UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA IUNIE 2010 I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) Francisco Granados, a conservative Spanish politician, works in a tastefully modernised palace.(1) He is guarded at street level by men in quaint uniforms (in his case, Civil Guards in patent-leather tricorne hats) and upstairs by serried ranks of aides. All in all, he offers a fine study of political power as it is exercised across Europe every day. Following other European countries, Spains Socialist central government recently announced austerity plans. (2)Cutting public spending fast is not easy, and (3) it is no coincidence that governments have trimmed things they directly control, like public-sector salaries: measures range from a pay freeze in Italy to a 25% pay cut in Romania. With an eye to public opinion, governments have also tackled symbols of privilege, making deep cuts to ministerial pay or limousine fleets. Even in France, where the government rejects talk of austerity or public-sector pay cuts, the political elite is doing its bit: (4)the education minister is reported to have started to decorate his offices with artificial flowers. (5)In several countries cuts are being stealthily applied by not replacing civil servants when they retire. Spain, for instance, has said that only 10% of those (6) who retire will be replaced. The 10% rule in Spain does not apply to areas like health, education or care for the elderly, and does not stop regional governments creating new posts. Moreover, (7)powerful men like Mr Granados are oddly powerless when it comes to changing the status quo. Last week Madrids regional government announced (8)it was scrapping 48 of its 125 official cars, and replacing the remaining limousines with midsized models. The paradox is, I cant get rid of any of the official drivers, sighs Mr Granados. He can try moving government drivers to new duties, but only with their consent (though he is laying off 23 drivers on temporary contracts). II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1Analyse syntactically and morphologically the underlined strings in the fragment above (1-8). . Analyse the clauses ( type and syntactic function of the clauses) (2 p) 2.2. Identify the type of predications, the semantic and aspectual lexical value of the lexical verbs in the predication phrases and the grammatical form of the verbs (tense, mood, voice, etc.) (0,20 x 15 = 3 p); 2.3 Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates (0,2 x 10 = 2 p). 2.4.Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: quaint, aide, study, public spending, to trim, pay freeze, to do ones bit, stealthily, the elderly, to scrap ( 0,2o x 10 = 2 p) III.TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1= 10 p) Sistemul de aliane al Romniei din periada interbelic, admirabil n logic articulrii sale, avea o mare caren : ntre Romnia, pe de o parte, i Frana i Marea Britanie, pe de alta, rela iile economice rmneau firave: ntre marile democraii apusene i Romnia nu exista o solidaritate economic n msur s o consolideze pe cea politic. n schimb, economiile Romniei i Germaniei erau complementare: prima exporta petrol i grne n Germania i importa de acolo produse industriale. Adversitatea politic era aici contrabalansat de interese economice reciproce. Cel de al doilea aspect al relaiilor romno-germane este locul de capital nsemntate de inut de petrolul romnesc n economia de rzboi a Reichului. In poziia Germaniei fa de Romnia a devenit o adevrat axiom c nimeni i nimic nu trebuie s perturbe fluxul de petrol din Romnia destinat Reichului, mai ales dup ce a izbucnit cel de al doilea rzboi mondial. Dependen a economiei de rzboi germane de petrolul romnesc era evident. In ajunul conflagraiei, potrivit estimrilor Biroului 2 francez, importurile de petrol ale Axei Berlin-Roma se repartizau astfel: 33% din Venezuela, 26,5 % din SUA, 21,5 % din Romnia. Dac, ntocmai ca n primul rzboi mondial, Marea Britanie i Frana instituiau blocada maritim, ponderea Romniei avea s creasc n mod considerabil. In primele opt luni de rzboi, Romnia a acoperit 94% din importurile de petrol ale Germaniei, aadar, se poate spune figurat vorbind c inima de carburant a Wehrmachtului btea la Ploie ti. (O
Istorie sincer a poporului romn, de F. Constantiniu, p. 353, ed. A IV-a).

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2010

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

Once upon a time, or about two years ago, the European Union was full of optimism (1) about China, and how it was becoming a responsible stakeholder (2) in the world. Reports poured out of think-tanks (3) with titles like Can Europe and China shape the new world order? Europe has a good chance of persuading China that its interests lay in co-operation (4) over climate change, Africa or nuclear proliferation, it was said. And Europe was better placed than America: European co-operation was a model and, unlike America, Europe was not a strategic rival. Head into ancient history, or to 2004, and such leaders as Frances Jacques Chirac were telling Chinese leaders (5) they shared a common vision of the world, based on a multipolar system in which international balance would be achieved by closer ties (6) between Europe, China and Russia. In case that jab in Americas eye was not clear enough, France and Germany led calls for the lifting of an EU arms embargo imposed on China after the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. This was also the age of books (7) with titles like Why Europe will Run the 21 st Century. Europe was bullish about its exemplary wealth, social harmony, and post-national kindliness (8), and how such values would soon span the globe (9). The mood is different now. Inside China, America and Europe several bubbles of optimism have burst at the same time (10).
II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

1. Analyse syntactically and morphologically the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 10). 1.1. Identify the type of predications, the semantic and aspectual lexical value of the lexical verbs in the predication phrases and the grammatical form of the verbs (tense, mood, voice, etc.) (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10) (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p); 1.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in those predications which include them (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p). 1.3. Analyse the clause in (9): type and syntactic function of the clause, type of predication) (1,5). 2. .Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: think-tank, protests, achieve, wealth, burst, jab, lift, embargo, vision, span (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p)
III. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9 p+1 = 10)

Dup cutremurul din 12 ianuarie, din Haiti, soldat cu peste 150.000 de mori, au aprut cazuri de trafic de copii i de organe, a declarat premierul haitian, Jean-Max Bellerive."Se practic acest gen de trafic de organe prelevate nu numai de la copii, pentru c este nevoie de toate tipurile de organe", a declarat Bellerive ntr-un interviu acordat CNN. Nu a dat detalii, dar, ntrebat de Christiane Amanpour ce stie despre posibilele cazuri de trafic cu copii, Bellerive a rspuns: "Informaiile pe care le-am primit arat c exista asemnea cazuri".Autoritile din Haiti ncearc s localizeze copiii sinistrai i s i nregistreze, pentru a fi apoi dai n grija altor membrii ai familiei sau dai spre adopie. Dar traficul cu copii este una dintre cele mai mari probleme cu care se confrunt Haiti.Premierul a spus c ncearc s colaboreze cu ambasadele din Port-au-Prince pentru a-i apra pe copiii din Haiti de traficani. Bellerive a precizat c primul lucru pe care ncearc s l confirme oficialii haitieni este dac copii au acte de adopie valabile nainte de a li se permite s plece din ar.La Washington, Departamentul de Stat a anunat c acioneaz cu precauie n ceea ce privete adopiile din Haiti. "Vrem s fim siguri c, atunci cnd se identific un copil, s-au fcut toate eforturile pentru a ne asigura c este cu adevrat un copil orfan i nu un copil care chiar are familie", a spus purttorul de cuvnt al Departamentului de Stat P.J. Crowley. "Uneori dac faci presiuni prea mari, prea repede, pot aprea consecine nedorite. Aa c suntem foarte, foarte ateni", a adugat el.Cutremurul din Haiti, din 12 februarie, s-a soldat cu peste 150.000 de mori i a lsat un milion de oameni fr adpost.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI

FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA IUNIE 2012 I.TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) Chechnya is a rebellious part of Russia that was run by gangsters and Islamic fundamentalists, closely linked to Al-Qaeda. After a bloody but necessary war, it has become largely peaceful though occasional terrorist attacks continue. That, roughly, is what the Kremlin would like to believe. Tony Woods new book takes issue with every part of that argument and puts the case, in a simplistic if passionate manner, for the other side. The truth, he maintains, is that the outside worlds credulousness and cowardice has enabled a chilling conjuring trick, in which the Chechens aspirations to self-determination have disappeared behind a cloud of euphemisms and falsifications. () Mr. Wood, assistant editor of New Left Review, a British periodical, concedes that the period of semi-independence that followed may have been a grisly mess, where kidnapping and slave-trading became big business. But he blames Russia for that, for having ruined the Chechen economy and for the Kremlins persistent attempts to undermine the Chechen authorities. () The wars in Chechnya must have been atrocious on both sides. While condemning the degeneration of Chechen resistance tactics into terrorism, Mr. Woods is trying hard to depict them as reactions to the systematic and continuous use of illegal detention, torture, rape and murder by the Russian side. Far from pacifying the republic and restoring normal life, the Kremlin has installed a vicious client regime that rules by larcenous brutality. Chechenya has always been a pawn in Russias internal power struggles and related swindles, and Mr. Wood is right to highlight the Kremlins cynicism, incompetence, and casual brutality. But the book is too slim, simplistic and one-sided to do full justice to the issue. Russians come across as carboard villains, of no hint of the agonized debates and dilemmas the war has prompted. Equally, he depicts the Chechens as carboard martyrs, not real people with spectacular virtues and failings. Theres little that the reader gets in terms of flavour of Chechenyas steamy clan politics, or the rebel leaderships often bizarre and batty notions, nor of the murky deals in which all sides are engaged. Note: Larcenous, related to larceny= stealing things that are valuable. I. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 10) : type and syntactic function of the clause) (0,40x10=4 points) 2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the following predicates; identify the modal verbs and discuss their semantic function, where the case may be: a. Chechnya is a rebellious part of Russia; b. that was run by gangsters; c.it has become largely peaceful; d. there is little .; e. The wars in Chechnya must have been atrocious on both sides; f. Mr. Wood is trying hard (0.5 x6= 3 p). 2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: (0,20 x 10 = 2 points): Credulousness, conjuring (trick), to concede, grisly (mess), atrocious, vicious, swindle(s), agonized, failings, murky. II. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10) Distanele reprezint esena Rusiei si sunt leitmotivul politicii interne a oricrui preedinte al Rusiei n secolul al XXI-lea. Practic, nu se poate nelege dimensiunea politic a nici unui ef de stat rus fr s se neleag c, orict de mult i-ar dori s fie actor pe scena politic internaional, el este nti de toate conductorul celei mai ntinse ri de pe glob. Inventarea internetului i a telefonului mobil au fcut ca distanele s se micoreze chiar i n Rusia, iar legturile dintre cetenii Rusiei i cei ai altor state s se ntreasc. Astfel, au aprut mai multe perspective pentru orice persoan care are acces la surse de informare, ceea ce a fost cndva accesibil doar aristocraiei. Pentru prima dat n istorie, aristocraia, apoi nomenklatura, nu mai este singur n marele privilegiu de a cltori, vedea, compara i aciona. Nici uniformizarea social propus de doctrina Partidului Comunist al Uniunii Sovietice nu a putut fi totala i a meninut aristocraia sub forma nomenklaturii. O mai mare omogenizare naional s-a realizat dup 1991 cu ajutorul telefonului mobil i a internetului, asa ca populaia are de civa ani un mai mare acces la tirile externe i posibilitatea de a face comparaii n ce privete sistemul politico-administrativ s-a accentuat. Vladimir Putin domin scena politic din 2000 i o va face pn n 2024, dac nu vor fi accidente, dac nu va exista un adversar puternic n 2018. Dar 24 de ani de conducere, chiar acordat prin vot popular, s-ar putea s fie

considerat cam mult de populaia Rusiei. Contient de pericol, Vladimir Putin este forat s propun obiective clare i tangibile, deoarece n faa sa este o populaie foarte bine informata, care acum observ ce este n strintate i face comparaii, Putin nu va raspunde doar de gestionarea situaiei socio-economice, ci i de creterea noii elite politice a Rusiei. Si inca un aspect specific, legat de strintatea apropiat: n realitate, URSS nu s-a desfiinat integral. Situaia economic i demografic impune Moscovei o atenie sporit, n contextul n care deficitul de mn de lucru calificat din Rusia nu se poate acoperi dect cu etnici rui din fostele republici. n acelai timp, Rusia este prima destinaie de migraie pentru locuitorii din Asia Centrala i ai Caucaz. Iata de ce, Putin a adoptat cvasi-oficial ideea Eurasiei. Proiectul eurasiatic nu nseamn doar o cale rus de rezolvare a problemelor Rusiei, ci i crearea unei noi balane a puterii, a unui nou pole de putere, opus Statelor Unite. Rusia dorete ca mpreun cu China, i, ntr-o anumit msur, cu India i Vietnamul s edifice un bloc geopolitic puin favorabil SUA n zona Pacific, iar n Orientul Mijlociu prin susinerea oferit Siriei i Iranului complic ambiiile Americii, Turciei i Israelului. Eurasia nseamn ns i reducerea implicrii n Africa i America Latin; Rusia va sprijini anumite iniiative, dar numai contra-cost.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI -FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA IUNIE 2011 I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) STRIKING gold is generally considered a slice of good luck. Owning it, however, is a sign that you fear the worst . Some people buy the yellow stuff because they think it looks pretty, to be sure. But the quintessential gold bug is an investor who expects every form of paper wealth to collapse, along with civilisation itself. Gold is not like other quintessential commodities. The demand for iron ore depends on down-to-earth things, the demand for gold depends on airier considerations, such as whether you think Barack Obama is the Anti-Christ. Not all gold investors stockpile guns and tinned food in remote cabins, of course. But most agree that the world is a scary place. The euro zone is tottering, Americas deficit is alarming and inflation is looming, they reckon. Such fears have ramped the price of gold up to an incredible $1,545 a troy ounce, up almost sixfold in a decade. Yet gold miners shares have failed to keep pace . This is new. Over the past five years, however, the price of gold has trebled while the value of gold miners has merely doubled. As mines age, extracting gold gets harder and costlier. Ores give up less of the metalaverage grades have fallen by 30% since 1999 according to GFMS, a consultancy. And ore must be hauled up from ever greater depths. Fuel is pricier. So, too, are labour and equipment, since the global minerals boom has driven up demand for miners and drills. A decade ago the average cost of extracting an ounce of gold from the ground stood at a little over $200. In 2010 it hit $857. Finding new seams to replace depleted ones is becoming harder. Metals Economics Group, a mining consultancy, estimates that in 2002 gold miners spent $500m on exploration. By 2008 they were spending $3 billion but finding much less, but all the easy gold has been mined already. The worlds miners dug up 2,689 tonnes of gold last year. Granted, that was a record. But, despite the huge surge in investment, it was only a few flakes more than the total output a decade ago. Investing in gold miners carries risks unrelated to the price of the metal. Mergers can flop. As readily recoverable reserves dwindle in stable places such as North America and Australia, miners are forced to operate in more troublesome ones, such as Latin America and Africa. Huge investments can yield disappointing returns if promising mines turn out to contain less glitter than predicted. Gold bugs, by definition, bet that the price of gold will go up and up. Miners sometimes do the opposite. Many hedged their wares, selling gold forward to ensure smooth cash flows and to raise money to dig more mines. This may have seemed prudent at the time. But it repelled gold bugs and, as the gold price rose ever higher, it hurt the miners profits, too. Gold bugs are often allergic to other metals. Gold miners are not. Many produce copper, too, since it often sits in the same ore bodies as gold. Most damaging of all for the marriage between gold bugs and gold miners has been the arrival of a seductive new financial tool. Exchange-traded funds (ETFs), backed by physical gold, offer investors direct exposure to the gold price without any exposure to gold miners themselves. They have become popular: in less than a decade gold ETFs have gone from nothing to holding some 2,200 tonnes of gold nearly a whole years production. If the world goes to hell, gold bugs will say: I told you so. But if investors ever wake up and notice that the yellow metal is little more useful than tulips, the gold bugs will be burned. The miners, less so. II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1.). . Analyse the clauses ( type and syntactic function of the clauses) that you fear the worst .; expects every form of paper wealth to collapse, that the world is a scary place , finding new seams to replace depleted ones , investing in gold miners , to operate in more troublesome ones, if promising mines turn out to contain less glitter than predicted , to ensure smooth cash flows , holding some 2,200 tonnes of gold , If the world goes to hell (3 p) 2.2 Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates is considered, looks pretty, gets harder and costlier, is becoming harder, were spending, has been mined , are forced , may have seemed prudent, have become popular, will be burned (0,3 x 10 = 3 p). 2.3.Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: quintessential, to collapse, down-to-earth, stockpile, to haul up, granted, surge, dwindle, yield, exposure (0,3o x 10 = 3 p) III.TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1= 10 p) Dac sunt calculai toi banii datorai pentru a acoperi costurile viitoare ale unor programe guvernamentale, SUA se afla ntr-o situaie mai grav dect Grecia sau alte state ndatorate excesiv. Obligaiile financiare ale Statelor Unite ajung la aproape 100.000 de miliarde de dolari, de circa apte ori produsul intern brut al rii, dac pe lng datoria public sunt incluse costurile unor programe sociale sau de sprijinire a economiei n perioada crizei. Preedintele american Barack Obama a avertizat, ieri, c un eec al negocierilor din Congres referitoare la majorarea plafonului datoriilor Statelor Unite, care au atins limita maxim legal, ar putea sa puna n pericol redresarea economic i s declaneze o nou criz financiar. Atenia opiniei publice din Statele Unite este concentrat asupra datoriei publice, de 14.300 de miliarde de dolari, ns, aceasta nu include fonduri de aproape 50.000 de miliarde de dolari garantate de stat prin diverse programe, cum ar fi cel de asigurari sociale. Statul este prins i n capcana altor datorii, precum programul de susinere a sistemului financiar din cauza crizei din 20082009, arat date guvernamentale. O serie de bnci americane au anunat c nu vor mai folosi obligaiuni ale Trezoreriei ca garanii pentru diverse tranzacii.n condiiile date, n ultimul timp, ntre preedintele Obama i republicani au existat tensiuni i conflicte n legtur cu majorarea plafonului maxim al datoriei. Democraii susin

ridicarea acestui prag, ns republicanii militeaz pentru o reducere drastic a mai multor cheltuieli publice. Dac ntre cele dou pri nu se va ajunge la o nelegere, Guvernul risc s nu i mai poat ndeplinii obligaiile, ceea ce va avea consecine grave, potrivit analitilor economici. Ministrul de finanate, Timothy Geithner a declarat c a gsit modaliti prin care Guvernul s i continue activitatile, ns doar pentru alte cteva luni nainte de a da faliment.Decizia reflect temerile tot mai mari din partea comunitii financiare referitoare la capacitatea SUA de a gsi o soluie la problema datoriilor i a deficitului,. Dac blocajul nu va fi rezolvat pn la 2 august, Statele Unite vor intra n incapacitatea de plat a anumitor obligaiuni care ajung la maturitate. Iar preedintele Barack Obama a avertizat deja c situaia datoriilor SUA ar putea declansa o nou criz mondiala.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA IUNIE 2008

IV.

TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

The Walesa question Truth and memory conflict in post-communist Poland DID the most famous living Pole, Lech Walesa, collaborate with the communist secret police? Over the past 15 years, he has vehemently denied it. Mr Walesa has won a number of legal battles to clear his name. A forthcoming book on the subject comes not from nutty conspiracy theorists, but from two respected Polish historians, Slawomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, who work at the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN, in its Polish acronym), the custodian of the communist regime's secret-police files. They claim to have unearthed previously unknown documents linking Mr Walesawho led the Solidarity union, served as president and won a Nobel prizeto the secret police, for a period up until 1976. The argument affects Poland's more recent past. Some believe that Mr Walesa's seemingly erratic behaviour and poor choice of advisers as president from 1990-95 was the result of blackmail, which he strongly denies. That goes straight to the most divisive question in modern Polish politics. For a large chunk of Polish opinion, the former Polish People's Republic was fundamentally illegitimate. Everything that happenedincluding much so-called dissident activitywas a sham and a fraud, orchestrated by Polish or Soviet secret police. Others see the Peoples Republic as a pragmatic response to Poland's impossible position after 1945. Surely it was better to live as best as one could than to die senselessly in the forests or rot in jail. Solidarity under Mr Walesa in 1980 and 1981 partially bridged that gap. The idea that dissident intellectuals could unite with industrial workers and strike a deal with communist bureaucrats set the precedent for the 1989 round table, when the one-party state negotiated its own demise. The argument about whether that deal was an honourable transition from totalitarian rule to freedom, or a shameful cop-out in which traitors and criminals dodged responsibility for their deeds, is still raging. The dilemmas that may have faced Mr Walesa are those of millions of Poles, including most of those who have been running the country since 1990.One response to this would be to say that Mr Walesa's behaviour in the early 1970s is simply irrelevant. From 1980 onward, with his remarkable negotiating abilities, charismatic personality and stubborn bravery under arrest, he redeemed himself for any youthful mistakes. Like many public figures, he was great in his heyday, and it is better not to dwell too much on what happened before or afterwards. Winston Churchill drank too much, grossly misunderstood economics, and had deplorable views about race. From that viewpoint, Lech Walesa is a Polish trademark, symbolising the country's courageous struggle for freedom: damage him, and you damage Poland. As the years pass, and Poland's international image is anchored more firmly in the achievements of others, that argument is diminishing. But it still counts. Some would even say that the historians of the IPN should devote their attention to other subjects. But neglect won't make the problem go away. If the arguments for discretion are strong, the argument for truth is stronger. If the proof is overwhelming, Mr Walesa can still admit his lapse. If it is not, many people won't believe it. But a public cover-up would be the worst of both worlds.

V.

LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

1. Identify the tenses and their values in the underlined instances in lines 2, 3, 18,19,23 ( has won, comes, is
raging, has been running, drank). (0,40p x 5 = 2p)
2. Identify the values of the underlined modal verbs in lines 14, 18, 27, 29 ( could, may, should, can) (0,25 p x 4 = 1 p) 3. Provide one synonym for the following words: unearth, illegitimate, demise, dodge, lapse. (0,10 p x 5 = o,50 p) 4. Identify the underlined constructions in lines 5-6, 7-9, 13 (twice), 22-23 (to have unearthed previously unknown documents, that Mr Walesa's seemingly erratic behaviour and poor choice of advisers as president from 1990-95 was the result of blackmail, to live, as best as one could, what happened before or afterwards.) . State their syntactic function (0,30 p x 5 = 1,5 p) 5. In each of the sentences below there is an error. Identify and correct it. (0,30 x 5 = 1,5p) 1. Martin was used to smoke a lot when he was studying. 2. This switch isnt working. May the children have broken it? 3. Not until the next morning we noticed that she had not come home. 4. I didnt like asking about my private life. 5. The women life longer than men.

6. Give the passive counterpart of the sentences below: (0,30 x 5 = 1,5p) 1. People reported that there were serious problems with the new designs. 2. An earthquake is more likely to cause serious damage than a storm. 3. We are going to have to sell my old car. 4. The police can keep you in

custody for 24 hours and may question you about your activities. 5. While she was moving the furniture she damaged the floor. 7. Use the verb in brackets in the most appropriate form to get a correct sentence: (0,20 p x 5 = 1p) 1. They allowed us (enter) the room.2. Jessica was disappointed not (see) any of her friend at the theater.3.He had difficulty in (concentrate) on his work.4.Those curtains want (dry-clean). 5. In addition to (lose) her purse, Joan also lost her passport.

VI.

TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9 p+1 = 10)

Zilele trecute, in orasul nipon Osaka, ministrii celor opt natiuni industrializate (Germania, Canada, SUA, Franta, Marea Britanie, Italia, Japonia, Rusia) vor solicita din nou OPEC sa creasca productia de petrol asa cum au facut-o in mai multe randuri . Adjunctul secretarului american al tezaurului, David McCormick, preciza ca evolutiile pe piata petrolului si preturile crescute ale alimentelor vor face parte din discutiile privind economia mondiala, ministrii urmand a evoca politici pe termen mediu si lung care ar putea inflenta cererea si oferta, in special dezvoltarea carburantilor alternativi. Franta doreste marirea transparentei in ce priveste stocurile petroliere si stabilirea unui dialog cu statele producatoare. De aceea Parisul si Washington vor pleda pentru oprirea subventiilor in sectorul energetic care functioneaza in multe tari consumatoare. Insa cursul petrolului a explodat saptamana trecuta, de aceea pe data de 22 iunie in Arabia Saudita este prevazuta o reuniune intre tarile consumatoare si cele producatoare. Cresterea pretului petrolului si al alimentelor a generat tulburari sociale in numeorase state in ultima vreme, ceea ce a creat un efect in cascada, adica pana si tarile mai mici, cu un consum relativ mediu de petrol si energie au avut de suferit de pe urma cresterii pretului petrolului si al energiei in general.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA IANUARIE 2011

VII.

TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

It may have worked politically, but not on other fronts. Two weeks ago, Romanias prime minister, Emil Boc, doomed his own government to collapse by ousting his interior minister, Dan Nica (1). The ostensible reason was that Mr Nica(2), who represents a junior partner in the coalition(3), had groundlessly alleged(2) that a huge electoral fraud was being planned in the presidential election due on November 22 nd(4). He did not name the supposed ballot-riggers. But this is a touchy issue. Romanias president, Traian Basescu, won power in 2004 on the crest of an anti-corruption campaign. Since then some of his biggest supporters have become increasingly critical of his record. Sacking Mr Nica(5) was meant to force his Social Democratic party to quit the government, leaving a minority administration to be run by Mr Basescus supporters, (6) the Liberal Democrats. That, cynics say, was meant to ensure that the interior ministry, which runs the election machinery(7), was in safe hands in the run-up to the poll. It may yet work. But the Social Democrats counter-attacked this week by ousting the government in Romanias first successful no-confidence vote since the fall of communism. In one sense the vote(8), which took place on October 13th, was progress(9). Unlike in the 1990s the governments removal did not involve miners rampaging violently through the streets of Bucharest. Shenanigans around the conduct of the presidential election and uncertainty about the next government are distractions from Romanias most pressing problems. The economy(9) is forecast to shrink by around 8% this year(9). The IMF and European Union have bailed out the country to the tune of 20 billion ($30 billion). Romania has yet to implement the unpopular reforms that it agreed with the lenders. And it has also exasperated the EU by backsliding on promised improvements to the judiciary and legal system. Mr Basescu may have won the battle for his political survival for the time being. But he has not fulfilled his promises of modernising and cleaning up his countrys politics (10).

VIII. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 10) : type and syntactic function of the clause, type of predication) (0,50x10=5 points) 2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the following predicates (may have worked, have become, was meant, did not involve , are distractions (0,40x5 = 2 points). 2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: doom, groundlessly, touchy, on the crest of , poll, to oust, to rampage, shenanigans, to bail out, to backslide (0,20 x 10 = 2 points) IX. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1 = 10 p)

Modelul economic si social pentru care societatea romaneasca optase in a doua jumatate a secolului al XIX-lea, avand drept cap de afis un optimism robust, ar merita asa cum scris si in alte comentarii sa fie reinviat astazi. Atunci, intr-un context istoric si cultural generator de torente de energie, incepea sa se adevereasca visul de bunastare de la 1848. Un climat economic, politic, social si moral innoit radical, care promova respectul pentru lucrul bine facut, schimbase fata Romaniei. Incet, incet, romanii au inteles forta devizei Daca vrei, poti!... si au inceput sa vrea. Si cand au vrut au vazut ca au si putut. Privind inapoi, acum, tocmai faptul ca tara invatase sa vrea ne ajuta sa intelegem mai bine cum s-a nascut, in capitalismul romanesc timpuriu, o preocupare vibranta pentru inaltarea unor cladiri reprezentative. Ele au fascinat ochii privitorilor si, totodata, au dat expresie rolului istoric si importantei institutiilor noului stat capitalist, dorintei de integrare a Romaniei in clubul tarilor a caror optiune pentru modernizare si dezvoltare era ferma. Si iata ca pe pamant romanesc, intr.-o comunitate abia scapata de durerile feudalismului, au fost inaltate adevarate minuni ale arhitecturii. Am in vedere, mai cu seama, celbrele monumente de arhitectura ridicate in acea vreme, ce au dat personalitate micului Paris , au scos din anonimat multe alte orase din tara, au format infrastructura dezvoltarii Romaniei. Cu toate acestea, in anii care au urmat, romanii nu au avut o grija si o preocupare adevarata pentru aceste cladiri, fie ca le-au nationalizat, fie ca le-au inchiriat si de-a lungul anilor, multe din acest frumoase bijuterii ale arhitecturii romanesti au intrat in paragina, au decazut, s-au distrus, roase de colbul vremurilor si al uitarii. De-abia azi am reinceput sa descoperim, parca, aceste cladiri, unele din ele, vechi, dar pastrand inca din maretia si eleganta liniei arhitecturale, devenita etalon pentru majoritatea capitalelor europene de la sfarsit de secol XIX si inceput de secol XX. In concluize, daca vrem, putem restaura aceste cladiri si transforma Bucurestiul intr-o reala perla a Europei, dar trebuie sa vrem, evident. Nimic si nimeni un ne poate ajuta mai mult decat o putem face singuri. Si, in cele din urma, poate vom fi invatat, totusi, ceva de la istorie.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2012 III. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) THE buzzword in Brussels these days is growth. Perhaps the looming recession across much of Europe is concentrating minds. Or leaders may realise that the prospect of years of austerity is stirring bad blood. Unless the debt crisis was resolved and growth recovered, said Christine Lagarde, the IMFs head, Europe and the world risked reverting to the 1930s. At their next summit on January 30th, European Union leaders will solemnly talk of boosting output, tackling youth unemployment, supporting small firms and much else. They might even commit money to job creation, for example by recycling unspent EU funds through the European Investment Bank. Do not be fooled by such pieties. Everybody has always had different ideas about growth and they often reflect longstanding prejudices. For Germany, fostering growth is not about spending more money, but about fiscal discipline and structural reforms in weaker countries. For the British, Dutch, Swedes and other north Europeans, growth should come from the boost to competition from deepening the single market and pursuing free-trade agreements. For ex-communist countries in the east, the secret is the vital role of EU transfers. Beyond papering over such disagreements with official verbiage, the main business of the summit will be to push ahead with the fiscal compact. This requires the signatories to adopt balanced-budget rules. They are going to sign a treaty that makes Keynesianism illegal, comments one diplomat. Mrs Lagarde, for her part, seems to lean the opposite way. Her recommendations for growth include easing monetary policy and relaxing deficit-cutting in surplus countries, such as Germany, that can afford to boost demand. She is also urging the euro zone to increase the size of its rescue fund. And she makes the case for a Europe-wide system to support banks and for the mutualisation of some sovereign debt. It would help if Europe were more productive. This is one area of concern. Having almost closed the productivity gap with America in the mid-1990s, Europe is again being left behind . This trend is most alarming in southern Europe, where productivity has actually dropped. A simple explanation is that Mediterranean countries enjoyed easy catch-up growth by importing technology. New growth needs the harder graft of innovation and enterprise. Southern economies with cumbersome regulation, poor administration and an over-protected labour force are bad at this. Fixing that will be the work of a generation, not a summit. IV. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 10) : type and syntactic function of the clause) (0,50x10=5 points) 2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the following predicates (is concentrating, may realize, was resolved , has always had, is again being left behind) (0,40x5 = 2 points). 2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: looming, stir bad blood, tackle, commit, EU transfers, signatories, make the case for, sovereign debt, gap, cumbersome (0,20 x 10 = 2 points) V. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10) Luni noaptea, dupa Consiliul European, s-a organizat o reuniune separata privind situatia din Grecia.Liderii europeni nu au fost de acord cu Germania privind punerea guvernului elen sub tutela unui comisar europeana.Situatia Greciei a fost dezbatuta si in cadrul reuniunii Consiliului, opiniile liderilor europeni fiind divizate. In zilele anterioare reuniunii, Germania lansase ideea numirii unui comisar european care sa urmareasca guvernul elen in indeplinirea masurilor necesare iesirii din criza, idee respinsa de mai multi lideri, inclusiv de Nicolas Sarkozy, presedintele Frantei.In fata opozitiei liderilor europeni de a trece la o asemenea masura, cancelarul german a spus ca este nevoie de o supraveghere a deciziilor guvernului grec pentru ca nu toate reformele promise au si fost puse in practica. Mai marii Europi au cerut institutiilor UE finalizarea in zilele urmatoare a acordului de salvare a Greciei de la faliment.Miza acestui acord o reprezinta deblocarea a 130 de miliade de euro, promisi de europeni in octombrie. Acest ajutor este vital pentru Grecia care trebuie sa ramburseze in 20 martie imprumuturi in valoare de 14,5 miliarde de euro.In paralel insa, Atena trebuie sa poarte negocieri cu creditorii sai privati pentru a reduce datoria de 100 de miliarde de euro, conditie sine qua non pentru deblocarea ajutorului european.

UNIVERSITATEA BUCURETI FACULTATEA DE LIMBI I LITERATURI STRINE SECIA TRADUCTORI, INTERPREI, TERMINOLOGI EXAMEN DE LICEN LA LIMBA ENGLEZ SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2013

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) IN 2003 Tony Blairs efforts to drag Britain into the heart of Europe hit the buffers. His chancellor of the exchequer, Gordon Brown, blocked the then prime ministers attempt to join the euro. Then came the Iraq war, which estranged Londons continental partners . So the question arose: if not at the heart of Europe, where should Britain be? Until now Mr Blairs successors have avoided it. But in a speech in London on January 23rd, David Cameron boldly ventured an answer, thus closing an uncertain, decade-long chapter in the history of Britains relationship with the EU . The prime minister committed his Conservative Party to loosening Britains ties to Europe particularly on crime, social affairs and the environmentand to putting the new settlement to a stark in-out referendum before the end of 2017. Eloquently, if vaguely, the prime minister imagined a more flexible network of states centred on the single market, each choosing where to co-operate and where to opt out. A new treaty might codify this new relationship, he suggested. If not, Britain could embark on a unilateral renegotiation. Mr Cameron pledged to draft a referendum bill before the 2015 election, then enact it by the end of that year if re-elected. This has the double benefit of convincing his Eurosceptic backbenchers of his sincerity and forcing the opposition Labour Party to say whether or not it would implement the legislation. That makes life difficult for Labours leader, Ed Miliband. Unlike the Conservative Party, Labour is not prone to bouts of chest-beating over Europe. And whereas Mr Cameron now has a clear position, Mr Milibands line on the EU looks vague and hesitant. Wait and see may be sensible diplomacy, but it is lousy politics. It also puts the party on the wrong side of broadly Eurosceptic public opinion. Mr Cameron appears to be on the right side : voters tell pollsters they want renegotiated membership, they want a referendum and, on many issues, they want more independence from Brussels. The European Commissions own polls consistently show Britons to be the unions least enthusiastic members. But in one crucial respect, the prime minister is wrong. He said in his speech that Britons are increasingly frustrated about Europe, and that this frustration is developing dramatically. That is certainly true of Mr Camerons Conservative Party. It is not, however, true of the British public. Voters are far less neuralgic about Europe than their representatives in Westminster. It is very important for voters to be asked which topics most concern them, but they mention Europe much less than they did when Mr Blair was inviting them to love it . Even supporters of the United Kingdom Independence Party, which campaigns to leave the EU, worry more about the economy, immigration and crime than Europe. And Britons are equal-opportunity cynics: they distrust their own politicians almost as much as they distrust Brussels. Mr Camerons speech has gone down well with his party and given his adversaries a headache. But for all these immediate benefits, he risks encouraging the impression that his party is fixated on a subject that most voters do not much care aboutand at the expense of subjects they do care about, such as jobs, health care and the economy. Labour was in agony this week, as it squirmed and tried to change the subject to something other than Europe. But it may have been wise to do so. II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10) 2.1 Analyse the clauses in the underlined and bolded strings in the fragment above : type and syntactic function of the clause) (0,50x10=5 points) 2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the following predicates (should be, have avoided, might codify, could embark, would implement , is not prone to bouts of chest-beating looks vague and hesitant, is developing, has gone down, has gone down ) (0,20x10 = 2 points). 2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: chancellor of the exchequer, settlement, to codify, to pledge, bill, to put someone on the wrong side of, membership, voter, to give somebody a headache, to campaign(0,20 x 10 = 2 points) III. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10) Guvernul britanic ia n considerare lansarea unei campanii publicitare negative n Romnia i Bulgaria, n ncercarea de a a-i convinge pe potenialii imigrani s nu vin n Marea Britanie dup anularea restriciilor, scrie presa britanic."V rugm nu venii n Marea Britanie. Plou,locurile de munca sunt puine i prost pltite", plnuiesc minitrii s fie mesajul acestei campanii negative, scrie The Guardian n ediia online.Acest plan se va concentra asupra dezavantajelor vieii britanicilor i printre ntre alte opiuni se numara si nsprirea accesului imigranilor din Uniunea European (UE) la servicii publice sau "deportarea" celor care nu gsesc un loc de munc ntr-un termen de trei luni, potrivit publicaiei.Conform declaraiei unui oficial, aceast campanie va "corecta impresia potrivit creia strzile de aici sunt pavate cu aur".Britanicii sunt ngrozi i de numrul covritor de romni i bulgari care le vor asalta ara. The Guardian mai scrie c nu s-au dezvluit informaii despre felul n care va arta campania, dac ca i va prezenta pe britanici "ct mai groaznic posibil" sau i va ncuraja pe potenialii imigrani s se bucure de gradina Carpailor din Romania sau staiunile bulgare de la Marea Neagr. n contextul n care guvernele din lumea ntreag cheltuiesc sume importante angajnd consultani de la Londra s le fac imagine, "ar fi o ironie dac Marea Britanie ar alege s i strice imaginea", noteaz The Guardian.Parlamentari conservatori au exercitat presiuni asupra premierului David Cameron pentru a bloca migraia dinspre Romnia i Bulgaria dup ce, la sfarsitul acestui an, se vor anula restriciilor impuse celor dou ri, potrivit ediiei online a publicaiei Daily Express. Fireste, imigrantii doresc o aciune care s asigure o "relaxare" a limitelor numrului de imigrani din cele dou state UE, cu respectarea legislaiei Uniunii, potrivit publicaiei.