-

Mov' ng- on in their "analysis" they see our univ

ersities as having been taken over by the business
and militar.y esctablishments lock, and bar
rel ....they sayour universities are devoted to-the-:'
present and future domination ofthe people of
theworld - both inVietnam and in our urball
Obvious(X they live in a world of fan- .
fasy .-J(athanM. 'PKS!j

Being a total critique of Harvard University, in
cluding: .New Liberated Documents; Government .. '
The Educational Process Exposed;
Strike &a Tree Power Chart.
Published by A.RrG. and The'Old..Mole'
HOY HARVARD RULES ...
Through Corporate Power .. .
3
By Serving the Empire .. .
1 1
In League wlth the C.I.A .... 27
By Collaborating with the Pentagon ... 35
And Training National Elites .. . 55
Through Harvardizing the Mind .. . 67
Our Conclusions: 82
"If you're not part of the solution, you're part of
the problem." --- Eldridge Cleaver
THE AND R-.ULED-
Harvard University, as the following pages demonstrate, is
qn ivory tower: an ivory tower atop a castle which is part of a
kingdom which, in turn, directs a far-reaching empire. What was
long ago clear to the business and political directors of "Amer
ican Civ." is today clear to everybody else: American universities-
including their historic and elite quintessence, Harvard -- are
no ethereal communities of scnolars. The proverbial absent-minded
professors, the archive rats, the bohemians, and the assorted
academic odd-balls who are still found on numerous campuses are
only the sad but noble remnants of an utterly shattered classical
bourgeois ideal of Universitas. Today, far from being cut off from
the "real world outside," American universities are absolutely central
components of the social system of technological warfare-welfare
capitalism. The functions, goals, structure, and organization of
the universities are directly and indirectly determined by the needs
and perspectives of that social system.
Thus it is not really surprising to find that the members of
universities ' ruling bodies are simultaneously corporation and bank
directors, state functionaries and military chiefs . Nor is it sur
prising universities not only tend increasingly to look like,
but actually are key centers of business and military activity.
further, is lt particularly amazing that daily life in nearly
all universities is bureaucratized, fragmented, mechanized, and
mechanical; and that it reproduces itself in the new directors,
service personnel, and consumers it "educates."
To certain, American universities, particularly Harvard,
do not contain the systematic and coordinated terror and regimentation
of military barracks, concentration camps, or industrial factories.
Universities are, most of them, "liberal institutions." This is true
in the sense that they are parts of the theory and practice of liberal
corporate capitalism whose contemporary historical role began with the
Open Door policy in Asia at the turn of the century and .Wilson's make
the-world-safe-for-democracy intervention against social revolution
in Russia and Eastern Europe. It is also true in the sense that uni
versities do indeed function as forums of intellectual debate, dissent,
and critical thinking. To equate this latter set of facts with "the
University," however, is to confuse a part with the whole -- the , whole
which students are educated to be blind to. For one of the central
functions of theforum-dialogue-criticism aspect-of the university
is to weave a democratic veil which enshrouds a concentrated, highly
organized, and totally undemocratic system of wealth and power. From
the point of view of the university as a structure of and control,
debate, dissent, and criticism are healthy and productive only so long
they the power structure untouched. This is a system of
dual power in ,one side has no power. It is the truth of the
ph ra s e: "the mar k e t p 1 ace 0 f ide as," i n w hie hide a sand me n 0 f ide a s
are transfOrmed into commodities.
If a premium is placed on originality the main thrust of this
booklet regarding who rules Harvard and how Harvard rules is not
strikingly original. It does, however, contain a number of rather
interesting disclosures. It documents the extent to which broad and
crucial sectors of Harvard's scholars are dedicated to and actively
pursue not but the truth of American capital and empire. It
delineates the process by which innumerable vaunted men of knowledge
are bought, packaged, and distributed to carry out state and
tion business at home and abroad. The booklet also contains the
already much ' talked about liberated documents. The crime involv'ed
in taking them from the files of the administration building tha
criminal story the documents tell; it is a story of the cynical
manipulation not merely of students, teachers, science and knowledge,
but of entire cultures ,and societies.
Further, the booklet characterizes and locates the actual
centers and points of power within the "Harvard complex" and the
hierarchic network through which this power is mediated. It also
depicts how Harvard expansion -- Harvardization -- moves not only
outward into Cambridge, South America, Asia but also inward,
via texts, lectures, and transmitted habits and styles, into the
minds and bodies of faculty and students.
The meanings and of the facts presented are probed
only initially in the following pages. The facts are also being
initially probed by their victims, at home and abroad. The picture
that is sketched here is an aspect of a totality that consists in
essense of technologized-bureaucratized capitalism and the negative
forces it is generating out of itself. The upheaval and strike at
Harvard is a meager detail in this development. This means not only
that the strike is small in the global context. It also means that
the strike's manifest content is dwarfed by its own latent content.
The public arrogance of a Nathan Pusey expresses what arrogance
has always expressed: anxiety. And President Pusey is not alone. To
its surprise, modern capitalism is discovering the results of its
rape of the globe: the globe is in revolt against the rapist. Shocked,
the commodity system, now in the over-developed stage of mass
tion, notices that it is mass-producing revolutionaries. In utter .
confusion, the experts perceive that the machinery is turning out
of individuals who are turning against the machines. In horror,
the ruling class , catches not only blacks and peasants, but also its
own sons and daughters in the sights of its big guns.
2
Corporate Power and the Power of the Corporation
The Harvard represented by the university administration des
cribes itself as a business enterprise, a corporation. That this
description is more than a figure of is not only experienced
every student in his relation to the "channels of power" but is
established in the formal structure of these channels. The corpo
rate form clothes a corporate content: not just in Harvard's pri
mary purpose as servitor of corporate capital, but in its conduct
in relation to the community that surrounds it. It is only fitting
that on its board of directors sit the kind of men who are to . be
found in the interlocking directorate which runs the top ranks of
American business, and that they see to it that one of Harvard's
first priorities is the education of the power elite.
Owners and Managers

The Harvard Corporation, according to the General Catalogue,
constitutes
.. the principal governing board of the university, sub
ject only to the consent of the Board of Overseers. All
the property of every department of the University stands
in their name; every faculty is subject to their authori
ty; all changes in policy or in the University statutes
require their consent; all degrees are voted and all ap
pointments are made by them.
The Corporation is self-perpetuating (when a member dies or
resigns his successor is chosen by the others) and has seven
members: the President (Nathan Pusey), the Treasurer (George
Frederick Bennett). and five other Fellows (who are William
Luke Marbury, Richmond Keith Kane, Hugh Calkins, Francis Mardon
Burr, Albert Lindsay Nickerson). These men are not the businessmen
pure and simple to be found on the governing boards of other univer
sities; typically lawyers by profession, they are the kind of men
who may be called pillars of the Establishment. However, as this
Establishment rests on the power of capital, it is not surprising to
find that these Fellows together hold 3 presidential positions, 3
trusteeships, and 24 directorships (including one chair), for a total
of 30 corporate positions, 15 of them in finance -- which is not bad
for seven men. The power of the Corporation looms large enough
in the University for us to describe in some detail the various
positions these men hold; this information will be found in the
enclosed chart.
The chart also contains information on the Board of Over
seers, since formally He Corporation does its work with the ..
approval of the Board. The Board consists of the Presiderit and
the Treasurer, ex officio, and thirty men holding
elected at the rate of 5 a year by Harvard alumni. perhaps be-
c a use i tis 1 e s sin- grow nth ant he Cor p 0 rat ion, ,i tis. not uit e
as homogeneous a group. While the Corporation meets every two
weeks the academic year, the Overseers get together only .
eight times a year; they tend to have a somewhat ceremonial . role,
compared to Corporation's. The latter staffs committees to
study numerous problems, and are representatives and guardians of
3
the virtues which in their eyes it is Harvard's mission to up
hold. Yet, as the chart shows, the Overseers and Fellows are
of one class. "Among the thirty elected members there are 4
chairmanships, 12 executive positions, and 84 directorships in
corporations -- 17 of these positions are involved with financial
institutions." 1
While these two bodies hold final power in the university,
they do not directly manage its production of "scholarship" and ,
" s c h 0,1 ar s " . The i r r ole i s rat her to "make sur e i tis be i n gsa tis
factori ly managed" ; "trustees should make policy but not administer
it. "2 , They have no need to control every nook and cranny of Har
vard's life; but they see to it that the problems the class they
represent needs to have solved become the problems the university
works on, as we shall see in the pages that follow.
Of course, Harvard's dedication to keeping the world safe for
"free" enterprise, and its students safe from seditious ideas, is
not to be explained as a simple function of the domination of its
supreme administrative bodies by men of the ruling class. The ideo
logy which the bulk of the Faculty shares and propagates (largely
to its profit, in the form of contracts and research grants), the
Alumni's fondness for the status and the inertia which is one
of the chief values of bureaucracy all work to keep the university
running along that track which we must imagine the Corporation and
Overseers desire .. It is precisely this ability of the American ca
pitalist class through a multitude of forms to impose its problems
on the university and make them the university's problems that has
led us to challenge the Harvard administration. The sequel will
demonstrate in some detail the extent to which the administration's
work is the supervision of the business elite's intellectual af
fa i rs .
Fathers and Sons
Educate, and save ourselves and our families
and our money from mobs.
--Henry Lee Higginson, Benefactor of Harvard,
in a fund-raising 1886
The reproduction of the ruling class of a growing empire must
for the expansion of that class; thus Higginson goes on to
say that he "would have the aentlemen of this country lead the new
men, who are trying to become gentlemen ... " Hioqinson would
find today's Harvard all that he wished it to be in 1886.
A survey conducted during 19?7-68 revealed that the median
family income in the College is almost $18,000, or more than 2 1/2
times the national figure. Average income comes close to $37,000.
(The source for all the information on Harvard students in Fair
!iarvard.) Tuition and board costs are so hfgh that even scholarship
lLoewen, Seder, Labaree, Fair Harvard, p. 27. This excellent study
from most of this section is drawn, is well worth consultina
for the details it gives about Harvard's rulers and their will. '
2Morton Rauh, Colleae and University Trusteeship, Yellow Springs
(Ohio): 1959, p. 17.
4
students come from families with median incomes of $9200. In other
words, rising costs and the failure of scholarships to keep pace
have kept Harvard a rich man's school.
Coordinated with the financial mechanisms which
against poor students are conscious admissions policies giving pre
ference to alumni sons and prep school graduates. Every year about
20% of the entering class are alumni sons and 40% are prep school
graduates. This policy was justified in clear class terms in an
article by former Dean Bender in Harvard Today of February 1958:
... I hope and bel ieve that Harvard sons wi 11 always have
a preference as they do now. This is not just a matter of
sentiment or even self-interest. It is based on the belief
that in a too rootless world inheritance and nurture mean
something.
In an article in the Harvard Alumni Bulletin of Sept. 30,1961, Bender
points out that to admit only the brightest applicants would break
the time-honored link between Harvard and national leadership and
weaken Harvard's influence and prominence as an institution.
After all, he questioned, "what kinds of careers would this intel
lectually elite student body tend to follow after College? ... "
Harvard has produced more than its share of scholars and
but it has also produced more than its share of
outstanding men of affairs, men of power, lawyers and busi
and politicians. Would Harvard's influence on the
world be lessened or changed undesirably if the stream of m
men going out from the Yard to business or politics Qarrowed
to a trickle?
The answer is quite clear to those for whom Harvard must
remain a training school for needed elites. According to a
survey of 50,913 Harvard graduates done in 1968 by the Alumni
Bulletin, the median income is $20,000; 9% are in Who's Who,
15% in the Social Register and 23% are trustees of non-profit
institutions (an honor which has become a reliable index of
power and influence in America today); 50% are Republicans;
10% have run for political office at the local level and 7 out
of 10 of those had been elected. Harvard must continue to
men like this to nourish and defend the system that
nourishes and defends it.
What's Good for Harvard is Good for the Greater Boston Area
No institution of this size and with this purpose can
be neutral about its environment. If it should act vi
gorously to secure land, erect buildings, and shape
events, it will impose, however laudable its intentions,
its preferences on others who may not share them.
The Wilson Report
It is in the management of Harvard's business affairs that the
governors of the corporation come into their own, and Harvard's cor
porate nature is most clearly visible. In its relationship to the
people live and work around it the Corporation clearly puts Har
vard's interest above all others.
5
There is in their as indeed in reality, no conflict
between their responsibility to Harvard and to the Nation (at .
least as representedby what is now called the military-industrial
complex.) Both merge in Harvard's role iri the current effort to
transform Cambridge from a largely blue-collar employing mal,ufactu
ring city into "a foremost centre for training highly specialized
technicians. for carrying out government and private
and tor the latest technologies in lucrative private
industries." In this process Harvard shares the work and the
profits with MIT: merely the adaptation of the "knowledge indus
try" to the age of the trust.
The process began with the development of the Route 128
-electronics complex, based on defence contracting. In Cambridge
itself, a number of new buildings and projects are already underway:
the tax-exempt NASA complex in Kendall Square will eventually
employ about 1,500 "professional, technical, and administrativ.e
personnel." Across from the NASA si te is "Tech Square" whi ch
replaced a Lever Brothers plant and some housing. It will house
naval and air force research projects and other such tenants as
IBM. A sister to "Tech Square" is also being planned whose
tenants will be limited to "prestige" research and development
businesses. These are only some of the new research industries that
are flocking to Cambridge to reap the benefits of proximity to
Harvard and MIT which supply the brain voltage required to run
them.
Development will require the displacement of existing homes
(most land in Cambridge is now devoted to housing) to make room
for the big installations and to build new housing for the ex
panding community of students, faculty, and professionals. Of
course the 'workers who live here have no voice in the planning
of new Cambridge. Instead we see the appointment by President
Pusey of an "Assistant for Community Affairs" and the work of the
Wilson Committee on the University and the City, which recommends
above all new committees to study "urban problems". In fact the
man now responsible for University relations with the community,
Harvard Vice-President L.Gard Wiggins, divides his time between
that role and sitting on the board of the Harvard Trust Company.
In addition Harvard cooperated with MIT and other large businesses
to set up the Cambridge Corporation, "designed to assist in efforts
to increase the housing supply ... and to improve the economic,
physical and social life of the citY."2
Harvard and MIT together donated half of its million dollar
endowment and in this light we can only expect that together
Harvard and MIT mean to use the Cambridge Corporation to implement
their idea of the kind of city Cambridge is to become. (Its Board
of Directors include Nathan Pusey and MIT's Chairman James Killian.)
Another virtual tool of Harvard is the Cambridge Redevelopment Au
thority which oversees all federal projects like NASA and which chose
the Kendall Square site over another site in West Cambridge where
Harvard, Urban Imperialist, published by the -Anti-Expansion,
Anti-ROTC Strike Steering Committee, Cambridge, 1969, to which
most of the information in this section is due, and which should
be consulted for a detailed account.
2The i 1 son Re p0 r t, H a r V a r d A 1 u m n i [3 uI 1 e -._i - ., Feb. 1 9 6 9, p. 3a . 6
1
there was no housing but was turned down because it was not close
enough to the
Harvard is in a good position to take a leading role in Cam
bridge's redevelopment,as it has become the city's biggest landlord.
As if 1958, the Corporation owned no other property than its campus.
Today, eleven years later, it is buying and building houses at in
credibly fast rates; it is presently planning at least 7 different
high-rise apartment buildings. Disturbing trends have appeared.
Cambridge rents have risen by over 100 per cent since 1960; a Har
vard City Planning Department survey showed a 123% rent increase
from 1960 to 1968 for the average two-bedroom apartment. For example
the CRA reports that 778 housing units built between 1959 and 1964
in the university area were upper income dwellings. Average rents
in these units are well over $200 per month and, for two bedrooms,
over $300. No lower income housing has been built. When families
lose their homes inability to meet rent raises or through
demolition they are forced out of Cambridge. The university gives
"priority" to families whose homes have been destroyed in their new
high rises, but what working class family can afford $300 a month
rents? Needless to say all of these trends and influences combine
-- if not conspire -- against effective rent control laws or mean
ingful low-income housing programs.
Another example of the same phenomenon is to be found in the
Roxbury area of Boston, where the Harvard-directed development of the
Affiliated Hospitals complex is under way. The complex is, first of
all, oriented primarily not to meeting the Roxbury community's broad
health-care needs but to research and specialized treatment of re
latively affluent patients. In addition, we see here the same pat
tern of destruction of low-income as in the "Harvardization"
process described above. A recent study of the hospital project
pinpoints the problem clearly; its conclusion is a fitting summary
of our findings about Harvard's corporate character in general:
Any business corporation and any other private corporation
entity in our society will tend to use certain methods in
order to maximize the return on its investment, whether try
ing to produce profits or health facilities. And these me
thods often involve taking advantage of the poor, simply
because it is easier and cheaper to bid against a poor per
son for his home and to use power -- economic and political
-- to obtain needed resources at his expense.
(from The Affiliated Hospitals Complex: A Critique of
Harvard Expansion. Cambridge, 1969.'
7
BEDFORD .' O.
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Mr.DFORD .
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[HARVARD
ENCLAVE
HELPS MAKE CAMBRIDGE A RESIDENTIAL
FOR THE TECHNICIANS AND CONSULTANTS WHO
PROVIDE THE BRAINPOWER FOR THIS BEHEMOTH] '
8
How Harvard Invests.
(This section first appeared in The Closed Corporation by
James Ridgeway, Random House, 1968. p.39-41)
One of the more interesting features of the university is its
conception of itself as a new-style investment trust. In his 1966
annual report, McGeorge Bundy, President of the Ford Foundation, said
. that the foundation had set up a committee to examine the management
and investment practices of universities with an eye to helping them
get better performance from their endowment funds. These now total
$12 billion. One novel possibility was that Ford might some of
the smaller colleges in pooling their endowments into a kind of mutual
fund. Then they might stalk the securities markets with several billion
dollars instead of a few million and that way gain some leverage. This
is another way for universities to gain some measure of power in the
society. Harvard and Yale provide examples of how this sort of thing
can work out.
Decisions as to where and how to invest Harvard's $1 billion
endowment fund are made on advice of the treasurer by' the s1x members
of the self-perpetuating corporation which runs the university. The
treasurer is George F. Bennett, who also is president of State Street
Investment Corporation. State Street manages mutual funds with
assets of $600 million, and it also handles investments for Harvard.
Francis H. Burr, a partner in the law firm of Ropes &Gray, also sits
on the boards of both the Harvard Corporation and the State Street.
Investment Corporation. Bennett, thus, in addition to being paid as
president of the investment also draws a small fee, said to
be $25,000 a year, from Harvard for investment advice. When Bennett's
company sees a goad investment, it will often buy for both the mutual
funds and Harvard. While Bennett's mutual funds in themselves are not
especially large as the size of these funds goes, when he combines
them with the $600,000,000 that is available in Harvard's endowment
fund for stock investment, he enters the market with a leverage of
$1.2 billion. The arrangement between State Street and Harvard was
initially set up by State Street's founder, Paul C. Cabot, who pre
ceded Bennett as treasurer of the university. When Cabot entered into
this arrangement, it was specified that when it came to buying and
selling securities held by both Harvard and the State Street mutual
the funds would lead in buying or selling; so at least in
theory, Bennett can purchase a stock for State Street Investment and
drive it up by using Harvard's money to buy. Or, in selling, he can
dump a large holding belonging to State Street and then sell
on a lower market. However, Bennett claims it never works out like
this, and that" oddly, Harvard often does much better than State Street.
Harvard is involved in one potentially embarrassing situation
as a result of this investment combine. Both Harvard and State Street
hold blocks of stock in Middle South Utilities, Incorporated,
a holding company which controls electric utilities in various
southern states, including companies in Mississippi and Louisiana.
State Street owns 485,000 of Middle South common stock; Harvard has
543,719 shares; Harvard-Yenching Institute, an organization devoted
to promoting education in Asia, of which Bennett is deputy
treasurer, has 18,668 shares; Bennett himself holds 2,000 shares and
is a director of the company. This is obviously in part by virtue of
'. the large holdings he represents, and in part because he helped set
9 up the company. In recent years undergraduates unsuccessfully
,n M'iddle South stock holdings on the grounds
that the' southern companies were managed by racists, members of the
Klan and White Citizens Councils, and that through its financial
support Harvard was in fact aiding segregation. Bennett says he regards
these utilities as public service companies, regulated under state
laws: "I made a personal investigation, and satisfied myself that the
officers were law-abiding citizens." When he was asked about the in
vestment at a public meeting, Dr. Pusey declared, "If there are dis
criminatory practices, then the company should be prosecuted under
federal law." the students hissed at this, Pusey added, "Our
purpose is just to invest in places that are selfishly good for
Harvard. We do not use our money for social purposes."
Harvard and South Africa
Fellowship
Mr. C. Cottrell. regional vice
presidcnt Africa for National
Cash Register, has Invitcd unlver
sity graduates to apply for an
intcrnahonal fellowship at Har
vard Unlvcrsity Graduate 'School
of Busi!1ess Administration. Infor
mation ana 8lJpJit:atlun iCJflilS lire
available from the admissions
board. Hnrvard Business School,
Boston, Massachusetts. . , .
The fel!owshlps are worth up
to RS.OOO a year and air (ares are
provided. There is no obligation
lor a lellow to work for N.C.R.
but summer employment at the
company's headquarters at Day
ton. Ohio. Is offered betwcen the
lint and second )'car of the
course.
THE STAR
JOHANNESBURG
APRIL 21,1969
Official Harvard backs South Africa's
racism. It trains its young white
its overseers manage
lnstltutlons with sizable and important
investments in South, Africa.
When South Africa was in a severe crisis
in 1961, FOUR banks connected to Harvard
helped bail the racist government out.
Overseer Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan
pit
7
hed in.$lO million; overseer Houghton's
Natlonal Clty loaned $5 million; overseer
National of Boston gave
$4 mllllon'whlle the late overseer Lamont's
Morgan . Guaranty Trust helped organize a
revolvlng fund to keep the country in
the white.
OverseerC.Douglas Dillon's Dillon &
Reed is one of the largest investors
in South Africa. Harvard is also directly
implicated. It holds Chase Manhattan Bank
stock as well as investments in many
companies which do business in South Africa.
10
?bn ur, -:
PARTIr: ' H'OW
. ;! '} -. THE EMPI'RE
11
A Harvard Man's Who's Who
in the New Aciministration
H " R\ .-\IW 1\1 U .\li'l i H U ll L T I N
Presiden t-elect Nixon's appointment s to his staff do not have the
markedly cri mson hue of President' Kennedy's choices, but many
Harvard graduates and facuity will soon be familiar with the halls of
the \"' hite t louse and the environs of Washington.
Of the facu I ty, perhaps the best-known appointments are those
of Heill:y A. Ki ssinger '50, Ph.D. '54, formerly Professor of Govern
ment at Harvard, who is now Assistant to the President for National
Security AA'ai rs: and Daniel P. Moynihan, former Director of the
Harvard -M.L.T. Joint Center for Urban Studies, appointed Chairman
of the COll ncil on Urha n Affairs (see BULLETI N, December 23,
page 7 ) .
Mr. Moyn ihan:s ap pointment has generated the appointment of .
other Halvard men for hi s st aff - several of them approaching a
record for in government circl es. Stephen Hess (see
BULl.L:l IN, Oc tober 2 1, page 9 ) a Fellow of the Kennedy Institute '
of Politi cs last year, will serve as Deputy Assistant to the President
for Urban Aff ai rs: John Price, LL.B. '64, is a member of the Council
for Urban AfTai rs, while Ri chard Blumenthal ' 67 and Christopher C.
Dc Mut h will be staff assistant s to Mr. Moynihan .
Two ot her advisory appointees from the Harvard faculty are
Edwa rd C. f3anfield , Henry Lee Shattuck Professor of Urban Govern
me nt , to be hea'u of the Pres ident' s Task Force on Urban Affairs,
and Hendrik S. Hout hakk er. Professor of Economics, appointed to
the COllncil or EC\l nomi c Advisers.
Severa l Harva rd graduatcs, who ei ther teach elsewhere or are not
in ed lJ c.l tio n, have also receivcd appointments. Elliot L. Richardson
'41 , LL. B. '44. who has been Att orney General of Massachusetts,
will ser vc :1<; Undersecretary of State. Ri chardson is al so an Overseer _,
of Harvard. as is R() hert C. Seamans '40, Jerome C. Hunsaker Pro
fes sor in M.I.T.\ Dera rtlll ent of Aeronautics and Astronautics.
Seamans, who is also former de put y admini strator of NASA, was
:lppoill lL' d Secretary of the Air Force. The new Secretary of the
Navy wi ll 11L' J(lhn Chalee, LL. B. ' 50, who was Governor of Rhode
Island .
In Jan\ia ry. Mr. Nixon nal11 eu Henry Cabot Lodge ' 24, LL.D. ' 54,
to head the United States negoti ating team at the Pari s peace talks.
Two H,lrv,lf(j Ph.D.s will se rve in the new admini strati on: Richard '
I; . Pedersen, Pll. D. '50. dcpu ty U.S. represen tative in the United
Nalion s Secur ity Council, who will serve as Counselor of the State
Dep(1l' tll1c nt , and Geoffrey H. Moore, ,Ph.D. ' 47. formerly vice
president for resea rch for the Na ti onal Bureau of Economic Research.
Ne w York, will be COl11missioner _of Labor Stati sti cs .
. In a later issue, the BULLETI N '-'{ill complete the roundup of
alul11ni and facult y -in the new admini strati on. MITClIFI.I.
' HatVard's,r Foreign Policy EStablishment
Harvard has always been influential in the shaping and
implementation of American foreign policy . . Harvard about
how many of its students and faculty have graduated into impor
tant positions of influence and power in the American foreign
policy establishment. As President Pusey wrote in his 1965
President's Report, "Nevertheless, it is obvious that the large
proportion of the faculty of the School of Public Administration
[the precursor of the Kennedy School of Government] are involved
more less formally as consultants and contractors to govern
ment officials. The work is important: it provides access to
ideas and information, and an opportunity to test theory by
practical experience. State, Treasury and Defense account for
a major part of the traffic between Littauer and Washington."
Administration has its team of Harvard men: Eisenhower
his Kistiakovsky, Kennedy his Bundy, and Nixon his Kissinger.
The New York Times, who ought to know, thinks Harvard is an
important enough sensor and developer of national policy to have
a reporter assigned exclusively to cover emanations of this
single university. As President Pusey remarks in his 1965
report, the school makes no effort to encouraQe such work;
it does not need it." He might added it doesn't have to:
the connections between Harvard, major foundations, and govern
ment agencies involved in foreign policy are so extensive as to
be coexistent.
Scholars influence policymakers in a variety of ways: some
work on research contracts, some consult with government officials,
others leave their universities for periods of time for govern
ment service. Harvard professors perform all of these services
for the Empire. Yet in Cambridge, where one can never tell where
university stops and government begins, much of Harvard's
influence comes through personal friendships and working relation
ships developed over the years between the men who flow from the
campus to Washington to the Foundations and back again. In this
world, things happen; if someone in gets an idea for
a piece of research he needs funded, McGeorge Bundy, his
colleague, has probably got a former colleague at Harvard to do
it, and of course, the Ford Foundation can pick up the tab. It's
all among friends. Why mess around with the CIA or written con
tracts?
One of the more influential fraternal organizations in
Cambridge is the alumni association of the ass, Harvard branch.
One of Harvard's most respected historians, William Langer,was
responsible for setting up the wartime intelligence service, and
recruited many of his friends at Harvard to man the research
divisions. Those who didn't know each other when they arrived in
Washington, soon did. Stuart Hughes, Crane Brinton, Robert Wolfe,
Franklin Ford, John Fairbank and many others worked together in
those days, learned each others' talents and foibles, and of the
government's need for intelligence. It was the first experience
social scientists, historians and linguists had in using their
own talents government service.
,
The government learned a great deal from these scholars. 12
I t 1ear ned i t did nit - know m u c h .' abo u t the w0 r 1 d i r;l towh i chi t had
sudden1y thrust its troops. It was ignorant about the 'countries
in Southeast Asia and the "tribes" (including the Viet Minh) that
OSS operators had to organize to fight the Japanese. More horri
fying, it didn't know anything about the Soviet Union, a
threatening. giant ally. After the war. some of the scholars went
back to Harvard; others stayed behind to start the research
offi ces of the State Department and the CIA; sti 11, others became
, bureaucrats in those agencies. Most stayed friends: China arid
. Russia scholars in,the soon discovered that these old
friendships with men who stayed behind in the CIA and State De
partment could payoff in bits of classified research; others
enjoyed the exchange of classified data for theories. Many others,
like William Langer, continued to be involved in the organization
of both university and intelligence. Men like Raymohd Bauer and '
Merle Fainsod could respond to government needs by collecting ex
perts around them in Russian or Chinese studies. training new
scholars and giving quickie courses to visiting government offi
cials on Harvard sabbaticals. and keeping in touch with friends
in government. Other old friends, like John Gardner, now with
the Carnegie Foundation, would make it all easier. ahd even ,
profitable.
Harvard professors and administrators are prominent in the
proliferation of paragovernment-parauniversity organizations that
dQt the Empire's foreign policy making establishment. Harvard
overseers and professors play important roles in organizations
like the Council on Foreign Relations. one of the most prestigious
and influential nongovernmental organizations involved in foreign
policy making. Based in New York, the Council's highly selective
membership is restricted to corporate executives, former govern
mental officials and university administrators. (It does not ad
mit women or aliens; of the first 82 on a list proposed by
JFK for staffing his State Department. 63 were members of the
Council.) The purpose of the Council is to bring well-connected
members of these three groups together in special discussion
groups and,off-the-record briefings. (One important group held
a series of briefings and meetings on the organization and opera
tions of American intelligence, one session of which was devoted
to CIA work with nongovernment groups like universities and
youth organizations.) The seminars often lead to books, which
are written 'or edited by the scholars in the group. (All of
Henry Kissinger's beoks have been written for the Council and
given its seal of approval.) Most important. the sessions often
lead to carefully formulated policy proposals that help shape
American foreign policy. (Studies sponsored by the Council laid
the groundwork for the Marshall Plan for European recovery, set
Ame r t can gu ide 1 i n e s for NAT O. a, n d cur r e n t 1 y are e vol v i n g a 0 n g
range analysis of American attitudes towards China (The New York
Times. May 13. 1966). The following list illustrates the close
connection between Harvard and the Council for Foreign
iiARVARD EXECUTIVES ON THE C()UNPL FOR FOREIGN RELATIONS
Robert AmorY, Harvard overseer
Hugh Calkins. member of the Harvard Corporation
Amory Houghton, Harvard overseer .
R.Keith Kane. member of the Harvard Corporation
Albert Nickerson, member of the Harvard Corporation
3 Frances Plimpton. Harvard overseer
1 ' Theodore White. Harvard overseer
Relations:
I
Virtually all 6f Harvard's professors cif international
. affairs--Bowie, Kissinger, et.al.--are members or consultants
to the Council. Some have published books for the Council: .
Hoffmann, the liberal government professor, wrote his own
"re-examination" of U.S. policy for the Council last year.
0 ... 't In .1965 Nathan Pusey summed it all up in his President's
Report, "Much -of [the relationship Harvard and the
government] is a continuing and informal process of consulta
tion; it is hard to distinguish between discussions that go
on between professors and government officials in a Littauer
seminar room or at a scholarly society meeting, from those
go on where a professor is formally serving as a consultant in
a government office." There's always been a Harvard man in the
White House. It's not consulting or contract work; if a Harvard
man has an idea for how to get us in or out of Vietnam, he can
his old friend Arthur, ot Morton, or Henry, at
the White House.
Similarly, many of the Harvard economists have turned their
attentions to the problems of Vietnamese economic development,
making summer trips to the war torn country (it's not their part
of the to consider whether the country has any indigenous
econ6my at all, what is happening to the people, or whether
American hegemony will continue after the shooting stops).
Samuel Huntington, a frequent visitor to Vietnam on his,
advising trips for the State Department, teaches a seminar on
Vietnam at Harvard, and lauds the high degree of urbanization
that has occured in Vietnam because of the war in rural areas.
He writes papers for the about elections in Vietnam
which he calls "games." (If this social science sounds mechanis
tic and manipulative, is it because the government has corrupted
scholars, as the liberals say?? \4e will see in the next section
that if it is rape, it is willing, and that there is a substantial
--butirrelevant--question as to which is the longer line: the
government officials outside the door of the Academy, or the line
of scholars outside the White House.)
This is not to say that the only kind of influence Harvard
mandarins have is by their upward mobility and their ability to
fraternize with the men in power. It is also not to say that the
connections between Harvard and the governing elite have been
individual and do not have profound effects on Harvard
institutions and teaching. The Empire hus become so vast and so
troublesome to administer that it is no longer efficient, as in
the of FOR, to bring a brain trust of scholars to Washington.
must be turned out, and channeled into the intellec
tual disciplines the Empire needs to provide crucial information.
Government officials must be trained by scholars in the new
sophisticated languages and skills needed to manage the growing
empire. The intellectual resources of an academic community
like Cambridge must be organized and channeled into collectivized
service.
Enter the a new form of collective intellectual
management. Professors are now encouraged to brainstorm in
groups, to disregard old discipline boundaries, to avoid intel
lectual isolation, for the g<lory of "problem solving." 14
The (Harvard) MIT Center for International
. . .. , -.
. \
The Ha.rvard community includes several international institutes
that the Empire. The largest such Institute is the Center
fbt International Studies at MIT. It waS only a matter of con
venience that put the center at MIT; Harvard was always equally
involved. A confidential memo details this arrangement:
.. much of the initiative for the establishment of the
Center came from members of the faculty.
has been conceived of from the beginning as in all
substantive respects a cooperative enterprise serving
the interests of the entire . Cambridge .. .
The advisory staff was as follows:
Advisory Board
Paul Buck Harvard University
Edward S. Mason Harvard University
Julius A. Stratton M.!.T.
John E. Burchard M.I.T.
Henry M. Wriston Brown University
Board on Soviet Bloc Studies
Charles Bohlen U.S. Department of State
Allen Dulles C.I.A.
Philip E. Mosely Columbia University
Leslie G. Stevens Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy
Retired
The same confidential background memo on the Center's
beginning is absolutely explicit: liThe Center .. had its origins
in a number of attempts to mobilize the academic and intellectual
tesources of the Cambridge community around certain problems of
the Cold War. In the summer of 1950 MIT which has been engaged
for some years for research on behalf of the US military estab
lishment was asked by the civilian wing of the government to
put together a team of the best research minds available to work
intensively for three or four months on how to penetrate the Iron
Curtain with ideas ...
11
The report lists four areas of concern: (1) While the atti
tudes of foreigners to the U.S. are molded by everything they
about uS
t
not just official statements
t
a failure adequately II
to this perfectly obvious truth has led to the negatiori
of our 'communications' policy by acts whose impact on foreign
attitudes was inadequately recognized;" (2) "I'n the language of
psythological warfare
t
we felt that much more study of the target
[sic] was needed. Until one knew a good deal more about whom one
was trying to reach
t
what his goals and aspiratians were [etc.]
it was difficult to know how to affect foreign attitudes;" (3)
Psychological warfare should be complemented by economic develop
ment to increase stability in friendly or neutral areas; (4) Since,
againt foreigners know there is dissent in the U.S.
t

policy should not attempt to disregard public opinion
t
but should
look for in which thoughtful and responsible U.S. opinion
leadership can be encouraged to approximate such consensus [as does
not really exist] to the extent necessary to provide a reasonably
predictable and stable basis for governmental and private [!]
policy."
15
-
These four points cover the entire projected scope of the MIT
Center. It was entirely dedicated to devising methods to improve
the U.S. government's propagandistic effectiveness. We are not
even dealing with the question whether a university can justifiably
some of its resources to advising the government; we are
dealing with institutions that provide academic cover for complete
ly prostituted scholarship, a scholarship whose entire purpose is
the strengthening of the imperialist policies of the U'.S.
The "backgtound
U
document is also explicit about the relation
ship between researcher and "operator," and shows just how deep
. is the commitment to be useful to the rulers: lilt is sometimes
mistakenly assumed that the operator is usually clear as to what
the alternatives open to him are and as to what kinds of infor
mation he needs to permit him to choose among them intelligently.
If this were true the operating official could define the problem
and pose certain questions. The researcher could .. work and on
the basis of it make his choice. This mistaken conception of the
relation of research to action has been responsible for the failure
of a great many .academic projects on behalf of the government and
others .... tt is of the greatest importance that there be a full
and continuous interchange of ideas between the researcher and the
person or persons who, he hopes, will make some use of his ideas."
The CIA, primary source of funds for the Center from its
inception in 1951, has been one of the easier agencies for the
corporate liberal scholars to work with. Its China scholars
are widely recognized as the brightest researchers in government:
protected by its shield of invisibility, CIA researchers can
utter and believe the kinds of heresies for which State Department
researchers can be fired. Consequently, the CIA has been one of
the most innovative of government agencies in paying for
imaginative research. Indeed, the CIA probably designed the Center
in the first place, through Max Millikan, former assistant
director of the CIA, and first and present Director of the Center.
The CIA's involvement is not the point, however. The CIA is no
worse than any other agency serving the Empire. As with most
Harvard and MIT class institutions of learning, the Center's
significance would not change if private foundations footed most
of the bills.
The Russian Research Center
The Russian Research Center, like the MIT Center for Inter
national Studies, is a Cold War baby. Exactly one year and eight
months after Churchill discovered the Iron Curtain, Clyde Kluck
holn, just out of the cold from the ass, submitted a budget for
the new center to the Carnegie Corporation. Center
an important convergence of interests: the government mania over
the Soviet Union; a group of returning ass researchers,
in the new Krem1inology; the Carnegie Corporation's interest ,n
survey research; and the Air Force's preoccupation with Eastern
Europeans. It also 'represented an important turning point in the
social science establishment: cooperative funding by govern
ment and foundations of a large, interdisciplinary survey research
project.
It was also a turning point in terms of the new po1iticization
of the content of, the social sciences. The original proposal for
the Center, which came not from Harvard but from Carnegie's John
16
Gardner (later Johnson's Secretary of Health, Education, and We1
the ' Research
of upon those aspects of the field of Russian studies :
which .J ie peculiarly within the professional competence of soci 'al
sociologists and anthropologists." What .
. was the first attempt to apply
sociology to political problems
t
to enforce through an elite
center the removal of questions of objective reality or
or politics from the acceptable areas of scholarly
cern . : It was the birth of the new psychiatric KremlinologYt th.-e
end Qf an ideological concern with the rightness or wrongness of .
a view of the world in favor of analyzing their sub- ,
minds
t
or
t
how to psych out the commies.
,On yet another level, the Center also encompassed the immediate
of this manipulative science to the needs of a govern
ment bent on building a cold war. Item three in the list of obJect
i ve s,o f the C e n t e r, pub 1ishedin a "Con f id e n t i alba c kg r 0 u n d M a eria 1
",forth,e President's Review Committee
t
ll
;'5 lito convey this knowl,eage
" a h d the s e i n t e r pre tat ion 5 bey0 n d the con fin e 5 0 f s c h 0 1a r s hip t i ,', e .
to the United States Government and to the '
. On both levels
t
the purpose of the Russian Research Center .,
meshes ' preci sely wi th that of the MIT Center: to penetrate the
with anti-communist propaganda. The first major
of the Russian Center was the RefUgee Interview .
paid Jor b.y the Human Res 0 u r c e 5 Res earch Ins tit ute (i n dee d ! ) of ,
the Air Force. It was run by Alex Inkeles and Raymond Bauer.
Its ob j e c t i ve was toga i n p5 Y c h 0 log i cal ins i g h t sintot h e p e. r s 0 ri,'"
al'iti 'es that lIescaped to freedom
ll
from Communi st Eastern
in order to help the government stimulate more of these
defections. (Inkelesalso had a cbntract with the Voice of America
t
' an ins ,titution born of MIT psychological warfare studies.) Several
schol:ars in the Soviet field have charged that
t
in addition
t
th-e'"
refugee project was a cover for intensive CIA espionage and
t ion s: :' acr 0 sst h e 5 p00 ky E as t ern E u r 0 pea n b0 r de r s . . -. -, - . ,
: .f'tl its 1962 report, the Russian Research Center announced that
of its staff served as consultants to classified
wit h i , the Army, N a v y, Air For c e, RAN D Cor p 0 rat ion t Res ear chang:
Board, Department of State and CIA; many many more
s e r v e.er. i nun c1ass i fie d w0 r k . The C e n t era15 0 II 5 U P P 1i e d s 0 me 5 er: :
the report said, to the British Foreign Office and Briti' sh
Intelligence through its visiting agent, R. N. Carew-Hunt. In .it.s
sma 11':S 0 vie tUn ion Pro g ram (20 . 5 t u de n t 5 aye a r) the C e n t e r t r a ins
graduate students to be effective Kremlinologists
t
pursuing the-.
cold war at first, and now, no doubt, the detente, which has become
an part of the US foreign policy.
Whateve'r it was, the Center put the Russian studies on the
map, the first of a series of area stimulated and funded
by the government, which provided needed data arid
to exppnd and manage the Empire. It legitimized Kremlinology, a
sophisticated form of snooping, known in other disciplines as China
Wa tch (ng.
Harvard's CIA:
The for International Affairs '
The next addition to the Cambridge branch of the Empire's re
search apparatus was Harvard's Center for International Affairs,
started in 1957 under Dean McGeorge Bundy's guidance. But it is
1 7
clear from the confidential correspondence that the for
the Center came (whether officially or in his personal capacity,
we do not know) from its first and present Director, Robert R.
Bowie, then Assistant Secretary of State under John Foster Dulles.
The center was a scheme of Bowie and his old friends--Bundy, Dean
RuSK of Rockefeller, Jim Perkins of Carnegie (now President of
Cornell and Director of the Chase Manhattan), Don Price of Ford
(now of the Kennedy School of Government), Raymond Vernon, Henry
Kissinger and Thomas Schelling. Two points of some historical
interest emerge from these documents: first that the brain trust
widely regarded by the press as a unique group put together by
JFK had been operating its own academic machine for years; and
second, that there was an identity of purpose and practice between
the Foundations and government; that they both thought of funding
this type of research as a common need and shared the responsibility
as was most convenient.
In the minds of these decision-makers, Harvard is only one
of several congenial instituions, interlocked, consultative, and
functionally interchangeable. A letter to Dean Ford from Benjamin
Brown of January 3, 1967, regarding a proposal the latter was sub
mitting to the Ford Foundation makes this crystal clear:
liThe Cambridge group that I told you about on the telephone
have decided to try to organize over the next three years
a series of bilateral U.S.-Japanese meetings on inter- .
national security and related matters of common concern to
the two countties. The meetings would renew and enlarge
the contacts made by the Amer i cans who went to Japan under
Harvard/Carnegie Endowment auspices last April.
We think that intellectual contacts with the Japanese
on security matters are of special importance in the present
period ... The that marked the Japanese mood
in the fifteen or so years after the war seems have
passed ." .. With a growing confidence and sense of their
potentialities many Japanese are beginning to think about
augmenting thier influence in Asian and Pacific affairs.
Our group includes at present Ed Reischauer, John
Lindbeck and Dwight Perkins of the East Asian Center at
Harvard; Ed Gullion and Marshall Shulman of the Fletcher
School; Paul Doty, Chairman of the American Academy Committee
which has been conducting the arms control talks with the
Soviets, Europeans and Indians; and Tom Schelling, Henry
Kissinger, Abe Halperin and myself of the Center for Inter
national Affairs. . .
The three-year budget which is enclosed comes to
$150,000. We hope that the Ford Foundation will contribute
$100,000 toward this, and we will try to pick up the balance
from the Johnson Foundation of Racine, Wisconsin ...
We have informally discussed the project with officers
of the State Department and ACDA, who agree as to its
tance. There is every indication that ACDA would be prepared
to make a substantial contribution to the budget but for
reasons which you will understand we are of the opinion that
private financing would be preferClble ... II
18
[CAPTURED DOCUMENT: THE BUNDY LETTERS IN WHICH THE FORMER DEAN OF HARVARD COLLEGE
DISCUSSES INTERNATIONAL STUDIES WITH A CRONY IN THE DULLES STATE DEPARTMENT # 1J
Pebrua&7 8. 1167
,8raOllal
Dear Bob:
Aa .e are "ttilDI 011 lato rebr\lan, I think I ougbt '0
g1.8 lOU a repolt 011 tbe iaquirl that I bav8 .acle aDOO8 toun
da'lcma, e.ea tbO\1gb the iDtorMtlOD I bave ob'.1Ded laou pre
01a1on.
KJ ttrst oall wu to DeaD Ruak, aDd M aald that be
it would be batter an4 aIl1Pler tor hi. to talk to lou d1reoe'lJ.
M7 own ... that .hile be wtab.d to 8Y014 anI appear
anoe ot a bbe ktnd or enterpriae are
trl1Da to ClOunt 'la 00. Wh10h be CaD .e. the rea.ou tor an4
would be ilacl to .e. in tlourlablng ooodlt1on. I have al.o
beea le toucb wl\h tbe people at tbt Ford Foundat10D, aod wbile
I think 1t ta!; to a.7 tbat the reaponal ble ottioen there
think 1s an importaD' thins to do and that lOU are lJuat
tbe right .aD to 40 1t, I baYe not fe' had a ohanoe to diacua.
with the. direotl, que.ttOD or po.alble leyet. ot eupport.
I .. to bave a ..etlDa With a couple ot the1r Vice-Presldent.
oa Pebru&rr 141 aDd I .111 let Tou know at onoe what t.aperaturo
read1na I get rro. tbat dlaeua.laa
eaDWhl1e, I ....t ." general experl.ace here in related
areaa oontiDue. to ,tv. .. the f.ellna that -one,. enouih tor
erteetlv. operat1aaa w111 ba., to set wben baTe the right
l.aderahip. Our 11ddl. E..t center 1D ta1r .al to s-t
lta.lt 8011d11 tlDaDo.d 00 tlYe-70ar baals, with boperul proa
peat. tor a looser paH/l)d, aDd tb1. bappJ' reault 1a a11108t c.r
taln11 due to oomblaed .rteot1v.oe of S111 Lanser and S1r
H..I1toa 0lbb. In .t11l more urgent rleldot AmerloaD foreign
pollo1, I th1nk we .ould b. 10 8 atrong poa1tiOQ to ..aD' a 001'0
rapId aDd larger acale attaok aa 1000 ...e oan extract tau tro.
the oltatcbes ot Bar.ard ..0 1n tbl Depanaent or state.
Slnoere1l l oura,
MoG.orge aun41
Mr. Robert R. Bow1.
Alslatant secretary of stat.
11 . C.
AH
19
'eNOftal
Dear Bob:
, '
...
[BUNDY LETTER #2: THE WAY WE HIRED HENRY KISSINGER]
1937
I talked with BeDr7 X1881ns-r eorl1 tbi. week, and 8Ui
geatea to hi. that he should get 1n touoh witb fOU to telk
aome aore. I think he 1e .uoh intere.-'d in our ide., but he
alao t.a. a verl attraotive otf&r frOID the at the Council
OD Fore1gn Relatione in Hew York. and thore 1. d0ubt 1n
rq 111nd u to what he will eSo. Muoh will depend on 'lit:,,,\. iW
oan tell hle of the p1ct.ure of th& Cigel'pt,10D 9.8 JOU !H'S it. '1
touocl hlm just a little a.lao a. to .. o.etu.or .anLelQ
to 00lI0 baok to a wi:dch hall not
friend1, about h1Jl e rear ao, but I t"lel1 to chu-,r h':'l1 up .m
that poin t. It 1_ nle fir that l_Op artacct BI
whole 1. enthus i._tl c abou," hl. r. t w'n vote Vias
and I hope !Ie ... 111 Jlot be too troubled by p t;
teellnga. I have receatly reAd hi. artiole
10 At.f!1ra for tna ,..a", &ad I .. cootldent tha' he
1. t& maD rlbat I ofterftd hiJD waa a three or foW'
1ear appolntClont a. T.eeturer, w1 th Il ;l ta rt1ua Ii 1l161ry 01' altou.'
$8,500.
It b1 an7 chanee ah.oul.d 00' 8.' Kia.1...r, .. '" ::1._
other _0 who.e qua11f1oat ... uD& llIi,.,ht ..11 be C<Xl
thOuah I do not know wbetb.r De would be 8a8111
That 1s Kennethrhollpa who 1. oarrectly .AS8oelato :)h .. otor
tor soolal Solenoe. in the Rocke.118F a- 1.
maD or outatacd1Ag and at,le, with a aolid
eoadealo traln11l1 in lanernatl00al r.latloDM, awol I
both Ruak and h. baYe hoped thAt b.a wou14 sooucr CJ.' t.or
ao ,.ak to aoade.l0 .OPE. BUt or oour wl11 hope i6t
.eQrJ tirat, aDd it that should not work, 1t -111 ua tim.
eDoup to oona1der altematl ft,.
******************* * *
q'1ite that; ,,1..1. 1",i;t"4'l ""ill ' arrive wbile JOu
tUa t.urmol1 ot prevuat.loa for libe HATO ..etins. ao I
8Jq'>Qct a.D QQawor' at nu <';"I'li date.
rours,
.r. Robert R. nowie
Ala\ant secretary of Stat6
...h1naton. J". c.
20
, !
[DEAR MAC: THESE NATO MEETINGS ARE BORING. SEE YOU IN CAMBRIDGE]
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
Iv:ay 8, IU5?
Dear Mac:
Thanks for your letters of April 23
and 25. As you know, the NATO meeting has
delayed my reply.
Your letter of April 23 embodies the
essentials of our general understanding
about the Center. The main thing is that
we both agree that the Center must enjoy
autonomy and be able to operate flexibly
in order to achieve the standing and
results we both want. It will also be part
of the normal pattern for the Director and
members of the Center to serve as consult
ants and undertake specific assignments
with public and private agencies in the
field of international affairs.
In organIzIng and operating the Center,
there will doubtless be many problems
regarding personnel, policy, financing and
other matters which we cannot now foresee.
In accepting the post of Director, I am
relying heavily on your interest in the
project and your full support in resolving
such issues in ways that will enable the
Center to flourish and succeed.
I have not been able to think of a
better name than "Center for International
Affairs". Also "Littauer Professor of Interna
tional Affairs" seems suitable to indicate that
the chair is in the Graduate School of Public
Administration with concurrent membership in
the Government Department. The title as head
of the Center would, I suppose, be Director.
I am delighted Henry Kissinger has
agreed to come.
I will give some thought to the
"composition and marching" orders of a
faculty committee and write you later.
Meanwhile, best regards.
Sincerely,
T)ean . kclieorgp.
Harvard Un1versity

Crunb alchuset ts
Robert R.Bowie 21
The Development Advisory 3ervice
Economists at Harvard have their own agency peddling American
development schemes in the Third World, the Development Advisory
Service, established in 1962. It grew out of advisory work
tiated by Edward Mason as early as 1954, when he supervised an
8-man team which drew up a plan for the economic development of
Pakistan. In 1958 Mason went on to devise a similar plan for- that
model of democratic development, Iran. Mason was a member of
the President's Committee to Strengthen the Security of the Free
World, chairman of the Advisory Committee on Economic Development
of AID, and consultant to the World Bank, to name just a few of
his imperial managerial posts.
Mason recruited Dave Bell, from Truman's White House staff,
and Gustav Papanek, formerly Deputy Director of Program Planning
for Southeast Asia for AID and present Director of the DAS, to
work for him at DAS. The DAS puts together a package of develop
ment advisors for foreign governments; sometimes the governments
pay, and sometimes an American foundation does .. It would seem
only logical, given the close ties of the DAS staff with the
government, that the State Department might upon occasion
strongly suggest to client states that they avail themselves
of this wonderful opportunity for economic help and guidance.
And indeed the DAS - has a remarkable record of having offered
advice to client members of the free world colossus: Argentina.
Greece, Iran, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysis, Ghana (since the
coup!), Liberia, and Colombia.
Gustav Papanek went to Ghana to advise the military junta
which had ousted pro-socialist Kwame Nkrumah, and less than a
year after the coup had a report ready. By September 1968,
Papanek was able to report in a confidential memo back to Harvard
his great satisfaction at the prospects for stability within this
reactionary and corrupt regime: "The outlook for a successful
project is good. The government is relatively stable, the top
economic policy maker is competent, and the government is parti
cularly receptive to foreign advisers." In Pakistan a similar
DAS attempt, in this case to shore up the unpopular Ayub Khan,
has proven a failure. In his report on Pakistan of September
1968, Papanek notes that the advisers were running into considerable
resentment from Pakistani, policy-makers.
Another confidential report Indonesia, dated August 1968,
shows clearly how American aid, even PL 480 "Food for Peace," was
used to shore up the tottering Suharto regime: "President
. con tin ue a to be i n flu e n c e d by the 9 r 0 u p 0 f sen i 0 r 0 f f ice r s a r 0 u n d
him, many of them cronies from earlier days but not otherwise
distinguished either in terms of intellect or honesty ..
Fortunately ... commitment of a larger amount of aid, and espe
cially the substantial increases in PL 480 food grai,ns helped to
restore confidence." Papanek then cites the arrest ofa number of
"suspected CommunBts and pro-Sukarno officers" as evidence of
Suharto's strength. Has the man swallowed his own propaganda?
Perhaps not. But it should be clear that these 1jbera1 techriicians
have an important task: to thrust on the Third World a soecia1 .
American model of development. It is a kind of etonomics that
prepares the way for American investment. More insidiotis, it
stresses the need for stability, a necessity for preservinq the
Empire and her favorable balance of power.
22
"CONFIDENTIAL
19G6
DEVELOPMENT ADVISORY SER.VICE
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
Report on the Potential Ghana Project
The outlook for a successful project is good. The government is
relatively stable, the top economic policy maker is competent, and the
government is particularly receptive to foreign advisers.' Ghana has scrioul
short run problems, but with sensible economic management over the
next or two has the potential for a high growth rate. There is now no
machinery for staff work on economic policies, but the material is thereto
put together staff which is fair by international standards. Finally, there
is an extremely interesting set of problems--an econOmy that had gone very far
towards collectivation and centralization, and which i. now reversing the procesl
to some extent.
Political Situation
It is typical of Ghana that the change in government which took place
last February is called liThe Coup", not "the glorious revolution". Clearly a
good many Ghanaians were thoroughly fed up with high sounding phrases and
management. The coup group included some of the top police
but the real muscle was provided by one brigade of the army and its two senior
officers. It was executed with neatness .and dispatch. Even the very limited
fighting took place might have been avoided, if there had not been the
inevitable small unforeseen mixup, which delayea one particular phase by a short
period. The organizers of the coup knew how to organize. They now form the
government; they dominate the National Liberation Council (NLC) which acts as
both president and cabinet.
Everyone I talked to was quite sure that the chance of a return by
was negligible. His regime was so widely disliked and discredited at
the time it was overthrown, that regret at Nkrumah's passing i8 largely
toa few small groups who benefitted personally from his regime.
people seem very much aware of his extravagance and incompetence, and are
pointing out monuments as representing a waste of money, one for which
they had to suffer. A series of hearings into the financial situation of
officials of the Nkrumah regime--carried out with appropriate decorum and
fairness--assures that the public remembers that many members of a government,
.uppo.edly propagating African socialism, were lining their pockets in no mean
fashion. The hearings are public and are well attended by people who come in
from the street, to hi8s or laugh at the villaina in the dock.
The East Asian Research Center
Another of Harvardls institutes, the EARC, enjoys a reputation
for impartiality and independence, and even in some circles for
"pinkish" left criticism of government More significant
is the degree to which an institution preening itself for such
independence can, with no attempt at concealment, cooperate with
the U.S. government.
. rhe Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. LXI, No.
16, states that the EARC was founded in 1955 "with generOU$ iup
port from the Ford and Carnegie Foundations, as an agency to fa
cilitate training and research on East Asia" because "the rise
of a powerful and unfriendly Chinese state has been a new exper
ience in American life, something not encompassed' in earlier
studies." The original generous support was 5.o'6n supplemented by
grants from the Department of Defense, the Air Force, and the
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
The iriterchange of personnel is another badge of cooperation
between Washington and the EARC. Robert Bowie, mentioned else
where in this section, co-edited with John K. Fairbank one of the
EARCls earliest on Communist China. (Communist
China 1955-1959: PoliC Documents with Analtsis, for a long time
one of the basic texts or courses on the su ject.) The actual
aut h0 r 0 f t his w0 r k i sun n a m e,d, p0 ss i b 1 Y for sec uri t y rea son s ,
but he evidently worked undef the aegis of the EARC. Morton
Halperin enjoyed a joint appointment from the Center for Inter
national Affairs and the EARC before moving to the Defense
Department in 1967 and then to Henry Kissingerls White House
staff this year. The chief attraction of the EARC is Edwin O.
Reischauer, ex-ambassador to Japan under President Kennedy and
perhaps the most quoted "expert" on Asi'an foreign policy. Reischauer
has long served as consultant to the government and is a virtual
spokesman for both the U.S. and Japanese governments.
The Department of State and other aqencies reQu1ar1v orant
leave to their senior officials for studv at the EARC. These men are
welcomed as "visiting scholars" Joing n,orma1 research. In recent
years the Central Intelligence Agency has "surfaced" -- partly
to improve its public image and partly to satisfy the intellectual
aspirations of its researchers -- and its personnel are present
as special students and research associates. also the
recent publication by Harvard University Press of ' an East Asian
monograph by a CIA man, Charles Neuhauser, an analyst who also
directed the EARC Red Guard Translation Project. Another CIA man.
Sidney Bearman, is a Visiting Research Fellow this year. (See
Harvard Crimson, October 16 and 17, 1968.)
To prove its impartiality, however, the Center claims to
balance these years of coJlaboration with government agencies
by ' s p 0 n s 0 r i n g the vis its 0 f ? F r e n c i I':: f tis 't (f(1 r a ? 1.1 2 t., e e k
stay!) ana OT a scholar who is the Russian equivalent of
a CIA researcher. However, when a pro-Communist Chinese tried
to return to Harvard to finish Ph.D. work, he was not readmitted
be c a use i twas f ear e d his the sis w0 u 1 d be" prop a g and i. II The
EARC thus maintains both direct links and a basic political
alignment with U.S. imperialism.
24
HOW HARVARD ADMINISTERS THE EMPIRE STATE DEPARTMENT AID : CONTRAGTS
'J _ ,- :' T
.. . . .
.. , r ,: '., . " ,, '
/ Ti,tlE;l/ Recipient/ Dates/ Value
. I ; I ,: ... ' ::
Cu rrent Technical Service. Contracts as of June 30, 1968, from the for
Development
Worldwide/ Grant to conduct a research study program relating to the impact of
. health on economic growth oriented toward developing countries/
Harvard, President and Fellows/ 6/28/63-3/31/69 / $206,822.
Worldwide/ Researcnstudy of liver disease and possible dietary causes thereof/
in Uganda/ President and Fellows/ 9/7/66-9/7/68 / $26,330.
Worldwide/ Research study directed toward comparative studies of resource
allocation and development policy/ Harvard, President and Fellows/
5/31/67-11/30/69 / $722,882.
Worldwide/ Research study program to determine the influencing factors on
fertility and family planning acceptance/ Harvard, President and
Fellows/ 6/25/68-12/24/69 / $60,909.
Worldwide/ Research program directed toward improving the nutritional value of,
rice/ F.J. Stone, Harvard School of Public Health/ 6/30/68-6/30/70 /
$228,076.
Panama and Central America/ Assistance in the study of and planning for
business management and development/ W. Skinner, Harvard Business
School/ 6/15/63-6/30/69 / $1,080,463.
Panama and Central America/ Assistance to Central American Institute of Business
in developing a permanent institute for graduate education in business
administration/ W. Skinner, Harvard Business School/ 1/1/67-6/30/69 J
$423,220.
Western Nigeria/ Development of comprehensive secondary schools/ Harvard,
. President and Fellows/ 3/1/62-6/30/69 / $2,396,263.
Af rica! Nutritioriimprovement/ School of Public Health, F.J. Sture /
5/20/68-6/30/68 / $2,000.
C:hile/ program in Chile/ O. Oldman, Harvard Law School/
/ $393,500.
development of managers for industrial enterprises in
China! Center for Research and Personality/ 1967/ $17,850
Central America/ Business management in Central America/ Harvard Business
School/ 1967/ $947,380
Worldwide/ study program relating to the importance of health in
eyorW,gJ:f.cgrowth, oriented toward developing countries/ Harvard,
FeUofNs/ 1967/ $85,756
:' I ,
Mexico! transform agricultural community
organized production unit to produce for the market/
Harvard, Fellows/ 1967/ $264,34 2
25 *N1:l that in State Department slang "China" means Taiwan.
HOW HARVARD ADMINISTERS THE EMPIRE FOREIGN RESEARCH CONTRACTS
Sponsoring Agency/ Project Title/ Recipient/ Dates/ Value
1. Arabian-American Oil Co./ Trachoma/ School of Public Health/ 10/1/64-9/30/69 /
$600,000.
2. Corporacion Venezolana de Guayana/ Center in Ciudad Guayana/ Center for
Studies in Education and Development/ 10/1/66-9/30/69 / $260,271.50.
3. National Development Council of Argentina/ Development Advisory Service/
8/1/63-12/31/65 / $200,000.
4. Pakistan Government/ Economic Planning/ Development Advisory Service/
. 7/1/65-6/30/68/ $830,000.
5. National Planning Agency of Liberia/ Development Advisory Service/
. 12/24/64-6/26/68 / $1,272,225.

[HARVARD OWNS $440,000 WORTH ARTHUR D. LITTLE STOCK]
James M. Gavin, "management cOnsultant," is the steely-eyed chairman
and chief executive of Arthur D. Little,lnc., the Cambridge, Mass.
management consulting firm. The company does a $30 million a year
business in chemical and bacteriological warfare research for tne U.S.
government and counseling American industrial giants in the subtle art of
penetrating and controlling third world economies.
Gavin earned high marks as chief of Army research and development
and as U.S. ambassador to France. Perhaps it was his sojourn in France
that gave Gavin the idea that the 1).5. is headed for military disaster in
Vietnam and that it would be smarter for the ruling class to spend the wwr
money on cooling unrest on the home front.
After a day of consulting on how to make fat profits off technological
"solutions" to social problems, Gavin gof!5 home to 25 W. Cedar St.,
Cambridae. Mass.
26
Harvard and the C.I.A.
America's new role of free lorld leadership, an accelerating
technology which has shattered traditional time-space relationships,
the new reality of warfare fought not on the battlefield but by means
of espionage, propaganda and economics, all combine to reQuire kind
of intelligence preparedness which in the past has only been mobil
ized in time of shooting war.
--Harry Howe Ransom, Central Intelligence and National
Security, Harvard, 1958. This book, which justifies
and supports the CIA, was published as part of Harvard's
own Defense Studies Program.
Harvard and the CIA
The CIA, like so much of official America, appears to have
special affection for Harvard. It ought to; Harvard were the
backbone of the wartime intelligence effort, the Office of Strate
gic Studies. The OSS, whose covert research operations were trans
ferred to the State Department after the war, was also the prede
cessor of the CIA. William Langer, of Harvard's History Depart
ment, helped in the formation of the CIA, and has served as a ci
vilian on a number of intelligence supervisory boards. After the
war, many of the Harvard men who . had served in the intelligence
agency during the war kept up theJr ties and membership in this
gentlemens' fraternity.
Now there is irrefutable evidence of links between the uni
versity and the CIA on a number of levels:(l) At the very top of
the governing structure, several influential Overseers have direct
and indirect associations with the CIA;(2) Several Faculty members
are consultants to the CIA; (3) Contract research for the CIA is
done at Harvard; and (4) Harvard itself has been directly involved
in sponsoring and actively cooperating with CIA programs based in
Cambridge.
Contrary to its public statements. Harvard has gone to great
lengths to hide its relations with the CIA. The evidence we have
represents only a fraction of what we cautiously estimate to be
the extent of the connections between the CIA and Harvard men.
It is important to understand that these connections with the CIA
-- covert as they might have been -- are no more odious than many
of Harvard's quite open links with the Defense Department or the
great Foundations. Within the logic of the men who run the govern
ment, business, and Harvard, the CIA is only one component of an
indivisible system. Hence, programs backed by the C1A might
as easily be supported by the Ford Foundation or vice versa -- and
often are.
And now, the evidence:.
(1) Harvard and the CIA: The Links at the Top.
On the most direct level, Harvard's Board of Overseers is
graced by the presence of Robert Amory '36, the CIA's former De
puty Director of Intelligence. Amory was a law professor at Har
vard before he" signed up with the CIA for a ten-year stint,
27 1952-1962. While he was with the Agency,he served as a repre
, .
nat you for tat.nal.. ... 10 your letterot Dec...1' 7.
of your coonect 100 vitia eM ra1 IDeel11"Me AieltC)'.
Slncenly you,:_,
'raokll. L. 'ord
Saithie.
Dean lrank.l.i,Jl' L. Ford
5 University Ball
Deal' Frankl1n:
'!'he Intelligence AceAeY bas in8trueted
ita eoo8ult8llta to int'onu their oNicial
this c.onnect1on With the Agency.
r baretr3 intorm you of my t!OImection of ten .
year" 4Urat100. I wisb I eottld add that
there i.e aoaaet.hing subtly interesting or
eWater about it.
28 ,
sentative to the National Security Council t the highest level de
cision-Inaking body for American strategists. Former Harvard Dean
McGeorge Bundy was JFK's representative to this key inner council;
now Harvardman Kissinger is Nixon's link.
Two other Overseers, Francis Taylor Pljmpton Jr a lawyer
and rfiplomat, arid Amory Houghton, ,Jr., of the Dow-Corning Co., were
both lnvolved as Dlrectors of the Foundation for Youth and Student
Affairs (FYSA), the CIA's for. organizing and
funding international youth activities.
George Cabot Lodge, Director of the Harvard Business School's
Division of International Affairs, and Henry's son, has been
directly involved in channelling CIA money into Harvard-related
programs. Along with Associate Dean of the Graduate School Richard
Hunt, Lodge sits on the Board of the Fund for International Social
and Economic Education, a CIA conduit. Through the Fund, grants
have been made to the Business School and some of its students.
(2) and (3) Harvard Professors Serve the CIA.
Among Harvard's "consultants" to the CIA is Arthur Smithies,
a conservative economist and Master of Kirkland House. Smithies
admitted to a "connection of ten years' duration" in a letter to
Dean Franklin Ford, dated 7 December 1967. He, as one would ex
pect, mi ni mi zed its importance: "I wi sh I coul d add tha t there is
something subtly interesting or sinister about it." Harvard found
the admission definitely sinister, however. Dean Franklin Ford
, scribbled on Smithies' letter: "Acknowledge. Should we have a
confidential file on such relationships outside personal folders?"
Other professors perform for the CIA on a contractual basis.
Take the case of Professors Anthony Oettinger and Ivan Sutherland,
both computer whizkids, who sought over $100,000 in CIA funding
for intricate computer experiments and a three-dimensional display
device. Since all external contracts require the Corporation's
approval, the matter was bounced around all sorts of bureaucratic
channels, discreetly of course! No one objected, in principle,
to doing work for the CIA but there were certain delicate problems.
It was March, 1967, and certain Deans were jumpy
had just published its CIA expose. They feared that Harvard s
fair name might be smeared in the growing national indignation
against CIA practices.
A rationale to steer Harvard around these dangers was pro
posed to Dean Franklin Ford in a confidential memo from Dean Har
vey Brooks:
There is a difficult problem involved here. As I told
you on the phone the other day, none of the conditions
of this proposed contract have the features which were
so objectionable in the publicized cases. The work is
unclassified and in an area which is politically neutral.
The terms of the contractual agreement which will be be
tween Harvard and the Navy and will be a matter of public
record. On the other hand, it is true that the work to
be done will result in the development of a new techno
logy which will be valuable to intelligence collection
and interpretation, although not as far as I can see,
in connection with clandestine type activities.
29
i :Nc t d'i ncti '0 ns ' ill us t ra te the corpo ra
tality's need to rationalize acceptance of the monies while some
how exonerating themselves from the political responsibility of
association with intelligence operations.
Other Harvard professors were among those whose political and
ideological views were fed by covert subsidies from the CIA. Lead
ing liberals Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.(now in exile at CCNY) and
John Kenneth Galbraith were deeply involved in such CIA-supported
organizations as the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF). Gal
braith also administered the "transmigrat.ion of the CCF from the
CIA to the Ford Foundation" as he admitted to Franklin Ford in a
confidential letter.
Countless other professors, we are sure, consult with the
CIA, or groups which have their noses in the Agency's trough. ,
Even foreign policy whizkid Henry Kissinger took CIA conduit mo
ney for an annual summer seminar in international affairs he
at Harvard. The seminar, which brought Third World mandarins to
gether to exchange trade secrets and discuss world issues, got ,
money from the American Friends of the Middle East and the Asia
Foundation, both CIA passthroughs. And then there is Richard
Pipes, a Harvard historian, who is a consultant for the American
Committee of Liberation, a CIA riddled group that sends radio
broadcasts from Germany, Spain and Taiwan into the USSR and Chtna.
Mr. Pipes says he edits radio scripts for this group, which he
says is "a private organization with close ties to a government
agency." He also says the group has ties to Radio Free Europe,
which is the USIA-CIA propaganda arm headquartered in Munich.
And then ....
Harvard's accessibility to the CIA may have something to do
with the disproportionate number of Harvard grads who have occu
pied key posts in the CIA and its predecessor, the OSS. In addi
tion to Overseer Amory, the following Harvard men occupied key
posts in the CIA (most of the others are Ivy League men as well):
Archibald Bullock Rosevelt Jr., CIA London Station Chief until
1966; John Adams Bross, CIA Deputy Director; Ray S. Cline,
placed Amory as 001 May 16, 1962; the late Desmond Fitzgerald,
Harvard AB and Harvard Law Graduate, was Deputy Director of Plans.
Harvard's Coolidge Professor of History William L. Langer went
from top posts in the war time ass to the State Department, and
then back to Harvard from 1954-59 as Director of the Russian Re
search Center. President Kennedy named him to the ' five-man-Fe
de r a 1 I n t e 11 i g e n c eAdvis 0 r y Board charged wi t h coo rd i n'a ting and
supervising the CIA and the rest of the intelligence community.
(4) Harvard's Own .CIA Programs.
Harvard professors have been active in at least two programs,
covertly helped by the CIA, concerned with grooming strategic elites
in the Third World.
The International Marketing Institute
The IMI is a spinoff and yet a part of the Harvard Business
School. It was organized in 1960 by James A. Hagler, one of the
Business School's more dynamic faculty members, ostensibly to lIin_
worldwide understanding of the dynamic aspects of marketing 30
IMI WRITES THE CIA'S ASIA FOUNDATION WITHA. PLAN TO
. December 9, 1966
Mr. Jack E. James
Deputy Director of Programs
The Asis Foundation
550 Kearny Street
San Francisco, California
Dear Mr. James:
The material accompanying this letter answers most of the
"operational" questions but does not go into a sharply focussed
rationale needed to justify this grant. The following attempts to
answer the subtler questions, as well as the obvious.
1. Unlike most countries, Vietnam has a business and institutional
infrastructure which is largely under the direction and domination
of extremely energetic and capable women. These women are North
and South Vietnamese, Chinese, and partially Chinese.
2. We must assume that in the future there will be an armistice, cease
fire, or negotiated peace. When the non-military period occurs,
the United States and its allies must be prepared to develop another
"show case
ll
country similar to the economic successes in South Korea,
Taiwan, and Japan.
3. The opportunity to prepare a IImanagement base" exists. This is
apparent as a result of my trip to Vietnam at the invitation of
the Department of State. The proposed project is described in the
attached material.
Objectives of the Project
1. The immediate objective, of course, is to professionalize the manage
ment techniques of the first group of Vietnamese women. They are all
in the top management of their companies or institutions. Experience
at Harvard clearly indicates that unless the highest levels of manage
ment endorse executive training, it is almost impossible to make any
progress at lower levels.
2. With an initial group of fifty women coming to the School, the way will .
be prepared for the development of management training courses at the
University of Saigon and the National Institute of Administration. The
31
i ... ,
,- c"
I" . }' 1j
'
and dis t ributi 0 nand to ! S pur grea t e r use (>'f sou n d mar k e ting p r a c .. i . j r t 'I '1
tices." Its high-powered traininq international manage
ment elites received grants from the of State, AID, .
the Ford Foundation, and the CIA.
American policymakers use the 1M! as a prestigious training
ground for what they hope will be an enlightened managerial
structure which can make the world safe for American capitalism.
Its program consists of seminars, specialized research and train
ing. It also makes available a stable of globetrotting consultants.
In its proposal to the Ford Foundation, IMI stressed that its pro
gram for shaping more effective commercial activity and "commer
cial intelligence" had been discussed with the CIA and apparently
had its approval. Between 1963 and 1964, the Independence
dation of Philadelphia, a CIA conduit operated. by Paul Helmuth,
a Harvard grad, pumped over a hundred thousand dollars into thp
I MI.
One of the IMI's most interesting programs was its effort on
behalf of women's liberation in Saigon. Well, not quite women's
liberation. IMI Director Hagler, in consultation with CIA
cials and other government agencies, put together an extraordinary
program for training Vietnamese women in managerial techniques.
In December 1966, Hagler applied to and received $40,000
from the CIA's Asia Foundation for some of the expenses connected
with the largely AID funded program. In his proposal to the Asia
Foundation, he outlined how Harvard's managerial Skills could be
put to the service of American imperialism. His reasoning reflects
the sophisticated nature of the strategy: 1) "Unlike most coun
tries, Vietnam has a business and institutional infrastructure
which is largely under the direction domination of extremely
energetic and capable women;" 2) "When the military period ends
the US and its allies must be prepared to develop another 'show
case' similar to the economic successes of South Korea,
Taiwan and Japan;" 3) "The opportuni ty to prepare a management
base exists;" 4) "The immediate objective, of course, is to pro
fessionalize the management techniques of this first group of
Vi etnamese women." '
The IMI's program Cin Vietnam was similar to the programs it
conducted elsewhere in . the "developing" world. At all times the
objectives, given official sanction by the Harvard Business School,
remained the same: (1) to train a managerial class wise in the
ways of private enterprise, and (2) to increase US economic
trol of foreign markets.
The Trade Union Program
Harvard's work with international trade union leaders was and
has been somewhat more insidious. You expect a business school to
be propagating business ideologies. But what is a
business school doing helping to shape and mold working class
'leadership? . .
Harvard's concern with improving international business prospects
for the US required some programs aimed at controlling and manipu
lating the one potential oppositional group which stands in the
way. trade union training program was
organized under the direction of our old friend George Cabot 32
Lodge. Lodge helped organize both the IMI and the Trade Union
Program;'Thats like training Israeli pilots in the'morning
and then, in the afternoon, teaching Arab anti-aircraft gunners
to misfire. The trade Union Program was also supported by
Dean Hunt's Fund, a pass-through on whose Board Lodge also
sat. .
The two Lodge Business School programs were not the
only Harvard activities which had CIA support. A report
submitted to the faculty in April 1967 revealed that 13
programs and activities between 1960 and 1966 were financed
to the tune of $456,000 by the CIA.
The money backed programs ranging from the International
Seminar of the Summer School(conducted by Henry Kissinger)
to the research of individual professors in the Departments
of Psycology, Philosophy, and Social Relations. Fifteen
different conduits supplied the University with funds.
The Harvard Crimson (April 14, 1967) reported that none
of the conduit donations "had strings attached.
1I
The CIA does not have to attach strings to its
help to Harvard. The Agency's many friends on the faculty

and governing bodies know what needs to be done, and
are doing it. qr should we say trying.
,Thl' lllllowin;.: is;\ l);lrti,;llisl of 01'
Farficld l,'ound:'lion
,
;.:;,::i<:alion:<, now kuowll to have l;Cl'
l%G, $:,2(;j
To the African Scholarship Program:
"','<1 as (','ntr"l A;cncy
"l'dlllinils," whi(:h hayc clllltrilmted to African,..\mcrica,n Institutc
Y;Jri.lil:' Ilanard prograllls, The list 1%3,
b "Il111piltld frot:! Gifts to Harvard )%1,
Oct. 1, 1%3, llulllpill:ey Doer 1%3,
l::allll'" S,uuy 0XlClldc'<l \);\ck to 1960,)
To the Center for M icdlc Ea6tcrn
To the International Seminar:
Studies:
Tilt! A" ia
Fund [or Social and
$11.J7S
Economic Bducalion
1(, 6-1 ,
1%3, $15.000
:%5, ..ln
To estabiish a Will iam Cowper
1%(., $10,7n
80yden National Scholarship:
.\n:,'l'ic:11O l"ricads ot the :\liddlc
The Rubicon
1%1:.
[)I:.).
1%G. $5000
Nemorandum to:
...,. I .....'-I
_L II....
... ,. 'I'
lin. I. W. IIUkUI
Date:
..... H, It..
The contract _ amendment
been. executed .
Director:
...... I .,'-a..
described below has now
: a.hal bteUia.........,
33
Contract No.
...,11
Code No. 44 -706I-J
[THE BROOKS M E ~ : ON THE ONE HAND WE NEED THE CIA; ON THE OTHER,
JvjEMORANDUM
CONFIDENTIAL
To Dean Franklin L. Ford n\TF March 20. 1967
FRO!'vt H. Brooks Sell) HT
wi th CIA
;r
IT NEEDS US]
Sutherland negotiations
The technical section of CIA is continuing to express interest in a
research proposal which Sutherland has made to them, and he is continuing
negotiation., but with the full realization that the University might
ultimately be unwilling to become involved in this sort of contract.
If a contract were worked out, the funds would be supplied probably via
the Office of Naval Research, so that the contract terms, including
freedom of publication, would be the same as for all of our unclassified
contract. with defense agencies, which have been entirely acceptable to
the University for many years. While the CIA would not like the source
of funding to be blazened in the newspapers. the fact that the University
was Teceiving this support would not be considered as classified informa
tion. as it was in all the publicized instances of CIA support. Sutherland
has made the additional suggestion that the terms of the contract could
be written so that the support was for equipment and supplies only and
no salaries would be paid from this source. The amount of the contract
might be of the order of $100,000.
There is a difficult policy problem involved here. As I told you the other
day. none of the conditions of this proposed contract have the features that
were so objectionable in the publicized cases. There is no attempt to c o n ~
ceal the .ource of the funds. The work is unclassified and in an area
which i. politically neutral. The terms of the contractual agreement will
be between the Navy and Harvard. and will be a matter of public record. On
the other hand, it is true that the work to be done will result in the develop
ment of a new technology which will be valuable for intelligence collection
and interpretation, although not. as far as I can see, in connection with
clande.tine type activities. One could argue that since intelligence is a
legitimate and accepted function of all governments. there is nothing wrong
in principle in having the University accept funds from this source. provided
the terms and conditions are the same as for any other unclassified contract.
On the other hand, one could argue that in view of the present sensitivities
in thil regard. the divisive effect within the university corrmunity of having
it accept support from this source may outweigh any benefits to be derived
for a particular educational program. Karl Willenbrock thinks that the
Univer.ity should not get involved at the present time. On the other hand.
Arthur Maass and Don Price apparently did not feel there was anything wrong
with this. although I don't believe they were discussing the wisdom of the
policy as opposed to its morality.
I am laying out ' all this information before you because you may wish to use
it in discussion with some of our colleagues.
, HB:af
Harvard and the War Machine
;;r 'I
.J eare commit ted ina 1a r g e r sen s e to de vel 0 pin g
the connection between our University andttreArme'd
in a wide vari'ety of waYSt because one
Of the characteristics of the middle of the 420th"
Century is that we are in a period which is not
peace and not wart a period in which the techniques
of academic learning
t
both in the Social Sciences
and in the Natural Sciences
t
are more closely
conected than ever before with those of the
National Defense. A university which does not
try to develop a maximal degree to interest
t
cooperation and understanding between its staff- ;
members and those of the National Defense forces 'is
not doinq its full job.
1I
McGeorge BundYt 1955 in a presentation to a ROTC panel .
In the computing offices at the Pentagon Harvard ranks tenth '
among universities
t
that iS
t
in dollar amounts received for research
and development on Defense Department projects. Harvard has always
been big on defense. Its scientists have worked on weapons; its .'
social scientists and lawyers have shaped national security pol.icy. .
Its with the military-industrial complex are real and .'
strable. Harvard does research for the military. It trains
off ice r s for the mil ita r y . I tinve s t sin de fen s e - r e 1atedind u s - . . '" _".
tries and its corporation-overseer power nexus has more than a
few members with important personal ties to the war machine.
c
The adaptable institutions: a short history

, '*
Harvard's direct links with war-related activity begaQ
World War II. lilt should be a matter of record
t
ll
wrote President..
Con ant i n his 1943 - 4 4 rep 0 r t t " t hat i nthe Unit e d S ta t e s Qu.r
educational institutions proved themselves to be . so flexible and
adaptable that they could render important assistance to theg.ov
ernment in the prosecution of the war." Harvard's adaptability ;
included some confidential instructional programs
Navy personnel and two very large special laboratorias
secret work for the Office of Scientific Research and DeveloPffi ent.
Harvard professors were deeply involved in the making' of the " .
Atomic Bomb .
When hot war against fascism became cold wal againsi.c6mmun:
; s m, Ha r v a r dis a d apt a b 1e ins tit uti 0 n s rema i ned p1u g g e d (n tothe ...
go ve r n men tis nee d s . I n 1 948 Pre side n t Con ant not e d a II new, . mo.r e . I
intimate association
ll
between Harvard and the federal gove r nITlent.
This new relation
t
he wrote
t
lIinvolves constant calls for t,he
loan of the services of professors
t
contracts for all manners of
research and scholarly undertakings with several different agen
cies.
1I
By 1951
t
hereported
t
"numerous members of the univer:sity
staff are heavily involved as consultants in highly confidential
scientific matters connected with the armed forces. Indeed many
professors here and elsewhere find themselves perplexed as to how
35 to divide their time between calls from theqovernment and their
responsibilities as scholars and teachers.1I In the same year ,h.e -(' !'
disclosed that the Business School was undertaking a IIcon's'tderable
ll
secret study for the Defense Department.
And so it went throughout the fifties and sixties. In 1968
Harvard received $12,943,800 from the national defense estab1ish-
ment, broken down as follows:
Atomic Energy Commission $6,931,000
Air Force 966,800
A,rmy 649,000
Navy , 2,030,000
Advanced Research Projects Agency 1,237,000
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 50,000
Department of State 1,060,000
Defense monies constitute only about a fifth of all the
go vernmen t fun din g u m p e dint 0 Ha r va r d (a tot a 1 0 f $6 3 , 942 , 000
in fiscal year 1968). Next to the total defense budget, Harvard's
share is infinitesimal. Nevertheless, it is significant and
occasionally of real strategic importance. Most of the Pentagon
money supposedly supports basic research, although the line be
tween IIbasic" and lapp1ied"' research is, at best, thin. The Pen
tagon's interest is far from philanthropic, and Harvard's re
search priorities are distinctly skewed by the military's criteria.
Harvard is one key institution of a much larger military
research network. Within the university, most of the defense
supported research is concentrated in specific departments (En
gineering and Applied Physics. Public Health, and to an increas
ing extent, the social sciences). , The attached charts illuminate,
in some detail, the type of work Harvard war professors do. For
them war research is good business. Some Harvard professors sit
on key advisory panels which make up the infrastructure of the
university-military complex. These panels, composed of the
nation's leading academic scientists, provide the Pentagon with
instant access to the university's community when
help or advice is needed for the development of new weapons
systems.
HARVARD'S WAR PROFESSORS
John D. Ba1deschwie1er, Army Scientific Advisory Panel (ASAP)
Harvey Brooks,Nava1 Research Advisory Committee (NRAC)
Yu-Chi Ho, Army Scientific Advisory Panel
George B. Kistiakowski, Jason Division, Institute of Defense
Analysis _
Thomas C. Schelling, Defense Science Board
Ivan E. Naval Research Advisory Committee
F. H. Westheimer, President's Science Advisory Committee
Social Scientists in the War Machine
Let us not leave out the social scientists, who playa spe
cial kind of role in making war (or playing war games, as they
refer to it). While Harvard scientists are hard at work on na
palm, CBW and other weapons. Harvard's lawyers and social scien
tists are inventing scenarios for using them. Men Thomas
Schelling, Louis Sohn, Richard Neustadt, Henry Kissinger and
R,o be r t Bow ie, know n pop u 1 a r 1 y a s the II c r i sis man age r SilO r the 36
"Dr. :st ra'nge love s II of theacademicworldnave., ttl:; thetr, :f.rtends: .
fr'oi1{ -the' MIT Center, been an important component -of American de
fense strategy. In the late fifties and early sixties, when the
Harvard Defense Strategy seminar was in its heyday, members met
regular.1y to plot how the American government could use new forms ,
blackmail to sustain the world balance of power in its
favor. An aura of mystery and acrid odor of imagined power hung
over the Harvard CIA and the Law School, as these preoccupations
crept into the classroom. Attendance in Henry Kissingerls defense
policy seminar grew as students flocked to hear Morton Halperin
(an old Harvardite), scientists who worked on the German bomb,
and such top defense plotters as James McNaughton. Students hung
on each detail of how nuclear blackmail might work; no one ques
tioned who was responsible or the course that foreign policy
would take. (Even some of the technical questions went unanswered
of course. An occasional answer to a studentls question was, "11m
not at liberty to answer that.1I
Soon, of course, the nuclear stalemate suggested to the govern
ment and their mandarins that all the interesting questions of
IIdisarmament" had been discussed (if not solved), and that an all
out holocaust might not really be where itls at. The battle against
the Communist behemoth seemed infinitely more complex. He seemed
to be everywhere: in the jungles of Vietnam, in the trade unions
in the Dominican Republic, in the governing councils of Ghana.
Government and foundation interest in the Communist menace had
spurred studies on China and Russia, but scholars still knew little
about the Third World, or the processes of political development
there. Enter the most sophisticated arm of the academic war ma
chine: the counterinsurgents, a kind of fourth armed service.
At Harvard they are led by Alex Inkeles, by no accident one
of the ass men who responded to the Governmentls need for Russian
expertise by helping start the Russian Research Center. Inkeles
was 'one of the first to turn the Russian Research Centerls expe
rience in survey research to large-scale gathering of intelligence
about Third World countries, and their processes of development.
Mr. Inkeles had been supported for years in these endeavors by the
Ai r Force, generous in its fundi ng of "bas i c" soci a 1 sci ence re
(Basic social science research means keeping up on an
area and inventing theories about how things work, from which the
military can draw hints for their counterinsurgency campaigns; ap
plied social science means running errands for the mil i tary, like
estimating how much of the Chinese GNP might be spent on bombs
next year.)
Inkeles has worked on a number of studies critical of the
tough anti-Communist line of conservative agencies like the
State Department. (Of course, liberal social scientists are
the most useful to policymakers who really want to understand
insurgencies. Conservative scholars would deny that grievances
of groups exist; liberal scholars are sympathetic and
perceptlve.) Alex Inkeles still calls himself a socialist;
another of his sociologist friends who for military,
Martin Lipset., was a Trotskyist in the 130s in the same CCNY
chapter as Irving Howe and Milton Sachs. Lipset is now inte
rested ina s p e ci a 1 kind of insurgency : student movements He
has spent his Air Force funds ' in recent years on the study of
student movements which have precipitated political change in
37 the Th i r d Wo r 1 d . He I sal sopu t tog ethe r s 0 me con fer e n c e son
Hi\RVARD'SDR.
GOES TO
\IV] T!, is it. :I
u n lC' $' iI, d(, ,',' rr cJ r h :.. r
a\" ,.r ill i!1.! :"' :4 ! O: .J }.y f h e W . P . M I.I
Dr. Kissinger
Dr. Strange/ove .... .!
- .....:.!.-;:,,:,..-. ,- .--" ", : ,', -=-:-=' . -=. ' ', '.- , -.-:- = --:;' ,--= -
1IJ6P EDT OCT 22 66 SA 170
SV WA242 SUGOVT PO WUX WASHINGTON DC 22 24QP EDT
CEAN F RAN(LIN FORO HARVARD UNI VERSITY
UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE MASS
FOLLOWING MESSAGE RECEIVED F ROM GOVERNOR HARRIMAN
IN MANILA TO BE PASSED TO YOU : THE Lt-JITED STATES GOVERN!NT
DEEPLY APPRECIATES HARVAROS MAKING PROfESSOR KISSINGER AVAILABLE
FOR HI S EXTREfwELV SUCCESSFUL MISSION TO SOUTH VIETNAM. THAT
HlSSION VAS GREAT IMPORTANCE. COULD ONLY HAVE BEEN CARRIED
OUT BY KISSINGER ANO HAD TO BE COMPLETED PRIOR TO Tt MANILA
CON=' ERENCE
ROBERT H MILLER DlfECTOR VIETNAM WORKIf\G GROUP OCPARTrr.1T
(F STATE
(46).
[ KISSINGER KAPERS: HARVARD IS THANKED FOR ITS KEEPING KISSINGER ON THE
PAYROLL WHILE HE HELPED LBJ FIGHT THE WAR ON VIETNAM. WHEN THIS CABLE
WAS FIRST MADE PUBLIC, HARVARD DEAN FORD "REVEALED" THAT KISSINGER HAD
"8F1201(RZ-65)
ACTUALLY SLIPPED INTO HANOI TO HELP MAKE PEACE. COMPLICATIONS SET IN
WHEN THE WHITE HOUSE OFFICIALLY DENIED THE WHOLE THING. PERHAPS THE DEAN
SHOULD REREAD HIS OWN "DEAR HENRY" LETTER AND THIN K UP ANOTHER ONE]
38
1966
nerBonal
D.ar Henry.
I bave taken note of your need be ilbeen\ froc CaIIbr1.dge
for c: w8'Jk beginning October 8 on Oa.emMnt busine!!! in
e.-liOn.
Sinoerc11' you MJ ,
Franklin L. Ford
Professor Henry A.
fJ Divinity AYenue
39
" Well, back to the board,"
Abu III THE OBSERV ER. Ll) l h 'h ' ll
that with funds from a CIA group. the Congress for Cultural
Freedom. To accusations that some of the information hels ga
thering can be used by people interested in counterinsurgency in
Latin America (or Harvard?) he says, "our research is available
to both sides." But we know what side he was on at Berkeley and
Harvard. And why isnlt he studying things weld like to know, like
the structure of university decision-making on ROTC?
Of course, the thing that has really put social science on
the map is the war in Vietnam. For the past two summers, Harvard
professors have descended on the war-torn country to inflict their
notions of economic development and political stability on the
already devastated country. Vietnam gets it coming and going
from Harvard; from above by Harvard napalm, from below by Harvard
political scientists doing surveys on peasant loyalties to the
South Vietnamese Government. At the Paris Peace Talks, of course,
the ghostly figure of Harvardls Dr. Strangelove was present, even
before he became a White House advisor. Kissinger also went to
Vietnam that spring. Always in the background, of course, in the
classroom and on the lecture platform, we hear the voice of Samuel
Huntington, looking on the bright side, celebrating Vietnamese ur
banization, organizing Vietnamese elections. (The career military
isnlt exactly overjoyed by this academic influx; some of the
schemes Harvard men have worked on, like the McNamara barrier,
havenlt gone over too well.) But, of course, one important con
tribution of the Harvard professors has been in evaluating poli
tical and economic aid programs in Vietnam, improving them, shor
ing them up, and criticizing -- but, of course, with the refrain
that "now that welre in, we canlt pull out overnight."
How Wealth Puts Knowledge in its Pocket


1
0 .: .
.L _ ..
. J .------1""
------...
" \
40
I
, ' "
t; :" : ri, t 6 rl j
ill ,
\ I .
: i
,
Harvard 1S also in
volved in the development
of chemical and biological
warfare. Major research
efforts are under way to
develop an entire new wea
pons "system," which would
use "biological agents" to
cause death, disability, or
disease.
Harvard's initial con
tribution to this cause came
in the early days of World
War II with the invention of 11''=''1\ A:Q ---- - 'TOlUol<",
napalm in Harvard labs under
the direction of Dr. Louis
F. Fie s e r . To d ay H a r v a r d Artificial insemination in YON.
has surpassed even that
great contribution to the history of war crimes. The chart on
CBW research at Harvard details a few of Harvard's contracts,
which in turn form only one small part of the national 'research
effort to produce more lethal CBW agents. Harvard is not the
major non-governmental CBW research house--apparently the Univer
sity of Pennsylvania holds that honor. But Harvard has evidently
played a vanguard role.
Spin-offs and the war business
Some of Harvard's most profitable war business does not
take place at the university at all. Harvard's professors and
their enterprising MIT colleagues found that it was more profit
able to do classified contract research at the proliferating
number of spin-off private research firms in Cambridge or along
the Route 128 research and development complex. "As one pene
trates deeply into the university research network," wrote
Klare in The University-Military Complex (NACLA, 1969),
"the distinction between academic and non-academic functions
disappears altogether. The trustee or administrator of a univ
ersity research institute is more than likely the executive of
a spin-off industry located in the nearby industrial park, and
at the same time a consultant to the Pentagon bureau which admin
isters contracts in his field of research."
Consider the case of Harvard's Clark Abt. He teaches an
honors seminar at Harvard and makes his money by running ABT
Associates, one of Cambridge's numerous research think-tanks.
Abt has a staff of 120, some 65 consultants from Harvard and MIT,
and grosses about $2 million a year. Last year it had $42,000
in defense contracts. One of Abt's unique contributions to
world affairs is a counter-insurgency game which US manipulators
can play to simulate guerrilla warfare situations in the Third
World. The idea, of course, is to help the government smash
revolutionary movements. Abt has also designed such "games"
for use in Vietnam. (For more on Abt Associates, see James
Ridgeway, The Closed Corporation, Random House, 1968)

Abt is just one of Cambridge's 73 defense contractors
bad for a small town:) contracts totaling $72,547,000i
Cambridge, moreover, is just one center of research in the
region . In 1968, Massachusetts alone took in one billion six
hundred and twenty three million six hundred and twenty thousand
dollars worth of defense Harvard, one of the largest
corporations in the State, can claim a large share of the credit
for bringing this wealth into the state. Noted Michael Klare:
"The spirit of cooperation that characterizes the components of
the US research network is not surprising when one discovers that
more often than not the universities themselves are governed by
men representing the corporations that stand to profit most from
the universities' research activities."
Harvard itself invests in numerous defense-related industries.
One of its more interesting stock holdin9s is in the Atlantic Re
search Corporation (10450 shares in 1967). Atlantic has its main
offices in Alexandria, Virginia, and a research facility at Camp
Edwards, Massachusetts, which had $149,000 in defense contracts
in fiscal year 1968. Atlantic is deeply involved in CBW research
and counter-insurgency planning. Harvard's much-touted refusal
to take in classified research does not necessarily mean that
Harvard professors are not neck-deep in such endeavors on contract
and off campus.
Investments in imperialism
In 1967 Harvard's total investment portfolio had a market
val u e 0 f 0 v e rone bill ion dol 1a t s ($ 1 ,0 38' , 0 9 8 , 4 8 1 ) . Wher e was
the money put? Into low income housing? In community
Hardly. The bulk of Harvard's investments profit
from--without influencing the character of--racist institutions.
war profiteers, and the structure of American capitalism.
Listed in the vast investment portfolio are shares in:
racist utilities (Alabama Power Co., Arkansas Power and Light.
Mississippi Power); major defense contractors (Atlantic Research
Corp., Boeing Corp., Scovill Manufacturing Co.); banks which have
participated in the consortium making major credits and loans
available to the South African regime just when it seemed most
shaky (Chase Manhattan, Chemical Bank, First National City Bank);
mining companies which profit from the exploitation of the people
of Africa and Latin America (American Metal Climax, Inc., Kaiser
Aluminum, Kennecott Copper). These are just some of thousands of
investments of the Harvard Corporation.
Some critics might note a "cunflict of interest" between
the fact that the university invests in many of the corporations
represented and controlled by Harvard trustees and .overseers.
Not at all. It is harmony, not conflict, of interest; it is the
logic of the system. It does not matter whether Harvard invests
in precisely those businesses that Corporation members control,
or in others. And what other kind of members could the Corporation
have than those with large corporate holdings; they are there pre
cisely because they are men of power and influence. The Harvard
Corporation, like most other US business concerns, has as its
foremost objective the preservation and development of a capitalist,
imperialist system, to which support of social progress must al
ways come second.
42
\
HARVARD,' ,S, DEFENSE AND GOVERNMENT RESEARCH NETWORK
More than 1100 government contracts account for almost 40%
(63 mill' ion) of Harvard's income. The Department of Defense awards
just over $5 million in prime contracts to Harvard; Subcontracts
and institutional spin-off research corporations add a good deal
more. But these few statistics just begin to tell the story.
The Harvard empire extends to the far corners of the globe and
concentrates on high-level political and cultural research and de
velopment projects. In the charts that follow we have put together
some examples to further document this fact. These are not complete
listings; they are merely intended to give a picture of the vast
range of Harvard's interests and influence. (Contract sums have
sometimes been rounded off and contract numbers have been omitted.
See the list of references at the end of the tables for further do
cumentations.)
HARVARD AND THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE: NATURAL SCIENCE AND THE EmPIRE
Sponsor i ng Agency t : tle!Principal Researcher/Dates Value
Air Force Biochemical Studies of the Nervous System/ S33,521.00
S.W. Xuffler / 9/ 15/66 - 9/14/68.
Air Force Solar Radio Astronomy/ A. Maxwell - Harvard $515,000.00
College Observatory/ 1/1/66 - 3/31/69.
Air Force Office of X-Ray Crystallography Method/ J. Gougoutus - $46, .00
Scjentific Research Chemistry Department/ 2/1/68 - 1/31/69.
Air Force Office of Theoretical Atomic and Molecular Physics/ 551,800.00
Scientific Research A. Delgarno/ 9/1/68 - 9/1/69.
Army, Research Interdisciplinary Laboratory fGr Basic Research
$3,02S
Projects Agency (ARPA) i n Material Sciences! H. Brroks - Divis!cn of
_Engineering and Applied Physics/ 6/20/61
6/30/70 .
Kitt Peak The Develorment rf a Low Resolution Scanner/ s' s.pon .lJo
Observa tory L. Goldberg/ 7/ 1/60 - 7, 1/69.
Naval Weapon Underwater Sound Projections/ W.E. Schevill -
SlO,lion.:(1
Research and Engineering MeZ/ 8/16/ 6B - 11/1/68.
Station
r-Iavy Effects of Perceptual Isolation in the Human

SUbject/ P. Solomon - Med i cal School/ Fiscal
Year 1967 and 1968.
Navy Interd'sc i plinary Materials Research/ H. Brooks -
Div i sion of Engineering and Applied Physics/ .
7/ 1/70 - 6/30/71.
43
3/i q;" : l 2 .. u :!23'l ,!L .,' 1 r.>; ;"
Navy n8, "\tar -lSB . -o-eAS-o r-y,, Rpt:tt;-efl- . - ....z L,., U u
Navy, OfFi e of Naval
Res earch
cf Naval
Hesp-arch
Naval
r> (; r c h
nff ice r f Naval
Research
Navy, Offite of Naval
Research
Off i ce of Nava l
Resea r ct,
Navy, Offi c e of Naval
Resea r ch
Navy, Office of Naval
Research
Navy, Off i ce Naval
Resea :' ch
Navy, Office of Naval
Research
National Aeronaut i cs and
Space Administration
IYlIT Li. nc.oln Lab
Neural Response/ F.R. Ervin - medical School/
Fiscal Year 1967.
Acoustics/ F.V. Hunt - Division of Engineering
and Physics/ 6/1/67 - 6/30/70.
R.W.P. King - Div i sinn of Engi- $65,000.00
neering and Applied Physics/ 2/1/68 -
Ceramic Crystals/ D. of 564,000.DO
Eng ' neer i ng and Applied Physics/ 8/30/65 - S/31/69.
Crystal Boundaries/ B. Chalmers/ 12/16/f7
. J 1/ 3[", /68.
El ectronics and communication/ H. Brooks
DEAP/ 6/1/67 - 6/30/69.
High Pressure/ Paul - Dj.vision of Engineering
and Applied Physics/ 9/1/67 - SIR.
Hydrodynamics/ C.F. Garver - Di vis1 8n r.f
Engneering and Applied Physics/
9/14/69.
I
Ocean Currents/ A.R. Robnson/ 10/1 / 67
9/ 30/69.
Rad:o Waves Navigation ms thrds/ J.A. Pierce
Division of Engineering and Anplied Physics/
3/ 15/62 - 3/6/69.
The mechanical strength of Two-Phase Alloys/
m. Ashby - Divis i on of Eng ' neer ' ng anc Applied
Physics/ 9/1/68 - 9/1/69.
minerology and Petrography of Lunar
Materials/ C. Frondel - Professor
of minerology/ 1/1/6L - 6/1/69.
Dipole Antenna/DiVision of Engineering and
Applied Physics/ 6/24/68 - 6/24/70.
$10,000 on
$797,500.DO
$120,OOO.(}0
5115,000.00
$205 , 500.00
Sl \ 2,50o.0o


$25,000.00
In addition, there are three inst i tutions associated with Harvard about we have
incomplete information. The Sacramento Peak at Sunspot, New Me xico, was
establi.shed .f r r observatif"'n of the sun and its outer atmosphere. It is operated by
the Ai r Force with the cooperation of Harvard College Observatory under an , Air Force
contract. Radio telescopes of 28-foot and 8S-foot diameters at Harvard's radio astronomy
station in Fort DaViS, Te xas, make solar radio observations, operating under an Air
Force contract . and investigate other phases of radir astronomy. Finally, the Woods Hc.le
Oceanographic Institute receives SS,200,000 in defense department c r ntracts, according
to Department of Defense sources.
44
S FOREIGN AfFAIRS RESEARCH: SOCIAL SCIENCE ANO THE EIftPIRE IiIARVA!W'C
Sponsoring agency
Air For.c&...
Air- Force
Air Force'
Air for.ce
Air Force
Arms Control end Disarma
ment A.gency
Central Intelligence
A.gency
Depart-ant of Defense
of Health,
Education,'& Welfare
Navy
U.S. Naval Academy
of Internal
Security Affairs
DaDa r tment C'L' 5 ta te
DAoartment "f Stae
45
Project title/Principal researcher/Detes Value
Role of Third Parties in Conflict Resolution/
135,000.00
R.E. Walton - Business SChool/ 9/5/68 - 6/30/69.
Military Implications of Change in China (to
1176,000.00
advance the state of knowledge in the field, to
provide background for specialized studies and
to provide the basis for projections)/ Lindbeck,
Pelzel, Vogel, Clark, etc. (East Asian Research
Center)/ 1967.
Communist China/ Ezra Vogel-Arts & Sciences/ $363,500.00
1/1/64 - 6/30/68.
Classical Analysis/ L.V. Ahlfors - Arts & 1356,500.00
Sc iences/ 1/1/65 - 5/31/69.
Soc i o-Cultural Aspects of Development/ Inkeles 182,900.00
Arts & Sciences/ 2/1/66 - 6/30/68.
Chinese Communist Docttine and Practice Relating SIon nnO. no
to International law and Treaties/ J.A. Cohen
law School/ 5/13/66 - 9/30/69.
Graphical Display and Extensible languages in
125,000.00
Text manipulation Systems/ A.G. Oettinger
linguistics/ 7/1/68 - 7/1/69.
Proliferat i on Study -.mid-East Regional Security 132,400.00
and Possible Non-Proliferation/ Thomas C.Schelling/
1967.
mexican Cultural Change/ Evon Vogt/ 1967. 156,100.00
Group Processes under Different Conditions of 127,000.00
Success and failure/ D. Shapiro - medical School/
1967.
Evaluating Educational Systems/ l. 1ft. Stolurow - 1127.500.00
Educatir.n/ 12/1/67 - 6/30/68.
Strategic Analysis of Extra-legal Internal Poli- $256,600.00
tical Conflict/ T.C. Schelling - Arts & SCiences/
9/1/66 - d/31/69.
Formal Language in Behavirral Sciences/ G.A.
6/27/63 - 6/30/69.
Computer Aided Teaching/ A.G. Oettinger/
9/2 3/6i,j .
of State
Socir-Cultural Aspects of Development/
A. Inkeles, H. Schuman - Arts &SCiences/
1/10./63 -

Department Qf State
Soc: n-cultural Aspects rf Develof'ment :n
India/ A. Inkeles - &Sciences/
6/30/6; .
-
:,3f:l,OOO.OC
Deoartment rf State Church and Ethinpian Societyl
G. H. Wil1'ame - Div:nity Schnrl/ 11/13/67 -
7/30/6: .

Department rf State Srcio-cultural Aspects rf in
Israeli A. Inkeles - Arts & SCiences/ 6,17/63
6/30/68.
-
$63.000.00
Department State Industrial Entrepreneurship in Pakistani R.
Vernon - Arts & SCiences/ 11/9/64 - 3/31/68.

Department cf State Study of the Military
11/14/67.
in China/ 1/1/63 - 576,100.00
caw RESEARCH AT HARVARD
Project Title/Sponsoring Agency/Principle Researchers/Value
"Membranes"/US Army, through the Edgewood Arsenal, a key CBW research center/
Dr. R.G. Spiro/$60,OOO (From the Technical Abstract Bullentin,
1968)
"Plant Samples Collected For Chemical Analysis (Columbia, Ecuador)"/US Army,
Edgewood Arsenal/Leslie Gray and William Schopf (From the
Technical Abstract Bullentin, 1967). There was another contract
for another study of these plant samples undertaken by Dr. Djala
D. Soljarto.
"Molecular Structure and Diffusional Processes Across Intact Epidermis"/US Army,
Edgewood Arsenal/Dr. Robert J. Scheuplein/$35,OOO (From the
Aerospace and Defense Research Contracts Roster, 1965)
"Research to Determine the Structure of Puffer Poison" (a highly toxic natural
product as a model for new chemical agents)/US Army, Edgewood
Arsenal/Dr. R.B. Woodward (From Viet-Report, Jan.,1968)
"Laboratoxy Identification of BW Agents"/Fort Detrick, the Army's central chemical
and biological warfare (CBW) research center/Dr. Robert
Fremont Smith (From the Army Research Task Summary, 1961)
This research aimed to "devise techniques and material for the
rapid identification of BW agents and disease applicable to use
in the Armed Forces".
46
o'J IJ' ; n. -
. ... - .li 8 mJ
L. 'j
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
CAMBRIDGE, MaSSACHUSETTS 02138
September 16, 1968
.\f>MI":S"!ltATIV VICE I'RF5IDFST
"Al.l
ndum to: Dean Frankl in L. Ford
From: L. G. "Wiggins
At this morning's meeting, the Corporation authorized the follow
ing contracts:
1. Central Intelligence Agency. "Graphical Displar. and Ex
tensible Languages in Text Manipulation Systems' - - under
the direction of Professor Anthony G. Oettinger - for
one year beginning July 1, 1968 - $25,000.
2. Department of the Navy. Presenta tion of 120 "Program for
Afloat College Education (PACE)" courses at New London,
Connecticut, Newport and Quonset POint, R.I., Boston,
Massachusetts, and overseas locations - under the
direction of Dean Reginald H. Phelps - for one year be
ginning July 1, 1968 - $136,582.
3. Kitt Peak National Observatory. "The Development of a
Low-Resolution Scanner" - under the direction of Professor
Leo Goldberg - for one year beginning July 1, 1968
$58,764.
4. Office of Naval Research. "The Mechanical Strength of
Two-Phase Alloys" - under the direct jon of Assistant
Professor Michael F: Ashby - for one year beginning
September 1, 1968 - $30,396. . '.
5. Air Force Office of Scientific Research. "Theore tical
Atomic and Molecular Physics" - under the directlon of
Professor Alexander Dalgarno - for one year beginning
September 1, 1968 - $51,828.
6 . National Aeronautics and Space Adminlstration. "Min
eralogy and Petrography of Lunar Materials" - under the
direction of Professor Clifford Frondel - for' eighteen
months beginning January 1, 1968 - $145,00Q.
'('
/'2
/ /

-

/ . .
/ ..
cc; Office for Research Contracts
47
[THE CORPORATION ROUTINELY APPROVES CIA AND DEFENSE CONTRACTS]
ROTC
MUST GO!
apph-r sdS4/21 48
ROTC
Among the many Harvard ties with the Defense establishment,
ROTC appears minar. However, ROTC remains crucial to both Harv
ard Corporation and the military. For the corporation ROTC has
become the symbol of its willingness to "serve one's country".
For the defense establishment ROTC is the prime producer of
human war material.
ROTC was first established at Harvard during the First
World War by President Lowell. According to former Dean
McGeorge Bundy, "It was his (Lowell's) view that to have a
program that was militarily effective and attractive with
the young American college boy, we ought to have something
which has challenged the boy's intelligence and, at the same
time, would take him into the line when he had won his com
mission." ROTC mated well with Harvard's academia.
From this not so humble beginning, Harvard's ROTC has
attempted to be the example for other colleges and, univer
sities. As Harvard grew in status, so also did the ROTC
program. Thus in May 1955, Harvard prepared and submitted
a special plan to the Army Advisory Panel on ROTC affairs.
It was designed to reshape the ROTC programs on campuses
throughout the country in Harvard's image. McGeorge Bundy,
the Dean of the Faculty, presented the "Harvard stating:
"We are in deep agreement with many of the objectives and
with much of the thinking which lies behind the new General
Military Science Program." Harvard's commitment to ROTC was
solid in these Cold War times. The Harvard Plan consisted
of modest restructuring, such as some courses taught by
civil -ians, but its aim remained the same: "better training
for junior officers . " Harvard became the model and symbol
of ROTC as an important part of the modern university.
Military training is what ROTC is all about. Accord-
ing to Harvard ROTC's Colonel Pell, "About 45 % of all
Army officers currently on duty are ROTC graduates; 65 %
of our first lieutenants and 85 % of our second lieutenants
come from ROTC programs." The New York Times (5 January 1969)
corroborateQ these figures: ROTC supplies 50% of the Army's
officers, 35 % of the Navy's and 30% of Air Forces.
Notes Colonel Pell:
Today reliance upon colleges and universities
for officers is greater than before ... It
is very evident that the present mission of
ROTC is the production of officers, not merely
to _expose students to military training.
ROTC, Colonel Pell contends (and he should know), is critical
to the defense establishment. "Let it be understood," he
adds, "there is at present no acceptable alternative source
Qf junior officer leadership if ROTC is driven from the col
'1 e g e cam pus. " Yet eve n i n t he fa ceo f t his po ten t ia 1 s h 0 r t
age, ROTC maintains class-biased standards for its officer
It wants and needs college giaduates only. It wants
and needs a ROTC program at Harvard.
On this last point Pell is very clear; The Army digs
Harvard:
More lmpottant than any point thus far made
is the role of Harvard University in setting
a pattern of ROTC policy for the entire aca
demic community. Harvard has a special obli
gation to the nation as a precedent-setting
leader of the academic community. lAs Harvard
goes, so goes the Army ROTC program' might
produce a disaster 'of real proportions is
the ROTC concept is weakened and degraded
nation wide.
The corporation fully realizes both the symbolic and
military importance of Harvard ROTC and its preservation.
But maintaining ROTC has been difficult as ROTC critics have
grown in both numbers and militancy. Now the corporation
must find a way to keep ROTC, but to simultaneously pacify
ROTtcritics. And it appears that this way has been found.
The faculty proposal to abolish ROTC, as submitted by psy
chology professor Jerone Bruner, was amended by none other
than War Professor Thomas Schelling - a member of the Defense
Science Board and ' a prime Pentagon-financed - ".,
to provide the corporation with this way. Bruner called for
abo 1"1 t ion, S c h ell in g called for II a d vic e and consultation ..
to facilitate the participation of Harvard students in ROTC
programs." The faculty both, and the corporation,
with its crafty lawyers to interpret what the faculty had
accepted, was saved. Now ROTC will be made an e.xtra-curric
ular activity - like football or the Hasty Pudding Club.
But the corporation can live with it mainly because Harvard
students will continue to military training. The
military will still receive Harvard-trained officers. Harvard
ROTC asa model for other ROTC programs also still remains
o n 1yi t has ' bee n s t r eng the ned ina per v e r seway, t h r 0 ugh
th@ newspeak of keeping ROTC while abolishing it.
A group of law students opposed to ROTC defined the
central question in the ROTC dispute in the following terms:
Should Harvard University in the context of
current American domestic and foreign policies
have a contract with the Department of Defense
to provide for the production of officers for
the U.S. Armed Forces.
. ,
. " '
' The Harvard faculty and corporation have now spoken.
will be ended and the production of officers
will go on.
50
s:reTI0I V
Presentation ot the Barvard Pl.an
by
MR. McGJI)RGE lJJRDf
Dean ot the Paculty ot Artl and Sciences
Harvard University
We are very gratet'ul, at Harvard, tor this opporturdty to cc.e &Del
talk with JHIIlbers ot the Panel about a proposal. which we bave PQt torw.r4.
I ought to -.ke it very clear at the begiDDing that vbatever w.a
said by General Ridgway about the 1lIIpertectioD8 ot existing progrua v1ll
naturally apply vitb re-doubled torce to a propouJ. whicb baa DOt yet
been te8ted. We are f'U.lly aware ot the tact that we are stU! workiac
on a paper that we have DO exact aeaaure ot bat good or bani our propol&l
II1gbt 40 in the traiD1ng ot Junior otticers. The thiag I would like to
em,pb&81ze tirst and above all, however, 18 that we BELIEVE that the
propolal which we are presenting will lead to more and better J&m1or
ofticers tram the Reserve Program, at least tram our institution.
Naturally we are not equipped to pass ton.J. judgment--and I BII DOt
sure anybody i8, ree.l.ly,--as to what a program of tb1s kind would JDMD
aDd what its ettect would be in all ot tbe different kinds ot 1nIJtitutiou.
What we are really asking for i8 an opportunity to try an exper1JDelat
in the beliet that what 18 learned in such an exper1llent, even it it
should prove that we are wrong again, w1ll be helpful in the basic opera
t1.on ot creating a stronger Relerve Otticers Training througbout
the American colleges.
This study grove out ot a substantial bistoJY ot relationabip
between Harvard and the ROTC, and it .y be helpful it I sketch briefly
the background ot our College's connection with military tra1n1ag.
We have bad an ROTC unit at Harvard since the days ot the first
World War. That was estabUshe,d in the first instance as a Field A1"tiller;,
unit--vh1ch it still 18. That decia10n was taken by President Lovell.
And his reason tor wishing to have it an Artillery unit vas (1n his vi.."
and I say th18 to win friends UIODg the Artillerists) that the laD 1D
the Field Artillery unit in Judicious proportion, intelli,eaee
and coabat. It vas his view that to have a program which was
militarily effective, and attractive with the young American college
boy, we to have sClDething vb1ch challenged the boy' s intelligence
and, at the same time, would take him into the Une when he bad won
hiB cCllD168ion.
16
[ A PAGE FROM DEAN BUNDY'S PROPOSAL TO IMPROVE ROTC PROGRAMS: MAY 1955]
51
I ask you to a :'8.(; ul ty GO ttee
it.ri th the 'Droce dures ar-(; ::; ta:'".l.(;.c.r'0. your ':0
iTwes tigate this iS2ue and -so :;-aist. S:. t the !."s.cul r;:2; 08'cir;"2
the q,ut;stion whetheY' ROTC ought no:.:, ;(lany Y.JG.:::-s, cV..c;y-QU0,
be elirr...inatad from Harvard
f
s cf::.?ric.:1um al together'- ..
YOill"?\ :::: :':c:o erelyJ
.. .
.....r .... to r.L.r. reo 1.tter of laZ!!Dd .....0
1'. virtually aur. MuDao i. the profiGDal prott.r who
... .ither prid.nt of the .tudeat body or ..itor of the paper .t
Bo.ton Uah..r.ity 1.at yr. Be la toup cu.t_r--acccmliaa to
80M I. U. .cbdnlatr.tor... wr. chuc:kU.. 1dt -.-r about aportiaa
their II prob1...
OIl the cbaace that it ataht h.l, with your r ..pcma. to Muaao,
her. are coupl. of thouahu.
On the que.tion of vby Harv.rd .hou1d wat to haft a.O.T.C.
unit., it ..... to me there .r. two lener.1 poiat.:
Fir.t, haviq the 1.0.T.C. ait. here prcrddetud.nu who
wnt to rv. in the mUit.ry offic.r. an opportuaity to prepare
car.fu11y for re.pon.ibiliti that eaa .erto.a1y .ff.ct the w1f.re
of other.. It...... to _ that we should be mdoua to keep open
tM.option of rvice for our .tudent. .. ... .1'. to ..inuia r pect
!oT thoe. vbo chao to be ccm.cieatioua obj.ctor. or ea1i.t.d ..a or
to ..rve the country ia other _y
S.coad, the '--ricaa ai1it.ry ..r.1c have .1vay. been
aixtur. of "per.aneDt" profeional ..ldi.rad ati.11y civilian
..ldi.r.. Th. influence of the civilian. on the profiona1ad the
_tatenanc. of .... dear of autual uader.taadiaa betweD th_ are
probably Ulportant ia our kind of .oci.ty, p.rh.ppeci.l1y 1aportant
WeD the country ..... likely to be in for periodic cri.... Oi"a
Harvard'. ac.nhat .peci.l clieatet., we prob.bly ..k sipif1cant
contribution to that aixture, awn if the ....r. of atudenta iaw1ved
.n _11. In any cae., 1 would hat. to ... Banrard aove in dir.ctioa
that would .ul8t awn t.p1icitly that we f1 the .ilitary rvice
be the proYiac. of the profiODal. oa1y.
The qution of liYina cr.dlt for I.O.T.C. cour....trik
_ .s a touaher i ue, thouah not .n overwh.laina oa. 10na .. the
coat.at of the cour 18 .ub.tanti.1 and the optioaa of tatins the
cour... at .11 or for credit .r...iat.i1wd. 1 _ be.inn1aa to
UDd.r.tancl why you vant to di.cu thia with the ClP, howev.r.
October 11, 1967 fRED L lUMP
[KEEPING ROTC 1967: THE DEANS II INVESTIGATE" A STUDENT WHO ASKED ROTC I S ABOLITION]
52
February II. 1969

Ih-:lr '\ate:
Ila\'ing jusl \HillCn you Ihe reporl of Ihis Faculty's vole of lasl
Tue:aday . conccrning I should 1I0W like and inforlOlally
to down a few Ihoughts of lay ilwII.
:\s you kllo\\. I disagree many of the particulars. alld \irtu:lI'Y Ell of
thc spirit. of the resolulion pas.\cd by own Faculty. This is not :I ple:lS3nt
situation in which to find oncself. cspecially sinCl' in disch:lrging I:IY duty to
lIlakl' puhlic that resolution. I have inevil:lhly bern iJcntified by many outsidc
critics as one of its proponents. lIowcn'r . I :1111 here underlining my o\\'n alti
tude only to hl' slife that neither you nor any other me!nbcr of the Governing
is in any douht ahout it .
.... All that \\.IS needl'd 'from the Faculty was :I general statement of direc
tion. accompanied h)' a rt'qut'st for tht' crt':ltion of a committee to negotiate de
tails.
What we haw inste;lcI is :I very hadly framed. gratuitously unpleasant alld
hasiC:llly confused pronouncement .... what hothers me most is the under
lying theme of Ihe entire resolution. :I desire to go on record .Igainst :III things
military. ullaecol11panied hy :lny ralion:ll evaluation of the effects of such action
011 a large number of non-lIlilitaristic people. upon vast qnestions of foreigli pol
icy(which effect I should supposc to he just about nili. <lnd "1)1ln the puhlic
standing of this University (which effect. hy contrast. I can well imagine heing

One more \\ord of hackgl'llind. The so-called "e[r alternatik" was not
in Illy opinion a very good one. Quite by :lcci<lcl1l. the two meetings at wilich
it was drafted wert' hoth olles I had to I:liss Ihe first hcc;lIIse of a t:Onfcrl'n cl'
in Italy. the second because of the Ilu so I "'<IS Irft ill thc positioll of not
being ;!hle to defcnd a forlllulation which seellH'd to IIwny people 1I1111ecl's\arily
and perh:'1ls even intentionally. ohliqlle. Yl'I it strllck 111r as IInthinkahle Ihat I
should repudi:ltl' Ihe "ork of lilY own I'rillcip:ll a<lvi'>l'ry ('Ollllllitke. So Illuch
for this period of what I hope will tllrn Ollt to have hel'n only tl'lllpomry iill
potence.
As to where we go fWlll here. Ihal i, obviollsly SOlill'lhillg for YOIl alld Ihl'
rest of the corporation to decide. It is 1I0t Illy intclltion 10 try 10 glll'\S Illat
hody\ rc;!ctions or its vil'w\ as to viahle opf ions. ! IOWl'H'r. I ,holiid feel irres
ponsible if I did not sllggest very hril'fly allY of sC\l'ral {"/nihil' reactions
might represellt. as appraiscd frolll II:) particllbr :lllglr.
(II The Corporation might. Ihollgh I dOllbt thaI if \\ollid . flatly rejcct thl'
Faculty's recll111U1endations as Ull:lcccptahle. Thc trollhk here is Ihat. interwoven
among poinh with respect to which the FaCility's cOllIpetl'llCl' is qllestionable.
to say the least. arc other points. havillg to do with the Clirriculllill as sllcl ..
where delegation of responsihility to the faculty has heen virtually
(:!I It might he that a rl'qllesl for expres\iolls of opillion frol11 other hlc,
IIl1ies of the University. cspecially that of Law, wOllld reillilld l)Coplc hoth in
side and olltside the institlltion that this is truly a IInivl'rsit y- v.idc IHohlclll.
Such referral. however. llIight only make thillgs worse IInll's\ lJerek 1I0k were
able to say with sOl1le certainty what his :lsselilhled colieagu'lS would do -- alld
the last time I talked to hilll. hi! jllsl was 1I0t sllre.
(31 The Corporation might decide. purely on thc strengfh of thc vote frolll
Arts and Sciences. to opell exploratory di\cussion on behalf of the University
with the three service Departmellts ill Washingtoll. perhaps using an advisory
coml1littee drawn frol1l all the Faculties involvcd. Thereafter, if sOl1le dearly
[KEEPiNG ROTC 1969: DEAN FORD SUGGESTS SOME WAYS THE PRESIDENT
CAN MANIPULATE THE ROTC ISSUE DESPITE GROWING OPPOSITION.
NB This document has been retyped.]
53
. ? "i "' -.
poinl ellll'rged - such as Ihl" title of Professor for. thc d read of . J
each unit, :1\ an absolute requirement for thl" lIIaintenance of such units al
the Uniwrsity--the negotiators could cOllie back to the Faculty of Arts and
Sciences, eitlH'r with a question as to how to treat Ihat condition or_' ",_-ith a
nat allllouncelllcnt thai the Corporation 1I '()uld offer professorial appoint
l1Il"nts to the ullit heads, quite outside the structure of this faculty,
(4) The one other alternative I have been able to conceive would be
a de,:ision not ,to accept thesl" recomlllendations frolll the Faculty of Arts
and Sciences in' their ",(,S(,lIt limil, but instead to refer them back to the
Faculty for whatl'ver additional work and discussion is re1luired to make thelll
u- :Ible as a b;lsis for further action , This courSl.' would occlision lou!l squeals:
hut there are two things to be said for it. First, the SFAC resolution ",as
b:ldly drafted--and I know that at least sOllie of the faculty lIIelllbers who
votcd for it were aware of its illlprecision , Second , bec:luse of this bad
drafting, we are Idt with no n'liable notion as to how I!lan), meillbrrs vo
tl'd an the hasis of vague rillotionalism and how lIlany others \'ot ed hecause
t hl'Y find t he present departlllent:ll-curricular sit ua lion genuinely allo 111:110 us ,
\! th,' \l'n- il':lst. it would hd" to have the questions put separately, so
th;lt one lIIight have some idea of \\ hat kind of faculty opinivn he has to
tkal \\ itlL
finally, having jotll'(l do\\ n these qllitl' candid thoughts \l ithollt pre,
sUlitilig to go \l'n- far ill or thelll (though lily own pre,
fen'nn' for rill' fourth altl'rnative just cited lIIust !)t' apparent). kt IIle add
oIll' fin;" rl'l"it'ctioll \\hil'h i, as nel'l'ssary to statl' dearly as it is diffi<'ult to
ta"d-IIII\ , This has to do \\ it h Illy 0\\ u position as ile;IIl ,
, On isSill' aftl'r issue this \linter the Facult ,\' has disrL'garded the H'l'
olllllll' ndations of its 0\\ n cOI :lIuiltees and its own administrati\-e offil'l'rs, prt',
faring to suhst it ull' t hl' quit'k Iy forlllulated prod Ul't of l' illotional debate for
a l'on,idl' n'd judglll"nt IJ\ [ll'opll' -- inl'luding lIIany he,idl's 111\ self - \\ 110 had
tried to \\l' igh all thl' argllllll'nts hl' ard at til<' Fat'lIlt\' nll'l' ting, and a nUlllhl'r
of ot hl'r, a, w<'ll.
SOlnl'ho\\ , \\ithollt to thrl'all'n in :In\ l'gol'I'lltril' \la\, I feel
I Illust gl't Ill'for,' thl' ['al' ult, the simpi<' truth that in the l'reated
hy rl'l'l' nt it \\ ill hl' ,irtllalh illlpo""ihle to hold the "en-ict', Ilf a
Fred (;lil!l(1 or :I ('I1;"l' or thl' reillarkahh hard\\orkil'lg \\ho
In:lk,' it ckar Ihat in slIl'h an atlilo"pht'rt' it \l ill Ilt' l'olllplt'tel,-
sihk for :I II \"\)1 Il' \\ho :lbo ahollt t<'aching anu sl'holarship 10 justih \\ hat
Sl' l' I!I" to hl' :III inlTl'asingl, 1'111 ii,' dfort to n'lHesent his culleagllt's as l>t':ln of
Fantlt, ,
Yonrs ,
Franklin L Ford
President .\alh;lll ' -L; Pusey
:\iass;Jchusl'tts Hall
jls
The lessons of Columbia's police raid
- and why it didn't happen here
54
PART Ill: HOW HAR..VARD R.U'LE5:
TRL\INING NATIONAL ELITES
Kennedy Institute of Politics
Following the assassination of John Kennedy and the subsequent
demise of his political machine and administration, the Kennedy
family, led now by ambitious brother Bob, faced a problem: how
respectably to keep together the Kennedy intellectual establishment,
which had served so well in John's rise to power. Bob had obvious
uses for it. The solution was typically brilliant: the Kennedy
Institute of Politics. The Harvard Corporation was easily per
suaded since such an institute would assure Harvard of continued
influence in Washington, and possibly keep the flow of research
grants steadily high.
The Institute was founded with a gift of $10 million from the
Kennedy Library Corporation to the Harvard Corporation. Of this,
$2,500,000 came directly from the Ford Foundation, headed by John
Kennedy's former special assistant McGeorge Bundy, once Dean of
the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Simultaneously an endowment of
$3,500,000 was given for the Kennedy School of Government, then
known as the School of Public Administration. For this price
Harvard provided a number of very helpful services for the Kennedys.
First, the School of Public Administration was renamed, the first
time Harvard had ever named any school after any donor. (The
name change required special court action.) Second, the Institute
of Politics was to have an advisory committee on which at least
one member of the Kennedy family must always sit. Thus the
Kennedys sought and received assurance of . control over the Insti
tute. Finally the family had gained the respectability and secu
rity which only Harvard could
A brief look at the people who were originally placed in the
Institute makes the Kennedy interest clear. Its first and present
Director is Richard Neustadt, an adviser to both John
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. Adam Yarmolinsky, former Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Defense under McNamara, was one of its
first members. So was Daniel P. Moynihan, another frequent ad
viser to President Kennedy. Indeed almost all the members and
fellows of the Institute at its origin were past Kennedy cohorts,
and occasionally potential stars in future Kennedy administrations.
Henry Fairlie, an English journalist, wrote in 1967: "One.
cannot examine the list of members, fellows, or faculty associates
[of the Institute] without recognizing that within the boundaries
and the constitution of Harvard College, there now exists an
apparently respectable body which is precisely organized to attract
men out of public service until they may, at a convenient time,
be returned to it.1I
55
Harvard Business School
Not all of the evidence relat
ing to Harvard's involvement with
the military-industrial mastodom
is discreetly cached in the files
in University Hall. For example,
one need only look across the pol
luted waters of the Charles River,
where stands the Haryard Business
School - the personnel office and
extension service for the command
ing heights of corporate capitalism.
Within its ivy-covered walls, 275
businessmen with faculty rank bus
ily divide their time between cor
porate consulting, c6nducting a
million dollars worth of industry
and government subsidized research
and processing the year's quota of
700 future administrators and
captains of industry.
n,' "
'c I ~ ( '. ,I
' .. ! .
In addition t6 its course of graduate study, the Business
, 0
School has offered, for the past fifty years, a 13-week Advanced
: I ~ I ' ) . I
Management Program to 6,087 "extramural" students, including some '
460 board chairman and 120 U.S. Military officers of flag or general :,' .
I
rank. The number of corporations '
r !
enrolling their top management o f f ~ , ,
Urs in NEBELSPALTER. Rorschach, Switzerland ,
icers in the AMP h a s ~ we are told by
President Pusey, increased steadily.,
The crush is being eased with' new '
classroom space financed by the
Continental Oil Company.
Internationally, the school has . ' ,'
sought to prosyletize techniques -of ,', "\
manageri a 1 omni potence through the - -:, ,,_ \ ,
training of foreign nationals (from "
44 countries) and initiating pilot
projects throughout the Third World
and Europe. Accordi n9 to Dean George ' ','
Baker, II Around the worl d, when you
hear someone say, "Harvard", the
chances are 3-1 that ' he means the
Business School.1I
To date 2 9 r a d uate5 0 f the . ~
Harvard Business School have left
their Alma Mammon to become corporat
ion presidents and chairmen of the
boards. Enouqh said.
, ( . , :
I
. J
"
56
Ardi6n In PALANTE, Havana
\ ,..,. "
Harvard Medical School
The objectjve function and the stated goal Harvard Medical
School is to t'raili The setting. the curriculum
and the value's explicit in the education groom students for positions
in . the medical elite -- as researchers, academicians, or administrators.
thi members of all medical schools were HMS
graduates. In 20 deans or administrators above the rank of
dean were HMS graduates in the 87 medical schools. (The current figure
isno doubt much higher.) ,
The notion that a medical school should be to treating
diseases of people or that it ought to take active responsibility for
the health of the people. in the surrounding city is entirely foreign
to the medical profession. How did this come about? Isn't medicine.
supposed to be humanitarian?
t
.. . DQctors are the only ones considered capable of determining
who should become doctors in the future. In general they choose
people remarkably like themselves; the basic criteria are college
and Medical College Apitude Tests. The results are no surprise
to anyone in an upper-middle conservative student body -- few .
women (10%), fewer blacks. In 1968-69 there were 3 American blacks
at the' expense of the other "high risk" group -- women.(There will be
only 7 women in that class of about 150.) It is not only the estab
lishment A.M.A.; it is also the liberal doctors who are out
to keep medicine the way -it is. Their biggest fear in the admission
of black students has been the threat of compromise to their "academic
standards."
The political thrust of this that decisions
made by _professionals are not up for evaluation by non-MD's; doctors
should decisions for other people and other people should not
decide about those decisions. This openly-recognized elitism is
dogmatically opposed to ariy democratic notion that the people should
control institutions that affect them.
But isn't this naive? Don't doctors know more about medicine
than other people by virtue of their long training? The point here
is not to dispute the real technical expertise that a doctor may
have in his field but rather to emphasize that (a) expertise is only
a sma11part .of the process of getting people well, and that (b) the
economic and psychological priorities which govern the development
of that expertise destroy the possibility of recognizing and imple
menting broader sociil priorities.
For example. it is assumed that students will choose to
specialize in some very narrow area of medicine, i.e., that they will
to become like their professors who from their labora
tories twice a year to give lectures in "their thing." This became
clear in the recent revision and rationalizatjon of the Harvard
curriculum in which each department competed for "prime time." The
curriculum has become the arena in which the various specialties
. compete with each other in into their fields. The
process is subtle; it means emphasize the supposedly
exciting forefronts in medical .research (i .e., those areas where one
could make a name for onese1f) . rather than the more common (and sup
posedly boring) health problems the majority of people. For
instance,inifumunblogy, first-year students learn about the probl.m
of kidney transplant rejection rather than the problem bf inadequate
immunization of many children. The first is flashier in terms of sci
entific interest; the second is more critical to under$tanding why
people get sick in our society.
It is important to consider not only blatant neglect of
sickness in the society, but also the approach to sick people that
are "treated," Estimates run as high as 80% in assessing the number
of people who feel sick with no diagnosable organic disease. In other
words, medical training equips a doctor to deal with lass than 20% .
of medical problems. Yet doctors are selected on almost purely academic
grounds with little attention paid to whether they are sensitive to
people's personal or social problems. Psychiatry is not the answer;
labelling sick black people as paranoid schiiophrenics, for example,
is only another excuse for an unwillingness or inabilityto recognize
the role of a racist authoritarian society people's minds.
Consider the problems of Boston alone.
are never taught about the medical needs of their city. Yet Harvard.
Medical School staffs 8 of the teaching Boston. the
ho s pitals nor the medical school shoulder the responsi.bility f6r
Boston's health or sickness. The pressure for of the Medical
School does not reflect a response to the community's needs for more
medical care; it is an expansion that is internally generated, from
the need for more equipment and staff for sophisticated research. Who
then is responsible for the fact that the infant mortality rate in
Roxbury is twice as high as in other parts of the city? The Medical
School maintains that its responsibility is not for the city but for
the advancement of science and for the training of leaders in
As a part of Harvard it could do no less. It only serve the structure
and values of its society.
Radcliffe
Radcliffe is the Harvard of women's colleges. It produces wo
men I,.vho are "It/ell-educated" to play the role of the modern woman in
American society -- they can cook, clean, have children and careerS.
In short, they are to be good wives to the elite in AmeriCan society.
Most of these \/omen see that there are problems fn the world, but few
of them see that they can take an active role in solving them.
R a d c 1 iffe a c c e p t s g i r 1 s who wi 1 1 bet he" be s t pos sib 1 e w0 me n
in a man's world." Girls who show promise of being useful.
But s ocially useful in what way? Radcliffe teachesthem to help
maintain elitist status which includes keeping women subor
dinate to men.
Institutionally, Radcliffe is subordinate to Harvard. Harvard
ha s all the money. Harvard has the professors, the classrooms, the
power over hiring and firing. Radcliffe has an informal agreement
by which its qirls attend classes and receive Harvard degrees.
Radcliffe administers only its dormitories: eating and sleeping. In
other words, Radcliffe runs the home.
The physical separation enforces the split. The fifteen-minute
walk takes you to another world (no matter which direction you, are
walkin g). At lunch at Harvard, or in the stacks of Widener Library,
you can have an academic or a political . . At dinner at SR
Radc l iffe, talk is usually limited to girls' diets or their boy
to Radcliffe, change into dungarees, and
relax. the .world of women, and women don't count.
This physical also defines Radcliffe in such a way
that academics don't belong to it. Seminars which are started at
Radcliffe usually flop. Girls don't want tutorials at Radcliffe ,
wit h 9men tu tor s . The y c 1 aim t hat h a v i n gat utori a 1 wit hama n 'i s
more stimulating the sexual tension helps bring out more interest
ingideas., . .
, also re-enforces a self-image
that ,most girls have when they come to the college. A Radcliffe wo
man should be feminine, but in a sleek, not a frilly, way. She
should - be independent and creative. But above all, she should attract
a She should have . a career, but not at the expense of family
life. It would never occur to Harvard that all its graduates should
be dentists (even part-time), yet no one at Radcliffe questions the
assumption that all women be wives and mothers. Radcliffe life is
centered around Harvard because a woman's life is centered around
: "her man", whose life is centered around "the real world".
Milk and cookies are served in the dorms on Saturday night for
the poor unfortunates who don't have a date. It is assumed that wo
men would always rather be with men than with women. In fact, that
is the definition of liberation at Radcliffe -- spending more time
at Harvard than at Radcliffe. No effort is made to show women that
they miqht work together constructively.
Women are constantly warned that Cambridge ;s a dangerous town,
' that girls have been attacked near Radcliffe and even on the Rad
cliffe quad, and that they should never walk alone at night, es
pecially across the Common. Yet Radcliffe never tells them that
they could learn to defend themselves -- the Radcliffe gym, instead
of its many offerings which no one uses, might offer karate, or ju
jitsu.
Many women are surprised that Radcliffe women are under all
these constraints. President Mary I. Bunting, a famous biologist
who has been on the Atomic Energy Commission, is well-known for her
views on women leading full, active lives and having "careers
ll
She
has set up an institute for past childbearing age, which enab
les women to pursue study (including poetry, paintinq and other arts)
without tying them to the rigid requirements of a degree program.
She has transformed Radcliffe Head Residents from old ladies with
spying eyes to young couples with children, so that Cliffies can
see in action the "happy home life" that is to be their ultimate
fulfillment. These, however, are only outer trappinqs. Mrs. Bunting
does not teach women to question their exploitation in capitalist
society, to question the image which America has built up of a wo
man's ro 1 e .
At Harvard, even the men who profess to believe in women's
liberation betray themselves. They think of women's liberation as
meaning that Radcliffe should participate in Harvard. Thus Radcliffe
girls work on the Crimson, but when a girl was elected to the Crim
son's highest position everyone was shocked. Girls shouldn't gOToo
far you know. Both Harvard men and Radcliffe women are socialized
into believing that men are the leaders. The important things hap
i9
pen at Harvard.
This has been especially true in the recent strike at Harvard.
After two girls were given voting positions on the fifteen-man Strike
Steering Committee (none were elected, and some men's consciences
began to hurt) one of the women was told, "You take care of Radcliffe."
It is perfectly natural for women to help organize at Harvard; it is
ridiculous that men should go to Radcliffe. Everyone knows that
Radcliffe is isolated -- that just as women stop talking about aca
demics when they reach the they also stop talking politics.
Women active in the strike were afraid to return to Radcliffe be
cause they would lose touch, which was in fact what happened, because
no one saw Radcliffe as an important place.
The strike has simply emphasized the dichotomy Radcliffe girls
face. Radcliffe is for eating and sleeping -- if that -- and Harvard
is for academics, for politics, for thought and action. In times of
crisis, and from day to day, Radcliffe looks to Harvard for its strug
gles and its life. The girls who graduate from Radcliffe also look
to their Harvard men for guidance. The Boston Globe, in speaking of
the strike, spoke' of "Harvard men and their Radcliffe sympathizers".
Women will always be there to sympathize and help, but never to lead.
Radcliffe does not train for that.
The Ed School -- Far From the Madding Crowd
You can't talk about what's going on in America without
talking about the schools. Conflicts over community control,
the relevance and racist character of educational policy and
curriculum and the dehumanizing effect of most teaching has
started militant movements for change in every big city. The
Ed School, perhaps more than any other Harvard institution,could
have an effect on this revolution.
_ The Ed School certainly has such pretensions; it sees itself
as the singularly sane and liberalizing (read civilizing) force in
American education today. In its mind the argument is very simple:
liThe school is a unique institution, the only social agency through
which virtually every American passes. As such, it has the poten
tial for great power." (Prospectus, 1968) The Ed School seeks to
produce the people who will control the socializing agency; it
"has deliberately followed a policy of preparing its students
for positions of maximum leverage." (Dean's report, 1968)
It may seem odd to some that, at the same time, the Ed School
the image of being the most open, radical institution
at Harvard. Dean Sizer (Ted to most of the students) is the young
est Dean at Harvard, and likes to think of himself on the student
side of the generation gap. To prove this, Sizer was the first
Dean to allow students to participate in graduate school policy
making bodies. That's nice, but it is only so much liberal roman
ticism. In spite of its pretensions, the Ed School remains largely
irrelevant -- to its students and to the forces of change in the
country.
The Ed School obfuscates the issues rather than clarifying
them. It sells itself to students by offering the same kind of
courses offered in the academic departments at Harvard. A whole
lot of behaviorist sociology; not a word about the cops patrolling
the halls to keep the kids in line.
60
Anyway producing teachers plugged in to the needs of the
students isn't the Ed School's purpose. Most of the professors
don't know much about teaching in a gut kind of way. Like many
departments at Harvard, the Ed School is for the preservation of
the leisure class. Name any issue vital to whites or blacks about
their ' schools- integration, community control, black studies,
bussing, and the .Ed School has a bunch of guys who'll carryon
with "on-the-one-hand .. on-the-other-hand.
lI
Other professors
escape the issues by studying how computers can give kids voca
tional advice, instead of real teachers. (It's quicker, and the
kfds .Eet to do it.) Others write tests, and more tests, making
them better and better selectors of the fortunate few. (The Go
vernment pays for most of this excess paper; the Ed School got
57% of its money there last year.) Of course, people at the Ed
School are always wringing their hands about lithe system
ll
and how
-awful it is. But maybe things will never change if you have to
prove statistically before people move. That's how the
Ed serves the Empire; the ruling class can go right on while
these guyS debate integration.
Another thing the Ed School can't make up its mind about is
change comes from the bottom or the top. They talk a good
democratic line but when . it comes to blows they usually seem to
to decide that this ferme 'nt from the bottom needs a bit of adrni-'
nistrative focus. That's where the Ed School Comes in.
The Ed S c h 00 1 k e e p sup with its a1urn ni. It boa s t s t h r e e
State Commissioners of Education, one Assistant U.S. Commissioner
of Education, two Associate U.S. Commissioners of Education, 150
Superintendents of Schools, 54 Associate, Assistant, and District
155 principals and headmasters, 21 college or
university presidents, 38 24 Associate and Assistant Deans,
four presidents tir vice-presidents of educational corporations.
An impressive list but not goodenqugh. The Scheffler Report (1966)
s tatedt hat H a r v a r d's ma i n pur p:o sewas not tot r a i n tea cher s but
totr a i n II p0 te n t i aled u cat ion all e a d e r s II and t 0 con du c t \I S i g n i f i
cant" research .. ThiS report was followed by the Weller Report
(1969) which advised cutting back even further II nov ice teacher
trainingll in fav.or of curriculum and instruction revision. The
circle is completed. Train the top administrators and at the
same time give them revised curriculum developed by HGSE
graduates . . Of course the circle shuts out the kids.
Like other universities, the Ed School also looks
for fpreign systems to tinkei In 1962 it established
the for Studies in Education and Development (CSED)
whose spec1fic purpose was to IIcarry out studies of the role
of education in the process of modernization
ll
For
II mo dernization
ll
read IIAmericanization
li
CSED is financed
by the Ford Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation, AID and
Education> and W'orld Affairs Inc. CSED has two main functions:
it t r a ins e d u cat i .0 n a l ' p 1ann e r s (b 0 t'h Arne ric anan d T h i r d Wo r 1d )
who will . be sent to work in various planning agencies in the
Th'ird World. A CSEDgraduate heads the colonial Ministry
of Education in New q.ui nea; another heads the office of
e'ducational planning 1n Chile.
CSED 'is also concerned with institution-building in the
Third WDrld: Nigeria, Venezuela, Barbados, Puerto
61
Rico, East Africa, etc. The models used conform remarkably
I - --I ..... ,.... . f r I
closel y to standard American types - CSED provides the
expl an at ion for this: "experience has shown that educational
pr oblems are not Kforeign" or "domestic"; but rather that the
edu e a t ion alp rob 1 ems 0 f the de vel 0 pin g w 0 r 1 d ,9 re e sse n t i a 11 y
s imi lar to those of the developed world. Problems differ
in time and order of magnitude, not in kind." (Annual Report
,1967/68) And, of course, American schools are such a good
model of democratic ins.titutions.
The Law School
Harvard Law School produces 500 trained legal technicians
and annually to facilitate the operations of Amer
ican industry and government. They graduate into Corporate
America's legal infrastructure, there to become servants of
government functionaries, and buffers against insurgent
soci a 1 forces.
Th e i r, prof e s s 0 r s are we 1 1 equi p p edt 0 t r a i nth em. Con side r :
. A dam . Y a rm 0 1ins ky, eve r yon e 's f a v 0 r i t e "1 i be r a 1" a d vis e r to
. Defense Secretary McNamara, teaches the slick " i nnovative "
Uiban Legal Studies course. As a member of the Science Advisory
Committee of the Task Force on Science and Technology in Crime
Control, he was part of the group which commissioned the i11
famed Institute for Defense Analysis to do a study on urban
They're the people who came up with the
"instant banana peel as a cure for black rebellions. Yarmo1in
sky's bias toward managed change with "law and order" seeks to
contain emerging forces for radical change rather than assist
their development . Professor James Vorenberg, the major
author of the President's Crime Commission Report, added leg
itimacy to those who think that more cops can cure problems
whirh are deeply social and political. Then there's
former US solicitor General Archibald Cox, who wrote Crisis at
Columbia which attacks student protesters and lays out a
s ophisticated if unsuccessful strategy for dealing with student
disorders. All of these are ways the law school's resources
an d ori entation help the Establishment squelch attempts at
r die a l eha ng e .
I t is not surprising then that so many graduates end up
in offices or government posts. The ideology of
t he ir legal training derives explicitly from' the defense of
pro pe rty (rather than human) rights. It presumes the desir
ability of minimizing disruptive social confli-ct. For liberal
reformers, this means funneling social discontent into legal
channels instead of attacking the structures of wealth and
power . For conservatives, this means findinq tax and legal
looph oles in order to maximize profits . For most, it means
accepting the basic contours of the system and the
t e chniques of tinkerinq with the legal archit ectu r e in courts
, run for the privileged. The picture is pre t ty gri m,
but take heart. A few of are hanging in t here and
pic king up some skills. As more heads get busted-
and enlightened--perhaps there will be more .young law
yers coming around, if only to defend the rest of us.
62
Joint Center for Urban Studies
In the li9ht of Harvard's currellt record, the Joint Center for
Urban Studies (Harvard and MIT) becomes a joke. What
to construct an institute for research into urban while you
continue to in your nwn institutional interest without
for the community. The real joint center for urban action is the Cam
br{dge Corporation, whlcii"illcludes Harvard, MIT, ari'"dtne others who
count -- a group of industrialists, notably Polaroid. The Cambridge
torporation is futilely attempting to deal with community groups,
without giving them any real power, and has offered a few sops, such
as one tiny children's playground and a renovated two-story house.
The Joint Center was begun with $3 million from Ford, with which
it hired Daniel Patrick Moynihan (former Assistant Secretary of Labor
and then at the JFK Institute of Politics) as Director, and former
Boston Mayor John Collins as professor. It too is involved in the
Empire -- doing studies, for example, of Colombian economic problems.
But above all,it.is a typical bureaucratic attempt to forestall de
mandsJfQr reform. in the cities with the cry that we must flrst
do five or ten years bf research because we don t t
kno; the precise nature of etc.
Ridgeway quotes the following illuminating exchange in his recent book,
The Closed Corporation: (pp. 188-89) . : . .
At the press conference announcing the Ford
grants, Pusey, Moynihan and Howard Johnson, MITis .
president, set forth the
declared, "It seems to me that the significance of .
the Ford grant is a recognition that we just don't
know enough yet about cities in order to frame wise
policies for correcting some of the shortcomings
that obviously exist in urban life. And the
nation is excited about this, has a new and
ened awareness of the need for action. Private
individuals, foundations, city government, state
government are all going to be enacting programs,
but the real deep understanding and wisdom for
for mat ion 0 f pol icy jus t doe s n t e xi s. t. and what .
welre looking forward toward here is a researth
program that will begin to provide some of the
answers, or some of the knowledge and information . "
A black man spoke up, saying, "What will happen
to the city while you gentlemen are discussing
what's supposed to be done? You have welfare rolls
that are growing. For instance, Harvard has a
pretty good medical school. Why couldn't they
have a program to teach the welfare recipients
. how to become nurses? There is a shortage of nurses.
You could have your financial institutions
pressure on the banks to allow people to giin
mortgages so they could build better housing. This
type of thing should be going on while you Ire
deciding what youlre going to do with these people,
or .for these people. Youlre going to be studying
them to death, I think."
"Well, sir," Moynihan said, "there's a great
deal of activity like that going on at MIT and
Harvard; more, no doubt, should, but I guess it's
one of the dangers you have in the academic world,
that is, forgetting that nobody elected you
anything, and quite seriously, I guess our first
job is to sort out what we think we know or don't
know about problems, and this moment we
are impressed the number Qi things don't
know."
James Q. Wilson, former director of the center,
added that perhaps in any ultimate sense, the
answers may well be unknowable, but agitation of
them to keep them before the public was well worth
wh i1 e .
lilt's strange to sit here and hear you gentlemen
say you don't know the answers," the black man
said. "Now I think some of the solutions are very
simple ... All a man wants is a piece of bread,
a halfway decent place to live and a job he can
go to, to pay his bills, take care of his family,
his kids to get a fair education. I think it is
a simple problem."
Pusey said, "I quite like your statement
about what a man wants, very, uh, very know
ledgeable, and very meaningful to me. The question
is how do we achieve those simple things. It's all
a man wants, but it's not easy to achieve in areas
where people are jammed together the way we are in
cities allover the world. And we've got to learn
more about the dynamics of that and
then train people to be able to deal with it.
The statement of the problem is a relatively
simple one, but the solution is a very complicated
one.
fI
A reporter asked why, instead of using the
$6 million to establish chairs in urban studies,
Harvard and MIT had not turned the money, say,
over to the people in Roxbury, letting them set
up some sort of community organization, through
which they might develop their own way of life
and solve their own problems.
"Because the Ford Foundation gave it to us,
I guess," Moynihan said, "because we can use it
and we're here. And our activities -- the function
of universities is to study and teach. It was
given for that purpose and I think we're happy
to receive it for that purpose." He added, "We
should not like to suggest that we are anything
but immensely grateful to the Ford Foundation
but, sir, quite really, you know, would you say,
you can rephrase your question, and ask why do
you spend money on cancer research when you could
give money to people who had cancer? r mean, we
are saying -- and I think you would miss the
intellectual climate of these two
at this point -- we are saying we don't think
that until they are adequately known, you are
going to be able to do much about them, and
with this grant we're going to do more of it."
Shortly after announcement of the Ford grants,
neighborhood group Roxbury met, and showing
simple good sense, voted clear
professor connected with the Joint Center.
On the national scene, the direction and significance of
Harvard's interest in urban problems can be seen in the fact that
President Nixon's urban team is almost solidly Crimson. Beginning
with Moynihan, , numerous Harvard liberals (including Democrats)
showed themselves eager to enter into the service of their new
President. Could that be because they accepted his policies -
urban pacification, repression through cooptation? On the staff of
Nixon's Urban Affairs Council is Stephen Hess of the JFK Institute
of Politics; 3 out of the 5 staff assistants to the UAC came from
Harvard: Richard Blumenthal, once editorial chairman of the Crimson,
Christopher C. DeMuth, former secretary of the Ripon Society, and
John Price, of Harvard Law. They have come to be known as the urban
"tinkerers -- non-ideological, non-dogmatic and keenly attentive
to the v.agaries of practical politics and public relations," said
Martin Nolan in the Boston Globe March 2, 1969. Need we translate?
No need to be attentive to people's needs; just to tinker away,
trying first this, then that, combination of sops and repression
until a perfectly docile population is achieved.
65
;
"
I II
I II

Program on Technology and Society: 5 Million Dollar Boondoggle
In 1964 IBM gave Harvard a $5 million grant to finance a 10
year program on technology and society. They hired the director,
Emmanuel Mesthene, a research economist for the Rand Corporation
and a consultant on science and public policy for the White House,
and brought him to Cambridge. He has brought together a staff
of 57 reseachers to study the impact of technological change on
our lives. What are they producing?
1) Technical problem-solving for the industry."Property Rights in
Automated Information and in Programs for Computers."
2) Mapping America's economic future. Helps corporations make
long-range investment plans. "Regional and Urban Locationnl
Choices in the Context of Economic
Growth.""Computers and Management
A Ten year Prediction."
3) Plans for how to deal with black
insurgency while making a handy
profit. "Ghetto Labor Markets
Problems and Programs." "Economic
Power for the Black Community."
4) Theory to quell your fears about
technology. One program deals spec
ifically with ombatting the ideas
of such pessimists as Mumford and
Marcuse. "Learning to Live with
Science." "What Modern Science Of
fers the Church."
Credit IBM
for caring
about the
human problems
of advanced
capitalist
society.
Picha in SPECIAL B .
, ruSsels
66
ror .
HOW WLES: PART IV:
Of THE MIND
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67
Class ignorance, class fear, and
class repression written over
the modern curricula at Harvard
as at all other American universities.
---Upton Sinclair
Goose-Step 1922
Western culture may be compared to
a lake fed by the streams of Hell
enism, Christianity, Science and
Democracy.
---General Education in a Free Society
"The Harvard Red Book"
Hat'v a r d c0 u1d not r u 1e wit h0 utan ide a .
In the final analysis, power and wealth are not completely de
termining. Harvard could not rule without preserving and projecting
the myth of liberal education. It is that myth to which we now
come -- to examine, de-mystify, and reject. We do so with both
sweep and detail, with angry rhetoric as well as reasoned argument.
Our collective critique grows out of our collective experience as
students, degree-seekers, the products of a corporate process
described in all its willing complicity and active collaboration
with forces which, at bottom, use education as they use everything
else -- for class aggrandizement, achievement and control.
Harvard's claim -- the hardest to deflate and yet the most
portant to understand is the notion that Harvard exists and has
always existed primarily to make us humane and liberal.
Any appeal to the notion of humanity is seductive enough, but
the important questions are unasked: What function does this sort of
education have? What social purposes does it serve? In a society
in which corporations and financial institutions effectively
most public and private institutions, the main function of the Ame
rican Government (as John Kenneth Galbraith has noted for the de
fense) is to ensure a social order sufficiently stable for business
to conduct business. Government of course must see that educational
.institutions provide the corporate machine with hiqhlv competent
functionaries; but Harvard not only must turn out the skilled mana
qerial cadres needed by the economy,.but also
equal seriousness to the complex bus1ness of ma1nta1n1nq the soc1al
oraer. The body of traditions which gives this society at least an
apparent continuity and coherency must be kept intact -- the univer
sity cannot become dangerous.
Functionaries and bureaucrats must be socialized into the con
vic t ion t hat the t ask s they per for m-a res 0 me h 0 \'1 con n e c ted t 0 a ',oJ e s
tern (American, Democratic, Judaeo-Christian) Heritage and are,
therefore, legitimate in terms other than self-interest. In this
society the job of acculturation has oassed from church to univer-.
sity. A!:ld since these educational centers are themselves :'civi- :)e
lized", the functionaries which operate in them see themselves as
pursuing the tasks of scholarship within the "traditionil" notion of
the university. They write, they review, they "teach". At Harvard
they train people like themselves to train people like themselves
train like themselves ....
This Academic Professionalism is not simply an unappealing
character trait, but an institutionalized way of serving real in
terests in the society. Courses are not intended to further self
development, to connect with meaningful activity in the world; they
become instead part of the students' property, their "human re
sources". Far from setti ng men free, this type of knowledqe -
technical or humanistic - makes students into products. Their edu
ca-tion, their "Harvard degree", transforms them into a commodity
-- a commodity to be sold with resumes and a slick but cultured
style. They learn to bargain and be bargained for. What becomes
of all- those liberal values then?
Life after Harvard promises encounters and choices. Most go
the way they've been taught to go -- moving on to a degree -and what
comes after with the guidance of the assimilated values, like an
ternal radar system. Harvard sends out the beams and mind waves;
brains pick them up. Our instinctual and acouired, are
often too weak to exorcise the influence and deflect its trajectory.
There is no way out. No way. None, that is, except perhaps with
a different type of education. One that takes those liberal values
as a basis for action in the world . An education which
issues from that position is a radical education. And if the pur
pose of education is to see the world as it really is, then this is
the only education.
Harvard rules silently through its disciolines. Let us examine
a few of them.
Economics
Economists at Harvard are preoccupied with the allocation of
s car c e res 0 u r c e s am0 n g . com pet i n g act i v i tie s . They ne ve r que s t ion
the basic assumptions of the political economy.
political economy sought to answer the question:
what determines the distribution of the national product among
the various classes of the population?--a question whose answer
requires an understanding of why resources are scarce iri the first
place. professors claim that their neo-classical syn
thesis to the universe of economic questions both old
an d new. But a 10 0 kat the pre vail i n g the 0 r y and p r act ice 0 f
the profession shows it is incapable of resolving any questions
except those which can be reduced to those of a businessman max
imizing his profits.
Economics now consists in assigning money values to things,
persons, and ideas which previously were outside of the market.
A businessman can only calculate his costs if all factors under
his control are evaluated in terms of price. Economists have
managed to formalize this procedure and to monetize the education
of the the life of a soldier, or the daily activity
of the biologist. In performing his work, the has
greatly aided the efforts of large corporations, military organ
izations, and governmental agencies which have been hard pressed
to minimize their expenditures and maintain a respectable rate
of return.
The emphasis on the PToblem of allocation from the business
man's pOint of view excludes from the purview of contemporary
economics the . most basic economic Changes in the
social .order are foreign to the economist's interests although
they admit that such changes might affect their results. Even
more absurd is the economist's manner of treating economic change
itself. For them, the prcicess of economic fluctuation and econ
omic growth does not produce any alteration in the economic
structure large enough to warrant changes in the theoretical
approach. Growth is defined as more of the same sort of thing.
Even when explicitly faced with problems of change, the econom
ist falls back on the notion of equilibrium change: eVerything
changes in the same proportion, and so nothing really changes.
This static approach to economic life applies even to ec
onomic history, where institutjonal chanqe is forgotten and
economic science vainly searches for the
of contemporary IIlaws.
1I
It is not surprising that the prof
ession has nothing interesting to communicate to the general pub
lic.How much leisure can our society afford and still keep our
standard of living? How important is the influence of American
companies abroad to our economic welfare? Who suffers most in
times of inflation, who ga i ns from wartime expenditures? What
exist, given our technical knowledge, to
the c u r.r en t pol i c i e s 0 fin d u s t ria 1 man age men t whie h mig h t red u c e
\ the drudgery of ordinary employment? These questiortsare never
raised because (1) they are too complicated to fit the simple
models of economists, and (2) they require a confrontation with
t!1 e principle of change ,a p r inc i p 1 e \'i h i c h is anti the t i cal to the
entire thrust of economic orthodoxy.
70

Economists, however, are not
conscious of the weakness of their
theoretical tools for the study of
society. Secure in their capacity as
advisers to the business and business
like world, they are immune to criti
cism on this level. Graduate students,
whose youth might normally encourage
a critical attitude, become a silent
mass of lackeys--mainly because of an
academic program designed to indoctri
nate. There is never any argument . .
Their situation is as dull and routin
ized as a contemporary catechism, a
catechism which they dutifully.and
dully pass on to their students.
,K.
A crisis in the discipline will emerge if the pseudo
scientists cease hiding their ignorance in thickets of algebra.
This possibility remains unlikely as long as unemployment
threaten the new Ph.D. To promote any change it is not
point out to economists that none of their models explain anything
or that none of their predictions come true. An effective attack
must also include a critique of the institutions to which the
economic profession is so pleased to give advice.
Social Anthropology
Soc i a 1 ant h r 0 pol 0 qy - t r a d i t ion all y a fie 1 d con c ern e d Iv i t h
explaininq and understanding scale cultures and soc ie ties,
esnecially in the world - is a field that co ul d rele
vant contributions to our understanding of major events and prDb
lems of the world: wars of liberation, the effects and cau ses of
racism, economic exploitation, colonialism, imperialism. The
Harvard Departments of Social Relations and Anthropology ensure
that anthropology will remain isolated from and irrelevant to
social and political problems.
Anthropology was originally a gentleman's profession: t he
gentlemen travelled to "strange and exotic places" and record'e d
all and everything that caught their eyes. The field at Harva r d
retains this focus. Courses are offered on "peoples and cultures"
of various parts of the world--endless listings of the trai't s ..
with "systematic description of regularities
"
substituting for
explanation. Systematic description may be highly sophisticated.
Structural analysis provides ever more complicated models to
relate greater numbers of behavioral facts in formal descriptive
schema. This fits neatly into the theoretical interests ofa
f a c u 1 ty con c r ned wit h kin s hip t e r min 0 log y, "s 0 cia 1 s t r u c t u r e , "
and world view ("how the native thinks," or, more accurately,
"what are the native's thoughts?"). Structural analysis is one
of a very few "theory" courses taught.
Behavioristic description is also applied to another "theor
etical" interest' of the faculty: cross-cultural comparison and
.generalization, the purpose of which is to find significant rela
71 tionships between seemingly unrelated facts within different
' .
.:, .
cultures. The an1y "exp1anatian" which cross-cultural comparison
offers is in its predictive value, that in new and unstudiedc\:jr
tures the 5ame relatianships 'shou1d o!=C:ur. This obviates th,e, , "",
need to. figure aut why cultures have certain characteristics, _
The only real explanatory theory ' offered in
"functionalism," Functiana1 exp1ana,tiona1so shies away, from'
examining the relationships of sma.11 groups to the hrg'er socj ,ety,
and from elements leading to or disruption.
see s sac i e tie s assy s t ems i n e qui 1 i b r i u m, wher e the v ,a' H 0 us , ' '
"functional elements" cantrlbute in' different ways to malnta'f'ning
the status quo. When changes occur, the response is to 100k,for,
the 1 a r g erre g u 1 a r i t yin the c han g e', 0 r , the 1 0 n g - run fun c't,i b n '0 f
the "disruption." Changes imposed from the autside, .whether from
a colonial gavernment or a new natiana1 government, are ig'no'red
or aut 0 mat i cally /I reg ret ted , /I as t a kj ngf rom the pur i t Y' 0'r the,
specimen under ,
. Faculty interests and cour$es ignore the,oretically and pr,a'c'
tica11y both the. palitics and economics within small sodeti'es "
and thelr relatlanshlps to the changing ,wOrJd," tconom;c anth-rb- '
pology--which begins to. get relatianshipSof power and
in , primitive sacieties--has been taught ance in many
visiting prafessar. Political might lodk
who. gets pawer haw and why, and not just how things are-:-and th-e: :
anthrapalagy of palitica1 change--meaning, " fo'r examp1e,imper.ia1
ism and u r ban v i ale n c e -- are a 1 5 0 a b sent. . 0 n e ( u n ten ured) 'i n - " ,
structar has attempted to deal with ,the political andeconomi'<:: : .
prab1ems of African unity, and individual teaching assistants in'
private tutaria1s have tried to bring in such subjects as
ic explaitatian, the prablems of the causes of
revo1utianary and pre-revalutionary mavements. There is no evi-,
den c e t hat sen i a r fa c u 1 t y me m b e r s wi 11f0 1 low. t h, i s 1 e ad. Res":
ponse to. student requests for a faculty member who takes a
ia1ist paint af view ranges from "they're unavailab1e
ll
to
"they're tao. dagmdtic./I " , .
Numeraus department research projects--in Fiji, India,
the So'iamon Islands, Brazil, Kenya., fo.l,l'Ow the sarT]e, tendencie,s
as departmental offerings. , Only, the B'razi1 project pr,omise:s "
to. affer information on ra.cia1, social, e'c,onomic pro.b'lemsof the
larger society, The Chiapas Proje'ct, slipporting10 to 20 stu:d
ents a summer, best typifies the isa1 ,ated; et:hnographi:c :Con- .
cerns ' af the Department. Ten years o'f research have ' yielded
ever-increasing detail on fa,lkcategories, ritual joking,drink- '
ina behavior, music, etc., but no systematic understanding of , .
the relationship af the Indians to the local political and econ
omic system of the state of Chiapas. nar to the Mexican national
saciety.
Histary
The Harvard Histary Department ' suffers from twa
handicap.s: pedantic anarchy and bias in c' ourse What
is meant by pedantic anarchy is the preva1ent notion that any
fact, any event, is pretty much as impartant as any ather -and
is worthy of prafessarial cansideratian. The Oxford Movement is
as impartant as Chartism, French lycees in the Third Republic
are as impartant as French calonia1ism in Africa, and so on. 72
normal practics is to devote twenty minutes to each in lec
tures and put a nice reassuring book on the reading list under
"optional.
1I
The reason for such absurdity is not necessarily
that the professor is a reactionary, (although he might be), but
that he really believes that there are no laws, contradictions-
or even any ultimate significance, in history. He dare not
see meaning in history--for its meaning is clearly subver
sive and extremely dangerous to his world.
Liberal historians have not always held this view, because
once history boded favorably for bourgeois capitalist society.
Even fifty years ago the normal view was that the history of
humanity was a history of uninterrupted progress toward capit
alist prosperity and liberal democracy. There are some traces
of this idea still left in the courses, and in a crisis (like
the Harvard sit-in and strike) the faculty still falls back on
liberal rhetoric. But since the beginning of this century
most Western historians have adopted the view that there are
no historical laws, and the Harvard Department reflects this
change. Obviously if a professor really believes this, he is
simply not going to understand what his radical students want
when they complain that what he teaches disguises the history
with the events.
Insistence on the lack of any sense to history has several
consequences. First, the range of course offerings is biased:
for example, no courses cover labor movements, imperialism,
racism, the history of women, etc. This is not accidental. If
it makes no difference what is studied, as long as it occurred
at least twenty years ago, there is no particular reason to
give any course, save the whims of professors and ossified
tradition.
Second, students are not permitted to develop any personal
.sense of the relevance of history. That relevance can only
emerge when, because history is seen as significant, people
understand that they can learn from it, that it applies to
themselves. History is ,relevant precisely because nothing
is inevitable and it is therefore necessary to use history to
build the future. To deny this, as most modern, positivist
historians do, is to transform history into a series of cocktail
party anecdotes.
While all this impedes the development of radical historians,
it also impedes the growth of radical critiques of the society.
The Department ineVitably produces graduates who think that the
labor movement and social'ist thought not very important,
that America is confronted by a totalitarian menace abroad,
that Third World revolutionaries have failed to understand the
complexities of economic and that ideology is per
No interpretation is presented. The
Department, like most others at Harvard, does its bit
to help maintain the system.
Political Science
There are struggles within Harvard's Government Department,
but they do not concern America's imperialism. In the summer of
1965, when US intellectuals first began opposing the Vietnam war
73 n significant numbers, a petition offered in support of the US
I
r ole was s i g ned by b o. t h Sam u e 1 Hun tington, the r i s oj n g star o.f
comparative political science, and Carl J. Friedrich., ; the man '
res p0 nsib1 e for the s t ran g 1 e h old 0 f t r a d i . t i '0 nal pol i .t i cal the 0 r y
on undergraduate and graduate curricula. HUR,ti,r.gton is.' .now chair:
man of the Department and simultaneously a valuedState..rfi.ep,ar.t-.;
ment consultant, a member of AID's Southeast Asia Development . . .
Advisory Group (SEADAG), and author of the fascinating scholarly
thesis that the US military is stimulating development through
urbanization in Vietnam by bombing the population out of the
rural areas (Foreign Affairs, July 1968) . .
The pol i tica 1 sci e n c e pro p0 u n d e d by H' u n tin gton and his
colleagues Karl Deutsch, Seymour M. Lipset, and powerful men
at other major universities is perhaps the most morally corrupt
and intellectually bankrupt of all the social sciences compro
mised by Cold War scholarship. It is bankrupt
betause real knowledge about US activities abroad is so explos
ive that non-radical political scientists must spend a great
deal of energy inventing euphemisms, or avoiding the facts al
together in a cloud-cuckoo-land of modernizing elites, nation
building, and indicators of social communication.
The basic fault of this poli
tical science is an anti-communism
so crude that, if stated blunt
ly, it could not hold the alleg
iance of any sophisticated
IIvalue-freell theorist. Communism
is usually defined as any oppos
ition to the growth and prosper
ity of the American milftary
industrial empire. Since such a
crude view is no longer intellec
t u all y a c c e pta b 1 e, a mar vel lou s From DIKOBRAZ, Prague
array of sophistries are offered
to make the package palatable to Harvard scholars.
The most fundamental sophistry is the delimitation of the
sub j e c t mat t e r. The II pol i t i .c a 1 s y s t emil i s de fine d asanalog0 u s t 0 but
analytically separate from the economic system. This definition has
many convenient consequences:
1) Economic development is assigned to the ' discipline of economics;
it is simply assumed that the IIthird world
ll
is developing and that
the task of political science is to describe political behavior in
II de vel 0 ping soc ieti e s II. This for est a11 s the em bar ass i n g que s t ion 0 f
why most third world societies are economically stagnant, a question
which might lead to a more critical appraisal of the U.S. role in.
those societies.
2) Politicians in a "political system
ll
are assumed to trade
and compete for power just as businessmen and compete for wealth.
One could not tell, from the uses of this assumptiOn, that government
policy affects the distri 'bution of wealth, businessmen want
power just as politicians want wealth.
3) The revolutionary force of Marx's theory is tamed,
since obviously an independent political not be a servant
of anyone class. Governments, according to this theory, may be
influenced by interest groups but are never controlled by classes. 74
Another pernicious sophistry is that attention ' and concern are
directed, in Christian Bay's eloquent phrase, to "the welfare of systems
rather than people.
1I
The function of government is assumed to be
self-perpetuation. No matter how oppressive its rule, it is successful
if it prevents serious tha11enge to that rule. If American assistance
is needed, sobe it; especially as which threaten American
interests are not among those which can legitimately be accommodated.
It is now fashionable, however, to explain away such demands as being
rooted in a neurotic inclination to find a scapegoat for problems
the natives are not mature enouqh to handle. Maturity, in political
as well as economic terms, is measured aqainst the US model.
By such evasions do the Harvard political scientists direct
their students' attention away from the moral and intellectual problems
created by America's ' mi1itary presence and economic of
third world. .
Social Re1atipns I: Theory
The Department of Social Relations is one of, if not the
great what passes for American social science. Its
high priest, Talcott Parsons, was instrumental in its creation after
' WWII, out of departments of anthropology, sociology,
and social psychology, as a way of institutionalizing his wide-ranging
II Genera 1 The 0 r y". Th i s the 0 r y - - vol u min 0 usa n d compre hen de din its
' entirety by but a few chosen apostles -- characterizes well the under
lying assumptions of the sociology practiced within the department.
The theory postulates that society holds together because a set
of fundamental IIvaluesand norms" are shared by all members of that
society. This IInormative order" legitimates the reigning institutions
df the society and sets out the roles which people fill within it.
Sociology involves the description of this normative order and
accounting f6r its
As C. Wright Mills wrote: "In these terms, the idea of conflict
cannot effectively be formulated. structural antagonisms, largescale
revolts, revolutions, they Cannot be imagined ... The idea of the
normative set forth leads us to assume a sort of harmony of
interests as the natural feature of any society." The approach totally
neglects the idea of interests and coercion within the system. In
fact, people co-operate ,in a normative order like ours either because
they are manipulated or because refusal would expose them to the
system's sanctions (cops, unemployment, etc.).
Put into practice, this kind of sociology manifests an
pre-occupation with maintaining this normative consensus, minimizing
conflicts, denying the existence of injustices, and in effect protecting
the interests of those who presently profit from the system. Parsons,
for e x amp 1e, c e 1 e bra t est h e s ham 0 f Ame ric andemoe r a ely. I f cit i zen s
really oarticioated in the political process, if issues were clearly
defined, and if the beneficiaries of existing arrangements were obvious,
political leaders would not be able to manage so conveniently, and
, no x i 0 us ISO ci a;leonf1 i <:t ' wo u 1 d pre vail .
Within this framework works Harvard Sociology. Seymour Lipset
prepares demonstrations of how mass political movements bring tyranny
due to the authoritarian nature of working-class people. In some
of his less moments, he studies Latin American student
7 S m0 veine n t s for the Air Force , who 0 b v i 0 usly w0 u 1 d 1 ike to fig u r e out
how to avoid Latin American revolution. David McClelland finds the
success of Western capitalist society in its highvaluation ' of . . "
achievement. himself with devis.ing programs underdevelopec
countries to i .nstillthe for achievementjn their and so
solve their problems of Alex Inkeles a .
member of the -- worked for many ' years o.
dizing about Soviet ' bn the basis of hundreds of
with Soviet defectors. He too has Air Force support.
Social Relations Practice II:
,
The theory and practice of Harvard1s IIhealth services" follows
directly from a Parsonian world-view. Institutions have mechanisms
designated for the purposes of social control. For working-class
kids, these mechanisms carry guns and are called cops. For Harvard
students, they usually wear ties and jackets and are called psychia
trists.
These men essentially two roles:
.'
1) They attempt to IIcool-out" students with personal problems
that do or could lead them into trouble (criminality or suicide,
particularly embarassing for the University); or to reject the
This means defining real social alienations by a
geared to socializing students to competition, exploitation, and
obedience to the Organized System as psychological problems; problems
of adjustment. In short, it means that the student is to focus b16me
on himself rather than on the institution or society. Dr. Dana
Farnsworth talks about students "who actively work out their psycho
logical problems in the library" (meaning that they steal or mutilate
books) and who send "threatening communications ... to department
heads, deans, and presidents ... [Since] these people are usually
disturbed, it is quite essential that they be handled with respect
for their disabilities ... " Farnsworth prefers that deviant students
be punished by means of covert psychiatric sanctions, rather than
overt legal ones.
2) Psychiatrists are ,used as experts in social
IIWhat a psychiatrists learns from the care of troubled students gives
him the appropriate material for helping his colleagues in the aca
demic disciplines to work more effectively with their students If . .
a college' psychiatrist did not .share his knowledge, ... with colleagues
in other parts of the college there would be n6 reason for his
presence on the staff.1I (Dr. Farnsworth)
A cherished therapeutic instrument of Dr. Graham head .
of the psychiatric services, is qUiJe charming: War. "When the country
is in trouble, those who are in revolt tend to bury their resentments .
temporarily in order to preserve the elements in the present order
in which they believe ... It is reassuring now to find that since
the Vietnam war has expanded, there have been almost as many students
'demonstrating in support of government policies in Vietnam as there
have been students demonstrating against thesepnlicies.& (1966) One
might even with a little courage find some connections here to the '
logic of police busting a few heads in Harvard yard. .
But the real role of psychiatrist as cop, judge, and stool pigeoR
comes to light when one sees how they define themselves with respect
to the college Says Dr. Farnswarth: .
StLi, w.i! rever" ant:i :.. soc i a 1 act s are i n v 0 i v ed , the 'p s yc' h:i a t r i s t
) behalf of the and make this.clear
tQ,"the patlent (though act10n that 1S to the best lnterest
o\f t He'"student ,W'ill ,of c'burse, be bestfor ' the college or university.'n
_': ' f'Ttlere.... a re cases in which the persopility structure of the
above and beyond his sexual makes him the cause
for diicomfort for those about him and it is imperative that he .
leave the community. Here again, the psychiatric opinion .. is
important in making the right
L.i tera tu re
'. ,
, The ideological assumptions and values proper to a capitalist
society ("bourgeois ideology") permeate deeply both the form and
content of literary teaching and scholarship at Harvard, as in other
universities. Literature is studied primarily as an act of individual
creativity. Little attention is ever to the communal or "folk"
aspects of a literature, ofa "pre-capitalist" literature which expresses
the myths and values of a group. By the same token, IIpost-capitalist"
or revolutionary literature which seeks to transcend and abolish
the isolation of the artist, is also avoided. The rich revolutionary
Afro-French literature which grew up in the West Indies and Africa
. io . the 20' s and has con ti nued to the present has no place in the
curriculum.
Of course, the bulk of literature studied does derive from a
capitalist society, and in part is the product of the alienation
of the artist. But because this simple fact is never directly con
fronted, because the specific social matrix is never seriously
dealt with, the student is left with the impression that bourgeois
literature is in fact the only literature, that its forms are "eternal ",
and that the "greatness" of creativity lies only in this kind of
expression.
And by treating literature as the ahistorical product of "great
men", courses at Harvard tend to ignore the degree to which even
alienated artists express or negate the concrete values of their
specific historical period and class. Thus one views a revolutionary
work like Rousseau's Contrat Social as a monument, rather than the
living thing it once was, a piece of writing that was threatening
to its own society. With the element of danger gone, with specificity
1eliminated, the student of literature is left with the reassuring
contemplation of universals or "eternal verities".
In fact, the only time literature is not dangerous is when it
speaks only to the values and prejudices of those classes in power.
For example" Voltaire and Rousseau and even Moliere were dangerous
oecause tney gave a voice to a rising class, the bourgeoisie. Once
the bourgeoisie was firmly in power, those who enunciated these same
values, such as Anatole France, became non- or even anti-revolutionary.
This leads into the -question of audience, almost never asked - in a
"professional" literature class. For whom does one write? (learly,
historical moments certain classes have either not read
at all, or read only certain kinds of literature. This question is
extremely in evaluating both the effect and the intent of
liter.ary works.
,
As for the form of literary study, the almost exclusive pre
occupation with structure rather than content again treats the work
77 as a museum object, a specimen to be dissected, rather than as a
1i vi ng and vi tal t h i n g . Structural an a1ysis can be a' val u a b 1 e,t 0 Q, i n
understanding certain kinds of problems, but it has virtually become ll ' r
an end in itself. This, needless to say, discourages the student - - , IF.
from ever asking the important questions we study
in the first place. Particularly the graduate level,
convey the impression that the "professional
ll
thing to do is to
i d 1e s p e c u 1a t ion s abo u t mea n i n g and con c e n t rat eon the II sci e n t i fit" 'oj '.
cataloguing of images, or analysis of grammar. As in many ,other acadeR\1c
fields, a psuedo-scientific approach becomes a means of rationalizing "
the context of learning, and the social status quo. These
exercises are carried out for the purpose of publication in scholarly
journals or delivery at the Modern Language Association conventions.
It is therefore
to anyone. This
of
is
no
the' way
importance
to II ma ke
that
itll
they
in
could
the fi
have
eld,
no
to
meaning
get a good
..
'
appointment.
Liberal literature teachers frequently deplore the fact that
their working- or lower middle-class students don't share their interest
in IIhumanistic" ideas and traditions. What they do not realize is . ' .
that the students may be turned off because these traditions are
in fact elitist, and taught in an elitist manner. Their instinctive
sense of our irrelevance to them becomes understandable if we begin
to confront the basic questions: What is literature? Why do we bother ,
to teach it? For whom was it written? For whom should it be written '
today? But this level of consciousness can hardly be obtained by .
those who have spent their whole lives in the elitist academic
ment of Harvard and places like it.
Fi ne Arts
The teaching of Fine Arts at Harvard isolates art from its social
and historical context, even though in some courses -- notably
Professor Ackerman's (Fine Arts 13, Renaissance
Renaissance Painting) -- students are encouraged to read social and
economic histories of the period as background material. Professor
Ackerman seems to be the only member of the department whose interests
include concerns for the role of art in the community and the role .
of art history in a liberal arts education. Hence his undergraduate
courses become more oriented in the direction of the liberal arts.
But even here, social questions are submerged and only superficially
treated. The background material is, anyway, more "relevant
ll
here
hecause Professor Ackerman's field is architectural history and it
is difficult (although too often done) to divorce architecture from
its social function. However, even the study of architecture is generally
approached as the history of great IImonumentsll (as the schoolboy's
history of England is the history of its kings). The IImonument
ll
approach to art history is prevalent in the general education courses. 78
In more specialized ("professional") courses -- where lIin depthll
investigation takes place emphasis is laid on the work itself;
and one draws. when possible, on the Foqq Museum's collection. Students
are trained in tQe .artQf connoisseurship, in developing a critical
eye for the of distinguishing the real from the fake (a necessary
ability when,as an "expert", one is saving a wealthy collector or
a museum from theembarassment of buying a SUbstitute for the real
thing) and for dating a work of art as precisely as possible (crucial
to world of It is, indeed, the IIfine" arts that
are studied and valued.
The over-emohasisori the connoisseurship aspect of the field
is related on the one hand to the fear that at least on the under
graduate level, art history as a liberal arts discipline might be
called into question. On this level, art history might become merely'
an adjunct to social or intellectual history -- mere illustration.
On the other hand, the Fine Arts Department grew out of the Fogg
Museum and its concerns are closely tied to its origin. The curatorial
role of many members of the faculty overlaps their role as teacher.
,
Art history as it js now taught perpetuates the practice of a
highly specialized and ri9id discipline and destroys any real appre
cia t ion and u n d,e r s tan din g 0 find i v i d u a 1 art w0 r k sand the pro c e s s
of art under different historical conditions. On the graduate level,
the art historian at Harvard for the most part is working for and
with the ruling class -- for those that have time to acquire their
particular "culture".
Philosophy
The philosophers have only intproreted the world; the point
remains, to change it.
Black Studies at Harvard, Blacks :Jhat They
Except ....
On Feb. 9, a month and a half before Harvard blew, the liberal
Boston Globe quoted two Harvard faculty members on the subject of
why blacks wanted black studies. Oscar Handlin chalked it up to
"myth-making": "They Vlant to act andin order to act they must be
lieve; in order to believe they need a myth." Martin Kilson sank a
little deeper into armchair relativism: "... all men, black and
white, yellow and red, accept those historical paradoxes or ironies
found suitable or useful for a given occasion and reject those lack
ing' such utility. In this respect, therefore, the black experience
is, I daresay, little more than an offshoot of the human experience
-- no better and no worse." Most variations fall in between these
two: blacks want to pride and create nationalist myths, and
Harvard blacks esoecially want to develop their special black angle
on human experience, the more the better.
There is. a , remarkable coincidence, we think, bet\'Jeen what our
professors and assorted friends in the administration think we want,
and what the pig power struc.ture thinks we should get. 8lack Stu
79 dies, if limited to the considerations above\ does not remotely
threaten the status and guided into certain race nride and
black capitalist directions even has a way of sta
tus.9J!Q. Or to be frank and blow the game, we don't think it's'-a
COTncfdence. Rather, it's the old story of purportedly apolitical
men acting in characteristically political ways as agents for the
politics and the system which pays them.
Putting aside the fact that -interpreting black studies as
myth-making and that historical reconstruction sooner or later means
a lot of money for people like Mortimer J. Adler and Charles Van
Doren (San Franc;isco Publications), whose presses are ready to roll
with textbooks and classroom aids, we see that our well-wishers are
most of all concerned that we ask for a liberal black studies depart
ment that can be integrated into a liberal university. The punch-line
is on "liberal", not "integrated". The Rosovsky Report for example
does a fantastic job on the unsavory fact that black students ex
pressed a strong need to identify with the black ghetto community and
to do work that will be relevant to it. The report's idea of rele
vance is very vague, but it tends to stop short at "studying black
experience" and using the "intellectual" resources of Fair Harvard
to solve problems for the black community. It omits the fact that
in view of some kinds of problem-solving associated with Harvard
professors and research, a more straightforward approach might be to
join the local police. It tends in fact to be interested less in
solving problems for the black community, and more in solving alie
nation for black students in ways that will facilitate their
progress up and out of the black The report urges a role
for the Cultural Activities Center (lito be conceived as something of
a counterpart to Hillel House") which sounds suspiciously like a black
fraternity chapter, black freshman rush week and all. Above all,it
shows an awareness that such mechanisms do not separate students from
the larger institutional politics and philosophy of universities bu,t
actually intensify indoctrination. The report calls it making the
black stud,ent feel "more involved and less isolated in this [campus]
community." The progression is a \'1eird one: you solve the black stu
dents' need to identify with the black community by helping him to
identify with the Harvard community -- it's also called helping the
nigger socialize himself, which solves lots of other people's prob
lems.
.... c
Sine
80
We i ndw 'fhatthis University is presently committed to a poli
tical inimical to our people and in our struggles for a good
program the predictable irrational polarities have already taken
place. What we want a black studies program that will build upon
the political outlook of the black community, and constantly align
our interests with its interests. It's up to the University to de
cide whether they want us here or not, but they can't have it both
ways.
[Footnote: Rumor has it that Harvard is considering West Indian
economist W. Arthur Lewis to head up its new Black program.
though black, is a prominent pro-American bouregois econo
mist . . He was involved in hitching the Ghanaian economy onto a neo
colonialist orbit. (See Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana: End of
an Illusion. Monthly Review ' Press, 1966.)J
Departure
This critique -- uneven, condensed, even cryptic -- has sought
to be as total as the disciplines of domination it dissects. This
abortion of education stunts intellectual development as well as the
emergence of moral and political concerns. The questions avoided,
the subjects evaded, the research never begun feeds and is fed by
crirporate education -- education, indeed, for life under corporate
control.
Of what might a different education consist? Are real alterna
tives even conceivable, much less achievable? Paradoxically, within
its bowels -- in that cramped space fought for and won -- Harvard
itself has a microcosm of qualitative change. initiatives
led to the creation of Soc-Rel 148 and 149 - a course which was not a
course, an approach which nas sought everything and will settle for
nothing less. The study of America which is also the search for
how to change it. Racism: what it is, yes, but also how to fight it;
history, of course, but with emphasis on how to make it; literature
for real illumination and those important nuances; Imperialism: de
fined for once without euphemism and a careful look at what it means.
And then the problem of change, of agency, of what is to be done.
But this experiment, we fear and expect, will not be allowed to sur
vive. Not in its present form. It is too threatening, its impli
cations latent with. future disruptions and embarrassing challenges.
The mask of liberal tolerance is already thin.
Beneath the cap and gown is the gun and the billy stick. "Tne
University will soon resume its normal schedule." (Harvard News
Bureau,April 1969)
81
CONCLUSIONS
President Pusey's remark. which heads this booklet. can now
be paraphrased: The documents, data, and analysis presented here
make it clear that Harvard did not have to be taken nver lock,
stock and barrel by the business and military establishments
because it was always an institution of the ruling class that
created those establishments. We contend that the universities
Harvard being the specific example -- are devoted to serving the
economic, political and cultural interests of the American ruling
class system. We further contend that fulfilling these interests
necessarily entails the present and future oppression and domin
ation of the peoples of Vietnam and the urban ghettoes and else
where. We would also include additional victims: knowledge
itself; those students ~ n d teachers who are willingly, even enthu
siastically, recruited and integrated into the prevailing apparatus;
and those students and teachers who. in revolt against the
apparatus, have come to know its repressive capability. Obviously,
anyone who believes that universities are either neutral, truth
seeking insti"tutions or centers of human knowledge committed to
genuine social development is living in a world of fantasy.
Equally obviously. Nathan Pusey does not live in a fantasy
world. He is a functionary within a real system that is fantas
tically powerful, undemocratic and rapacious. Part of his activity
includes contributing to the fabric of ideology and mythology
which make this system appear democratic, beneficent, in accord
with human nature. and eternal. The present booklet is part of
a fundamentally subversive activity: the activity of revealing
and disclosing the actual character of Harvard University and
the social order it serves. The power-structure research and
social science perspectives which are contained in these pages
are not "value-free" for the simple reason that the object of
the research -- Harvard -- is value-loaded. The data gathered
are not mere data, as so-called objective social science would
claim; they refer to and express a form of social organization
that serves particular people and interests and, to use a popular
term that goes to the heart of the matter, screws others.
82
To summarize: Harvard University is run and controlled by
an elite cadre of men who are part of America's ruling class.
The system of power within Harvard is organized from the top
downward
t
, just as it is in the society at large. All basic econ
omic and political decisions (e.g., how Harvard's wealth is '
dispensed
t
what its relations to the military and the State
are to be) are made at the top. In addition, decisions regarding
research priorities
t
the general and basic orientation of
teaching in all departments, and the values, styles and assump
tions to be "transmitted" emanate, in a complex and l1)ediated
fashion
t
from the same source. These the
and practical work they set in motion serve the immediate and
long-range interests of America's ruling class system and its
empire. The scholarly and practical work of the ruled is only
beginning.
83
."
I MeT eN 1\
L- NG- M8ltN1N G- ".
'1 f ATHEIt," I 5AI t, ",U,
1& 'feu NeT,
't/HI A"E '1IU? 'I
AN' I-IE SAl.:
II, Il E EVE
t
WHE N THr rre I'L E
WAKE ur. " . ""
THE A\.JAKENEt C.t1H.UNITY
WILL SEE ITj aEMAN.S
THE
WILL ' . ceNTINU[
84
EPILOGUE
It was not, as many "moderates" felt, the police who disrupted
the normal processes of life at Harvard, but the students they ~ e r e
called in to remove from University Hall. The police were employed
to restore the university to its normal mode of operation. The
strike, which was the response of thousands of students to the admin
istration's action, was implicitly a protest against the return to
normalcy, despite the vehemency with which the "moderates" insisted
they were striving for a transformation or retransformation of the
university into a "community" through "restructuring", or institut
ing faculty and (more urgently) student participation with the ad
ministration in decision-making.
It is only the university's function in society that gives
the idea of restructuring any importance - yet it is precisely this
function that makes nonsense of the idea of a university "community"
of students, faculty, and admin;'strators which is at the sarne time
a corporation run within and servingthe interests of corporate cap
italist society. "Participation", under circumstances in which pow
er remains undistributed (here, in the hands of the corporation)
is merely a means to drown the real issues in a sea of committees
and hide the cor.tinued powerlessness of the "participants". Any
meaningful restructuring would have to be a transfer of power, not
participation but control. And even student/faculty control of the
university, so long as it meant maintenance of the university in
its present form and social role, would be an insufficient answer
to the problems brought into the open by the sit-in and strike.
of
The full development in
private control of social
capitalism
production
of the destructive
(of which the war
potential
in Vietnam
and the housing problems of Roxbury and Cambridge are only examples)
has made it obvious that the responsibility for running any social
;,nstitution should rest with those who do its work.
In an advanced industrial society, in which practically all
production is for the use of society in general, the extension of
this princirle to the level of social life as a whole dictates that
this responsibility must be shared with all the members of society,
whose lives the institutions affect.
85
Students act to disrupt thE:: dormal functions of the university
(as high schoolers their schools, soldiers the army, and workers
their places of work) because it is through the normal functioning
of the university that the crisis of American society presents
itself to students. The relation of the struggle on the campus
to the struggle throughout society is sometimes obscured for stu
dents because of their position in society. As non-producers, or
rather, as their own products, students are not economically ex
ploited but only in training for places on the pecking order. Not
yet at work, they tend to see the goal of "student power
ll
as sat
isfied by some measure of control over the training for work, as
if that cpuld be the . nature of the jobs awaiting them.
And yet, . as atHarvard, the essential questions co.me up: the
r ole 0 f the II k"n0 w 1 e d g e fa c tory II, the que s t ion 0 f power. The s e
questions must be clearly . posed and dealt with; in
they are the essence of the m6st serious problem, for thought
and action, of the student movement, the relation of the struggle
on the campus to that waged throughout America and the world for
the liberation of mankind.
The demand for control is a demand not for con
t r 01 0 veran ins tit uti 0 n s,u per vi s i nq .0 n e I s 'j n s e r t ion i ntot hew0 r 1 d
of exploitation but for an end to eiploitation. It inev
itably pushes the issue far beyond the confines 0f the The
idea of a university which serves not the class that continues to
. dominate society, those who are at present dominated, implies
a thorough restructuring of society as a condition for a meaningful
restructuring of the university. The limits of restructuring re
veal the outlines of a new society.
86
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Friendly, Henry
Gordon, Albert
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How Harvard R V 1 e s ' i s the co 11 e c t i v e product of a week $ . work ,
by a group of -movement researchers and supporters of f
Strike. It features ' the contributions and the labor of t a ,sizable
group of activists and analysts. . ,, ' , .
It was active help of the AFRICA RESEARCH GROUP,
a movement 'research ' organization based in Cambridge , {P . O, . Box ,213,
Cambridge 0213
1
8) and "concerned primarily with imperial4:st penet,ration
inAf rica arid its co n Seq Ii e n c e sat home. I t co u 1 d n,0 t h a ve bee n -p b
lished without ' the ' cooperation of THE OLD MOLE, a radical biweekly
newspaper which ' made the Liberated Documents which
felt should be shared widely within the context of 'al.,se;r ii pus and
sustained analysis. , ' \: '
Additional copies of How Harvard Rules are availabledlthrou,gh THE ,
OLD MOLE (2 BrooklfneStreet, Cambridge, Mass.) an-d Th.e( New" EngJand
Free Press, 791 : Tremont Street, Boston. Single copies .
(with 25 additional for postage). Bulk rates on
88
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CORPORATION OVERSEERS
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C/OThe Oli$octopus Game
~ = = = = = = = = = . ~ = - ~ = = = - = = ~ = h
'" .. '
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