TOPIC:

STUDY OF LANGUAGES IN PERSPECTIVE OF

PIDGIN AND CREOLE

PREPARED BY:
HAFIZ SAEED AHMAD HAFIZ NOUMAN ASGHAR HAFIZ ALAMGIR MALIK KAMRAN SALMA ZAMIR NEELAM AZHAR

PREPARED FOR:
PROF.MUDASSAR MAHMOOD SPECIALIST OF LANGUAGE STUDIES

(FASS)

UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL PUNJAB

PREFACE
We often came to listen that human is a social animal because everyone is somehow interconnected to another one in any mode of social life.Now, the question is which thing is plays a basic role to bring them close or connected to each other? Definitely the answer is Language or Cade through which they communicate their thoughts, expressions and motives. Most probably to gain and explore knowledge about that is called SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDY. The motive of this research work is because of our last semester of MSISwhich is consists of a sociolinguistic subject that is duly need an assignment in order to fulfill this purpose this kind of topic for research was chosen. In fact, this is a group study which is done under the supervision of Prof.MudassarMehmood a Lecturer of Sociolinguistic study at UCP. The group consists of six members as under: 1. HAFIZ SAEED AHMAD (G.R) 2. MUFTI NOUMAN ASGHAR

3. HAFIZ ALAMGIR 4. MALIK KAMRAN 5. SALMA ZAMIR 6. NEELAM RAFIQUE

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER NO.1

Introduction to the topic Historical analysis And Hurdles in the study Origin of the terms Theories of origin Development of the terms

CHAPTER NO.2
Introduction to the pidgin and creole Definition of pidgin Etymology Terminology Development Common traits

CHAPTER NO.3 i. West African pidgin

Introduction to the language History of the language John mettews research Formation of language and Structure Language areas and Map of West Africa Historical Impacts Examples

CHAPTER NO.4 ii. Thai-English pidgin

Introduction to the language Characteristics and Structure Examples and phrases Particles Pronunciation

CHAPTER NO.5 iii. HAWAIIN PIDGIN ENGLISH

History and origin Development in recent years Formation and pronunciation Grammar and composition Common greetings

CHAPTER NO.6 iv. JUBA ARABIC

Introduction to the language History and origin Development in recent years Formation and pronunciation Grammar and composition Examples

INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH WORK

In this assignment we will present a research study about languages which are being spoken in the various parts of the world. Our main goal is to produce a comprehensive research about selected languages which are being spoken as code in terms of pidgins and creoles. Here is the quick look on our targeted languages which are respectively as under: West African Pidgin language Thai-English language Hawaiian Pidgin language Juba Arabic language Now, the time we will introduce the readers with the distribution of contents in respect of group members which were participating in this research work accordingly: Introductory portion, back ground and historical analysis of whole this research work goes to

HAFIZ SAEED
Comprehensive research on Pidgins and Creoles including definitions, terminologies, etymologies and development with the references of various examples this portion belongs to

SALMA ZAMIR
A productive and informative research about WEST AFRICAN PIDGIN ENGLISH including language formulation, language structure and language development with explanation of map through examples this work is done by

NEELAM AZHAR

Another marginal language THAI-ENGLISH PIDGIN including its all accessories is remained under the research observation of
HAFIZ ALAMGIR
An instructive and constructive research work on another variety of pidgin HAWAIIN PIDGIN ENGLISH with syntax, structure and easy to understand examples was by

MUFTI NOUMAN ASGHAR

At the end reader could study about a Arabic based pidgin variety JUBA ARABIC language which is easy to catch through handy examples by

MALIK KAMRAN

CHAPTER NO.1:
i.

INTODUCTION TO THE TOPIC

Most of the languages which are right now being spoken in various areas of the world, most probably many of them were emerged as an pidgin languages after this first stage with the passage of time these languages become creole or native language. In the term of language formulation we must considerably knew that any language could not been formulate until unless it except the effects of the culture which occupy the spoken community of that language, because every culture give the space to the words or shut the door for many other words, thats why it is admitted fact that no language can develop or survive without acceptance of cultural impacts. It was the time when all the varieties of languages like Lingua Franca, Pidgin and creole were considered as marginal languages. On the other side many fully fledged languages are exist but we have very limited knowledge about them, infect the serious study of these languages consists of only few decades. In addition, at the time of using these languages circumstances were also not favorable, the tendency of no-interest toward these languages was dominant, even speaking communities of these languages were also facing troubles and tortures, especially the researchers of these languages were threatened to destroy their careers.

(Ronald Warthaugh, An Introduction to Sociolinguistics Blackwell publishing 350 main street, Malden, MA02148-5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, OxfordOX4 2DQ, UK 550 Swanton Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia) Pg. NO.66/426, edition 5th, Pidgins and creoles

ii.

HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

Hyms (p.3) says pidgins and creoles were largely ignored by the linguists till 1930 and these languages were considered as marginal languages even some of them were advised to keep away from these languages otherwise their careers could be demolished. Infect, Hyms narrates the circumstances at the time of origin, in addition the attitude of language speaking communities was also not appreciated and knowledge about these languages was also very rare. Although these languages are central point of our studyandcentral point of the lives of millions of people too, because these communities are origin of these languages but, unfortunately these languages were associated with backward, poor and dark communities. He also argues that interest or information about these languages weather based on scholarly tone or general tone, all was prejudges. These languages were declared as degeneration rather creative adaptation, They attached them with inherited ignorance and indolence instead of historical and social forces, because these languages could easily ignore if these languages made separate from their political, social, literature and cultural power.

Ref:Ronaldwarthaugh 66/426

iii. THE TERMS PIDGIN AND CREOLE

ORIGION OF THE TERMS

There are a number of views on the origin of the term pidgin, none of which has gained sole acceptance by the academic community. 1) Chinese corruption of the word business. As the word is used for any action or occupation (cf. joss-pidgin religion and chow-chow-pidgin cooking') it should not be surprising that it be used for a language variety which arose for trading purposes. 2) Portuguese ocupaao meaning trade, job, occupation. This suggestion is interesting as the Portuguese were among the first traders to travel to the third world and influence natives with their language. Phonetically the shift from the original word to a form /pidgin/ is difficult to explain. 3) A form from the South American language Yayo -pidian meaning people (claim put forward by Kleinecke, 1959). This form occurs in tribal names like Mapidian, Tarapidian, etc. This claim rests on a single occurrence of the word Pidians in a text from 1606. But as several authors have pointed out this might be a spelling error for Indians seeing as how the author has other misspellings in the text in question. 4) Hancock (1972) suggested that the term is derived from pequenoportugues which is used in Angola for the broken Portuguese spoken by the illiterate. This view is semantically justified seeing that the word pequeno is often used to mean offspring, in this case a language derived from another. Phonetically, the shift to /pidgin/ is not difficult to account for: /peke:no/ > /pege:n/ > /pigin/ > /pidgin/ (stages not attested, however). 5) Hebrew word pidjom meaning barter. This suggestion is phonetically and semantically plausible, hinges however on the

distribution of a Jewish word outside of Europe and its acceptance as a general term for a trade language. The term creole There is less controversy on this issue than on the previous one. The term would seem to derive from French creole, it in its turn coming from Portuguese crioulo (rather than from Spanish criollo') which goes back to an Iberian stem meaning to nurse, breed, bring up. The present meaning is native to a locality or country. Originally it was used (17th century) to refer to those from European countries born in the colonies. The term then underwent a semantic shift to refer to customs and language of those in the colonies and later to any language derived from a pidgin based on a European language, typically English, French, Portuguese, Spanish or Dutch. Now the term refers to any language of this type, irrespective of what the input language has been.

iv.

Theories of origin

There are various theories about the origin of pidgins which have been proposed in the last hundred years or so. These can be presented as a basic group of five theories which show a degree of overlap; note that a mixture of origins is also a possibility which should also be considered. 1) The baby-talk theory at the end of the last century Charles Leland, when discussing China coast pidgin English, noted that there were many similarities with the speech of children such as the following features: a) High percentage of content words with a correspondingly low number of function words b) Little morphological marking c) Word classes more flexible than in adult language (free conversion) d) Contrasts in area of pronouns greatly reduced e) Number of inflections minimized Later linguists, notably Jespersen and Bloomfield, maintained that the characteristics of pidgins result from imperfect mastery of a language which in its initial stage, in the child with its first language and in the grown-up with a second language learnt by imperfect methods, leads to a superficial knowledge of the most indispensable word, with total disregard of grammar (Jespersen 1922: 234). The evaluative nature of such views would be rejected by linguists today. 2) Independent parallel development theory This view maintains that the obvious similarities between the worlds pidgins and creoles arose on independent but parallel lines due to the fact that they all are derived from languages of Indo-European stock and, in the case of the Atlantic varieties, due to their sharing a common West African substratum. Furthermore, scholars like Robert Hall specify that the similar social and physical conditions under which pidgins arose were responsible for the development of similar linguistic structures. 3) Nautical jargon theory As early as 1938 the American linguist John Reinecke noted the possible influence of nautical jargon on pidgins. It is obvious that on many of the original voyages of discovery to the developing world many nationalities were

represented among the crews of the ships. This fact led to the development of a core vocabulary of nautical items and a simplified grammar (at least as regards English). Later pidgins show many of these lexical items irrespective of where the language varieties are spoken. Thus the word capsise turns up with the meaning turn over or spill in both West Atlantic and Pacific pidgins. So do the words heave, hoist, hail, galley, cargo. One of the shortcomings of this otherwise attractive theory is that it does not help to account for the many structural affinities between pidgins which arose from different European languages. 4) Monogenetic/relexification theory According to this view all pidgins can be traced back to a single proto-pidgin, a 15th century Portuguese pidgin which was itself probably a relic of the medieval lingua franca (also known as sabir from the Portuguese word for know') which was the common means of communication among the Crusaders and traders in the Mediterranean area. Lingua franca survived longest on the North African coast and is attested from Algeria and Tunisia as late as the 19th century. The theory maintains that when the Portuguese first sailed down the west coast of Africa in the 15th century they would have used their form of lingua franca (sabir). Afterwards in the 16th and 17th centuries when the Portuguese influence in Africa declined, the vocabulary of the then established pidgins would have been replaced by that of the new colonial language which was dominant in the area, say English or French. As the Portuguese were among the first traders in India and South East Asia a similar situation can be assumed to have obtained: the vocabulary of the original Portuguese pidgin was replaced by that of a later European language. Note that with this theory the grammatical structure of pidgins would not have been affected by the switch in vocabulary (this is what is meant by the term relexification). Thus the obvious similarity in structure of all pidgins would go back to the grammar of the proto-pidgin coming from the Mediterranean area. What this theory does not explain is why the structure (analytic) should be of the type it is. Furthermore there are a number of marginal pidgins (Russenorsk, Eskimo Trade Jargon) which cannot conceivably be connected with Portuguese and which are nonetheless analytic in structure just as the pidgins based on the main European colonial languages are. 5) Universalist theory this is the most recent view on the origin of pidgins and has elements in common with the other theories. However, the distinguishing mark of this theory is that it sees the

similarities as due to universal tendencies among humans to create languages of a similar type, i.e. an analytic language with a simple phonology, an SVO syntax with little or no subordination or other sentence complexities, and with a lexicon which makes maximum use of polysemy (and devices such as reduplication) operating from a limited core vocabulary. To put it in technical terms, a creole will be expected to have unmarked values for linguistic parameters, e.g. with the parameter pro-drop, whereby the personal pronoun is not obligatory with verb forms (cf. Italian capisco I understand'), the unmarked setting is for no pro-drop to be allowed and indeed this is the situation in all pidgins and creoles, a positive value being something which may appear later with the rise of a rich morphology.

v.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERMS

Pidgins and Creoles

A pidgin is a restricted language which arises for the purposes of communication between two social groups of which one is in a more dominant position than the other. The less dominant group is the one which develops the pidgin. Historically, pidgins arose in colonial situations where the representatives of the particular colonial power, officials, tradesmen, sailors, etc., came in contact with natives. The latter developed a jargon when communicating with the former. This resulted in a language on the basis of the colonial language in question and the language or languages of the natives. Such a language was restricted in its range as it served a definite purpose, namely basic communication with the colonists. In

the course of several generations such a reduced form of language can becomemore complex, especially if it develops into the mother tongue of a group of speakers. This latter stage is that of creolization. Creoles are much expanded versions of pidgins and have arisen in situations in which there was a break in the natural linguistic continuity of a community, for instance on slave plantations in their early years. The interest of linguists in these languages has increased greatly in the last few decades. The main reason for this is that pidgins and creoles are young languages. In retracing their development it may be possible to see how new languages can arise. Furthermore, the large number of shared features among widely dispersed pidgins and creoles leads to the conclusion that creoles at least show characteristics which are typical of language in the most general sense, the features of older languages, such as complex morphology or intricate phonology, arising due to the action of various forces over a long period of time after the birth of these languages. In type, creoles are all analytic and generally lack complexity in their sound systems.

Developmental stages of pidgins/creoles

Social situation 1) 2) 3) 4) Marginal contact Nativisation Mother tongue development Movement towards standard language (not necessarily input language)

Linguistic correlate Restricted pidgin Extended pidgin Creole Decreolization

Pidgins are generally characterized as restricted and extended. In the life-cycle of pidgins one can note that they start off as restricted language varieties used in marginal contact situations for minimal trading purposes. From this original modest outset a pidgin may, assuming that there are social reasons for it to do so, develop into an extended type. The latter is characterized by the extension of the social functions of a pidgin. One very frequent scenario in the later

development of a pidgin is where it is used as a means of communication not just among black and white speakers but among native speakers themselves who however have very different native languages. This is the major reason for the survival of Pidgin English in West Africa. The function of Pidgin English is thus as a lingua franca, i.e. a common means of communication between speakers who do not understand their respective native languages. The process of pidginization is very common in any situation in which a lingua franca is called for. Normally any such variety dies out very quickly once the situation which gave rise to it no longer obtains. If the situation does continue to exist then the pidgin is likely to survive. The steps from restricted to extended pidgin and further to creole are only taken by very few languages, particularly the major restructuring typical of pidgins is not normally carried out by any but a very small number of input varieties. Reasons for creole development Creoles may arise in one of two basic situations. One is where speakers of pidgins are put in a situation in which they cannot use their respective mother tongues. This has arisen in the course of the slave trade (in the Caribbean and the southern United States) where speakers were deliberately kept in separate groups to avoid their plotting rebellion. They were then forced to maintain the pidgin which they had developed up to then and pass it on to future generations as their mother tongue thus forming the transition from a pidgin to a creole. A second situation is where a pidgin is regarded by a social group as a higher language variety and deliberately cultivated; this is the kind of situation which obtained in Cameroon and which does still to some extent on Papua New Guinea. The outcome of this kind of situation is that the children of such speakers which use pidgin for prestige reasons may end up using the pidgin as a first language, thus rendering it a creole with the attendant relinquishing of the native language of their parents and the expansion of all linguistic levels for the new creole to act as a fully-fledged language.

Ref: http://www.uni-due.de/SVE/VARS_PidginsAndCreoles.htm

CHAPTER NO.2
Introduction to the pidgin and creole

i. Pidgin
(Not to be confused with the Pigeon bird. For the instant messaging client).

A pidgin orpidgin language, is a simplified language that develops as a means of communication between two or more groups that do not have a language in common. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside (but where there is no common language between the groups). Fundamentally, a pidgin is a simplified means of linguistic communication, as it is constructed impromptu, or by convention, between individuals or groups of people. A pidgin is not the native language of any speech community, but is instead learned as a second language. A pidgin may be built from words, sounds, or body language from multiple other languages and cultures. Pidgins allow people or a group of people to communicate with each other without having any similarities in language and do not have any rules, as long as both parties are able to understand each other. Pidgins can be changed and do not follow a specific order. Pidgins usually have low prestige with respect to other languages. Not all simplified or "broken" forms of a language are pidgins. Each pidgin has its own norms of usage which must be learned for proficiency in the pidgin.

ii. Etymology
The origin of the word pidgin is uncertain. Pidgin first appeared in print in 1850. The most widely accepted etymology is from the Chinese pronunciation of the English word business. Another etymology that has been proposed is English pigeon, a bird sometimes used for carrying brief written messages, especially in times prior to modern telecommunications.

iii. Terminology
The wordpidgin, formerly also spelled pigion, originally used to refer to Chinese Pidgin English, was later generalized to refer to any pidgin. Pidgin may also be used as the specific name for local pidgins or creoles, in places where they are spoken. For example, the name of the creole language Tok Pisin derives from the English words talk pidgin. Its speakers usually refer to it simply as "pidgin" when speaking English. Likewise, Hawaiian Creole English is commonly referred to by its speakers as "Pidgin". The term jargon has also been used to refer to pidgins, and is found in the names of some pidgins, such as Chinook Jargon. In this context, linguists today use jargon to denote a particularly rudimentary type of pidgin; however, this usage is rather rare, and the term jargon most often refers to the words particular to a given profession. Pidgins may start out as or become trade languages, such as Tok Pisin. Trade languages are often full blown languages in their own right such as Swahili. Trade languages tend to be "vehicular languages", while pidgins can evolve into the vernacular.

iv. Pidgin development

The creation of a pidgin usually requires:

Prolonged, regular contact between the different language communities A need to communicate between them An absence of (or absence of widespread proficiency in) a widespread, accessible interlanguage

Also, Keith Whinnom (in Hymes (1971)) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. It is often posited that pidgins become creole languages when a generation of children learn a pidgin as their first language, a process that regularizes speaker-dependent variation in grammar. Creoles can then replace the existing mix of languages to become the native language of a community (such as the Chavacano language in the Philippines, Krio in Sierra Leone, and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea). However, not all pidgins become creole languages; a pidgin may die out before this phase would occur (e.g. the Mediterranean Lingua Franca). Other scholars, such as Salikoko Mufwene, argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European slaves, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily basilectalized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary.

v.

Common traits among pidgin languages

Since a pidgin language is a fundamentally simpler form of communication, the grammar andphonology are usually as simple as possible, and usually consist of:

Uncomplicated clausal structure (e.g., no embedded clauses, etc.) Reduction or elimination of syllable codas Reduction of consonant clusters or breaking them with epenthesis Basic vowels, such as [a, e, i, o, u] No tones, such as those found in West African and Asian languages Use of separate words to indicate tense, usually preceding the verb Use of reduplication to represent plurals, superlatives, and other parts of speech that represent the concept being increased A lack of morphophonemic variation

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pidgin citation time:10:55 p.m dated:4th june.2013,Tuesday From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

CHAPTER NO.3
West African Pidgin English i. INTRODUCTION TO THE LANGUAGE

West African Pidgin English, also called Guinea Coast Creole English, was the lingua franca, or language of commerce, spoken along the West African coast during the period of the Atlantic slave trade. British slave merchants and local African traders developed this language in the coastal areas in order to facilitate their commercial exchanges, but it quickly spread up the river systems into the West African interior because of its value as a trade language among Africans of different tribes. Later in its history, this useful trading language was adopted as a native language by new communities of Africans and mixed-race people living in coastal slave trading bases such as James Island, Bunce Island, Elmina Castle, Cape Coast Castle and Anomabu. At that point, it became a creole language. Some scholars call this language "West African Pidgin English" to emphasize its role as a lingua franca pidgin used for trading. Others call it "Guinea Coast Creole English" to emphasize its role as a creole native language spoken in and around the coastal slave castles and slave trading centers by people permanently based there.

ii.

HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE

West African Pidgin English arose during the period when the British dominated the Atlantic slave trade in the late 17th and 18th centuries, ultimately exporting more slaves to the Americas than all the other European nations combined. During this period, English-speaking sailors and slave traders were in constant contact with African villagers and long-distance traders along thousands of miles of West African coastline. Africans who picked up elements of pidgin English for purposes of trade with Europeans along the coast probably took the language up the river systems along the trade routes into the interior where other Africans who may never have seen a white man adopted it as a useful device for trade along the rivers. The existence of this influential language during the slave trade era is attested by the many descriptions of it recorded by early European travelers and slave traders. They called it the "Coast English" or the "Coast Jargon."

iii.

JOHN MATTHEWSs research (A British slave Trader in

sierra leone)

A British slave trader in Sierra Leone, named John Matthews, mentioned pidgin English in a letter he later published in a book titled A Voyage to the River Sierra-Leone on the Coast of Africa. Matthews refers to West African Pidgin English as a "jargon," and he warns Europeans coming to Africa that they will fail to understand the Africans unless they recognize that there are significant differences between English and the coastal pidgin: Those who visit Africa in a cursory manner...are very liable to be mistaken in the meaning of the natives from want of knowledge in their language, or in the jargon of such of them as reside upon the sea-coast and speak a little English; the European affixing the same ideas to the words spoken by the African, as if they were pronounced by one of his own nation. [This] is a specimen of the conversation which generally passes...: Well, my friend, you got trade today; you got plenty of slaves? No, we no got trade yet; by and by trade come. You cant go. What you go for catch people, you go for make war? Yes, my brother gone for catch people; or they gone for make war."

iv. Formation and Structure

Like other pidgin and creole languages, West African Pidgin English took the majority of its vocabulary from its target language (English), and much of its sound system, grammar, and syntax from the local substrate languages (West African NigerCongolanguages). The English dialect that served as the target language (or lexifier) for West African Pidgin English was not the speech of Britain's educated classes, though, but the Nautical English spoken by the British sailors who manned the slave ships that sailed to Africa. Nautical speech contained words from British regional dialects as well as specialized ship vocabulary. Evidence of this early nautical speech can still be found in the modern pidgin and creole languages derived from West African Pidgin English. In Sierra Leone Krio, for instance, words derived from English regional dialects include padi ("friend"), krabit ("stingy"), and berin ("funeral"). Words from specialized ship vocabulary include kohtlas ("machete"), flog ("beat," "punish"), eys [from "hoist"] ("to lift"), and dek ("floor").

v.

LANGUAGE AREAS AND MAP OF WEST AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE

Slave

trade

from

Africa

to

the

Americas,

1650-1860

This map shows the major slave trade routes between Europe, Africa, and the Americas over a two-hundred-year period. With the rise of the plantation economy after 1650, established first in sugar and later (after 1800) cotton, slavery became a fundamental economic institution in the Americas. The numbers in black rectangles indicate the approximate number of slaves sent to each region; the vast majority were transported to the West Indies and Brazil. Slaves from Western Africa formed the labor force for extracting profitable colonial commodities sugar, cotton, coffee, tobacco, rice, and precious metals providing the foundation for rapid growth in trade and productive economies in the European transatlantic empires. The legend on the lower left indicates the principal industries worked by slave labor in each region. Britain, which by the eighteenth century had the largest slave trade, abolished it in 1807. While other countries followed suit in officially banning the trade, illegal importation of slaves continued to flourish until the 1860s.

http://www.unc.edu/wrc/maps.html Citation time:04:05p.m Dated:5th june,2013 wednesday

vi. Historical impact

The various pidgin and creole languages still spoken in West Africa todaythe Aku language in The Gambia, Sierra Leone Krio,Nigerian Pidgin English, Ghanaian Pidgin English, Cameroonian Pidgin English, Fernando Poo Creole English, etc. -- are all derived from this early West African Pidgin English. Indeed, these contemporary English-based pidgin and creole languages are so similar that they are sometimes grouped together under the name "West African Pidgin English," though the term applies more properly to the trade language spoken on the West African coast two hundred years ago. Some scholars also argue that African slaves took West African Pidgin English to the New World where it helped give rise to the English-based creoles that developed there, including the Gullah language in coastal South Carolina and Georgia, Bahamian Dialect,Jamaican Creole, Belizean Kriol, Guyanese Creole, Sranan Tongo in Suriname, etc. Since the slaves taken to the Americas spoke many different African languages, they would have found West African Pidgin English as useful as a lingua franca on the plantations as they had found it back home in West Africa as a trading language. Their enslaved children born in the Americas would have adopted different versions of West African Pidgin English as their "native" languages, thus creating a series of New World English-based creoles. The similarities among the many English-based pidgin and creole languages spoken today on both sides of the Atlantic are due, at least in part, to their common derivation from the early West African Pidgin English. Note the following examples:

vii. EXAMPLES

Sierra Leone Krio:

Dem dey go for go it res -- They are going there to eat rice

Nigerian Pidgin English:

Dem dey go chop rais -- They are going there to eat rice

Cameroonian Pidgin English:

Deydi go for go chop rice -- They are going there to eat rice

Gullah:

Dem duh gwinefuh eat rice -- They are going there to eat rice

References:
1. ^ Matthews, John (1788). A Voyage to the River Sierra-Leone on the Coast of Africa. Printed for B. White and Son. 2. 3.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_African_Pidgin_English CITATION TIME:03:30 p.m., dated:5th june,2013, Wednesday

4. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

CHAPTER NO.4 ii. Thai-English pidgin

(Not to be confused with Tanglish or Tenglish, interlanguages of English with Tamil and Telugu, respectively).

i.

Introduction to the language

Tinglish is even widespread on official signs in Thailand. Tinglish (US and Thailand[1] ) or Thaiglish (UK) (also Thenglish, Thailish or Thainglish) is the imperfect form of English produced by native Thai speakers due to language interference from the first language. Differences from 'native' English include different pronunciation, unusual word choices, and grammatical anomalies, as well as innovative vocabulary items.

ii.

Characteristics and structure

Characteristics and examples (direct translation) include. omission of pronouns and of the verb be;

use of present tense + "already" instead of past tense non-use or incorrect use of articles, declension and conjugation. addition of Thai final particles, e.g. I don't know na Frequent confusion between any and every. General misunderstanding of conditional constructions pronunciation of silent letters in a word Inability[citation needed] to speak consecutive consonants. E.g. "Sprite" pronounced "Sa-pa-rite" use of double negatives lallation of the H and S pronunciation

iii.

Examples of words and phrases

Examples (direct translation) include: same same (similar, as usual) and same same but different (seems similar but different in some ways); I li' you wellywelly mutt (I like you very much) My frien' you (You are my friend) My friend you (your friend -- this construction is mostly correct in Thai) My name <name> (My name is <name>) Him boxing you (He will punch you) Up to you (It's your decision) [this is also perfectly good British English] open/close the light (means "To turn on/off the light"); no have ... (means "there is no ..." or "I do not have a ..."); I send you to airport (means "I will take you to the airport"); I love you too much; (indicating confusion between "too" and "very") I'm not pretty sure (means "I don't know"); This trousers are fit (means "this trousers are a little too small to wear"); I have ever been to London; I always go to London I'm interesting in football (means "I am interested in watching/playing football"); wash the film (means "develop the film"); I very like it (means "I really like it"); I'm sad when my mother angry me (means is angry with me); I used to go Phuket (means "I have been to Phuket before"); take a bath referring to taking a shower; Are you spicy? (means "Does your food taste spicy?") Are you boring? Do you feel bored? Do you know how to eat this? referring to food with taste that may be unfamiliar, or food requiring special eating method (such as wrapping it in lettuce) that may not be known to the listener; I play internet (I go on/use the internet); Check bill (means I want to get a check in a restaurant); This is suck!means "This sucks!"; I very enjoy! means "I'm enjoying myself/I enjoyed myself"; Linkkey (erroneous pronunciation of Linksys) Fill up the oil (fill up the gas/petrol) Piki Wiki or Picky Wicky (erroneous pronunciation of the USA grocery chain Piggly Wiggly) Run me nut (meaning "drive me nuts") Kids go bad Burger King (meaning "The kids were misbehaving at Burger King") Cup-a-hole (erroneous pronunciation of Cul-de-sac) You sahtoopid by yourself (meaning you made an error that was completely your fault) "I cook at here sticky rice" (meaning, "I plan to cook some sticky rice here")

iv.

Particles

The words of Thai prefix particles and their implied meanings: khun (literally mister, miss, or mrs.) or k. = mister or miss (e.g. KhunSomchai will have a meeting on Friday.)

Following is the list of Thai final particles and their implied meanings:

la = to give suggestion (e.g. Why don't you ask her la?), to inform the listener of something (e.g. I'm going to bed la.), or to ask if the subject would do something that the subject of the previous sentence does (e.g. I'm going to have dinner now, how about you la?) na = to give a suggestion (e.g. You must do your homework first na.), to inform the listener of something (e.g. I'll be right back na.), or to soften a statement about something that the speaker thinks should have been done but have not yet been done (e.g. Why don't you ask her na?) cha/ja = to add informality to the conversation (e.g. Hello ja.) khrap/krab (or, alternatively, krub) (for male speaker only) = add at end of sentence to make the conversation polite/formal; also as confirmation (Yes!) (e.g. Hello krab.) kha (or ka) (for female speaker only) = same as krab (e.g. Hello kha.)

Some less common particles:

mang/mung = a qualifier indicating uncertainty, sometimes translated as "maybe" (e.g. The shop already closed, mung. / I think he's 25 years old, mung.) loei/leoy = totally or immediately (e.g. I don't understand leoy la. / See you there leoyna) laeo/laew = already or done (e.g. I have to go laew la.) na = to give suggestion (it's likely to be used with someone who's close to you and of equal status, such as your close friend, considered very rude otherwise) (e.g. I don't know at all na, why don't you come with me na?)

v.

Pronunciation

As some sounds in English just simply don't exist in Thai language, this affects the way native Thai speakers pronounce English words[citation needed]:

shifts the stress to the last syllable of the word omits consonant clusters final consonants are often omitted or converted according to the rules of Thai pronunciation: l and r become n, while s becomes t "sh" and "ch" sounds can be indistinguishable as the Thai language does not have the "sh" sound, e.g. ship/chip, sheep/cheap "v" sound is almost always replaced by "w" sound, e.g. vow -> wow, ville -> will "g" and "z" sounds are usually devoiced, e.g. dog -> dock, zoo -> sue "th" sound is often replaced by "t" or "d" sound, e.g. thin -> tin, through -> true, then -> den ambiguity between the short "e", as in "bled", and a long "a", as in "blade" "e(vowel) " such as cherry is pronounced shireri, error is pronounced err-rer

In Thai, consonants generally cannot be blended together (exceptions to this rule are /r/, /l/ and /w/.) A short "a" (ah) sound is automatically added between any other two consonants.

start - sahtat stupid - sahtupid sleep - sahleep speak - sahpeak snore - sahnore swim - sahwim stay - sahtay school - sahkoon album - alabum schedule - sahketdual in trend- in train

References
1. ^Kong Rithdee (2012-03-10). "Davos, Tokyo and clueless Tinglish". Bangkok Post (in English). p. 7. "Seriously, watching that clip, I rooted for her to pull it off, to show that Suvarnabhumi English, our Tinglish, is as good as any as long as what she meant to say came off."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tinglish citation time:10:35 p.m dated:4th june,2013,Tuesday

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

CHAPTER NO.5 Hawaiian Pidgin

I. Introduction:
Hawaiian Pidgin is an English Based Pidgin Language used by many residents
of Hawaii. Although English and Hawaiian are the co-official languages of the state of Hawaii, Pidgin is used by many Hawaiian residents in everyday conversation and is often used in advertising toward Hawaiians.

ii.History and Formulation

Pidgin originated as a form of communication used between English speaking residents and non-English speaking immigrants in Hawaii. It has been influenced by many languages, including Portuguese, Hawaiian, and Cantonese. As people of other language backgrounds were brought in to work on the plantations, such as Japanese, Filipinos, and Koreans, Pidgin acquired words from these languages. In the 19th and 20th centuries, Pidgin started to be used outside the plantation between ethnic groups. Public school children learned Pidgin from their classmates, and eventually it became the primary language of most people in Hawaii, replacing the original languages. For this reason, linguists generally consider Hawaii Pidgin to be a creole language. In recent years, writers from Hawaii such as Lois-Ann Yamanaka and Lee Tonouchi have written poems, short stories, and other works in Pidgin. A Pidgin translation of the New Testament (called Da Jesus Book) has also been created, as has an adaptation of William Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, or What You Will, titled in Pidgin "twelfnite o' WATEVA!"

iii. Some Common greetings:

Shoots = Bye/Okay; positive affirmation of statement Aloha = Hello, Goodbye, Love A HuiHou = Until we meet again MalamaPono = Take Care Make = Dead

iv.Pronunci ation
Pidgin has distinct pronunciation differences from standard American English (SAE). Some key differences include the following: 1. The voiced and unvoiced th sounds are replaced by d or t respectivelythat is, changed from a fricative to a plosive (stop). For instance, that (voiced th) becomes dat, and think (unvoiced th) becomes tink. The sound l at the end of a word is often pronounced o or ol. For instance, mental is often pronounced mento; people ispronouncedpeepo. Pidgin is non-rhotic. That is, r after a vowel is often omitted, similar to many dialects, such as Eastern New England, Australian English, and English English variants. For instance, car is often pronounced cah, and letter is

2.

3.

pronounced letta. Intrusive r is also used. The number of Hawaii Pidgin speakers with rhotic English has also been increasing.

v.Grammatical features
For tense-marking of verb, auxiliary verbs are employed: 1. To express past tense, Pidgin uses wen (went) in front of the verb. Jesus wen cry. (DJB, John 11:35) Jesus cried. To express future tense, Pidgin uses goin (going) in front of the verb, a declaratory word or verbum dicendi, common in many forms of slang American English. God goin do plenny good kine stuff fo him. (DJB, Mark 11:9) God is going to do a lot of good things for him. To express past tense negative, Pidgin uses neva (never). Neva can also mean "never" as in normal English usage; context sometimes, but not always, makes the meaning clear. He neva like dat. He didn't want that. (or) He never wanted that. (or) He didn't like that. Use of fo (for) in place of the infinitive particle "to". Cf. dialectal form "Going for to carry me home." I tryinfotink. (or) I try fotink. I'm trying to think.

CHAPTER NO.6 iv. JUBA ARABIC

i.

Concepts:

Juba Arabic is the name given to an Arabic-based variety spoken mainly in the southern part of the Sudan and more precisely in Juba, the capital city of the Equatoria region. There are indications that the Arabic varieties spoken in the other southern regions (Bahr al Ghazal and Upper Nile) are dialectally distinctive.1
ii.

Introduction:
Juba Arabic is a lingua franca spoken mainly in Equatoria Province in South Sudan, and derives its name from the town of Juba, South Sudan. It is also spoken among communities of people from South Sudan living in towns in Sudan. The pidgin developed in the 19th century, among descendants of Sudanese soldiers, many of whom were forcibly recruited from southern Sudan. Residents of other large towns in South Sudan, notably Malakal and Wau, do not generally speak Juba Arabic, tending towards the use of

Arabic closer to Sudanese Arabic, in addition to local languages.2 Juba Arabic is a lingua franca spoken mainly in Equatoria Province in Southern Sudan, and derives its name from the town of Juba, Sudan. It is also spoken among communities of people from south Sudan living in towns in Northern Sudan. The pidgin developed in the 19th century, among descendants of Sudanese soldiers, many of whom were forcibly recruited from southern Sudan. Residents of other large towns in southern Sudan, notably Malakal and Wau, Sudan, do not generally speak Juba Arabic, tending towards the use of Arabic closer to Sudanese Arabic, in addition to local languages.3 The relation between language and ethnic identity have been the focus ofhundreds of sociolinguistics studies. While a trend tends to emphasize the major roleof language in maintaining distinctive collective entity, another trend tends to qualify the role of language accordingto historical and social context. Giles & al. (1977)have defined the concept of Ethnolinguistic Vitality (E.V.) as the sociostructuralfactors (i.e. demography, status and institutional support) that affect a group's ability tobehave and survive as a distinct linguistic entity.4

iii. Juba Arabic Verbs and Phrases.5

Akider Able/can Ita bi akiderruwa You can go Aannaakiderligodukan de We were able to find the shop. Jon bi akidersaiduita John can help you Ana ma bi akidersaiduita I cannot help you Amulu Do Itagiamulusunubukura? What are you doing tomorrow? Itakun bi amulusunu, hasa? Now, what will you do? Mata amuluayihaja le uwo. Do not do anything to him/her/it. Ana bi amulusunu? What can I do? Ita bi amulusunu le umon? What will you do to them? Ana ma bi amuluiyihaja le ita? I wont do anything to you. Aannaamulu be dur We did it purposely Asalu Ask Aannaasaluumonashankedeja. We asked them to come. Ana bi asaluuwobaadsuwiya. I will ask him after awhile. Jon asalusunu min ita.? What did Peter ask from you? Ana giruwaasaluumon ma kalam de. I am going to ask themaboutthis. Ana der asaluitasual? I want to ask you a question. Itagiruwaasalumunu? Who are you going to ask Asurubu Drink

Aannaasurubuleben We drank some milk Ana giasurubumoyo. I am drinking some water. Uwo ma giasurubumerisa. He does not drink alchohol. Juba Arabic Verbs and Phrases. 5

iv.

Conclusion;

Juba-Arabic is now considered as part of the cultural heritage of the South. It has been localized, vernacularized and consideredappropriate to symbolize a 'Southern identity'. However, Juba Arabic is not spoken inisolation. It has links with both African vernaculars and Colloquial Arabic. All these languages are part of the linguistic environment of the Southern communities. The 'literary' use of Juba Arabic in drama and songs is a new development in the culturalarena of Khartoum. It does not indicate necessarily that Juba Arabic will remain themain Arabic variety spoken by Southerners. In fact daily speeches are far moreinfluenced by Colloquial Arabic.

v. References;
Catherine Miller; Catherine Miller."Juba Arabic."Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Managing Editors Online Edition: Lutz Edzard, Rudolf de Jong. Brill Online, 2013.Reference. 22 May 2013 http://brillonline.nl/entries/encyclopedia-of-arabic-language-andlinguistics/juba-arabic-COM.[citrd on May 22, 2013]

Available at; URL:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juba_Arabic[cited on May 21, 2013] Available at; URL; http://pernille.typepad.com/uganda/2007/05/i_learned_some_.html.[cited on May 20, 2013] Giles, H. ;Bourhis, R.Y.; and Taylor, D.M., 1977. Towards a theory of language in ethnic group relations.In Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations, edited by H. Giles. New York: Academic Press. Available at; URL.http://www.scribd.com/doc/3751607/Juba-Arabic-Verbsand-Phrases. [citrd on May 20,2013]