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In Hesychius Lexicon we find the form ajlemo>v?ko>mpov. pov The word is marked by M. Schmidt with crux desperationis and we should consider it as uncertain. The form ajlemo>v is missing in the etymological dictionaries of the Greek language. However, if we succeed to etymologize it in a convincing way pointing out its cognates in Greek or in another IE languages the existence of ajlemo>v could be proved. Hesychius explains it as ko>mpov which means din, clash, but also metaphorically boast, vaunt. If we accept the existence of Gk. ajlemo>v, it seems to me possible to relate this form to the IE root *leh1- to which Gk. lh~rov trash, trumpery1 and OIr. lid accuses, blame belong. Pokorny (IEW: 666) mentions Gk. lh~rov and OIr. lid accuses together with Skt. ryati barks, Gk. lai>ein?fqe>ggesqai, Arm. lam cry, weep, Lat. lmentum moaning, weeping, lamentation, lament, ltr trre barks, Lith. lju, lti, lti OBg. barks, etc., and he derives all these forms from IE *l *l -, *l*l-. LIV (2001: 400) reconstructs an IE root *leh2- barks, but remarks that OIr. lid < *leh1- weicht lautlich und semantisch ab. In this case we could suppose the existence of two different IE roots *leh2barks and *leh 1- with an approximate meaning tell false or futile things. The hypothesis that Gk. lh~r ov o and OIr. lid2 belong to IE *leh1- is acceptable from
The Greek-English Lexicon of Liddell and Scott gives the meanig trash, trumpery. Chantraine translate lh~rov as vain bavardage, souvent trompeur, Bailly as radotage ; bavardage ; sottise, niaiserie et par extension objet sans valeur, bagatelle. 2 Matasovi (2009 : 243) reconstructs for OIr. lid a root *sleyH*sleyH- accuses whose cognate is Lat. ls, ltis strife, dispute, quarrel. The initial stl- in the Old Latin form represents a serious problem and as Ernout and Meillet notice une initiale stl- a peu de chance dtre indo-europenne.
both phonetic and semantic point of view. If Gk. ajlemo>v is cognate to the Greek and Old Irish forms, it could go back to *lh 1-emoemo-s. I have already discussed the phonetic development *RHV*RHV- > aRV in Greek. It is attested in the cases ajle>a, ajle>h warmth, cognate to OBg. summer and possibly to Hitt. allaniyaallaniya- sweat, perspire (for a horse) < get overheated and OIr. allas sweat from the homonymic IE root *leh 1- warm, hot (Rikov, Mihalova 2007); ajlao>v blind < *lh 2eyey-o-s cognate to OBg. 3 blind from the IE root with Schwebeablaut *(s)leh2y-/(s)lh2ey- (Mihalova 2008); Gk. ajmalo>v soft, weak used by Homer as an epithet of young animals < *mh mh1eloelo-, cognate to Gk. mh~lon small cattle, OIr. mil little animal < *meh 1lolo-, niderl. maal young cow, OBg. little < *moh1-lolo- (Mihalova 2009)4.
References: Bailly, M. A. 1906. Dictionnaire grec-franais. 5e dition. Paris. Chantraine, Pierre. 1968-1980. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. Vol. I-IV. Paris. Derksen, Rick. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon. Leiden Boston. Ernout, Alfred, Antoine Meillet. 1951. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. Histoire
CSl *slp *slp is probably a postverbal formation built on the basis of the causative slpiti. slpiti. As far as I know, the only counterevidence for this development could be Gk. laio>v left which is often derived from IE *lh2eywos because of the non-acute intonation of its Slavic cognates, cf. SCr. ljev, jev, lv v (see for example Schrijver 1991: 2003, Derksen 2008: 275).
Mihalova, Biliana. 2008. Notes sur ltymologie de gr. aveugle, v. bulg. *slp et ses congnres. IF, 113, 193 196. Mihalova, Biliana. 2009. Note tymologique sur gr. Linguistique balkanique XLVIII, (1-2), 2009, 129-131. Rikov, Georgi T., Mihalova, Biliana. 2007. Notes dtymologie anatolienne. In : Tabularia
Schrijver, Peter. 1991. The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam Atlanta.