EGYPTIAN CULTURe AND SOcIeTY

EGYPTIAN CULTURe AND SOcIeTY

sTUDIes IN HONOUR OF NAGUIB KANAWATI

SUPPLMENT AUX ANNALES DU SERVICE DES ANTIQUITS DE L'GYPTE

CAHIER NO 38

VOLUMe I

Preface by ZAHI HAWAss

Edited by ALeXANDRA WOODs ANN McFARLANe SUsANNe BINDeR

PUBLICATIONS DU CONSEIL SUPRME DES ANTIQUITS DE L'GYPTE

Graphic Designer: Anna-Latifa Mourad. Director of Printing: Amal Safwat. Front Cover: Tomb of Remni. Opposite: Saqqara season, 2005. Photos: Effy Alexakis.

(CASAE 38) 2010 Conseil Suprme des Antiquits de l'gypte

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher Dar al Kuttub Registration No. 2874/2010 ISBN: 978-977-479-845-6 IMPRIMERIE DU CONSEIL SUPRME DES ANTIQUITS

The abbreviations employed in this work follow those in B. Mathieu, Abrviations des priodiques et collections en usage l'IFAO (4th ed., Cairo, 2003) and G. Mller, H. Balz and G. Krause (eds), Theologische Realenzyklopdie, vol 26: S. M. Schwertner, Abkrzungsverzeichnis (2nd ed., Berlin - New York, 1994).

Presented to

Naguib KanaWati AM FAHA

Professor, Macquarie University, Sydney Member of the Order of Australia Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities

by his Colleagues, Friends, and Students

CONTeNTs
VOLUMe I
PReFAce ZAHI HAWASS AcKNOWLeDGeMeNTs NAGUIB KANAWATI: A LIFe IN EGYPTOLOGY ANN MCFARLANE NAGUIB KANAWATI: A BIBLIOGRAPHY

xiii xv xvii

xxvii

SUSANNE BINDER, The Title 'Scribe of the Offering Table': Some Observations GILLIAN BOWEN, The Spread of Christianity in Egypt: Archaeological Evidence

1 15

from Dakhleh and Kharga Oases

EDWARD BROVARSKI, The Hare and Oryx Nomes in the First Intermediate

31

Period and Early Middle Kingdom

VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER, Writings of the Word Hathor from Akhmim MALCOLM CHOAT, Athanasius, Pachomius, and the 'Letter on Charity and

87 97

Temperance'
ROSALIE DAVID, Cardiovascular Disease and Diet in Ancient Egypt LINDA EVANS, Otter or Mongoose? Chewing over the Evidence in Wall Scenes RObYN GILLAM, From Meir to Quseir el-Amarna and Back Again: The Cusite

105 119 131

Nome in SAT and on the Ground SAID G. GOHARY, The Cult-Chapel of the Fortress Commander Huynefer at Saqqara
MICHELLE HAMPSON, 'Experimenting with the New': Innovative Figure Types

159

165

and Minor Features in Old Kingdom Workshop Scenes

ix

ZAHI HAWASS, The Anubieion TOM HILLARD, The God Abandons Antony: Alexandrian Street Theatre in 30Bc COLIN A. HOPE AND OLAf E. KAPER, A Governor of Dakhleh Oasis in the

181 201 219

Early Middle Kingdom

JANA JONES, Some Observations on the Dimensions of Textiles in the Old

247

Kingdom Linen Lists

EDWIN A. JUDGE, The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before

263

Constantine
LESLEY J. KINNEY, Defining the Position of Dancers within Performance

279

Institutions in the Old Kingdom

AUDRAN LAbROUSSE, Huit pouses du roi Ppy Ier

297

VOLUMe II
MIRAL LASHIEN, The Transportation of Funerary Furniture in Old Kingdom

Tomb Scenes
LISE MANNICHE, The Cultic Significance of the Sistrum in the Amarna

13

Period
KIM MCCORQUODALE, 'Hand in Hand': Reliefs in the Chapel of Mereruka

27

and other Old Kingdom Tombs

RObERT S. MERRILLEES, Two Unusual Late Cypriote Bronze Age Juglets from

35

Egypt in Western Australia and Tatarstan

JUAN CARLOS MORENO GARCA, La gestion des aires marginales: pHw, gs, Tnw, sxt

49

au IIIe millnaire
KAROL MYLIWIEC, The Mysterious Mereris, Sons of Ny-ankh-nefertem

71

(Sixth Dynasty, Saqqara)

ALANNA NObbS, Phileas, Bishop of Thmouis

93

BOYO G. OCKINGA, The Memphite Theology - Its Purpose and Date MAARTEN J. RAVEN, A New Statue of an Old Kingdom Vizier from Saqqara GAY RObINS, Space and Movement in Pre-Amarna Eighteenth Dynasty

99 119 129

Theban Tomb Chapels

ASHRAf-ALEXANDRE SADEK, Trois pices de la Collection gyptienne du

143

Muse des Beaux-Arts de Limoges

RAMADAN EL-SAYED, propos de sept scarabes au Muse du Caire MICHAEL SCHULTz, The Biography of the Wife of Kahai: A Biological

151 163

Reconstruction
SAMEH SHAfIK, Disloyalty and Punishment: The Case of Ishfu at Saqqara BASIM SAMIR EL-SHARKAWY, Sobek Further Documents

181 191

at

Memphis,

Once

Again:

KENNETH A. SHEEDY, Scenes from Alexandria in the Time of Domitian KARIN N. SOWADA, Forgotten Cemetery F at Abydos and Burial Practices of the

205 219

Late Old Kingdom

JOYCE SWINTON, De-Coding Old Kingdom Wall Scenes: Force-Feeding the Hyena ELIzAbETH THOMPSON, Scenes of the Tomb Owner Journeying-by-Water: The

233 247

Motif in Tombs of the Old Kingdom Cemetery of El-Hawawish

MIROSLAV VERNER, MIROSLAV BRTA AND ZDENKA Svov, The Second Renaissance

267

of Abusir
SOPHIE WINLAW, The Chapel Types Utilised in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara ALEXANDRA WOODS, A Date for the Tomb of Seneb at Giza: Revisited

281 301

xi

WRITINGS OF THE WORD HATHOR FROM AKHMIM*

Vivienne G. Callender Macquarie University
This article has been written as a result of recent work completed for the Palaeography Project, headed by Dimitri Meeks (University of Montpelier). My brief was to study the hieroglyphs of Akhmim from the end of the FifthNinth Dynasties. The project aims to augment Gardiner's list and record the actual variations made by the Egyptian scribes from different times and places within the pharaonic period. These records have been made available by the work of Naguib Kanawati and his team from Auckland and Macquarie Universities. To date, we can assert that a number of new signs and some very unusual variant writings have been found within the Akhmim corpus, which do not have counterparts from any other region of Egypt. Amongst these variant writings, it can be seen that some hieroglyphic signs changed over time. One of the most interesting records of this (Gardiner O10), which represents the name of the kind belongs to the hieroglyph goddess @wt-@r Hathor. This article considers several examples showing different ways of writing the signs among the Akhmim artists and attempts to analyse why the changes were made.

Naguib Kanawati is most closely associated with the Old Kingdom cemetery that was the burial ground for the higher officials who once worked in the Upper Egyptian town of Akhmim. During more than a dozen years of work under his leadership, teams from Auckland and Macquarie Universities carefully recorded the sadly fragmentary paintings and reliefs preserved in the crumbling tombs of the mountain today referred to as El-Hawawish. To provide a complete record of the cemetery, even tombs without scenes or inscriptions were recorded in architectural plans and sections. In addition to the decoration in the tombs, other funerary items were robbed from this cemetery many years previously and consist of a number of engravings and paintings on limestone stelae, a handful of wooden objects as well as twenty-five painted coffins that were removed from Akhmim and distributed to a number of museums1 within and outside of Egypt. It is especially important that the details of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the coffins from Akhmim, only otherwise known from P. Lacau's publication,2 have been carefully copied for the first time. Thus, all four types of records from the Akhmim burials have today received some form of publication in the El-Hawawish series of reports that are now accessible to both the world of Egyptological scholarship and to the public in general. This daunting and, often tiresome work, stands as testament to the tremendous effort

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VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER

made by all those involved. Yet, their reward has been the preservation and record of a cemetery that may have been otherwise entirely lost as many other cemeteries to the north of El-Hawawish have been. Thanks to Naguib Kanawati and his team, the fragile remains of what K. P. Kuhlmann called the "traurigsten Kapiteln in der Geschichte archologischer Entdeckung in gypten"3 have been conserved and recorded for posterity. The Palaeographic Project During the years 2008-2009 further work has been conducted using the record published by the Australian Centre for Egyptology4 as part of a large palaeographic project led by Dimitri Meeks5 from the University of Montpelier. This project aims to collect the many different forms of unusual late Old Kingdom hieroglyphs as can be gathered from the Akhmim records. We acknowledge with gratitude Naguib Kanawati's approval to use the El-Hawawish records in this wide-ranging scheme, which aims to augment the known corpus of Egyptian hieroglyphs recorded thus far in A. H. Gardiner's Egyptian Grammar and R. Hannig's Wrterbuch collections. Gardiner lists a total of about 750 signs,6 a small number of which are not exact copies of actual signs, but composite forms. Gardiner compiled the list in c. 1929 more than eighty years ago and, due to many discoveries and publications since then, this list now falls far short of the true number of signs currently known.7 The Palaeography Project aims to collect and publish the actual variations of the hieroglyphic signs made by the scribes for all the major historical periods from the Third8 until the Thirtieth Dynasties, thus providing a fuller and more accurate guide to the actual hieroglyphic omnibus of ancient Egypt. The Akhmim records are particularly important for this work as they include various signs painted by the scribes during the late Old Kingdom and the disruption of the subsequent First Intermediate Period. To date, we can assert that many new signs were introduced during this time and some very unusual variant writings have been found within the Akhmim corpus, which do not have counterparts from any other region of Egypt. Tracing the Changes Amongst these variant writings, it is occasionally possible to detect the way in which some hieroglyphic signs changed within this period, and one of the most interesting records of this sort belongs to the hieroglyph (Gardiner O10),9 which represents the name of the goddess @wt-@r Hathor (see Figure 1a).10 Hathor's hieroglyph features a falcon standing within a square enclosure, in the upper corner of which (i.e. behind the shoulders of the bird) there is a small simple square, which was intended to be seen as a plan view of a building the straight lines possibly represent the plan of an early temple inside a sacred enclosure. Originally, Hathor was a sky goddess and the presence of the bird is a way of emphasizing this characteristic, as falcons are the lords of the sky in Egypt. The reading of the hieroglyph, the primary meaning of which is usually understood as "the mansion of Horus", is ambiguous. The sign may refer to the original view of Hathor as the sky,
88

WRITINGS OF THE WORD HATHOR FROM AKHMIM

but also to another myth that claims the goddess Hathor gave birth to Horus, and in this case, the enclosure represents the child Horus (as a bird) in the womb.11 As Horus was also thought to be incarnated within the king, Hathor was symbolically the mother of the king as well. Whilst images of Hathor may even be traced back to the Predynastic period, the goddess's name was used in this form only from Dynasty Four onwards12 and appeared in the Akhmim region13 some time after this date. Despite its slow introduction, writing the name of Hathor with the falcon in the enclosure continued into the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The example in Figure 1b14 has an enclosure narrower than Figure 1a, and both enclosures are more rectangular than the square enclosure used in the adjacent example, suggesting the way in which the basic Hathor sign began to alter at Akhmim. Another common variation of the hieroglyphic name for Hathor recorded at Akhmim15 shows a bird in the enclosure, but without the additional building (Figure 1c).16 Used throughout Egypt, this hieroglyph was a standard alternative to the first two examples (Figures 1a-b) and was also in use for a long period of time. Both these forms of Hathor's name are commonly found in the tombs at ElHawawish and on the coffins and stelae. The next example from an Akhmim coffin, however, deviates from the standard hieroglyphic tradition because the artist has removed the bird from the enclosure altogether (Figure 1d).17 The reason for this radical rewriting of the sign derives from the hieroglyphic usage in the Pyramid Texts (introduced at the end of the Fifth Dynasty), where certain bird and animal hieroglyphs were 'mutilated' to prevent any magical attack in the Afterlife.18 Frequently, instead of mutilation, the phonetic spelling19 of the names of deities was used in funerary contexts instead of the animal versions of the hieroglyphs. The Akhmim artist who completed this group of signs with a face and t-loaf may have been aware of the Pyramid Text tradition and elected to omit the predatory falcon from his patron's funerary domain in the Afterlife. This phonetic form would have rendered the sign of Hathor always a powerful and sometimes capricious goddess harmless to the deceased. An alternative spelling for the @r or 'Horus' part of Hathor's name, has been substituted for the bird and the representation of the enclosure (the @wt-element) has also been decidedly narrowed in Figure 1d. The augment of t for the @wt-sign has also been removed from the enclosure and set above the head of the Hr-glyph,20 while the enclosure itself has been given an extra division in its upper section. The square building originally enclosed by the walls of the Hwt is still retained, but the Hr-element has been placed outside the enclosure, perhaps to reduce the power of this often volatile goddess.21 In addition, the short beard usually shown on the chin of the Hr-glyph has been omitted and substituted by a human neck . In this example, the enlarged ears of the head recall the cow-ears of Hathor, so that (either consciously or unconsciously) the artist may have been thinking of a representation of Hathor herself. Indeed, a number of the examples of this glyph as shown in this article have a decidedly feminine face (see Figures 1e, 1f, etc).

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VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER

Unlike the majority of hieroglyphic signs that are seen en profile, the Hr-glyph reveals the entire face just as Hathor herself is one of the few deities ever shown en face in two-dimensional representations.22 The above mentioned beardless version of the Hr sign is thus thematically very suitable for the spelling of the name for the female god,23 on whom a beard would be inappropriate, and it is more than likely that these variations were deliberate. The fourth version of the name of Hathor (Figure 1e)24 at Akhmim is similar to the previous example, with both the head and t-augment placed outside the enclosure. The enclosure itself is rectangular and elongated, not square, as in the original version of the sign (Figure 1a). Perhaps this narrowing of the enclosure sign was designed to reduce space for the writing of Hathor's name, as the inclusion of the elements outside the enclosure would have doubled the width of the group of signs. As in previous examples, the small square building can still be found in the bottom corner of the sign and the face of the Hr-hieroglyph has also become rather feminine. The next variation also sees the beard omitted on the head of the Hr-hieroglyph (Figure 1f),25 which is a detail found on all other renderings of this word on the Akhmim coffins. On this occasion, the enclosure has become very narrow compare the large, square area of the first of these Hathor signs, given in the text above. Furthermore, the internal area has been divided into two spaces of equal size and the small internal building has been omitted. Perhaps this indicates that the original internal building has become more substantial in size by this time? Or, was it simply a more hasty rendering of the sign? As in the previous examples cited above, the beard is missing from the Hr-sign for Figure 1g,26 and the face again has a feminine appearance. However, there are other obvious changes between this particular hieroglyph and the preceding examples. The enclosure now has three internal spaces did the artist deliberately decide to place the small square building within the enclosure or does this representation of the sign simply predate the example given in Figure 1f? Interestingly, the t-augment for Hwt has also been omitted and, instead, the Hr-sign is given an augment with the phoneme r. It is of considerable importance to note that the variations to these signs are not a series of changes made within a chronological dimension. This particular variation of the name of Hathor in Figure 1g is on the same coffin as example Figure 1a above, which appeared on Side 2 of Ankhenes's coffin. By contrast, the sign represented in Figure 1g was placed on Side 3, the long side of the coffin, which should be oriented to the west. Do we have evidence of an alternation of these signs for a religious purpose? If so, the placement of the signs probably reflects Hathor's role as the goddess of the West, the one who helped the deceased to travel to the Horizon of the Afterlife, and for that reason, a feminine face was more welcoming than a predatory bird.

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WRITINGS OF THE WORD HATHOR FROM AKHMIM

Figure 1h27 is yet again different, with a simple, irregular, lozenge-shaped enclosure for the Hwt-sign. The Hr-element is a poorly preserved head with the r phoneme beside the enclosure. In relation to the enclosure sign, the head is much larger than other similar signs found in examples Figure 1d-g. Both the enclosure and the Hr-glyph include a phonetic complement. In this case, however, the enclosure is a lozenge, rather than an attempt at a true rectangle, and the tcomplement has horizontal stripes, which is the typical way the Akhmim artists decorated their t-loaf bread signs. Perhaps this exaggerated and large loaf is a visual pun for an offering for the deceased. Figure 1h, which is similar in some ways to the preceding example, is also from the coffin of Ankhenes, but from Side 4, so we see that this artist has used three different ways of writing the name Hathor on the one funerary object. The hieroglyphs are not well preserved here, so the face includes few details, but both examples (Figures 1g and 1h) show what appears to be a tight skull cap on the Hr-glyph. (Such a skull cap is always worn by the god Ptah). Figure 1i28 is comparable to the previous example in that the Hr-sign is augmented by the r but, in this example, the word representing the Hr-element (the face and mouth version) has been replaced inside the enclosure once again! Moreover, the small square building has also been included in the upper left corner. In his recording of the Hathor signs from South Saqqara, E. Brovarski29 remarked that, whilst he could sometimes find parallels with such writings in other governorates, his Hr-sign with the r-complement inside the square enclosure had no parallel. Although the Akhmim example has the addition of a small building within the enclosure, its Hr-sign with the r-complement does elicit comparison with Brovarski's example. (All his other examples include the twisted flax hieroglyph .) The final Akhmim variation of the Hathor hieroglyph under discussion (Figure 1j)30 is the most intriguing of all the different ways of writing the name of Hathor at Akhmim, and only a reference to the original coffin inscription (Figure 2)31 can verify that this collection of signs is to be read as Hathor.32 The coffin belonged to a distinguished woman from Akhmim who, amongst other offices, was a Priestess of Hathor as all the owners of these signs mentioned in this article have been so the writing of the goddess's name had particular importance for her. But the rendering of this title is very different from all the previous versions of the goddess' name because the phoneme h (Gardiner's O4) has replaced the enclosure sign. In substituting the 'reed hut/cattle enclosure' for the temple/mansion enclosure represented by , the incorrect phoneme has been used. Furthermore, the sign that has been substituted for the Hwt-element of Hathor's name has been written upside down on the painted coffin. Despite these apparent errors, this inversion and substitution are unlikely to be mistakes.33 I suspect that this talented artist had deliberately inverted the hieroglyph to alert the viewer to the fact that Gardiner's O4 was not to serve the same purpose as the simple h because, elsewhere, he/she writes the phoneme correctly on the same coffin.
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VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER

Yet, the question remains: What point was the artist trying to make here? If one consults the original inscription, (Figure 2), we note that the full title of the priestess Nefertjentet is Hmt nTr @wt-@r nbt nht 'Priestess of Hathor, mistress of the Sycamore/Acacia House'. It therefore seems likely that the use of Gardiner's O4 was a pun, as the sign recalls the most prolific epithet known for Hathor: nbt nht, 'Mistress of the sycamore', which, in fact, uses Gardiner's O4 sign. As can be seen from Figure 2, the inverted hieroglyph (Gardiner's O4 sign) balances the use of the O4 sign on the other side of the vertical Hmt nTr hieroglyphs. It is very likely that at least one of the reasons for the inclusion of the 'wrong sign' for the Hwt-hieroglyph was the desire for balance in the writing of the title.34 Conclusion At Akhmim the individuals who wrote the texts for the various needs of the mortuary cult seem to have been a particularly inventive and competent group of artisans. The ways in which they varied the writing of the name of Hathor provides just one indication of their particular skill, but this is by no means a singular phenomenon.35 Detailed study of the hieroglyphic inscriptions provides us with an opportunity to enquire into the purpose behind their adoption of particular signs, revealing that the reasons for substitution and change may at times be extremely subtle and sophisticated. It is only because of the work of Naguib Kanawati and his assistants at El-Hawawish that we have today the privilege of being able to examine the use of those hieroglyphs at leisure for ourselves.

1 2

This article was commenced during time spent at the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University, Prague, thanks to research grant from the Czech Ministry of Education (Research Grant No. MSM 0021620826). I am most grateful to the Ministry of Education, and to members of the Institute, particularly to the Head of the Project, Miroslav Verner, and to the Chief Librarian, Jiina Rzov, who saw that every library request was attended to promptly. I would also like to thank Mary Hartley (Macquarie University) for drawing the selected hieroglyphic signs accompanying this article and Alexandra Woods for arranging this service for me. Most of the Akhmim coffins are now are housed in the Cairo Museum. (CG 28002-28021) P. Lacau, Sarcophages antrieurs au Nouvel Empire [CG 28001-28126], IFAO, (19041906), 2 vols. Lacau's inscriptions used the hieroglyphic font of the IFAO printing house, a type face that appears in silhouette and lacks all internal detail. Several examples of Lacau's transcriptions even fail to capture the outlines of many of the Akhmim coffin hieroglyphs, which is why the Auckland/Macquarie University copies are essential for the current study. However, several coffins that were not available for an epigraphic record have been printed with Lacau's copies instead and it would be very useful if these too could be included in some future publication. K. P. Kuhlmann, Materialien zur Archologie und Geschichte des Raumes von Achmim SDAIAK 11 (Mainz am Rhein, 1978), 50. N. Kanawati et al., The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish. The Cemetery of Akhmim, 10 vols. (Sydney, 1980-1992).

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10

11

12

13

14 15

16 17 18

19

20

21 22

D. Meeks, 'La Palographie hiroglyphique: Une discipline nouvelle', Egypte, Afrique & Orient 46 (2007), 3-14. A. H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar. Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs, Griffiths Institute (3rd edn., Oxford, 1957), 544-548. There are more than seventeen common hieroglyphs from the Akhmim signs alone (and quite a few that are less common), which are not included in Gardiner's list, and this count does not include numerous variants (both common and less frequently used variants). Thanks to Hilda Petrie's painstaking work, the corpus of signs for the Early Dynastic period was published in the late 1920's, H. Petrie, Egyptian Hieroglyphs of the First and Second Dynasties (London, 1927). The hieroglyphic font used for several signs in this paper was supplied by JSesh: An Open Source Hieroglyphic Editor. For the purpose of this paper all the figures have been drawn after the original publications. The references for the figures will be provided after each citation in the text. E.g. Figure 1a) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 38). See for example, A. Roberts, Hathor Rising. The Serpent Power of Ancient Egypt (Trowrbridge, 1995), 21 and fig. 25. S. Allam, Beitrge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches), M..S. Band 4 (Berlin, 1963), 4. Henwi's stele (probably from the F.I.P) is one of the many Akhmim examples that uses this form with the small enclosure behind the falcon's shoulder (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, fig. 32a). Image reference for Figure 1b) Stele CG 1613 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, fig. 32b). Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 26c. The Akhmim coffin inscription of Nebet-itef uses this form. Kanawati (p.64) suggests that she lived during Dynasty Six or later. Image reference for Figure 1c) Coffin CG 28013 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 26). Image reference for Figure 1d) Coffin CG 28013 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish IV, fig. 30). Similar 'mutilation' of signs are attested in Old Kingdom elite tombs, see N. Kanawati, 'Decoration of Burial Chambers, Sarcophagi and Coffins in the Old Kingdom' in K. Daoud, S. Bedier and S. Abd-el-Fatah, (eds) Studies in Honor of Ali Radwan, 3 vols., SASAE 34 (Cairo, 2005), II, 55-71. For example, the name of the god Seth was never written in its usual animal form within the tomb itself, but his name was written as %Ts. E. Brovarski, ('The Late OK at South Saqqara' in L. Pantalacci and C. Berger-El-Naggar, (eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep Travaux archologiques en course sur la fin de la VIe dynastie et la Premire Priode Intermdiaire, TMO 40, [Lyon, 2005], 58) cites H. G. Fischer's remark that this type of writing appears as early as Dynasty Eight on the false door of Princess Nebet of Koptos. Brovarski himself records similar alternative writings from South Saqqara, which he says are typical of Dynasty Nine writings at Naga ed-Dr, Only one example (No. 5 in Brovarski's group on p. 59) corresponds to a specific sign from Akhmim (Figure 1i of the present article). Brovarski's No. 5 is similar, but not identical to the Akhmim writing, although all of the examples listed are 'mutilated' hieroglyphs. No other examples show divisions within the enclosure hieroglyph similar to those found on the coffins at Akhmim. See Roberts, Hathor Rising, passim. As P. Lacau, Sur le systme hiroglyphique, BDE 25 (Cairo, 1954), 9 has remarked, the head symbolised nothing less than the identity of a person or god, and the fact that Hathor is singled out among the gods by being shown en face distinguishes her and emphasises her importance.

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VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER

23

24 25 26 27 28

29 30 31 32

33

34

35

Other variations on the spelling of Hathor from different centres in Egypt used the twisted flax sign (H) see Brovarski's examples from South Saqqara Brovarski, in Pantalacci and Berger-El-Naggar, (eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep, 58. Image reference for Figure 1e) Coffin CG 28010 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 39d). Image reference for Figure 1f) Coffin CG 28015 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 27). Image reference for Figure 1g) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 38c). Image reference for Figure 1h) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 41a). Image reference for Figure 1i) Coffin 13.10.11.26 Merseyside County (Kanawati, ElHawawish IX, fig. 29h). Brovarski, in Pantalacci and Berger-El-Naggar, (eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep, 59. Image reference for Figure 1j) Coffin CG 28001 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, fig. 32b). As per previous image, Coffin CG 28001 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, fig. 32b). CG 28001 belongs to Xkrt nswt, watt, wrSt Mnw, Hmt nTr @wt-Hr nbt nht Nfr-Tntt = Sole Ornament of the king, Watcher of Min, Priestess of Hathor-Mistress-of-the-Sycamore, Nefer-tjentet (she who belongs to the Holy Cow). See Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, pl. 16, fig. 32b. Her floruit is confusing. N. Kanawati believes that the owner of this coffin might have been the wife of Tjeti/Kai-hep, the owner of tomb M8 at El-Hawawish, which he dates to the reign of Merenre (Kanawati, El-Hawawish III, 14). In Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, 61, the author suggests that the wife mentioned on a broken architrave belonging to a man named Tjeti (Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago 31700; Kanawati, ElHawawish VI, pl. 15, fig. 31), may be the same Nefer-tjentet who owns coffin CG 28001. Evidence for this opinion can be seen in a few glyphs along from this sign, where the hsign is correctly shown. For further discussions on this phrase, its artistic qualities and meaning, see V. G. Callender, 'The Art of Egyptian Hieroglyphs as used by the Akhmim Painters' in N. Strudwick (ed.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the Conference held at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, May 20-23 2009, forthcoming. Callender in Strudwick (ed.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology, forthcoming.

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a) Cofn CG 28002 of Ankhenes.

b) Stele CG 1613 of Iret.

c) Cofn CG 28013 of Nebet-itef.

d) Cofn CG 28008 of Hetepet.

e) Cofn CG 28010 of Ipi.

f) Cofn CG 28015 of Henyt.

g) Cofn CG 28008 of Ankhenes.

h) Cofn CG 28002 of Ankhenes.

i) Cofn 13.10.11.26 of Hetepit.

j) Cofn CG 28001 of Nefer-tjenet. FIGURE 1. Examples of the hieroglyphs used for the name of Hathor on cofns and from stelae texts from Akhmim scribes.

FIGURE 2. The hieroglyphic inscription from Side 2 of the cofn of Hmt nTr wt-r nbt nht Nefer-tjentet CG 28001. 95