Improved Cookstove Programs In East and Central Africa

by Piyansena Wickramagamage Country Studies No. 5 26 December 1991

Risk and Development Program Environment and Policy Institute East-West Center 1777 East-West Road Honolulu, Hawaii 96848 USA

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IMPROVED COOKSTOVE PROGRAMS IN EAST AND CENTRAL AFRICA: A REVIEW BY PIYASENA WICKRAMAGAMAGE

Introduction

The history of improved cookstove programs in eastern and central Africa goes back to the 1970s, but the rapid proliferation of improved cookstove projects occurred in the early 1980s. B y 1983, there were about 100 improved stove projects in all developing countries except China, but it was reported that only 10 survived over 2 year period (Manibog 1984). The number of stoves disseminated by these projects was small but the experience gained has been useful for later projects. These failures led to widespread disillusionment in the ICS community, but the success achieved by some projects provided encouragement to those who were still involved in improved cookstove projects. I n recent years, more evidence of success can be found in the region.

The failure of most projects in the early phase is due to a number of reasons. Some of the most important causes of failure are that the stoves designed were neither fuel efficient (Bussmann 1987: 157) nor did they suit the needs and preferences of the population. A t the same time the projects were targeted towards rural areas where the incentives for purchasing a fuel-efficient stove did not exist. Realization of this fact led the ICS projects later to shift focus onto urban areas where households spend a substantial amount of their income on domestic fuels. Charcoal, which is an important source of fuel in most urban areas in Africa, is used in a artisan-built stove. Fuel-saving technologies would bring financial benefits to the urban household.

Energy efficiency is one of the main features o f the ICS designed by the projects, but it has become clear that users attach much importance to many other aspects as well. Without addressing user requirements, it is difficult to win largescale household acceptance. The most successful ICS projects were those that met these community needs. Fo r example, the Kenyan Ceramic Jiko project, which has disseminated the largest number of stoves in the region, incorporated important features o f the widely used traditional charcoal stove while improving it in a number of ways. The new stove (KCJ) outperforms the traditional stove in terms of energy efficiency, durability, and carbon monoxide emissions (USAM 1988). Energy efficiency is particularly attractive to the user because the cost of the stove is recovered within a short time by saving on fuel. T h i s may be the reason for KCJ's popularity among middle- and high-income groups despite its higher price. However, the same stove failed to win acceptance in Rwanda, where households preferred a stove with less weight and a more solid pot stand and grill (ESMAP 1991). T h i s clearly demonstrates the need of designing stoves for individual countries taking the community needs into consideration.

In the past many national governments and international donor agencies were involved in improved cookstove projects in the region with various NG0s, both national and international, acting as implementing agencies. Many international aid agencies provided funds and expertise for ICS projects, the most prominent among them were NORAD, UNICEF, UNDP, MA, FINNMA, ESMAP, GTZ, EEC, FAO, ILO, IDRC, and USAIR I n addition, several international organizations involved in social welfare work in the region (e.g. CARE International, YMCA, YWCA) actively participated in cookstove projects. The funds provided by these organizations ranged from a few thousand to hundreds o f thousands o f US dollars. Host governments have also provided financial, material, and personnel support (Table 1).

3 Table I Donor Contributions to Some ICS Projects in East and Central Africa Donor and Project C o n t r i b u t i o n CARE
Usika Stove Project (Ceramic -Uganda) CARE ICS Project Greater Khartoum $ $ 63,000 144,040

DANIDA
CEINF (Ethiopia) $ 1,053,400

ESMAP
CEPPE (Ethiopia) $ 100,000

FAO
Sudan $ 4,000,000

FINNIDA
Bum Fite'wood Project (Kenya) $ 12,000

GTZ
Mandeleo Project (Kenya) GTZ-CARMARMC Stove Project Dodoma Stove Project $ $ $ 3,000,000 900,000 2,000

ILO
CEPPE (Ethiopia) $ 19,900

Lutheran World Church

Stove Prog. for Mozambican Ref. (Malawi) $ 500,000

Netherlands
CEPPE (Ethiopia) 7 5 , 0 0 0

NORM)
Morogoro Fuelwood Stove Project (Tanzania) Stove Dissemination Program (Zimbabwe) Care ICS Project Greater Khartoum (Sudan) $ $ $ 75,000 27,690 409,960

Integrated Domestic Energy Project (Zimbabwe) Z $ 187,980 Eastern Area Refugee Reforestation Prog. (Sudan) $ 149,000

4
(Table I Cont . )

SIDA
Improved Charcoal Stove Evaluation (Zambia) n / a

UNHCR
Malawi Stove Pro& n / a

Unesco
Stove Project No. 1 (Akaki) - Ethiopia $ 4,000

UNDP
CEPPE $ $ / 140, 000 200, 000 a Stove Prog. for Mozambican Ref. (Malawi) Rwanda Imp. Charcoal Stove Proj. n

US Embassy
Stove Prog. for Mozambican Ref. (Malawi $ 300, 000

USAID
Sudan Renewable Energy Project SREP (Sudan) BRET Project (Botswana) KREDP (Kenya) $ $ $ n / a 3,304 160, 000 248, 973

ATI/KENGO Stove Project (Kenya)

Word Bank
Malawi Stove Prog. (Malawi) WB Urban Stove Study (Botswana) n n / i a a

YWCA (World)
Imp. Charcoal Stove Project (Uganda) 6 , 0 0 0

The local organizations involved in cookstove projects fall into two categories: government agencies and non-governmental organizations (NG0). The former has played an active role in research and development of ICS and has, in some cases, been involved in all stages of ICS projects as in Ethiopia, for example. I n others, NGOs have acted as the implementing agencies with the government playing a supportive role. One such NGO is Kengo which has acquired a national as well as

5 a regional reputation in the sphere of ICS programs. N GOs are the most costeffective medium through which stove programs can be implemented because of their close links with the local community (USAID 1988). Table 2 Local and Foreign Components of Project Expenses
Costs (US$) Local MALAWI National Rural Development Program % Foreign % Total ($)

Charcoal Trials Energy Studies

70,000 395,000

54 51

50,000 385,000

46 49

120,000 780,000

MO ZAMBI Q UE I. I mpr oved Charcoal and Stove Project

Stove Technologist
IL Ma put o Coal Stove Project

27,000

38

37,000

62

54,000

72,990
TANZANI A: I. Dar-Es-Salaam Improved Charcoal Project:

33

155,000

54

227,990

73,000
I L G TZ/ CARMARTE C Stove Project

33

150,000

67

223,000

300,000
BURUNDI : Improved Charcoal Project of' Bujumbura Urban Development Authority

75

100,000

25 (annual)

186,000
RWANDA:

44 46

238,000 185,000

56 54

424,000 345,000

160,000

Technical expertise required for the project has come mostly from the industrialized West. On l y in a few cases were local experts hired. The Kenyan

6 project which used the services o f a local stove technologist was one of them.
Although this would have been ideal for all the projects from a financial as well as a logistical point of view, lack of technical expertise among the local people led to the use of foreign experts at a considerably higher cost to the project (Table 2). The for eign expenses in some projects account for a substantial portion of the project expenditure.

Production and Dissemination Strategies

Almost all the projects attempted to establish a sustainable improved stove industry through projects activities. Introducing improved designs, training of artisans to manufacture them, establishing a marketing structure and promotional campaigns, and training household members to build their own stoves were the main tasks of the projects. Stove production strategies have been adopted by different projects, including production by artisans, small industrial concerns, and the users themselves. Th e project provided the design and technical advise plus some financial assistance to the first two categories o f producers. Incentives were offered to encourage establishing of a large number of production units competitive in price and quality. The bulk of the stoves so far disseminated were produced by artisans and small firms. I n Kenya, the most successful producers of stoves are in the second category; however, the artisans are given subcontracts to produce various components of the stove, which would help maintain equal standards of the product. Those in the third category have had limited success in disseminating stoves. I n Kenya, more than 20,000 woodstoves have been disseminated by the users, but it is doubtful that the dissemination would continue after the project is over. Furthermore, maintaining the required high standards of the stove is difficult because the builders are more often than not unskilled or

semi-skilled in the craft. Therefore, they may not adhere to the critical dimensions of the stove required to maintain energy efficiency. Dissemination of ICS has been done through existing commercial channels (Kenya KCJ and Rwanda charcoal stove) or through extension workers. Stove projects, which were undertaken by government agencies, have often employed extension workers to distribute stoves (e.g. in Ethiopia). Popularization of user built stoves is also done by extension workers. Although this method has been successful in Asian countries, African projects have not produced comparable results. Stove dissemination through commercial channels is a more viable option. At least a part of the existing cookstove industry can be converted to produce and sell energy-efficient stoves. Initially, the project has to convince the producers, retailers, and consumers of the benefits of the ICS to the artisans, small firms, and the users. The industry thereafter will look after itself and this is happening in Rwanda and Kenya. Some stove projects are centralized and the objectives are stated in terms of stove numbers whereas others are decentralized and their objectives are stated in terms of the benefits to the user and the producer (Krugmann 1987). Mo st early projects were decentralized and run by diverse NG0s, and each project was confined to a small region. Thi s method is more efficient in rural areas where population is dispersed in a large geographical area in which communication facilities are poor. However, lack of coordination among different projects meant making the same mistakes repeatedly. The centralized projects, on the other hand, have the advantage that knowledge gathered through experience is available to all those involved in the operation of the project, and corrective measures may be implemented easily. Fo r example, the experience and expertise of Kengo is of tremendous value to future cookstove projects in Kenya. However, implementation of a centralized project in rural areas is not an easy task. A possible solution to this would be to have small projects in different areas which are coordinated

8 through a central organization. Cookstove projects also vary in the amount of subsidy provided to the user. The Ethiopian cookstove program provided a substantial subsidy to the user, whereas the Kenyan program (KO) provided no direct subsidy. However, the costs of designing the stove, marketing surveys, and advertising campaigns were borne by the project. This failure to provide a subsidy in the Kenyan program resulted in a low market penetration among the low-income population, although they were the main target of the project. B u t subsidy alone would not guarantee the success of a stove project as is clearly demonstrated by the Ethiopian experience. Implementation of stove projects which involves many distinct tasks essential for their success, is often done in two phases: pilot project phase and large-scale dissemination. The typical sequence of events in the pilot project phase might be identified using the most successful stove projects in the region. I. Pre-project field surveys to identify household needs, pattern of energy use, cooking habits, and information on other socioeconomic parameters necessary for project planning. 2. Research on and development of, an improved stove suitable for local conditions, which would involve testing of traditional stoves in use.

3. Production and dissemination of improved stoves for field testing and user evaluation. Modifications are introduced based on results o f the field survey. 4. Training of artisans in producing the stove.

After successful completion of the pilot phase of the project, the largescale production and dissemination phase begins. The artisans who have been

trained would work individually or would be employed by small industrial firms. The stove project runs publicity campaigns to popularize the new stove for a period of time. Post-project surveys are carried out to evaluate the performance of the stove against set goals. This sequence of events is not common to all projects. T h e Kenyan and Rwandan projects are unique insofar as implementing these steps. M o s t projects have failed at the pilot phase; thus reaching the second phase means that some degree of success has been attained. The possibility that a cookstove project would achieve a certain degree of success depends partly on the way in which fuel and stove are acquired by the household. Smith and Ramalcrishna (1991) have identified the region with the greatest potential for success as one where both stove and fuel are purchased. This includes most urban areas in Africa. Rural areas, on the other hand, have the lowest potential because neither fuel nor stove is bought by most rural households. The people do not have the capability or incentive to buy either, except where fuel shortage is severe. Since rural fuel consumption is still not a threat to the forest cover, current efforts in most African countries are directed at urban areas and at rural areas where a severe woodfuel shortage already exists. The Objectives of Improved Cookstove Programs The primary objectives of most cookstove programs have been the conservation of fuelwood a s a solution to the perceived scarcity of domestic fuels in developing countries and to halt deforestation. Deforestation has often been described as the direct cause of desertification in sub-saharan Africa. B u t there were also other socioeconomic and health considerations that were intimately connected with woodfuel use (Table 3). I n rural areas, gathering of fuelwood i s mostly the responsibility of women and children. Deforestation in

10 some rural areas has diminished the supply from nearby sources and women must walk ever-increasing distances from their homes to collect firewood, which means spending more of their time for this task. In East Africa, many women must walk 5-10 km to collect firewood (Manibog 1984). Therefore, by increasing stove efficiency, it was hoped to reduce the amount of fuelwood required by the household fo r cooking family meals. Domestic health i s not a prominent factor in the African cookstove programs perhaps because most cooking is done outdoors and smoke is not perceived to be a serious household health hazard. However, there are situations where concern for air pollution caused by the excessive burning of woodfuels is expressed. Fo r example, formation of smog Table 3 Main Objectives of the Improved Coolcstove Programs

Country
Botswana Ethiopia Kenya Malawi Mozambique Rwanda Sudan Tanzania

1 X X X X X X X X

X X

X X X X X X

X X

X X U Zambia X X X g Zimbabwe X X a n 1. dReducing fuelwood consumption 2.a Halting deforestation 3. Reducing the fuel bill of the urban poor 4. Reducing time spent on gathering fuelwood in rural areas 5: Creating income opportunities for the local artisans

1 1

6. Reducing air/domestic pollution 7. Poverty alleviation 8. Reducing cooking time during winter in Maputo (Mozambique) is caused by woodfuel burning, and the level of pollution is three times the WHO standards (Ellegard and Lopes 1990). Therefore, reduction of air pollution is one of the objectives of the Mozambican ICS program. B u t the increase in woodfuel burning in winter is for space heating which is not a function of improved stoves. Therefore it is difficult to understand how the stove program would reduce air pollution in Maputo without providing alternative fuels (less polluting) for space heating. The Kenya and Tanzania cookstove programs also hoped to reduce domestic air pollution by improving the efficiency of the stove. The other objectives listed in Table 3 are not common to all the cookstove projects in the region. Different projects, even in a single country, may have different objectives depending on the donor organization. Fo r example, the projects funded by UNICEF in Kenya were aimed specifically at improving domestic health.

Success in Meeting the Objectives The assumption was that the preceding objectives could be achieved by disseminating improved cookstoves in sufficiently large numbers. Al mo st all the projects attempted to achieve their goals by helping the local artisans and small manufacturers to produce and market the stoves designed by the project, or by training household members (women i n Kenya) to construct their own stoves. S t o v e designing and testing accounted for a considerable part of the project's efforts and financial resources. Field studies were conducted by some projects to evaluate the performance o f the ICS, to measure the level o f acceptance, and to determine the cooking habits o f the people. Th e cookstove projects were expected to act as a

12 catalyst in creating a demand for the new stove and in setting up of a self-supporting cookstove industry. The achievements to date may be examined with respect to the defined objectives of the cookstove projects on the one hand, and with respect to their overall impact on the environment and the people, on the other. First, it is important to examine the success so far achieved in reaching the defined goals.

Woodfuel Saving and Halting Deforestation The most important single objective of all the improved cookstove programs has been t o reduce the use of woodfuel without curtailing the household cooking activity. I t was hoped to achieve this objective mainly by improving the efficiency of the stove, which would require less fuel compared to the traditional stove to cook the same amount of food.

Two types of data are available on the field efficiency of the improved stoves, i.e. user responses obtained by questionnaire surveys and field measurements in actual household situations. T h e former has been used to estimate the p e r capita fuel consumption and the fuel-saving from the ICS. The second type of data is essentially quantitative and has a higher degree of reliability. Studies in Kenya and Rwanda have shown a strong association between measured fuel savings and estimates based on user perceptions (Joseph 1987; ESMAP 1991). Th i s is an interesting result, but further empirical studies may be needed to devise simple methods to monitor fuel consumption by the improved stoves. Unfortunately, only a few ICS projects have conducted field surveys to assess the effectiveness of the ICS in achieving the stated goals. M o s t projects have relied on the laboratory efficiency of the ICS, perhaps because of lack of funds for field surveys. Tw o countries where such surveys have been carried out are Kenya and Rwanda, which provide a wealth of information on various aspects of domestic fuel use and the performance of the ICS in the respective socioeconomic contexts. Although most field surveys indicate that the ICS save fuel over the traditional

13 stove, the quantum of these savings seem to vary tremendously. I n Ethiopia, it is reported to be only about 8% (Itpower 1990), whereas in Kenya it varies from 10% to 50% depending on the frequency of use (Kapio 1983). Similarly, a figure of 36% is reported from Rwanda (ESMAP 1991). Th e variations in fuel savings appear to have been caused by a host of factors. Some of these identifiable factors Table 4 Frequency of Stove Use in Ethiopia (number of times a day) Stove Frequency of use Openfire Traci. Charcoal Stove CEPPE Stove Kerosene Stove Electric Stove 1.57 3.17 0.26 0.92 1.40

hpower 1990

are the frequency of use among other biomass stoves, size of the household, whether or not the stove is replaced when it is no longer fuel efficient, and household income. Household surveys, after initial dissemination of the improved stoves, have revealed these stoves are used fo r certain types of cooking functions only (Table 4). Table 4 also shows that the open fire and the traditional charcoal stove are used more frequently than the improved cookstove. This pattern may vary from

14 country to country. I n Kenya, the new improved charcoal stove has replaced the traditional charcoal stove, as well as non-biomass stoves in many households across all income groups (Kapio 1983:41). Not all users o f the improved stove adhered to the guidelines set by the designers t o maintain fuel efficiency of the stove. Fore example, some households were using fuels other than those that the stove was designed for; some were using the stove when i t was deteriorated that i t was no longer fuel efficient. A survey conducted in Kenya, 6-8 months after distributing the improved stoves, revealed that more than 70% o f those given to low-income households used them with broken liners and/or grates (Kapio 1983). F o r middle- and high-income groups the percentages were 6 5 and 35 respectively. Th e fuel efficiency of the stove declines with age, but one cannot expect that all those who own improved stoves would replace them promptly.

The total and per capita woodfuel consumption vary considerably according to the income o f the household. Higher income categories use more non-biomass fuels and therefore the adoption of ICS might not lead to any significant saving of woodfuel. The low- and middle-income households are the main woodfuel users.

A concern has been expressed in recent years on the possible increase in the use of charcoal for cooking purposes because of two reasons. First, the money saved may be spent on buying more food, which would mean more cooking and use o f more charcoal. Although this is a positive achievement as far as social welfare is concerned, it would, nevertheless, aggravate the woodfuel problem even further. Th e amount of money spent on biofuels increases with income (Figure 1) up to a certain level and begins to decrease thereafter because of the use of non-biomass fuels such as electricity and LPG. Improving the income levels may not, therefore, necessarily increase woodfuel use. I n Kenya, the majority of those who bought the KC.I belong to middle- and high-income categories, and these groups are less likely than the low-

15

income groups t o increase their food consumption by using the money saved on
Table 5 Rising Charcoal Prices in Lusaka, Zambia

Year P r i c e / 4 0 kg bag (ZK) 1978 1983 2 4 . 5 . 0 0 0

1986 1 2 . 0 0 1987 1 6 . 0 0

Source: Chidumayo (1988)

charcoal. I t must also be remembered that the increasing price of charcoal would also increase the fuel bill and may reduce demand (Table 5). A t the same time, increasing fuel prices would lead to even greater financial savings from the ICS. However, it is not possible to arrive at any definite conclusion on this matter without field data to support it. Second, there is a tendency for other fuel users to switch back to charcoal as evidenced in Kenya (see Figure 2), where high-income households are switching back to charcoal from other fuels because o f the better security o f supply and, perhaps, its novelty. Switching from non-biomass fuel to charcoal would increase demand for charcoal, creating a situation where th e cookstove projects actually contribute to increased woodfuel consumption. Family size is another factor that affects the overall economy of woodfuel use. The total woodfuel consumption rises with the size of the household (Figure 3a) but the per capita consumption drops exponentially (Figure 3 b-d). T h i s increasing economy of fuel consumption with the increasing household size is better illustrated by the per capita consumption curve. This is particularly important in Africa where large cooking units are common. I n Rwanda, for example, the mean family size is

16 6.8 (ESMAP 1991), and the maximum savings are achieved at this level (about 36%). The Rwandan graph (Figure 3c) also shows that the per capita fuel consumption begins to increase after 6 persons for ICS and the advantage of the improved stove over the traditional stove in terms o f fuel saving gradually disappears. Th i s is an interesting fact because fuel consumption of traditional stoves continues to decrease at a slower rate up to about 20 persons in Figure 3b. However, the percentage o f households w i th more than 1 0 persons i s less than 15% i n urban areas as demonstrated b y Kenyan figures (Figure 4 ) . I t i s premature to take this as conclusive. Nevertheless, most improved stoves appear to be fuel efficient up to a certain size of the cooking unit and users should be so advised. Although improved stoves designed for large family units are available, investment on such a stove may not justify the possible savings over the traditional stove. Thus, evidence shows that ICS could save fuel at the household level, but its impact on the national fuel consumption is negligible for most countries in the region because of the low rate of ICS use. T h e highest level of market penetration of the improved cookstove was achieved in Kenya (Table 6), particularly in the capital city of Nairobi where 25% o f the households have bought an improved charcoal stove (KO). A similarly high rate of market penetration has been reported from Rwanda (ESMAP 1991). A n estimated 20,000 stoves had been disseminated by the end of 1990 i n Kigali, w h i c h amounts to 20-25% o f the potential market. B u t no comparable achievements have been reported anywhere else in eastern and southern Africa; acceptance h a s not reached a level to make an appreciable impact on the overall national fuel consumption. Woodfuel saving at the national level cannot be determined for countries that have achieved a high rate of dissemination on the basis of available data. Attempts have been made to estimate fuel saving by using woodfuel consumption data

17
Table 6 Number of Improved Stoves Disseminated

Country Botswana Ethiopia

Kenya Malawi

Urban 1,500 900

550,326 3,700

Rural 52,000 -

Sold up to

1989

Rwanda Sudan Zimbabwe

20,000 16,582 10,880 1,382 1987 1989

from households selected arbitrarily and from the number of stoves disseminated. The total number o f improved stoves disseminated up to now is a direct or indirect result of the stove projects and, therefore, could be used to gauge the impact of the stove programs. Table 6 lists the available statistics from some countries in eastern and southern Africa. The largest number of stoves disseminated is in Kenya, followed by Rwanda, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. Bu t these figures do not say how many stoves are in actual use, or in what frequency at a given time. Studies in Zimbabwe have shown that a high percentage o f stoves disseminated are no longer in service (Sithembili 1990), because they are not suitable to the needs of the households. This is another example of the failure of stove designers t o appreciate the requirements and preferences of the community. In many cases, the number of stoves disseminated is not known; i f known, the

18 frequency of their use, the number of ICS in good working condition, relative use of woodfuel, and the number of stoves in each household are not known. Field surveys should be conducted to gather data on these parameters, without which t h e effectiveness of the ICS programs cannot be determined. I n Kenya, Namuye (1987) reports that some o f the households that bought improved stoves continued to use the other stoves, including the traditional charcoal stove. Therefore, fuel consumption varies with various combinations of stoves used.

Very rarely, samples are chosen fo r study on a scientific basis. T h i s is understandable given the logistic difficulties encountered in such an endeavor. During the early phase of the projects, field testing was done using a sample of households who were provided with a stove for the purpose. A t that time it was adequate because sample data were meant only for the testing of the stove in actual household conditions. Bu t, at least, for the projects which have succeeded in disseminating large numbers of stoves, it has now become necessary to know the impact of the program on the target population. This would require a totally different sampling strategy. Fuel consumption per household, with and without an improved stove, should be measured using a representative sample that would provide information on factors that affect household fuel consumption. I t would also reveal the level of market penetration. The sample data can then be used to estimate fuel consumption for various combinations of stoves actually used for cooking in the household. A number of countries have attempted to estimate the woodfuel saving achieved by disseminating improved stoves. B y the end of 1990, charcoal savings of the improved stoves i n Rwanda was estimated to be 7.5%. Sti l l this is a modest figure at this level, but the rate of dissemination is such that this figure is expected to increase rapidly in the near future. Similar estimates have been made for Kenya too.

19 Urban woodfuel use appears to be fa r more environmentally damaging than rural use because, first, both wood and charcoal are obtained mostly by cutting down trees and, second, woodfuel production takes place in areas with an already depleted forest cover. Another contributory factor to this situation is the traditional method of charcoal production throughout Africa, which has been described as highly wasteful because it uses excessive amounts o f wood than necessary to produce a unit of charcoal. The charcoal recovery rate (defined as the weight of charcoal as the percentage of wet wood input) of the small earth kilns is generally reported to be 10-15 % (Fo l e y and Van Buren 1980); in Rwanda this is estimated to be as low as 5-9% (ESMAP 1991). A t first, charcoal production is done mainly in forests close to the urban centers. When these sources are depleted, its production moves farther and farther from the centers of consumption. In Sudan, deforestation in an area up to a distance of 800 km from Khartoum is attributed to charcoal production (USAID 1988). Charcoal production for Khartoum alone is estimated as accounting fo r the clearfelling of 8000-15,000 ha of forest per year (USAir) 1988). This estimate, however, is arrived at by converting the volume of wood required to produce the charcoal that is consumed per year in the city of Khartoum, and not by measuring actual deforestation in any locality and, therefore, may not represent the actual rate of deforestation. Nevertheless it shows the rate of charcoal use in terms of actual forest. Recognition that charcoal use is more environmentally damaging than firewood use led a number of African countries (e.g. Tanzania and Rwanda) to impose restrictions on charcoal production and transportation. The successful attempts by the Rwandan government to regulate charcoal production and transportation are evident from Table 7, which shows that most of the charcoal production in Rwanda is now taking place in designated forest plantations. Information on the

20 Table 7 Zone of Origin of Charcoal Sold in Kigali in 1987 Prefecture Natural Forest (To) Gikongoro Kbuye Kibungo Kigali Gitarama Byumba 3.2 11.6 46.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 Plantations (%) 96.8 88.4 53.7 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: ESMAP (1991)

effect of charcoal production on the forest cover is patchy, and it is not possible to determine i ts impact accurately. Charcoal, however, is the most important fuel in most African cities. Because of the depleting forest cover around the urban centers, i t is impossible to maintain the supply at a level sufficient to satisfy the growing demand. M o s t African countries are experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, which is likely to increase the supply-demand gap i f the present level of consumption continues. B u t the available evidence indicates that urban energy use is highly dynamic and readily adjustable to prevailing fuel prices and supply (Table 8). Fuel switching, which is common i n urban areas, occurs mostly from biomass to non-biomass fuels, which are the preferred fuel in urban households. Most urban households use a range of fuels and possess several different types of stoves. T h e relative importance of a given fuel in the household energy budget depends on its availability, price, and household income. High-income groups tend to use more non-biomass fuels in most urban areas. I n fact, there seems to be a negative relationship between urbanization and the percentage of woodfuel use in the domestic energy budget (Figure 5 ),

21

Table 8 Changing Pattern of Domestic Fuel Use in Addis Ababa (% use)

Type of Fuel

1985 %Use

1986 % Use 67 85 73 25

1989/90 % Use 42 55 92 37

Fuelwood Charcoal Kerosene Electricity

94 91 37 21

Source: Itpower (1990)

Thus, i t seems that the urban domestic fuel market also tends to respond rapidly to factors such as fuel prices, and security o f supply. Th e urban lifestyle is such that, given the opportunity, the household is likely to switch to more convenient forms of domestic fuel such as kerosene, gas, and electricity. Such a shift is quite unlikely in the rural sector as long as biomass fuel is available at no cost. Although the rural household is switching from high-grade to low-grade biomass fuel against growing scarcity, their urban counterparts are more likely to shift from the traditional fuels when the circumstances permit them to do so. I n Ethiopia, this shift took place when kerosene imports were liberalized, and most households preferred non-biomass fuels because of their convenience, speed of cooking, and cleanliness (Itpower 1990). The major constraining factor, which prevents this shift from taking place rapidly than it does now, is the cost of appliances for the non-biomass fuels and supply problems. Non-biomass fuels are

22

cheaper than the biomass fuels in Zimbabwe and Tanzania; yet, their use is restricted by the high cost of the appliances (Karekezi 1990). I n Kenya, however, such fuels are too expensive, and the high import bill for petroleum products is causing balance-of-payment difficulties. Therefore, such fuels are not a viable option to all countries in the region, unless indigenous sources of energy are harnessed.

Although woodfuel use may not be a major contributory factor to deforestation in general, reduction in consumption is all the more important for a number of reasons. First, deforestation would continue to take place, particularly in densely populated areas, with or without woodfuel use. Th a t means the further depletion of the woodfuel resource base and therefore, it demands more efficient use of what is rapidly becoming scarce a resource. Second, burning of woodfuels in poorly ventilated kitchens poses a health risk to the women and children. I n addition, there are other equally important concerns such as helping the poor to reduce their fuel bill and saving time spent on fuel gathering in rural areas. Arresting deforestation by reducing woodfuel consumption no longer appears to be a realistic objective except in a few cases, and therefore more attention should be paid to the other benefits of reducing woodfuel use. Social Welfare

The majority of the low-income groups in urban Africa depend on biomass fuels as a source of domestic energy supply; they have little capability to switch to non domestic fuel use according to income is illustrated by Table 9. bio ma ss f u e l s e v e n w

23 Table 9 Percentage Domestic Fuel Consumption by Different Income Groups (a) Malaw i Fuel type High-income Mid-income Low-income

Wood Charcoal Electricity Other

8 11 80 2

25 47 26 2

75 21 2 2

(b) K en ya

Wood Charcoal Kerosene Gas

6 69 20 54

82 65 18 6

Source: O'keele and Munslow (1989)

Since the urban poor fmds it increasingly difficult to pay for the fuels for domestic use, one of the main objectives of the improved cookstove programs has been to reduce the fuel bill of these people. I n most African counties, particularly in urban areas, people have to pay for both the fuel and the stove. Poorer classes of the population must spend a greater portion of their household income on fuel than the higher income categories. This is clearly shown by the Ethiopian data (ILO 1987). The percentage of household income spent on fuel excluding electricity in relation to average income is shown by Figure 6.

24 4.3 Increasing Income of Artisans

Increasing the income of the local artisans is another objective in a majority of the cookstove programs. I t depends directly on the level of market penetration, which is still to be realized in most countries of the region. However, where the demand is high, the income potential to the artisans and agents seems to be high as illustrated by the figures for Kenya (Table 10). Table 1 0 Profits Made by Selling K C J a nd the Traditional Metal Stove (TMS) (per month)
No. of Retailers No. of TMS Sold P r o f i t Interviewed ( I t s h ) N o . of KCJa Sold P r o f i t

4 6 5

5,200

5 5 0

1 9 6 0

But it would be extremely difficult to maintain an even standard of quality, particularly in the fuel-efficiency aspects of the stove, when the production is handled by artisans. So, handing over production to artisans may jeopardize the main objectives o f the improved cookstoves, particularly since implementation of quality control of the products is not an easy task in developing countries. Pollution Control

Smoke is a household health hazard in traditional kitchens, and women and children are the most affected by this, particularly when cooking is done indoors. In most African homes, cooking is done outdoors and, therefore, this problem is not as acute as in other parts of the world. Reducing domestic pollution has not

25 been an objective of cookstove projects, except in a few countries like Mozambique, Kenya, and Tanzania. However, reductions in the emission of hazardous gases and particulates are a benefit to the household whether it is intended or not.

Institutional Stove

A sizable portion of woodfuel use is attributed to institutional consumption and industrial uses. I n Kenya, more than 5,000 institutions use firewood for cooking. The efficiency of these stoves in use is very low compared to those that have been improved, as demonstrated in Tanzania. A survey has revealed that to cook the same type of food a traditional institutional stove consumes 528 kg of firewood, whereas the improved stove requires only 92 kg of wood (Mutaboyerwa 1990). I f this can be achieved, a substantial amount of woodfuel would be saved.

A few improved cookstove programs have developed and marketed improved institutional stoves as well. I n Kenya, for example, there are two charcoal and seven woodburning institutional stoves in the market. I t has been reported that the production cannot meet the demand for institutional stoves in Burundi. This appears to be an area with tremendous potential because the improved stoves would likely make a perceptible difference even in the short run in terms of fuel savings.

Reasons for Failure

The majority of stove projects in the region have failed to take off the ground. Th i s failure to disseminate a reasonable number of stoves, or even to create an awareness among the population of the benefits of the new stove, i s

26 because of a number of reasons. The most important reasons may be listed as follows:

1. T h e improved stove failed to compete with the traditional stove with respect to a number of its functions. I n the rural areas open fire is still widely used for cooking. The traditional stove is highly versatile in that it adapts to pot sizes and cooking functions, i t is easy to construct and does not cost anything to the household and is functional with a range of biomass fuels. The improved stove is not capable of imitating the openfire in many important ways. 2. The cost of the improved stove is much higher than the traditional stove. In most African countries, commercially produced stoves are already i n use, particularly i n urban areas. T h e new improved stove has to compete with the traditional charcoal stove, which is affordable to most low-income households. This fact is well illustrated in the Sudan. Ou t o f 366,200 charcoal stoves sold in 1985, only 6,600 were improved stoves. Th i s is partly due to production difficulties and partly due to the high price of the stove compared to the traditional stove. Although the improved stove was targeted for the low-income groups, the price of the stove is not within their reach.

3. S o m e stove projects were adversely affected b y production related problems. Raw material scarcity is the main constraint to the rapid spread of stoves in Sudan. This factor should have been looked into during the design phase of the stove. Instances have been reported where quality control could not be maintained; as a result, stoves cracked prematurely and this would have had a negative impact on the marketing of the stove (in Somalia, Rennet 1988). Introduction of the Jigger-Jolley machine for working clay made it possible to use poor quality clay. However, this led to the production of inferior liners that cracked quickly. 4. Some projects paid little attention to marketing. Fo r example, the

27 BRET stove project in Botswana failed to disseminate even its initial production during project-life, although the households who acquired the improved stoves were later found to be satisfied with its fuel efficiency (Bennet 1988). Th e project failed to set up a sustainable production and marketing network. Therefore, production stopped when the project ended. This would have a damaging effect on user-confidence in the stove.

5. Although the stove projects, except perhaps a handful, had a modest budget, a sizable proportion of that was spent on foreign experts and imported goods such as motor vehicles. Such expenditures should have been kept to a minimum. Hiring of local or regional experts, where possible, would have saved a considerable amount of money for the project_ Despite these failures there seems to be a glimmer of hope as better formulated new projects show some success. This tendency may even be partly from the general dynamics of the diffusion of innovations in a population that is mostly rural and illiterate. Households begin to respond positively to the innovation when they are convinced that it is beneficial to them. Charcoal Production

Another area that has received some attention from ICS and energy projects is the charcoal production process. The traditional method of production has only 5 to 15% recovery rate. This means the use of charcoal in itself is highly inefficient. Improved kilns have been marketed in a number of countries in the region, but the cost of the kiln is still too high for small-scale producers. I n Kenya, most of the charcoal producers fa l l into this category. T h e wasteful nature of charcoal production and use has been demonstrated by O'Keefe et al. (1984:40).

28
Energy in E n e r g y Available E f f e c t i v e Energy Original Wood t o Stove

Woodfuel > 1 0 0 Energy in joules

> 1 0 0 = = = > O p e n f t r e = = = > 10.0 > 24 ====> Jiko ====> 4.8

Woodfuel > 1 0 0 =>K iln

Tests conducted in Rwanda have revealed that 50% o f the wood may be saved by increasing the efficiency of the charcoal production process. However, much remains to be done in this area.

Conclusions

The stove projects that achieved high rates of dissemination are those that designed stoves to match the needs o f the community. Sometimes these needs tend to overlap with the goals of the project, but very often they are different and need to be understood before designing energy-efficient stoves. Th e y also vary from country to country, therefore, a stove successfully disseminated in one country may not win widespread acceptance in another, as shown by the Rwandan experience. Experience suggests that urban areas show the greatest potential for the success of a stove project, particularly where commercially built stoves are in use. This is because the use of ICS brings direct financial benefits to the consumer, producer, and trader. I t has been demonstrated that the cost of the ICS, i f used properly, could be recovered within about a month. Where commercially produced stoves are not used at the moment, it would take a longer time to convince the household of the stove's benefits. The ICS in such situations have to compete With the user-built openfire, which most improved stove designs cannot imitate.

29 Although commercialization of the ICS industry may not have seriously hampered the dissemination rate of stoves among middle- and high-income households, i t appears to be the cause of the low rate of acceptance among the low-income households. Mo st households in this group are unable to make the initial investment on the stove, although it can reduce their fuel bill substantially i f adopted. The situation is similar to that in which most low-income households buy small quantities of fuel and pay higher prices because they cannot afford to buy large quantities even though they are aware of the possible savings. I t may be necessary for the government to intervene here and provide some form of subsidy or a loan to these households. N o t only do the households in this category depend on wood fuels, but they also form the majority of the population. They also spend up to about 25% o f their income on energy sources. Projects that provided a subsidy failed to win acceptance from the households because the stoves they were disseminating did not cater to the needs o f the households. The middle - fuels a n in d most of urban Africa. Popularization of ICS among them could biomass h i g h in fact increase woodfuel use as seen in Kenya. This would be a drawback of the n c o absolute number of households switching back to woodfuel is project ionly i f the m e large. Ve h ry ooften the size of this group is so small that its impact is negligible. u s e hKenyan and Rwandan programs appear to have benefitted from the Both o l d existence s of a traditional cookstove industry. Artisans are already familiar with the a process, and existing commercial channels of distribution can easily be production r converted to ICS i f the producers and retailers can have a greater profit margin e from them. Both these projects have demonstrated that the profit margin from the t h ICS is greater than that of the traditional stove. e l a One of the major reasons for the promotion of improved stoves in the r region is to reduce deforestation and associated desertification. Production of g e s t u

30 woodfuel for the urban market appears to be more damaging to the forest cover than would fuel use in rural areas. Rural households very rarely cut trees to obtain firewood for their use. Therefore, the current trend of concentrating more on urban areas seems logical from the view point of pmtecting the forest cover. B u t it is hard to imagine that it would save the forest cover in any significant way because there are other more important causes of deforestation. However, the urban improved stove projects at least would conserve a diminishing resource and teach people to use it with more efficiently. One area that has received much less attention, but which has shown considerable potential, is the institutional stoves. The potential for fuel saving from these stoves is significantly high and, therefore, would help to cut down the fuel bill. On l y in a few countries have institutional stoves been tried Out, but the results suggest that considerable fuel savings are possible by improving the efficiency of these stoves.

31

References

Bennet, K. (1988) Report on the Improved Cookstove Projects in Developing Countries, Danida, Copenhagen, Denmark. Bussmarm, P. J. T. (1987) Woodstoves: Theory and Applications in Developing Countries, Eindhoven, The Netherlands. Chidumayo, E. (1988) Woodfuel forestry issues: The Zambian experience, In: UNDP/ESMAP (ed) Proceedings of the ESMAP Eastern and Southern Africa Household Energy Seminar, Harare, Zimbabwe, 51-59. Ellegard, A. and Lopes, J. (1990) Quick and Dirty: The Maputo Coal Stove Project 1 9 8 5 Energy, Environment and Development Series N o . 1 , Stockholm Environment 8 9 , Insfitute/SIDA, Stockholm. ESMAP ( 1 9 9 1 ) R wa nda : Commercialization o f Improved Charcoal Stoves a nd Carbonization Techniques - Mid-Term Report, ESMAP Operations Div. Energy and Industry Dept., The World Bank, Washington, D. C. Foley, G. and Van Buren A. (1980) Coal Substitution and Other Approaches to Easing the Pressure on Woodfuel Resources: Case Studies in Senegal and Tanzania, 1 1 1 London. 4 D, ILO (1987) Cooking Efficiency Planning in Ethiopia (CEPPE) Phase I, Final report to the Ethiopian National Energy Committee (ENEC), Ministry of Mines, Geneva. Itpower (1990) Ethiopia n Cooking Efficiency Programme (Energy I ) : Analyses o f Longitudinal and User Acceptability Survey Updates (Dec. 89-Feb. 90), Unpublished Report. Joseph, S. (1987) A n Appraisal of the Impact of Improved Wood Stove Programmes: Synthesis of Experience, Biomass Energy Systems Technology, Sydney, Australia. Kapio, R. (1983) Development and Field Test of the Kenya Ceramic Stove, Technical Report No. 1, Kengo, Nairobi, Kenya. Karekezi, S. (1990) Stove Activities in East and Southern Africa. D r a f t report of a mission to Eastern and Southern Africa, FWD .

Krugmann, H. (1987) Review of Issues and Research Relating to Improved Cookstoves,

32 International Development Research Centre Manuscript Report, IDRC-MR152e. Manibog, F. R. (1 9 8 4 ) Improved cooking stoves i n developing countries: Problems and Opportunities, An n . Rev. Energy 9:199-227. Mutaboyerwa, S. (1990) Monitoring and Evaluating of Stove Projects (A paper presented at Evaluation Workshop held in Arusha, Tanzania on 23-27 July, 1990). Namuye, S. A. (1987) Survey on Dissemination and Impact of the Kenya Ceramic Jiko in Kenya, Kengo, Nairobi, Kenya. O'Keefe, P., Ruskin, P. and Bemow, S. (1 9 8 4 ) E n e r g y and Development i n Kenya: Opportunities and Constraints, Beijer Institute and Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Sweden. O'Keefe, P. and Munslow, B. (1989) Urban fuelwood challenges and dilemmas, En e rg y Policy, July/Aug. Sithembile, N. (1990) Monitoring and evaluation of stove programmes in Zimbabwe ( A paper presented at Evaluation Workshop held in Arusha, Tanzania on 23-27 July, 1990). Smith, K.R. and Ramalcrishna, J. (1991) Improved cookstove programs: Where are we now? Background Report # 4, EWC/ESMAP/UNDP Global Review o f Improved Cookstove Programs, ESMAP, World Bank, Washington. USAID (1988) Energy Efficient Stoves in East Africa:An Assessment of the Kenya Ceramic Jiko (Stove) Program, Report of the Office of Energy (S&T/EY), Bureau for Science and Technology and Regional Economic Development Services Office fo r East and Southern Africa.

FIG. 1
Household Income and Monthly Fuel Bill
35

30

10

5 0 1 0 0 2 0 3 3 0 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 6 0 0 W O 8 0 0 9 0 0 1 0 0 0 1100

Household Income (birrimonth)

FIG. 2
90 5 80

Switching to Charcoal from Other Fuels After Introduction of K O in Kenya

-E 7 0 0 g

7 1 " a 1 5 04 8 0 _ g 30 o 4 bi) 2 0 4 5 0

t4 to a 4
Kerosene LPG Electricity firewood TMS

Fig. 3

(a) Family Size and Fuel Consumption in Nairobi

0 0 5 1 0 15 20 Family Size
(Source: Narnuye 1987)

(b) Family Size and Per Capita Fuel Consumption (Trad. Stove) 30

2.0

1.0

0 0 10 Family Size 20

(c) Family Size and Per Capita Fuel Consumption in Kigali

1.0

0 Traditional Stove Improved Stove

0.8

E ft

0,,
0.6

0.4
P e r C a p a t i C l e u F o n u s m p o i t n g k ( d / a ) y

o ft.

mob-0

04 1 , 2

7
Family Size
(Source: ESMAP 1991)

11

(d) Family Size and Per Capita Fuel Consumption (Nairobi) 1

0 1:4 . 9 . W A

z z

01
A

tn g 0.7 C 0 0.6

4-1

A 0.5 A A A A 0.3 A A A A 0.2 5 15 20 A A A A

c L 4

0.4

Family Size

Fig. 4
Household Size Distribution in Nairobi
20

15

10

20

25

Household Size

FIG. 5
Urbanization and Woodfuel Use
110

100
90

III

72) S O 70 e t > 6 0 ta) 4 > 5 0 4.) C 1 4 40 30 20 10 2

0 3 0 4 0 5 0

Percentage Urban Population in Some African Countries

FIG. 6
Household Income and Percentage Spent on Fuel
80

70

- 0
I

' 1 5 =

11.t 6 0 0 V & 50 cn e u 5 40 0 c) )-9 0 30 t0

5 c 0 u zo 1u a L ,
10

3 0 0

o
0 1 0 0 2 0 0

i I i 600 700 SO 4 0 0 5 0 0 Household Income (birrimonth)

900

1000

1100

&

IMPROVED BIOMASS COOKSTOVE PROGRAMS A GLOBAL REVIEW A Project of the East-West Center, the Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (World Bank), and the United Nations Development Program Principal Investigator: Kir k R. Smith, East-West Center Summary "An Evaluation of improved Biomass Cookstove Programs: Prospects for Success or Failure." Available from ESMAP, World Bank, 181E3 H Street, KW., Washington, D.C., 20433. Main Reports

1. "Results and Analysis of the Global Survey of Improved Cookstove Programs," J.

Ramakrishna. (Survey done in collaboration with the Foundation for Woodstove Dissemination, Nairobi; Association Bois de Feu, Paris; and the Center for Mesoamerican Studies on Appropriate Technology, Guatemala.) "Improved Stove Programs: Where are We Now?" K.R. Smith & J. Rarnakrishna.

3. "The Hearth as System Central," KR. Smith.

Country Studies (All final) 1. 1 1 10& 0 K.R. Smith. Indian National Improved Stoves Program," J. Ramakrishna. m i l"The l ion 3. ov ed Cookstove Programs in Sri Lanka: A n Evaluation," J. Bialy. I "Impr m p r "The Status of Improved Cookstove Programs in Nepal," G.S. Shrestha, H G Gorkhati, & o v KR. Smith. e d C "Improved Cookstove Programs in East and Central Africa: A Review," o o W k i Background Reports s c t 1. "T k h e Economics of Improved CoOkstove Programs," F. Hitzhusen. o r "Evaluation Criteria for Improved Cookstove Programs: Assessment of Fuel Savings," v a Bialy. e m s a "Social and Organizational Aspects of Improved Cookstove Programs," S. Pandey. i g n a "Health Effects of Biomass Smoke: C m . A B r i e f h a S u r v e y i g o f n e u r r e n t a C

THE EAST-WEST CENTER was established in Hawaii in 1960 by the United States Congress "to promote better relations and understanding between the United States and the nations of Asia and the Pacific through cooperative study, training, and research!" Some 2,000 research fellows, graduate students, and professionals in business and government each year work with the Center's international staff on major Asia-Pacific issues relating to population, economic and trade policies, resources and the environment, culture and communication, and international relations. Since 1960, more than 27,000 men and women from the region have participated in the Center's cooperative programs 'Officially known as the Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West, Inc., the Center is a public, non-profit institution with an international board of governors. Principal funding comes from the United States Congress Support also comes from more than twenty Asian and Pacific governments, as well as private agencies and corperations. -

THE EAST-WEST ENVIRONMENT AND POLICY INSTITUTE (EAPI) was established in October 1977. Through interdisciplinary and multinational programs of research and training, the Institute seeks to develop concepts and methods for sustainable environmental management and to address major environmental issues of the Asia Pacific . projects are and from the region and r egion . developed P r o g r tarried a m out in p collaboration l a n withcolleagues s others throughout a n d the world. Results of Institute programs are disseminated through books, journal articles, occasional papers, working papers, newsletters, and other educational and informational materials. Reconciling development with the environment by bringing social into -harmony one another of this objective ina n d with n a t u r a l is EAP!'s s yoverall s t objective e m Achievement s volves both maintaining environmental quality and improving the quality of human life To help attain these interlinked goals, EAPI draws on the knowledge base of th e natural and social sciencest o develop and disseminate new tools for policyrnaking,.management, education, and research. Work of the Institute is organized within four programs that interact substantially with each other and with other institutes and programs of the East-West Center.