, between party families, and diachronically within countries in order to control the inuence of different explanatory variables. Research assembled in the present volume prepares the ground for this work of attributing causes to certain phenomena by interpreting their variations over time, between nations or party families.
5. ON THE OUTPUT SIDE So far we have treated legislative recruitment as a dependent variable to be explained, as an indicator of the general structure of social power. As an independent variable, legislative recruitment is present in research designs which relate social background of parliamentary leadership groups to their integration, stability, and performances. A locus classicus for such an approach is Otto Hintzes famous article on Das monarchische Prinzip und die konstitutionelle Verfassung, where he outlined why parliament in Imperial Germany had not succeeded in gaining the ruling inuence in the state as it did in contemporary Britain or France, and as it was hoped by
17
leading German liberals after the foundation of the German Empire. The main reason he gave was that German parliamentary elites were completely lacking in the necessary inner unity and solidarity which would, under all conditions, be the prerequisite for a role in political power. He attributed these divisions to their lack of social homogeneity and their acting as agents of special interests of singular social classes, occupational groups, branches of the economy, regions and religious denominations. He concluded that
with us parties are, properly speaking, not political but rather socio-economic or religious-confessional formations. This is connected with the fact that it is actually the life of the bourgeois societyas opposed to the actual political operation which nds expression in our representative bodies. That is, however, a formation of the party system which leads more to a monarchical leadership of the state than to parliamentary inuence. (Hintze 1970; orig. 1911: 3378 our translation)
Although Hintze restricted his argument to Imperial Germany at the turn of the century, we have here concisely a more general theoretical model which links social structure at large, the party system, the social makeup of parliamentary elites, and their ability to establish parliamentary democracy. Elements of this model can be found in modern political theories and explanatory schemes such as the LipsetRokkanian cleavage concept (Lipset and Rokkan 1967) or Lijpharts Consociational Democracy model (Lijphart 1968). More recently, Field and Higley (1980, 1985) proposed a taxonomy linking states of elite structure with the stability or instability of representative institutions. Both, elite structure and regime stability, were connected in a deterministic relationship: As a causal variable an elite state always predates the stability or instability of political institutions (1985: 30). The ability of elites to develop and to maintain a culture of peaceful competitiveness is the prerequisite for a stable representative democracy, whereby high structural integration and value consensus of elites are the bases of their consensual unity. Incidentally, it is interesting to note that characteristics of political elites which were considered by authors like C. W. Mills (1956) to be incompatible with pluralist democracy were treated by Field and Higley as its cornerstones. Field and Higleys taxonomy became a widely accepted point of departure and a framework for interpretation in elite studies. Research on the processes of democratic consolidation in Southern European and Latin American countries (Higley and Gunther 1992) and, recently, also in the post-communist polities of Central and Eastern Europe (Best and Becker 1997) has drawn from their proposition. As we mentioned before, other studies have also proposed relating attributes of parliamentary elites to more specic outputs of parliamentary institutions such as legislation. Robert D. Putnams sceptical question Does
18
social background matter? should thus be answered with yes! provided we dont establish a direct link between origin and outlook of legislators and our explananda. If we use social and political background variables as independent variables, we should treat them as structural parameters establishing or weakening links between factions of political elites or between elites and constituencies, pressure groups, or mass organizations. It should make a difference whether representatives are closely related through origin and communal ofces to their local constituency or whether they entered parliament gaining a safe seat provided by a national party list when local affairs are on the agenda of a legislature. It should make a difference if members of different parliamentary parties are recruited from mutually exclusive social settings and devoted to divergent political norms if it comes to parliamentary compromising and the formation of coalitions. The design of the DATA CUBE allows us to confront such statements with empirical evidence and particularly to research into the connections between elite structure, regime stability, and performances of representative institutions. If Otto Hintze was right to propose that it was the strong correlation between social background of legislators in the broadest sense and their parliamentary party afliations which incapacitated the Imperial Reichstag, we should be able to verify this proposition by a series of second order comparisons (Rokkan 1967), combining cross-national and crosstemporal designs.
6. THE CUBE AND ITS PRESENTATION At the beginning of our research effort was the building of the CUBE. This is an integrated European data set, with countries, time, and variables as its three dimensions (Fig. 1.2). The creation of the data set was the result of a process that can be described as the nding of the minimum common denominator between already existing empirical research. When this process was started, we faced three questions: 1. For how many European countries would systematic empirical data be available? 2. Which time periods would be covered by the data? 3. Which variables concerning the personal features, the social and political background, the career of members of parliament would be present in the national data sets? Thanks to the inuence of the founding fathers of European political science, and to the predisposition of researchers to follow established paths of research, we soon found that, in spite of a number of problems, the
19
Fig. 1.2. The data model

Note: (d) = The axis for time-series analyses. Source: Andress (1985); Best and Ponemereo (1991).
answers to the three questions were such that they allowed us to move forward. In most European countries, systematic empirical research about parliamentary elites had been done at some stage; typically, such analyses had covered a long-term perspective or at least a medium-term one; at worst, in some countries, there was the problem of stitching together separate time series. As for the indicators, we found that together with a number of rather idiosyncratic variables due to special peculiarities of one or more countries, there was a good number of common variables and also their operationalization had not been too different. Thus, the conditions for the building of the CUBE existed. Having selected the variables (see appendix to this chapter), the next step was that of transforming individual-level data into aggregate data. The unit in the CUBE is the parliamentary party of a given parliamentary term. More precisely, that means that the values of individual members in each category were transformed into an aggregate value of the parliamentary party to which they belonged (for instance, if the variable is education and one of its features is university level, the value assigned to the x parliamentary group in the y parliamentary period is the percentage of MPs of that group who have reached that educational level). The countries covered completely at this point are Finland, Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, and Norway. For Denmark, Hungary, Portugal, and Spain, either the data collection or the data conversion into the CUBE format are under way but still not fully complete.
20
When data is available in the CUBE format, results are graphically represented as standardized time series, exhibiting the long-term variation in percentage shares of selected traits of MPs such as, for example, gender or local politics background. A small subset of indicators, for example, age and tenure, is based on the mean. Alterations in the composition of legislatures occurring after an election are depicted as step changes in the trend lines. Data are presented for all MPs and for members of main party families, provided they had obtained at least ten seats in ve consecutive elections. To avoid the interruption of otherwise continuous time series, the threshold of ten seats was ignored when a party family failed to meet the entry criterion for just one or two elections. The graphs are meant to delineate main trends and periodizations in the data which is why the time axis of the graphs is not broken down into periods of legislatures. In the case of extended interruptions of competitive parliamentary elections by authoritarian or dictatorial regimes (like those of the Deuxime Empire in France, of Fascist Italy after the mid-1920s, and of Nazi Germany after March 1933), the trend lines connect the legislatures elected prior to and after these regime discontinuities in order to give a clearer picture of erratic changes in the composition of parliaments following such interim periods. In some time series, singular legislatures are missing due to a lack or an incompatibility of data. In such cases, and when only one or two legislatures were affected, the nearest valid observation points were connected. When data was missing for more extended periods, the time series were interrupted for the legislatures in question. Most time series start in 1848 for reasons given in preceding parts of this chapter. However, in countries where neither the basis for parliamentary representation was dramatically expanded nor a national parliament became established in this year of European revolutions (as in Italy, Finland, and Great Britain) other, more appropriate starting-points were chosen by the authors of the country chapters. In most countries, the time series end with the parliaments actually convened at the time of writing and with the likelihood of continuing their terms into the next millennium. Exceptions are Finland and Norway where elections were held after the respective country chapters were nished. In cases where data is not yet available in the CUBE format, authors have made efforts to provide evidence which approaches the scope and standards of the CUBE as closely as possible, thus extending our basis for comparison to an even broader variety of European polities.
7. THIS BOOK Our research effort aims at producing two complementary books. This rst book has the purpose of preparing the ground for the more ambitious goals
21
of the second. In the second book, we want to test, within a truly comparative research design, a number of propositions explaining (on the input side) transformations over time, and variations across countries and across parties in the social and political makeup of parliamentary elites and to explore (on the output side) relations between some of the characteristics of parliamentary elites and the performances of democratic regimes. In order to move in that direction, the rst book, based on national chapters, provides a rich mapping of long-term transformations and of inter-party variations of parliamentary elites, complementing them with basic information about the different national contexts and processes of democratization. Starting from the analysis of a number of common variables concerning the personal properties (age, gender, education), the social origin (nobility, occupation, economic sector), the political background (local and party ofces), and the institutional entrenchment (turnover rates) of members of parliament, special attention will be devoted to the following points: 1. The starting point of the process. What is the prole of members of parliament in the rst years of liberal parliamentarism? To what extent do their social features conform to a standard model? More concretely, there is the problem of assessing the characteristics of the representatives of the original political establishment on one side and of the rst challengers on the other. With regard to the rst, it is important to evaluate whether a more societal type of establishment (based on land-owning and aristocracy) or else a more etatist one (based on high bureaucratic positions) prevails. 2. The decline of the original establishment and its substitution with professional politicians during the process of democratization (and particularly in connection with the extension of suffrage). In discussing this theme we may go back to the schemes of Figure 1.1. We know that democratization processes have affected the relationship between society and members of parliament through a transformation of the intervening variables. To put it simply, one could say that their overall effect has been that of widening the gap between societal variables and the features of parliamentary elites, and of enhancing the weight of political intermediation. From a situation where society could represent itself in a fairly direct way (and parliamentarians were predominantly persons with high social prestige), we have increasingly moved to a different situation where society came to be represented only through highly developed political organizations such as parties. This transformation of representation mechanisms is also reected in a transformation of the social makeup of representatives. The key concepts for interpreting this process are the concepts of political professionalization and of partyness of recruitment. Democratization has entailed a substitution in the role of representatives of the members of the societal
22
establishment with an autonomous breed of professional politicians rooted much more in political organizations than in societal positions. The process can be gauged with a combined use of social background and political career variables, which indicate the relative importance of social and political resources available for the representatives. Professional and social background qualications, suggesting a strong weight of social resources in the selection and career of parliamentarians, should decline. Weaker professional qualications or professional qualications with a democratic potential should take their place, but will increase still further the weight of political qualications linked with the processes and structures of political mobilization. Within this general tendency, we must assess more accurately the correlation between the two processes. How promptly does the rst follows the second? How signicant are the lags in elite transformations? 3. The degree to which political professionalization takes the form of party professionalization. The point here is to evaluate to what extent the career inside party organizations becomes the dominant component of political professionalism, and to what extent other forms of political professionalization (for instance, one based more on local politics resources) can survive. 4. Differences in the upper levels of political professionalization reached. Of relevance here are several questions; is there a convergence towards similar levels of political professionalization or, on the contrary, do systematic differences among countries persist and, within countries, what are inter-party differences and to what extent do they persist over time or give way to a process of homogenization? 5. Is there an end in the history of professionalization? In our perspective, the one question becomes central: what happens once a high level of political professionalization is reached; up to what point will the trend go; when will it start to level off; and, is a reversal of the trend foreseeable? Finally, given the strong linkage between political professionalization of parliamentarians and the development of strong party organizations, can we interpret some recent signs of a weakening of parties as organizations as factors also of a decline in political professionalism? Party-centred political professionalization, which has entailed the substitution of ascription and social prestige with the active involvement in party organizational networks as the fundamental resource for political careers, has sometimes been considered as the end stage of parliamentary elites development in the past. This idea requires more open discussion and empirical control. There are good reasons to question this view: it may be that the growing interconnection of established parties (Katz and Mairs cartel parties) with the
23
state (and its bureaucracy) have contributed to a weakening of party organizations as the focal centre for the production of political personnel. The state apparatus (in an extended sense) could be a competitive source. But the challenge to party organizations may also come from other directions: for instance, society and its specic agencies of interest representation. The proliferation and growth of associations, interest groups, and movements capable of acting with greater autonomy vis--vis the parties both in the electoral arena and in the decision-making processes, should also have an impact in the recruitment of parliamentary elites. The growing importance of the media in the processes of interest articulation and political mobilization may be a further intervening variable (celebrities versus more obscure apparatchiks).
Appendix: DATA CUBE Coding Instructions

Aim: to create for analytical purposes a database containing legislative recruitment and elite transformation data from as many European countries as possible and for as long a period as feasible. For each country, the partial objective is to derive from existing/reorganized data les a DATA CUBE, i.e. a three-dimensional data matrix (variables by time by party). Thus each case in the data set should be identied by a composite number, i.e. the string of VAR01, VAR02, and VAR03. A. Technical Variables VAR01 country code: each country will be identied by numbers 01nn 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Denmark Germany Italy Netherlands Norway United Kingdom France Austria Spain Portugal Finland
VAR02 year of election: six digits with one decimal, rst election with 0, second election with 1, e.g. 1868.0 or 1932.1 VAR03 party at time of election: the following modied, Gallagher et al. categorization should be used in order to maximize comparability. Consult the relevant tables in Gallagher et al., Representative Government in
24

Western Europe (1992) in case of doubt about the proper position. The following table shows combined party codes. 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 350 351 398 399 Communists New Left Socialists/Social Democrats Greens Agrarians Left Liberals Right Liberals Christian Democrats, Protestant Christian Democrats, Catholic Conservatives Extreme Right Nationalists and Regionalists Other No party All Parties (=N) Destra storica (right liberals) Sinistra storica (right liberals) Liberals Christian Democrats
B. Legislator-Related Variables Values of each of the following variables will be percentages, unless otherwise indicated. All percentages should be given with one decimal point. Calculation method: 1. 2. On the basis of information on individual legislators, calculate for each election period/legislature the relevant value for each variable (all parties). For each party/family of parties and for each period/legislature, calculate the relevant value for each variable.
1. Educational Background: Non-academic VAR04 basic education: includes all cases where no information is available about further education or further education is not plausible VAR05 intermediate education: any level of education above basic education and below full academic degree VAR06 university or comparable degree: military education included unless otherwise specied 2. Educational Background: Academic VAR07 law degree VAR08 humanities, social sciences, theology VAR09 technical, engineering, natural sciences, medicine

3. Political Background of Legislators
25
VAR10 local/regional political background: local/regional politics local elective position before and/or at rst election; including also appointed mayors VAR11 other leading party position: legislators with leading position in party organization, national or local, including youth and womens organizations before and/or at rst election VAR12 cabinet positions: cabinet positions of various types before and/or at rst election VAR13 other parliamentary experience: all other types of noteworthy political experience at national levelto be specied by national expertbefore and/or at rst election 4. Political Background Index The following index variables are counts on the variables VAR10 to VAR13. VAR14 VAR15 VAR16 VAR17 none of above types, unknown inclusive one of above types two of above types three or more of the above types
5. Regional Background The following variables state the combination of the regions of birth, living, and election at the time of election. All values are percentages, # means not. VAR18 VAR19 VAR20 VAR21 VAR22 VAR23 VAR24 region of birth = region of living at entrance = region of election region of birth = region of living # region of election region of birth # region of living = region of election region of birth = region of election # region of living region of birth # region of living # region of election region of birth = region of election insufcient information
6. Gender Information VAR25 female legislators 7. Social Background Indicators These variables are not mutually exclusive and are valid for the time of rst election. All values are percentages. VAR26 VAR27 VAR28 VAR29 noblemen legislators, if applicable, and as dened by national expert teachers and professors, all sorts of journalists and other writers, including publishers and editors full-time, paid political party employees as well as other political organization employees, all typesincluding trade unionsas dened by national expert
26
VAR30 higher administrative-level civil servants, excluded are military, judges, professors, and clergymen VAR31 public sector employees, all levels paid by public institutions, state-owned companies included according to national experts VAR32 military persons, all levels VAR33 priests, all clergymen VAR34 lawyers, practising VAR35 judges, prosecutors included if independent judicial organ VAR36 primary sector, agriculture, shermen VAR37 blue-collar workers, industrial sector VAR38 managers, businessmen 8. Age and Seniority VAR39 mean age: in years, one decimal, rounded, exact calculation if possible, otherwise difference between year of election and year of birth VAR40 mean age of newcomers: in years, one decimal, rounded, newcomer means elected for the rst time on the election day VAR41 elections: mean number of normal elections in which member stood successfully, periods with one decimal VAR42 percentage of newcomers: members entering as newcomers, only newly elected without previous legislative careers 9. Other Variables VAR43 number of members of party groups/total number for each category in VAR03 VAR44 professions other than the law VAR45 small independent craftsmen and merchants VAR50 religion: Protestant VAR51 religion: Catholic VAR52 non-aligned VAR53 Jewish
References
Andress, H.-J. (1985). Multivariate Analyse von Verlaufsdaten. Mannheim: Zuma. Aron, R. (1950). Social Structure and the Ruling Class. The British Journal of Sociology, 1: 116, 126 43. Best, H., and Becker, U. (eds.) (1997). Elites in Transition: Elite Research in Central and Eastern Europe. Berlin: Leske & Budrich. and Ponemereo, R. (1991). The German Parliamentary Data Base: Catching the Complexities of Political Life-Histories, in H. Best, E. Mochmann, and M. Thaller (eds.), Computers in the Humanities and the Social Sciences: Achievements of the 1980sProspects for the 1990s. Munich, London, New York, and Paris: K. G. Saur, 16371.
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Beyme, K. von (1982). Elite Input and Policy Output: The Case of Germany, in Czudnowski (1982). Black, G. (1970). A Theory of Professionalisation in Politics. American Political Science Review, 64: 86578. (1972). A Theory of Political Ambition: Career Choice and the Role of Structural Incentives. American Political Science Review, 66: 14459. Braudel, F. (1958). Histoires et sciences sociales: la longue dure. Annales, 13: 72553. Czudnowski, M. M. (ed.) (1982). Does Who Governs Matter? De Kalb, Il.: Northern Illinois University Press. Daalder, H., and van den Berg, J. T. (1982). Members of the Dutch Lower House: Pluralism and Democratisation 18481967, in Czudnowski (1982), 21442. Dahl, R. (1971). Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. New Haven: Yale University Press. Dogan, M. (1961). Political Ascent in a Class Society: French Deputies 18701958, in Marvick (1961). Field, G. L., and Higley, J. (1980). Elitism. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. (1985). National Elites and Political Stability, in Moore (1985), 144. Gallagher, M., Laver, M., and Mair, P. (1992). Representative Government in Western Europe. New York: McGraw-Hill. Higley, J., and Gunther, R. (eds.) (1992). Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hintze, O. (1970; orig. 1911). Das monarchische Prinzip und die konstitutionelle Verfassung, in Staat und Verfassung. Gesammelte Abhandlungen, i. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Lijphart, A. (1968). The Politics of Accommodation: Pluralism and Democracy in the Netherlands. Berkeley: University of California Press. (1984). Democracies. New Haven: Yale University Press. Linz, J. (1978). The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Lipset, S. M., and Rokkan, S. (1967). Party Systems and Voter Alignments. New York: Free Press. Marx, K. (1965; orig. 1852). Der Achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte. Berlin: Dietz. Marvick, D. (ed.) (1961). Political Decision Makers. Glencoe, Il.: Free Press. Matthews, D. R. (1985). Legislative Recruitment and Legislative Careers, in G. Loewenberg, S. C. Patterson, and M. E. Jewell (eds.), Handbook of Legislative Research. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1755. Michels, R. (1925). Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie. Stuttgart: Krner. Mills, C. W. (1956). The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press. Moore, G. (ed.) (1985). Studies of the Structure of National Elite Groups. Greenwich and London: JAI Press. Norris, P. (ed.) (1997). Passages to Power: Legislative Recruitment in Advanced Democracies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and Lovenduski, J. (1995). Political Recruitment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Patzelt, W. J. (1999). Recruitment and Retention in Western Europe an Parliaments, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 24: 23979. Putnam R. (1976). The Comparative Study of Political Elites. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Rokkan, S. (1967). Models and Methods in the Comparative Study of NationBuilding. Paper prepared for a Preparatory Meeting on Problems of NationBuilding. Brussels: UNESCO. (1970). Citizens, Elections, Parties. Oslo: Universitesforlaget. Sartori, G. (1976). Parties and Party Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (1987). The Theory of Democracy Revisited. Chatham: Chatham House Publishers. Schleth, U. (1971). Once Again: Does it pay to study Social Background in Elite Analysis? in Sozialwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch fr Politik. Munich: Gnter Olzog, 99118. Skocpol, T. (1979). Emerging Agendas and Recurrent Strategies in Historical Sociology, in T. Skocpol (ed.), Vision and Method in Historical Sociology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tardieu, A. (1937). La Profession parlementaire. Paris: Flammarion. Thompson, M. S., and Silbey, J. H. (1985). Historical Research on 19th Century Legislatures, in G. Loewenberg, S. C. Patterson, and M. E. Jewell (eds.), Handbook of Legislative Research. Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 70137. Tocqueville, A. de (1942; orig. 1893). Souvenirs. Paris: Gallimard.
INDEX
Abgeordnetenhaus (Prussian Second Chamber) 181 abogados del Estado 419, 4267, 429, 445 see also Public Prosecutors absolutism 29, 31, 371 academics 42, 361 France 123, 128 Netherlands 3034 Spain 394, 397, 411 Accin Catalana 387, 433 Accin Espaola 428 Accin Republicana (AR) 40511, 419, 4212, 425, 4323 ACNdP (Asociacin Catlica Nacional de Propagandistas) 423 Act of Settlement (UK, 1701) 468 Action Franaise 429 administration 175, 358, 435 public 43, 121, 169, 258, 352 administrative colleges 121, 129 afrmative action 473 age of legislators 21, 26, 290, 501, 503 Finland 701, 82 France 105, 112, 116, 11920, 124, 131, 135 Germany 159, 172, 1845, 190 Hungary 203, 208 Italy 233, 241, 2457, 2635 Norway 327, 3378 Portugal 3501, 35960 Spain 3858, 437, 4401, 44552, 4546 United Kingdom 4778, 483, 485 Agrarian Parties 506, 525 Danish Agrarian Liberals 38, 457 Finnish Agrarian League 61 n., 64, 69, 73, 769 German 153, 1556, 158, 162, 174, 176 Hungarian 202 n. Norwegian (Bondepartiet/Senterpartiet) 31415, 31829, 333 Spanish Agrarios: Republic 40213, 41519, 4223, 427, 429, 433; Restoration 377, 394, 4012 agriculture 512, 514 Finland 53, 57; rural class 601, 63, 79 France 95, 11314
Hungary 200 n., 218, 220 interest representation: Denmark 32, 43 4, 47; Germany 152 4, 157, 15963; Portugal 356, 359; Spain 383, 387, 395, 3978, 435, 453 Italy 251 United Kingdom 461 n., 466, 47911 see also farmers; rural; peasantry; primary sector; tenant farmers Agrupacin al Servicio de la Repblica (ASR) 405, 40911, 4223, 433 Aguiar, J. 357 Aguilar, P. 436 Agulhon, M. 90, 93 Ahtisaari, M. 83 Aizpun 435 AKP (Arbeidernes Kommunist Parti) 313 Alapuro, R. 54, 56 Alasuutari, P. 75 Alba, S. 393 Albacete 389, 400 Albiana, J. 430 Alestalo, M. 55 Algerian War of Independence (195462) 118 Alianza Popular (AP) 438, 441, 444, 44850 Alianza Republicana 405 Alleanza Nazionale (AN) 256, 2645, 267, 405 allowances 330, 523 Finland 778 France 912, 114 Germany 1445, 1634, 167, 181 Netherlands 2767 Portugal 3656 United Kingdom 4702, 450, 488 see also travel allowances de Almeida, P. D. G. T. 341 n., 3436 Alphonse XII 372, 379, 3956 Alphonse XIII 372, 37985, 396 political elite 38596 Alsace-Lorraine 1412, 148 Alter Mittelstand (old middle classes) 160 Alvarez, M. 426 Amadeus of Savoy 372, 3956 n.
528
Index
Germany 139, 170, 173 Hungary 216, 220 Italy 227, 2467 Portugal 341, 350, 353 4, 364 Spain 384, 386, 399, 404, 436 Azaa, M. 402 n., 407, 411, 4256, 433 Azevedo, C. 35963 Aznar, J. M. 441, 4489 Bad Mnstereifel 357 Badie, B. 188 Balearic Islands 389, 400, 411 Ballini, P. 227, 244, 258 Bandeira, C. L. 363 bankers 358, 3778, 392, 41317 banquet movement 100 Barber, B. 365 Barcelona 377 n., 383 baronatos 358 Barta, R. 211 Bartolini, S. 266 basic education 150, 254, 280, 472, 497, 516 Finland 58, 66 Portugal 3489, 360 Basque Country: post-Franco democracy 443, 453 Republic 41112, 423, 427, 42931 Restoration 377 n., 387, 389, 397, 400 Bastid, P. 90, 93 n. Batthyny, L. 199 Bavaria 146, 148, 169 Becker, U. 17 Beira Alta 351 Beira Litoral 351 Belgium 2801 n. Ben-Ami, S. 399 Berlin 141 Berlusconi, S. 265 Bethlen, I. 197, 21012 bicameralism 92 Bilbao 377 n. Bille, L. 32 Birch, A. H. 197 n. Birnbaum, P. 163 Bismarck, O. 167 Black, G. 11 Blackbourn, D. 154 Blair, T. 465 n. Blomstedt, Y. 66 Blondel, J. 491 Bloque de Unidad Marxista (BUM) 418, 424 blue-collar workers 498, 501, 514 Finland 57, 63, 69, 723, 769, 82 France 105, 109, 11214, 123, 125, 135 Germany 159, 1616, 174 Italy 240, 2446, 251
Amsterdam 295 AN (Alleanza Nazionale) 256, 2645, 267, 405 Anabaptists 293 Andalusia 375, 3879, 400, 41112, 424, 451 Anders Langes Parti 313 Anderson, C. 147 Andeweg, R. B. 279, 295 Andress, H.-J. 19 Angls dAuriac, D. 88 n. Anglican Church 468, 481 n. Angola 353 Anguita, J. 451 Aniceto, H. A. 355 anticlericalism 397, 402, 410, 422 Antunes, M. L. 359 Aosta Valley 260 n. AP (Alianza Popular) 438, 441, 444, 448 50 apparatchiks 23, 21617 AR (Accin Republicana) 40511, 419, 4212, 425, 4323 Aragon 387, 389, 400, 411 Arbeloa, V. M. 422 architects 378, 392, 40917, 422, 4289, 435 aristocracy 21, 54, 140, 242 France 110, 112 Hungary 197, 200 n., 202 4, 209, 211 Netherlands 2801 n., 287, 289, 303 and political modernization 506, 513, 519, 522 Portugal 343, 3456, 349 Spain 379, 3946, 403 United Kingdom 461 n., 481, 496 see also nobility; patriciate; upper class Aron, R. 16 ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) 2778, 285 arrondissements 901 artisans 230, 355 artists 2057, 358, 392 Artola, M. 372 Asamblea de Parlamentarios 384 Asamblea Nacional 379, 399, 423 ascription 30, 111, 140, 176 and modernization 15, 22, 506 Norway 312, 320 Asquith, H. H. 482 ASR (Agrupacin al Servicio de la Repblica) 405, 41011, 4223, 433 Assemble nationale 8993, 107, 110, 11426, 135 Asturias 387, 389 AUF (Arbeidernes Ungdomsfylking) 338 Austria 141, 169, 180, 203 Austrian Socialist Party 361 authoritarian regimes 4, 20, 493, 51819
Index
Netherlands 298 Norway 327, 329 Portugal 356, 359 Spain 4423, 445, 44750, 4525 United Kingdom 477 see also industrial workers; working class BOC (Bloque Obrero i Camperol) 405, 423 Bohemia 141 Bondepartist 313 Borchert, J. 145 Bottomore, T. B. 183, 291 n. Botzenhart, M. 141 Boulangist movement 113 Bourbons 93 n., 94, 396 n. bourgeoisie 17, 97, 305, 349, 524 Denmark 456 Germany 148, 174 Spain 373, 379 Braak, B. van der 270 n. Braudel, F. 4 Britain, see United Kingdom Brooke, J. 468 Brundtland, G. H. 333 Bruneau, P. 357 Brustein, W. 171 Budapest 201, 21011, 213 BUM (Bloque de Unidad Marxista) 418, 424 Bundesrat 142 n. see also Federal Chamber Bundestag 1427, 1601, 1645, 168, 1719, 18490 bureaucrats 21, 23, 167, 311, 511 Hungary 2048, 210 burgesses 52, 556, 71 Burgos 383 n., 430 Burke, E. 463 n. Burton, M. G. 211 businessmen 286, 50011 Finland 64, 498 France 1001, 1079, 11213, 117, 123, 126, 1323, 136 Germany 1625, 188 Hungary 214, 221 Italy 2301, 2367, 245, 251, 263 4 Norway 314, 3302 Portugal 346, 3556, 358 Spain: Republic 4089, 41216, 4202, 42530, 435; Restoration 377, 379, 394 United Kingdom 476, 4812, 484, 490 see also entrepreneurs; industrialists; managers Butzer, H. 145 Cabanellas, General 419 Cabinet, Dutch 272, 2789, 290, 300, 302 Caciagli, M. 265
529
caciquismo: Portugal 343, 345, 347 Spain 374, 382 n., 385, 3968, 403, 407, 4267 Cadiz 371 Caetano, M. 342, 353 4 Calvinists 211 Calvo Sotelo, J. 429 Camb, F. 384, 417 Cambridge 175, 4834 Camero dei Deputati 2268, 231, 244 Campbell, A. 314, 324 Canalejas 385 Canary Islands 383 n., 389, 400, 411 Cannadine, D. 479 Cnovas del Castillo 372, 374, 379, 382, 386 capacits 1058, 11113 Capel, M. 423 Carlists 372 4, 3837, 3967, 404 n., 421, 42930 Carlos III 345 n. Carneiro, F. S. 358 Carr, R. 436 Carrera de San Jernimo 408 Carrillo, S. 451 cartel: parties 14, 223, 518 of power 139, 161 Cartocci, R. 260, 265 Castellano Blanco, E. 402 n. Castiles 387, 389, 400, 411, 430 Castillo Blasco, E. 402 n. Catalanism 374, 394, 401, 433 Catalonia: post-Franco democracy 443, 453 Republic 408, 41112, 417, 4201, 424, 427, 430 Restoration 375, 3834, 387, 38990, 393, 400 catch-all parties 6, 14, 148, 178, 431 Catholic Centre Party (CP) 156, 170, 186 Catholicism: Church 94, 154, 246, 371, 403 4, 422; priests 202 n., 468 France 134 Germany 1479, 176, 1789 Hungary 203 n., 211 Netherlands 277, 294, 297, 299, 304, 306 parties 147, 28091, 293, 301, 351; Catholic Action 423, 4289; Centre Party 1523, 161, 16870, 173, 175, 1789; Partito popolare 244 Spain 374, 387, 405, 410, 421, 4278 Cavaco Silva, A. 3578 Cayrol, R. 121, 131 CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal) 279
530
Index
Civic Democratic Party 213 n., 214 civil servants 524 Denmark 31 Finland 512, 56, 66, 78, 80, 84 France 100, 103, 108, 122, 125, 1289, 1335 Germany 145, 157, 1701, 173 Italy 2301, 236, 238, 2423, 251 Netherlands 287, 291, 297 Norway 316, 322, 324, 3312 Portugal 3456, 353, 355, 3589 Spain: post-Franco 4412, 445, 44750, 4526; Republic 40810, 41217, 419, 4258, 4345; Restoration 374, 378, 392 4 United Kingdom 468 Civil War, Finnish (191819) 72, 74, 82 Civil War, Spanish (19369) 404, 419, 423 4, 4346 Clarendon schools 4834 class structure 34, 54, 252, 508, 513, 518 Claudn, F. 451 n. cleavage-concept (Lipset-Rokkan) 17, 33 clergy: Finland 51, 556, 61 n., 73 4, 80 France 91, 122 Hungary 200 n., 202 n.203 n., 2046, 21011, 214, 218 Netherlands 2767 n., 304 Norway 325 Portugal 3436, 352 Spain 3756, 379, 409, 41216, 4201, 429, 435 United Kingdom 477, 479 n. clientelism 207, 341, 343, 349 see also caciquismo CNT 403, 408, 424 Coalicin Democrtica (CD) 448 Coalicin Popular (CP) 438, 448 Coates, R. M. 468 Cdico Civil 390 n. Coimbra 360 Colom, G. 453 Colomer, J. 406 commerce 53, 149, 281, 306, 376, 427 Committee on Standards in Public Life, First Report of (1995) 469 n. Commons, House of 4634, 466, 4689, 490, 512 socio-economic transformation 47184 Communist Parties: Denmark 33 education 589, 74, 967, 2313 experience 601, 6871, 98, 1046, 233, 2402 female legislators 63, 99, 235 Finland 723, 758, 80 n., 82
CDS (Centro Democrtico Social) 3578, 366, 438, 444 CDU (Christian Democratic Union) 1489, 161, 168, 171, 1769 CEDA (Confederacin Espaola de Derechas Autnomas) 387, 4017, 41317, 4203, 4269, 4345 Central Block coalition (Portugal) 357 Central Committee, Hungarian 21617 Central Italy 243, 246, 2602 Centre Party (Germany) 1523, 161, 16870, 175, 1789 Centro 401, 406, 415, 423, 426 Centro Acadmico de Democracia Crista 351 Centro Catolico (Catholic Centre) 351 Ceuta 403 Chamber of Deputies: French 945, 10710, 11213, 122 Portuguese 342 n., 343, 3456 Chamber of Dukes 110 Chamber of Peers (Portugal) 342 4 Charle, C. 95, 106 n., 108 Charterhouse 481 n. Chiaramonte, A. 227, 263 Christian Democrats: Catholic 154, 28091 education 967, 1501, 2313, 2802, 31819 female legislators 99, 154, 235, 284, 321 Finland 789 France 934, 112, 134 leading party position 98, 153, 234, 283 mean age 105, 159, 241, 290, 3278 Norway 31516, 3323, 338 occupation 99105, 153, 1559, 234 40, 2849, 3217 political experience: local politics 98, 152, 233, 283, 320; mean number of elections 106, 160, 241, 290, 328; newcomers 106, 160, 242, 291, 3289; parliamentary 152, 320; party and pressure group ofcials 104, 158, 240, 289, 326 Protestant 28091, 31819 Spain 428, 443 see also Catholicism, Catholic Action; CDU; Catholicism, Centre Party CHU; DC Christian League (Finland) 789 Christian Peoples Party (Norway) 31516, 3323, 338 Christian Workers Party (Finland) 79 n. CHU (Christian-Historical Union) 2789, 287, 308 n. citizenship 89, 371 CiU (Convergencia i Uni) 438, 443, 453 4, 456
Index
France 90, 935, 110, 11316, 12035 Germany 149, 168, 170, 172, 189 Hungary 196, 199, 21319 leading party position 62, 98, 234 Netherlands 308 Norway 31315, 338 occupation 639, 99105, 234 40 see also PCE; PCI; PCP; SFIO; suf(m-e)v Communist Refoundation Party 263, 265 Companys, L. 402 n. Compromise of 1867 2012, 204 Congreso de los Diputados 420 post-Franco 4367, 444, 449, 451 Restoration 372, 374, 377, 385 Conjuncin Republicano Socialista 393, 397, 426 Conservative Peoples Party 46 Conservatives: Britain 395, 463, 4657, 4789, 48190; Peelite split (1846) 4745 Catholics 154, 285 Denmark 45 education 589, 967, 1501, 2802, 31819, 4723 female legislators 63, 99, 154, 284, 321, 475 Finland 61, 70, 724, 767, 79 France 93, 112, 1323, 146 Germany 147, 153, 162, 168, 1706, 395 leading party position 62, 98, 153, 283 mean age 70, 105, 159, 290, 3278, 47980 Norway (Hyre) 31217, 327, 3302, 338 occupation 639, 99105, 1539, 2849, 3217, 4727 political experience: local politics 60, 98, 152, 283, 320, 472; mean number of elections 70, 106, 160, 290, 328; newcomers 71, 106, 160, 291, 3289, 478; parliamentary 152, 320; party and pressure group ofcials 68, 104, 158, 289, 326 Spain 37482, 385402, 410, 444 Consociational Democracy model 17 Constituent Assembly 96, 98, 100 4, 150, 155, 227, 2478 n., 3545, 404, 408, 41819, 431 Constituent National Assembly 140 Constituent Northern German Reichstag 150 constitutional monarchy 229, 466 Portugal 34250 Spain 372, 395 contenders, political 11, 1315 Convention Parliament 468 Convergncia Democrtica de Catalunya 453
531
Cook, C. 468 Copenhagen 379 corporate interests 52, 162, 189, 240 Corporatist Chamber 350, 353 Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act (UK, 1883) 469 corruption 92, 263, 397 Hungary 202, 207 United Kingdom 463, 46971 Cortes, Constituent 3712 Reformation 376, 378, 385, 394, 398, 401 Republic 405, 40712, 423, 4312, 434; occupations 41221 Costa, M. B. da 355 Costa Pinto, M. 350 Council of State 276, 290 craftsmen 123, 133, 251 Craig, F. S. 463, 4701 Cramer, N. R. M. N. 270 n. Crimean War (18546) 487 n. crises: economic 80 n., 128 political 6, 76, 118, 2667 regime 8, 492 critical linkage position model 67 n. crofter liberation (1918) 73 Cross, A. 213 da Cruz, M. B. 341 n., 3523, 35960, 365 CSU (Christian Socialist Union) 1489, 168, 171 Cuba 373, 386 Cunhal, A. 354 Czechs 141 n. Czudnowski, M. M. 2, 67 n. D66 (Left Liberals) 279, 292 n., 308 da Costa, G. 350 Daalder, H. 3, 297, 3067 Dahl, R. 5 Dahrendorf, R. 139 DAlimonte, R. 227, 263, 266 Dalton, T. R. 468 Danish Data Archive 29 n. DC (Democrazia Cristiana) 2479, 2539, 2613, 2657 de Azevedo, P. 354 de Gaulle, C. 115, 118 De Tebar, P. 3756 de Tern, R. 371 n. Dek, F. 201 Dek, I. 219 degree, university 4957, 507, 513 Denmark 41 Finland 545, 589, 66, 746, 80, 83, 97 France 967, 121, 125, 128, 1313 Germany 151, 1745
532
Index
Italy 244 Portugal 3456, 349, 356, 358 Spain 3923, 40910, 41219, 42430, 4345, 443 Dogan, M. 3, 689, 371 n. France 110, 119 n., 122, 127, 135 Don Carlos 371 Don Juan de Borbn y Battenberg 410 DS (Democratici di Sinistra) 267 Dupeux, G. 95 Dutch Reformed Church 277, 280, 294 Duverger, M. 14, 32, 113, 148, 255 Finland 62 n., 69, 75 DVP (Right Liberals) 164 East Elbia 387 East Germany 143, 149, 1768, 183, 187 Eastern Europe 17, 54 cole Polytechique 121 economists 21, 121, 175, 293, 358 education 21, 4958, 504, 506, 511, 513 Denmark 402, 47 Finland 678, 74, 76, 802 France 106 n., 1202, 1245, 131, 133 Germany 150, 169, 187 Hungary 207, 211, 215, 218, 224 Italy 239, 250, 252, 265 Netherlands 307 Norway 318, 331, 3368 Portugal 34851, 358, 360, 365 Spain 3756, 3901, 393 United Kingdom 473, 4824 see also basic education; university education EEA (European Economic Association) 317 Eisfeld, R. 357 Elbe 176 Elberling, V. 29 n., 31 electorate 12, 1415, 31, 45, 463 see also suffrage Eliassen, K. A. 3, 30 n., 67 n., 31039 eligibility 90, 114, 140, 1435, 227, 494 female 91, 177, 519; Denmark 34, 44; Germany 177, 189; United Kingdom 466, 470 Netherlands 2726 elites 522 and democratization 47, 21215 Denmark 301, 346 Hungary 199201; Communist Party 21619; and democratization 21215; homogeneity of politics 2018; transformation 20812 Italy: in early democracy 229 43; gender representation 2589; mass representation 2436; party
degree, university (cont): Italy 227, 2312, 246, 250 Netherlands 2812, 293, 303 Norway 319 Portugal 34951, 355, 35960 Spain 3756, 390, 392, 409, 412, 41922 United Kingdom 473, 483 del Castillo, P. 437 n. Democratic Alliance (Portugal) 357 Democratic Electoral Commission 355 n. Democratic Party of the Left (Italy) 2623 Democratic Peoples Movement (Portugal) 355 n. Democratic Peoples Union (Portugal) 355 n. Democratic Social Centre (Portugal) 355 n. democratization 8, 212, 33, 196, 230, 384 Finland 50, 73 Germany 138, 188 Netherlands 297, 303 4, 3067 and parliamentary elites 47 Portugal 3646 and professionalization 491523; developments 50518; patterns of change 492 4; recruitment 494505, 51823 Democrats, US 387 Denmark 19, 29 48, 1401 n., 148 Constitution (1849) 33 elite circulation/institutionalization 346 party system as prime mover 458 political history 31 4 recruitment 492; education 402, 504, 507, 515; geography 379; occupational prole 425, 509, 514, 517, 521 de-politicization 312, 31518 deregulation 128 Destra storica 229, 231 42 Det Nye Folkepartiet (New Peoples Party) 313 dHondt formula 57, 344, 437 Di Palma, G. 249 Di Virgilio, A. 265 dictatorship, see authoritarian regimes Diet, Finland (18631906) 506, 83 dignitaries 190, 503, 520, 522 see also notables Diploma of October (1860) 200 diplomats 91, 176, 343, 346, 392 direct voting 281, 295 DNA (Det Norske Arbeiderparti) 313 DNVP (Deutschnationale Volkspartei) 156, 161, 164, 176 doctors, medical: Finland 53, 61 France 117, 132 Hungary 2046, 210, 218
Index
professionals 24653; regional variations 25961 Netherlands 3078 Norway 31833 Portugal 34254 Spain 3759, 398402, 434 transformation 123, 33 4, 39, 47, 20812 Elizabeth I 461 Elizondo, A. 439 n., 441 Elklit, J. 31, 45 employees, see blue-collar; white-collar; working class ENA (cole Nationale dAdministration) 121, 1289 Engels, F. 149 engineering: Germany 175 Hungary 204, 220 Italy 233, 243 Portugal 345, 349, 351, 356, 358 Spain 378, 3923, 40919, 422, 42630, 435, 443 England 463, 465 see also United Kingdom entrepreneurs 504, 522 Germany 1616, 188 Italy 231, 243, 263 Spain 435, 4423, 445, 44750, 452, 4545 see also businessmen; industrialists; managers environmental concerns 318 Espartero, General 372 Espn, E. 411 Esquerra Republicana de Catalua (ERC) 401, 40511, 41418, 421 4, 4303 Estado Novo (192674) 350 4 estate society 200 n. Finland 513, 56, 62, 65, 701, 76 Estatuto Real 371 Esteban, J. de 444 n. etatism 21, 258 ethnic diversity 14, 148, 201, 203, 207 Eton 481 n. Eulau, H. 40, 67 n. European Community (EC) 363 4 European Economic Community (EEC) 31516, 3312 European Parliament 2, 465 European Popular Party 448 European Union (EU) 33, 315, 317, 325, 353, 364 Evangelical Lutherian Church 61 n. experience, political 69, 223, 253, 299300, 381 legislative 61, 112, 152 see also local ofce; newcomers; party, ofcials; pressure groups; trade unions Extremadura 389, 400, 41112 Extreme Right 73 4, 232, 235, 241 education 2313 experience 233 4, 2402 occupation 23440
533
factory owners 21415 Falange Espaola 429 Falter, J. W. 144, 146, 148 Fanjul, General 419 farmers: Denmark 31, 41, 43, 457 Finland 61, 63, 79 France 124, 125 n., 129, 135 Germany 1578, 160, 165, 174 Hungary 214 Norway 322 4, 32930 Portugal 355 Spain 378, 392 4, 4089, 41216, 422, 4257, 435 see also agriculture; peasantry; primary sector; tenant farmers Farneti, P. 3, 226 n., 230, 242, 244 Fascism 515 France 94 Germany 149, 161 Hungary 21213 Italy 227, 2457, 250 Spain 404, 42930, 436 see also Nazi Party FDP (German Liberal Party) 147, 149, 160 4, 16871, 1749, 1836 February Revolution (1848) 96, 110 Federacin Republicana Gallega 433 Federal Agrario 405 Federal Chamber (Germany) 142 Federales 4056, 422, 433 Feitl, I. 213 female: eligibility 82, 91, 275, 519; Denmark 34, 44; Germany 147, 177, 189; Spain 448, 450, 452, 4546; United Kingdom 468, 4723 employment 48, 518 enfranchisement 14, 143, 351; Denmark 34, 44; Finland 52, 712; France 91, 114, 120; Italy 228, 258; Spain 373, 403, 423, 441, 519; United Kingdom 465 legislators 16, 45 n., 235, 497, 519; Finland 63, 72, 745, 77, 81, 84; France 99, 124; Germany 154, 172, 189; Hungary 216, 218, 220; Netherlands 284, 308; Norway 321, 332; Portugal 360, 362; Spain 385, 439, 4445, 447, 449, 451; United Kingdom 472, 475 all-women short-lists 472 see also travel allowances
534
Index
Franco, F. 419, 428, 4346, 443 n., 444 Frankfurt National Assembly 141, 144 n., 1501, 162, 169, 174, 1801 free political entrepreneurs 30, 1668, 503, 520, 5223 free professions: Denmark 31, 43 Finland 534 France 92, 100, 1057, 1236, 1323, 136 Italy 2301, 2435, 251, 264 Netherlands 306 Norway 322 Portugal 3456, 352 Spain 40910, 4248, 4345, 449 see also doctors; journalists; lawyers; self-employed; writers freelancers 2056, 212 Freemasons 345, 349, 422 French Radical Party 407 Frente Contrarevolucionario de Unin de Derechas 430 Friedrich Ebert Foundation 357 Frisia 295 Frissinede Venstre (Liberal Left) 313 FrP (Fremskrittpartiet) 313 Fueristas 405 functionaries 307, 503, 513, 515, 520, 523 Germany 1668, 190 see also party ofcials Furre, B. 316 Fusi, J. P. 436 Galds, B. P. 377 n. Galicia 389, 400, 411, 4267, 432, 448 Gallagher, M. 23 4 Gallagher, T. 356 Galleguistas 405 Gangas, P. 43656 Garrigou, A. 90, 129, 135 Gaullist Party (RPR) 115, 11819, 127, 12930, 1345 Gaxie, D. 88136 GDR (East Germany) 143, 149, 1768, 183, 187 Geiler, R. 145 gender differences 14, 201, 494, 51718 Denmark 44 Finland 578, 81 France 89, 120, 1267, 131, 135 Germany 140, 147, 1767, 189 Netherlands 273 Norway 3323 Portugal 360, 362 quotas 441, 451, 453, 4702 Spain 423, 43940, 446 see also female; male; suffrage Generalitat 453
feminist groups 58, 308, 441, 51718 Ferdinand VII 3712 Fernndez, G. 428 Ferreira, J. M. 354 Ferrer Benimeli, J. A. 422 FI (Forza Italia) 256, 263 4, 267 Fidesz-MPP (Alliance of Young DemocratsHungarian Civic Party) 220 4 Field, G. L. 9, 17 de Figueiredo, A. 350 nanciers 281, 392, 394, 426 Finland 1920, 5084 Constitution (1919) 72 Diet under Russian rule 506, 83 education 495, 504, 507, 515 rst independence (191739) 50, 725, 82, 84 gender 497, 517 occupation 497501, 509, 512, 519 Parliament Acts (1617 & 1869) 51, 55, 82 political experience 496, 5002, 515, 518 reconstruction period (194562) 758 unicameral parliament (190717) 5672 welfare state (1966 ) 7881 Finnish Party 52, 72 Finnish Rural Party 79 Finnish Womens Association 589 First Chamber (Netherlands) 271, 276, 281 n., 299 rst-past-the-post system 14 see also suffrage shermen 53, 356, 4789 n. FKGP (Independent Smallholders Party) 2204 oating voters 279 see also electorate Folk High Schools 412 Folketing 2931, 348, 402, 446 Folketinget 435 Font, J. 453 forestry 53, 61, 4789 n. Forza Italia (FI) 256, 263 4, 267 Fourasti, J. 162 Fraga Iribarne, M. 448 France 16, 19, 88136, 139 42, 227, 280, 295 gender 439, 441 n., 497 recruitment 492; continuity 96111; differences between parties 1305; dominant social positions 120 4; education 495, 507, 515; occupation 100, 131, 4789, 497501, 504, 50713, lawyers 66, 166, 499, 50910, 513, 520; political experience 496, 5002, 510; profession politicians 11620; transformations 11114, 12430 religion 1778 franchise, see suffrage
Index
geographical representation 14, 492 Denmark 379 Italy 25861, 2667 Netherlands 2712, 2947, 301, 3056 Portugal 361 Spain 375, 38990, 411 see also regionalists Georgel, J. 350 German Conservative Party, East Elbia 387 German War (1866) 141 Germany 1519, 13891, 211, 357, 3723, 384 1830 Revolution 180 1848 Revolution 139, 151, 1545, 169, 181 1918 Revolution 158, 164, 166, 170 education 1735, 497, 509, 515, 517 occupational background 14973, 1878, 4789, 497501, 508, 519; lawyers 501, 511, 51415 party structure 1479, 1807, 497, 505, 518 political experience 109, 496, 5002, 510, 521 reunication (1990) 142, 149, 165, 17783, 186, 190 Sonderweg 95, 1407, 18791, 514 suffrage 1435, 506, 508 see also East Germany; Weimar Republic; West Germany; Wilhelminian Empire Gil Pecharromn, J. 429 Gil Robles, J. M. 387, 421, 428 Girona 377 n. Giscard dEstaing, V. 115 Gladstone, W. E. 489 globalization 128, 189, 318, 353 golpe 399 Golsch, L. 145 Gmbs, G. 197, 212 Gonalves, V. 354 Gonzlez, F. 441, 446 Government Audit Ofce 276 Graham, J. Q. 111 Graham, L. 354 Grandes coles 121, 128, 134, 175 Grands Corps 133 Great Britain, see United Kingdom Greek-Catholics 203 n. Green Parties: Finland 79 France 120, 12930 Germany 149, 161, 1712, 177, 185 Netherlands 308 Grofman, B. 344 Guinea-Bissau 353 Gunther, R. 9, 17, 4367 n., 444 n. Guttsman, W. L. 472 Gymnasium 412
535
Habsburg Empire 1401, 199201, 295, 395 Hague 270 Hamon, L. 69 Hanham, H. J. 467 Hanover 148 Harenberg, B. 145 Harrison, M. 471 Harrow 481 n. Harvey, R. 354 Hattenhauer, H. 170 health issues 81, 218, 393 Hein, D. 160 Helsinki 56, 78 Heras, R. 438 Hermet, G. 451 n. Hess, A. 171 Higley, J. 9, 17, 211 Hill, B. W. 462 Hillebrand, R. 300 n. Hintze, O. 1618 historians 66, 220 History of Parliament Trust 470 n. Hjerppe, R. 61, 73, 76, 83 Hjre 46 Hoecker, B. 177 Hoffman-Lange, U. 139, 175, 177 Hgh, E. 45 Hohorst, G. 145 Holm, A. 31, 45 Holy Alliance 371 Holyoake, G. J. 467 Hopkin, J. 444 n. Horthy, Admiral 209, 212 House of Orange 295 House of Representatives 203 Hyre 31217, 327, 3302, 338 Huard, R. 8990 Hubai, L. 21415 Huber, E. R. 141, 1456, 167, 181 Hubert, P. 142 humanities degree 175, 250, 499 Finland 59, 66, 80 France 121, 132 Spain 392, 412, 419 Huneeus, C. 444 Hungary 19, 196224, 511, 513 1848 revolution 199200 1918 revolution 208 parliamentary elite 199208; Communist Party 198, 209, 21619; under pressure (1944 47) 21215; transformation 20812; professionalization trends (19901998) 21924 recruitment 492, 5046, 509 Huntington, S. P. 4956
536
Index
1848 Revolution 226 Constitution (1948) 227 education 497, 509, 515, 517 occupation 47981, 499503, 50810, 514; lawyers 501, 51112, 515, 522 parliamentary elites: early 22943; gender representation 2589, 497; to mass representation 2436; regional variations 25961 political experience 498, 504, 517; professionalism 24658, 2616, 502, 520 Portugal compared 3412, 347 n., 349 religion 1778 transformation 1920, 511, 514 unication 226, 230, 241, 243, 266, 510 IU (Izquierda Unide) 438, 441, 443, 451 2 Iverni Salv, M. D. 411 Izquierda Republicana 401, 407, 415 Jacobs, A. 275 n. James II 466 Jnos, A. C. 202 n. Jansen, C. 144 n. Jews 293 Johansson, J. 48 n. journalists 14, 47, 298, 326 Finland 53, 612 n., 68 France 104, 112, 122 Germany 145, 158, 163, 1668 Hungary 2057, 221 Italy 231, 239, 2445 Portugal 3456, 349, 352, 356, 359 Spain: Republic 41218, 422, 425, 427, 430, 4345; Restoration 3778, 382, 3923 United Kingdom 476, 480 Jouvenel, R. de 91 Juan Carlos, King 436 judges 203 n., 343, 466, 507, 520 France 100, 108, 122, 132, 135 Germany 16970 Italy 231, 236 Netherlands 288, 298, 304 Spain 378, 3923 Julkunen, R. 57 July Monarchy (1830 48) 89, 96, 1023, 1078 Junta de Ampliacin de Estudios 390 Jussila, O. 56, 601 n., 73 Jutikkala, E. 524, 56 Jutland 378 Kaiserreich (18711918) 151, 176 Katz, R. S. 14, 22, 32, 258, 517, 520 Kay, H. 353
Ibarruri, D. 423 Iglesias, G. 451 illiteracy 14, 95, 228, 383 Portugal 344, 34751, 353, 355, 365 Ilonszki, G. 196224 image politics 84 incumbency 112, 503 4, 510 Germany 1837 Netherlands 272, 3012 Portugal 361, 363 Spain 400, 431, 433 United Kingdom 485 6 see also turnover independents (Spain) 37881, 401, 4056, 416, 433 industrial workers 131, 242 Finland 62, 72, 80 Hungary 214, 218 see also blue-collar workers; working class; trade unions industrialists 149, 299, 352 France 122, 1256, 129, 133 Hungary 2046, 210 Spain 373, 387, 397, 417, 427 United Kingdom 4767, 479 see also businessmen; entrepreneurs; managers industrialization 237, 509 Finland 50, 57, 78 Germany 1389, 146, 174, 188 United Kingdom 477, 47981, 487 INSEE (Institute National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques) 121 Institucion Libre de Enseanza 390 Institut de France 90 Instituto Agrcola de San Isidro 394 Integrists 397 intelligentsia 97, 123 Hungary 201, 204, 207, 210, 212, 214 15 Spain 373, 377 see also artists; journalists; teachers; writers interest groups 23, 204, 306, 494 Germany 140, 150, 152, 165, 174 Norway 318, 324, 330, 334, 339 see also pressure groups; trade unions interlockingness: German 1803 Norway 31833 IR (Izquierda Republicana) 402 n., 413, 41718, 4213, 425, 432 Ireland 465, 4745, 478 n. Irwin, G. A. 295 Isabel II 3712, 396 n. Isernia, P. 261 Italy 15, 145, 211, 22667
Index
KDNP (Christian Democratic Peoples Party) 2204 Keith, B. 465 Kekkonen, U. 83 Kern, R. W. 345 n. Kertzer, D. I. 265 King, A. 443 n., 444, 489 Kinnock, N. 465 n. Knippenberg, H. 294 n. Kocka, J. 138 Kohl, J. 13940 Kolb, E. 142 Konttinen, E. 54 KrF (Kristelig Folkeparti) 313 Krusius-Ahrenberg, L. 51 n. Kuhnle, S. 310 Kukorelli, I. 21719 Kulturnation 169 Kuusipalo, J. 57, 59, 81 Kuyper, A. 277, 2867 labour movements, see trade unions Labour Parties: Netherlands 295, 305 Norway (Arbeiderpartiet) 311, 31416, 32733, 335, 3378 recruitment: education 4723; female legislators 473; occupation 4749; political experience 473, 47980 United Kingdom 4639, 471, 4757, 48190 see also socialist parties; communist parties Lakatos, E. 203 Lnder 1467, 176, 183 landownership 14, 21, 50916, 521, 524 Finland 524, 73 France 107, 110, 135 Germany 14955, 160, 163, 165, 173, 188 Hungary 2001, 2037, 20910 Italy 2301, 240, 2423, 245, 251 Norway 312, 318, 321, 324 Portugal 343, 3456, 3513, 355 Spain: Republic 408, 417, 420, 422, 4279, 431; Restoration 373 4, 377, 382, 394 United Kingdom 461 n., 466, 4789, 481 see also aristocracy Landsting 29 n., 46 Langes, A. 313 Langewiesche, D. 161 Lanza, O. 263 n., 264 Lasswell, H. D. 102, 169 Lszl, P. 202 n. Latin America 17, 345 n. law degree 41, 319, 499 Finland 55, 59, 66 France 97, 121
537
Germany 151, 1745 Italy 2312, 250 Netherlands 282, 293, 303 Spain 3756, 390 lawyers 14, 501, 50912, 51516, 5225 Denmark 42 Finland 53 4, 61, 65, 67 France 1001, 1045, 111, 122, 129, 1323 Germany 156, 166, 175 Hungary 2048, 210, 212, 221 Italy 231, 2369, 2425, 251, 255, 260 4 Netherlands 286, 292, 2978, 304 Norway 322 Portugal 343, 3456, 349, 351, 356, 3589 Spain: post-Franco 437, 4423, 445, 44750, 4526; Republic 40917, 42431, 4345; Restoration 3778, 382, 392 4 United Kingdom 474, 479, 482 Le Bguec, G. 109 Lees, S. 470 Left 230, 241 4, 3902, 405 Liberals 93, 11213, 146, 153, 1678, 229 n., 247; education 589, 967, 2313, 31819; female legislators 63, 99, 235, 321; leading party position 62, 98, 234; occupation 639, 99105, 23440, 3217; political experience 61, 320, local politics 60, 98, 233, 320, mean age 70, 105, 241, 3278, mean number of elections 70, 106, 241, 328, newcomers 71, 106, 242, 3289, party and pressure group ofcials 68, 104, 240, 326 Republicans 404 n., 417 see also IR; Radical Parties; Sinistra storica; Socialist Parties; UR Lega Nord (LN) 256, 2625, 267 legitimacy 5, 8, 510 Hungary 21718, 222 Norway 31619, 329 Portugal 34950 Spain 382, 384 Len 387, 389, 400, 411 Lepsius, M. R. 138, 147 Lerroux, A. 407 n., 411, 4267, 433 Levante 375, 400, 411 Ley para la Reforma Politica (1976, 1978) 436 Liberal Demcrata 410, 413, 417, 433 Liberal Democrats (France) 115 Liberal Democrats (UK) 471 Liberal Parties: education 1501, 4701 female legislators 154, 473 Finland 70, 72, 77, 79 France 1324
538
Index
Madrid 383 n., 389, 420, 432 Magalhes, P. C. 363 magistrates 52 Mair, P. 14, 22, 32, 258, 520 majoritarianism 198, 310, 489 France 91, 95, 115 Germany 145, 148, 179 Italy 2278, 263 Spain 404, 437 male legislators 120, 124, 147, 362, 385, 437 see also suffrage mameluks 202 managers 5001, 505 Finland 64 France 100, 122, 133 Germany 155, 162 Hungary 221 Italy 2367, 243, 245, 251, 263 Netherlands 286 Norway 322 Portugal 356 Spain 378, 392, 409, 417, 420, 442, 445 55 United Kingdom 476 see also businessmen; entrepreneurs; industrialists manual workers 52, 220, 306, 482 Spain 392, 408, 41216, 420 4, 430, 4345 see also blue collar workers; industrial workers manufacturing 53, 3778, 392, 394, 480 Marcet, J. 453 March, J. 420 Marques, A. H. O. 344, 346, 348 n. Martn Najera, A. 446 n. Martnez Barrios, D. 407 n., 425, 427, 433 Martnez Campos, General 375 Martnez Cuadrado, M. 372, 382 n. Marvell, A. 471 Marvick, D. 2 Marx, K. 4, 149 Marxism 446 mass: democracy 212, 230, 51416, 522; France 94, 109; Germany 158, 174, 189; Norway 31114; Portugal 342, 35464; Spain 404, 421 parties 6, 14, 32, 36, 115, 277 Matthews, D. R. 8, 50 Maura, A. 379, 382 n. Mauristas 4012 Mayeur, J.-M. 915 mayors 52, 468 MDF (Hungarian Democratic Forum) 220 4 media 4, 23, 383
Liberal Parties (cont): German (FDP) 147, 149, 160 4, 16871, 1749, 1836 Hungary 196, 202 4, 207, 210 Italy 2458, 254, 263, 2667 Netherlands 271, 2769, 287, 297, 301, 3048 Norway 31216 occupation 153, 1559, 4727 political experience 152, 15860, 472, 4778 Spain 37281, 38594, 396, 398 402, 443 United Kingdom 387, 395, 463 6, 4749, 4818 liberal professions, see free professions Liberal Unionists 475 Life Peerages Act (UK, 1958) 479 n. Lijphart, A. 5, 17, 344 Lilius, P. 56 Linz, J. J. 56, 220, 493 Lipset, S. M. 4, 17 Lisbon 344, 351, 360 list balloting 901, 198 literacy, see illiteracy Llera, F. J. 453 Lliga: during Republic 4048, 41417, 4202, 430, 433 during Restoration 383, 387, 394, 401 Lloyd George, D. 480 LN (Lega Nord) 256, 263, 265, 267 local ofce 201, 395, 498, 505, 523 Denmark 40, 43 Finland 60, 69 France 98, 112, 11618, 128, 135 Germany 152, 169, 172, 1823, 190 Hungary 2213 Italy 233, 253 Netherlands 283, 291, 300 Norway 311, 3201, 32931, 335 Portugal 361, 363 United Kingdom 4669, 474, 4845 Lombard League 262 Lpez Guerra, L. 444 n. Lpez Nieto, L. 439 n., 448 n. Lords, House of 4689, 481, 486 Lsche, P. 1489 Louis Napolon Bonaparte 90, 93, 99 Lovenduski, J. 8, 465 Lucena, M. de 353 Luca, L. 428 Lutherans 293 Maastricht 266 McCharty, P. 261 McKenzie, R. T. 466 Macleod, A. 357
Index
Denmark 32, 434 Finland 75, 84 Netherlands 298, 306 medical profession, see doctors Melilla 403 Mellors, C. 470 Mennonites 293 Merchant Taylors 481 n. merchants: Norway 310 n., 312, 318 Spain 392, 394, 409, 41316, 426, 435 meritocracy 175 mestizos 374 Meyriat, J. 45 MFA (Movimento das Foras Armadas) 3545, 366 Michels, R. 3, 13, 164, 167, 186, 466 middle class 14, 32, 160, 301, 49610, 506, 516 Finland 53, 55, 634, 76 France 113, 123 Hungary 201, 204, 207, 20911 Italy 2424, 252, 254, 264 Portugal 343, 34851, 353, 3589, 361 Spain 373, 408, 427 United Kingdom 461, 477, 4824, 490 MIP (Party of Hungarian Justice and Life) 2201, 2234 military personnel 44, 509, 511 Finland 54, 66 France 91 n., 108, 112, 122, 132, 135 Germany 143, 169, 176 Hungary 2056, 21011, 214 Italy 2301, 235, 238, 242 Netherlands 275, 291 Portugal 3456, 3489, 3512, 3545, 359 Spain: Republic 403, 409, 41216, 419, 421, 4345; Restoration 3748, 384, 3925, 397 United Kingdom 466, 475, 479, 488 Mill, J. S. 3 Mills, C. W. 17 miners 218, 420 Ministry of Education (Finland) 81 Ministry of Justice and Church Affairs (Portugal) 345 Ministry of Justice (Netherlands) 298 Ministry of Social Welfare and Health (Finland) 81 Ministry of the Interior (Spain) 374, 387 Mitchell, B. R. 479 n. mobilization 57, 23, 506, 51011 Denmark 32, 41, 43, 45 Germany 143 Hungary 196 Italy 266
539
Norway 312, 323, 333 4, 336, 339 Spain 383 Moderate Venstre (Moderate Left Party) 313 modernization theory 139, 207, 363, 4956, 5203 Netherlands 284, 297 Molas, I. 453 Molleda, G. 422 monarchical leadership 4, 17 see also constitutional monarchy Monarchists 248, 404, 406 Monrquico Liberal 433 Monica, M. F. 343 n. Monsaraz, Count 350 Montero, J. R. 428, 436, 444 n., 448 Moore, B. 149, 161 Moore, G. 2 Morn, M. L. 439 Moravia 141 Moring, T. 823 Morlino, L. 261, 266 Moro, R. 247 Morocco 384, 390 Mosca, G. 3, 229, 520 Mozambique 353 MPs, see recruitment; representation MSI (Movimento Sociale Italiano) 263, 267 MSZP (Hungarian Socialist Party) 2201, 223 4 Mujal-Len, E. 451 n. multi-member constituencies 14, 244, 263, 441, 472 see also suffrage Murcia 389, 400 Mussolini, B. 247 MVN (Minora Vasco-Navarra) 40811, 423, 433 Nagy, L. Z. 202 n. Namier, L. 468 Napolon Bonaparte 270 Narud, H. 48 n. National Alliance 2634 National Assembly: Germany 141 Netherlands 270 Portugal 34950, 353, 356, 3589, 361, 3645 see also Asambala Nacional; Assemble national; Frankfurt National Assembly National Coalition Party 72 National Democratic Party 210, 212 National Front 115, 120, 12930 National Liberal Party: Germany 1523, 163, 168 Hungary 212
540
Index
Netherlands 2808, 3035 Spain 375 n., 37780, 3956 United Kingdom 474, 481 see also aristocracy Noponen, M. 507, 612, 723, 767, 81 Nordic countries 511 gender 517 lawyers 513 religion 1778 university degree 513 see also Denmark; Finland; Norway Norges sosialdemokratiske Arbeiderparti 313 Norris, P. 2, 8, 10, 467 North America 345 n., 519 North German Union (186771) 141 North Italy 230, 243, 246, 2602, 266 Northern League 256, 2625, 267 Norway 1920, 45 n., 31039 1814 Constitution 31012 interlockingness 31833 low status groups 32330 political transformation 31018; democratization 508, 516 professionalization 3337 recruitment 492; education 4956, 506, 509, 517; gender 3323, 499; occupation 3302, 499503, 50911, 514, 521; political experience 3358, 498, 5024, 512, 520 referenda (1972 & 1994) 31617 notables: France 89, 93, 129, 135 Netherlands 280300 notabili 230, 245, 250, 266 Spain 358, 374, 382, 394, 403, 411 see also dignitaries notarios 392, 41316, 419, 4267, 435 Nousiainen, J. 56 n. NSDAP, see Nazi Party nurses 358 Obradovic, I. 88 n. occupational background 21, 4956, 5001, 505 6, 5089, 513 Denmark 425, 509, 514, 517, 521 Finland 499503, 511, 514, 521 France 100, 131, 4801, 499503, 506, 50915 Germany 14973, 1878, 4801, 499503, 51011, 51415, 521 Hungary 214, 216 Italy 2502, 255, 4809, 499503, 50815, 522 Netherlands 2979, 499503, 50812, 51415 Norway 3302, 499503, 50911, 51421
National Progressive Party 72 National syndicalists 350 National Working Party 202 n. natural science degree 66, 121, 132, 392 Navarra 387, 389, 397, 400, 411 Nazi Party (NSDAP) 139, 142, 1489, 174, 177, 182, 185 occupational background 1578, 161, 165, 168, 1712 NEC (National Executive Committee) 467 neo-fascism 264 neo-liberalism 128, 189 nepotism 341 Netherlands 19, 270308, 494 1815 Constitution 270 1848 Constitution 2712, 274, 298 1887 Constitution 275 constitutional setting 2717, 507 democratization 3067, 516 education 2913, 497, 509, 515, 517 gender 499, 519 geographical representation 2947 notables to politicians 280300; nobility and patriciate 2808; professional inheritance 28991 occupational background 2979, 499503, 50812, 51415 political experience 299300, 498, 5024, 512, 517, 520 religion 2934 Second Chamber 2702, 27580, 2837, 2912, 295, 298305, 308; new parties 3045; suffrage expansion 302 4; transformation 3005; turnover and incumbency 3012 transformation 3008, 513 Neumann, S. 411 Nevakivi, I. 80 n. newcomers 29, 291, 347, 5045, 512 Finland 71, 74, 77, 79 France 106, 111, 116, 119 Germany 160, 172, 1847, 190 Hungary 208, 212, 21819, 223 Italy 244, 2489, 253, 263 Norway 323, 3289, 3378 Spain 3989, 418, 430 United Kingdom 480, 485 NGOs (non-governmental organizations) 318, 339 Niehuss, M. 139, 144, 1467, 164 Nipperdey, T. 163, 168 nobility 1415, 21, 499, 50816, 521, 524 Finland 512, 55, 623 France 99, 102, 110, 135 Germany 153, 1756, 189 Hungary 200, 203 4, 207, 231 Italy 2334, 240, 242, 245
Index
Portugal 356, 359, 5067, 512 Spain 508, 510, 513; post-Franco 4423, 448, 453; Republic 40821, 435; Restoration 3778, 391 4 United Kingdom 481, 499503, 50612, 51415, 521 Oder-Neie border 142 oil and gas resources 31517, 333 Oliveira, C. 3489 Olmedo, J. de 3756 Ortega y Gasset, J. 418 Orthodox Church 61 n. VP (Austrian Peoples Party) 420 Oxford 175, 4834 P. Nacion. F. E. 406 Paasikivi, J. K. 767 Pabn, B. 424 Pais, S. 347 n. Pallars, F. 453 Panebianco, A. 257 Paris 91 n., 934 parliamentarianism 33, 364, 510 parliamentarization 46, 140 Parliamentary Financial Compensation Act (1968) 2767 Parris, H. 468 Parti de lordre 93 Partido Agrario 427 see also Agrarian Parties Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV): post-Franco 438, 443, 453, 4556 Republic 402 n., 4058, 41416, 4213, 4301, 434 Partido Popular (PP) 358, 428, 4378, 4413, 44850, 453 Partido Radical Demcratica (PRD) 425, 427 Partido Republicano Conservador (PRC) 406, 410, 413, 417, 426, 433 Partit Catal Proletari 424 Partito dAzione 410 Partito Popolare (PPI) 244 Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano (PSDI) 254, 263, 268 party: absence 271, 305 competition 140, 341 lists 1467, 217 ofcials 21, 502, 516, 5212; Finland 68, 72, 76, 84; France 104, 109, 116; Germany 145, 158, 164, 166, 18890; Hungary 212, 218; Italy 240, 245, 260; Netherlands 289, 2989, 306; Norway 326, 329, 335, 339; Spain 359, 363 organized parties 113, 250, 252 see also functionaries
541
professionalization 22, 44, 84, 246, 265 6 proles: Netherlands 3045; Norway 31215; Portugal 35661; Spain 42231, 44356 systems 46, 9, 13, 16, 515, 521; Denmark 303, 458; France 111; Germany 135, 139, 1479, 164, 190; Hungary 202, 209; Italy 229, 245, 266; Netherlands 277, 293, 308 United Kingdom 4625 Party of Christian National Unity 209 Party of Independence 2023, 207 Party of National Unity 209 Party of Unity 209 partyness 21, 515, 519 Hungary 207, 223 4 Italy 2548 Norway 312, 331 Passos, M. 354 Patent of February (Hungary, 1861) 200 paternalism 202, 351, 353 4 patriciate 2809, 305 see also aristocracy; nobility patrimonialism 363 Patriotic Popular Movement 72, 75 patronage 207, 341, 343, 349 Patzelt, W. J. 3, 10 Paulskirche 150 see also Frankfurt National Assembly Payne, S. G. 403, 429 payroll vote 467 PCE (Spanish Communist Party) 4046, 41324, 42930, 438, 443, 4512 PCI (Partitio Comunista Italiano) 245, 2479, 2539, 2613, 2657, 361 PCP (Partido Comunista Portugues) 351, 3547, 359, 364, 366 PDC (Pacte Democratic per Catalunya) 453 n. PDS (Partito Democratico della Sinistra) 256, 2645, 267 PDS (Party for Democratic Socialism) 149, 161, 165, 168, 1712 peasant parties 21314, 427 peasantry 14, 348 Finland 523, 55, 64, 73, 76 Germany 1523, 157 Hungary 202 n., 207, 211, 21416, 218 Italy 242, 252 Norway 310, 3201, 323 n., 324 see also agriculture; rural; primary sector; tenant farmers Pedersen, M. N. 3, 67 n., 334 Pedregal 384 Peelite split (1846) 4745 pensions 276 n., 314, 488
542
Index
Portuguese Republican Party 345, 347 positive discrimination 473 post-communist parties 17, 222 see also PDS POUM (Partido Obrero de Unicacin Marxista) 423 4 Pozsony 200 PP (Partido Popular) 358, 428, 4378, 4413, 44850, 453 PPD (Partido Popular Democrtico) 3557, 366 PPI (Partito Popolare Italiano) 2446, 264, 267, 420 PPM (Partido Popular Monrquico) 357, 366 PRD (Partido Radical Demcratica) 425, 427 preference votes 14 see also suffrage prfet de la Seine 91 Preradovich, N. 395 pressure groups 1089, 1678 see also functionaries; party, ofcials; trade unions Preto, R. 350 PRI (Partito Repubblicano Italiano) 229, 244, 254, 256, 263, 267 Prieto, I. 418 primary sector 349, 500, 506, 50910, 514, 520 Finland 64, 723, 79 France 100, 107, 124 Germany 14962 Italy 231, 235 Netherlands 285, 2989 Norway 3237, 329 Spain 4423, 445, 447, 44950, 452, 4545 United Kingdom 461 n., 473, 479 see also agriculture; rural; peasantry; tenant farmers Primo de Rivera, J. A. 38299, 403, 418, 429 professional: convergence model 67 n. inheritance 28991 politicians 212, 494, 503 4, 507, 517; Denmark 30; Finland 62; France 111, 129; Germany 190; Hungary 2056, 218, 221; Italy 244, 251, 257; Netherlands 299, 307; Spain 393, 411, 421 professionalization 22 and democratization 491523; developments 50518; patterns of change 494 6 Denmark 44 Finland 76, 84 France 92, 114, 11620, 1278, 135
Peoples Democratic Party (PPD) 3557, 366 Peoples League 142 Peoples Party 202 n. Pereira, J. P. 349 Pest 200 Petzina, D. 159 pharmacists 349, 378, 3923, 41216, 420, 4267 Philippines 373 physicians, see doctors Piedmont 2267, 230, 2413, 260 n., 262, 508 PLD (Partido Liberal Demcreta) 406, 422, 426 PLI (Partito Liberale Italiano) 254, 263, 267 Plucknett, T. F. T. 468 plurality system 146, 198, 229, 263, 344, 483 n. see also suffrage plural-member districts 2723, 295, 344 see also suffrage PNE (Partido Nacionalista Espaol) 430 PNV, see Partido Nacionalista Vasco pocket boroughs 464 see also suffrage Poitiers, rue de 93 n. Poland/Polish 148, 176 Politburo 21617 politicization 78, 139 Pollman, K. E. 141 Polsby, N. 30 n., 35 Pomerania 176 Ponemereo, R. 19 Popular Front: Italian 247, 259 n. Spanish 407, 418, 4235, 434 Porch, D. 355 Porritt, E. 470 Portela 426 Porto 344, 360 Portugal 19, 34166, 507 1852 constitution 342 n. democratization and changing recruitment 3646 during constitutional monarchy 3427 Estado Novo (19261974) 3504 Legislative Chamber 3501, 353 limited suffrage 34254, 510 occupational background 356, 359, 494, 5089, 514 Republican elite (19101926) 34750 Second Republic (19761988) 35664 transformation, elite to mass representation 35464; Revolution of Carnations (19741975) 3412 Portuguese Assembly of the Republic 357, 360
Index
Germany 163, 1668, 176, 188 Hungary 199, 207, 21924 Italy 24658, 260, 2656; in decline 2616 Netherlands 308 Norway 329, 3337 Portugal 3412, 3567, 359, 3615 Spain 382 United Kingdom 48810 professors, see teachers Progresistas 4056, 426, 433 Progress Party (Anders Langes Parti/Frammskrittspartiet) 31617 Progressive Party (Partido do Progresso) 343 proportional representation 14, 198, 310, 344, 472 Finland 567, 71 France 95, 115 Germany 145, 1478, 156, 179, 182 Italy 2278, 244, 263 Netherlands 272, 278, 294, 296, 3023 Spain 397, 437 see also suffrage protest elections 789 Protestants: Germany 1479, 1789 Hungary 203 n., 211 Netherlands 2778, 28091, 293 4, 297, 299, 304 Norway 31829 Provincial Councils (Netherlands) 271, 276, 305 PRP (Partido Republicano Portugues) 348, 366 PRS (Partido Radical Socialista) 419, 4212, 425 Prussia 14050, 16970, 176, 1801, 384 PS (French Socialist Party) 90, 935, 11215, 11819, 123, 12635 PS (Partido Socialista) 3578, 366 PSD (Partido Social-Democrata) 3578, 366 PSDI (Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano) 254, 263, 268 PSI (Partito Socialista Italiano) 249, 253 4, 256, 258, 263, 268 PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Espaol): post-Franco 4378, 441, 443, 446, 449, 453; Republic 40413, 415, 41718, 4214, 429, 4324; Restoration 374, 397, 4012 PSUC (Partido Socialista Unicado de Catalua) 424, 430 n. Public Prosecutors 2978 see also abogados del Estato public sector 500, 504, 50911, 514, 51720, 522
543
Denmark 30, 44 Finland 523, 602, 65, 76, 7980, 83 4 France 102, 1089, 11213, 117, 128, 132 3 Germany 140, 150, 156, 162, 16975, 18890 Hungary 218 Italy 231, 234, 237, 2445, 251, 257, 2602, 265 Netherlands 275, 297, 307 Norway 316, 323, 3313, 336, 339 Portugal 346 Spain 437 United Kingdom 484 Pudal, B. 117 n., 123 Puerta del Sol 382 n. Pujol, J. 453 Purple coalition 279 Putnam, R. D. 2, 1618, 36, 180, 524 PvDA (Labour Party) 278 Queipo de Llano, G. G. 41819 Race Protectionist Party 210 Radical Democratic Party 202 n., 433 Radical Parties: Hungary 212 Italy 229 n., 244 Spain: Republic 402 n., 40413, 41723, 4257, 4323; Restoration 374, 383, 393, 401 Radical Socialists (RS) 4067, 40911, 4223, 4323 Rae, D. 437 n. Rally for the Republic (RPR) 115 Ramirez, V. 437 n. Ramrez Jimnez, M. 425 Rantala, O. 52, 60, 74 Ranzato, G. 382 RC (Partitio della Rifondazione Comunista) 268 Rebenstorf, H. 177 recruitment 13, 68, 213, 494507, 512, 51618 Denmark 302, 35, 3940; geographical 379 Finland 6870, 72, 82, 84 France 112; changing patterns 12430; common features 11624; differences between parties 1305 function 916, 4935; gender bias 519 Germany 138, 1409; public service employees 16973; qualities and qualications 1739 Italy 2478, 252, 255, 257 Netherlands 277, 292, 303; education 2913; geographical representation
544
Index
Representation of the People Acts (UK, 1832, 1867, 1884, 1918, 1928) 465 Republic of the Seven United Dutch Provinces 280, 299 Republican Conservatives (PRC) 406, 410, 413, 417, 426, 433 Republicans: Italian 229 n., 244, 254 Spanish 393, 397, 401, 405 Rpublique parlementaire 94 Restauration Impriale 93 Richez, A. 88 n. Ricol, L. 263 n. Riddell, P. 199, 487 Right: Italy 230, 2403, 248 Spain 3902, 396, 405 see also Conservatives; Destra storica Right Liberals 164, 426 Catholic religion 285 education 589, 967, 2313, 2802 female legislators 63, 99, 235, 284 France 93, 113, 134 Italy 229 n., 247 leading party position 62, 98, 234, 283 occupation 639, 99105, 23440, 284 9 political experience 61; local politics 60, 98, 233, 283; mean age 70, 105, 241, 290; mean number of elections 70, 106, 241, 290; newcomers 71, 106, 242, 291; party and pressure group ofcials 68, 104, 240, 289 Right Republicans (Radicals) 417 Ritter, G. A. 139, 144, 1468, 164 RKSP (Roman Catholic State Party) 277 Rodezno, Count 435 Rohe, K. 1478 Rhrich, W. 182 Rokkan, S. 15, 1718, 45, 180, 307 Norway 31015, 324 Roman Catholics, see Catholicism Romanones, Count 435 Rome 227 Romeo, R. 237 Rommi, P. 52 Rosa, M. 423 Rosas, F. 3512 Ross, J. F. S. 75, 472 rotativismo 3423, 3467 Rotschild, J. 202 n. rotten boroughs 468 see also suffrage Royal Commission on Public Schools (UK, 1864) 481 n. RPR (Rassemblement pour la Rpublique) 115, 11819, 127, 12930, 1345
recruitment (cont): 2947; nobility and patriciate 2808; occupational background 2979; political experience 299300; professional inheritance 28991; religion 293 4 Norway 320; political professionalization 3337 patterns 36, 3045 Portugal 351, 356; changing 3646; political professionalization 361 4 Spain 382, 441 transformation: political modernization 51823 United Kingdom 4612, 467, 472, 484, 490 see also ascription; class; education; occupational background; professionalization Redondela, S. de la 3856 Reform Communists 220 Reformation 468 Reformed Church 293 n. Reformista 393, 401, 426 Regenerator Party (Partido Regenerador) 343 regenten 281, 292, 298 regime stability 1718, 510 Regionalists 79, 148, 484 education 4723 occupation 4727 political experience 474, 47910 Spain 374, 3867, 3907, 405, 443, 453 see also Basque Country; Catalonia registradores 41316 Reichspartei 170, 395 Reichstag 13948, 174, 17883, 1869 elite structure 18, 110 occupational background 14950, 153, 1568, 1617, 1703 and Weimar Republic 407 religion 14, 17, 422 education 134, 278 Germany 134, 140, 154, 172, 1779 Netherlands 2778, 285, 293 4, 3067 Renovacin Espaola 406, 41617, 4223, 42830, 435 Renvall, P. 51 representation 49, 5034, 5067, 510 consolidation 4912 Denmark 45 Finland 524 France 1078 Germany 1616 and mass democracy 51618 Spain 3968 see also female; gender
Index
RS (Radical Socialists) 4089, 41113, 4223, 4323 Rudai, R. 203, 2056 Rudelle, O. 94 Rugby 481 n. Ruz Manjn, O. 426 Rule, W. 71 run-offs 1456, 198, 227, 272, 403 see also suffrage rural: communities 38, 383, 487; Finland 57, 60; Germany 146, 156, 180; Portugal 353, 35960 elites 345, 361, 496, 521 masses 43, 314, 328, 3489, 351, 354 representation 32, 114, 149, 242, 484 see also agriculture Russia 506, 60, 66, 74, 83 Russo-Japanese War (19045) 56 SA (Sturmabteilung) 182 Saar territory 142 Saarinen, A. 57 Sagasta, P. M. 372, 374, 377 n., 379, 382, 386 St Pauls school 481 n. St Petersburg 54 Sinz de Varanda, R. 371 n. salary, see allowances Salazar, A. O. 342, 3501, 353 4 San Jernimo 427 Snchez Agesta, L. 371 n. Snchez de los Santos, M. 3856 Sapelli, G. 345 n. Sardinia 226, 229, 262 Sartori, G. 3, 7, 14, 226 n., 491 Savoy 2267 Scheuch, E. K. 173 Scheuch, U. 173 Schleswig 141 n., 142 Schleth, U. 8 Schmitter, P. 3534 School of Commercial Studies 426 Schrder, W. H. 167 Schultze, R.-O. 143 Schumpeter, J. A. 3, 163 4 scientists 2056, 293, 419 Scotland 464 Scottish Parliament 467 see also United Kingdom Scotti-Rosin, M. 353 SDAP (Social Democratic Workers Party) 2779, 292 n., 299, 3045 Second International 124 secret ballot 471 secretarial allowance 488 secularism 134, 422
545
SEDES (Sociedade de Estudos para o Deseuvoloimento Econmico e Social) 356, 366 Sedgwick, R. 470, 485 Seip, J. A. 311 Seipel, I. 420 selectorates 1112, 1415 self-employed 117, 126, 129, 21012, 355 see also free professions Senate: France 92, 107, 125 n. Italy 2267 Netherlands 299300 Spain 3745, 3945 seniority 26, 35, 263 n., 355 Germany 140, 1867 Norway 3378 separation of powers 496, 5223 service sector 44, 53, 501 Seville Congress 448 sex discrimination 472 SFIO (Socialist Party) 115, 128, 130 Shaw, M. 462, 488 Sheehan, J. 163 Shills, E. A. 291 n. shipowners 377 n., 378, 392, 394 shopkeepers 123, 133, 251, 355, 420 Shrewsbury 481 n. Silbey, J. H. 2 Silesia 142, 176 Silvera 398 single-member constituencies 14, 310, 344 France (arrondissements) 91, 115 Germany 1457 Hungary 198, 217 Italy 227, 263 Netherlands 2723, 295 Spain 382, 403 see also suffrage single-party majority government 489 Sinistra storica 229, 2345 education 2313 occupation 23440 political experience 233, 2402 Skocpol, T. 3 Slovenia 141 smallholders 211, 222, 513 Smallholders Party 210, 21315 Smith, J. 465 n. Sobral, J. M. 343, 3456 Social Democrat Parties: Denmark 323, 41, 457 education 589, 1501 female legislators 63, 154 Finland 52, 64, 69, 72 4, 778, 84 France 93 n. Hungary 196, 202 n., 20910, 21215
546
Index
Reform Acts (1832, 1867, 1884) 463, 465, 469, 481 Republic (19311936) 40236; party proles 42231; political problems 4027; turnover and incumbency 4314 Restoration (18761923) 37385, 508; political elites 3759, 38596, 398 402; representation 3968 Spanish Civil War (19369) 404, 419, 4234, 4346 Spanish General Electric 417 Spanish-American War (1898) 373, 384, 386 SPD (German Social Democratic Party) 1459, 154, 161 4, 16779, 182, 1856, 190 Speaker of the House 486 split tickets 115 Sprague, J. D. 67 n. Squire, P. 184 SS (Schutz Staffel) 182 SSRB (Senior Salaries Review Body) 490 Staatsnation 169 Stannage, T. 472 Staten-Generaal 270, 295, 305 Statoil 316 Statuto Albertino 226, 229 Steinmetz, G. 1389 Stenius, H. 54, 56 Stenton, M. 470 Stepan, A. 220 Stewart, R. 462 students 356, 358 Sturzo, L. 420 Surez, A. 436, 4434 suffrage 17, 14, 21, 496, 50713, 521, 5245 Denmark 314 Finland 52, 71, 82; female 5860; universal 50, 56, 65, 73 France 120; female 91, 114; male 901, 95; universal 89, 110, 135 Germany 13940, 1435; female 177, 189; male 1401, 151, 181; universal 143, 149 Hungary 1978, 200, 210 Italy 2278, 2301, 2426, 258, 266 Netherlands 2715, 2789, 294, 297, 3026; female 272, 275; male 272, 279, 287, 292; universal 273, 275, 278, 292, 296, 303, 305 Norway 31011 Portugal 34254; universal 341, 344, 355, 358 Spain 379, 382, 384; female 371, 373, 423; male 3725; universal 372, 382 United Kingdom 463, 467 SUF(m-e)V (Communists) 313 Sulkunen, I. 58
Social Democrat Parties (cont): leading party position 62, 153 Netherlands 2779, 292 n., 299, 3045 occupation 639, 153, 1559 political experience 601, 68, 701, 152, 15860 see also PSD; PSDI; SPD Social Democratic Parliamentary Party 153 Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP) 52, 64, 69, 724, 778, 84 Social Democratic Party (PSD) 3578, 366 social sciences 66, 80, 132, 175, 250, 497 Socialist Parties: education 967, 2313, 2802, 31819 female legislators 99, 235, 284, 321 Germany 146, 148 Hungary 222 Italy 2323, 2408, 255, 257, 259, 266 leading party position 98, 234, 283 Netherlands 276, 2835, 28891, 303, 3068 Norway 313, 320, 3269, 332 occupation 99105, 234 40, 2849, 3217 political experience: France 98, 1046; Italy 233, 2402; Netherlands 283, 28991; Norway 320, 3269 Portugal 3557, 364 Spain: post-Franco 443, 4467; Republic 404, 406, 423; Restoration 374, 383, 393, 3978, 401 see also Labour Parties; PS Socialist Peoples Party (Sosialistisk Folkeparti) 313, 315 Socialistic Left (Sosialistisk Venstreparti) 316 Solidaritat Catalana 387 Solidarit rpublicaine 93 Somit, A. 34 Sonderweg 138, 140, 18791 Sopron 213 Sosialistisk Folkeparti 313, 315 Sotelo, C. 406 Southern Europe 17 Southern Italy 2267, 230, 2423, 246, 2602, 266 Soviet Union 75, 213, 215 SP (Senterpartiet) 313 Spain 19, 345 n., 371 456, 507 constitutions (1812, 1869, 1876) 3712, 3745, 379 post-Franco democracy (19771996) 43656; general prole of deputies 43743; groups and parties 44356; transition to democracy 4367 recruitment 492; education 4212, 507, 513, 515; occupation 41221, 510, 512, 515
Index
SV (Sosialistik Venstreparti) 313 Svsand, L. 330 SVT (Suomen virallinen tilasto) 53, 80 Sweden 34, 45 n., 51, 317 Swedish Party 52 Swedish Peoples Party 70, 73 Swedish Social Democratic Party 361 Switzerland 145 Syndicalists 424 SZDSZ (Alliance of Free Democrats) 2201, 2234 Tcito 444 n. Talkkari, A. 84 Tarchi, M. 266 Tardieu, A. 2 Tarkiainen, T. 57 n., 779 taxation 149, 314 teachers and professors 500502, 522 Denmark 404, 47 Finland 51, 61, 67, 80 France 103, 1089, 1223, 126, 128, 1313 Germany 157, 16970, 1735 Hungary 2047, 214, 218, 221 Italy 2301, 236, 239, 2445, 251 Netherlands 288, 2913, 298, 306 Norway 322, 325, 3312, 336 Portugal 343, 3456, 349, 352, 356, 3589 Spain: post-Franco 437, 4413, 445, 44750, 452, 4546; Republic 40819, 4212, 4246, 42830, 4345; Restoration 376, 37910, 394 United Kingdom 4689, 478, 480, 484 tenant farmers 52, 57, 61, 73 see also agriculture Tezanos, J. F. 446 n. theology degree 59, 66, 80, 232, 282, 2923 Thibaudet, A. 109 Thibault, J.-L. 493 Thomas, J. A. 472, 479 Thompson, M. S. 2 Thorbecke, J. R. 298, 304 Thorbecke ministry 284 Thorne, R. G. 470 Thorsen, S. 40 Thurber, J. 2 Tiihonen, S. 76, 80 Tisza, K. 197 TNA (Temporary National Assembly) 21314 Tocqueville, A. 4 Tombor, L. 21415 Torgersen, U. 315 totalitarianism, see authoritarian regimes trade unions 13, 502, 51517, 522 Denmark 40, 47 Finland 57, 612, 72, 801, 84
547
France 109, 125 Germany 145, 164, 1668, 175 Hungary 21213 Italy 245, 2512 n., 260 Netherlands 2989, 306 Norway 31415, 317, 3289, 335 Portugal 353 Spain 374, 403 4, 4201, 425, 428, 434, 443 n. United Kingdom 470, 482, 4889 see also blue-collar workers; pressure groups; UGT Tradicionalistas: Republic 4046, 414, 41617, 4213, 4289, 435 Restoration 376, 378, 381, 397, 401 transformations: elite 22; Denmark 30, 33 4, 39, 47; Netherlands 3005; Portugal 3427, 35464 institutional 6, 51823 social 4, 36, 1247 see also democratization; professionalization Transylvania 211 travel allowances 488 Treaty of Vergara (1840) 372 Treaty on European Union (1992) 317 TSRB (Top Salaries Review Body) 489 10 turno pacico 3823 turnout 6, 14, 45, 228 Finland 72, 75 Germany 1434, 146, 164 Spain 373, 436 turnover 21, 505 6, 51213 Denmark 356 Finland 701, 74, 767, 79 France 1023, 11112, 11819 Germany 1401, 1836 Hungary 208, 21819 Italy 232, 243, 2489, 256, 265 Netherlands 3012 Portugal 3645 Spain 3989, 431 4, 439, 449 United Kingdom 461, 485 see also incumbency Tusell, J. 404, 4067, 41819 two-party system 148, 462, 489 UCD (Unin de Centro Democrtico) 4379, 441, 4435, 448, 453, 456 UDCA (Union de Dfense desertication Commerants et Artisans) 130 UDF (Union for French Democracy) 115, 11819, 12930, 1345 UDP (Uniao Democrtica Popular) 366
548
Index
UR (Unin Republicana) 406, 415, 41718, 4225, 427, 432 urban areas 57, 146, 207, 242 Denmark 434, 47 Norway 314, 328 Portugal 345, 34850, 354, 35961 urbanization 114, 139, 188, 3245 Uriarte, E. 439 n., 441 Utrecht 295 Uusitalo, H. 55 Uyl, D. 300 V (Venstre) 31213 Valencia 375, 387, 389 Varela, S. 403 Venetian League 262 Ventosa 384 Versailles Treaty (1919) 142 veterinarians 392, 41216 Viance Pampin, A. 402 n. Vicen Vives, J. 377 n. Vichy rgime 89 Victor Emanuel II 229 Vidigal, L. 341 n., 345, 347, 349 Vienna 2002 Congress 280 Vizcaya 424 Vogel, B. 143 Volkskammer 143, 183 von Armin, H. H. 173 von Beyme, K. 89, 142 4, 147, 361 Wales 387, 465 National Assembly 467 see also United Kingdom Waris, H. 53 weak party organization 279, 361 Weber, M. 3, 334, 511, 5234 France 106, 116 Germany 163, 166 Netherlands 291 n., 292 Weege, W. 141 Wehler, H.-U. 139, 142, 162, 170, 175 Weimar Republic 139, 1428, 15461, 16476, 17990, 407 party and pressure group ofcials 517, 523 welfare state 1, 128, 306, 489, 504, 518 Denmark 34, 44 Finland 50, 7881 Germany 165, 173, 189 Norway 31415, 318, 331 Wertman, D. 249 West Germany 149, 176, 178 Westminster 481 n. Wheeler, L. 3479 Whigs, see Liberal Parties, United Kingdom
UDR (Union for the Defence of the Republic) 115 UGT (Unin General de Trabajadores) 397, 404, 408, 420 Ullmann, H.-P. 161 Unamuno, M. 418 unemployment 80 n., 314, 331 Uniao Nacional (National Union) 350, 366 Uni Democrtica de Catalunya 453 Uni Socialista de Catalunya 424 Unin Catlica 374 Union for the New Republic (UNR) 115 Unin Monrquica 405 Union Republicans (UR) 406, 415, 41718, 4225, 427, 432 United Kingdom 16, 1920, 145, 314, 374, 399, 46390 education 495, 507, 515 gender differences 58, 439, 441 n., 499, 519 institutional structure 498, 507, 510, 522 occupational background 481, 499503, 50612, 51415, 521 opportunity structures 46411 political experience 498, 5024 professionalization 48410, 494 transformations 95, 109, 47084, 513 United Left (IU) 438, 441, 443, 4512 United States 30 n., 145, 345 n., 361, 387 gender roles 578, 439 lawyers 66, 166 war with Spain (1898) 373, 384, 386 Unity Party 21011 university education 14, 49910, 5069, 51518 Denmark 31, 39, 42 Finland 66 France 109, 11213, 1289, 131 Germany 169, 1724, 190 Hungary 215 Italy 238, 242, 2501, 254, 2602, 265 Netherlands 292, 303, 3067 Norway 334 Spain 375 United Kingdom 484 University of Coimbra 349, 351 upper class 508, 51315 Denmark 312, 39 Finland 545, 73, 757, 82 France 124, 134 Italy 237, 245, 252, 254 Netherlands 301, 3056 Portugal 3489 see also aristocracy; patriciate; landownership; nobility Upper House (Hungary) 200, 203 Upper House (Landsting) 33, 46
Index
white-collar employees 44, 114, 482 Portugal 3556 Spain 4089, 412, 424, 435, 44255 see also free professions wholesalers 392, 394 Wiarda, H. J. 353 Wilhelminian Empire 139, 1438, 1667, 170, 174, 1826, 18990 William I of Netherlands 270, 281 William II of Netherlands 271 William III of England 468 William III of Netherlands 271 Winchester 481 n. women, see female working class 14, 498, 506, 516, 518, 525 Denmark 32, 45, 47 Finland 545, 64 France 97, 10910, 123, 125, 135 Germany 139, 1645, 167, 1745, 182 Hungary 2056, 21516 Italy 252, 254 Netherlands 299 Norway 330 Portugal 3489, 351, 353, 355, 358 Spain 373, 448, 453; Republic 403, 40911, 421, 425, 42930, 435 United Kingdom 462, 466, 469, 4768, 4823 see also blue-collar workers; industrial workers; trade unions
549
World War One (19141918) 94, 142, 208, 480, 51011, 519 and Italy 244, 248, 266 and Spain 3734 World War Two (19391945) 15, 29, 84, 142, 266, 338 and the Netherlands 279, 302, 304 writers 104, 239, 326, 478 Finland 53, 68 Germany 158, 1678 Hungary 2057, 221 Portugal 345, 356, 359 Spain 378, 3923, 41218, 422, 4259, 4345 Yearbook of the Dutch Nobility (1903) 281 n. Yearbook of the Dutch Patriciate (1910) 281 n. Ylikangas, H. 67 Young Finnish Party 52, 72 youth associations 57 Ysmal, C. 128 Zamora, N. A. 401 Zapf, W. 175 Zaragoza 402 n., 424 Zealand 295 Zentrum (German Catholic Centre Party) 420 Zollparlament 141, 181

Best, Cotta - 2000 - Parliamentary Representatives (Desprotegido)

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Best, Cotta - 2000 - Parliamentary Representatives (Desprotegido)

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CONTENTS

Detours to Modernity: Long-Term Trends of Parliamentary Recruitment in Republican France 1848-1999

Belated Professionalization of Parliamentary Elites: Hungary 18481999

Continuity and Change: Legislative Recruitment in the United Kingdom 18681999

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

a. The simple scheme

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Fig. 1.2. The data model

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Appendix: DATA CUBE Coding Instructions

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

Elite Transformation and Representation

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