Sex Education Vol. 6, No. 4, November 2006, pp.

415428

Teachers and parents roles in the sexuality education of primary school children: a comparison of experiences in Leeds, UK and in Sydney, Australia
Joy Walker*a and Jan Miltonb
a

Leeds Metropolitan University, UK; bThe University of Sydney, Australia

There is little international research focusing on parents and teachers roles in sexuality education during childrens primary school years. This paper focuses on teachers and parents key experiences as sexuality educators of primary-school-age children in both Leeds, UK and in Sydney, Australia. Based on research findings from both the United Kingdom and Australia, areas of commonality are investigated in relation to existing practice. By drawing on experiences of teachers and parents, themes are examined with the goal of finding the extent of a universal dimension to sexuality education. The cultural aspects of sexuality education are explored and include acknowledging cultural myths that may inhibit adultchild interaction in relation to sexuality education. Educational implications are also discussed. The paper concludes that the scope of developing sexuality education during a childs primary school years remains relatively untapped in both countries by both parents and teachers. The paper recommends developing a theoretical framework to explore whether there can be a universal dimension to sexuality education.

Introduction In this paper we explore the extent of a universal dimension to sexuality education while acknowledging the diversity within cultures and appreciating specific contexts. In understanding this, we contrast a UK experience with an Australian perspective. Drawing on research undertaken in both Leeds, UK and in Sydney, Australia, we focus on key experiences of parents and teachers to examine areas of commonality. Background and context This paper resulted from collaboration between us after we had independently undertaken similar qualitative research studies, with parents and teachers, into
*Corresponding author. Faculty of Health, School of Health & Community Care, Leeds Metropolitan University, Leeds LS1 3HE, UK. Email: j.l.walker@leedsmet.ac.uk ISSN 1468-1811 (print)/ISSN 1472-0825 (online)/06/040415-14 # 2006 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14681810600982267

416 J. Walker and J. Milton sexuality education. UK studies included a large qualitative study of 49 mothers and 21 fathers, across Leeds (Walker, 2001). Further work included an evaluation of school sex education team training in the north of England with the trainers, 14 middle or secondary school teachers and their pupils (Walker et al., 2003). This work used multiple research methods to gather and triangulate both qualitative and quantitative data. Australian studies included a qualitative study of teachers and parents experiences of sexuality education in four Sydney primary schools (Milton, 2002, 2003, 2004). Other studies used focus groups in 19 high schools in five Australian states to ascertain parents and teachers perceptions of sexuality education and communication (Berne et al., 2000) and the qualities that teachers value in teaching sexuality education (Milton et al., 2001). Key experiences of both teachers and parents from these research studies are explored alongside other research evidence in this field, including discussion papers (Milton, 2000; Walker, 2004). The research findings used in this paper focus on parents and teachers experiences of sexuality education during childrens primary school years. We acknowledge that, because our research was undertaken independently, like is not compared with like. However, this collaboration was useful given some of the similarities between the cities of Leeds in the United Kingdom and Sydney in Australia. Leeds is a provincial capital and a centre of a metropolitan area of just under 0.75 million people (Census 2001 in National Statistics, 2005). Leeds is known as a city that has generated economic success in the north of England. Yet, it is a city of extremes and also experiences large areas of deprivation. Leeds has a diverse ethnicity including small populations of Chinese, Ukrainians and Polish and more extensive Afro-Caribbean and South Asian communities (Leeds Initiative, 2004). Sydney, by comparison, has a population of 3.9 million people (Census 2001 in Public Health Division, 2002). Sydney, as Australias largest and most international city, is the economic and cultural capital of Australia. Over 200 nationalities reside in Sydney. The population has large numbers of western and southern Europeans, South East Asians, North East Asians (China, Hong Kong and Korea), Middle Eastern people and New Zealanders. Indigenous people make up less than 2% of the population (Public Health Division, 2002). Why a comparison is timely A comparison is timely for a number of reasons. Firstly, there has been little international research focusing on parents and teachers roles during childrens primary school years compared with the extensive research literature around school teacher-led sexuality education for adolescents (Kirby, 1999). There is substantial corroborated evidence that talking with children about sex and relationships in the family enables children to be more confident in discussing sexual matters (Wellings et al., 1995; Ingham, 1997). Furthermore, offering comprehensive and flexible sexuality education programmes, which include information about contraception and sexually transmitted infections, has been found to delay the age when young people become sexually active. Also, when young people do become sexually active,

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 417 they are more likely to protect their sexual health by using effective contraception and having fewer sexual partners (Baldo et al., 1993; Johnson et al., 1994; Kirby, 1997; UNAIDS, 1997). The research highlights the need for improving our understanding and knowledge of teachers and parents experiences as sexuality educators of primary school age children. Secondly, a comparison is useful in this field, between the United Kingdom and Australia, as public health reforms by government and key statutory and voluntary agencies have resulted in strategic plans to reduce teenage pregnancy rates and improve sexual health (Social Exclusion Unit, 1999; Department of Health, 2001; Skinner & Hickey, 2003). The United Kingdom ranks fourth and Australia sixth in birth and abortion rates among teenage women aged 1519 in 21 selected countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (UNICEF, 2001). Both these countries, in response to this public health issue, have launched a concerted drive, to improve the quality and effectiveness of sexuality education that children and young people receive (Social Exclusion Unit, 1999; Department for Education and Employment, 2000; Department of Health, 2001; Milton, 2003; Skinner & Hickey, 2003). Moreover, in both these countries, there has been a growing emphasis on the role of schools and parents in helping to tackle personal, social and health education issues associated with sexuality education within a rapidly changing social and political climate. Thirdly, this comparison is useful, despite the different educational contexts, as we know that inadequate provision of sexual health services combined with poorly integrated comprehensive sexuality education programmes are thought to be two of several major contributing factors behind the high rates of unplanned teenage pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections (UNICEF, 2001). In Australia, sexuality education is regarded as a valued part of primary and secondary school education (Milton et al., 2001). Every Australian state and territory has its own defined school sexuality education programme, in the absence of a national curriculum (Milton et al., 2001). Australian research has found the majority of parents to be supportive in the schools role in sexuality education (Berne et al., 2000) and it is very unusual for parents to withdraw pupils from these classes (Milton et al., 2001). Sexuality education is now a subject that primary schools are expected to pursue, within the personal development, health and physical education curriculum, rather than recommended content as was the case in 1992 (New South Wales Board of Studies, 1999, p. 36 cited by Milton, 2003, p. 242). In the United Kingdom, the latest change in a schools provision of sex education has been the Learning and Skills Act 2000, which developed and reformed the Education Act 1993. This Act affirmed the role of the governing body and head teacher in determining each individual schools sex education policy. As is the case in Australia, parents may withdraw their child from the sex education programme and the consequence of a parents action must be documented in the school policy. Sex and relationship education, as a subject area, does not have a mandatory primary or secondary school curriculum that ensures sensitive and controversial subjects such as contraception, abortion and gay and lesbian sexuality issues are addressed.

418 J. Walker and J. Milton Furthermore, UK young people, in general, perceive too little attention is given to self-esteem, relationships and how to talk about feelings and emotions (Teenage Pregnancy Unit, 2000), such that there is immense pressure in UK schools to provide school policy that is responsive to young peoples needs alongside competing demands (Green, 1998). These competing demands include the expansion of the National Curriculum and the focus on league tables of examination success, and both these demands may reduce the attention schools give to personal and social education (Social Exclusion Unit, 1999). In the literature the stark contrast has been explored between the climates for Australian teachers compared with American teachers delivering Abstinence until Marriage programmes (Milton et al., 2001). A comparison, therefore, between the United Kingdom and Australia may generate some unexpected themes that may be the building blocks to developing a universal dimension to sexuality education. Themes supporting a universal dimension to sexuality education experienced by teachers and parents Based on the authors research findings from both countries, this paper draws on six themes, which appear to support a universal dimension to sexuality education and are experienced by both teachers and parents as sexuality educators (Berne et al., 2000; Milton et al., 2001; Walker, 2001; Milton, 2002, 2003, 2004; Walker et al., 2003). These themes (see Figure 1) are based on the premise that they may operate at any of the following three levels: the micro, individual, level; the meso, organisational, level; or the macro, public or government policy, level. Ultimately, it is essential to acknowledge the interrelationship between an individual and their wider sociopolitical environment. This view, adopted by the authors in order to consider sexual

Figure 1. Themes supporting a universal dimension to secuality education experienced by teachers and parents

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 419 health, stems from the Ottawa Charter (World Health Organisation, 1986), recognising the principle that public policy and the environment can also influence an individuals health. Sexuality education is defined here as a process of life long learning to acquire knowledge, develop skills and form positive beliefs, values and attitudes that are incorporated into a persons self definition and personality (Sex Education Forum, 1999; Robinson et al., 2002). Each theme is now explored. Cultural and social acceptance of sexuality education The cultural acceptability of using the word sexuality in the context of a UK school personal, social and health education programme would be questionable given the taboos associated with the use of this word in the United Kingdom. Sexuality education is the subject name used more widely internationally and in many Australian school programmes. The contrast in the name given to this subject area by each country could suggest differences in comfort levels and the cultural acceptance of sexuality education, and shed light on the intransigence of social expectation in relation to sexuality education. However, we know this is not necessarily the case if we take the example of American sexuality education programmes that interpret its application and practice for teachers and parents in a limited capacity focusing particularly only on abstinence until marriage programmes (Milton et al., 2001). Therefore, cultural and social openness is not necessarily assumed by the use of titles such as sexuality education. Unfortunately the name sex education can also be perceived by some UK parents as the notion of the birds and the beesonly encompassing the biological facts of life and limiting meaningful discussions about emotions, relationships and other aspects of sexuality (Walker, 2004). However, the social climate in the United Kingdom of acknowledging parent involvement in their childs sex education as important and potentially having an impact on a childs future sexual health is only beginning to evolve (Walker, 2004). Australian research found that parents considered their involvement important, alongside supporting the school sexuality education, wishing their children to be more informed than they felt themselves as young people (Berne et al., 2000). Cultural and social acceptance of sexuality education appears to hinge on the openness and comfort levels associated with this subject. As one teacher suggests:
You have to be comfortable with your own sexuality. Feel comfortable with the topic. (Australian teacher; Milton et al., 2001, p. 182)

Openness and being comfortable with this subject area varied among both teachers and parents. The quote from one UK teacher sums up, for example, the variation of parents cultural acceptance of sexuality education:
We have letters from parents saying teachers shouldnt teach any sex education to my child, compared to others that complain that they dont teach children more sex education in schools. (UK teacher; Walker, 2003, p. 326)

Furthermore, within this theme it is crucial that teachers and parents are aware of the need for sexuality education to begin with a foundation of talking openly during

420 J. Walker and J. Milton the early years, and it is also important that sexuality education is acknowledged as a subject for life long learning (Milton, 2000, 2004; Walker, 2004).
I think they start early being inquisitive but I dont think you ever give it up. Its ongoing and it crops up as situations occur. (Leeds father; Walker, 2001, p. 135)

This may mean teachers radically changing their teaching practice, as one teacher explains:
One particular lesson I took a risk and responded to something that was raised and we had a very mature discussion because it was something they were interested in and wanted to discuss, and Ive been really encouraged by the sessions. (Personal Social Health Education teacher coordinator; Walker, 2003, p. 323)

However, despite parents and teachers varying comfort levels with this subject, it is important to acknowledge the accepted curriculum content that is actually covered in respect to the potentially broad scope of sexuality education. In one Australian study, no primary school formally addressed sexual orientation or identity in their sexuality education programmeyet staff at all the schools reported frequent questions on this issue (Milton, 2003). The minimal coverage assigned to issues of gender, contraception, sexually transmitted infections, sexual identity and orientation was common in both countries irrespective of the names given to curriculum programmes. Parents and teachers being comfortable with their own sexuality and the broad scope of sexuality education were both an essential dimension (Milton et al., 2001; Walker, 2001). Therefore, in practice, commonalities that limited the scope of sexuality education appear in both countries. Uncertainty and embarrassment factors There were clear similarities between both countries in the uncertainty expressed by parents and teachers over three broad areas: what to say, how to say it and how to approach it.
I dont know how much to say, how much information to give them. (Sydney teacher; Milton, 2003, p. 250) because its hard when theyre little, and some parents are right open with it but Im sort of open with it but Id rather talk to them when they are a bit older. (Leeds mother; Walker, 1999)

Our studies indicated that some parents and teachers who shared this concern were confident with the way they had approached the issue, but remained interested and uncertain about evidence of best practice. However, perhaps uncertainty is a dimension of sexuality education that parents and teachers are bound to experience despite living in an era of evidence-based practice. There is no one ideal teaching and learning style for parents and teachers to adopt as a blueprint with regard to educating children about sexual matters. This uncertainty is clearly distinct from a lack of awareness, as these parents and teachers were conscious of the need for sexuality education.

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 421 In both countries there were parents and teachers who experienced embarrassment. Generally, this was perceived as a barrier impeding communication about sexual issues and invariably influenced the approach and diversity of content covered (Walker, 2001; Milton, 2003, 2004; Walker et al., 2003). Embarrassment, if recognised by teachers and parents to be part of the experience, could possibly be diverted by various strategies (Walker, 2004). These included: accepting that children inevitably embarrass parents and teachers in situations; realising that the experience was never as embarrassing as parents or teachers imagined; and doing something while talking with children rather than sitting down to chat. Parents who adopted these strategies found that their perception of the embarrassment diminished and was less of an overriding barrier to talking about sensitive subjects (Walker, 2004). Overall, while it may be possible to divert embarrassment during an adultchild interaction relating to sexuality education, embarrassment appears to be a ubiquitous experience that is essential to acknowledge (Ingham, 1997; Walker, 2001; Milton, 2003, 2004). Awareness of adultchild interaction and approaches In both countries, adults and children are bombarded with sexually explicit images and mass media, yet open communication about sexual matters is often fraught with difficulties for parents (Berne et al., 2000; Walker, 2001; Milton, 2004). However, some parents and teachers in both countries possessed skills and awareness as sexuality educators.
Well something came up a couple of weeks ago from a TV show and they mentioned orgasms and my daughter wanted to know what orgasms were, so I just explained very briefly that it is the height of sexual arousal. (Sydney mother; Milton, 2002, p. 18)

This ongoing process of childparent interaction was progressive, discrete, respected privacy, consistent and avoided long lectures or spotlighting the child.
We have an open honest relationship right from early on and not made a big issue of it its just part of life! Theres no point trying to start when theyre teenagers if youve never had it from the beginning it wont work! (Leeds mother; Walker, 1999, p. 85)

As we know, children may fear raising the subject in case parents automatically think that they are sexually active (Holland et al., 1996). However, where parent child interaction developed during the early years, dialogue within the family about sexual matters continued during the primary school years. Moreover, the interaction developed and moved beyond discussing factual information towards exploring emotive and sensitive sexuality issues and developing skills to make informed choices (Berne et al., 2000; Walker, 2001). This childparent interaction may be a critical and an unassuming part of the sexual development puzzle. The interaction mainly depended on the parents awareness and readiness to take up the opportunities that presented themselves during everyday life. Similarities were evident in the range of interactive approaches adopted by parents from active support of the school activities to abdicating responsibility to the school

422 J. Walker and J. Milton and not exercising a role. The majority of parents in the studies in both countries were in favour of school-based sexuality education programmes. As one Australian mother commented:
I think it is wonderful how they stand up there and say this in front of the children. (Sydney mother; Milton, 2004, p. 22)

Walkers (2001) research paper uncovered the multiple reasons that a parent may give to avoid parentchild interaction with this subject area. Furthermore, teacher pupil interaction also exhibited a range of approaches from a flexible approach responding to childrens questions appropriately to a lack of awareness concerning childrens need of sexuality education and being uncomfortable with emotive and sensitive issues (Milton, 2003; Walker et al., 2003). Cultural taboos and exposing cultural myths This theme encapsulates the need for both adults and children to appreciate diverse cultural values, taboos and identities associated with sexuality education. They also need to be able to differentiate between cultural myths that may inhibit learning about sexuality education. Cultural norms appear to be learnt from a very young age by children. For example Miltons (2003) study with primary school teachers found that children among some cultural groups had learnt what a taboo subject was and therefore learnt not to ask questions and did not feel it was acceptable to ask questions about sexual matters.
Its very confronting for some children the comfort zone was never reached by some cultural groups. (Sydney teacher; Milton, 2003, p. 251)

Opportunities to talk with the same-sex parent and to appreciate cultural values and identities associated with sexuality were evident. Boys in particular found it easier to talk to their fathers, and this talking was often characterised by exaggerated stories, jokes and keeping discussion of sensitive issues at a distance (Wight, 1994). In addition, a cultural expectation held by some males was that boys would be knowledgeable experts and good at sex (Wight, 1994; Holland et al., 1996; Walker, 2001). This cultural expectation may contradict the ongoing nature of sexuality education defined earlier in the paper. Furthermore, teachers consulted in Sydney perceived that children valued the opportunity of learning from each other in a respectful environment (Milton, 2003). Also it was perceived desirable to provide some separate sessions for girls and boys that explored specific aspects of sexuality and gender. Miltons (2003) findings concur with other UK research literature consulting both young people and teachers on the value of providing learning opportunities in same sex groups (Halstead & Waite, 2001; Walker et al., 2003). Cultural myths surrounding sexuality education appeared embedded in practice in both countries, and in some cases inhibited adults interaction with children. A myth that has been perpetuated across continents yet disproved is that sexuality education encourages young people to be more sexually active (Baldo

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 423 et al., 1993; Wellings et al., 1995). Another example is the myth that parents are expected to provide a sex talk to their children. This myth perpetuated a general cultural taboo in the United Kingdom of not talking about sex openly in the family (Walker, 2001).
Because with my family it was very much a taboo subject thats why a lot of people (parents) dont do it because its just getting over that barrierto some people its insurmountable, isnt it? They just cant do it! (Leeds father; Walker, 1999, p. 86)

Moreover, this theme is essential to recognise given that empirical research has concluded that children benefit from open cultural attitudes to sexual matters. Within family networks and the community sexual matters can be discussed, thus helping to develop the basis for implementing effective health and educational strategies (Meyrick & Swann, 1998). Pragmatic partnerships and opportunities For too long the debate has been caught up with who is responsible for providing sexuality education and which source, teachers or parents or other agencies, is more effective, rather than progressing towards securing pragmatic partnerships between schools, agencies and parents (Milton, 2000; Walker, 2003). This theme reflects progress towards rejecting the status quo of limiting parental involvement. Such a rationale, Whatley (1992) suggests, is based on a defensive teaching position designed to minimise controversy and conflict. Although the issues of parent involvement are both intricate and relational, the majority of Australian teachers perceived benefits arose from developing opportunities to increase parent involvement and move towards a partnerships approach.
To make a success of a program like this you need to have involvement from the parents. I encourage the kids to go home and talk to their parents. (Sydney teacher; Milton, 2003, p. 248)

Similarly some UK teachers also adopted a partnership approach:

Its a process of parent involvementparents are supporters of the school and want to get the best for their children. (Deputy head; Walker, 2003, p. 326)

Some UK parents, too, welcomed opportunities to develop communication between the two settings and enhance the provision of a consistent and comprehensive sex education (Walker, 2001). Despite the potential for a conflict of interests between either professional groups or the child, their parents and the schools agenda, a partnership approach appears to be a pragmatic way forward. Communication and participation could be developed between schools, parents and their children on a range of levels (Walker et al., 2003). Some parents may be involved through participation in the development of the schools sexuality education programme and policy. Others involvement may focus solely around learning activities completing joint homework sessions with their children. The quote from one Australian teacher sums up the benefits, and is echoed by some teachers and parents in the United Kingdom that:

424 J. Walker and J. Milton

It needs to be a partnership. Parents need to be aware of what the syllabus says, whats in the document and the reason to teach it to support hopefully what they are teaching at home.

Otherwise concerns over what parents will think of teachers and vice versa will continue to impede progress.
I dont want parents to think Im filling their heads. (Sydney teacher; Milton, 2003, p. 250)

Ironically the commonalities between teachers and parents concerns surrounding sexuality education are rarely acknowledged and are instead treated as separate issues. In reality, many teachers are also parents. The interface between being a teacher and also a parent provided useful insight into the commonalities both teachers and parents experience (Milton, 2003). The analogy of a tandem is proposed as a useful concept when a pragmatic partnership between the school and home is desired. Ideally for each tandem to be moving forwards and achieving a greater distance from a combined effort, both cyclists need to address and increasingly develop core aspects of their role as sexuality educators and also communicate with one another. However, in reality a pragmatic partnership may involve one partner being the more active cyclist steering from the front and setting the pace while the other may free-wheel at timesyet both adults have agreed to share the tandem experience. The opportunities to involve siblings as peer educators or other family members such as grandparents are important components in developing pragmatic partnerships. Awareness and knowledge of sexual health shared between siblings accrue over time amidst everyday family activities, and Walkers (2004) paper suggests that perhaps siblings are the forgotten peer educators in health educational strategies. Miltons (2003) research also concurs with sibling involvement as Sydney teachers found that eldest children sometimes knew less than their peers who had older siblings. Similarly, Walkers (2001) research with parents found that sibling involvement could clarify and reinforce sexual health messages from both parents and teachers.
He has absorbed more information just by the nature of the fact of living with a brother and a sisterwhatever I told my son he told my daughter anyway [laugh]. (Leeds mother; Walker, 1999, p. 156)

Moreover, the involvement of other family members, in particular grandparents, is evident among different cultural groups. In the United Kingdom this was found in families where culturally it was permissible for children to ask their grandparents sensitive questions of a sexual nature. This interaction was perceived as culturally acceptable because grandparents were one step removed from parents and this relieved any awkwardness. The involvement of parents as well as other family members in pragmatic partnerships may be slow to develop, yet may have a long-term impact on each persons lifetime and for the succeeding generation (Pugh et al., 1994). Access to resources and capacity building The need for professional and personal development training opportunities in sexuality education for both teachers and parents was ubiquitous in the comparison.

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 425 Teachers are busy professionals expected to have expertise in many areas. Yet teachers invariably need more training opportunities if they are to be effective sexuality educators working alongside children, young people and their parents (Milton, 2003; Walker et al., 2003). Teacher involvement in sexuality education has been a challenging field in both countries (Milton, 2003; Walker et al., 2003). Greater attention to pre-service or in-service teacher training in sexuality education is essential to develop teachers competence, confidence and a sound knowledge base for applying teaching methodologies and developing the teaching qualities valued in sexuality education (Milton et al., 2001; Buston et al., 2002; Walker et al., 2003). In addition, training has the potential to develop teachers views of the scope of sexuality education, their team building skills within the school and their strategies to build alliances with parents to support the provision of effective sexuality education (Walker et al. 2003). However, support for training opportunities and for integrating sexuality education across the curricula was strongly influenced by support from senior management (Milton, 2000; Walker et al., 2003). Training opportunities are needed for parents as well as teachers if they are to be able to access appropriate resources and develop self-awareness and confidence in this subject. Parents difficulty in accessing suitable resources to support their childrens learning was a common theme (Walker, 2001; Milton, 2003, 2004).
I think if you are interested enough about it and you want to know there is informationbut then some people are more privileged to get hold of the information than othersto know there is information and to find it because if you know where to look it is there. (Leeds mother; Walker, 1999, p. 88)

Educational implications The proposed framework of themes in Figure 1 has three key educational implications. Education about sex, sexuality, relationships, emotions and sexual health is very broad and challenging for both parents and teachers. As a defined subject area of lifelong learning (Sex Education Forum, 1999), it relies on adults, as well as children, being open to learning. In practice these assumptions are often far from reality. Therefore, explicit within the universal dimension of sexuality education is an ethos that sexuality education provides vital foundations during the early years of child development and also is a process of lifelong learning for both children and adults. Moreover, acknowledgement must be made of cultural taboos that inhibit this ethos and prevent parents and teachers from taking these opportunities and developing their roles. A further educational implication is the need to raise awareness and build capacity among both teachers and parents by tackling the issue of sexuality education at a range of levels from the individual, organisational and policy perspective. For example, changing the limited initial and in-service teacher training opportunities for primary school teachers across all three levels would help prepare and support them to integrate and embed sexuality education across the curriculum and consider how the school can develop strategies to involve parents more comprehensively in their

426 J. Walker and J. Milton childs sexuality education. Greater effort is required in both the United Kingdom and Australia to develop the scope of existing teacher training opportunities (Milton et al., 2001; Buston et al., 2002; Walker et al., 2003). In an era of evidence-based practice, attention must be given to recognising good sexuality education practice that parents and teachers develop, while acknowledging that uncertainty and embarrassment are likely to be experienced in the role of sexuality educator as this role often involves new territory. A third educational implication involves developing pragmatic partnerships that, involving both the family and professionals, are child focused and move beyond an adult-centred agenda. Parent participation in sexuality education and the teaching and learning process could also extend to other family members and involve siblings as peer educators and grandparents as an alternative sexuality educator to parents. Conclusions In reality, the scope of sexuality education within the primary years was relatively untapped by parents and teachers in both the United Kingdom and Australia, and rarely addressed issues such as sexual orientation, sexual identity and contraception (Berne et al., 2000; Walker, 2001; Milton, 2002, 2003, 2004). In addition, cultural and social openness in relation to sexuality education appeared embryonic in both countries. However, there was obvious potential among parents and teachers who possessed skills as sexuality educators and recognised opportunities at home and school for providing sexuality education. At the same time, many teachers and parents experienced uncertainty and embarrassment about aspects of their role. A synthesis of themes supporting a universal dimension to sexuality education suggests that experiencing uncertainty and or embarrassment is a ubiquitous experience (Berne et al., 2000; Walker, 2001; Milton 2003, 2004; Walker et al., 2003). These two aspects, rather than undermining adultchild interaction in relation to sexuality education, are essentially part of a developmental process for both adults and children to manage and learn together. We conclude that cultural taboos should be acknowledged such that both adults and children, on the one hand, can appreciate diverse cultural values and identities associated with sexuality education and, on the other, can differentiate between cultural myths that inhibit learning about sexuality and sexuality education. Another aspect proposed is the development of pragmatic partnerships that are child focused and rely on good communication between schools and home, involving parents through a range of mechanisms and possibly extending this to other family members. Finally, the aspect of training opportunities for both parents and teachers to be able to access appropriate resources and develop capacity and confidence to deliver effective sexuality education is highlighted as essential. These various aspects within these themes raise a number of key health education implications that require attention. The authors invite comments from researchers in other contexts in taking this work forward, and those working in the field are encouraged to assess the relevance to their own situations. Further debate is encouraged to determine

Primary sexuality education: teachers and parents experiences 427 whether there can be a theoretical framework to explore a universal dimension to sexuality education. References
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