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e t o t p g s o e a eb i tr t r o t ui f p In e t a i a i m b p t n a t o t s t p a t s th T w n e p o t b f t p t t a p aT o a a oe g l a c p r d n y f e t s d p t r t R a o a D ( a ~ aie f t l c o f u w t g o t o c !) ao t L o M P J e B o c r A i k S i h t s c a s j s i n l t ep a e L T t m o h h t s o t t u n the present condition o the u socialist party is still more u r M D n n w J a C a a oe unstable than the preventive-Bonapartist stute rt+gime. L w b i h i t r t b F a b n m T c d mn i p t t w r c w r a s T t e t t s p i a o oo ot t y c t d o t B e u i o e e y or qo f l f e t e a to i i t s r s f a i l g u t e t l o t s s p r i t t e d f e e i p i a r qf g p er i e i t p u fa t r . m i s M w t s o l o a i o r t t t r e o s i p t a T d o n e w o t n l r h a o t c t o e p v O t p i j a u a t B bi t c o t p r o o F n ao r i w w a t b s t w o ta s 6 E b t c po i t 6c o m r s g o p o f t i r a L s o t T e o t d s c a i k i t sa e o m c o c e a t r e h t r t s a t w w h w b t o t Rv s o F 6 i a i q t f w r w t b p mo e u t s B a m k i m b t c t o T r i a b m o a c s wp t r w i a t s o O p c ( i c d la o nr w o t r f o y I a i W t e p o p n c o t tb n c s A t c ( h b e t s d r d c ? eY a n x M n t y T e oe c t b t p s o t b T o oc u e d o t s d s l t et f m c c t n l r u ad o a e d t t d o t p s a a o i r a ( s a i I w b f e t c tn t p i o c rB p o t m i l o p i F Ua c ca P t s i t s s i s t a e r a t r i p i p m ( a p w t s d W t d o t e i a m i d a ue s r a g o c o r ( d t p d t i e n H e t g e a a w i a o p e s r o t s d i a r o t e e W w t g ea d a away f p c r o b d e p m c s a o t o t p Fe s t m c a 6 t w h w b t d a m b t s o r w s h t s pe r r t a c b u w t s T t e t ls g i t pd f o t p a v t b l t p o r w t s o o i b t n oy s e c o t F ru t p o o t e t s d l x e a t i c c o t pp n su l t p o d t p o o t o ic o s O o s a d d t b f a c p B t r l u t l o t b e e a p B t s l eo d h ai f t s g h n c a a t d T t e p to t t p d i e t i ac ph w a h a be s x s r t f o T w d o t s p c b m a e o n t d so o i t r d m o a r s b a t t a s e d ! t t e p o G A t e o t s T c o t d s a t c o t s ea r d p d i p b o d e p m p e o t e o t a s t ai c e e d6tat oa F W t s m t F a t B ht c o t t s w t N p 6 b s m N b a c m t t t s t s p a a l a d s o p i w a a q o t ua a o ra l s c t h r a p p w F B i i n l a m t in t d t B s A u o t d o t oi t p n s t s r r b b s a s d e o i t o se o t e c a i a a te social d i a i p f t c r p n r T d w i oe e h a s e m c f d i p e b u t i j t q o w t S b t n u tt f I t B s t w F i a p o h t f t w w h h i a C p w b n v o a l p a e o t ce s u p t l o t s d p a e e n O mB b a h i o e p c w a t m t r w t l o ( ! n t d e w i g o i r um t l S l T d n g u t h t a i o I O a d o atn s p t e c a o f c w o c i d n t ie p t c e o i i d l t t r o t p s J t s a r s c p t B t o t co p e t e o I G a A c t t x u t a t a a a ae n a w p c u t o l a p a w t l W t r i o t m w c T a a o d ee n w l t i t h s t p c o g s t t L b t f t m w d a f a F h e y b s a i s p m p i i a a g T t s a g c i u o m o a b w t m a n p a t v o a v c O t o h i p o i F b s i P i i s a t r o t m t t am t a m g d t t t a o w r t s p m c t t lf n d p o T o b v o V i t i o t T on l a b k a r w m o . . . t n g ep e O t o h i t a d n e w v w t r t d w a p r i b t

T c t e f f S w a o t r F

t B t p b t i s b c m e a n p T B a d ot s a t o T h a r t t o a h m i p i w t i u w l a c T h n c t s t o t h a t c b w W a t u f a a t w i w r b b t s a t S i T i j w w r e t w a c r a t t a o I t h o t l m d i o t p o u I o t t t f s t t u f t s i p w c f t s a f t N T o n t b f f a i T s p c t a l p i a g m a f u f o i t e t i s o i t c a p i r o t R w a m o o r s I i n aq h o a a b o a i n r f t l o t s T p i n o t c b s b a d t o t p a Z b w e t f t f t w r s p w i T m o t c s i i p s w p e a t d a t d a d t T w i g a t s i p n t t t n t a n b t t T B c f o w i a w i t b B t h n b a m b o a f t t w t s t a y a n deeply to penetrate tile ra~~ksof the socialist workers, n i o t d t t f a a l s i s b i o t l t w t a w s t s o t b o a m e w w i l t F p o t r o r t s I o t b t i t t l b u o t f o m h d u t e o t s c p *

d b u o n o o l o d mg b i s b pn m p o dd i af a dt e r I ap G v te a o t b nb b s o a r f i e i t c ut s d t ol t L w w s B t l u p o t b s a g e t c do op t o t m sh toc e o i a m t a s f L w (S W P a h t k t dp p o t r o a c a e A , e s t t G C p uo t s o t e d o t p a n s e b f tt r p m A o o tu e uo t a t u r o f w n o o t p o t u f A a r t p G p p o i o o t s r r dn o i i s t t F C o d6tat. T S t f o t s d B b et a t re i n t a t p o b t l o t G e pT p w n b e b t r pe u i t c p lt s u a a t wb ew t em t a t c p i t a w a i t r s w ri ai t d m h e m o I e i l f y w tn s d n e a r t p o b t r b v t o i c t i s r L u b t f i m e x r e i T s f h t o ho b a r e i F i a e d m U t i o r o s n c a w ao l t l oo i s i c o t F s d h e a b m d e t t o t G s d h u i t c p T s b f o i at the Right. I o s a s f tl d a b p w L t w e a w t c i G o w h d Right w ( i q w t b w t c h h x a a na o t b t N T e d r e e b t t e o t G a t F i s d C b u t b t e ln b s o t t s i s o t p v o i ib p o c h t t c o a c c o a o d t c o r a t b b t t b s a s d T s p i F w h w i d i ra r W o to b d i t g f t i e a d o t t o t s w f p i p a t i s i t s p o a t c t h b s B w r a o c pu t t v s o t e ca B u s o t r t F t s d o n a e t t g b t f o t a L u m t c h b m t a m c w o o t o B w t os d p s F H c o i t v w a p h a t b a r a c b p h a e i f F p w a a a m n o b m m t u c a b b c a i s ? o n i n t c a p e i a s a i Left w N t t i a c W w s o t d o a t n t r b i G p ( o t s d a t b e e v g p o d S a C I i c t t s p d g s u t c o t p s c w o b d f F a f eB h i m o t g t o d a n a c e e Y i w b e t t t rp o t G F u t s o t p o u a a p u nt a B s d o o r s ea e of t F t p d u t d o e r o s d o t eo r o of t a t i t t i T c t c a b a d h p t I r t t t n c b a w m t w l i b h w n e a o a u h o t t i oa a O c se n t d o t p d i l m r e w c t i t i i i t t e G C i o e u t r m w w t s p p h ep a c p o t u f i w d w s i t b i w v u on h g e ap i t t r o tr s i b t m o d i b w t b v o w a t w p e r o tG e s i t i a p i f t c r d a ~ h a a rt c a o T v f t t d o c s a F g O it i c b c e t t s d t p c t d u t d o t s rh o b w t a a a o t S w uo d i t c o t b o t C eo i F i t L w a ng t e o t r p e a r I a t l p o t i n p t g d i i n d i cn i a a o t u a o t c s c t f t a p i t ep a ee t v o F T t o C t s r a w a t we t s d v t t o t r o C c a a i a . f B e d r m a o a ph a i t p o c n c c t t w c o c a a i g i s a F w m a d e B w i o d i f t d s e a v r a t w t r o gt s e p a a a f o d i t q r r o f e d A h m eb k o t pn e o t l m e t o k h t t i r t g s m a t n c m b d e t p o a eg c ~ d t s d v e

N I .. ... o t s a m m i w i t

SN iT a g

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What has been said suffices, in any case, for an understanding of the etiormous importance that has been acquired, for the destiny of the proletariat-at least in Europe and for the coming historical periodby the internal evolution of the social democratic parties. By recalling to mind that in 1925 the Communist International declared in a special manifesto that the French socialist party no longer existed at all, we will eusily understand how great is the retreat made by the proletariat and above all by its vanguard during the years of the domination of the epigones! It has already been said that with regard to Germany, the Communist International has acknowledgedafter the fact, it is true, and in a negative formthat it was totally incapable of fighting against Fascism without the participation in the struggle of the social democracy. With regard to France, the Comintern has found itself forced to make the same avowal, but in advance and in a positive form. So much the worse for the Comintern, but so much the better for the cause of the revolution ! In abandoning, without explanation, the theory of social-Fascism, the Stalinists have at the same time thrown overboard the revolutionary program. Your conditions shall be ours, they have declared to the leaders of the S.F.I.O. [Section frangai$e de lI+iterttationaleOuwik, i.e., the French Socialist party]. They have renounced all criticism of their ally. They are quite simply paying for this alliance at the cost of their program and their tactics. And yet, when it is a question of the defensive against the common mortal enemydefensive, in which each of the allies pursues his vital interestsnobody needs to pay anybody for this alliance, and each has the right to remain what he is. The whole conduct of the Stalinists has such a character that they seem to want to whisper to the socialist leaders: Demand still more, squeeze harder, dont stand on ceremony, help.us rid ourselves as rapidly as possible of those coarse slogans which inconvenience our Moscow masters in the present international situation. They have thrown overboard the slogan of the workers militia. They have labelled a provocation the struggle for the arming of the proletariat. Isnt it better to divide up the spheres of intluence with the Fascists under the control of Messiew-sles Prbfets? This combination between wholes is by far most advantageous to the Fascists: while the workers, lulled by general phrases on the united front, will occupy themselves with parades, the Fascists will multiply their cadres and their arms supplies, will attract new contingents of masses and, at the suitable hour chosen by them, will launch the offensive. The united front, for the French Stalinists, has thus been a form of their capitulation to the social democracy. The slogans and the methods of the united front express the capitulation. to the Bonapartist state which, in turn, blazes the trail for Fascism. By the intermediary of the united front, the two bureaucracies defend themselves not unsuccessfully against any interference by a third force. That is the political situation of the French proletariat which can very speedily find itself faced by decisive events. This situation might be fatal were it not for the existence of the pressure of the masses and of the struggle of tendencies. **** He who asserts: the Second as well as the Third Internationals are condemned, the future belongs to the Fourth Internationalism expressing a thought whose correctness has been confirmed anew,by the present situation in France. But this thought, correct in itself, does not yet disclose how, under what circumstances and within what intervals, the Fourth International will be constituted. It may be born-theoretically it is not excludedout of the unification of the second International with the Third, by means of a regrouping of the elements, by the purging and tempering of their ranks in the fire of the struggle. It may be formed also by means of the radicalization of the proletarian kernel of the socialist party and the decomposition of the Stalinist organization. It may be constituted in the process of the struggle against Fascism and the victory gained over it. But it may also be formed considerably later, in a number of years, in the midst of the ruins and the accumulation of dkbris following upon the victory of Fascism and war. For all sorts of Bordiguists, all these variants, perspectives and stages have no importance. The sectarians live beyond time and spacq: They ignore the living historical process, which pays them

back in the same coin, That is why their balance* is always the same: zero. The Marxists can have nothing in common with this caricature of politics. It goes without saying that if there existed in France a strong organization of Bolshevik-Leninists, it could and should have become, under present conditions, the independent axis around which the proletarian vanguard would crystallize. But the Ligue Communist of France has not succeeded in becoming such an organization. Without in any way shading off the faults of the leadership, it must be admitted that the fundamental reason for the slow development of the Ligue is conditioned by the march of the worlcl labor movement which, for the last decade, has known nothing but defeats and setbacks. The ideas and the wtethodsof the BolshevikLeninists are confirmed at each new stage of development. But can it be anticipated that the League, as an organization, will show itself capablein the interval which remains until the approaching d&ouement-of occupying an influential, if not a leading place, in the labor movement? To answer this question today in the affirmative would mean either to set back in ones mind the d.%ouement for several years, which is confuted by the whole situation, or just simply to hope for miracles. It is absolutely clear that the victory of Fascism would mark the crumpling up of all the labor organizations. A new historic chapter would open up in which the Bolshevik-Leninists would have to seek a new organizational form for themselves. The task of today should be formulated concretely in indissoluble connection with the character of the epoch in which we are living: how to prevent, with the greatest probability of success, the victory of Fascism, taking into account the existing groupings of the proletariat and the relationship of forces existing beiween these groupings? In particular: what place should be taken by the Ligue, a small organization which cannot lay claim to an. independent rtde in the combat which is unfolding before us but which is armed with a correct doctrine and a precious political experience ? What place should it occupy in order to impregnate the united front with a revolutionary content? To put this question clearly is, at bottom, to give the answer. The Ligue must immediately take its place ott the inside of the,united front, in order to contribute actively to the revolutionary regrouping and to the concentration of the forces of this regrouping. It can occupy such a place under present conditions in no other way than by entering the socialist party. But the Communist party, object certain comrades, is nevertheless more revolutionary. Assuming that we give up our organizational independence, can we adhere to the less revolutionary party ? This main objectionmore exactly, the only one made by our opponentsrests upon political reminiscences and psychological appreciations, and not upon the living dynamics of development. The two parties represent Centrist organizations, with this difference: that the Centrism of the Stalinists is the product of the decomposition of Bolshevism, whereas the Centrism of the socialist party is born out of the decomposition of reformism. There exists another, no less essential difference between them. Stalinist Centrism, despite fits,convulsive zig-zags, represents a very stable political system which is indissolubly bound up with the position and the interests of the powerful bureaucratic stratum. The Centrism of the socialist party reflects the transitional state of the workers who are seeking a way out on the road of the revolution. In the communist party, there are midoubtedly thousands of militant workers. But they are hopelessly confused. Yesterday, they were ready to fight on the barricades by the side of genuine Fascists against the Daladier government. Today, they capitulate silently to the slogans of the social democracy. The proletarian organization of St.-Denis, educated by the Stalinists, capitulates resignedly to P.U.P.ismt. Ten years of attempts and efforts aimed at regenerating the C.I. have yielded no results. The bureaucracy has showed itself powerful enough to carry out its devastating work to the very end. In giving the united front a purely decorative character, in con*BiZan [Balance] is the theoretical organ, in French! of, the Italian Bordiguist faction.+m. +The P.U.P,, or Party of ProIetarian Unity? is a Right wing split-off from the communist party, semi-socialist in character, and electoralist in tend~cy.

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secrating with the name o.f Leninism the renunciation of elementary revolutionary slogans,. the Stalinists are retarding the revolutionary development of the socialist party. By that they continue to play their rdle as a brake, even now, after their acrobatic flip-flop.( The internal regime of the party excludes, still more decisively today than it did yesterday, any idea of the possibility of its renascence. The French sections of the Second and the Third Internationals cannot be compared in the same way as two pieces of cloth: which fabric is the best, which the best woven? Each party must be considered in its development. and the dynamics of their mutual relations in the present epoch must be taken into account. It is only thus that we shall find for our lever the most advantageous fulcrum. The adherence of the Ligue to the socialist party can play a great political r61e. There are tens of thousands of revolutionary ,workers in France who belong to no party. Many of them have passed through the C.P., they left it with indignation or else they have been expelled. They have retained their old opinion about the socialist party, that is, they turn their backs to it. They sympathize wholly or in part with the ideas of the Ligue, but they do not join it becausethey do not believe that a third party can develop under present conditions. These tens of thousands of revolutionary workers remainoutside of a party; and in the trade unions they remains outside of a fraction. To this must be added the hundreds and the thousands of revolutionary teachers, not only of the F6d&ation Unitaire but also of the Syudicat National who could serve as a link between the

proletariat and peasantry. They remain outside of a party, equally hostile to Stalinism and reformism. Yet, the struggle - of the masses in the coming period will seek for itself, more than ever before, the bed of a party. The establishmentof Soviets would not weaken but on the contrary would strengthen the rble of the workers parties, for the masses, united by millions in the Soviets, need a leadership which only a party can give. There is no need of idealizing the S.F.I.O., that is, to pass it off, with all its present contradictions, as the revolutionary party of the proletariat. - But the internal contradictions of the party can and should be pointed out as a warranty of its further evolution and, consequently, as a fulcrum for the Marxian lever. The Ligue can and should show an example to these thousands and tens of thousands of revolutionary workers, teachers, etc., who run the risk, under present conditions, of remaining outside the current of the struggle. In entering the socialist party, they will immenselyreinforce the Left wing, they will fecundate the whole evolution of the party, they will constitute a powerful center of attraction for the revolutionary elementsin the communist party and will thus immeasurablyfacilitate the emergence of the proletariat on the road of revolution. ~~rithoutrenouncing its past and its ideas, but also without any mental reservations from the days of circle existence, while saying what is, it is necessary to enter the socialist party: not for exhibitions, not for experiments, but for a serious revolutionary work under the banner of Marxism. PARIS, End of August, 1934.

v.

Arms and Capitalism


recent and complete fiasco of the Geneva Disarmament r HE Conference, in addition to the advent of Fascism in Germany, their connections is essential for a practical and militant struggle against war and Fascism. has made tw-o.things clear: I. that the capitalist class is giving up Fascism has given the armament interests a new lease in life. the pretense that its contradictions can be solved otherwise than The extreme nationalism of Fascist theory serves only to empha~ by war; Z. that the Soviet Union, whose strongest weapon against size the international character of capitalism. Fascism needs imperialist aggression is a militant working class foreign policy, guns. Let us see in what manner Germany is being rearmed. has given up such a policy and is definitelytrailing in the wake of The Skoda works in Czechoslovakia were bought by Schneider, bourgeois diplomacy. the French arms magnate, after the war. Since then Skoda has The defection of the Soviet Union, while lending a certain been producing arms for the Little Ententeand has been exporting weight to middle class pacifism through Litvinovs peace pro- also to more distant countries, notably Japan. But the Skoda Co. nouncements, has greatly weakened the organized working class has also on its board of directors two Germans, von Arthaber and struggle against war. On the other hand, the unprecedented von Duschnitz, who figure prominently among the contributors to cynicism with which the world press commented on the disarma- Nazi party funds. ment conference has greatly encouraged chauvinist agitators. The Krupp is legally forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles tomanustage is set for militarists and armament manufacturer~ in all facture arms on German soil. After the war, however, Krupp countries to carry on their activities more feverishly and more brought a large part of his equipment to Holland, where, in conimpudentlythan ever. junction with the Rheinrnetall group, he controls a number of Liberals write and speak of the armamentindustry* as though arms depots and factories under both French and Dutch names. it were a cancer on the body civilized; something that must be Krupp controls also the Bofors Ordnance and Drydock Co. in cut out, or at least be put under control. As usual they commit Sweden. The RheinmetaU group owns the S. A. dArmes de the error of identifying civilization with bourgeois rule. The Gueri-e at Soleur in Switzerland, which is one of the most technidevelopmentof this industry is part and parcel of the mechanical cally advanced arms factories in the world, This factory, with its impetus afforded by early capitalism. Such development was Goo-rounds-a-minutemachine gun, has been selling not only to rendered practical and necessary by the appearanceon the field of Germany, but to Switzerland, Austria, Hungary, and Italy as well. the national armies following the French Revolution. But it is Another Ruhr group, controlled by Rochling, has factories in the the growth of imperialism-and the class struggle that have given Saar, which have been selling to both France and Germany. Alz armaments the position of decisive strategical importance which of these groups have contributed heavily to Nazi party funds. they hold today. Armament manufacturers are typical business rhyssen, the head of the German steel trust, contributed three men and invaluable members of their class, getting their profits million marks to the Nazi presidentialcampaign of 1932. Through how and where they can. There can be no question of moral disHitler he has acquired great political power. Thyssen is also tinction between the Rockefeller interests for whom Bolivian reputed to favor cooperation between the German and French soldiers are being slaughtered,and the Du Pent, Colt and Curtisssteel interests. Hugenberg, an old co-director of Krupp, co-direcWright Companiesthat advertize their machine guns and bombers tor also of Thyssen, has been the most open advocate of German to the Bolivian Government. exDansion in the East. Knowledge of the activities of the arms manufacturers and of These firms, by means of holding companies and interlocking *The attention of the reader is and Men, by the editors of For- directorates, are so constituted that they stand to gain in any imtwze; Patriotism Ltd., by the directed to the following publi perialist war. But it is not difficult to see where the main urge cations in which valuable data Union of D~ocratic Control, for an anti-Soviet Franco-German alliance originates. London; The Navy: Defense or is available: armaments There are as well many internal sources by means of which %erchants of Death, by Engel- Pot-te!~t,by Beard.-+m Hitler is rearming Germany. It is well known that Germany has brecht and Haniclien; Arms -

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a most efficient commercial air fleet which can be transformed into a military one at a moments notice. Furthermore, the most famous airplane manufacturing firm, Dornier, is building bombing planes forbidden by the Peace Treaty, and is subsidized by the government. The I. G. Dye Trust is the most important firm to which the care of Germanys supply of poison gases is entrusted. The French press is corrupt even according to American standards. Schneider is the most important member of the French steel trust, the Comiti des Forges. The Comitk des Forges owns both Le Tern@ and Le Journal des Dkbats. Le Journal, which in the past has received direct contributions from agents of armament manufacturers,is also the paper which has been printing the most sensationalexposures of German rearmament. Excellent weapons for chauvinist propaganda, with a warning that France must keep in trim! Schneider is helping to arm Japan, is arming the Little Entente, is helping to arm even Germany. But foremost, Schneider is arming France. He controls 128 French companies that manufacture all kinds of arms, from tanks to poison gas. He leads two i~lport~nt financial concerns, the Banqve de lUnion Parisienne and the Union Ew-o/w$enne Industrielle et Financit%c. The main job of these banks is to make loansto governmentswhich will enablethem to purchase arms from him. Through the Comit4 dtis Forges, at the head of which sits Frances Morgan, Fran$ois de Wendel, Schneider has an enormous and not very subtle influence in all high governing circles. But should anyone decide at this point that to assassinate Schneider would be to save the world, he should not forget that steel magnates control also the manufacture of locomotives, steel rails, etc., and that the manufacture of arms is a comparatively small percentage of the national industry in any country. Let us look at the United States. The BethlehemSteel Corporation, which made an average yearly profit of 49 million dollars out of the war, has a special and inaccessible plant where armor plate, cannons, projectiles of every description are manufactured. Bethlehem Steel and the Morgan-controlled U. S. Steel, which made a yearly war profit of 239 millions, are probably the greatest manufacturers of peace-time steel products. They get however the lions share of the government armament contracts, and the government is spending 200 millions yearly on new armaments. Their methods of salesmanshipand politics are well illustrated by the notorious William B. Shearer affair in 1929. Schwab of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation is one of the founders of the Big Navy League; Schwab and Morgan both sponsored the National Defense Week most enthusiastically. Secretary of the Navy Swanson is a Virginia gentlemanin whose state are located the Newport News shipyards where some of the navys largest battleshipsare being built, notably the aircraft carriers Ranger and Yorktown. This company has also obtained the largest share of the 238 millions which the P.W.A. assigned to the navy. And so on. Volumeq of documented evidence could be published, showing the connections between armamentmanufacturers and the government, between armament manufacturers and patriotic societies of every description. Charles Beard has published The Navy: Defense or Portent, in which he denouncesthe Big Navy League and its lobbying practises. JonathanMitchell in the New Republic for May 9 has exposed further navy scandals while strongly supporting the Nye-Vandenberg resolution for the nationalization of armament manufacture. But these gentlemen seem to overlook, or if they do not overlook, strongly support, the countrys most effective and important military preparations, namely the undisputably military character of the C.C.C. camps, and the Military Procurement Division of the present administration. The Military Procurement Division is an extension of the National Defense Act of 1920, designed principally to consolidate the ties between business and government in time of war. It is estimatedthat already 12,000 factories have been enlisted. The potential as well as the actual military value of the whole N.R.A. machinery is enormous, and the most liberal and enlightened members of the administrationare highly conscious of this fact. It is no secret that Assistant Secretary of Agriculture Tugwell derived his inspiration of capitalist planning from Bernard Baruchs war machinery of 1917-18. From the point of view of the capitalist ~tatc) tha N.~A,s

strikebreaking machinery, which is being perfeckd daily, invahtable in times of peace, is quintessentialin times of war. The present administrationis leaving nothing to chance. Cod&x for the chemical industries have been smoothly and successfully negotiated by a former chief of ordnance of the Army, Major General C. C. Williams. lhis government is without a doubt the most efficiently militaristic one since 1918. President Roosevelt himself has won his laurels from the steel magnates. Business is bad in the steel mills. Production is declining. Workers are being laid off in all sections except in the armament branches of the industry. There workers are being speeded up so feverishly that dreadful accidents are increasingly frequent. Schwabs Big Navy League, on July 28, praised Roosevelts forceful leadership in promising to build the navy Up to treaty strength in three or four years. Our revolutionary president is thoroughly to the Leagues taste. Juicy orders are in the offing. It would be impossiblein the space of this article to list all th~ war preparationsthat are going on. Du Pent, who made a yearly profit of 58 millions during the world war, as against 6 millions in the preceding years, is busy on the one hand in creating red scares, while with Colt on the other, he is selling munitions to Bolivia. Then there is Vickers-Armstrong, the great British firm whose agents were convicted of espionage in the Soviet Union. Vickers annualbill for armamentsis said by Arms and the Men to amount to about 100 million dollars, Vickers is selling also to South America, but mainly to Paraguay, whose government is defending the Dutch Shell Oil interests. The House of Commons has just approved an increase in the British air force of 1304planes, while the army is being rapidly modernized. The arms manufacturing business is not languishing in Great Britain. In the face of these tremendous war preparations the workers are being poisoned on all sides by pacifist and patriotic propaganda. One of the main demands of practical pacifism is that all manufacture of arms be nationalized. This is to serve two purposea, to abolish the internationaltraffic in arms, and to take the profita out of war. This in turn is to lessen the likelihood of war by rendering commercial chauvinist propaganda useless and give a sporting chance to such institutions as the. League of Nations. Nationalization has been suggested on various occasions, hOWever, and nothing has come of it for the following reasons: I. Small nations can import arms far more cheaply than nianufacture them. Nationalizationwould cut off their sources of supply. At all internationalconferences in which nationalization waa suggested, the smaller bourgeois nations protested their rights to import arms. On the international arena they play a petty bourgeois rble. Such a prohibition would leave them open to attack on two sides. On the one hand, they fear being at the mercy of the big imperialist powers. On the other, they fear revolutiemists at home and they rightly point out that in the second instance foreign concessions would also be endangered. From the iqerialist point of view, then, the present state of affairs is far more convenient: Let the local bourgeois government do the dirty work without any direct intervention except in cases of desperate emergency. 2. It has been pointed out that nationalizationwould in no way prevent the traffic in raw materials, with its attendantadvertising evils. 3. Patents are internationally sold and exchanged by manufacturers. Nationalizationwould make that impossibleand might even aggravate the war situation. Nationalization could only be put into effect by international agreement. 4. Imperialist governments would not cherish petty bourgeois prying and control, and the governments themselves,to whom the liberals appeal, have always been the ones to lead the fight againat nationalization. 5. Japan, where the industry is most closely controlled, can hardly be presented as the shining example of a peace loving nation. It is most revealing of the pacifists sincerity when they wind up their pleas, as do both Beard and ~Mitchell,by. crying But nationalization would render more efficient the equipmeat of the John HART army and the navy 1

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p A t m e o m o t f m d A F o L d i n c o L u t U T i c t m p a c c u rl o e s i t o c or a i a i e p c w c g a t i n oy w m H i w e i s rt b s a t t o ti i l a l o w i s t c I c k u w u c o w v i m t i a n o d L u n b m h n Ie y i n aq h i c i o i d a i r r w o t g o t n A Fx o L n o i t i f i t e s f a i a w a t c o m i p oa i l N a a N oi d w w t S c i f a e i c f t s tm o g b t NRA t i A w a a t s o f t t t n o t e k l L b t a NRA t i -l f i t k o s i i f t e o o a i i u a n t s t c s t h b t c a a l fo a i e r t l m o t A F o L w e T w p i u o t w e c a a w W s a s s o r i a a ep s t c m o ac i t b c ta A a a f t f m p am m e a i w w b t l l o t o t T c t g a f t r o t hd es c b n d m i am s t o c d b t p o l i T o h e n m r t N u oa a m c g u m o t o h m t o u e a o a w a t rm t om n l I t e p o t A C p t T t w i t uo t em as f s t . F o L w c a h r a t m o e t r o o a t g d ah s o t w a t h n t d w i T p w o l T s p t l t t IWW w h o g h a t lt A F o L a i t s ie b t w c iu W ai q o b o r h t b s a t b m c i t v n i m s dn U t p c b a t t i c n t oi b t t n ou o a t g o mo t o t C p a c n t b c b o t o u aq i p e io t f v t p a m r v T t rd t i q T A F I i p n w t A F o L u ro . on L r a i nxt s a y M o t pr i m a e a h b t f f t m n s o eo n H o t t s c i r t I t o c u i i nt t p re t v i w h b r , a w h d b u i u pf n m w t a i t m a a n s o s f t i o d r I w b i ni i e n a w a a t n i ax t a m l t g o t o e o h n t v t l m t i w i n i t A F o o L Wi c u s o i a t h o t c p f t i a r c u i t o s o t t w h h c d T u W Z F n a Y e fo d f d r t m d n a t t m t ac o t f u a w o o A ir i n t s L u n b m T d p i t e p o t p a i I a w o it r a c A F o L eo p o d a d o t A F o L I e h r ss r i t s ep h a t V o i w b s b a n c u i uw s i i a a cu g o c i l r i w l b w b o a r a i s i a i p o s h ai a c b H m t r a t s h n l o w c i e P e o rm t i a i n i se n r o t e f p r i l a i t s a i t a a t a t w i n s m t A F o L a t S P o i a o t S F u l w hi t a t o e c u na g p o g s i o t b iF e e w s n c t t p b m d f t et o b t l oe t k M p ac n e o t a m o i i ru f uo t s a o t t e t t i kp s c f t m t s w b w h a w w o i m a tw i t p n t sa we c t c u T t ah a t e o n i m m a w r bf t U p o s p b t t u o u T s uo o u t c is u l O c h e o e t d i v s o ni o b o et r a f w T s e s g b r b t t u m a t c o t o A F o L b c t t N s f t s e c I w d o a a o t i p n t o m i ro a i d o t m w o h t a t e o yc o s a a c a m h o e r n t e c t p i r o a l s c e t c b o v t v t t o T t c o F h b r b t p o o a r e o t s r a qb O s l i A e s m h b m o o t r t b i he b c t o u t f o be b n l u nh e p p d o t l ca n cF o t e i s a w l e t c t A F o L a a c l a m s r o t o h b c t s u a d la p m a o F t b r b t o e TU u B a t u w o a e s w t t t w n t t m n B t . o i u o t p o h m a g i n o u t e a a i f t w c n t u lr s a s s t w wu l e t a b q l t i a p e t i p i t e Ac i ce f l a f s w a t h d i e s i qa w t a a c i r t c L u t t p t d a t h a ei p i E t t n c a n m d o a n a e b t p T t A F c r e t e t c u x a hr e e o L i i ap o r e o ab f t s t b o t s w i t m l s a a t v a m p i M o i r sn a m o t r t u d ; u a t w l a i m i fa e f fn n s e u a w a t m a t dn t f t r a e o t u e e x n s h ys d Ts t o i d a i m i each o t c nO n a n e A n v n d o b i d xt i o t o i e s a t v m A p * C J r 1 Qs a w u T p ad t t

p b t c o t e o t c o u p f a f s n d a s t c I r o c f i c o t o h a f a p a M c f b p t o o e t s t r t r d t p o f a t f i o h i p r a t e o t w ar t m e e t The American Federation of Labor is r the c d r s o w a s o l T r A aw o t A F o L f a c e r g v u a r R n a t um w i t f a g n q I m g c o v o c e w f r I t t s f t t t a i w F p n ou c n tl b l a b m t s r a a ie s r o t A F o L t p r i l f k t m i s o t o oa n b a t w i o t h o m m a a i a l t h t b k i bg w sh c t r o T l t c p U r t w s t r c o t t f i i f o t e u c b a t m t x d m a l n c u a n o n m n p ou n e o T c p r a b o n f o o c b r a a n l r o c ee b g t s t c u t n c b t h o t p u c t i r n L r n a m c f f t p W w p n u o o a i o t t A F rh pt b d u c b m a t g s o L E w t w n b t e o t l m i o o m c H t hT.R.A.l s a al b r i r b e r m e i t p ti m e W t t h o t A t u o ra c o ap s o t s o c n f i t g t e i w c s t tor s it t r h o c n b s o d r i c d t e I a eg v r g a b a t w a c a a c re e p o c e a t b e o xc x t b ta g ao i a t ta u l O m c b t d f i o l t t m c a a ac t l b B A n e i s o t l a t c t i a a a f g c s t u o Ar t u T r g a o c a n a p t g s u o s w f t c e u m e o p x i r h i r t d s o t e a i t g c c t t u o a s e a c A F o L a i t l n s w a t c t t u a e ku o x A n oe b w e t t s T u l c u t s o e e e we r u t p s b t q c a t r a t g p o t aT p u l c w tx c r I t w w d t t b e a o T i c p s e i r a af f i l n c c u b a i t k o c n o ni W i l n o t o s i t r o t w c i s T a ah u i h t m b a e i o m t c w l f t p w s a t p o r u o e b c r a o m tn t r u u o a k t g n o u w w o e e s f t o c ez T t b t u t i a o a l s o l e q U t c t A F o L d a c o r e T b s b t f s r a t t u r t r a b w w f w t c i p u d c n a n f b p a p I d w i F t t d e o m r g a f e i o t w t if o n t o i t p d o t c u d f u a a m t t u e m o s t m I m w i m c m u o b u c n t l a t r s pu v r a g m i c w t p oo t n o i U o am o ah la a d o s r b o t c p p t b i a h b r g b t eg f i i r x a n c w p d a e t t o e e t w i t xo d i t u O t t t w c n s ra t d t w a o w s f rt e o c O g a e o o x a f a a m t o u T w o t g tm b c a S i t e f s n e e m m e t r N RA s c T t a s o c o s f h c w go m t a f o t p s a io t t e w n o a i o s o w w t p w k c w t t u a i a T w m m a m c f c w c m f to e b t x a n l o t p s ont e o m o o m m o e a i t r u f o b w t o a l w i d G e u t o a p u n m l x s o s e t c w s i a Lo d p f w p w o s o t c ao g r a t c b t t f t c b t f o h t m o l f u t u f p o c c a t r o c s o t o e t l l l A m m r m c w t at u n o i o uu t r w t v i c b e t t e c e o c o b h s c i t o l c f w t t ur w v c a i c w i t c o T ei r n o tr L d co d o i in h o t B o L E b t f o i t t c a t T ml a ra t B u 1 0 c a t t i t o $ m o t t l f t m w sa a o t b o t w s s t w w s o d w l A f w t a t s o t m d b t c o l t u m t p e e ts t a c n h a f y t l t a N it p cu a t s f t f m i a w o t o a u r b e s a t c s l t e e I t u w s c i t f o w mo d i s f w c p f s a t o o me a o a o t m b m bo r a r Ta s l t s p o a p l The American Fede~ation of Labor c i i A i a t p i a l c b m c f u is on reaching its crossroads. m t b p i A l h l m i T t v o t rf ha f i n h m l T u o f t t i a n a a mt i io a m i i t u i c m d a W c a c t w nm a t n l i e i tc l t u a t A F o L a a w b s r o nu f i e i m t m i o t o c p o l m o l p o oi t f o s e m s S s i l r u t t v t ln e w c g t t p w c s T o u o m C i i p a i f no e i t i @ o t d c i c r e o A F o L o u r b t a o t o m t c w a p p o o t o c m t e

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cmgauizationare far from precluded and most decidedly not imnomible. It is, however, just as likely that the revolts growing out of the conflicts with the reactionary bureaucracy will result in splits and new independent unions embracing the masses of the rank and file workers disillusionedwith the agents of class collaboration. In either case, the decisive questionis that of the working masses and where the working masses are. That is how the question is approached by serious revolutionists. They set out to penetrate the masses with their ideas and to win the masses for their objectives. They have no fetishism of organization. What will be the course of the A. F. of L. in the further struggle of American capitalism for a respite and for further expansion, is

not yet a settled question. But atall times it must be remembered that it is a living organism, foreshadowing today the potentialitff% of a working class now awakening and on the march, displaying an unlimitedmilitancy. To fuse this militancy with a leadership that is conscious of the historic mission of its class, courageous, able to forge the instrumentswith which to build the organizations and able to influence the movement from withinthatis the great task today. For the future this much can be said: the unique situation in the United States, which the A. F. of L. reflects, ofkS exceptional revolutionary possibilities. The real militants have no time to lose. Arne SWABECK

I Break with the ChineseStalinists


To the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: HE two-year period of my extra-organizational collaboration ~ with the Chinese Communist party has come to an end and the China Forum which I founded and edited during that time has been forced to suspend publication. In the interest of our whole movement as well as in my personal interest, I consider it necessary to record here and publish the history of the China Forum and the circumstances of its suspension.. . . *** From almost the very beginning of my active workwhich I date from the time I began reporting events in China in a communist waya number of questions presented themselves to me in increasingly forcible form. These arose originally from my discovery of the gross distortions and exaggerations which I found to be characteristic of communist propaganda in China and abroad. I define propaganda as the skillful, clear, accurate and wholly truthful reporting of the facts linked to an incisive, purposive interpretation.and a plan of action for dealing with the facts in a revolutionary way. I learned this from the life and work of Lenin and his Bolshevik comrades who taught us that the truth comes from the masses themselvesand that only disaster can result from telling them lies. I have never learned to the contrary that it was my revolutionary duty to work in any other way, although I soon found that the present-day Communistparty press makes a practise of distinguishingbetween propaganda and truth. Examples of exaggeration and distortion most striking to me were naturally those which applied to China, because here I could check allegations with known facts. I first wrote these down to the ignorance or incapacity of individuals. I felt that communist editors abroad would publish accurate facts about China if they could get them. Accordingly with a friend I tried to set up an independentmail news service and sent weekly bulletins to papers all over the world giving brief, sharp, factual accounts of what was going on. This was in the fall of 1931after my return from the area of the great Central China floods of that summer. I scarcely understood then why this service failed to secure any response from the communist press abroad. After about three months I had to suspend it for lack of support. It simply didnt get publishedexcept in a few organs which were not official Communist party papers, including the New York Militant. It wasnt long before I began to perceive, with a deeper study of ,internationalevents and the history of the Chinese revolution, that a consistent thread ran through the distortions and exaggerations which I found not only in brief casual reports of current events but in the solemn pronunciamentoesmade by delegates before plenums of the E.C.C.I. I discovered that these departures from the truth were made necessary by the official premise that ever since the catastrophe of 1927 a mighty, upsurging revolutionary movement has been marching forward in China to the verv brink of seiztireof Dower under the leadershipof the Chinese - Cor&lunist party. I di~covered that these exaggerations were ~necessary because the premise was false and along with it all the ba:$ictenets of the policies being pursued by the Communist International and the Communist party in China. I cannot begin here tb ~ve a summary of some of these distisrtions(which I verbally cited to you by the dozen), ranging from particular incidents (the wilfully false picture given of the cotton mill strike in Shanghai in January 1932, even to the point of transposing it to February to heighten the impressiongiven of the workers rde in the Slmnghai war) to high-flown generalizationslike the statementrecently made be~orethe plenum of the E.C.C.I. that the C.C.P. has won over the majority of the Chinese working class and the peasantry]. . . . in denying the presence of a mighty revolutionary upsurge (i.e., a vast organized march toward the seizure of power), I respect facts made still clearer perhaps when compared to the facts and figures of the monster mass movementsof the Ig25-27 period. The tragic errors of the communist leadership in 1927 were primarily responsible for the decapitation of that great movement and because no lessons have been drawn from these events to this very day, these errors, monstrously accumulated, are still responsible for the tragedies of today. But for the purposes of our comparison here, let us take for example the single fact that in 1926 in Greater Shanghai there were 257 strikes. In 1932 there were 82. Let us rememberthat on the eve of the workers seizure of power in Shanghai in March, 1927, there were more than 800,000 workers, handicraftsmen and petty traders out on the streets fighting with arms in hands for demandsof a far-reaching political character. A close check for the entire country in the latter half of 1933 showed me that less than one-thirtieth of that number were engaged in strikes and other disputes during any given month and that almost invariably the demands were defensive demand~ against wage cuts and lockouts. Moreover, the lack of cohesive leadership-often in departmentsof the same factory or in one or more of a group of factories+r even sometimeslack of even the most elementary organization has in almost every case led to deadening failure and relatively easy betrayal by the yellow labor leaders and mediators of the Kuo Min Tang. In Ig25 the shooting of thirteen students by British police in Shanghai was the touch-off for a general strike which paralyzed the city and which was seconded by vast sympathy strikes which broke like a series of tidal waves over the entire country. In January 1932, when the Japanese imperialists used the Shanghai International Settlementas a base for operations which cost the lives of tens of thousands of Chinese, not a single strike interrupted the normal course of the public or other services in that settlement. In the factories there were no strikes but a large scale lockout to which the overwhelming majority of Shanghais workers submitted without protest. . . . In the case of the widespread bl~t isolated and individual cases of peasant uprisings, and this includes the Red armies in Kiangsi, these struggles await the leadership of a strong working class movement before they can have a successful issue. The Red armies in their restricted and surrounded areas and with their meagre resources have fought heroically against the Kuo Min Tang attacks upon them. But until the Kuo Min Tang is shaken from its bulwarks in the imperialist-controlled working elaas centers, their prospect of revolutionary triumph remains necessarily dim. No revolutionary purpose is served by taking refuge in the fiction that these armies.have proletarian leadership because individual workers, undoubtedly leaders of superior quality and

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eQurage,have.been torn from their factories and from their fellow workers wid sent down to ocoupy key positions in the Red army districts and in the Red armies themselves. Indeed, this common practise of extracting the most conscious and progressive working class elements from their working class environment and sending them down to the Red districts is a good index to the criminal transposition of emphasis which has helped paralyze the working class movement in the cities. If the White Terror doesnt carry off the workers leaders as they arise, the C. P. does and has done so in hundreds of cases. This helps in no small part to explain why it has also been impossible to mobilize a genuine mass antiJapanese movement in the face of military aggression and why the White Terror of the Kuo Min Tang has succeeded, by filling mass graves and innumerableprisons with the martyred dead and living, in downing the anti-imperialistmovement or efforts toward the organization of such a movementand paving the way for the ever-increasing encroachments of the imperialists. The party has not yet gripped and directed the deep and bitter and often inarticulate hatred of the masses of the people for their oppressors and this includes large sections of the lower petty bourgeoisie who could be won by successful mass pressure from below. This is because the party has failed to translate the realities of everyday events into its program and tactics. . . . *** But precisely because at all costs I desired to carry on the Forums open struggle against the common enemyagainst the Kuo Min Tang and the imperialistsI sedulously avoided bringing these issues into the columns of the paper, increasingly against my better judgment. I leaned over far backward in this respect. This expressed itself in many of the current issues with which we had to ded. I ask you to recall the whole uphill fight which the Forum waged on behalf of Paul and Gertrud Ruegg in the spring and summer of Ig32 during which time I repeatedly warned against the emphasis which was being placed on the legal aspects of the case and the negotiations with the Kuo Min Tang to the detriment of mass pressure and the capitalization of the case for political purposes. You paid lip service to the need for mass pressureparticularlyhere in Chinabut in fact the legalities and futile negotiations remained the major pillars of the defense. Until in the very end I finally rebelled, I wasnt even permitted to give Ruegg hishonorable and rightful title-secretary of the PanPacific Trade Union Secretariat! Yet although I felt the struggle for theRueggs was being seriously handicapped by the tactics being pursued, I carried on the fight with all the energy at my command and you wili recall that it was I who created the local defense committee and was chiefly responsible for the widespread tiress propaganda campai~ and the considerable sympathy which we aroused. Yet the strictly non-political attitud&which Ruegg was forced to assume at the trial (in contrast to the highly political attitude of his prosecutors!) was in my opinion one of the major reasons for the fate to which he and his wife were condemned. 1 ask you to recall the whole period of the organization and activities of the China League for Civil Rights, from December 1932to June Ig33, in which I took an active part. I gave full play to this hybrid League and its work without once publishing the basic criticisms which I often voiced to you and which in the end were wholly confirmed by what happenedafter the Kuo Min Tarlg murdered Yang Chien in June that year. I ask you to recall the views I set forth in August arid September 1933, on the subject of the Anti-War Congress which at your specific request I did not publish. Instead, to my reg~et, I published the foul rot of Marley & Co. without freely giving p[ay to the true facts about that farcical junket which had convinced me that the policies which gave it birth do not one single whit advance the international struggle against imperialist war. On one occasionand this at least I can take comfort inI passively resisted when you requested me to write and publish a slanderous attack on Chen Du Hsiu when he was condemned to 13 years imprisonmentby the Kuo Min Tang. Your request was specific. 1 was not to deal with the issues which had brought Clien Du Hsiu from being the leader of the C. P. in xg27 to being leader of the Chinese Oppositiori iti 1933. I was only to string

together a vile series of labels in an effort to explain why ,@~ KUJ Min Tang sven imprisoned the laadurof the I@ Oppdtiom As you know, that attack was never written or published. Again in December 1933, upon my return from Fukien, you specifically demanded that I set aside the results of my own personal investigations in Foochow in order to write on your behalf (but over my signature!) an utterly baseless and slanderous attack on the Left Opposition. You will recall that you charged at. that time that the Trotskyists were prominently identified with the new government set up in Fukien by Chen Ming-shu and Tsai Ting-kai. You lumped the Left Opposition with the Third Party and the socalled Social Democrats among the petty bourgeois satellites of the Fukien militarists. It was as much to satisfy myself on this very point as to perform a mission for you, that I went down to Foochow and spent two weeks there and learned through direct contact with dozens of people prominently concerned that the Left Opposition was stoutly and clearly opposed to the Foochow r6gime. I havent place here to discuss the relations of the C. P. to the short-lived Fukien government or the character of the negotiations which were going on down there. The important thing here is that on my return you demandedthat I write slanders which flew in the face of everything I myself had learned. It is interesting, as a sidelight on your methods in factional strife as you conceive it, that your representative in Foochow sent back a report, through me, ironically enough, that one of the most prominent of the youthful pseudo-radicalsin Foochow, Wu Cui-yuen to be exact, was a Ieadjng Trotskyist. It so hap-. pened that I hadmet and had several lengthy interviews with WU. and by the time I left Foochow T understood his position and his personality exceedingly well. He was as mucti a Trotskyist as Mei Lan-fang is! Yet you actually demanded that I ignore my own knowledge of the man and in my article on Fukien set him down as a Trotskyist. I was faced on the one hand by your demands that I write falsehoods to suit your policies and on the other by my deep desire to set forth the actual facts about the Oppositions attitude toward the Fukien r6gime. But once more, to preserve the shreds of our relationship,I drove a middle course and did neither, leaving the whole question out of my article. . . . * ** Nevertheless, abruptly in January of this year you forced an ultimatum upon me and subsequentlyforced the break in our relationship because I could not and would not, at your demand, devote the China Forwn to policies which I could not and do not believe compatible with the interests of the Chinese revolution and the internationalproletarian revolution. I could not, at your demand, set aside the convictions to which I had literallybeen driven by the stinging lash of catastrophic events in China, Germany and the world over. Particularly my deep interest in Chinese events during the last three years made it impossible for me, finally, to give active support to policies and tactics whose disastrous effects were being a thousandfold confirmed for me by the tragic events of every swiftly-passing day. I could not ignore questions which strike at the roots of our work and the whole structure of our hopes for a revolutionary future. Despite the fact that these questions are rocking the entire International today, you denied my right to raise them in print. YOU demanded more. You demanded that I attack anybody who d[d so-primarily the people you call counter-revolutionary Trotskyiststhe only people who are facing these problems today in a fearless, revolutionary way ! You demandedthat the Chiua Forwa become a stereotype for the policies and vulgar factional slanders which I could neither then nor now be party to. In reply to my questions on China you simply quoted back at me the lies and half-lies Ive been so used to reading in Z@reco+r. You even declared: For propaganda purposes a certain amount of exaggeration is necessary . . . and went on amazingly to say: but we know the true facts and we base our policies on them; not on thetie exaggerations! A new slant on modern-day.C.I. tacticg! .Factk, you say, are curious things. They have to be turned aroundand around and around, and examined closely untiltheir true nature becomea apparent. The trouble is you turn them so far arid M quickly that they turn into something like a dizzily turning top e4 fancy-or at best wish-fulfilling misrepresentations. To my questions oh Gerthany you qtioted Heckert, Piatnitsl&

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and the E.C.C.LS famous resolution declaring that the collapse of the German party and the slaughter of the German workers were based on the past, present and future correct policies of the C.P.G. ! You declared I had no right to offer critical comment on the dangerously opportunistic foreign and domestic policies of the U.S.S.R., most notably on the entry of the U.S.S.R. on a straight nationalist basis into the disgusting corridors of imperialist intrigue. To the contrary, I was lovingly, fawningly to fondle and hail the policies which have meant disaster in China, Germany and elsewhere and are rapidly leading the U.S.S.R. into the vacuum of nationalist isolation from the world-wide proletarian movement. This I was to do, to begin with, by publishing Stalins face on the front page and columns of the customary penegyrics to his infallibility. Above all and before all, I was to take up cudgels against counter-revolutionary Trotskyism. That was to be the main point of my reformationto raise no questions myself and slander anybody else who did so. In reply to your demand that I submit to an editorial board in order that these editorial policies should be effectively put into practise, I offered (I) to continue publication strictly as before, meanwhile arguing out my differences with you in discussions on the side; (2) to throw the columns of the Forum open to a general discussion of all hasic revolutionary questions, with free play to unorthodox as well as orthodox views. If your views were cemreet,I argued, it would be a distinct advantageto you to have such an opportunity to display their brilliance alongside the puny efforts of your critics; (3) to publish orthodox news and views but to reserve for myself the right to comment and criticize. These repeated offers you repeatedly refused. You offered to discuss these questions with me verbally ij in the meanwhile I threw the Forum open to your editorial board. My other proposals were unthinkable ! Give the Fort~ms readers a chance to hear counter-revolutionary viewpoints? Never that ! I could only display my revolutionary purity by acceding to your demands. We would talk things over until spring, when if all went well (i.e., if I showed a satisfactory adaptation to your viewpoint) I could pack up for an educational trip to the Soviet Union where I would certainly become convinced of the error of my ways. In other

words, you wanted my signature on a promissory note with the amount left blank for you to fill in. You put this in the form of an ultimatum and you told me that if I did anything but accept I would forthwith enter the camp of the counter-revolution. I had to refuse these terms. I had to refuse to lend myself to a slanderous and baseless struggle against the International Left Opposition. I had to refuse to lend space to the nauseatingly fawning praise of Stalin and uncritical reception of Stalinist policies which characterize the Communistparty press the world over. I had to refuse to take shelter in the cold and draughty empty spaces which stretch behind the impressive faqade and early traditions of the Communist International. I would like to go to the Soviet Union for a visit one daybut I had to refuse your offer on your terms. I had to refuse, in short, to become a hack prostitute in the name of the revolution. In the end, too, I had to refuse to turn over to you the printing plant I had built up with so much pain and struggle because I considered it not your property but the property of the working class movement. Because I could not carry on the Forum myself, for lack of financial resources and because of heavy debts contracted, I disposed of the plant and turned every farthing of the proceeds over to where I now consider the true interests of our movement lie. It was with a deep and abiding bitterness that I had to see the Forum go down under the blows of those whom I had considered comrades, when for two years it had fought off all its many enemies on the outside. Yet with it cared the realization that we have to build anew over the ruins you have wrought. The revolution and the building of our future moves forward and when we trample down the defeuseq of our enemies we shall crush underfoot everything and everybody that stands in our way. No sycophantic, blind allegiance to a name, an empty faqade, a torn and shredded prestige can lead us forward. Only unswerving fidelity to our goal and active struggle toward this end with the weapons of a correct and tested political line will 1ift us from defeat to ultimatevictory. To this struggle I shall continue to dedicate all my energies. PEIPXtJG, CHINA,May 20, 1934. Harold R. ISAACS

A StupendousBureaucracy
a quarter of a century ago appeared the first edition A LMOST of Die Soziologie des Pa.rteiwesens iti der vnodernett Demogarchy, a fusion with the oligarchy, the rise of a new democratic opposition, etc. For all the glaring defects apparent in Michels fatalistic sociolkratie mvestimationsinto the inexorable tendencies of group life by the Italian professor Roberto Michels which were the ogy, his study was and remains invaluable for an understanding first serious study of bureaucratism in the European labor move- of the phenomenonof bureaucratismin the labor movement. And ment. Then still in his radical socialist period, Michels traced in order to combat effectively what is injurious and fatal in buthe stratification of an upper crust in the trade unions and the reaucratism,it is necessary to understandit. Such an understandsocial democracy in particular, with so much painstaking talent ing will, furthermore, make it possible to grasp some of its unique and instructive results that one is more than repaid by a second and ordinarily less comprehensibleforms in the present-day Stalinist parties. reading. In his penetrating examinationinto the causes of the opportunPyramiding the social democratic structure from the broad mass of voters, through the party membership,attendanceat party ist decay of the social democracy, its collaps~ in the World War, branch meetings, up to the officials and finally the narrow group G. Zinoviev presented his readers in 1916 with the shocking inof all-powerful party committees, and adorning his thesis with an formation that on the eve of the war the German social democrac,~ with an approximatemembershipof a million and the trade unions imposing mass of data, he sought to establish a universal law of with three times that number, employed between them 4,010 ofdevelopment of his own called the iron law of oligarchy. According to Michels, the triumph of oligarchy is organically in- ficials. In the handd of these upper 4,000 is accumulated the herent in every form of democracy and operates most relentlessly power in the party and the trade unions. Upon them depend all the affairs. They hold in their hands the whole powerful appain every workers organization. Every workers party, his views were once summed up, is a ratus of the press, the organization, the relief funds, the whole mighty oligarchy standing upon piteous democratic feet. . . . The election apparatus, etc. (Der Krieg und die Krise des SOa&smass-it too organically and foreveris incapable of ruling. It is mus, p. 511.) The post-war period so extended the influence, numbers and completely amorphous and indifferent, always needs somebody to distribute its work for it, must constantly be led. It asks for this power of the German social democracy that the 1914 figures paled leadership, and the opinion that it is in a position to influence its by comparison. The omnipotence of the highest instances of the party bureaucracy was mightily assured throughout the ranks by leaders in any way, is nothing but a wretched deception or selfdeception. The whole history of the labor movement is a perpetu- the enormous increase of posts at its disposal for distribution to ally recurrent assault of the democratic waves upon the cliffs of lesser officials. The latter (not every individual, to be sure, but oligarchy, being shattered against these cliffs, a new assault, etc., as a group), to preserve themselvesin office, served as the chanwithout end. An endless struggle of the democratic opposition nels through which the real party leadership exercized its power against the oligarchy, a conversion of the democracy into oli- in the ranks,

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The availab!eposts, according to the detailed study made a few years ago, were occupied by party members falling inth the following categories: r. Those who are directly depencient[upon the party chiefs], among thenl the employees of the party, the trade unions, the auxiliary organizations and the economic enterprises; 2. those Wh are indirectly, but in part just as much dependent: who occupy positions in the state apparatus, the municipalities, the socialpoIitical bodies, etc., and 3. those whom we can call expectant candidates for high class sinecures. Among these we must again distinguishbetween those who already have such functions which offer them quick prospects of cornering a post and those who hope to make a career for themselves. Without doubt the number of the latter is very high. (Rudolf Feistmann, Der S. P.D.-Apparat, Roten Az~fbat~, Vol. II, No. 8. Berlin.) Among the posts occupied by deserving social democrats, Feistmann listed: two-thirds of the police chiefs of Prussia, members of the Reichstag, numerous Landtags and municipal boards, members of the 130ard of Directors of the Coke syndicate, the match syndicate, the Reichsbank,the federal railways, the Federal Health Council, the Senate of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Akademie, several banks, etc., etc. His final results, he tabulated as follows, without counting the expectant candidates: Party and trade unions ., . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,905 Auxiliary organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,320 Economic enterprises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83,392 Parliaments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46,667 Social-political bodies, representatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60,363 Social-political bodies, officials and employees (ap. ). . 50,000 Teachers organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,OOO Prussian administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,000 Administration of other provinces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,OOO Party schools, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x,500 507 Building inspectors, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Economic enterpriseswhich cannot be estimated (ap. ) 1,600 Grand total: 289,254 Well over a quarter of a million posts! While it should be borne in mind that these 300,000rested upon a party membershipof more than a million, a trade union membership of several million, and an electorate of more than ten million, it was neverthelessa tremendousweapon for the preservation of the party leadership and its conservative policies. This was further facilitated, to be sure, by the fact that the leadership, besides having the responsibility for maintaining a multitudeof respectableinstitutions, was so closely interwoven with the whole capitalist state machinery that it not only served as its prop but was in a position to operate it for its own ends-at all events, up to two years ago. The German social democracy is only the most striking example of this phenomenon in the sphere of reformist organizations throughout the world. Disregarding the Soviet Union, it is possible to say that the oilicial Communist party in the United States is the outstanding,that is, the worst example, of a similar development in the sphere of Stalinist organizations. Documentary material which facilitated Feistmanns calculations of the S.P.D. is of course not available in thq case of the American Stalinists. But a study will make possible an adequate approximation of the state of affairs here. The figures are of course drastically reduced, as compared with Germany, but not disproportionateto the organization considered. If the bureaucracy of the Stalinist party does not number hundreds of thousands, neither are its supporters counted by the millions. The American Stalinist party is one of the top-heaviest labor organizations in the wor!d. The number of its institutions and offices does not grow at the same speed as the growth of its membership and influence, but at a far more rapid pace ~ at times the former remains stable, or even advances while the latter declines. At all times, the best and the worst, the latter shows a turnover which produces a ceaseless change in its composition. The tremendous turnover in party membership is one of the most important features of the Stalinist bureaucracy. We have had in the past two years, innumerableresolutions, speeches and articles about fluctuations.of membership, andlfine suggestions on how to overcome them. But these things have rs-

mained on paperand the fluctuation today is as high as seventyfive percent. Many of these are old members, In the last registration we found that only 3,ooo memberswere inthe party.before 1930. (Party Organizet-, Sept.-Oct. 1932.) Accepting the official membership figures for 1932, this means that less than em-fourth of the membershiphad been in the party for as long as two years; the other 10,000 members were practically raw material. These new elementssix, twelve, eighteen months in the party -do not get an opportunity in so short a period to absorb the fundamentalteachings of Communism (assuming for the moment that even six years of StaIinismcould give them these teachings!). Especially in recent years, the first and last principle they learn is unquestioningobedience to the party leadership which they can neither elect nor recall. We have lots of elements of bureaucracy among our leading comrades. . . . They feel that all comrades below them must show. great respect and honor to them, accept their opinion and shortcomings as the?last and final wor~ on every subject. This dignity and artificial importance repels the proletarian rank and file of the party. (Party Organi~er, March 1931.) Because of the speed with which the new recruit leavesthe party, there is not to be found in it any more or less stzble mass of workers out of which a consistent, organized opposition to the bureaucracy might crystallize. Any leadership may be appointed or removed, any policy may be set down or changed from above, and it will meet with no resistancein the lower ranks. That is, no organised resistance; an obstreperous or inquiring individual is either bribed or bludgeoned into silence, or promptly expelled to prevent others from being infected with his ideas. The apparent contradiction between the outrageously false policies and bankruptcy of the leadership,and its unanimous acceptance by the membership,is dialectically resolved as follows: The highhanded r6gime of the leadership and its disastrous policies drive the eager converts to Communism out of th~ party; this fluctuation in turn makes it impossible for a force to crystallize in the ranks capable of changing either the leadership or its course. Periodically the contradiction reappears, not at a higher, but at a lower level. . . . The membershipfluctuates and is weak; the apparatus is powerful, beyond the control of the ranks, and extraordinarily numerous. For in addition to other iniquities inflicted upon it, the comparatively small circle of members and s~mpathizers is obliged to carry q disproportionately vast officialdom. We have in our [New York] district, says the Party Organizer, Feb. 1931, over 100 different mass organizations. (In the last three years the number has increased considerably, and with it, the number of posts at the disposal of the central party secretariat.) In the Sept.-Oct. 1931 issue of the same periodical, it says: The resolution adopted at the New York district plenum states that there exists a far-reaching bureaucratization of the part? apparatus. . . . A similar resolution was adopted at the beginmng of August by the Chicago party organization., Just what this means in more concrete terms may be seen from. a partial list of the party and party-controlled organizations which are staffed exclusively by party members, who thus constitute the full-time party apparatus. While the list confines itself to A~ew. York, it should be remembered that this is the decisive political, and organizational center of the Stalinists. CENTRAL ORGANIZATIONS (with their district, local. and frequently foreign-language departments): Communist Party, Young Communist League, Tra% Union Unity League, International Labor Defense, International Workers Order, Friends of the. Soviet Union, Workers International Relief, Workers Ex-Servicemens League, Unemployed Councils, League Against War and Fascism, National Students League, City Council of Associated Workers Clubs, United Council of Workingclass Women, John Reed Clubs, League of Struggle for Negro Rights, National Committee to Aid Victims of German Fascism, Labor Sports Union, Anti-Imperialist League, Labor Research Association, National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners, Chinese AntiImperialistAlliance, Icor, National Textile Workers Union, Needle Trades ,Workers Industrial Union, Marine Workers Industrial Union, Steel and Mtxal Workers Union, National Furniture Work-

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era Union, Food Workers Im&trial Unicm, Wodd Tourists, &e., ete, (In addition, two or three very generously staflad institutions which special conditions euggest leaving unnamed. ) PISRIODICALS: Daily Worker, Morning Freiheit, Ukrainian Daily News, Daily Panvor, Un.itd O+eraia, The Labor Defender, Labor Usity, Htwger Fighter, Novy Mir, Fight, Young Worker, Needle Worker, Food Worker, Furniture Worker, Marine Worker, The Communist, Der Hammer (Yiddish), Der Hammer (German), Amerikas Zihnas, Uus Ilm, Laisve, Student Review, New Masses, New Theater, Liberator, Party Organizer, Rank and File Federationist, New Pioneer, Em@-os, Communist International (English edition), Ny Tid, Soviet Russia Today, etc. CULTURAL AND SEMI-CULTURAL ORGANIZATIONS: W o r k e rs School (of New York, of Harlem, of Brooklyn), Workers Bookshops, International Publishers,IWorkers Library Publishers, Pen and Hammer, Artef, Garrison Films, Freiheit Gesangs Verein, Freiheit Mandolin Orchestra, Workers Music League, Film and Photo League, Jewish Workers University, etc. CItMTERS ANDINSTITUTIONS: Workers Center, Camp Nitgedaiget, Camp Unity, Ukrainian Labor Home, Goldens Bridge Colony tWorkers C&5perative Colony (apartment buildings), Finnish Workers $Iall, Czechoslovak Workers House, Scandinavian Hall, Amalgamated Rank and File Center, Italian Workers Center, Spanish Workers Center, Hungarian Workers Home, Camp Kinderland, Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, etc. LOCAL UNIONSANDMISCELLANEOUS: United Shoe and Leather Workers Union, Educational Workers Club, Custom Tailoring Workers Industrial Union, Transport Workers Union, Nurses and Hospital Workers League, Curtain and Drapery Workers Union, Relief Workers League, Alteration Painters Union, Office Workers Union, Unemployed Teachers Association, China and Glass Decorators Independent Union, Silk Screen Process Workers League, Taxi Drivers Union, Sign and Advertising Art Workers Union, Anti-Fascist Action, Laundry Workers Industrial Union, Smoking Pipe Workers Industrial Union, Building Maintenance Union, Independent Carpenters Union, Tobacco Workers Industrial Union, Jewelry Workers Industrial Union, etc., etc., &.c. If we apply the criteria employed by Feistmannagainomitting the not inconsiderable number of expectant candidates the number of party membersemployed in the totality of these organizations, from the humblest clerical workers down to the Gen-Sec of the party himself, will be found to reach an enormous figure.. Some of the institutionslisted have no more than one paid official; the Marine Workers Industrial Union, with its 250 members localIY, will have eight; the New Masses will be staffed with ten; the Morning Freiheit with well over fifty; the Bronx cooperative apartmentsa big business institution with all the big business practises and malpractiseshasan even more imposing personnel. A careful approximation would yield a total of about 1,000 party members in hew York City occupying posts for which they are directly or indirectly (and not very indirectly, either!) dependent upon the good will of the central party leadership-l,ooO out of about 3,000 party members in the city! They constitute the bureaucratic caste, appointedand removable only from above, which dominates the partys ranks. Whatever may be the character of this or that individual, as a grou~ they are the obedient henchmen of the party secretariat which is, in turn, appointed by and responsible to the Stalin secretariat alone. They guarantee an unimpededand unmolested continuity of Stalinist policy and Stalinist sovereignty. Divorced from the ranks, in the truest sense of the term, they rule over the membership,by actual intimidation if necessary. In some cases, two or three of the most developed comrades take upon themselves the right to make all decisions beforehand and monopolize the leadership among themselves. Under these conditions the remainderof the local comrades are either politically terrorized into silence or made to act the part of messenger boys for the leadership. (Party Organiser, Feb. 1931. ) Should any kind of insurgency manifest itself in the party ranks, this bureaucracy is always available for flying squadrons to suppress, vote down or expel the recalcitrants. A classic example: In shop nucleus No. r, Section 2, New York, situated in a large leather goods factory, the following comrades were recently attached: Radwansky, editor of Novy Mir; Rose Pastor Stokes, em-

ployed in the W.LR.; ~ppoport, bookkixper in the FreA-4t; and Litwin, cashier in the C@erative Restaurant. On the motion d Stokes, and with the help of these four functionaries, the organizer of the nucleus [a Lovestone suspect], who is at the same time the shop chairman, waq expelled from the party. (Revolutionary Age, Dec. I, 1929.) Finally, it should be borne in mind that this bureaucracy, unlike any other that has ever existed in the labor movement, is bolstered up by a state power. It has behind it all the formal authority and prestige of the Soviet Union, to say nothing of more ponderable support. It has developedto a point where it is a self-perpetuating machine, part of an even bigger machine of the same type. It cannot be recast from within. It has immunized itself and the organization to which its bottom is irremovably glued, against the possibility of internal reform. **** The problem of bureaucratism can neither be approached nor resolved from a subjective or abstract, that is, from a sub- or supra-social standpoint. A bureaucrat can no more be dismissed as a rude official than a bureaucracy can be set down as an evil in itself. The bureaucracy is the totality of officials or employees that staffs the apparatus and directly administers the affairs of a given institution. It can therefore be judged only in connection with this institution,its class basis, its class policies, its organizational structure and the milieu in which it functions. When the revolutionary movement is in its infancy and its participation in the class struggle is as rare as its ranks are few, it can and does do without paid officials. As soon as it emerges from the initial formative stage, from pure discussion, and enters the arena of battle against the organized class foe, it realizes the imperative need of internal reorganization. The bourgeoisie has institutions, machinery, a press, spokesmen, writerst organizer% strategists, a general staff. To combat it effectively, the working class is compelled to bring out of its midst or to win over from other classes, those best qualified to organize its army, build its machinery, popularize its cause, plan and direct its battles. The larger grows the revolutionary and labor movement, the greater is its need of all kinds of auxiliary institutions and of all kinds of men and women to staff them-organizers, apeakers,writers, secretaries, strategists, leaders, etc., etc. To set oneself against the building of such an apparatus and a body of qualified officials, is equivalent to loading the rising labor movement with stupid prejudices and with the backwardnessof its own yesterday. It means fastening it to the Procrustean bed of its infancy and making it fit not by cutting off its legs but its head. If a lmreaucracy is considered not just as an abusive term, but as the ot%cialdomwhich grows with the living movement of labor, it is patently indispensable. It makes for smooth routine, for system and efficiency in work, for planning and responsibility, for far-seeing supervision and centralization of effort. It contains obvious dangers, as, alas! both reformism and Stalinism have showed: corruption, malfeasance, ossification, s~fperpetuation, conservatism, usurpation. They are no more than the dangers inherent in the modern class struggle. The antidotes to these poisons go by the names of revolutionary class policy and workers democracy. Whoever yields on either score has contributed to the degeneration of his own offieiakiom. The bureaucracies of the existing movements became corrupt and degenerated becaus~ they forsook Marxism and suppressed workers democracy. Now they play a reactionary rde which makes necessary their elimination. But this does not mean that the labor movementwill be able to get along in the future without a large organizational apparatus, without a whole stratum of persons who stand specifically in the service of the proletarian organization, Zinoviev wrote in his time. Not back to those days when the labor movement was so weak that it could do without its own employees and officials, but forward to the day when the labor movement itself will be a new one, when the tempestuous mass movement of the, proletariat subordinates this stratum of officials to itself, destroys routine, wipes away the bureaucratic rust, brings new people to the surface, breathes fighting courage into them, and fills them with new spirit ! M. S.

Engelson HistoricalMaterialism
m s f c e a a d i o s l d i p n a i o p Y t a t p w t D S g l a c p a c e S t f f m w y I t Y w I W d m e t c i f w a a t p Z Y c e i s t a n m g a l c a e m t e o c b i a r s a t w d y b m t Z s o a t m c o a p t p ao w c a s m a t c t e w pw i t r t m m u p a m t f t a w a i d h b s a m c T i b r a f d a t r B o a a t t o r m s m e T mr p k t b a c f p t a d a b r n f m r f L N Y P B i h w e t i d p a n w a V t w m t r i r i e t n t s f t a m f m a s m t e p l T c i t fe t a a o r t s t t t i t t N A r w d c t h e T a p t ac I a t u t i m o aJ G V a u d s t h O t n a o t a t f t r T s l s t r t f a q a i i c A e h m e s t m i a t w o ac E h w d m o t i r b d r c t m a s m a t The four letters by Friedrich Ettgels were s c t w a t e f t c I s t t written by him iti his last years afid repre- n a m w sent the most mature statement and eluci- e p f b t F M dation of the Marxian #osition histori- s n t i p a c T L m r w cal materialism. The notable i of c b s b a a u ag t d b iuterest, and unfortunately of c r w m f w m m i a i p m this subject the United States has p m o t w a m b m w e prompted us to print thetn for the first s p e a f t c v timf, to our k~owledge, ifi American t f i c t m m w w a a fler~odical. The letters to Schmidt, Starko s B t m t t r b p ay e~btirg a Bloch were first brought to t t w t d e a t f [ight by Eduurd B his D c e a b t m d S 1 the one to m t i c a o t m I h a n a M to be f the seco%d volr o a t w v e y q c hidoricaJ ume of the latters history the G a b w i d i T l T m c materialism g social democracy. They were. first tra?wn i f a l f r lated info English by Sidney Hook as w m e g f t s u b a f t t m appendix to his T U t division of labor. S g r m c a h i o c K M ( 1 $ We are c p f w c w d i d p i n indebted to the author a his publishers, d w T p w a d o a s r n w u The John Day Co., f their kind permisp t c an b sion to reprint the letters. With o except c t s m o t d l witkin society. TheY tion, the foot-notes are f the G a a i e n a t s s i O edition edited by Dv. H Duncker. t l t y s e t w h d By arrangement, we have made c W t a d l m t i m emendatiovzs in the translatioti on the t as s t w a f t basis of the original text.rm. A n t a t state is h g independence of workers r t s t t p c m e a l m e w t n r t e o P t l i t d i p m t w s t m f H s t c e c p t a reacts, v i i i m s i f a p f am m w a a w s d p i o t b g d r i t o i p d a w t s i u t c a c p T a reci-a procity b t unequal f t e o s t e g d i o l T f f t n t n f i T m h i o p a m t o t n p p w s f r t u t c p T d t g p i a w h o a e w i o movement. T e m A r f t h f m w h a t w a i b a t r o d t P A (cf. S Edeimetall-Pro- u duktion), b t t e E i t r i p m w i h t t f a f c t w t o s u T p m t o h t s p t oo t o w c l c c a d m m e o t s t w i J t m m t c t G g s c f 1 1 e r w w t q i t m t i p T c I t P D d m b n inverted f t a E f 1 r w u f t s r t s b g a o t imports from India. t t o t e A s b a a c c b a y w c c t d a c o e i f l d b i n w w d p i t h u ea c s b a s f political principles. So i e.vport.r t c a u t d l s i n w t r t r t y d T s t f t moweymarket. J s d w b i * S h w T r t s p u e d o t c s E t i t a Z n c t at f c r t s d e a . A L T T O CON D L S O 2 D T 1

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a w i d f e c i g w t d t p i t e a c influence u t e s d e u t e o n N t s r u t dominant influence o ep e development. F e t a e d f t b p H w t f m m ( t s t e c b a at w t w E at m w e t h i p a E h t t s a L w ro et p e g p a s t c 1 T E D a t m c f t F o m w t g p t b o t F e t b r G p p f K H t G P m h w n p n n B a d n d w t d l t p e a h i rp s a c i m w i f i p a w i o p d T o x w p c p f v e b c F t e n c o E u w p h o w b a l G i o b B F G o p l t g o l a t t w a r o e u T f s e d o e t r n e b t p o e w t c w a so d t p r n a p e t t e e i ( t e i to d p e r m f u t e p w o p o e c h h d i e p e h d b d t kind of c a d m t a e i m r a e os l t f t m p i t p j r t a m r w e g d i r u p et l I h s w n a r s o F B i t d a a e r t p e r t e m u e t m m i he is simply contettding against wiwdmills. o l t a g Eighteenth B w a aM m r i t t t special t p r r p c s a e p n w te s t general d u e c Capital, e.g., f s t w d w l w ce o ap a {o d t s t h t t b ( 2 e w a s g f t p d p p o e t p h e e o F ( t s p n e a e p r o B I h t p c t b T t v m f c o a bi I b t f e e B c t j q w a W a t g l d A it e s c h e t T n ais t t ab n a t t r w s m p o d s e o c t w g p d l t h i t f r r a s v u r f w t e m f a a t s m p a d T n s t h F t H h n a a e r Y e n e A r LETTE D R S 3 i n h h T O L w t b t J. u B L O CH S 2 o 1 n f q l1 t I d Fl I c r s

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f d B t a a t p t g t w h t m m p a n a d o T P s a a d a t h t l i e c O c h h a we p t a t m p p N r G m j B w d e n a a n o f a ( a i i v i P p w P a t i p r w a d f t t c t A s p b t g p w w e t e l a s t R a t r d N a S w v h a e e c w m o r t e e o p G s t p p t o t s c H w r t d f t e a v t g si i w f t m f S T a S h m t t e a a ow o t c m i w e w i t p a h s c l C n i q t e i i f g p f w g r o r p h e T ao m i v t p ao f a aw w c v F w e i w s f a V e o e w a t g u s o w o w a A t c h h r a We l a n p , a s t sc l m B f t f t t w i e W d w t c t b w e c t l i e ( p o s i t d n g wi t w b f c i a c r f a t o h i r c t t e z t c e n w c t r a f i w i I s f l b y s t t f i r o s a n s h r m e M h w a t w a t t d n c p a e p Tite Eighteentjb B of Bonaparte is e ro e m e i a T a m r p a C a p c y a o w Herrn E. Duhrings Umwalzung dee r lfiisseumhaft a L. Feuerbach und der Ausgang o der klmsischett deutschen Philasophie w I g t m c e u m p h w k e e s t a i a M a I a p r f t f t t o d h l m w u t e f t aw ht b i c e m po o o o w d i a t we a t p a o j t o f t r i B j s w am e t o t p h c s o t p a t b q d e o w p U o t f t ap b h c u a n t a c n a w h t o i f i x p i a t A f t r I c s m i t T h c o a r t r k t of P I a Y w n o t 2 r S I f t f d p S o m Griechische Altertiimer ( 1 5 w c c t v t a w k h t m b h s o d a em$mothers was n r i l G I h t t a p e w f e b s h s f p w f y o e o a I r Y s E r .

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u a m c t d e w h f h t e t f w a m w n h a b f A C e M s d of m c h t e o M G t w s E h 1 s t w wr t i r a t d o t s c M s p t t t w i x r f i a t had d i w a o a a a a h T f r t f , h e i h o f t e a t c c t d p a i t m w ef t r ao n i d t m d t c i c r z f B f at t c a y w f t e a t l t p t t t i t f t t m c w t t r p t t e e m d T g o t c u t t e G t i n t l e m h h n o g r h c n i y t w h b d o h s b e o m g t t m n i i e h e r e o G w d a m n c m sn w e i p n ei m p f a I b t t f e w M h c g h Eighteenth B o g y c i y q j b a p io e c t I a b t t A 9 i an I 2 w I t i a t t f im s Fewerbach, I h a t t p h e I b y n w g s w o t e a i b t t c i a I s t I h n t t w t o a w y w t s e d t I w h f p P u t r M . . . a t h f f u c g s a t . ... , w E T O F R A N Z M E H R ING i O h e t m f a a f ee o p c I w t e a w t f t y a m c o t I d e I i e I c h p s d t c m b w M e t w h q c deil a g b v d c m s W o oh h t g f w t f f y w am l M o du n d h l u o r t a o b d B j s t g t t d t l e o T s t c w r n n H h w t c a td a t o t o h h l a c n a a i O o p l w M a I d n s s e o w a r w a e b N b p a had to place t c w u t derivation p l a o i n w t a u w t l t f f e f c n o t f s i to w w t i e a f l t s t c T g o o aw o c f m P B a s e I a p w c c w t c t s t b w a f c u n T r d f w m h r u * r M s a w t t l p L e H M z P , m u w a a E e t l t f e h Lest s 1 F R O,M A L ET T E R m x

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f m T s s w h s t p z [ T l t n w t h a t q t c strictly s n l w u ( t i b c ar b a t E a w l C t B f t a t t t w E M u m t c a g f L m o u T a t o w a a w to a l xa d h t ap d the agreemetit; a o t p o t t u t w g t R

The Balance Sheet of the Anxlo-~nssisin Trade Union Unity Committee


Tiw dispute between the Russian party ojj%cia!dom and the Leninist Opposition aromrd the qwestion of the Awglo-Russian Committee, establis!led between the British and Russian trade uniott leaders, is of more than historical importance. It throws a brilliafit light on the kil.ottyproblem of the n the united jront, especially valuable at present time when it has bee+tbrought forward in new form by the change of front of the Stalivist far fies. Practically every important aspect of the fw-obletnwas embraced in the conflict seven years ago. The document reproduced here draws a bala of the A.-R.C. experience. S like so many others, in the Soz+et Utiion, it n appeared there or in a other cotwtn. This is its first publication, from the or;qinal mam~seript in the archtz~esof the author, a copy of which z brought back to this country by the editor. We a indebted to John G. Wright for the trattstation from the Rtissian.-ELr.

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f i a m t t u o c t c m w t s t p E e r t u t t s h . . . C ( 7 m q s t a t s w a t v c A Y t w t v b m w w e t d t U t d a s b n e f o c a t d t U o m a c a t M l t p o m k t b f t w s u c r a t m p a o m a M a n a P S k c h i w t s a p w E f s v n t a f F p h C K s p h W C W t P c f H T h b p t F r w y p w r t F i i b t f u f ... n e f o c a t d o m h s i w w t s s S g s t r E t u a w e i a b w t r t u o c a t c t o c a i w n h t b ( 7 ) o S c u t w t t u c w i a s a t o i i t w n r t u F i m s f S l a s t l d b t c reactionary a r O s h r t E t u ( o t I r b r c e M i a t S s h p f s t A t b b o t u a t r t u E . . . f t p s a i w g a a i p ( 7 ) T j i b g a p g a p m c n ( t f t p t S s . W t s a p w a S c h s w a i T a Z s r t a r w ( 7 ) T j i h r e v f i h r t o c t S i h P t g a t w s w c S ad f T C

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n am t t A c h p a s B a a d c A m m o t b e t t t o t f w t w w w a f w t u a t e B T c o k t k o e h s a B s n w t m r o o o f e c t i ~OMCaZ bankruptcy. e A j t t m a t p t b s t g l t C t rm t g s w b [ A t w b t p a p h b o d t A C r o t A c a c s a e a p w k f b h t G C ...T w t p t p l r A t G C a t u what h t l C w t f t p A w e c T G C d h i o p a d e t p m e s b t f a c p C t o p w t G h p a w e d T a c t l C r T G C k w w r t m t p k G C w h l B d c A k l d n B w w g o c n o d f h b a a t G C f i p ln t g b r t G / i a i a n p p i t B b g n t G C d h o a p a w a e t p r m t c t p h b u d a f T O d f e r J 1 t w a t G b S w b w t P B m o n t G C i t t i b a T m t p w ir a s m t m t t C t R u s n n t t u e t w w c b f d

P a t u a t i t G e C c t a t s r w t C t R u T o m s c a t T ! w e a t r i t t p t c (Mkhtes of s r f the Political Bureau, J 1 7 ) H t b c l a m l f l ? d n b w t G C a h b t t g s a h a a i t e e m E w d n b w u c a l f u a h b t c m s t w t p N d b w t b u s l f c t q B i C A n t E h b w o t q o i i t i a o s o t E w c t t E t u i T i o s p b t q w a m f t a w a m a f t E w W p c w h b f i p t t o c s a r ? T o t p t t m t e a f t t t p t b a t e c i p f p c D t J 1 p a c w r f t G C w i g c m w t r t C t R s u t t t c w p a v n o t G e C b o t O W e t w w c L s b t t w y d d f t [ G C t O c c m t t w w y t h a c h r s a c t T h c t s t t o p n w t a p a n b t ( l ( 5 A t r t m t t o f w t s f t d a l C T d i c o t r t c O l c p l ( out of one eye. . . . ( S _. Y t l w l W w y l t c A ? Y w l y A h c L d t t O w t f t i e t h n m m y c i q y s s w m ? W . . . ( 5 w a T m t f t m m t w a t m a a t h g t d a t w t h n b v ( ( 5 A L A s a o w a c t t O w m f c a n t c h s d c f f e a a f

T H E t o A o c j \ y R R s g C p

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s a t G C p u T t a g t s o p w v m t l p m y c y s h O b r w t G C w h b ap s w m i f s b i a a L .. T m p t c u t p w w A a L t p a o b h w w m t a t a t G C n A h t t A w l l t f m d C w a o i y s t s h t b w h k t s c i i o b t f h m I x t d ab a t s w g e t C b d i o s h t R t u m r b o a k a W t t g e c o p A c t c A o m a p b f a c o t h f t p o i t p o l 1 B d A h n a p h 1 1 h a r t A s ? h a s t h d h r s c n w ~ t m s o t B c t A C i A l h s A 1 s c h a t B c A 1927. e b Y t c m t Y t . p t C m i s t h t c An s v d A a t g s w b d t c H w t B c t d s t d s o at t C t R u r t A C [ B i m f t G C l s o t t E of T d b t h g a d a c [ a b n t b t g .w t v w a c t e s n t b t c m e t C a . s n t b t C r them to do A o did f o n t b t U this [ ? !]. J w u t s t A t n c w r a t w f c t e o c T b t t w t A C f a d t s p u i i a f . t A r h s a C w f t ad i g t e g a n d u t q u I d g f i T d a a c d t c t A w f m t t A I f i t w o i p b e u p . . . forced p c w t n w d suck a decision [ ?!]. We f t a c B P u t r t q h q c A d h a f a f t t q w s t m m t w d p a i m t r z o this sfiheve also, Y B c w a c n a 1 we forced through, d f i e f t B d [ ?! b a m p t A a d t c h b p T c F t e M 1 t O f t u t e g c p h a t w i ( 3 S w t v g a c p m a b w p D c t t c c r . t B c n c t p w w t E e t m a b m b w t f c t a c t t m t g e t A C m t t b t e l a i f i is no l m a t m i t i m i ! A f a i w t c p p c a f t E at T t a o e r q t u u z f w t O d A h h ! t q w S a f t t b w n w t t v s s h c A p f b t c t G C o c w n h a s h t O h t b i r n T s t m i pm ~ B w a n A f w l c v f t G C g c T m t C t R u J 1 c a r a d a T O u s t am i m a s a i c t G C S m f u t s B S t T U C T a r b p a m d A A 1 t R a t G C b d c c t w t A C o mmi tt e C C W c t c D b A a S ? R n A . t w t p t B a t t c t A i t u l d d f J a J 1 T s t f a p c b b t t t g sp t i b t l a t r M 1 W t w t i a v t p s o r t a d a ti E d t p n b l A I H f t h t c o u d t

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these answers were neither clear nor direct, but w$indles. The job of the General Council consisted in hoodwinking, gaining time, causing a delay, preparing the Congress, and using it as a shield. The Opposition issued timely warning on this score as well. Open the minutes of the April 1926 plenum to page 31. We said at that time: A particular danger to world peace is lodged in the policy of the imperialists in China. This is what they have countersigned. How come their tongues didnt turn inside out, or why didnt we pull them by the tongue and compel them to speak out precisely who the imperialists were ? It is no mere coincidence that all this was signed on the first day of April, this date is symbolic. . . . ( Laughter. ) KAGANOVICH : You mean to say we fooled them ! As may be observed, comrade Kaganovich hit the bulls eye. hTowit has become quite clear as to who fooled whom. Andreyev has some cause to be plaintive over the fact that after all his victories in April 1927 the English liquidated the A.-R.C. at that very moment when it was most urgently needed. This, comrade Andreyev, is what one would call having hopelessly sunk in a mire ! ]2. But this wasnt enough; comrade Andreyev expressed himself even more harshly about the Opposition at the April Plenum: Our Opposition comes out with the demand that we break with the English unions. Such a position is a position to isolate us at the most difficult moment, when imperialism is mobilizing its forces against us. You maintain that your position is presumably revolutionary, but you are giving objective aid to the Chanlberlains because the Chamberlains want no connections whatever between our trade union movement and the English trade union movement and they want no AngloRussian Committees to hinder them. (P. 33.j The Opposition proposed that we do not seize hold of a rotten twig while passing over a precipice. But the policies defended by comrade Andreyev did bring us into isolation at the most difficult moment, when imperialism is mobilizing its forces against us. That is the job which was literally fulfilled by the official policies. By supporting the General Council, we weakened the Minority Movement. Within the minority itself, by our conciliationism line, we supported the Right elements against the Left. By this policy we put a brake on the revolutionary education of the proletarian vanguard, including the Communist party among the number. We assisted the General Council to hold its position without losses, to prepare a reactionary Congress of trade union bureaucrats in Edinburgh, and to break with us against the )Wk resistance only of a small minority. assisted the General Council to isolate us in our most dillicult moment and thus to realize the plan conceived by the General Council far back during the time of the general strike. This, comrade Andreyev, implies giving objective aid to the Chamberlains ! 13. But now, defending the policies of bankruptcy before a non-party meeting, comrade Andreyev says: (A few hotheads from the Opposition in

our Communist party proposedto us dur-

ing the entire period the following tactic: Break with the English traitor~, break with the General Council. This utterly cheap, Philistine phrase about hotheads is taken from the dictionary of middle-class reformism and opportunism, which are incapable of a longrange policy, that is to say, the policy of Marxian prescience and Bolshevik resolution. In April 1927 An reyev reckoned that he had forced serio $ commitments from the English. To this we replied: political swind!ers in the staff of the Amsterdam agency of capitalism commonly sow pacifist bargains of this type in order to lull the workers and thus keep their own hands free for betrayal at tite critical moment. (p. 38.) Who proved to be correct? Policies are tested by facts. We saw above what Andreyev expected in April of this year, and what he received in September. Wretched niggardliness, shameful nearsightedness ! That is the name for your policy, comrade Andreyev! 14. Andreyev has one remaining solace: The responsibility [ !] for the breaking up of this organization [the A.-R. C.] falls entirely and squarely [ !!] upon the leaders of the English trade union movement, This statement proves that Andreyev has learned nothing. The responsibility for the breaking of the A.-R.C. ! One might think that this was the most frightful of crimes against the working class. The General Council broke the general strike, assisted the coal barons to enslave the miners, screened the destruction of Nanking, supported the policies of Chamberlain against the workers state and will support Chamberlain in case of war. And Andreyev seeks to scare these people by responsibility for breaking the A.-R.C. What did the English workers see of the A.-R. C., particularly from the time of the general strike: banquets, hollow resolutions, hypocritical and diplomatic speeches. And on the other hand, since when have we become afraid of assuming the responsibility for breaking with traitors and betrayers ? What sort of a pathetic, wishy-washy, rotten liberal way is this of putting the question, anyway! To prolong the life of the A.-R. C. for four months we paid by the most disgraceful capitulation at Berlin. But in return, dont you see, we have rid ourselves of the most horrendous responsibility-the responsibility of having broken with the betrayers of the working class. But the entire history of Bolshevism is impregnated with the determination to assume responsibility of this sort! Comrade Andreyev, you are also one of those who babble about Trotskyism but who have yet to grasp the main thing in Bolshevism. x5. The perplexed reporter says: Now every proletarian must give himself a clear accounting, weigh the documents, and compare our policy with theirs. (Andreyev, Rejort at the Meeting of Railwaymen.) This is of course a praiseworthy manner of putting the question. One shouldnt accept anyones say so. On this score Lenin had the following to say: He who accepts somebodys word is a hopeless idiot. This Leninist aphorism applies to all countries, the Soviet Union among them. It is essential that our workers gain a clear conception of the policies of comrade Andrey ev, i.e., the entire official policy in the question of the Anglo-Russian Committee. T.o this end, all the documents must be pub-

lished and made available to every worker. We trust that comrade Andreyev will support this proposal of ours. Otherwiso hell be in the position of one who maintains that what is good for the English is death for Russians. But this is the viewpoint of chauvinists and not internationalist revolutionists. 16. But what to do now, after the rotten stage decoration has collapsed completely ? Comrade Andreyev replies: The leaders r~fLISeto make agreements with uswe will carry on this policy of the united front over the heads of the leaders and against their wishes, we shall carry it on from below, by means of our ties with the masses, their rank and file organizations, and so forth. But didnt Manuilsky say more Fine. than a year ago, at the July plenum: Comrade Zinoviev appears here to console us that after breaking with the Anglo-Russian Committee we shall have to build new bridges to the workers movement. But I want to ask-have you see~ these bridges? Did comrade Zinoviev outline new ways for realizing the idea of trade union unity? What is worst in the entire Opposition of comrades Zinoviev and Trotsky is this stat6 of helplessness [ !!!].(p. 24.) Thus a year ago the proclamation read that the liquidation of the Anglo-Russian Committee must create a state of helplessness: there being no other bridges in sight. He was considered a true revolutionary optimist who believed in the Purcellian bridge. And now this bridge has collapsed. Cannot one draw the conclusion that precisely Manuilskys position is the position of helplessness and occlusion? It may be objected that no one would take Manuilaky .4greed. seriously. But didnt all tho other defenders of the official line declare that the A.-R.C. is the incarnation of the brotherhood between the Russian and English proletariat, the bridge to the masseo, the instrument of the defense of the defense of the U. S. S.R., and so forth and so on . . . ? ! To the Oppositionsuch was the objection of the representatives of the official linethe Anglo-Russian Committee is the bloc between leaders, but for us it is the bloc of toiling masses, the incarnation of their union. Now, permit us to ask: Is the breaking of the A.-R.C. the breaking of the union of the, toiling masses? Comrade Andreyev seems to sayno. But this very same answer goes to prove that the A.-R.C. did not represent the union of toiling masses, for it is impossible to make a union with strikers through the strikebreakers. 17. It is incontestable that we must find ways other than the General Council. Moreover, after this reactionary flartitiott has been eliminated, only then do we obtain the possibility of seeking genuine connections with the genuine masses. The first condition for success on this road is the merciless condemnation of the official line toward the Anglo-Russian Committee for the entire recent period, i.e., from the beginning of the general strike. 18. The tremendous movements of the English proletariat have naturally not passed without leaving a trace. The Communist party has become stronger-both in numbers and in influence-as a result of its participation in the mass struggles. The processes of differentiation within tile many-rnillioned masses continue to take place. As is always the case after, major defeats, certain and rather wide circles of the working class suffer a temporary drop

E a i r b e s i s t L p a s r e a t s i t C p t p a r m r t p t s A t p f w i i a f t g r w w b a t r n o t b b a i o o l O c a m c b t f H e t t f p r t e t s t o a w i r c q W a c p t C m p c h g i u m a r f t c t i p c r l w h g 1 C A p t w d o t w t e c w E l m N w d w p a w i c a b b t c w u B w a r m p t m t f T i w d p a O f c w t E w c t t C p p f t r t t m o i t u n t c n t f d t t b t t c r p t B C p t C t P f a t R u T m c w o o as t r l O a t s r a i c a t c t A am f t p d f t e o l t q t A w t s subjlant t g t i t C p s d r t l t t u a o t l o a a n a i s w S a B s t t t w a t c n m a c p m B w c t h e c w t C p r w s c f i T w a t i c T s A h t n o g t m T h o t a b T d t c a m t s a s r w h n s w h n r y S f e w t s t o t m F L B a t m d a c b h d a c c o t r l t f t f i b t H f t v b c u s t t A a t b w r w c m o t f s t R h g u t a u f w t c h o e e a s s f h w c w a t b w t A C m t v d w r a t a t R w e t E s e t t e w h b j h g i t m m t L m a t B

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w h r a c a t t u f I t s t t e a o t s t b w t r t a t a t a e l a i a p i T i w p t c t s f t u t w p t c t r t s a w a f a o T c p f t a p t w h f t f i w p w w p h a i t r t e t t t c o a b r w t s o e l p p t t c t m l n t n t G C t t A n a b b l b a u m t t A o t o a a f a o T w a t d p l f h a r m T w f w c g e I l r f t d n f u m s o s d c f i A s t t w t m t e E w c e p m d B t n a e W A s o w b t m b t G C a l t s a c p t E C s o p s t G C T B c a a t r n p s f f u s h n o s b s a t i c h s T p r t B i C p a t s p t L w M M f b t t t g s w t c m s t l t B C p w f f a a d i a r O m n f t t C t B C m p l r p t J S m t R u t s t t G C F h w a j s t e m a e a A y C p w e s l c a i t r t d m a s p q t o o b t f u a t f a t p t u f D a d o t E l C p w t t t u w P a H w a t c t d t U a t t R O w d n b t w g d E t w s i h T c n p w l i t u t c t B C p ...T c n a d n p S f T R w t h b e s a t l c t B C p e r t d a n t m t E C C w t t w b f t ~ e r c P s E t

e a c s a a M ou u a A t s in o t h s t f ay p s l r B t t p of t o t A C i i t o d i h T a e a l e l m t L we M M m T e c h n e r p w o p c e t f c t w w s p p f w t po h s o h t t B C p a f l h e t w t p m t o p t c C t l m t C C e p w p t e op B a a t c s t p h h n c w s r eh p o a b s h o t g b o p a e t C B t w n ca n r p t r f o l d os A r a o o o t g t l t e r p t l t m s u h t ru a s s a d p o m f o t b a s e t e w t A C o t e a t b d t s l e t q m m a a o c o m f n t t t t w t a n b t t b t e R a E w t M Se fitewber 2 Ig27. L T l

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BOOKS

could not accomplish its own revolution; that was the political mission of the proletariat. Since the Germany of 1848 had put a naive and inexperienced working A HISTORY OF BOLSHEVISM. From class and Russia a stupid and uneducated Marx to the First Five Years Plan. By peasantry, the revolution could be carried Translated from out only by an, autocratically disciplined ARTHURROSENBERG. the German by IAN F. D. MORROW. party in which the intellectual leaders exviii+240 pp. London and New York. ercized supreme and unquestioned power. Oxford University Press. $3.75. Until the masses themselves became conIt is with great astonishment that one scious of their mission, a dictatorship of reflects on the fact that Bolshevism as an the leaders had to obtain in the party which, organized movement, thirty years old in should it prove recalcitrant, would have to Russia and fifteen internationally,has up be destroyed and a more docile one subto now not had its real history written. stituted for it. Thence the distinction between the party Not since the early days of Christianity, of Marx and Lenin, and the reformist has a movement rallied more millions of people in more countries beneath its ban- parties of the Second International (the ner; yet nothing has appeared in French, second stage) where the working class German or English that even pretends to had so far developed as to have a voice in give an account of its ideas and its evolu- their own organizations and to seek to imtion. A little brochure by one Komor does ~rove their condition as a class within the exist, it is tru~, but it is nothing more than bourgeois capitalist society (this is not ludicrous official apologetics; not even the Rosenbergs only reference to bourgeois slightly more substantialpamphlet by Ka- capitalism!). Thence also, the root cause bakchiev makes any serious claims for it- of the abolition of democracy in the Soviet self; the few chapters at the end of Lenz Union, the establishmentof a party dictabook on the Second International are final torship instead of a proletarian dictatorproof that by the very nature of his calling ship, and a despotic dictatorship of a leadit is politically impossible for a Stalinistto ing caste in the party itself. Finally, in the third stage, the working do the job. class consciously determines its own fate. The single merit of Arthur Rosenberg is It is now no longer contented with the imthat his is the first attempt to write a criti- provement of its conditions within bourcal history of Bolshevism that deserves geois society but seeks to attain to power even fleeting attention. In the light of what through revolution. This revolution, howis said above, this is a dubious distinction. ever, is no longer a radical-democratic revBut it is all that can be said in favor of olution as in the first stage; it is now a the work now offered to the English-read- socialist revolution which transforms the ing public.* private property of the bourgeoisie into Lenin and Bolshevism stem from Marx. social property. In such a revolution the Rosenbergs acknowledgementof this deri- workers would not merely be the executive vation is accomplished, however, by an ex- organs of a party leadershipbut would act position of Marxism which is positively on their own independentinitiative. This stupefying. Marx, Engels and Lenin were stage, according to the ingenious author, is not proletarian but bourgeois revolution- representedby the groups led in Russia by ists, the most radical, logical and consis- Trotsky, in Poland and Germany by Rosa tent, the most unique bourgeois revolution- Luxemburg, in Holland by Gorter. . . . All ists, but bourgeois nonetheless. The first this constitutes the theory which only constage of the evolution of socialist thought firms Rosenbergs departure from revoluand action, the Marx-Engels and Bolshe- tionary Marxism. vik type of revolution prevalent in the The obscure Polish revolutionist, Vatalav Germanyof the formers days and the Rus- Makhaiski (Volski) developed the idea sia of the latters, was the organization of over thirty years ago that Marxism was the workers for the purpose of completing not the theory of the socialist proletariat, the bourgeois democratic revolution. At but of the declassed petty bourgeois intelthis stage in the development of Marxism ligentsia plus the ex-worker who had acthe working class acted under the direction quired an education and risen above his of a small group of professional revolu- class. These appropriated a considerable tionaries sprung from the radical bourgeois portion of social value, concealed by Marx inteIligentsia. The bourgeoisie, however, in Ca@al. Their position rendered des*Offered, by the way, in a most annoying perate by the pressure of capitalist concentranslation. Mr. Morrow is obviously un- tration, they sought to establish their own acquaintedwith the literature of the prole- rule with the aid of the real proletariat tarian movementfirst qualification for the whom they-repaid for this service by a translator of such a book. Arnold Ruge consolatory socialist mythology. U n t i 1 persistently becomes Rugge~ critical philo- every worker, said Makhaiski,became fully sophy becomes philosophical criticism; educated, that is, until increasing assaults Marxism, Communism; leading spirits, in- upon the state by elemental strike action tellectuals; socialism as an economy based broke down the educational monopoly in purely on needs becomes an economy based the hands of its rulers (finance capitalists or declassed intellectuals), there would on barter in the barest necessities of life; the national question, nationalism; bour- be no emancipation,and every government geois becomes middle class, so that for page could be nothing but a dictatorship over after page you get middle class revolution, the proletariat. At once fascinating and middle class dictatorship, middle class par- fantastic in its middle class utopianism, its Iiamentarism,middle class parties! Else- kinship with Rosenbergs views is patent. The accusation of middle class democrawhere, the translationis so . . . liberal that quotations in this review are revised after tism against Marx and later against Lenin is not a new one, nor has it ever had any the original.

Bolshevism

basin other tnan Ignorance or rnance. The unevenness of social development, known to every important social thinker in history, even if specifically formulated as a law only in Lenins time, is of course an essential component of the Marxian world conception. The classless socialist society cannot, therefore, be established merely by the wish of the proletariat or its vanguard, regardless of time or place; it is the logical outcome of the interplay of inexorabk social forces evolving at a different rate of speed in every country and age. Fundamentally this determines the conception of the permanentrevolution which comes to a close with the perfection of a harmonious world socialist economy; a new epoch begins for human development with social laws of its own. The revolution in permanence was the battle-cry of the Communists in Marxs time, as it is today. The German nation, the terrain on which capitalist productive forces could be liberated from the irksome bonds of reactionary feudalism, did not exist. Next in order of social progress, it could be brought into existence by the Bismarckian method, from above, by a combinationbetweenthe landed nobility (the Junkers) and a timid bourgeoisie, or by the revolutionary method, from below, by an upsurge of the masses which would establish them as a powerful independent factor prepared to carry the bourgeois revolution beyond its natural boundaries to the dictatorship of the proletariat and the inauguration of socialism. Rosenberg points out insinuatingly that the Neue Rh.einische Zeitung of Marx and Engels proclaimed itself an organ of democracy. 13utthe term did not then have the connotation of present-day middleclass liberalism, as a slight acquaintance with Marxism would reveal. The Communists of that time generally called themselves red democrats. Among the German signatories to the Demokratische Gesellschaft fiir Vtireinigwng aller Lattder, when it was iounded in November 1847, were not only vice-president Karl Marx, Hess and Weerth, but Stephan Born, to whom Rosenberg points as a true representative of the independent and strictly proletarian movement. In the very first issue of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Marx so caustically settled accounts with the bourgeois democrats of the Frankfort National Assemblywhich did nothing but talk about the establishmentof German unitythat the paper lost half of its respectable shareholders. It lost the other half when Marx impassionedly eulogized the proletarian heroes of the Paris insurrection of June 1848 in which all the bourgeois classes and parties united to crush the rebels. From the very beginning, wrote Marx in the last issue of the paper before its suppression, we have considered it superflUOUS to conceal our views. In a polemic with the local Prosecutor we exclaimed: The real opposition of the Neue Rheinische Z~itung first begins with the tri-color republic. . . . We summed up the old year 1848 with the words: The history of the Prussian bourgeoisie, as well as of the Germanbourgeoisie as a whole, from March to December, proves that a purely bourgeois revolution and the founding of bourgeois sovereignty under the form of the constitutional monarchy, is impossible in Germany, that only the feudal-absolutist counter-revolution is possible, or else the social-republican revolution. At the very start of his revolutionary activity, Lenin, whom Rosenberg calls a true bourgeds revolutionist of the 1848

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At Home
T1-lE.4ugust issue Of T ~ received a hearty welcome and response from a swiftly-increasing list of

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Africa,

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each day in the mails. The Spartacus Youth Club of San FranN I cisco writes,

h r i

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a w B T M

hattan branch, Spartacus Yonth Clubj sold 75 copies, an increi~se of Z5 copies over the July issue, and has taken more copies. The San Francisco branch of the Communist league, through its literature agent, writes: Send IO more copies of the second issue 2 ; t s (increase o

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n 1 : c i , ~ c r

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should fiil a need for those who are working along politicai lines. . . . Best wishes and congratulations. Was interested in the fine work cione in getting out both the first and secon{i issues. From a Canadian outpost in northern Canada: I am conTHE F?EW INTERNATIONAL, vinceci, is the best Marxist publication in America. A Louisiana subscriber: 1 think T[{E kTEW INrl?RNATIONAJ. is the best edited of any of the organs of the various advance(i groups. The cover is striking. A reader in Rotterdam, Hollanci, says, I find TILE NEW INTERNATIONAL a very good theoretical organ. To our reaciers : We ask you to say it also with cash. Help rJIE NEW INTERNATIONAL to put itself on a secure basis. The shows rapid ~rowth of our circulation c!early that there are thousan(is who want to read a thorough-going Nfarxian publication. The sale of the magazine is excellent. But we want more subscriptions: it makes a planned economy anci policy for the magazine much easier. Besides it assures a rea(ier his copy each month. Senci in your subscription today: $1.50 per year, to station D, P. O. Box 119, \Tew York City. (Aside : a {ionatiol?, to hoot, for TIIE ) Nrzw INTERXAHONAL Will llOt be rL!fLEied. TIIE MANA(;ER

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Max .10 Afaria Reese Internationale .05 .IO

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customers are full of praise at the high quality of the Total orciers in Australia thus format.
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The New International
I. MARXIAN analyses

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... :

current. issue of 1

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has published and will publish: 1

M M
Fo)tl?llof the WorldRcZ~oll(tioll ...
periodical for e~-erj. radical anece%ar} who wants to keep informed. ~~*L*N4 . 1

11 American scene and the American mind: policies of the Roosevelt administration: problems of the trade union movement and its strike struggles ; the political crystallization of the revoluticmar>, forces, etc., etc. 11 2: MARxIAN surveys bf the international political sitll:Ltion. The hot spots of today and tomorro\v : Soviet Union, 1 France, Japan; Germany, Spain, the Far East, alid elseivbere, by outstanding revolutionary minds in every countr}. 3. DETAILED accounts of the burning issue of our epoch:

1 1}
1 .

W
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C
.4rticles CHARLES

T
by

the Fourth

International,

its problems

and its progress.

As

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it comes more and more to the foreground day by. {lay, follow it through in the columns of our- review and l~e assured of authentic and authoritative information unobtainable iu the hostile bourgeois and pseudo-revolutionary press. 4. FACTS, but no fancies, relating to the development of the new- revolutionary party in the United States. The ]ilain political current in the labor movement of this country will
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A. BEARL) CHASE L)REISER

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5. P~iY~TRATINGarticles on the fundamel~tal pr-inci!)les I and strate~gy of the world revolutionary movement by Leon IF Trotskv. 6 fLASSICS of Marxism, printed for the first time in English from the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Luxenlburg: II Mebringj Plekhanov, Lafargue, Riazanov and Liebknecht. 7. MARXIAN criticism of arts and letters, in our book review section, as well as in the form of studies by PlekhanOV, Vorovsky, Voronsky and Trotsky. documents! The Archives section of THE 8. SUPPRESSED
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