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Noriko Kotani
and his individual style within the building is complicated indeed. My argument will follow the generally accepted notion that the Villa Giulia was designed predominantly by Vignola, Ammanati and Vasari with some advice from Michelangelo, and it will not attempt to challenge this attribution. Rather, the primary aim of this paper will be to situate Villa
(2) In this paper, I use the Italian term teatro instead of the
English word theater. The former can be taken to refer to the large, semicircular Roman theatrical buildings as understood in the Renaissance. It encompasses a sense of the larger spectacle, including the stage and the theatrical setting.
clarify the difference between theory and practice as exemplified by Villa Giulia, and bringing forth different aspects of the architectural situation in the mid-sixteenth-century Rome. Several elements help clarify the overall structure of the Villa Giulia. Firstthe notion oftriumphis crucial to an understanding of the building, as the architecture exhibits a reference to the triumphal arch. Another useful way to understand the structure of Villa Giulia is as a string of three parallel semicircles, which was highly praised by John Coolidge(3). It is also significant to note that one can perceive a strong sense of directionality and axial alignment throughout the villa.
columns in the middle part of the faade, four rusticated Doric engaged columns on the ground floor and four Ionic ones on the upper level, emphasize the movement towards the center. Moreover, the main entrance to the building is framed with rusticated columns and it is slightly projected forward, so that the center of the upper level has a balcony above it.The Casino is consistent in style throughout, and it seems to be the work of a single architect. In the faade, the horizontal elements seem to have received the most attention. The entablature and the bottom parts of the windows create a strong sense of horizontality. The windows are situated symmetrically, but are different in the two levels: those of the lower level have triangular pediments broken up in the center by a rusticated form; the upper ones have decorative pediments and are crowned with three urns. The bottom part of the pediment here is not broken as in the lower level, but is rather supported by two scrolls at both sidesIt is significant that right next to these scrolls, reliefs of similar scrolls are placed, making one believe that they are shadows or reflections of the actual scrolls which structurally support the windows. The treatment of the corners is 2
also intriguing, as they consist of four columns at each level. They give a sense of vertically to the corners and play the role of pilasters in the front plane and on the side. They also provide the massive building with a sense of framing and enclosure. The three projections on the roof also accentuate the ABA rhythm of the building and give variation to the flat skyline of the Casino. The rear of the Casino is a semicircular faade which embraces the main courtyard. It has BABAB rhythm, and a two story structure with a loggia on the ground level. The contrast between the front faade and the rear faade exemplifies the different functions of each: one is the closed-in, rugged and almost forbidding public faade turned towards the world, and the other is an open, graceful and fanciful private faade facing the garden and the Nymphaeum. The upper level of the rear faade consists of windows and Composite pilasters, while the lower level is supported by a combination of Ionic columns and arches. Throughout the Casino, the architect shows a consistent concern with the hierarchy of orders; thus the more sophisticated one is placed above the more robust one. In the middle part of the rear faade, four Ionic pilasters divide the space into three parts, each containing an arch, so that one can see an application of the altered triumphal arch here as well as in the central part of the frontal facade. The emphasis on the 3
center is also accentuated by a large arch flanked with two smaller arches on either side. TheApart of BABAB in this semicircular faade is supported by free-standing Ionic columns, four in each part. The repeated motifs on the edge of the rear faade form incomplete echoes of the middle part. That is, the flanking elements have a combination of pilasters and archesbut contain only three Ionic pilasters, one large and one small arch. The main courtyard, Which is connected to the semicircular faade of the rear Casino, is enclosed by a two story wall The wall has a strong geometric presence, as its upper part contains circles and squares framed by plain Doric pilasters. The lower level is supported by a combination of engaged Ionic columns and pilasters. Here, the reverse replacement of the orders in terms of hierarchy of sophistication creates a disturbing inconsistency. The disagreement of the hierarchy of orders only exists in these main courtyard walls. They stand in three directions in order to frame the courtyard bounded by the rear faade of the Casino. On the far wall, there are three open spaces supported by four columns which invite the visitor to enter the Nymphaeum. It is yet another embedded triumphal arch that plays a significant role for the orientation of the building. Four herms in the upper level and four balls crowning the top of the structure accentuate the embedded triumphal arch in
the middle wall. The second loggia leads into the second courtyard dominated by the Nymphaeum. The floor level changes at this section, as two lower stories of the Nymphaeum are sunken below the ground level. Two curving staircases from the projected triumphal arch, situated in the rear wall of the main courtyard, lead the visitor to the middle floor of the second courtyard. The Nymphaeum is semicircular in plan and consists of three floors. One side of this courtyard has a high wall with two loggias in it, making it three stories high. In short, this courtyard can be described as a sunken court with a terraced garden. In the middle of the terrace, there is a large semicircular opening framed by a balustrade where six Caryatids stand in the lower level. Four of them support a small semicircular section projected from the diameter of the larger semicircle. The second floor of the Nymphaeum is supported by Doric pilasters with three foil-like decorations, and contains a gateway similar to a triumphal arch. In the upper level, the triumphal arch motif is adopted in a more obvious manner, but the columns here are Ionic and agree with the hierarchical rule applied in the Casino. Numerous empty niches on the wall recall the rich display of ancient statuary when the building was first built, most of which were moved to Belvedere during the pontificate of Pius IV (1559-1565)(4). To a certain extent, the Nymphaeum thus displays 4
what Richard J. Tuttle called a museological experience.(5) Presumably, elements such as hidden entrances to the passage ways, secret spiral stairs to the upper loggia and the private garden beyond the loggia produce dramatic surprises which contribute to the attraction of the Nymphaeum. This effect of the museum-like placing of ancient objects in niches is explicitly discussed by David R. Coffin in his book on Roman Renaissance villas. He notes that, while the single axis through the villa conveys to the visitor a clear sense of directed experience, by the time he or she encounters the Nymphaeum, actual accessibility has diverged from the visual experience, causing many surprises and temporary frustrations which impel him or her to explore every detail of the complex(6). Beyond a small courtyard, there is a rectangular walled garden. One can catch a glimpse of the hidden garden through the loggia of the Nymphaeum. The particular fascination about Villa Giulia is the fact it illustrates the artistic development of Vignola Vasari and Ammannati, Who were rather inexperienced at the time when they worked on this project. Their creative spirit is visible throughout the building with the use of orders and embedded triumphal arch motifs. The marvelous frescoes by
4 Rodolfo Lanciani, Storia degli Scavi di Roma, 3, Rome, 1990, P.29. 5 Richard J. Tuttle Vignola e Villa Giulia Casabella 646 1997p.52 6 David R.Coffin The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome Princeton1979p.156.
Vigna(8) was purchased by Julius s uncle and brother, Cardinal Antonio del Monte and Balduino(9). Before his accession, pope Julius inherited the
However,
the
project
underwent
remarkable
changes during the execution. The nature of this transformation is suggested by three clues: the archaeological discovery of two kiosks(12), which were hidden on the wall of the top story of the Nymphaeum; the White plan(13), which was recently discussed by Richard J. Tuttle; and sixteenth century medals(14), which depict different versions of the Villa
Kunstkammer
was
made
manifest
in
the
museological aspect of Villa Giulia. Another interpretation relating to the villa is suggested by John Coolidgethe idea of the teatro(15). Coolidge points out Ammannatis description of the main court as a stage-set, and emphasizes the fact that Pope Julius was an enthusiastic patron of drama. The first theatrical performances of the Renaissance took place in the courtyards of palaces(16), and the idea of building a structure for theatrical performances appears quite early in the Renaissance architecture. Coolidge refers to the examples of the theater designed in connection with Villa Madama, the theater at Ferraro built in 1528, and Palladios Teatro Olimpico of 1582. Moreover, he points out the fact that Vignola designed a great theater for the courtyard of the Farnese palace at Piacenza. All these buildings were motivated by the idea of recreating the ancient theater according to Vituviuss descriptions. Perhaps this idea of teatro is the most humanist type of interpretation of the Villa Giulia, indeed reflecting sixteenth-century architectural theory. When these three ideasaqueduct, museum, and
teatro experiences.
Without a doubt, Vasari and Ammannati submitted the new proposal to the pope, who enthusiastically gave the two charge of the new Nymphaeum project. However, Vasari left for Florence in 1553, so that most of the project was done by Ammannati. That he cared extremely about the recognition of his artistic identity is proclaimed by the inscription on the pilaster overlooking the Nymphaeum: BARTHOLOMEO. AMANNATO. ARCHITETTO. FIORENTINO. As said earlier, the new meaning added to the Villa
(12 John Coolidge The Villa Giulia Art Bulletin 25 1943 pp.186-187. (13) Richard J. Tuttle Vignola e Villa Giulia Casabella 646 1997 p.52 White plan 152122cm executed with stylus brown ink and brown washis a hitherto unknown ground plan of the Villa Giulia which was published by Gorham Phillips StevensDirector of the School of Fine Arts at the American Academy in Romein Journal of the American Institute of Architects in 1914. Stevens confidently identified the plan as an early general scheme for the villa by VignolaThe original sheet was owned by Lawrence Grant White. (14Frances Land MooreA Contribution to the Study of the Villa Giulia Romiches Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte 12 1969pp.180-184.
teatroare all taken into account, the student of the Villa Giulia is faced with a truly difficult task of
(15)John Coolidge The Villa Giulia Art Bulletin, 25 1943 pp. 215-218. (16)John CoolidgeThe Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin, 251943 p. 215.
understanding one complex so loaded with a variety of meanings. The intricate interaction of these interpretations account for some of the formal inconsistencies in the villa, for perhaps each architect had his own preferred theory and pride in his particular skills. The mid-sixteenth century was a time of rugged individualism in architectural practice, as Ackerman has clearly described(17). Villa
sixteenth century(18). Generally, the solution of structural problems had to be left to masons and carpenters. For example, Bramante, in spite of some thirty years in the practice of architecture, never gained much competence in technical matters, and after his death Antonio di Sangallo was kept busy patching up his errors(19). While this does not imply that the Villa Glulia is the work of masons and carpenters, one should not over-emphasize the important role played by artists such as Vasari and Michelangelo in the context of the real architectural situation of the mid-sixteenth century. Maestro di
Villa Giulia.
Richard J. Tuttle concludes his article by stating that the stylistic contrast in the Villa Giuliai.e Vignolas plan and elevation versus Ammannatis revised project of the sunken courtyard is what makes the work enthralling and memorable for the visitorsHe continues:
Ammannatis contributionsopenly antagonistic towards Vignolas in both plan and elevationwere accepted by Julius, who apparently enjoyed retaining the contrastsAs suchthe building offers a didactic demonstration of an on-going and unresolved battle between Michelangelisti and Sangalisti. Vignolas rationalitysobrietyand equilibriumultimately derived from the High Renaissance design principles of BramanteAntonio da Sangallo the Younger and Peruzziwere pitted against Ammannatis restless
(18) Catherine Wilkinson, The New Professionalism in the Renaissance KostofSpiro, ed. The Architect, New York 1977, p. 135. (19) James S. Ackerman Architectural Practice in the Italian Renaissance Distance PointsCambridge1991P. 363. (20) Wolfgang Lotz Introduzione ai lavori del Convegno in Galeazzo Alessi e larchitettura del cinquecento, Genova, 1975, p.10.
Here the inconsistency of the building is rather celebrated and appreciated as adding contrasts and variety to the structure. However, Tuttle neglects to consider the significance of Acqua Vergine in his conclusion, though he had mentioned it earlier. We should recall that Vignola was appointed as a supervisor, as he had some experience in hydraulic construction and Acqua Vergine was the initial trigger for the whole project. In mid March 1555, Pope Julius , suffering a severe attack of gout, went again to his villa where he died in the early afternoon of March 23, 1555(22). He certainly enjoyed the pleasure of the countryside in Villa Giulia until the last moment of his life, but his frequent visits to the villa may have been caused by also his malady. He constantly suffered from gout both in his hands and feet. The best known cure for gout at that time was the water cure in which water, preferably with alum or iron or salt, was used to bathe the inflamed limbs; and Girolama Mercuriale, one of the leading physicians of the period, recommended that those of warm humor bothered by gout should choose the water of the Acqua Vergine(23). It is therefore quite intriguing to point out that the Acqua Vergine was not only a symbol of the popes political power but also an actual prescription believed to be able to cure his health-related problem.
p.170. ] (23) MMercatiInstruttione sopra la pesteRome1576 115,and G. Mercuriale Medicina Practica Frankfort, 1601,465. [cited by David R. Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, Princeton, 1979, p.170.
his
capricious
personality.
Accordingly,
the
significance of the work can be best understood from the point of view of patronage. It signifies the triumph of Julius s political power and it may also contain a hope of triumph over his malady. Repeated use of the embedded triumphal arch motif throughout the complex is not only a reference to the ancient Roman architecture but is, along with the Acqua Vergine, an explicit reference to legitimate power. Therefore, while previous scholars have emphasized such aspects of the Villa Giuila such as teatro (Coolidge) or museum (Tuttle), they tend to downplay or completely overlook the important symbolic significance of the Acqua Vergine. A closer examination of the history and context of this aqueduct in relation to the villa, as well as the social context of patronage, are certain to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of this complex structure.