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Villa GiuliaThe Caprice of Pope Julius

Noriko Kotani

In his Vite, Vasari reports how the construction of

and his individual style within the building is complicated indeed. My argument will follow the generally accepted notion that the Villa Giulia was designed predominantly by Vignola, Ammanati and Vasari with some advice from Michelangelo, and it will not attempt to challenge this attribution. Rather, the primary aim of this paper will be to situate Villa

Villa Giulia in Lazio, Rome from 1551 had been


overseen by different architects and how profoundly its patron, Pope Julius , was involved in the process(1). Moreover, the death of the pope before the completion of the construction and the involvement of three architectsGiacomo da Vignola, Giorgio Vasari, and Bartlomeo Ammanatihave left modern scholars with the difficult task of sorting out the convoluted building history of the Villa Giulia. In order to attribute the design of Villa Giulia to a particular architect or several architects, one should consider and differentiate between the construction under Pius IV and the restorations under Clement XIVPius VIand even the latest restoration in 1909-1911. Given such circumstancesto situate the

Giulia within the social, cultural and political


circumstances at the mid-sixteenth-century Rome. With patronage as a point of departure, I will pursue the social background of Villa Giulia, the relationship between the patron and his architects, and the gap that exists between theory and practice in the mid-sixteenth-century architecture. Focussing on the classical language of Villa Giulias architecture, my paper will begin with a formal analysis of the villa as it stands today, including the courtyard and the Nymphaeum. I will then proceed to discuss the functional aspects of the building, while also considering issues of patronage. Existing scholarship will be addressed here along with three of the major aspects of the buildingthe significance of Acqua Vergine, museological experience, and references to the teatro
(2).

Villa Giulia in the current of architectural history or


to demonstrate a certain architects contribution to
1Giorgio VasariLe Vite de pi Eccellenti Pittori Scultori ed Architettori, Gaetano Milanesi ed Firenze 1906 p.694, io stato il primo che disegnasse e facesse tutta linvenzione della vigna Juliache egli fece fare con spesa incredibile; la quale se bene fu poi da altri eseguita io fui nondimeno quegli che misi sempre in desegno i capricci del papache poi si diedero a rivedere e correggere a Michelangnolo: e Iacopo Barozzi da Vignola fin con molti suoi disegni le stanzesale ed altri molti ornamenti di quel luogo; ma la fonte bassa fu d ordine mio e dell Ammannato, che poi vi reste fece la loggia che sopra la fonte. Ma in quellopera non si poteva mostrare quello che altri sapessen far alcuna cosa pel verso; perocch venivano di mano a quel papa nuovi capricci, i quail bisognava metter in esecuzione, secondo che ordinava giornalmente messer Pier Giovanni Aliotti vescovo di Forl

Finally, I will attempt to

(2) In this paper, I use the Italian term teatro instead of the
English word theater. The former can be taken to refer to the large, semicircular Roman theatrical buildings as understood in the Renaissance. It encompasses a sense of the larger spectacle, including the stage and the theatrical setting.

clarify the difference between theory and practice as exemplified by Villa Giulia, and bringing forth different aspects of the architectural situation in the mid-sixteenth-century Rome. Several elements help clarify the overall structure of the Villa Giulia. Firstthe notion oftriumphis crucial to an understanding of the building, as the architecture exhibits a reference to the triumphal arch. Another useful way to understand the structure of Villa Giulia is as a string of three parallel semicircles, which was highly praised by John Coolidge(3). It is also significant to note that one can perceive a strong sense of directionality and axial alignment throughout the villa.

columns in the middle part of the faade, four rusticated Doric engaged columns on the ground floor and four Ionic ones on the upper level, emphasize the movement towards the center. Moreover, the main entrance to the building is framed with rusticated columns and it is slightly projected forward, so that the center of the upper level has a balcony above it.The Casino is consistent in style throughout, and it seems to be the work of a single architect. In the faade, the horizontal elements seem to have received the most attention. The entablature and the bottom parts of the windows create a strong sense of horizontality. The windows are situated symmetrically, but are different in the two levels: those of the lower level have triangular pediments broken up in the center by a rusticated form; the upper ones have decorative pediments and are crowned with three urns. The bottom part of the pediment here is not broken as in the lower level, but is rather supported by two scrolls at both sidesIt is significant that right next to these scrolls, reliefs of similar scrolls are placed, making one believe that they are shadows or reflections of the actual scrolls which structurally support the windows. The treatment of the corners is 2

Villa Giulia is a complex divided into four parts: the


Casino, the main courtyard, the Nymphaeum and the walled garden beyond the Nymphaeum. The Casino, which serves as the public front for the complex, is a massive two story structure facing northwest. It is rectangular in the front but semicircular in the rear. The frontal faade has an ABA rhythm, created by the arrangement of orders, windows and niches. Eight
(3) John Coolidge, The Villa Giulia, Art Bulletin, 25, 1943, p.198.

also intriguing, as they consist of four columns at each level. They give a sense of vertically to the corners and play the role of pilasters in the front plane and on the side. They also provide the massive building with a sense of framing and enclosure. The three projections on the roof also accentuate the ABA rhythm of the building and give variation to the flat skyline of the Casino. The rear of the Casino is a semicircular faade which embraces the main courtyard. It has BABAB rhythm, and a two story structure with a loggia on the ground level. The contrast between the front faade and the rear faade exemplifies the different functions of each: one is the closed-in, rugged and almost forbidding public faade turned towards the world, and the other is an open, graceful and fanciful private faade facing the garden and the Nymphaeum. The upper level of the rear faade consists of windows and Composite pilasters, while the lower level is supported by a combination of Ionic columns and arches. Throughout the Casino, the architect shows a consistent concern with the hierarchy of orders; thus the more sophisticated one is placed above the more robust one. In the middle part of the rear faade, four Ionic pilasters divide the space into three parts, each containing an arch, so that one can see an application of the altered triumphal arch here as well as in the central part of the frontal facade. The emphasis on the 3

center is also accentuated by a large arch flanked with two smaller arches on either side. TheApart of BABAB in this semicircular faade is supported by free-standing Ionic columns, four in each part. The repeated motifs on the edge of the rear faade form incomplete echoes of the middle part. That is, the flanking elements have a combination of pilasters and archesbut contain only three Ionic pilasters, one large and one small arch. The main courtyard, Which is connected to the semicircular faade of the rear Casino, is enclosed by a two story wall The wall has a strong geometric presence, as its upper part contains circles and squares framed by plain Doric pilasters. The lower level is supported by a combination of engaged Ionic columns and pilasters. Here, the reverse replacement of the orders in terms of hierarchy of sophistication creates a disturbing inconsistency. The disagreement of the hierarchy of orders only exists in these main courtyard walls. They stand in three directions in order to frame the courtyard bounded by the rear faade of the Casino. On the far wall, there are three open spaces supported by four columns which invite the visitor to enter the Nymphaeum. It is yet another embedded triumphal arch that plays a significant role for the orientation of the building. Four herms in the upper level and four balls crowning the top of the structure accentuate the embedded triumphal arch in

the middle wall. The second loggia leads into the second courtyard dominated by the Nymphaeum. The floor level changes at this section, as two lower stories of the Nymphaeum are sunken below the ground level. Two curving staircases from the projected triumphal arch, situated in the rear wall of the main courtyard, lead the visitor to the middle floor of the second courtyard. The Nymphaeum is semicircular in plan and consists of three floors. One side of this courtyard has a high wall with two loggias in it, making it three stories high. In short, this courtyard can be described as a sunken court with a terraced garden. In the middle of the terrace, there is a large semicircular opening framed by a balustrade where six Caryatids stand in the lower level. Four of them support a small semicircular section projected from the diameter of the larger semicircle. The second floor of the Nymphaeum is supported by Doric pilasters with three foil-like decorations, and contains a gateway similar to a triumphal arch. In the upper level, the triumphal arch motif is adopted in a more obvious manner, but the columns here are Ionic and agree with the hierarchical rule applied in the Casino. Numerous empty niches on the wall recall the rich display of ancient statuary when the building was first built, most of which were moved to Belvedere during the pontificate of Pius IV (1559-1565)(4). To a certain extent, the Nymphaeum thus displays 4

what Richard J. Tuttle called a museological experience.(5) Presumably, elements such as hidden entrances to the passage ways, secret spiral stairs to the upper loggia and the private garden beyond the loggia produce dramatic surprises which contribute to the attraction of the Nymphaeum. This effect of the museum-like placing of ancient objects in niches is explicitly discussed by David R. Coffin in his book on Roman Renaissance villas. He notes that, while the single axis through the villa conveys to the visitor a clear sense of directed experience, by the time he or she encounters the Nymphaeum, actual accessibility has diverged from the visual experience, causing many surprises and temporary frustrations which impel him or her to explore every detail of the complex(6). Beyond a small courtyard, there is a rectangular walled garden. One can catch a glimpse of the hidden garden through the loggia of the Nymphaeum. The particular fascination about Villa Giulia is the fact it illustrates the artistic development of Vignola Vasari and Ammannati, Who were rather inexperienced at the time when they worked on this project. Their creative spirit is visible throughout the building with the use of orders and embedded triumphal arch motifs. The marvelous frescoes by
4 Rodolfo Lanciani, Storia degli Scavi di Roma, 3, Rome, 1990, P.29. 5 Richard J. Tuttle Vignola e Villa Giulia Casabella 646 1997p.52 6 David R.Coffin The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome Princeton1979p.156.

Vigna(8) was purchased by Julius s uncle and brother, Cardinal Antonio del Monte and Balduino(9). Before his accession, pope Julius inherited the

vigna in 1533 and shortly after his accession, Vasari


Taddeo Zuccaro also reinforce the triumphal proceeded to commit the popes first idea and caprices for Villa Giulia to paper(10). According to Vasari, his own design underwent the revision and criticism from Michelangelo. Because Julius had known him while he was legate in Bologna, Vignola was hired as a supervisor for the construction(11). He had some experience with hydraulic problems. Given such information, the importance of Acqua Vergine to Villa iconography of the villa with narratives such as Triumph of Vulcan and Janus, Triumph of Flora, Triumph of Apollo and Ceres, and Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne. The painted decorations complete the harmonious ensemble with the triumphal arches and Acqua Vergine, demonstrating the power and the artistic taste of the villa patron. In the history of Rome, Acqua Vergine has played a crucial role as a symbol of political and cultural legitimacy. It was the water first brought into Rome by Marcus Agrippa in 19 B.C.E. and since the reign of Augustus, it has supplied the city. Acqua Vergine was an almost iconic presence, symbolizing history, tradition and legitimacy of the political elite from the ancient Roman Empire. Unlike most Roman aqueducts, the AcquaVergine entered the city from the north(7).Villa Giulia is located east of the Via Flaminia, about a half mile north of the Porta del Popolo, by the Acqua Vergine. The importance of this aqueduct for the Villa comes from the events proceeding its construction. In 1519, a
(7) John Pinto, The Trevi Fountain and its Place in the Urban Development of Rome, Annals of the Architectural Association School of Architecture, 8, 1985, p.9.

Giulia is almost undeniable, even though Pope Julius


had just inherited the vigna before ascending to the papal throne. Although originally intended to be a papal guest house, the project to build the complex involved a collaboration of major artists, including Michelangelo. Especially because it incorporated Acqua Vergine, Villa Giulia manifested a clear desire for confirmation and demonstration of political power on part of julius and del Monte family.
8Since John Coolidge and most of the scholars distinguish between villa the building complex proper and vigna, the entire property including all land and minor building as well as the villa, I shall follow this terminology. 9David R.Coffin The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, Princeton, 1979, p.151. (10) John Coolidge, The Villa Giulia Art Bulletin 25, 1943, p.211. (11) Giorgio VasariLe Vite de pi Eccellenti Pittori Scultori ed Architettori, Gaetano Milanesi, ed. Firenze, 1906, pp.106-107.

However,

the

project

underwent

remarkable

Giulia was through the museological experience of the


sculptural collection, conspicuously placed in the Nymphaeum. Politically speaking, this idea was based on a desire to demonstrate power through possession. An appreciation of ancient art undoubtedly played a part as well, but if one considers how deeply Villa Giulia was associated with Julius s life, a demonstration of political power can be understood to be the most important driving force behind its construction. In addition, a sense of the

changes during the execution. The nature of this transformation is suggested by three clues: the archaeological discovery of two kiosks(12), which were hidden on the wall of the top story of the Nymphaeum; the White plan(13), which was recently discussed by Richard J. Tuttle; and sixteenth century medals(14), which depict different versions of the Villa

Giulia. Most scholars agree that changes were caused


by either the caprice of Julius or by the arrangement of Vasari who introduced Ammannati to the pope. Presumably, along with the structural changes, the villa was also transformed to communicate humanistic ideas. In contrast to the earlier interest primarily in the symbolism of the Acqua Vergine, the pope later tended to emphasize more humanist themes, such as museological or

Kunstkammer

was

made

manifest

in

the

museological aspect of Villa Giulia. Another interpretation relating to the villa is suggested by John Coolidgethe idea of the teatro(15). Coolidge points out Ammannatis description of the main court as a stage-set, and emphasizes the fact that Pope Julius was an enthusiastic patron of drama. The first theatrical performances of the Renaissance took place in the courtyards of palaces(16), and the idea of building a structure for theatrical performances appears quite early in the Renaissance architecture. Coolidge refers to the examples of the theater designed in connection with Villa Madama, the theater at Ferraro built in 1528, and Palladios Teatro Olimpico of 1582. Moreover, he points out the fact that Vignola designed a great theater for the courtyard of the Farnese palace at Piacenza. All these buildings were motivated by the idea of recreating the ancient theater according to Vituviuss descriptions. Perhaps this idea of teatro is the most humanist type of interpretation of the Villa Giulia, indeed reflecting sixteenth-century architectural theory. When these three ideasaqueduct, museum, and

teatro experiences.
Without a doubt, Vasari and Ammannati submitted the new proposal to the pope, who enthusiastically gave the two charge of the new Nymphaeum project. However, Vasari left for Florence in 1553, so that most of the project was done by Ammannati. That he cared extremely about the recognition of his artistic identity is proclaimed by the inscription on the pilaster overlooking the Nymphaeum: BARTHOLOMEO. AMANNATO. ARCHITETTO. FIORENTINO. As said earlier, the new meaning added to the Villa
(12 John Coolidge The Villa Giulia Art Bulletin 25 1943 pp.186-187. (13) Richard J. Tuttle Vignola e Villa Giulia Casabella 646 1997 p.52 White plan 152122cm executed with stylus brown ink and brown washis a hitherto unknown ground plan of the Villa Giulia which was published by Gorham Phillips StevensDirector of the School of Fine Arts at the American Academy in Romein Journal of the American Institute of Architects in 1914. Stevens confidently identified the plan as an early general scheme for the villa by VignolaThe original sheet was owned by Lawrence Grant White. (14Frances Land MooreA Contribution to the Study of the Villa Giulia Romiches Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte 12 1969pp.180-184.

teatroare all taken into account, the student of the Villa Giulia is faced with a truly difficult task of
(15)John Coolidge The Villa Giulia Art Bulletin, 25 1943 pp. 215-218. (16)John CoolidgeThe Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin, 251943 p. 215.

understanding one complex so loaded with a variety of meanings. The intricate interaction of these interpretations account for some of the formal inconsistencies in the villa, for perhaps each architect had his own preferred theory and pride in his particular skills. The mid-sixteenth century was a time of rugged individualism in architectural practice, as Ackerman has clearly described(17). Villa

sixteenth century(18). Generally, the solution of structural problems had to be left to masons and carpenters. For example, Bramante, in spite of some thirty years in the practice of architecture, never gained much competence in technical matters, and after his death Antonio di Sangallo was kept busy patching up his errors(19). While this does not imply that the Villa Glulia is the work of masons and carpenters, one should not over-emphasize the important role played by artists such as Vasari and Michelangelo in the context of the real architectural situation of the mid-sixteenth century. Maestro di

Giulia is a perfect example to examine the


relationship between an architect and his patron. It is very similar to the famous case of the competition between Antonio Sangallo and Michelangelo for the cornice of Farnese Palace, even though Sangallo had been in charge of the entire palace. This earlier clash is quite notorious, but here one should realize that the patron, Pope Paul , promoted such a conflict and even enjoyed the competition between the architects in order to obtain the much-debated masterpiece. The situation is almost the same in the Villa Giulia. Although conflicts between the architects are not recorded, there must have been a certain amount of tension when the pope approved the new proposal of Ammannati in 1552, and when the construction had to go through a major structural change. Even the departure of Vasari before the completion of the building leads us to believe that the conflict between the architects or the conflict between theory and practice in a broader sense, occurred during the execution. Equipped with a knowledge of perspective and mathematics and an acquaintance with the Roman Ruins, an artist could become an architect in the
(17)According to James Ackerman Italian Renaissance architecture can be divided into three different stages in terms of practice and profession. Rugged individualism is his description for the second period, which is from 1500 to 1546. If one can classify the building according to this chronological divisionVilla Giulia does not belong to this period of Rugged individualism however details of patronage and experimental designs suggest elements of it.

remote control(20), a term used by Wolfgang Lotz for


Galeazzo Alessican equally be adopted to figures such as Michelangelo and Vasari who worked on the

Villa Giulia.
Richard J. Tuttle concludes his article by stating that the stylistic contrast in the Villa Giuliai.e Vignolas plan and elevation versus Ammannatis revised project of the sunken courtyard is what makes the work enthralling and memorable for the visitorsHe continues:
Ammannatis contributionsopenly antagonistic towards Vignolas in both plan and elevationwere accepted by Julius, who apparently enjoyed retaining the contrastsAs suchthe building offers a didactic demonstration of an on-going and unresolved battle between Michelangelisti and Sangalisti. Vignolas rationalitysobrietyand equilibriumultimately derived from the High Renaissance design principles of BramanteAntonio da Sangallo the Younger and Peruzziwere pitted against Ammannatis restless
(18) Catherine Wilkinson, The New Professionalism in the Renaissance KostofSpiro, ed. The Architect, New York 1977, p. 135. (19) James S. Ackerman Architectural Practice in the Italian Renaissance Distance PointsCambridge1991P. 363. (20) Wolfgang Lotz Introduzione ai lavori del Convegno in Galeazzo Alessi e larchitettura del cinquecento, Genova, 1975, p.10.

inventiveness and impulsive celebration of materials based on the example of Michelangelo(21).

Here the inconsistency of the building is rather celebrated and appreciated as adding contrasts and variety to the structure. However, Tuttle neglects to consider the significance of Acqua Vergine in his conclusion, though he had mentioned it earlier. We should recall that Vignola was appointed as a supervisor, as he had some experience in hydraulic construction and Acqua Vergine was the initial trigger for the whole project. In mid March 1555, Pope Julius , suffering a severe attack of gout, went again to his villa where he died in the early afternoon of March 23, 1555(22). He certainly enjoyed the pleasure of the countryside in Villa Giulia until the last moment of his life, but his frequent visits to the villa may have been caused by also his malady. He constantly suffered from gout both in his hands and feet. The best known cure for gout at that time was the water cure in which water, preferably with alum or iron or salt, was used to bathe the inflamed limbs; and Girolama Mercuriale, one of the leading physicians of the period, recommended that those of warm humor bothered by gout should choose the water of the Acqua Vergine(23). It is therefore quite intriguing to point out that the Acqua Vergine was not only a symbol of the popes political power but also an actual prescription believed to be able to cure his health-related problem.

p.170. ] (23) MMercatiInstruttione sopra la pesteRome1576 115,and G. Mercuriale Medicina Practica Frankfort, 1601,465. [cited by David R. Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, Princeton, 1979, p.170.

his

capricious

personality.

Accordingly,

the

significance of the work can be best understood from the point of view of patronage. It signifies the triumph of Julius s political power and it may also contain a hope of triumph over his malady. Repeated use of the embedded triumphal arch motif throughout the complex is not only a reference to the ancient Roman architecture but is, along with the Acqua Vergine, an explicit reference to legitimate power. Therefore, while previous scholars have emphasized such aspects of the Villa Giuila such as teatro (Coolidge) or museum (Tuttle), they tend to downplay or completely overlook the important symbolic significance of the Acqua Vergine. A closer examination of the history and context of this aqueduct in relation to the villa, as well as the social context of patronage, are certain to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of this complex structure.

Villa Giulia was executed during Julius s


pontificate. It is not an exaggeration to say that it manifests in stone the popes political character and
(21Richard J.Tuttle Vignola e Villa Giulia Casabella 646, 1997, p.68. (22 BAV Ms Urb Lat 1038 fol 47r [cited by David R.Coffin The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome Princeton 1979

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