Improved Cookstove Programs in Sri Lanka: Perceptions of Success

by Jan Bialy Country Studies No. 3 4 November 1991

Risk and Development Program Environment and Policy Institute East-West Center 1777 East-West Road Honolulu, Hawaii 96848 USA

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Contents
Country Study No. 3: S r i Lanka

1. Introduction
2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Organisations Involved in Stove Dissemination The National Fuetwood Conservation Programme The National Stove Programme The Urban Stoves Programme

3
4 8 10

Dissemination Success of Stove Projects

14
17 22

7. Objectives and Evaluation

8. Bibliography

1) Introduction Sri Lanka is a small tropical island lying close to the southern tip of India and just north of the equator. It is roughly pear-shaped, stretching 430 km (275 miles) from north to south and 225 km (140 miles) from east to west, I t has an area of 66,000 sq km (25,000 sq miles) and a population of about 17 million. About 60 per cent o f the population lives in the Wet Zone, which benefits from a substantial rainfall throughout the year and covers most of the south-west quadrant of the island. Only about a quarter of the population lives in the urban areas, although the population density in some rural areas, especially in the Wet Zone, is high enough to justify their being described as urban. The capital of the country, Colombo, is situated on the coast in the Wet Zone and has a population of about three-quarters of a million. The principal agricultural crops in Sri Lanka are tea, rubber, coconut and rice paddy. Tea and rubber are grown largely on estates for the purpose of export; together they account for about two-thirds of total export earnings. Coconuts are grown partly on estates, from which some of the produce is exported, but also to a considerable extent in small holdings and gardens. Paddy is grown entirely for domestic consumption. Since the middle of the last century, the country has also had to import rice, but over the last decade large areas of forested land in the Dry Zone have been cleared for irrigated paddy cultivation under the Mahaweli Development Scheme. Because of the extensive clearing there has been a temporary increase in the availability of firewood, obtained from the cleared forest land. At the same time, the country is now able to generate all its electricity from hydro-power stations installed under the scheme. About a quarter of all households are now electrified, over three times as many as ten years ago, although most households use electricity only for lighting. Firewood still accounts for almost two-thirds of total energy requirements in the country and well over 90% of the three million households still use the fuel for domestic cooking. In the hill country, for example in the tea estates, the domestic consumption of fuelwood is considerably higher than elsewhere because of the need for space heating and the heating of water for bathing. Sources of fuelwood vary according to locality. Crop wastes and residues are used on the tea and coconut estates. Replanting programmes in the rubber estates release substantial quantities of rubberwood for sale in the urban and pen-urban areas of the Wet Zone. Economic development and technological dissemination in Sri Lanka has been hampered over the past decade by political dissenfion and internal strife from two sources. Over the long

term, fric tion between the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority has led to violence. destruction and terrorism in several areas, especially in the north and east and in the tea estates, where many Tamils, brought in by the British last century, still work. More recently, there was the violent battle for political power by the JVP, a left-wing Sinhalese party which exerted considerable influence, especially in the south and amongst the young and unemployed,. This led to thousands of people being killed, and to the widespread destruction of property, by both JVP militants and government forces. The uprising came to an end in 1989 when government forces captured the JVP leadership.' Since then, although there are s till allegations of widespread human rights abuses by government forces, there has been a period of relative calm. At the meeting of the Aid Consortium in Paris in October 1990, participants expressed concern about the reported human rights violations and the resurgence of hostilities in the north and east of the country. Nevertheless, they pledged one billion dollars of aid, 130 million more than requested. This was seen as a major international vote of confidence in the government and its policies.

2) O rganis ations inv olv ed i n stove dis s emination The history o f improved stoves in Sri Lanka goes back almost four decades to the introduction in 1953 of the Heil chula fr om South India. Interest was initially restricted to the workers living in the tea estates in the hill country, most of whom originally came from the south of India. The Industrial Development Board (IDB) became involved in the design of improved stoves in the early 1970s, but it was not until the end of that decade that more widespread interest came to be shown in this new technology, particularly by the Ceylon Institute of Scientific and Industrial Research (CISIR) and the Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamava, a growing community development organisation in Sri Lanka. Between 1978 and 1983, large areas of forested land in Sri Lanka were cleared as part of the Mahaweli irrigation programme and shortages of fuelwood developed in many areas of the island. During this period, the Sarvodaya Wood Stove Project, started in 1979, succeeded in introducing five improved stove designs in various hill country villages, although only on a
1It may be some time before it is possible to assess the effects of the events referred to in this paragraph on the dissemination of stoves in Sri Lanka. The TVP uprising, which almost certainly had the greater impact, only ended two years ago and the country has still not recovered from the destruction and terror which reigned during the struggle. The battle for political recognition and independence by the Tamil people, which is led by the Tamil Tigers in the north of the country, has escalated considerably over the past decade and looks set to continue for several years to come. Over the last two or three years, however, the fighting has been restricted to the far north and eastern parts of the country, wit h occasional terrorist attacks on the capital, Colombo. Since there are no stove programmes operating in these areas, apart f rom Colombo, the fighting has had relatively lit t le effect on the dissemination of stoves in the island.

limited scale. At the same time the State Timber Corporation attemped to market the Timco charcoal stove developed by the CISIR. Only towards the end of 1983 were the first organised efforts made to disseminate stoves on a large scale; this was achieved by the Ministry of Power and Energy, who attempted to coordinate the isolated activities of the various organisations involved in the dissemination of stoves. In 1984 the National Fuelwood Conservation Programme was established and since that time the dissemination o f improved stoves in the country has proceeded rapidly. Mos t of the activity has taken place in the Wet Zone, that is, in the south-west quadrant of the island, but there are plans to extend the influence of the programme to other areas over the next few years. There are currently seven major organisations in Sri Lanka that are actively involved in the development or dissemination of stoves. These are as follows: - The Ceylon Electricity Board ( CEB) , whic h administers the National Fuelwood Conservation programme (NFCP), started in 1984, through its Energy Unit - The Sarvodaya Shramadana movement, an NGO which has been involved for over a decade in the design and dissemination of improved stoves in the hill country - The Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG), a British NGO which now has an office in Colombo, and which has also been involved in the development of stoves in Sri Lanka for over a decade - The National Engineering Research de Development Centre (NERD), which has recently designed and attempted to disseminate a ceramic I metal stove in the Colombo area - UNICEF, which has recently initiated a modest programme to disseminate a smokeless chula from India in selected rural areas - The Technical Assistance Team (TAT), a Dutch group operating in the estate sector, which is involved in various social welfare initiatives including, recently, the dissemination of improved stoves amongst tea estate workers - The Ceylon Institute o f Scientific and Industrial Research (CISIR), which has been designing and carrying out laboratory and field tests on stoves for over ten years. Considering the internal troubles that have beset the country in recent years it is surprising how many stoves have been disseminated by these organisations. It is estimated that almost half a million improved stoves have been built since 1985 3 , c country. c o u n However, t i n g nof extensive o r survey has yet been carried Out to check the number in a the o v e r 1 0 % actually in use. Some of the portable ceramic stoves which are sold in Colombo last for less than a o f t 2 For further h e on the history of stoves in Sri ! -mica see Amerasekera and Sepalage (1988), pp. 13-16. details h 3According o u tosAmerasekera e h (1991), o p.1, l thed shad disseminated almost 280,000 stoves in the rural areas NFCP
and 150,000 stoves in the urban areas by April 1991. Haskoning and Lysen (1990), p.3, refer to plans for 500,000 stoves to have been installed by 1992 and it appears that this target will be reached.

year, but at the same time there are instances of ceramic/mud stoves remaining in use for as long as five years. By far the majority of the stoves have been disseminated through the NFCP run by the Energy Unit of the CEB. Most of the stoves have been built in the rural areas, but in 1987 a new programme was set up under the NFCP to disseminate stoves in Colombo as well. The stove most widely disseminated in the rural areas is a two-pot mud stove with a two-piece ceramic insert. This was originally designed by the Sarvodaya group, whic h is s till building and distributing the stove to a limited extent in the Kandy area More recently, the CEB has also begun to disseminate a new one-piece ceramic insert, called the 'Anagi' stove, which may either be used directly, where portability is required, or encased in mud to produce a longer-lasting stove similar to the Sarvodaya design. Over the next five years of the dissemination programme, it is intended to gradually replace the Sarvodaya stove, which has to be installed professionally, with the Anagi stove, which does not. Sarvodaya was the only organisation disseminating improved stoves in Sri Lanka until 1984, when the NFCP was started. Initially , only mud stoves were built, but from about 1982 ceramic liners, an innovation which originated in the Dian Desa programme in Indonesia, were introduced in order to maintain the critical dimensions associated with improved fuel use. Altogether, between 1982 and 1984, about 14,000 stoves were built. After 1984, Sarvodaya began ins talling improved stoves in some o f the tea estates, but with only limited success. Although now much less extensive, the stove programmes which Sarvodaya carried out enabled them to become involved in other social welfare issues, such as child care, in which there would otherwise have been more difficulty in generating interest l'TDG became involved in the design, testing and dissemination of improved stoves in Sri Lanka in 1980 and has since maintained a high profile in the field. Much of the original design and testing work was carried out in the U.K., but important links were established at the same time with the Sarvodaya movement, which enabled ITDG to become involved in dissemination as well. Sarvodaya had already established connections with many rural villages through numerous selfhelp schemes; these were aimed at improving village conditions through the communal building or repair of, for example, roads or schools. ITDG's interests in promoting improved intermediate technologies amongst the rural poor were facilitated by these connections. Following the launch o f the NFCP in 1984, IT DG became more interested in the dissemination o f stoves in the urban sector. Funding for this from the Overseas Development Administration (ODA) in London took longer to negotiate than expected and so it was not until

April 1987 that the Urban Stoves Project began in Colombo. The project was administered by the CEB under the NFCP, together with four already existing rural stove projects funded with aid from elsewhere. The two-pot ceramic Anagi stove was chosen as the most suitable design and tile factories in the Negombo area near Colombo were approached to produce the stove. Altogether over 150,000 stoves have been sold 4 any d ear p r o d u c t i o n per c a p that a only c ihouseholds t y s indicated in the middle income group were buying the stove. Nevertheless, r e m a i n F n theu stoves continue to be produced and sold, albeit with various undesirable alterations in the s i n d design beingtintroduced by 'pirate' producers. a g fa o With a local office l e v e in Colombo, ITDG have continued their interest in the dissemination of r l improved stoves in Sri Lanka. Plans are being made to obtain funding for a new locally based t o f NGO which would seek to organise and promote the commercial dissemination of stoves. h a bthe experience o e Following of Sarvodaya several studies have also been carried out since 1985 on u t p r the possible dissemination of improved stoves in the tea estates ', although there are now various 5 j 0 , o other organisations involved in the same area. 0 0 0 e c t o ts Independent v e so f the above organisations, NERD became inv olv ed in designing an c improved wood-burning cookstove in 1987. The chairman of the centre, A.N.S. Kulasinghe. e succeeded in producing a one-pot ceramic stove with a cement outer shield and a protective steel a s frame on whic h to support the cooking vessel. Water-heating tests carried out at NERD led e Kulasinghe to assert that his stove was the best in Sri Lanka. Despite this assertion no other d organisation in the country has shown any interest in the stove and it has been left to NERD alone i to attempt dissemination. So far, apparently, about one thousand stoves have been sold.' n 1 Most recent of all, and independent again of already existing stove programmes, UNICEF 9 became involved in disseminating improved stoves in Sri Lanka in February 1990. Interested 8 more in domestic health than in saving fuel, Water and Sanitation officers in UNICEF invited an 9 ,expert stove builder from India 9 to demonstrate the construction of the smokeless chula which f they had disseminated there previously. Those who were inv ited t o attend the original o l 4 Pet er Young, I TDG, estimated total sales o f 120,000 i n October 1990 (personal communication); l Amerasekera (1991), p_1, estimated 150,000 in April 1991. o 5See Haskoning and Lysen 1990), 115. w See Aitken et al. (1989). i 7See Selker (1985), Endagama (1988), Young (1989) and Amerasekera (1990). n 6 A NS . Kulasinghe, NERD, Colombo, personal communication, October 1990. g 1. Patel from Safai Vidyalaya, Ghandi Ashram, Ahmedabad. a r a t

demonstration in February 1990 were then asked to lead four small training courses in rural areas to teach local welfare officers and others how to build the stove. The last course was held in August 1990 and it is not yet known how many stoves have actually been constructed, although the number is probably less than a hundred.' The TAT programme in the estate sector is concerned with a number of social welfare issues, of which stoves form only a part. Essentially, TAT are involved in implementing the social welfare component of the medium term investment plan of two Sri Lankan government agencies, the Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB) and the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC). A pilot stove project, involving the construction o f three hundred stoves and sixty water heaters in six high-level tea estates, has just been completed." Six types of improved stove were used, all of them the same as, or variants of, the stoves being disseminated by the CEB. The CEB has also just completed a careful evaluation of the technical performance of the stoves for TAT. This, together with information on the social welfare aspects of the pilot survey will be used in formulating a large scale dissemination programme in the estate sector. Eventually, it is anticipated that this may be expanded to cover all of the tea, rubber and coconut estates, which would include 120,000 households.' Finally, although not directly involved in any attempt to disseminate stoves, CISIR has carried out numerous laboratory and, more recently, field tests on improved stoves designed or being disseminated by other organisations.' They have also produced and tested stove designs of their own and tested the effects of variations in other designs. This work is all carried out within the Wood and Cellulose Division.

3) The National Fuelwood Conservation Programme This programme was launched in 1984 by the Ministry of Power and Energy (MPE), principally on the advice of Mohan Munasinghe, who was senior energy adviser to the President of Sri Lanka between 1982 and 1986. According t o Munasinghe and Meier (1988), the programme was launched in order to 'rapidly replace the existing inefficient domestic woodstoves with more efficient ones in about 2.6 million households", this accounting for almost the entire population of the country at the time. It was considered that previous attempts to disseminate
Pier Curci. UNICEF stove officer, Colombo, personal communication, October 1990. See Amerasekera (1990). 2Bert Diphoom, team leader, TAT, Colombo, personal communication, October 1990. 1 3 See, for example, Herath and Atapattu (1986), Herath et al. (1986), Midigaspe et al. (1986), Herath et al. (1987), ,ktapattu and Ranaweera Banda (1989), Atapattu et al. (1989) and Young (1989).

stoves in Sri Lanka had been impeded by a number of constraints, notably' the following 1 4: - absence of systematic government support - lack of funds for implementation of extension programmes - absence of an institutional framework for wide-spread dissemination - designs unacceptable to users being disseminated - lack of women participation in extension programmes - lack of trained personnel - lack of general awareness of the need for firewood conservation and means available to aid conservation. It was expected that most of these constraints would be lifted through the formation of the NFCP and it was anticipated that the programme would reach a steady state dissemination rate of 1.25 million stoves per annum by 1989, based on a 2-year lifetime for each stove. I n fact, this ambitious target has still not been reached, mainly, it would appear, because of the A T uprising which crippled the country between 1987 and1989. The NFCP now consists of five projects, three of which are organised at district level within the relevant Integrated Rural Development Programme (IDRP): Project Year started Source of funding Predominant stove type

IDRP Ramapura District 1DRP Hambantota District National Stove Programme IDRP Matara District Urban Stoves Colombo

1985 Netherlands (DGIS) 1985 Norway (NORAD) 1986 Sri Lanka (MPE) / Netherlands (DGIS) 1987 Sweden (SIDA) 1987 Sri Lanka (MPE) I U.K. (ODA)

Sarvodaya Sarvodaya Sarvodaya Sarvodaya Anagi H

Of these five projects, the largest is the National Stove Programme (NSP), which now covers seven districts in the island: Gampaha, Kalutara, Kandy, Kegalle, Kurunegala, Matale and Nuwara Eliya. In 1987, its second year of operation, the NSP succeeded in disseminating over 50,000 stoves, compared to only about 20,000 disseminated by the three IRDP projects. The following year, production was even higher; in addition the recently started Urban Stoves Programme (USP) was able to boast a total production of over 50,000 Anagi stoves in Colombo,
1 4See Munasinghe and Meier (1988), pp. 78 - 79, te Ibid., p.81,

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although this was less than the 100,000 hoped for. The politic al troubles in 1989 had a very negative effect on all of the projects, however, with production falling to less than half the levels of the previous year. Although ODA funding for the USP ceased in 1989, SIDA and NORAD have continued to fund their IDRP stove programmes, and the Energy Unit are seeking continued support for the NSP from MPE and the Dutch over the next five years.T 6 4) T he National Stove Programme The NSP is an entirely rural programme which operates through the Assistant Government Agents (AGA) and their subordinates. For administrative purposes, each district in the country is divided into several AG A divisions, which are in turn composed of a number of villages. The officer responsible for government administration at the village level is the Grama Sevaka, who is then responsible to the AGA. Altogether, the NSP is assisted by 60 AGAs and over 300 Grama Sevakas. The Grama Sevak2s work as extension officers for the NSP and are primarily responsible for publicity and the development of demand within their areas. Having identified households that wish to have a stove installed, the Grama Sevaka in any particular area then requests the appropriate number of stove liners from the AGA. The liners are produced by local potters and bought from them by the CEB. The CEB District Co-ordinating Officer (DCO) organises the purchase of the liners and then has them distributed to the AGAs within his division as required. The AGAs then issue the liners to the Grama Sevakas who sell them to the households at a set price. Following this the Grama Sevaka arranges for a professional stove builder to install the stove. The cost of this installation service is not borne by the Customer but by the CEB. The stove builders are usually local residents who have been trained by the CEB. The potters who produce the stove liners are also trained by the CEB, although in smaller numbers. In 1987, a total of 228 stove builders attended residential training programmes lasting four days, of which altogether fourteen were held. In addition, 18 potters were trained on site. At the end of the year there were 73 potter families and 314 stove builders actively participating in the production and installation of the stoves, all of them on a self-employed basis.' In certain areas, where contact through the AG As or Grama Sevakas was found ineffective, it was found necessary to vary the dissemination strategy. In some cases, field assistants employed directly by the CEB replaced the AGAs and their subordinates and established contact with the villagers through non-governmental village level organisations such as Women's Bureaux. In other cases the stove builders would do their own extension work instead of the
" See Haskoning and Lysen (1990), pp. 4 - 6, Siyambalapitiya (1989), pp. 8, 13, and Jones (1989), p. 4. 7 1 l D

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Grama Sevakas and would be paid directly by the DCO. Curiously, this strategy was later abandoned due to fear of what is mysteriously described as 'audit queries'. Presumably this refers to problems of verification arising due to the replacement of two levels of the administrative structure with only one level under the DCO. Of all the stoves disseminated under the NFCP in the rural areas in 1987, about 70% were distributed through government officials, 20% through voluntary organisations and 10% through project staff. In all cases, piece-rate incentives were paid at the appropriate levels to encourage cooperation. Thus in the Gampaha district, at present, the field assistant is paid Rs 8 by the CEB for every stove for which he arranges the installation. In addition, the Women's Bureaux, through which individual householders wishing to have a stove installed are identified, are paid Rs 3 for each stove. These costs compare with Rs 20 paid to the stove builder who installs the stove and Rs 20 to the potter who makes the liner. In addition, the CEB has to pay transport and other administration costs. The customer purchasing the stove pays only Rs 25, Rs 20 to the stove builder and Rs 5 to the CEB as a contribution to their administration costs. There is therefore a substantial subsidy. Following the success of the Anagi stove in the USP, the CEB has been gradually introducing this stove into its rural programmes. Indeed* over the next five years it is intended to completely phase out the Sarvodaya stove currently being disseminated. The Sarvodaya stove is seen to have two major disadvantages. The first is that it has to be installed, that is encased in a thick coating of clay or mud, because of the fact that the liner is made in two separate pieces. The second is that this installation has to be carried out by a trained stove builder if the stove is to survive for a reasonable length of time. In comparison, the Anagi stove, which is made in one piece, can be used directly without any protective coating. The stove will not last so long when used in this way. but even when it is decided to install the stove properly, the installation can be performed by an untrained householder with reasonable results. In the USP it was found that a substantial number o f households preferred to use the stove without insulation. This is apparently because space is more limited in urban kitchens and portability of the stove is therefore desirable. Although the stove would then last for an average of only eight months, compared to some three years with insulation, the fuel savings would still justify its use. Indeed the payback period for a customer purchasing an Anagi stove in the USP has been estimated to be about three or four months: 8 In the rural areas, portability of the stove is not a major consideration. Furthermore, the payback period is longer and in any case more difficult to justify in purely financial terms. In most
1 1 RAC Amerasekera, CEB, Colombo, personal communication, October 1990; see also Jones (1990), pp. 51 52.

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cases the reduced consumption of wood does not lead to any direct financial saving but to a reduction in the time spent collecting wood. Rural householders are therefore more interested in having the stove insulated, thereby increasing its longevity, as well as the time elapsing before a replacement needs to be purchased.

5) The Urban Stoves Programme

This was started in Apr il 1987, rather later than expected. The reason for the delay was perhaps partly a perception by the funding agency, namely the ODA in Britain, that the urban areas were not in such need of aid as the rural areas. Certainly ITDG, who organised the programme, had for a long time avoided involvement in urban development schemes for exactly this reason. Indeed, at an earlier stage in the history of stoves in Sri Lanka they had declined to support a proposal by CISIR to start disseminating charcoal stoves in Colombo. In addition to this, ODA may have been uncertain about funding a programme which adopted a markedly different approach from that employed in the rural stoves programmes already operating in Sri Lanka. The difference was that the USP was directed towards a purely commercial dissemination of stoves rather than a subsidised approach. Again, curiously, despite the eventual success of the programme, at least in terms of the number o f stoves disseminated, funding was stopped in July 1989. Several studies o f the programme, and its effect on various sections of the urban community, had been completed and some o f these indicated that the programme was not achieving its original objectives.' I n particular, it was found that the poorer urban families were not buying the stove even after the programme had been running for two years. Furthermore, it became evident that demand for the stove was not nearly as high as had originally been anticipated. By mid-I989, it was estimated that there were in existence sufficient production facilities and trained potters to achieve an output of at least 100,000 stoves a year. Yet sales figures suggested that demand for the Anagi H stove was only half of this amount. Alt h o u g h it was recognised that 1989 was a year of considerable political and economic unrest for Sri Lanka, this information does not appear to have mitigated the impression that the project was not performing as well as it might. That the USP would face considerable difficulties was evident from the start.' I t was in the interest of the government or the NFCP to promote production and use of the stove; the government were also responsible for its marketing. Yet the tile factories producing the stove had to be convinced that the venture would be a profitable one. This separation between those seeking
ty See Jones (1989), Aitken et al. (1989) and Atapattu and Ranaweera Banda (1990); see also Clarke (1987) and (1989). 2 0 See Aitken et al. (1989), p.39 and Jones (1990), pp. 24 - 26. 2 1Jones (1989), p. 8.

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and perceiving the benefits of the enterprise and those actually taking the economic risk marked an important difference from the normal situation in which production, promotion and marketing are all carried out by one organisation. Thus there were many problems encountered, in the early stages of the project, i n trying to persuade tile factories to set up production of the stove. Apparently, Out of some thirty tile factories approached only five were initially willing to take the risk!" It would have made the initial investment decision easier if loans were provided, but r m c , who were primarily responsible for setting up the project, were not willing to do this. It was considered that as the project was eventually intended to be an almost free-running commercial enterprise it would be unwise to subsidise production at the beginning. Instead, extensive advertising, including the use of television, demonstrations, banners and leaflets, was undertaken to develop a ready market. In addition, the tile factories were offered management advice and technical training in the production of the stoves. At first, both a one-pot and a two-pot design were promoted. These were called the ' Anagi I' and 'Anagi r es pec tiv ely , the word 'Anagi' meaning 'excellence' in Sinhalese. I t was found, however, that the manufacturers, especially, showed a strong preference for the Anagi II and production of the smaller stove was always minimal. Attitudes towards the role of external interference or investment in the project seem to have varied. On the one hand, it was intended from the beginning that the project should become fully commercial and not heavily subsidised in the way that the NSF had been. On the other hand it was considered very important by ITDG that the market price of the stove should be controlled so that the technology remained financially within the reach of the poorest families. The market was not allowed to find its own price as dictated by the balance between supply and demand. Furthermore, great significance was attached to the dimensions of the stove and checks were made to ensure that these were adhered to by potters making the stove. It was believed by ITDG ' that any departure from the dimensions of the originally tested design would have a deleterious effect on the fuel efficiency of the stove. Even so, no tests appear ever to have been carried out to determine what effect on the efficiency any observed variations in specification had. The latter concern was part o f a general attitude towards the question o f quality control.The project was being set up on behalf of the government with specific goals in mind, the principal one being that there would be a significant reduction in fuelwood consumption amongst the urban poor. Financed by the ODA, ITDG were charged with providing technical, marketing and management assistance to the project in order to meet these goals. Accordingly, an attempt was made to enforce standards of cpmlity in production and marketing which were, by Sri Lankan
Peter Young, 11DG, U.K., personal communication, October 1990. 2 3rbid.

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standards, unusual. For example, a warranty scheme was envisaged,whereby stoves which had cracked within two months would be replaced free of charge. Perhaps inevitably, it was found that the 'flexibility of transactions' required to operate the scheme resulted in 'audit queries' similar to those referred to earlier, even though the necessary funds were being provided by the O DA.' It is perhaps strange that although there were many problems with the USP at the beginning and the programme never developed on the scale originally planned, a number of tile manufacturers started producing and selling imitations of the Anagi stove without the assistance or even approval of ITDG and the CEB. They became known as 'pirate producers' and although they did not appear to have any difficulty in selling their produce, ITDG became concerned that the stoves were poorly made, with incorrect dimensions and a greater likelihood of cracking. There was some fear that the market would be flooded with cheap imitations of the Anagi and that the reputation of the stove and the project would be tarnished. Yet the very fact that producers outside the officially sponsored group should be willing to take the risk of manufacturing the stove without any assistance is evidence of at least the commercial success of the project By a curious twist of fate, one of the pirate producers initially denigrated by I IDG. a company by the name of Randetha, was to become the major official producer of the Anagi stoves at a fairly early stage in the development of the USP. This happened when the previously chosen company, Sumagi, was unwilling to expand production sufficiently to meet the rapidly rising demand. Proper training was then given to the staff at the Randetha factory, while the Sumagi factory withdrew from the project. FIDG would now like to see all of the pirate producers receive adequate training in production methods and has even considered introducing an official stamp so that properly produced stoves may be distinguished from imitations.' 6) Dissemination success o f stove projects In terms of the total number of stoves disseminated, the two programmes described above, namely the NSP, funded mainly by the Netherlands, and the USP, funded mainly by the U.K., are by far the most successful. This does not necessarily mean that the stoves have succeeded in performing the functions for which they were designed, only that a large number of households have been willing to spend money to buy the stove or to have it installed in their homes. It would be hard not to conclude that there must be a substantial degree of customer satisfaction with the stove, for whatever reason. There is relatively little evidence in Sri Lanka o f people accepting the stove and then not using it, as has sometimes happened in other countries.
FIDG (1989), p. 26. 2 5 Peter Young, ITDG, U.K., personal communication, October 1990; see also Jones (1989), pp. 27 - 28. 2 5 See Abeywardena (undated), pp. 19 - 21, and Atapattu et al. (1989), p.15; also R.M. Amaresekera, CEI3, Colombo, personal communication, October 1990.

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Formal and informal surveys of customer response to the stove have shown a high degree of acceptance on several counts.' Both the Sarvodaya and Anagi stoves are reported by users to save wood, save time and produce less smoke in the kitchen. That they do indeed save wood is supported by several series o f both laboratory and field tests, even though the statistical significance of some of the results is still in question. That a saving in wood will also lead to a saving in time, at least where the wood is collected rather than bought, is quite clear. Yet a very high proportion of households, over 80% in a survey of 65 households near Colombo carried out in February 1989, 2 questionnaire surveys are always open to question, the strength of opinion on this matter is of 'such h that a v iteis hard to ignore. r e p o r t e d Substantial savings in cooking time have always seemed unlikely because of the physical s i g n i and chemical nature of most cooking processes. Cooking rice, for instance, involves a relatively f i c a n tshort heating-up period followed by a much longer period of simmering. During the first period, which s awould v last for say 15 minutes on a traditional stove, the rice and water absorb sensible heat iand are n brought g to the boil. During the second period, which may last for about 40 minutes, a s chemical reaction takes place whereby the starch in the rice combines with the water in the process i of gelatinisation. The reaction temperature for this process is about 98*C; if the temperature falls n below this level the reaction rate will fall rapidly. The time taken for the gelatinisation process will c o odepend k on the variety and state of the rice used and cannot be reduced unless the cooking vessel is i pressurised. n g In normal circumstances, therefore, the use of an improved stove will not reduce the t i simmering time. The heating-up period may be reduced, to say 10 minutes, if the rate of heat m transfer is higher for the improved stove. Overall, however, the reduction in cooking time will be e of the order of only 10%. That the reduction in cooking time is widely reported to be of the order a sof 40% . with the traditional stove the rice and water sometimes drops below 98*C and that the simmering 9 w s u g eperiod therefore lasts longer than it should. Alternatively, it may be that use of the improved e s t lg stoves, especially those with two pot seats, has an effect on the sequence and pattern of cooking s l operations which reduces the overall time required to cook a meal. .t h a t W That the use of a Sarvodaya or Anagi stove should lead to a noticeable reduction in smoke ht levels in the kitchen does not seem very likely, since neither of these stoves, at least in their usual ih le sa 2 '2 2 Actual data given by Atapattu and Ranaweera Banda (1989), p. 8, are 83% (24 out of 29) for the Anagi I and tb S 81% (29 out of 36) for the Anagi 11 stoves. to e 2 9 R. hv1990. e M ee ,. A r a fm e r en o r sa al

16

form, is fitted with a chimney. There may be an improvement in combustion efficiency which would result in smaller quantities of soot being released, but the difference will not be large. It has been suggested ' , however, that a reduction in cooking time would result in lo w e r total emissions even if the rate of release of uncombusted matter were unaltered. It is also possible that only a slight lowering of the rate of release of smoke might result in a much smaller build-up in the total concentration of pollutants, depending on the ventilation conditions in the kitchen. Although the design of the stove may have played an important part, there are several other factors that are likely to have been critical in the dissemination of stoves in the NSF and the USP. In the NSP at least three such factors may be identified: 1) The use of an already well-established government network of administrative officers to gain access to rural households. The Grama Sevakas, although not always very efficient in their contribution to the dissemination process, would have a knowledge, at least, of the people in their villages. Even if the extension work were done by a CEB employee, the regular contact which the Grama Sevaka has with the villagers would serve a valuable channel of communication. 2) The use of financial incentives or piece-rate methods of payment for key personnel in the dissemination process. This idea seems to have worked very well with government employees who are usually paid a fixed salary regardless of their output. In contrast to this approach, UNICEF have offered no incentives to the health officers charged with the responsibility of disseminating their smokeless chula in some of the estates. Although the project has only been operating for a short time, the commitment of most of the officers would still seem rather poor and few stoves have been built through their efforts. 3) T he increasing popularity of the stove as the project develops and the association of ownership with improved social status. There are cases of villagers almost clamouring to have a stove installed at the earliest opportunity when they hear how many others have already placed an order. In this regard it is interesting to note that in some areas the CEB have found it most effective to arrange the installation of stoves in a particular village all on the same day. With ten or more installers working simultaneously, as many as 125 stoves may be installed at the same time. There is also the curious report of a woman who told the CEB that she was very happy with the Sarvodaya stove which she had had installed, but who told her neighbour quite the opposite. Later, when discretely questioned by the CEB about the matter, the woman confirmed her positive impression of the stove but pointed out that her neighbour, being rather poor, would have little need for such an excellent stove.

3 By Peter Young, IMO, U.K., October 1990 (personal communicatton).

17

In the USP, the factors identified as contributing most to the success of the project are quite different' Preparation, in the form of research and development of different stove designs prior to the beginning of the project, is one factor. Extensive field tests had been carried out on the two Anagi stoves before they were chosen for dissemination and consequently their performance characteristics were well known. In terms of production techniques, the pi cpaxation was perhaps less effective and a considerable quantity of time appears to have been spent later on improving the techniques. Marketing research was also less effective in that size of the market appears to have been considerably overestimated, and the response of households in the lower income groups poorly predicted. Another factor contributing to the success of the USP was that the supply of fuelwood in the urban sector was already highly commercialised. The savings resulting from use of the stove could therefore be directly compared with its cost. There was also an existing commercial market for stoves using wood and other fuels. The fact that the Anagi stove is made from fired clay was important, as there is a tradition of working with clay in the country, and factories producing commercial products were already in existence. Artisans skilled in the use of clay and accustomed to working under factory conditions were able to adapt relatively easily to the large scale production of the stove." 7) Objectives and ev aluation A range of different objectives may be found amongst the various stove programmes currently operating in Sri Lanka. The major objective of the largest programme, the National Fuelwood Conservation Programme, is, as the name suggests, the conservation of fuelwood in Sri Lanka. Within the framework o f the NFCP, both the NSP and the USP share the same principal objective, which stems originally fr om concern in 1984 about the rapid rate o f deforestation caused in Sri Lanka by the Mahaweli irrigation scheme. The main purpose of the single pot stove designed and disseminated by NERD is also a reduction in fuel consumption. Only two of the organisations concerned with the dissemination of improved stoves in Sri Lanka do not have fuel conservation as their principal explicit objective. These are UNICEF and TAT. An improvement in domestic health through the introduction of smokeless stoves is the
Jones (1989), p.7. 3 2 In addition, the success of the NSF and the USP owes much to the strong commitment and pioneering work of the manager of the NFCP, Mr. R. M. Amerasekera. I t is always difficult to estimate how significant is the contribution of an individual to the successful working of a large project when several others might have filled the same role, albeit wit h different results. However, the breadth of knowledge and understanding shown by Mr. Arnerasekera in his running of the project suggests a man of unusual talent. His strong grasp of the technical side of the project is balanced by a clear understanding of the social problems associated with the dissemination process. There is little doubt that few could take his place without the change of leadership being noticed.

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major concern of UNICEF, while TAT are charged with implementing a broad range of measures concerned with social welfare in the estate sector. Interest in the dissemination of improved stoves in the estates arises mostly from a desire to reduce the time spent in cooking and collecting fuel by the women, who have to work on the estates during the day as well as doing domestic work. In some cases, the reduction in cooking time evidently allows the preparation of a hot midday meal, something which was not previously possible. Saving fuel is also considered to be important in the tea estates, firstly because of the shortage of suitable domestic fuel there and secondly because it leads to less time being spent in collecting fuel. A reduction in smoke emissions does not appear to be a major concern, although curiously the occupational health of the women is the subject of some research within the project. With the NFCP being by far the largest stove programme in the country, most of the money from the donor agencies that goes towards the dissemination of stoves is directed at fuel conservation, Indeed the only substantial donor involvement in stoves outside the NFCP is through TAT, where fuel conservation is in any case of some interest Most of the foreign aid for the dissemination of stoves in Sri Lanka currently comes from the Dutch within the wider framework of the Netherlands-Sri Lanka Energy Programme which was started in 1986. The main purpose of the programme is to support activities on energy conservation and the application of new and renewable energy sources in Sri Lanka. For the British, who have been involved in the dissemination of improved stoves in Sri Lanka for over a decade, through ODA's support of l'TDG, fuel conservation is also an explicitly stated objective. Thus for the USP, the only long term objective given is: 'The reduction of the consumption of fuelwood for domestic cooking using an improved design of cooking stove'. Within the NFCP a number of other implicit objectives were also identified. Thus in the USP, one objective was to enable households to reduce their expenditure on woodfuel. A 1986 project document 33 noted that: 'The project is specifically aimed at the poor of Colombo by reducing their average fuel bill from Rs 210/yr to Rs 105/yr for the investment of Rs 25 in a new stove'. Another objective of the NFCP was to improve the quality of life through cleaner kitchens and an increased availability of hot meals and hot water. It was recognised that there is a growing awareness of the importance of health and welfare issues in the cooking environment, especially amongst women, who do practically all the cooking. Another important point was also made, namely that shortages of fuel or rising fuel prices are dealt with at a domestic level by reducing the number o f hot meals prepared and the quantity o f hot water used for washing. Thus the introduction of fuel efficient stoves allows standards of nutrition and hygiene to be maintained in
3 3 O DA South East Asia Development Division (SEADD) project document (March 1986), paragraph 8.1, as quoted in Jones (1989), p.11.

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the face of increasing fuel scarcity or rising prices. This observation is particularly relevant to the evaluation of fuel savings through field trials, since changes in cooking patterns following the introduction of an improved stove may mask the effect of actual improvements in fuel efficiency. Finally, there is the question of employment opportunities being generated through the production of improved stoves. This does not appear to have been considered initially within the NFCP, but by the time ODA funding for the USP was drawing to a close there was growing recognition of the importance of this aspect of stove programmes. Certainly ITDG would have been well aware of the income and employment generating capacity of the programme from their experience with programmes in other parts of the world. This brings up the interesting question of whether ITDG and the CEB had the same objectives in setting up the USP or whether some objectives were not common to both parties, or at least common to different degrees.

Since their inception some years ago, both the NSP and the USP have been the subject of
several evaluations. These have been carried Out by the funding agencies and, at least in the case of the NSP, by the CEB as well. The evaluations carried out by the funding agencies a r e concerned much with the growth of the projects, in terms of the number of stoves disseminated, and the management structure within the projects. Economic aspects of the projects are also much discussed but there is very little direct analysis of the impact of the programme on the stove users themselves. On the other hand, the internal evaluation of the NSP carried out by the CEB in 1989 3 5concentrates heavily on the response to the stove of a large sample of users. The same is true of two earlier evaluations of IRDP stove programmes within the NFCP, one at Hambantota in 1986 and one at Ratnapura in 1988. 36 Questionnaire surveys, such as those carried out within the NFCP, are useful in gauging the opinions and attitudes of stove users and are almost certainly a valuable tool to planners and those concerned with advertising profiles. They do not provide reliable information on actual fuel savings, time savings or air pollution levels. The importance of these depends very much on the perspective of those commissioning an evaluation. In Sri Lanka, at present, reliable information has only been collected on fuel savings, this being a factor of major importance to the NFCP. Time savings and the reduction of air pollution levels are major objectives only for the TAT and UNICEF projects respectively and both of these projects are still at a very early stage. Most of the mensurative data on fuel savings resulting from the use of improved stoves in Sri Lanka has been collected by CISIR. Extensive field trials were carried out on several stove

See Jones (1989), Aitken etal. (1989) and Haskontrig and Lysen (1990). ' s 3 6 See Sumanasekera (1986) and Abeywardena (tmdated) respectively. S e e S

20

designs prior to the choice o f the Anagi stove for the USP. " Fuelwood consumption was measured on a daily basis by the reservoir method. A total of 60 households took part in the trial, each using their own traditional stove for a period of 14 days and then one of the four improved stoves for a further 14 days. Daily fuelwood consumption per adult equivalent was then calculated for each household and the results for the improved stove compared with those for the traditional stove. The average savings for the four improved stoves ranged from 10% to 37% but individual variations were high, with some households recording an increase in consumption when an improved stove was used. Unfortunately, no statistical analysis o f the results, beyond the calculation of the standard deviations, was carried out. Another similar field trial was carried out by CISIR in 1989, using the two Anagi stoves. Over 60 households took part in the trial, and this time additional data was collected on the operational output of the improved and traditional stoves over the trial period." In particular, the number o f meals cooked and the number o f items cooked were both recorded. Again, unfortunately, no statistical analysis was carried out. However, the fact that some attempt was made to check for changes in the extent to which the stove was used, following the introduction of an improved stove, is an important step. More detailed information, for example on the quantity of hot water used and the quantity of food cooked, would be even more valuable in assessing the impact of the improved stoves. Such data, however, would be very hard to collect in practice. Apart from the work of the CISIR, the only other field trial carried out recently was undertaken by Mr Amerasekera for TAT. Four types of improved stove were involved in the trial, one of them being the Sarvodaya stove and the other three being variations of the Anagi stove. Fuel consumption measurements were made over a period of seven days with the traditional stove and a further seven days with an improved stove. Fifty-five households were involved and t-tests showed statistically significant savings of 35% to 40% for all four stoves at the 1% lev el.' No measurements were made of output, but the results are so significant that this would not be necessary to justify using the stoves. Finally, looking to the future, a number of interesting possibilities emerge. One of the stated objectives of the proposed Dutch funding of the NSP over the next five years is the gradual removal of the subsidy, so that the rural dissemination programme will become fully commercial by the year 1994. It is proposed that the change should be effected by gradually replacing the
4 7 See Herath et al. (1986). 3 1 This is described in detail in Bialy (1986), pp. 78 - 81. Essentially the method involves persuading the householders participating in the survey to use fuel only from a particular pile or reservoir, which is reweighed and replenished at regular intervals. See Atapattu et al. (1989). 4 Amaresekera (1990),p. 12.

21

subsidised Sarvodaya stove with the Anagi stove, which would be sold, as it is in Colombo. on a commercial basis. It had been intended to start the transition at an earlier stage, but the Dutch government recognised the negative effect on the NFCP of the political troubles in 1989 and accepted that it would be unwise to remove the subsidy too early. However, it was decided that technical assistance for the NFCP would no longer be required. Consultants to the Dutch Government also pointed out that there are still twelve districts in the island, with a total population of five or six million, in which no stove programmes has yet been implemented. It was suggested that the successful dissemination of improved stoves among the poorer families in these districts would require that the stoves be partly subsidised at the beginning. The proposal for another five years of financial assistance is to allow the NFCP to extend its work to these districts and to gradually phase out subsidies throughout the whole country. Although the future of the stoves programme in Colombo is still uncertain, the USP has already achieved, in effect, what the NSP is aiming towards, that is the commercial dissemination of stoves. The urban market may not have developed to the extent that was originally planned, and there are fears that it may decline further in the years to come. However, there is s till the possibility that a successful commercial programme in the rural sector may spread its influence back to the urban sector.

22

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, ,

(1990),Woodstovepilotprojectintheplantationsector:anevaluationo f thetechnical performance of improved woodstoves, report to TAT, Colombo, Sri Lanka. (1991),S r i LankaStoveProgranune:progress,issuesandfuturedirections,paper
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23

Burne, Simon, (1985), One pot, two pot j a c k p o t : some suggestions for future directions for woodburning stoves in Sri Lanka, report to unspecified organisation. CEB and ITDG, (1989), Guidelines for urban stove programmes: statement of the meeting, Sri
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ceramic one pot stoves in Colombo, Sri Lanka, CISIR, Colombo, Sri Lanka
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management: methodology and application to Sri Lanka, World Bank Technical

Paper no. 86, Industry and Energy Series, World Bank, Washington D.C.

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development of stoves for use in urban areas of Sri Lanka, ITDG, Rugby, U.K.
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households - assessment of the needs and potential offuelwood stoves, report to

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