Back issues of BCAS publications published on this site are
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other graphics that appear in articles are expressly not to be reproduced other than for personal use. All rights reserved. CONTENTS Vol. 6, No. 1: March 1974 Janet Salaff - Modern Times in Hong Kong Rick Doner - The Development of Agribusiness in Thailand John W. Dower - Occupied Japan: A Working Bibliography Eqbal Ahmad - America and Russia in South Asia: Conflict or Collusion? Peter Caplan - Weather Modification and War Ruben Diario - Managing the Media Filipino Style Celso Banaag - Political Prisoners in the Philippines New Society Nguyen Cong Binh - David Marrs Vietnamese Anticolonialism / A Review Jayne Werner - Introduction to Binh, Comments on Vietnamese Anticolonialism T. A. Bisson - The American-Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere: Japanese Imperialism Today by Halliday and McCormack / A Review Connie Young Yu - Fragment from a Lost Diary by Katz and Milton / A Review James Seymour - Sovereignty in the South China Sea John Comer - Spring Offensive 1972 and the People of Nambo/ Poetry BCAS/Critical AsianStudies www.bcasnet.org CCAS Statement of Purpose Critical Asian Studies continues to be inspired by the statement of purpose formulated in 1969 by its parent organization, the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars (CCAS). CCAS ceased to exist as an organization in 1979, but the BCAS board decided in 1993 that the CCAS Statement of Purpose should be published in our journal at least once a year. We first came together in opposition to the brutal aggression of the United States in Vietnam and to the complicity or silence of our profession with regard to that policy. Those in the field of Asian studies bear responsibility for the consequences of their research and the political posture of their profession. We are concerned about the present unwillingness of specialists to speak out against the implications of an Asian policy committed to en- suring American domination of much of Asia. We reject the le- gitimacy of this aim, and attempt to change this policy. We recognize that the present structure of the profession has often perverted scholarship and alienated many people in the field. The Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars seeks to develop a humane and knowledgeable understanding of Asian societies and their efforts to maintain cultural integrity and to confront such problems as poverty, oppression, and imperialism. We real- ize that to be students of other peoples, we must first understand our relations to them. CCAS wishes to create alternatives to the prevailing trends in scholarship on Asia, which too often spring from a parochial cultural perspective and serve selfish interests and expansion- ism. Our organization is designed to function as a catalyst, a communications network for both Asian and Western scholars, a provider of central resources for local chapters, and a commu- nity for the development of anti-imperialist research. Passed, 2830 March 1969 Boston, Massachusetts Volume 6, No.1, January-March 1974 CONTENTS ; janet Salaff Rick Doner john W. Dower EqbalAhmad Peter Caplan Ruben Diario Celso Banaag Nguyen Cong Binh jayne Werner jayne Werner T. A. Bisson Connie Young Yu james Seymour john Comer Editors: Steve Andors I Nina Adams Managing Editor: Jon Livingston Book Review Editors: Felicia Oldfather I Moss Roberts Staff for this issue: Betsey Cobb I Helen Chauncey 2 "Modern Times" in Hong Kong 8 The Development of Agribusiness in Thailand 16 Occupied Japan: A Working Bibliography 22 America and Russia in South Asia: Conflict or Collusion? 28 Weather Modification and War 32 Managing the Media Filipino Style 35 Political Pris6ners in the Philppines' "New Society" Reviews 40 David Marr's Vietnamese Anticolonialism 40 Introduction to Binh 49 Comments on Vietnamese Anticolonialism 52 The American-Japanese "Co-Prosperity Sphere": Halliday and McCormack, japanese Imperialism Today 65 Katz and Milton, Fragment from a Lost Diary 66 Contributors 67 Sovereignty if! the South China Sea 68 "Spring Offensive 1972" and "People of Nambo (1859- - -)" poetry 70 Materials from the Indochina Resource Center 72 Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars, Chapters and Contact persons Editorial Board: Frank Baldwin I Marianne Bastid I Herbert Bix I Helen Chauncey I Noam Chomsky I John Dower I Kathleen Gough I Richard Kagan I Huynh Kim Khanh I Perry Link I Angus McDonald I Jonathon Mirsky I Victor Nee I Gail Omvedt I James Peck I Ric Pfeffer I Carl Riskin I Franz Schurmann I Mark Selden I Hari Sharma I Yamashita Tatsuo General Correspondence: Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Bay Area Institute, 604 Mission St., Room 1001, San Francisco, Ca. 94105. Manuscripts: Steve Andors, Box 24, Minetto, New York 13115. Book Reviews: Felicia Oldfather, Box 579, Trinidad, Ca. 95570. Typesetting: Archetype, Berkeley. Printing: Up Press, Redwood City. Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, January-March 1974, Volume 6, number 1. Published quarterly in spring, summer, fall, and winter. $6.00; student rate $4.00; library rate $10.00; foreign rates: $7.00, student rate $4.00. Jon Livingston, Publisher, Bay Area Institute, 604 Mission St., San Francisco, California 94105. Second class postage paid at San Francisco, California. Copyright Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 1974. BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org 1n Hong Kong !Modern Times'
by Janet Salaff "Full house" reads the box office sign at the Oriental Theatre as Charlie Chaplin's film Modern Times continues its popular run in Hong Kong. In one of the ironies of Hong Kong life, this classic that won popularity in the West for its nose-thumbing at the inhumanities of capitalist industrial organization now appeals to the Chinese audience for the same reasons-the relief, through humor, of Western-caused industrial pressures. I saw the film with two factory girls, Mae-fun and Wai-gun, both of whom have done tedious piece work and assembly machining for over ten years on products meant for Western markets in a struggle to improve the living conditions of their families. Their work .experiences and attitudes, their personal and familial aspirations reveal the impact of American and other Western economic institutions This article was written as a result of some fifteen months of field work in Hong Kong, 1971-73, where I have been researching the impact of Westernization on the role of women, family life, and marriage age. The research was sponsored by the University of Toronto Programme of International Studies and by a generous grant from the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations' "Program in Support of Legal and Social Science Research on Population Policy." The ideas in this paper are my own and do not reflect the policies of these institutions. Copyright Janet Salaff 1974. on the way of life in emerging industrial societies in Asia. Mae-fun, aged 21, is from an upper working-class family originating in Kwangtung province, China. Educated through primary school, she has worked in large and small factories since age 13, and she currently works in a small shop seaming plastic bags. Iler family consists of nine members, of which she is the second of seven children. They live in a partitioned Resettlement Estate room with twenty-four square feet per adult. Iler father and brother are employed in white collar sales and delivery jobs, and she and her elder sister are factory girls. The youngest children will finish middle school, and at least one hopes to continue to technical college, with the support of the family. Mac-fun feels responsible for her family, to which she is very close. Wai-gun, aged 20, is of a poor working-class family of Kwangtung province, China. Sin<.:e her graduation from primary school (the last year of whiCh she attended at night), she has worked a gamu t of industries, from piecing together plastic flowers to the assembly line in the modern Fairchild semi-conductor factory, and at present seams brassieres in a German-owned factory of over one hundred workers. She is the eldest of seven children and her family also lives in a small Resettlement Estate room. Her parents, herself, and a younger sister all work in factories, but the wmbined family income is 2 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org lower than that of Mae-fun's family. The second child is about to drop out from middle school without graduating, but the youngest children will all have the opportunity to attend middle school. Wai-gun is a lively and active young woman with many interests. She follows current affairs and hopes to travel to China, is engaged with other factory workers in efforts to improve working conditions, participates in sports and drama clubs, and continues her formal education in night school. She hopes to change to "more meaningful" employment in the future. Like most Hong Kong working women, these two girls have worked in the light industrial sectors of textile manufacturing and garments, plastics, electronics and wigs. Mae-fun and three other women work in a hot loft without air-conditioning. She first pushes a fifty-pound roll of plastic to her machine, unwinds it by hand, pulls one end under the arm of a machine that resembles an electrified paper cutter, then presses a foot pedal, which drops the electrified arm down on the plastic, and seams the bag - motions that take a few seconds and could be completely mechanized. She remarks, "We girls are cheaper than machines because a machine costs over $2,000 USA and would only replace two of us, and in addition a machine tender whose wages are $120 a month would have to be hired." All dollars henceforth will be in American currency. Mae-fun is paid in piece work wages, getting $1.00 USA for 1,000 plastic bags, which represents two hours of seaming at a fast pace. She and Wai-gun prefer piece work wages because of the greater amount of personal freedom this allows. But in fact, the working situation is completely controlled by the employer. Wai-gun's company has set an informal maximum wage of $5 per day. When a worker learns shortcuts which enable her to speed up and finish several dozens of brassieres in one day, thus entitling her to earn over $5, the management reduces the value of each dozen, thereby keeping wages below the ceiling. Employing a "scientific management" approach (timing the girls' motions with a stop watch), the foreman often arbitrarily reduces the piece rates in the middle of a job, despite workers' protests. Wai-gun commented, "My boss should see Modem Tillles, he'd pick up a few tricks in getting work out of us." The international economic environment greatly affects local industry because the markets for the colony's products are abroad. Investment in Hong Kong continues to be cheaper than in the U.S., but world-wide inflation, the weak dollar, and revaluation of currencies have led to cancellation of contracts for Hong Kong consumer goods, and there are frequent layoffs between contracts. IIong Kong industrial production is so closely tied to the international political economy that any change in the world trade balance is felt immediately. - lie $ 7 pO'S P Woman in Kuntong pushing load of plastic flowers, assembled at home, to be shipped abroad (photo: Janet Salaff) 3 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Embroidery (photo: Sandy Close) Recently, when Mae-fun's workshop ran out of plastic materials which are imported from Japan, she worked only a few hours a day for several weeks. At other times, workers must put in overtime to meet a shipment deadline, whether or not they want to. One month, Wai-gun's foreman asked her section to work overtime; Wai-gun wanted to refuse because she would have to be absent from evening school, because overtime work does not receive extra pay, she would miss the company bus and would have to pay her own carfare, and she would have to do without dinner because there is no company canteen and she couldn't afford to eat out. But at 5:00 p.m. she found the factory exit barred, and she could not leave! Hong Kong's government favors the foreign investor and has passed few labor regulations in the name of maintaining a "free port, free enterprise environment" upon which Hong Kong's economic prosperity is said to depend. Of the twenty-eight ordinances recommended by the International Labor Organization, Hong Kong officially observes only two those regarding workers' compensation for industrial accidents and a 48-hour work week for women (excluding overtime). The Labour Department does not uniformly enforce even these regulations, with the result that about half the labor force is not covered in any sense - those like Mae-fun who work in small workshops. There is no minimum wage, no secure employment contract, no unemployment insurance, no sick leave or paid maternity leave. When workers retire they receive no pension. Workers customarily get six paid holidays Rattan weaving (photo: Sandy Close) per year, but in Wai-gun's previous place of work she was not paid for these holidays. Even the traditional month's double pay at Chinese New Year is not an inviolable sanction. The lack of fringe benefits paid by employers is a major Hong Kong investment advantage, especially when manufacturers are producing goods for which demand is highly variable, such as wigs, sweaters, and plastic ornaments. When trade is poor, investors need not retain workers, thereby maintaining maximum flexibility and profits for themselves. Hong Kong factory owners and the government oppose unions, fearing not without reason that higher wages would drive foreign capital out of the colony to neighboring Southeast Asian countries. In following China's rapprochement political strategy towards Hong Kong, left-wing union organizers acquiesce in staying out of the new light industries. Wai-gun and Mae-fun have worked for over ten years in ten different factories, and in only one case was Wai-gun approached by union organizers. The lack of vital union activities in the new industrial sector hinders any significant development of viable alternatives to the present situation. Mae-fun explains her poor working conditions, the layoffs and lack of work security as a result of the personality Tenement porches. Hong Kong Island (Sandy Close) of the boss and the competitive economic situation. Perhaps because she works in shops in which the owner is present, she attributed a worker-management conflict over wages in a previous job to that boss's stinginess and said her present boss was "quite alright." Though he had laid off the workers without pay when he ran out of materials, this was "not his fault," but was due to the competition among workshops for plastic. Having worked in large factories run by foreign management, and slightly more sophisticated than Mae-fun, Wai-gun sees the opposing interests of workers and management. She supported a 1971 strike led by workers in the semi-conductor plant in which she then worked and currently complains bitterly over the exploitation of the workers in her shop. But in the absence of a deeper perspective into their role as workers in the local and world economy, both these women cope with their work experiences as individuals and as members of families, without a vision of what improved work conditions they could gain as organized workers. This can be seen in their low expectations of satisfactions from work. 4 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Mother ofa factory girl. with primary school age son (Sandy Close) The hierarchy of work values for these two women is paycheck, friendly co-workers, and time for leisure. Hong Kong culture emphasizes working for money to buy consumer goods, and Wai-gun and Mae-fun work both to improve their families' economic situation and to attain a greater sense of economic power and independence for themselves. Ten years before, Mae-fun's sister earned only SOIL per day making plastic toys, and sometimes the employer did not even pay all her wages because she was younger than the minimum legal working age and was too afraid to complain. While at the time prices were cheaper (she paid only lOll for a mea!), the family was still poorly off. Mae-fun's present daily wage of $3.S0 is a clear improvement over conditions in those times, but this relative improvement in wages itself commits the women to remain in tedious factory jobs. Thus, although some factory girls prefer factory jobs in which they can learn new skills, they usually give them up for higher-paying piece work machining. As elder daughters, both support their families and they contribute over three-quarters of their income for food, rent, utilities, school fees for younger siblings, medical expenses, and other goods for the entire family. Mae-fun's family can afford a telephone, television, and refrigerator, as well as higher education for the second brother. The eldest sister is engaged, and is saving up for her dowry. Mae-fun spends the remainder on herself and enjoys Sunday tea and movies with her friends. Wai-gun's family is poorer; her family owns a television but no refrigerator or phone and has lower educational expectations for her siblings. Wai-gun spends about $lS per month on her personal needs of lunch, carfare, movies, outings, and occasional purchases of clothing. Unlike some of her friends, neither girl dresses in the high fashion of Hong Kong's middle class. On Wai-gun's birthday, her mother gave her $2 to buy a piece of cream cake and barbecue pork, and she spent $4 of her own money on a new blouse and Boys playing in bedspace of one"t'oom apartment (Sandy Close) S BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Wanchai, Hong Kong Island, street scene (Sandy Close) shoes, her main clothes purchases of the summer. Mae-fun and Wai-gun both took on major familial responsibilities at a young age. They had no opportunity for an "irresponsible" adolescence or peer relationships at school; thus, in addition to the paycheck, Mae-fun and Wai-gun turn to the work setting for friends and peer relationships. Friends teach each other about the emerging Hong Kong adolescent subculture-about mod clothes, dating, Western films, picnics, Family in corridor of apartments in Kowloon's walled cIty (Sandy Close) and work opportunttles. Wai-gun finds her current job dissatisfying, in part because the fast assembly-line pace and rigid work rules forbid talking with other workers. The best praise for a job, after the size of the paycheck, is, "I don't have to think about the work while I do it, I can think about other things instead." Lacking satisfaction from their work, the girls turn to extra-work activities for amusement and meaning in life. They give most of their money to the family, but they can spend their time as they wish. Wai-gun throws herself into courses and programs with energy and vigor. Mae-fun prefers visiting to taking courses, although she currently studies English twice a week. These factory girls do not aspire to advance to positions of authority in the factory hierarchy. Family, factory and society discourage any attention towards improvement of their work situation. Their mothers need the girls' income now and they do not expect the girls to support the family after marriage. The family encourages the daughters to study or change jobs only when the training does not interfere with their current earning power. As a result, the girls are fixed in a work routine begun at an early age, and they can accumulate other training only in evening schools. The most frequent job advancement in this manner is to study sewing in the evening and to leave the factory to become a ladies' seamstress. Their brothers, on the contrary, are encouraged to take low-paying apprenticeships 6 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org for several years to improve their future employment chances, because a son is expected to contribute his income to his family even after his marriage, while a married daughter who works will be supporting her own husband and children. This relative neglect of the daughter's training for future career opportunities is a carry-over from the patriarchal character of traditional Chinese culture. As the intention of young women today is to continue working after marriage, this acts as a severe restraint on their capacity to do so in any advanced fashion. Mae-fun dislikes her work but has no future job plans. "What other job could I have? I don't know how to do anything else, and r don't like to sew!" she said. In contrast, her brother has been supported through middle school so that he can enter technical college, to become skilled in repairing of radios or air conditioners. Wai-gun is more independent of her environment than Mae-fun. She hopes to get work as a nursery school teacher, but fears her limited formal education disqualifies her. In her family there was money to educate one child to continue to middle school and her brother was chosen. His school fees were paid by an American charity, while she dropped out to support the family. The educational system does not encourage factory girls to gain technical training for skilled factory jobs. In particular, technical colleges do not accept women who have only primary school education, as is common among the friends of these two girls. Many attend private evening schools hoping to improve their English or Japanese to qualify for sales girls jobs. Only certain job categories and industries recruit women. Women are considered appropriate workers in textiles, plastics and electronics because they have "keen eyesight" and "nimble fingers" and will work for slightly lower wages than men. The factory selects a small proportion of girls for section leader jobs, but does not train the majority for management or technical posts, which are filled by male graduates from technical colleges. Thus the girls have few incentives for advancement in their work. Although the jobs are not intrinsically satisfying, the girls do not seek to escape from work into an early marriage. Their family makes heavy demands on them, it is true, but they accept this responsibility. Indeed, her parents encourage Mae-fun to delay marriage to contribute to the family income for a longer period of time. With her elder sister soon to marry, Mae-fun's income will become even more crucial to the family. On the contrary, when Wai-gun was 17 years old, her mother tried to arrange a marriage with an American-born Chinese, in the hope that she could thereafter bring her younger brothers and sisters to America to study. But Wai-gun resisted this plan because it would "tie her down" and "would not necessarily be a happy marriage. " She has a steady boyfriend and plans to delay marriage until she is 23. After marriage she expects to continue working, but will return home after work and do housework, relieving her mother-in-law of the tasks. This means she will give up her classes, courses and after-work outings, and the prospect of the double burden of housework and factory work does not currently appeal to her. Hence she is postponing marriage, thereby prolonging her relative personal independence as a factory girl. The conclusion to Chaplin's Modern Times, in which the hero and heroine reject the factory system and the entertainment world and take the uncertain but presumably carefree road of adventure, is not particularly applicable to the contemporary situation in Hong Kong. The keen sense of responsibility to family, combined with the significant lack of alternatives either within or outside the system itself, severely restricts the flexibility of the Hong Kong factory worker. Organization to improve working conditions is the only feasible solution, but this can only be done through the active participation of China itself. Material changes (e.g. increased wages) as well as the possibility of a gteater self-fulfillment for girls like Wai-gun, through the varied activities factory work enables her to participate in, will probably be sufficient inducements to prevent any dramatic or immediate change. Outside resettlement estate room. All cooking is done in the walkway outside the single-room apartment. Bucket of water for family use, lower left, must be hauled in. (Sandy Close) 7 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org The Development of Agribusiness in Thailand by Rick Doner Introduction Thailand has historically been important to the West, especially the United States, as a stable capitalist link in the Pacific rim area of economic activity. When the political stability of the area was upset in the late 1940s and early 1950s, private and public American organizations responded with new techniques known as the green revolution, whose objective was to increase agricultural production and thus decrease the chances of revolution. It is important to stress that at this stage the long-term dangers of regional instability were more important to the development of the green revolution as a policy than were any specific American economic interests in Thailand. But until very recently the green revolution has not been succeeding. Because it basically consists of technology, it depends on suitable socio-political and economic conditions. These conditions have not existed in Thailand, ironically, because of the effect of 19th century colonialist pressures on the society as a whole. Thailand and the Emerging "Free World": An Early Case of Neo-Colonialism Western academic, government and business writings on Thailand almost invariably distinguish Thailand from its unstable neighbors by a lack of a colonial past. This mistaken view results from a limited conception of colonialism as direct political control of one country by another. Thailand was not governed directly by a colonial administration primarily because France and England accepted Thailand as a buffer between their colonies and secondarily because of intelligent Thai diplomatic efforts to achieve this protected status. But this in no way meant that Thailand escaped very basic economic and political consequences of imperialism. For as a result of a series of unequal treaties in the mid-19th century Thailand'seconomic base was radically affected. Thailand's economic history has been summarized by one writer in the following terms: 1. An external source of demand for primary agricultural commodities like rice led to a fundamental change in the mode of production through specialization and division of labor. This resulted in a specific form of resource allocation in the domestic economy. All this occurred through the harnessing of formerly existing surplus capacity so that the extension of commercial agriculture and a greatly enlarged surplus developed without changes in productive techniques. 2. Specialization into rice production destroyed a preexisting pattern of subsistence agriculture, manufac turing activity, and local handicrafts. 3. Transfer of agricultural products from the countryside to Bangkok became the main form of appropriation of the economic surplus. Commercial capital was in the hands of a Chinese comprador-merchant class and a European investment class. A definite metropolis-satellite relationship emerged. 4. The classes which benefited from all this included (a) foreign elements providing labor, capital and entrepreneurship for export industries (mineral and agricultural) the inflow of which gave rise to a small enclave of modern manufacturing and the remittances from which formed a further leakage of domestically generated savings; (b) a class of "bureaucratic capitalists" and the comprador-merchant class; (c) a rising bourgeoisie in Bangkok who used up part of the surplus for imported 8 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org luxury goods. 5. There were parallel organizational changes: establishment of a limited infrastructure (communications), enlarged and reformed administrative bureaucracy both for control and surplus appropriation, and functional agencies like import-export firms. The king lost control over state trading, taxes, and revenues from customs duties on trade commodities. 6. All this exaggerated uneven development: the dichotomy between Bangkok and the countryside became more obvious as the new mode of economic operation enriched the capita!. 7. There were few linkages or feedbacks from the extension of rice cultivation. There were few concrete effects from increased output and the level of well being remained constant or may have declined owing to the break-down of previous social relationships. 8. Income distribution worsened. Accumulated capital was used for trading purposes, real estate, or luxury consumption. Almost none was used for non export related development expenditures or manufacturing within Thailand itself. 9. Thailand became a part of the international division of labor within the world capitalist economy. Previous self-sufficiency was replaced by reliance on world markets, i.e. on trade with a limited number of Western countries. Threats to its territorial independence from the West forced it to act like a colony and restricted domestic development potentia!.l An important social and political consequence of the above features was the growth of military power, which has played the major role in 20th century Thai politics. Arising from the persistently threatening regional situation and absorbing upwardly mobile Thai of non-royal blood who found commercial and industrial futures closed, the military was an important conduit for the transmission of Western values and orientations. Although the military occasionally led the government into disputes with specific Western powers such as France, its Western training and urban power base precluded the development of any anti-Western movement within or outside the military until the 1950s. Military Rule and the Rise of American Influence Contradictions between the growing force of the military and declining royal power led to the overthrow of the absolute monarchy. The coup itself was masterminded by radical, French-trained Thai intellectuals but depended on the discontentment of the military; the 1929 financial crisis had caused a devaluation of sterling and also of the Burmese currency linked to it. Burmese rice then outsold Thai rice, and the Thai royalty responded to decreased revenues by cutting the size and salaries of the military. After 1932 a military clique was dominant, tending not to challenge the West but rather to profit as much from it as possible. The one progressive effort, an economic plan submitted by French-trained Pridi Panomyong which called for Thailand's self-sufficiency through the communalization of property, was branded "communist" in 1933. It was during the 1920s and 1930s that American influence in Thailand began to grow, gradually displacing the previously dominant British following World War I. The change was characterized less by increases in trade than by the growth of closer relationships at higher levels of Thai society. For example, there was the' interesting role of Francis B. Sayre, son-in-law of Woodrow Wilson and one of the long list of Americans from Harvard Law School employed by the Thai as a foreign affairs advisor. It was precisely because of the relatively small sum of American investment that the Thais trusted Americans to mediate disputes with the British and French, In this context there are two important facts to point out about Sayre. First, he headed a Thai diplomatic mission to Europe in 1925 and managed to get most of the unequal treaties abrogated using a 1920 U.S.-Thai treaty as a mode!. For this he has been honored by the Thais as a true supporter of Thai nationalism as contrasted with exploitative Europeans. Secondly, Sayre later became Assistant Secretary of State and Chairman of the Presidential Executive Committee on Commercial Policy under Franklin Roosevelt. In these posts he was one of the major spokespeople for American trade expansion. His statements show clearly that he viewed new markets as having been necessary to America's welfare for more than forty years. By that time {the 1890sJ our national surpluses which could not be sold profitably in this country {the U.S.] had come to assume formidable proportions, and it was becoming clear that the loss or curtailment of foreign markets would mean severe economic dislocation. 2 Sayre played an integral part in the formulation of the New Deal trade expansion policy patterned after the Open Door policy. His earlier activities in Thailand were not in the least aimed at helping Thailand transform her social structure and reduce her dependence on foreign markets through the abrogation of the treaties. They were radier efforts at sustaining and deepening the pattern of free trade imperialism or informal empire that the U.S. had evolved out of increasingly outmoded British economic and political policy. The fact that American trade with Thailand was not yet very large is not important. The aim at that time was to consolidate links with areas seen as potential markets, receptacles for exported capital, and sources for raw materials. This was especially true in the 1930s when contradictions. between the U.S. and other expanding capitalist countries like Japan threatened the markets, so integral a part of the New Deal policy. Also at this point Thailand provided the only reliable American foothold on the Southeast Asian mainland, and America was willing to exploit differences between other capitalist nations to maintain that foothold. Besides the above-mentioned presence, the early 20th century saw American contact with Thailand in fields known in some circles as "welfare imperialism." For example, the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored a major public health program from 1916 to 1929. After 1920 Thai students began to enter American universities to pursue advanced training in agriculture and public health. What is significant in terms of long-term patterns is that these activities sponsored by American capitalist benefactors paralleled similar programs in China and Thailand in later years. By the time World War II broke out, the British empire was considerably weakened, while American and Japanese power were growing. At this time Thailand reflected and made every effort to guage the power balance between Japan and 9 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org the U.S. In 1941 Thailand's military government declared war on the U.S. and Britain and officially allied itself with Japan, which occupied the country. A civilian-dominated group within the government secretly worked for English and American secret services in gatnering information on the Japanese while Thai diplomats in Washington disassociated themselves from the war declaration. When the war ended and the pro-Japanese military leaders were turned out, the pro-Allied Thais who took over the postwar government asked that the declaration of war not be recognized. The British, who had sustained substantial economic losses in Thailand due to the Japanese occupation, refused the request and submitted twenty-two demands which included an order to dismantle and then reorganize the military. The Thais rejected most of the demands and succeeded in sustaining their refusal because of their ability to exploit differences between England and the U.S. The Americans were happy to increase their influence with the Thai government at the expense of the British. More importantly, the U.S. saw the army as an instrument of "modernization" and "stabilization" in an area beginning to shake with national liberation movement. The U.S. thus became the major Western power affecting Thailand. By 1947 military rule was restored to those same leaders who had allied Thailand with Japan in 1941. And by 1950 American aid began to flow officially. From 1950 to 1970 Thailand received over $580 million from the U.S. in economic aid, while privately sponsored assistance, i.e. welfare impeJ;ialism, was becoming important. Green Revolution: Political Response to Potential Instability By 1949, agricultural aid to Thailand was seen in the context of increased food production to be used against the spread of communism. The Chinese Communists had been victorious, in Malaysia the British were battling communist insurgents, in Indochina the French were losing to the Vietminh, and the Huks were getting stronger in the Philippines. Moreover, some countries like India and Burma were facing severe rice shortages which could have had important political consequences. The primary causes of revolution became the object of much study, and the question of food surpluses gained importance for both Thailand and the region in general. Thailand was expected to help others with her traditional rice surpluses as well as strengthen herself through diversification. But in 1949-1950 rice yields were down by one-third from their 1906-1909 averages. 3 Furthermore, the country was dependent on two primary commodities, rice and rubber, for 75% of its export proceeds. Finally, in 1949 it was estimated that 10% of the rice crop was lost to pests. The American response to the Thai needs for diversification and higher productivity was an effort which included (largely U.S.-controlled) international aid agencies like the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD or World Bank), USAID, and American foundations. 3a The most dynamic elements in this effort were the foundations, especially Rockefeller. The identity and experience of the agricultural experts sent to Thailand in the late 40s and early 50s either directly or indirectly by the foundations are important. Most of them were plant breeders with extensive experience in China before 1949 working with various reform-oriented agencies. They had close links with the YMCA as well as with Cornell University and the Rockefeller Foundation. This combination had failed in China, but the United States clearly wanted to make sure a communist revolution didn't take place in Thailand and still had faith in the effectiveness of the effort. The fact that these experts were sent so quickly to Thailand is an illustration of the country's position in the eyes of the American government. These experts were people like H. H. Love, J. R. King, and Robert L. Pendleton. Pendleton had experience in India, the Philippines, and China in the field of soil technology before working for the Thai Agriculture Department in 1935. He was closely affiliated with the YMCA and returned to Thailand with a UN-FAa mission in 1947-48 and again in 1952-53 as a soil scientist for the American Mutual Security Agency Mission to Thailand (The MSA was a forerunner of USAID). H. H. Love was a professor of plant breeding at Cornell, a special consultant in plant breeding at various Chinese universities from 192 5 to 1935, and an advisor at the University of Puerto Rico in 1939. From 1950 to 1956 he was an advisor in rice breeding to the Thai government. A letter from Love in 1951 mentions the political context in which the experts viewed the program: We do not know just when we will be back in Ithaca, but it may be a year or longer. Joe Stalin may have the answer for us ... our agricultural program for Thailand is being enlarged and we have a very extensive project on rice breeding planned. It is probably the biggest single project on rice that has ever been planned anywhere . ... 4 The early breeding programs have been continued under the auspices of Rockefeller and AID in conjunction with a specially established rice department within the Thai Ministry of Agriculture. This effort has been supplemented by U.S. foundation-sponsored "international" institutions like the International Rice Research Institute (iRR!) set up in 1961 to develop new rice strains. It was the establishment of IRRI by Ford and Rockefeller and the subsequent awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to plant breeder Norman Borlaug for work on high-yielding varieties that made famous the phrase "green revolution." But we must keep in mind that the green revolution actually predates IRRI by almost twenty years. We should also wonder, as Harry Cleaver points out, why Borlaug got the prize for peace and not biology. S Other agencies like the Rockefeller-funded Agricultural Development Council also playa role in supporting American aid to Thai agriculture. First established in 1953, the Agricultural Development Council finances the education of agricultural economists and managers (mostly Asians) whom it feels will fit into a "stable pattern of agricultural development." Perhaps the prime link in all these efforts is Thailand's Kasetsart University, which has Rockefeller people teaching and directing research and houses the Agricultural Development Council, as well as the Thai rice breeding center which is headed by a Rockefeller person. This complex has strong links with the U.S. Government aid operations as well as with breeding centers up-country. Among these centers is a large experimental farm in the northeast which was set up by Rockefeller and staffed with Rockefeller personnel and scholarship holders. Sa There are also USAID-funded regional 10 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org experimental stations staffed in part with people from American agricultural schools like the University of Kentucky, which was involved in agricultural activities in Indonesia. 6 It is important to take note of the increasingly anti-capitalist political atmosphere in Southeast Asia within which the above operations were conceived and implemented. Half of Korea was lost; in Indochina American troops replaced French; in Indonesia Sukarno had expropriated private Dutch interests, thrown out the Peace Corps, and was generally closing the country to foreign investment. In the midst of all this the Thai military ruling group followed American policy very closely. It sent its soldiers to Viet Nam, permitted its peasantry to be trained as mercenaries for combat in Laos, and allowed (and profited from) American air bases built on Thai soil for use against Vietnam. Most importantly, Thailand has constantly reiterated its belief in the necessity of foreign trade and investment as a major means of development. It has thus been absolutely necessary to insure that Thailand itself is not overtaken by some very serious problems within its own boundaries. There are three rural insurgencies extending their areas of control at a rate alarming to both Thai and American military authorities. The Thai government supported by the U.S. has no hope of dealing with these revolts on a long-term basis if it does not solve some very basic agricultural problems. The first is insufficient productivity of rice cultivation. This may sound strange for a country whose major weakness has been dependence on a changing foreign market for the sale of its rice surplus and acquisition of foreign exchange. But in the present stage of Thai development we must view the problem in the context of two fairly recent factors. One is the fact that with the present rate of population growth the Thai population will double in seventeen years. Assuming the present level of rice consumption will remain at ISS kg. per capita, Thailand will be rice-deficient if productivity is not raised.' The second factor necessitating higher rice yields is Thailand's stated desire and obvious need to diversify agriculture. The important element here is limited land area. Increased production of all crops in the past has resulted largely from expansion of area cultivated, not from superior techniques. s Now there is simply not much land left. If diversification is to become a reality, all rice production must eventually come from one half of the current area planted to rice. 9 This means at least double yields on land well suited for rice, since land cannot and will not be directed from rice to other crops unless rice yields or other crop yields Dr both greatly increase. Besides productivity and diversification, there is a third problem which must be solved: the tendency of unemployment or underemployment (disguised unemploy ment) to rise. This is the result of an industrial sector producing for a narrow market and requiring only a small portion of the labor force. lo Industry generates few linkage effects and employment opportunities grow more slowly than output since the capital intensity of most foreign-sponsored industrial operations precludes large numbers of jobs. If people are not doing well on farms and cannot find work in industry, the result will be high unemployment, disguised unemployment, low agricultural productivity, and social unrest. Stagnation of Agriculture in Spite of the Green Revolution: Enter Agribusiness What have been the results of Western aid and advice to Thai agriculture in terms of productivity, diversification, and unemployment? In none of these areas is the outlook very promising. One source estimates that yield per hectare in the mid-1960s was roughly the same as during the period 1900-1930. 11 There has been an increase in the amount of diversified agricultural exports, especially 9f corn, cassava, and kenaf. But the increases here are also results of expanded area of cultivation, not of highly productive methods. In fact, there are Rockefeller-financed American experts in Thailand who believe that Thai agriculture has reached a plateau, in that little new land is being cleared and increases in yield are very small. It may even be that the rate of increase in real agricultural output is close to zero percent in contrast with the Thai government's estimate of 4.5%.12 Low productivity and limits on diversification have seriously affected unemployment and disguised unemploy ment. Official statistics claim unemployment is less than one percent. But it is generally acknowledged that disguised unemployment is very high, over 15% in most areas. 13 Furthermore, between 1970 and 1985 urban population may increase by 80%, with rural population increasing 50% during the same period. 14 The question is, how could Thai agriculture remain in what can be justifiably called a stagnant state with the dire consequences for unemployment, in spite of the efforts by Rockefeller, USAID, etc.? A major part of the answer lies in the constraints on rural change imposed by Thai social forces, social forces which in part derive from imperialist influences on the economy beginning in the mid-19th century. A concrete illustration may be found in capital inputs to agriculture. High-yielding varieties developed within the green revolution require fertilizer (although relatively little in the Thai case) and a certain amount of mechanization. IS Yet marketing channels often make these inputs too expensive for all but the wealthy farmer, a situation exacerbated by the continuing lack of agricultural credit extended to small farmers. Another aspect of the problem is that the new rice strains as well as increasing crop diversification require well coordinated irrigation. Capital inputs and water use both imply the need for some supra-village organization capable of accumulating capital and coordinating agricultural operations. One possibility is the cooperative, but the cooperative movement has shown little sign of advancement since its inception in 1916. This is not because Thai peasants are averse to working together, but rather because it has been impossible for cooperatives to obtain enough control over vital inputs to make the operation a stable and profitable one. But not all the obstacles come from forces indigenous to Thai society. The green revolution itself creates problems. This can be seen if we examine the issue of high unemployment and disguised unemployment. If the use of new rice strains and the cultivation of more varied crops necessitate mechanization and more skewed land holdings, as many have asserted, then a landless proletariat will increase in numbers. Unable to find jobs in capital-intensive industries, these people will have no choice but to seek employment in service industries, as street walk vendors, et al. 158 11 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org It should be pointed out here that miracle grains have been planted in Thailand only to a limited extent, mostly in the central region. The social consequences of their use are thus not yet fully clear. But based on the data available, American and Thai planners are already aware of the potential problems of land tenure resulting from the need for coordinated irrigation and the cost of capital inputs. 16 As a matter of fact, many Thai and Americans involved are torn between the desire to see the new strains and diversified crops adopted under the most favorable conditions (Le. the central region where irrigation and integration into the consumer market are facilitated by the 50-75% absentee land ownership rate, large-sized farms, extensive use of credit, etc.) and the fear that this adoption will entail large-scale unemployment and social unrest. Given the present situation in Southeast Asia, such unrest would be a disaster for American interests in the region. What i ~ obviously needed is some way of transforming traditional Thai agriculture into a labor-intensive operation with high productivity per acre that contributes to the country's diversification and expansion of exports. There are basically two ideas on how this should be done. Some people have advocated simply intensifying efforts at cooperativization which would still maintain small ownership. This has not worked in the past and there is no reason to think it can begin to now. Marketing structures are still disadvantageous to peasants; the capacity of the Thai agricultural extension services to give the cooperatives the support they require is still lacking; most importantly, the tendency to buyout whatever operations are making a profit is getting stronger every day in Thailand. Already, it isn't unusual to see a farmer in the central region establish some type of successful farm and then willingly sell it to a wealthy urban buyer. The second alternative is foreign-financed agribusiness. Through its emphasis on vertical integration, high standardization, and larger capital resources, agribusiness can make available the capital inputs required. Its organizational capacities through plantation-type operations can deal with the coordination needed for extensive irrigation. Agribusiness can also help alleviate the unemployment problem. Not only are most agribusiness operations in the form of large-scale plantations requiring large numbers of agricultural workers, but they also deal in the more profitable and traditional export sectors like fruit and vegetables. The significance of this fact is that the processing of these export crops can be geared to a large supply of local low-cost labor. Historically, then, agribusiness is extremely significant. It is an attempt to implement advances of a technical nature achieved through the green revolution by overcoming social and economic obstacles in Thai society which the Thai bureaucracy and commercial sector could not overcome. Agribusiness Presence in Thailand Consciousness of the advantages of agribusiness is growing. USAID has been producing reports on agribusiness potential for some time. The,Mekong Development Committee is viewing foreign investment as the most efficient way to achieve the diversification planned for the Mekong area. Mekong officials concerned with agricultural development have plans to ask the F AO Investment Center in Rome to help channel investment into the project. Rockefeller Foundation people have been approached to coordinate research activities . M k . I I . 17 at varIOus e ong agncu tura stations. On the Thai side, the military leaders have gone even farther in their stated acceptance of foreign investment, including agribusiness. A central feature of the third five-year plan is its aim of facilitating the entrance of foreign capital, while the new investment law does everything possible to give foreign capital a beneficial situation. The new Thai investment law contains the following major provisions: -the government will not compete with foreign investors who are promoted by the Thai authorities by producing similar goods for domestic or foreign markets; -foreign companies will be permitted to market their goods overseas without export and business taxes on finished products; -government-approved foreign companies with "privi leged" status are to be permitted to remit capital, in the form of foreign currency profits and interest, out of the country; -foreign investors who put money into Thailand are to be permitted, in some instances, to take their money out at a rate of 20% of their capital fund each year for the first two years. This can be extended up to five years; -foreign companies will be permitted to bring in necessary personnel and their relatives, even though the number may exceed the quota laid down under Thai immigration laws; -there may be exemptions from taxes on raw materials and other items necessary for the manufacturer of goods to export; -there may be an import ban or import duties imposed of up to 50% of the value of imported competitive articles. 18 Although there is negative reaction to foreigners holding or controlling land, this has been circumvented either by "leasing" land as is done in the Philippines, or through the establishment of a Thai firm dependent on foreign capital and/or technology. Nationalistic reactions to agribusiness, to the extent that they are heard, are being increasingly weakened by the military'S consciousness of Thailand's weak diversified exports. In 1969 a writer in Thailand's Investor magazine discussed the possibilities of a foreign-financed banana plantation. He stated: Thailand has not il/ the past developed a plantation type agriculture on a wide scale, and this would involve radical social as well as economic cha11ges in the rural areas whicb go far beyond considerations of the banana industry. For tbe time being it is possible only to stress tbe urgency of exploring every avenue for diversificatioll of Tbailalld's agricultural exports. 19 Viewing agribusine.'>s from the side of the Western and Japanese capitalists, agribusiness on the international level is both a means of extracting profit and a method of insuring stability of Third World countries in the long-term interests of potential exploitation. Viewed in this way the complentarity of substructural and superstructural elements within agribusiness is obvious, that is, the superstructural need to maintain the free enterprise system in a certain area meshes with the substructural potential for concrete economic activity and profit. This is manifested directly through the efforts of multinational firms and international aid organizations to help countries like Thailand diversify and increase exports. 12 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org In earlier periods of capitalist development the encouragement of diversification of exports might have appeared unlikely. But the increasing extension of foreign capital into new areas has made this advisable for several reasons. There is first of all the already-discussed question of stability which will be threatened unless productivity is raised and employment opportunities made available. Next is the necessity of Third World countries earning their own foreign currency. Increased exports would take the burden off international aid organizations to provide large sums of foreign exchange. Increased foreign exchange earnings would in turn increase the demand of countries like Thailand for foreign-produced goods. Another element is the way in which agribusiness operations permit a multinational corporation already investing in a Thai industrial enterprise to develop its capacities of coordination and influence to a higher level of sophistication within the country. Perhaps the most important aspect of agribusiness and increased exports is simply that increases in agricultural exports will profit those countries controlling the basic productive factors. This is especially true in the traditional export industries like fruit, vegetables, oil palm, etc. which have higher demand elasticities than simple food grains. Thus import substitution, which is so often praised by Thai and Americans alike, cannot be seen as a real step towards economic independence since the food or textiles substituted for imports are produced in Japanese or American-financed operations. Finally, all these factors accelerate the integration of the peasantry into a capitalist consumption-based economy. In the words of one Rockefeller expert in Thailand discussing the value of televisions and Honda motorcycles: One might call such things luxuries, but one might also call them very necessary incentives to farmers to increase their output . .. so that they can buy them . ... 20 Agribusiness operated within the context of the above stated objectives and strategies can first be seen on the international level. One form is the multinational companies made up of other multinational firms for purposes of coordination and availability of capital. An example of this is the Private Investment Company for Asia (PICA), whose functio.n is "to make and facilitate capital investments in the developing countries of Asia." With a board that includes people like the president of Mitsubishi and Co., the vice president of Standard Oil of New Jersey, and the chairman of the Union Bank of Switzerland, and a group of shareholders which includes most big firms investing in Asia, PICA is in an excellent position to mobilize capital for agribusiness operations and coordinate this investment with industrial operations within Thailand or the region as a whole. But firms like PICA are fairly new, and the dynamic element in foreign agribusiness comes from nationally-based multinational corporations appearing among PICA's shareholders. An American example is Castle & Cook, a diversified firm that is the largest producer of pineapples in the world. Its operations in Thailand illustrate one of the main factors causing American capital to be invested in agribusiness in Asia: the search for operations yielding a higher rate of profit in the short run. Castle & Cook has recently begun cutting back pineapple production in Hawaii, its main base, due to high labor prices resulting in difficulties in competing with foreign canners (probably Taiwanese). Through its Dole subsidiary, Castle & Cook has gone ahead and begun growing pineapples cheaply on a 16,000-acre plantation in the Philippines. This year Dole (Thailand) "leased" over 2,000 acres in central Thailand and began growing and canning operations using cheap Thai labor. 21 Nor is the land formerly used in Hawaii for pineapple cultivation wasted: Castle & Cook rents or sells it at a high profit due to rising land values in Hawaii. Nor is Castle & Cook's presence in Thailand limited to pineapples. The company holds a major share in the Thai American Steel Company, and Malcolm MacNaughton, Castle & Cook president, is Thailand's hon6rary consul in Honolulu. Other American firms are beginning to get involved in Thai agribusiness. The International Minerals and Chemicals Corporation has undertaken a large marketing program to accelerate utilization of agricultural chemicals. Massey Ferguson was granted exclusivity of local production and restrictions against competitive imports in return for building a large tractor assembly plant in Thailand. Arbor Acre Corporation will add a jointly-owned chicken-raising operation in Thailand to those it already runs in Pakistan, India, and the Philippines. Its predictions are that it will be able to undercut JOURNAL of CONTEMPORARY ASIA A quarterly journal seriously concerned with the nature and modes of social change in contemporary Asia. In its pages we have published articles on both the theory of social change and interpretations of Asian political, social and economic problems. Recent articles, vol. IV, no. 1: John Taylor, "Neo-Marxism" and Underdevelopment Malcolm Caldwell, Aseanization W. F. Wertheim, Polarity and Equality in the Chinese People's Communes Gabriel Kolko, The Dynamics of Reconstruction and Victory: The PRG of South Vietnam Teodor Shanin, General Giap and People's War Plus reviews, and documents from liberation move ments in Asia. Subscription rates per annum: (Pre-payment required) Individual US$11.00; Institution/Library US$15.00; Business Firms/Government Agencies US$18.00; Citizens of the Third World (in residence) ... US$7.00 Journal of Contemporary Asia, P.O. Box 49010, Stockholm 49, Sweden 13 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org indigenous Thai operations by one-half. Esso, which is the largest American investor in Thailand, currently holds oil exploration leases and is also an important producer of fertilizers. International commodity traders like U.S. Calabrian and Continental Grain are playing a substantial role in the export of selected Thai agricultural goods like corn and sugar. Japanese agribusiness in Thailand is much more extensive than American. This parallels Japanese investment in Thailand as a whole, which exceeds $400 million as opposed to the U.S. figure which is approaching $200 million. In May 1972 Japan signed a $200 million loan agreement with the Thais. This money represents 46% of total foreign borrowings in the Thai third five-year plan. In agribusiness alone there are at least eighteen Japanese-financed and controlled firms, fourteen in textiles and four in foodstuffs. Textiles is the largest and fastest growing area of Japanese investments, with Japanese capital invested in textiles rising from $8 million in 1967 to $23 million in 1970, to $40 million in 1972. 22 Japanese capital in the Thai foodstuffs industry went from $2.6 million in 1967 to $3.6 million in 1970. 23 Since then, a number of major investments have been made, including the Thailand-Japan Food Industry, Ltd., a joint venture in which Japanese interests hold 40% of the capital. The company is constructing a $25 million plant to can corn, asparagus, pineapple, and other fruit exclusively for export. Another Japanese-controlled company established in 1970, the Thai Fruit Packing and Export Co., has begun a large-scale banana plantation which will eventually encompass several thousand acres. All the bananas grown would be exported. In this example, Japan will not only profit from exports of Thai products and make Thailand dependent on a foreign market, but will also benefit from the fertilizer and "technical guidance" the company plans to provide for the private Thai growers with whom it will eventually contract for extra bananas. Agribusiness and Foreign Investment as a Whole It is difficult to estimate the total magnitude of foreign (i.e. mainly American and Japanese) agribusiness activity or its importance relative to total foreign capital invested in the country, although there is more information for Japan than for the U.S. Another problem is the relationship between foreign agribusiness investment in a country like Thailand and the economic situation in the home capitalist country. Part of the difficulty is a lack of information. But a more important although related factor is the multinational and diversified nature of most of the American and Japanese firms i!1volved in Thailand. This concerns firms involved in non-agricultural fields in Thailand but which do not have agricultural interests elsewhere and thus a definite potential for agribusiness activity in Thailand. It is thus difficult to say exactly what capital is "agribusiness" capital due to the facility with which large diversified firms can shift funds from one sector to another. This is also tied up with the question of links between agribusiness in Thailand and the American or Japanese economic situation. Tenneco, for example, has some of the largest agribusiness operations in the U.S. and is involved in Qil exploration in Thailand. It is not yet involved in any Thai agricultural activities. But if, through labor agitation of the farmworkers, the cost of farm labor rises as in Hawaii, the 14 company could well shift its operations to Thailand as did Dole. The primary criterion for shifting operations to a country like Thailand is, of course, a higher rate of profit than could be obtained at home. In some cases, like that of Dole or the potential example of Tenneco, this profit is obtained directly from sales of agricultural products. In other cases, and this already occurs within the U.S., a profit is not made from the agricultural operation, but the costs or losses of that operation are transferred to one of the firms's industrial subsidiaries where they can be used as tax write-offs. I do not have the hlformation to give examples of where this has taken place in a firm operating in Thailand. Another way of obtaining a higher rate of profit in Thailand than at home might come at a time when foreign investment in both agricultural and industrial sectors is even more extensive than at the present. 24 This would be a situation in which the terms of trade between foreign agriculture and foreign industry in Thailand are such that industrial profits in Thailand are higher than in the home country. There are obviously very serious problems with this type of scenario. For one thing, it ignores the fairly significant relationship between industrial wages in the U.S. and agricultural exports from underdeveloped countries like Thailand. It assumes that the products of agribusiness would be used for consumption within Thailand and not for export. But I do think the possibility is worth some thought, if only in trying to understand the differences between agricultural development in a country like Thailand and in advanced capitalist countries. Conclusion Agribusiness represents one type of organization in which new techniques can be used. A planned socialist economy such as that in China has been shown capable of adapting new techniques in successfully raising agricultural productivity, diversifying crops, and solving the problem of unemployment and disguised unemployment. Of course the basic difference between the agribusiness approach and the socialist approach is much more than organizational. In fact, as capitalist control of agriculture increases there will be a tendency for greater socialization of the productive forces and processes. What does differ are the relations of produ<:tion, who owns the means of production, and who gets the surplus produced. It is on this factor that the substructural core of agribusiness is based, i.e. that its mode of organization facilitates implementing green revolution techniques for the profit of the owners of capital. NOTES 1. These points, somewhat shortened. are Peter F. Bell's, "The Historical Determinants of Underdevelopment in Thailand," Yale University, Economic Growth Center, Discussion Paper no. 84 (February 1970). 2. William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, (New York: Dell, 1962). 171. 3. James C. Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand Since 1850, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1955), 48. 3a. Established in 1946 by the major capitalist nations under American leadership, the World Bank has a charter which instructs it to "promote private investment" in the Third World. It does this through the granting of loans primarily to underdeveloped countries. Loans are made to governments or to private companies, but if the loan is made to a private concern, the country in which the company operates must BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org guarantee the loan. One, if not the major, function of the bank is to provide investment in areas not profitable for private funds: infrastructure. From 1949 to 1970, $9 billion of the $14.3 billion loaned by the bank has been in areas of electric power and transportation. Almost no loans have been made to public enterprises in ventures that the bank considers profitable to private enterprise. It is in this area of infrastructure that the I.B.R.D. is principally active in Thailand. On November 29, 1965, a past president of the bank, George Woods, made a statement to a group of British bankers which makes clear the bank's objectives: It is very risky for one in my position to say anything nice about empires, but I have to run that risk: a grea.t deal of the routine of the World Bank Group is simply carrying on-with you and others-some of the great works of construction which you started in the exciting days of empire. {Bruce Nissen, "The World Bank: A Political Institution, " Pacific Research and World Empire Telegram, 2:6 (September-October 1971), 9.] The Nissen article gives a good basic analysis of the development and general functioning of the IBRD as well as of related institutions. See also Teresa Hayter, Aid as Imperialism (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1971). The World Bank takes on even greater importance as the American emphasis shifts from bi-Iateral to multi-lateral aid. 4. Letters of H. H. Love, Collection of Regional History and University Archives, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y. Another aspect of this university-foundation effort is the activities of anthropologists like Lauriston Sharp. Sharp taught at Cornell before taking leave to serve in the State Department in 1936. He returned to Cornell and in 1947 became the director of the Thailand Project at Cornell financed by Rockefeller, Carnegie, the Viking Fund, and the Social Science Research Council. One of his main areas of study has been rice production. He did research in the late 1940s and early 1950s in Thailand and co-authored a book on the Siamese rice village in 1953. In 1956 he was named a trustee of the Rockefeller-funded and founded Asia Society along with people like Howard C. Shepherd, chairman of the First National City Bank of N.Y., Juan T. Trippe, president of Pan Am, Lloyd W. Elliot, vice-president of Standard Oil of New Jersey. In recent years Sharp has engaged in foundation and government sponsored research on Thailand's northern hill tribes, many of whom are currently in revolt against the Thai government. 5. Harry M. Cleaver, Jr., "The Contradictions of the Green Revolution," Monthly Review, Vol.24 (June 1972),80-111. This article contains probably the best general discussion of the origins and consequences of the green revolution. 5a. The political and economic implications of Rockefeller Foundation-sponsored activities can be seen not only from the content of their research and recommendations, but also from the Rockefeller business presence in Thailand. The Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank is the seventh largest foreign bank in Thailand, and the second largest American bank. (first is Bank of America). Chase Manhattan is listed as a leading American investor in Thailand, as is another Rockefeller-controlled corporation: the International Basic Economy Corporation (IBEC). With the Rockefeller family holding 70% of IBEC's stock, the corporation is a worldwide enterprise, half of whose sales come from agribusiness activities. In Thailand, IBEC has been chiefly concerned with the development of the textile industry, and it seems to be the only. American competition to an already active Japanese presence in Thai textiles. In Latin America, where IBEC is most active (half of its revenues come from the area), !BEC is involved heavily in agribusiness. It is the largest supermarket distributor of food products in South America, raises hybrid corn seed in Brazil, catches and cans tuna in Puerto Rico, processes and distributes milk in Venezuela, produces coffee in EI Salvador, and grows and refines sugar cane in Peru. An example of the connections of a company like !BEC with government and education is Nathaniel Samuels, chairman of !BEC. Samuels has served as under secretary of state for economic affairs and as a U.S. alternate governor to the International. Monetary Fund, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), the Inter-American Development Bank, and the Asian Development Bank. Another Rockefeller corporation active in Thailand is the International Executive Service Corps (IESC), founded in 1964 by David Rockefeller, Sol Linowitz, and other American business leaders. Often referred to as the "Executive Peace Corps," IESC utilizes the experience of retired American executives to teach entrepreneurial and managerial techniques in Thailand and other "developing" countries. IESC emphasizes aid to the private sector rather than to government industries, but works closely with USAID, as well as with large multinational corporations. The influence of IESC is significant in Thailand, where much is being said of the "new" Thai businessman. (See the NACLA Newsletter devoted to the Rockefellers, 3:2-3 [April-May and May-June 19691). 6. I interviewed a tropical fruit specialist from the University of Kentucky working in an AID-funded agricultural research station in Northeast Thailand just outside of Khon Kaen. He had previously spent four years in an AID-funded project at the Agricultural University of Bogor, Indonesia. (see Kentucky at Bogor: A Final Report to the U.S. Agency for International Development, Nicholas M. Rice, CEC Project Report Number 2, March 1968.) He is formulating a proposal for an international tropical fruit research institute to be set up in Thailand under Rockefeller direction. He was especially insistent on the need for Rockefeller, and not AID, to undertake such a project. Rockefeller-organized research teams were generally composed of highly qualified experts and were able to mobilize experts from a number of different countries, while an agency like USAID was not known for the high quality of its technicians nor was it able to organize research efforts across national lines as efficiently as Rockefeller. 7. Delane Welsh and Sopin Tongpan, R ice in Thailand (unpublished paper, Department of Agricultural Economics, Kasetsart University, Bangkok), mimeo, 10. 8. T. R. Silcock, Economic Development of Thai Agriculture (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1970), 180. 9. Ibid. 10. For a discussion of this problem see John Weeks, "Employment, Growth, and Foreign Domination in Underdeveloped Countries," Revue of Radical Political Economics 4: 1 (1972), 59-70. 11. Welsh and Tongpan, 1. 12. Interviews at Kasetsart University, Bangkok, August 1972. 13. Fredrich W. Fuchs and Jan Vingerhoets, Rural Manpower, Rural Institutions, and Rural Employment in Thailand (National Economic Development Board, Bangkok), unpublished paper, 14. 14. Ibid. 15. Cleaver ,88-89. 15a. Agribusiness should also be seen in the context of the Nixon Doctrine. As exemplified in the hiring of underemployed Thai peasants to fight for the CIA in Laos, the Nixon Doctrine and agribusiness depend upon the same type of stalled agricultural development to tap cheap labor. Under-employment is a growing problem in Thailand, and when tens of thousands of peasants can no longer be absorbed into a mercenary force, agribusiness will try to be there to provide the "job opportunities." For a brief analysis of the example of Thai mercenaries in Laos and their relation to agribusiness, see Rick Doner, "Thailand: The Nixon Doctrine," American Report, 3:2 (October 23, 1972),9. 16. Eldon B. Smith and Halvor Kalshnes, Determinants of Fertilizer Use by Paddy Farmers - A Preliminary Analysis, (USAID Northeast Agricultural Center, Khon Kaen, 1971), mimeo. 17. A Mekong official whom I interviewed admitted that Thai cooperatives were not progressing at all. He stated that besides agribusiness, the only alternative for getting agriculture moving was revolution from the bottom and Mao Tse-tung type communes. 18. cf. Far Eastern Economic Review, November 4, 1972. 19. "Bananas," Investor, November 1969,925. 20. Delane E. Welsh, "Agricultural Problems in Thailand: Some Policy Alternatives," Bangkok Bank Monthly Review 12: 3 (March 1971). 21. Dole has leased 5,000 rai (2,000 acres); Business in Thailand, "Export: Pineapples for Christmas," December 1972, 17 ff. Castle and Cook also owns 55% of the Thai American Steel Works in Bangkok, which makes galvanized steel pipe and furniture tubing. See Pacific Basin Reports, February 1973,25. 22. Pacific Basin Reports, October 1972,276,278. 23. Ibid. 24. Foreign investment is growing in Thailand. A recent edition of the Bangkok Bank Monthly Review quoted infonned sources to the effect that "more than 70% of Thailand's new factories are owned and operated by foreigners, leaving only small plants to be operated by Thai owners while medium sized factories are jointly owned by Thais and foreigners." Quoted in Pacific Basin Reports, October 1,1972. lS BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Occupied Japan: A Working Bibliography John W. Dower INTRODUCTION Among the more puzzling hiatuses in the study of postwar Japan as well as postwar Pacific capitalism has been the relative paucity of scholarship on the occupation of 1945-1952. Puzzling because it can be argued that the contours of the contemporary Japanese state were significantly shaped (or not reshapen) in these years. Puzzling because the occupation and the two succeeding years which capped it with the Mutual Security Agreement offer an exceptional insight into an international neo-capitalist nexus in the making-with all its hesitancy, cul-de-sacs, tangled ganglions, and dynamics. And puzzling also because there is a wealth of discrete material on the subject available in English, much of which has been around for a long while, and virtually no one has yet tried to piece it together systematically. Whether one is concerned with American policy, Japanese social structure, soybeans and their agricultural cousins, petroleum, overseas capital investment, the Rockefellers, military-economic or aid-trade symbiosis, or the tentacles of international finance, all are implicit (sometimes in seeming contradiction) in the problem of occupied japan. Definitive treatment of this will require use of japanese materials, and a flawed but lengthy and useful bibliography of Japanese sources has recently become available: Nihon Gakujutsu Shinko Kai, ed., Nihon Senryo Bunken Mokuroku (1972). Much can be accomplished, however, with English materials alone, and beginning with case studies of issues commonly lobotomized in Western bourgeois scholarship. A most promising bibliography of Western materials on the occupation, The Allied Occupation of Japan, 1945-195,2: An Annotated Bibliography of Western-Language Materials, is scheduled for publication this spring as a companion to the above japanese reference work. Edited by Robert E. Ward and Frank J. Shulman and published by the American Library Association, this excellently annotated work will be the single most important basic guide for future occupation research in English. It is with some diffidence, therefore, that the following bibliography is offered. Its relative virtues, if any, may be compactness and inclusion of materials either overlooked in the Ward-Shulman bibliography or published subsequent to the manuscript deadline of that work. Serious future scholarship in this area, it might be suggested, can profit greatly from some of the inexplicably ignored primary, or quasi-primary, materials listed below-such as the SCAP monograph series; Official Gazette Extra; United Nations papers; reports of the Bank of japan and Mitsubishi Research Bureau; Nippon Times; ATIS translations from the japanese press; Civil Affairs in Occupied and Liberated Territory series; as well as the numerous contemporary accounts or monographs by participants. Also, while the initial occupation reforms and the activities of SCAP's Government Section (GS) in particular have already received considerable attention, more challenging and less immediately accessible research remains to be done on the broad implications of the post-1947 "reverse course." This will entail greater concentration on the activities and reports of the Economic & Scientific Section (ESS) and possibly also the Natural Resources Section within SCAP; and on the various economic, fiscal, and monetary missions sent to Japan by Washington during the latter half of the occupation. An example of the type of problems which might be addressed may be suggested by the research papers prepared in a recent graduate seminar at the University of Wisconsin, in connection with which this bibliography was developed. These included: comparative study of prewar and postwar American capital involvement in Japan; Rockefeller interests in occupied and post-occupation Japan; effects of the purge on business and economic structure; post-1947 planning for the integration of Japan into a regional capitalist system (the U.S.-japan-Southeast Asia interlock); land reform and its concommitant implications for agrarian priOrIties; the relationship between occupation policy and the American agricultural-surplus problem; non-reform of the Japanese banking and fiscal structure; the "production-control" attempts of the early labor movement; and the alternative courses, both economic and military, posed by the Japanese peace movement. (The depth of the iceberg is indicated by the fact that most of the researchers are still on their projects, although the semester is long finished.) 16 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org GENERAL ACCOUNTS Royal Institute of International Affairs. Survey of International Affairs. 1. The Far East, 1942-1946. (Hugh Borton on Japan, pp.307-428) 2. 1947-1948. (F. C. Jones on Japan, pp. 328-346) 3. 1949-1950. (F. C. Jones on Japan, pp. 443-466) 4. 1951. (F. C. Jones on Japan, pp. 378-433) 5. 1952. (F. C. Jones on Japan, pp. 355-393) 6. See also companion volumes in RIIA. Documellts 011 Internati01lal Affairs. Kazuo Kawai. Japan's American Interlude. (1960) Baron E. J. Lewe van Aduard. Japall: From Surrellder to Peace. (1964) Edwin M. Martin. The Allied Occupation ofJapan. (1948) Robert Fearey. Tbe Occupatioll ofJapall: Tbe Secol/d Pbase, 1948-1950. (1950) Hugh Borton. Japal/ 's Modem Cel/tury: From Perry to 1970. (1970 ed.). Ch. 20 Harry Emerson Wildes. Typbool/ ill Tokyo: The Occupatio/l and its Aftermatb. (1954) John D. Montgomery. Forced to Be Free: The Artificial Revolutiol/ ill GermallY alld Japal/. (1957) Edwin O. Reischauer. Tbe United States al/d Japal/. 3rd Edition. (1965) Gabriel Kolko. The Politics of War. (1968) Joyce & Gabriel Kolko. The Limits of Power. (1972) Harold S. Quigley & John E. Turner. The New Japall: Government and Politics. (1956) P. Linebarger, C. Djang & A. Burks. Far Eastem Governmellts and Politics: China and Japan. (1954). Ch. 20,21 Asahi Shimbun. The Pacific Rivals. (1972) Herbert Passin. The Legacy of the Occupatioll--Japall. (1968; 43 pp.) Grant Goodman, compo -Tbe American Occupation of Japan: A Retrospective View. (1968; 41 pp.) Robert Ward, "Reflections on the Allied Occupation and Planned Political Change in Japan," in Robert Ward, ed. Political Development in Modern Japan. (I968) --. American Presurrender Planning for Postwar Japan. (1967) Masataka Kosaka, One Hundred Million Japanese: Their History Since the War (1972). J. W. Dower. "The Eye of the Beholder: Background Notes on the U.S.-Japan Military Relationship," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars. (October 1969) --."Occupied Japan in the American Lake, 1945-1950," in Edward Friedman and Mark Selden, ed. America's Asia: Dissenting Essays on Asian-American Relations. (1971) -- "The Superdomino in Postwar Asia: Japan In and Out of the Pentagon Papers, .. in Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn, ed. Tbe Senator Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers. Volume V. (1972). CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS (1945-1952) W. Macmahon Ball. Japan: Enemy or Ally? (1949) Thomas A. Bisson. Prospects for Democracy in Japan. (1949) Russell Brines. MacA rthur's Japan. (1948) Brookings Institution. Major Problems of United States Foreign Policy, 1948-49. (1948) Noel Busch. Fallen Sun: A Report 011 Japan. (1948) William Costello. Democracy Vs. Feudalism in Postwar Japan. (1948) J. K. Fairbank, Harlan Cleveland, E. O. Reischauer. Next Step ill Asia? (1949) Miriam S. Farley. Aspects of Japan's Labor Problems. (1950) Carl Friedrich et aI., ed. American Experiences in Military Govemmellt in World War II. (1948) Mark Gayn. Japall Diary. (1948) Robert King Hall. Education for a New Japan. (1.949) Douglas G. Haring, ed. Japan's Prospect. (1946) Institute of Pacific Relations. Security ill tbe Pacific. (1945) --. Problems of Economic Reconstruction ill the Far East. (1949) W. C. Johnstone. The Future ofJapan. (1945) Frank Kelley & Cornelius Ryan. Star Spangled Mikado. (1947) Owen Lattimore. Solutioll in Asia. (1945) --. The 5;ituatioll ill Asia. (1949) John LaCerda. The Conqueror Comes to Tea: Japan Under MacArtbur. (1946) Helen Mears. Mirror for Americans: Japall. (1948) Harold S. Moulton & Louis Marlio. Tbe Control of Germany alld Japall. (1944: Brookings) Andrew Roth. Dilemma ill Japan. (1945) Royal Institute of International Affairs, ed. Japan in Defeat: A Report by a Chatbam House Study Group. (1945) A. Frank Reel. Tbe Case of General Yamashita. (1949) Robert B. Textor. Failure in Japan. (1951) Harold Wakefield. New Paths for Japan. (1948) MEMOIRS Dean Acheson. Present at tbe Creation: My Years in the State Department. (1969) James F. Byrnes. Speaking Frankly. (1947) George F. Kennan. Memoirs 1925-1950. (1967) --.Memoirs 1950-1963. (1972) Douglas MacArthur. Reminiscences. (1964) William Sebald. Witb MacArthur in Japan: A Personal History of the Occupation. (1965) Harry S. Truman. Memoirs. 2 volumes. (1955) Courtney Whitney. MacArthur: His Rendezvous witb History. (1956) Charles A. Willoughby & John Chamberlain. MacArthur, 1941-1951: Victory in the Pacific. (1954) Shigeru Yoshida. The Yoshida Memoirs: Tbe Story ofJapan in Crisis. (1962) 17 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org OFFICIAL SCAP HISTORY History of Non-Military Aspects of the Occupation of japan Series comprises a total of 55 monographs, all of which contain appendices of documents. All but a few of the monographs have been declassified and are available on microfilm from the National Archives. This is the basic, and by far most comprehensive, official account of the occupation, but should be used with recognition of the fact that (1) it is a house history, which seeks to present the occupatioFl in its most favorable light; (2) most of the monographs cover only the period up to 1950, and thus this is not an adequate source for the crucial 1950-1952 period; (3) the authors of the series (SCAP's Civil Historical Section) relied primarily on public statements and internal SCAP memoranda, and were not privileged with access to materials at the highest and most classified levels; (4) attention is devoted primarily to the formal policy process, rather than to critical analysis of the actual effects and implications of policy application and policy revisions; (5) the monographic approach adopted tends to convey a fragmented and compartmentalized impression of the occupation, rather than the broader overview which was held by key decision-makers then, and which the scholar must also recreate; (6) the approach is essentially unilinear, that is, focused on American policy and intiative, and neglects the crucial dimension of U.S.-Japanese interaction. The series nonetheless remains of central importance to scholars of that period. The individual monographs, In their officially designated order, are as follows: 1. Introduction 2. Administration of the Occupation 3. Logistic Support 4. Population 5. Trials of Class 'B' and Class 'C' War Criminals 6. Local Government Reform 7. The Purge 8. Constitutional Revision 9. National Administrative Reorganization 10. Election Reform 11. Devel6pment of Political Parties 12. Development of l.egislative Responsibilities 13. Reorganization of Civil Sen'ice 14. Legal and Judicial Reform. 15. Freedom of thc Press 16. Theater and Motion Pictures 17. Treatment of Foreign Nationals 18. Public Welfare 19. Public Health 20. Social Security 21. Foreign Property Administration 22. Reparations 23. Japanese Property Administration 24. Elimination of Zaibatsu Control 25. Deconcentration of Economic Power 26. Promotion of Fair Trade Practices 27. The Rural and Land Reform Program 28. Development of the Trade Union Movement 29. Working Conditions 30. Agriculture Cooperatives 31. Education 32. Religion 33. Radio Broadcasting 34. Price and Distribution Stabilization: Non-Food Program 35. Price and Distribution Stabilization: Food Program 36. Agriculture 37. National Government Finance 38. Local Government Finance 39. Money and Banking 40. Financial Reorganization of Corporate Enterprise 4l. The Petroleum Industry 42. Fisheries 43. Forestry 44. Rehabilitation of the Non-Fuel Mining Industries 45. Coal 46. Expansion and Reorganization of the Electric Power and Gas Industries 47. The Heavy Industries 48. Textile Industries 49. The Light Industries 50. Foreign Trade 51. Land and Air Transportation 52. Water Transportation 53. Communications 54. Reorganization of Science and Technology in Japan 55. Police and Public Safety ECONOMIC ISSUES Jerome B. Cohen. jLlp<lll'S EcollolllY III War and l?I'COIIStl'llctioll. (1949) --)LI/hlll'S Postwar !-.CO//OIllY. (1958) T, A. Bisson. LLlibatslI Dissoilltio// ill japall, (1954) Eleanor M. lladley . .'\lIti-Trllst ill j,lpall. (1970) 1\litsubishi Economic Research Institute, ed. Mitsui-Mitsubisbi -sII III it 0/1111 Presellt StLituS of tbe Former Zaibatsu /:'l/t<'l'prist'S. (1955) Shigeto Tsuru. "Survey of Economic Research in Postwar Japan," AlIIl'ricLlI/ Ecollolllic Review, 54:2 (June 1964), 79-101. --, ESSLlyS Oil Ecollolllic De,'c/oplllt'l/t. (1968) George C. Allen. japLlI/'s EC(J//olllic Recovery. (1958) Seymour E. Harris, ed. Foreigll Ecol/o1l1ic Policy for tbe Ullited States. (1948) Kozo Yamamura. Ecollomic Policy ill Postwar japall: Growth Versus Ecollomic Democracy. (1967) Ch itoshi Yanaga. Big BIISilleSS ill japal/ese Politics. (1968) Saburo Shiomi. japall's Finance and Taxation, 1940-1956. (1957) Robert S. Ozaki. Tbe Control of Imports aud Foreign Capital in japan. (1972) 18 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Warren Hunsberger. japan and the United States in World Trade. (1964) Sherwood M. Fine. japan's Postwar Industrial Recovery. (1953) Gunnar Adler-Karlsson. Western Economic Warfare, 1947-1967. (0000) NOTE: DATE NEEDED! Ryutaro Komiya, ed. Postwar Economic Growth in japan. (1966) Leon Hollerman. japan's Dependence on the World Economy. (1967) Miyohei Shinohara. Structural Changes in japan's Economic Development. (1970) Koichi Emi. Government Fiscal Activity and Economic Growth in japan, 1868-1960. (1963) Edward A. Ackerman. japan's Natural Resources and Tbeir Relation to japan's Economic Future. (1953) Mitsubishi Economic Research Bureau. Monthly Circular. (From ca. June 1947) Foreign Capital Research Society, compo japanese Industry After the War: Foreign Investment Possibilities. (Annual from 1950) Bank of Japan. Quarterly Review (1948). Thereafter Monthly Review (from 1949). Business Intercommunications, Inc., compo Foreign Capital Affiliated Enterprises in japall. (1970) BASIC ECONOMIC REPORTS Edwin W. Pauley. Report on japanese Reparations to the President of tbe United '<';tates, November 1945 to April 1946. Dept. of State Publication 3174, Far Eastern Series 25. (1946) The Pauley Ueport. U.S. Department of State. Report of tbe Missioll 011 japanesc Combines, Part I, Allalytical and Tecbllical Data. Dept. of State Publication 2628, Far Eastern Series 14 (1946). The Edwards Report. Part II of this report, formerly classified Top Secret, is now also available. Report of the Special Committee on japanese Reparations. February 18, 1947. The first Strike Report. Statement of u.s. Policy with Respect to Excessive Concentrations of Economic Power in japall. April 29, 1947. SWNCC 30212,3,4. The famous FEC-230, contained in appendices of Eleanor Hadley, A IIti- Trust ill .Japall. Economic & Scientific Section. Possibility of a Balallced japanese Ecollomy. October 1947. The so-called I:".',S Green-Book. Report on Industrial Reparatio/lS Survey of japal/ to tbe United States of America. February 1948. Overseas Consultants Report, also sometimes identified as the second Strike Report. United States, Dept. of the Army. Report 011 tbe E c o l l o m i ~ Position and Prospects of japan and Korea and tbe Measures Required to Improve Them. April 26, 1948. The johnston Report. Report of tbe Special Mission on Yen Foreign Exchange Policy. June 12, 1948. Plus supplement of August 16, 1948, entitled Yen-Dollar Exchange Rate Program. Tbe Young Report. Economic & Scientific Section. Program for a Self-Supporting japanese Economy. November 1948. The so-called ESS Blue Book, reprinted with little change by the Dept. of the Army in January 1949. Recommendations and Findings of tbe Advisory Mission for International Trade. October 1949. Tbe Freile Report. Report on Excbange and Trade Controls in japan. November 1949. Tbe Mladek & Wicbin Report. United Nations Economic and Social Council, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE), Committee on Industry & Trade. Numerous reports on the integration of Japan into Asian economy; see especially the documents emanating from sessions in Singapore (October 1949), Bangkok (May 1950), Lahore (February 1951), and Rangoon (January 1952). Economic & Scientific Section. japan's Industrial Potential, I. February 20,1951. -. japan's Industrial Potential, II. October 20, 1951. --. japan's Industrial Potential, Ill. February 20, 1952. -- . Mission and Accomplishments. (Summary reports of ESS for 1950,1951, and 1952) GLOBAL ISSUES Gabriel Kolko. The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945. (1968) Akira Iriye. The Cold War in Asia: A Historical Introduction. (1974) Joyce & Gabriel Kolko. Tbe Limits of Power: Tbe World al/d Ullited States Foreigll Policy, 1945-1954. (1972) John W. Dower. "The Eye of the Beholder: Background Notes on the U.S.-Japan Military Relationship, Bulletin of COllcerned Asiall .<.;cbolars. (October 1969) -. "Occupied Japan in the American Lake, 1949-1950," in Edward Friedman and Mark Selden, ed. America's Asia: Dissenting Essays on Asian-American Relations. (1971) --. "The Superdomino in Postwar Asia: Japan In and Out of the Pel/tagon Papers," in Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn, ed., Tbe .'-;enator Gravel Editioll of the Pelltagoll Papers, Volume V. (1972) Max Beloff. Soviet Policy ill tbe Far East, 1944-1951. (1953) Herbert Feis. C01ltest Over japall. (1967) Frederick S. Dunn. Peace-Makillg alld tbe Settlemcnt witb japan. (1963) Bernard C. Cohen. Tbe Political Process alld Foreigll Policy: Tbe Makillg of tbe japallese Peace ScttICI/lCllt. (1957) Martin E. Weinstein. japall's Postwar Dcfcllsc Policy, 1947-/968. (1971) James E. Auer. Thc PostW<lr Rearmamellt of japallese Maritime Forces, 1945-/971. (1973) Burton Sapin, "The Role of the Military in Formulating the Japanese Peace Treaty," in Gordon B. Turner, ed. A History of Military Affairs Since the Eigbteentb Century. (1953) Savitri Vishwanathan. Soviet-japanese Relatiuns Since 1945. (1973 ) 19 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org George H. Blakeslee. The Far Eastern Commission: A Study in International Cooperation, 1945-1952. Dept. of State Publication 5138, Far Eastern Series 60. (1953) U.S. Department of State. Treaty ofPeace with Japan. Signed at San Francisco, September 8, 1951. Dept. of State Publication 4613. (1952) U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Armed Services. Military Situation hI the Far East. 82nd Congress, 1st Session. 5 Parts. (1951) U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security and Other Internal Security Laws. blstitute of Pacific Relations. 82nd Congress, 1st Session. (1951) 15 Parts. (See esp. "Transcript of Round Table Discussion on American Policy Toward China Held in the Department of State, October 6, 7, and 8, 1949." pp. 1551-1682) U.S. Department of State. United States Relatiolls with Cbilla, with Special Reference to the Period 1944-1949. Dept. of State Publication 3573. Far Eastern Series 30. (August 1949). The China White Paper. Department of Defense. Uuited States-Vietnam Relations, 1945-1967. Book 8. (1971. The Government edition of The Pentagon Papers) Key documents relating to Japan are NSC 48/1 and 48/2 of December 1949 (pp. 225-272) and NSC 48/4 of May 1951 (pp. 425445). LAND & LABOR Ronald P. Dore. Land Reform in Japan. (1959) Lawrence I. Hewes. Japan: Land and Men. An Account of the Japanese Land Reform Program, 1945-1951. (1955) --. Japanese Land Reform Program. (1950) W. J. Ladejinsky. "Agriculture," in Hugh Barton, ed., Japan. (1951) Andrew Grad (Grazhdanzev). Land and Peasant in Japan. (1952) [See also various issues of the journal The Developing Economies] * Miriam S. Farley. Aspects of Japan's Labor Problems. (1950) I. F. Ayusawa. A History of Labor in Modern Japan. (1966) '-. Organized Labor in Japan. (1962) Solomon Levine. Industrial Relations in Postwar Japan. (1958) Robert Scalapino. "Japan," in Walter Galenson, ed. Labor and Economic Development. (1959) Kazuo Okochi. Labor in Modern Japall. (1958) Koji Taira. Economic Development and the Labor Market ill Japan. (1970) POLITICS & THE LEFT Haruhiro Fukui. Party in Power: The. Japanese Liberal Democrats and Policy Making. (1970) Paul Linebarger, Chu Djang and Ardath Burks. Far Eastern Governments and Politics. (1954) Harold S. Quigley and John E. Turner. The New Japan: Government and Politics. (1956) Alfred B. Clubok, "Japanese Conservative Politics, 1947-55." Occasional Papers No.7 (University of Michigan, Center for Japanese Studies). * Evelyn Colbert. The Left Wing in Japanese Politics. (1952) R. Cole, G. Totten & C. Uyehara. Socialist Parties in Postwar Japan. (1966) Arthur Stockwin. The Japanese Socialist Party and Neutralism. (1968) George Packard. Protest in Tokyo: The Security Treaty Crisis of 1960. (1966) Rodger Swearingen and Paul Langer. Red Flag in Japan: 11lternational Communism in Action, 1919-1951. (1952) Robert A. Scalapino. The Japanese Communist Movement, 1920-1966. (1966) Toshio G. Tsukahira. The Postwar Evolution of Communist Strategy in Japan. (1954; Center for International Studies, MIT) W. MacMahon Ball. Nationalism amd Communism in East Asia. (1952)Ch. 12. Richard L. G. Deveral!. Red Star Over Japan. (1952) --. The Great Seduction. (1953) Chalmers Johnson. Conspiracy at Matsukawa. (1972) Benjamin C. Duke. Japan's Militant Teachers: A History of the Left-Wing Teachers' Movement. (1972) Stuart Dowsey, ed. Zengakuren: Japan's Revolutionary Students. (1970) OTHER SPECIALIZED TOPICS Hans H. Baerwald. The Purge of Japanese Leaders Under the Occupation. (1959) John D. Montgomery. The Purge in Occupied Japan: A Study in the Use of Civilian Agencies Under Military Government. (1953. Operations Research Office, The Johns Hopkins University. Technical Memorandum ORO-T48 [FEC]). Dan Fenno Henderson, ed. The Constitution of Japan: The First Twenty Years, 1947-67. (1968) John M. Maki. Court and Constitution in Japan: Selected Supreme Court Decisions, 1948-60. (1964) Arthur Taylor Von Mehren. Law ill Japan: The Legal Order in a ChangillgSociety. (1963) Kurt Steiner. Local Government in Japan. (1965) Genji Okubo. The Problems of the Emperor System in Postwar Japan. (1948) Richard H. Minear. Victors' Justice: The Tokyo War Crimes Trial. (1971) Ivan I. Morris. Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan: A Study ofPostwar Trends. (1960) Masao Maruyama. "Nationalism in Postwar Japan." (1950; 25 pp. mimeo) Edward Wagner. The Korean Minority in Japan. (1951) Jean Stoetzel. Without the Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Youth in Postwar Japan. (1955 ) Akira Kubota. Higher Civil Servants in Postwar Japan. (1969) William J. Coughlin. Conquered Press: The MacA rthur Era in Japanese Journalism. (1952) 20 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org William P. Woodard. The Allied Occupation of japan and japanese Religions. (1972) DOCUMENTS & PRIMARY SOURCES [Note: See also items under Economic Issues, Basic Economic Reports, and Global Issues. The number of SCAP reports and publications is immense, but no comprehensive index to these appears to be available. Some of the most significant are listed in Hugh Borton, et al. A Selected List of Books and Articles on japan. (1954)] Supreme Commander Allied Powers. Government Section. Political Reorientation of japan: September 1945 to September 1948. 2 Volumes. (1949) The basic and most often cited official documentary source, but as title indicates this is restricted to political matters, with a few exceptions, during the first three years of the occupation. -- General Headquarters. Selected Data on the Occupation ofjapan. (ca. 1950) ---. Instructions to the japanese Government from 4 September 1945 to 8 March 1952. (1952) The complete collection of SCAP instructions on political, economic and social matters. U.S. Department of the Army. Reports of General MacArthur. Gaimusho Tokubetsu Shiryoka hen. Nihon Senryo Oyobi Kanri juyo Bunsho Shu. 4 Volumes. Basic documents in English with Japanese translations. To December 1949. Sometimes catalogued as Japanese Government. Foreign Office, Division of Special Records, compo Documents Concerning Allied Occupation and Control of Japan. A basic documentary source. Foreign Relations of the United States. Relevant volumes from 1944. Publication of this official State Department documentary record follows 25-year rule. Department of State Bulletin. Congressional Record. Far Eastern Commission. Activities of the Far Eastern Commission. Report by the Secretary-General, February 26, 1946 -July 10, 1947. Dept. of State Publication 2888, Far Eastern Series 24. (1947) --. The Far Eastern Commission, Second Report by the Secretary-General, july 10, 1947-December 23, 1948. Dept. of State Publication 3420, Far Eastern Series 29. (1949) The Far Eastern Commission, Third Report by the Secretary-General, December 24, 1948-June 30, 1950. Dept. of State Publication 3925, Far Eastern Series 35. (1950) George H. Blakeslee. The Far Eastern Commission: A Study in International Cooperation, 1945-1952. Dept. of State Publication 5138, Far Eastern Series 60. (1953) Official Gazette. English Edition. Texts of laws, ordinances, government announcements from 1 April 1946. Official Gazette Extra. English edition. Proceedings of Imperial Diet'and National Diet from May 1946. Useful for interpolations, party conflicts, etc. Foreign Affairs Association of Japan, ed. The japan Yearbook. (Prewar and ca. 1949 on) PRESS SOURCES Nippon Times. The English-language newspaper of the occupation period. Later renamed The japan Times. Stars & Stripes. Tokyo. ATIS (Allied Translator and Interpreter Service). Translations of Japanese press 1945-1948. 100-plus volumes. Complete set available in Library of Congress. U.S. Army. Civil Affairs in Occupied and Liberated Territory. A valuable file of clippings from a broad spectrum of the American press dealing with Japan, Germany, the Balkans, and to a lesser extent Korea and China. Published weekly in tabloid form until mid-1948. Complete series available in the National Archives. Soviet Press. Soviet Press Translations. . New Times. Chinese Press. For American press and periodical literature, check Readers Guide to Periodical Literature, and note particularly the following journals: Amerasia Far Eastern Survey Foreign Affairs The Oriental Economist BASIC DOCUMENTARY COLLECTIONS, ARCHIVES SCAP Archives. Maintained under auspices of National Archives in Suitland, Maryland. SWNCC Papers. State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee materials maintained by National Archives in main building, Washington, D.C. U.S. Army. Monographs, etc., maintained under Chief, Historical Section. MacArthur Papers. MacArthur Memorial, Norfolk, Virginia. Dodge Papers. Joseph M. Dodge papers, covering basic fiscal policy 1949-1952, maintained in Detroit Public Library. Hussey Papers. On constitutional revision. University of Michigan. Dulles Collection. Selected documents from 1950-52 peace conference period, plus extensive oral history collection including transcripts of interviews with persons con nected with Dulles on this matter. Princeton University. Eichelberger Papers. Duke University. Sebald Papers. Annapolis? State Dept. representative to SCAP. Columbia Oral History Project. Small number of interviews with persons connected with Occupation. Okurasho Collection. Japanese Ministry of Finance collection. Including extensive Japanese-language materials on financial aspects of occupation; general library of Japanese and English works on all aspects of occupation period; and copies of many valuable basic materials from the U.S. archives noted above. Planning Agency Collection. Kikakucho. Holds reports, etc., of the key Japanese economic agency in occupation period, the Economic Stabilization Board (ESB). Including re POrts prepared in English for submission to SCAP. 21 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org
A merica and Russia In South Asia:
Conflict or Collusion? by Eqbal Ahmad Disbelief, incomprehension and anger were common reactions to U.S. policy during the political crisis which ended in the break-up of Pakistan. President Nixon incurred wide and bi-partisan criticism in the American Congress and the press for supporting the Pakistani military government despite the latter's brutal suppression of the popular movement for autonomy in East Pakistan. No one seemed to discern any rationale-moral, political, or economic-for this policy. It is noteworthy that instead of dissipating the accusations of its favoritism to Islamabad, the White House helped reinforce the impression of its support for the junta, thus risking rising Congressional criticism and lampooning by liberal cartoonists, columnists, and editors. The actualities of the conflict and its potential outcomes appeared to require an American posture favorable to the Bengali opposition and the government of India. The Pakistani military dictatorship had brutally intervened to deny the electoral verdict of the Bengalis in favor of autonomy. It would have been more commensurate with Washington's rhetoric to uphold the sanctity of the democratic process. Secondly, the leaders and the party under assault (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and company, and the Awami League) had long been allies and clients of the U.S.A. Supporting them could only have assured U.S. influence in the inevitably independent state of Bangladesh, while enhancing its position of influence in India. Third, the U.S. posture was clearly objectionable to India, whose well-being and future were viewed as being threatened by the influx of refugees. What sense, critics asked, does it make to endanger and alienate Asia's largest non-communist, democratic country in which the U.S. had invested $10 billion, for the sake of pandering to the murderous generals of a disintegrating Muslim "theocracy"? The belief that India was being irrevocably lost to Russian influence was reinforced in August 1971 when India and the U.S.S.R. signed a treaty of friendship, and large quantities of Russian armaments were reported flowing into India. Finally, it took little foresight to predict that unless India withdrew its support from the Bengali separatist movement, which was unlikely, and barring massive U.S. aid in arms and money to the Pakistani military regime, which Washington had ruled as being out of the question, the Pakistanis could not suppress the movement in East Bengal. At the cost of "betraying" its loyal Bengali friends, of alienating India, and of permitting the expansion of Soviet influence in South Asia, the U.S. appeared to continue its support for the Pakistani regime. It is only understandable that editorialists, observers, Congressmen, and Senators used adjectives like incomprehensible, ignoble, irrational, inept, and demented to describe U.S. policy during the crisis in the sub-continent. The outcry climaxed with the publication by columnist Jack Anderson of the minutes of the Washington Special Action Group's meetings on December 3,4,6, and 8, 1971. These memos of meetings, held under the chairmanship of Kissinger on American response to Indian intervention in East Pakistan, added little light but much heat and drama to the controversy. "The audience," Max Frankel of the New York Times reported from Washington, "for Mr. Anderson's disclosures was unusually large here today, clearly because the Nixon administration's policies and conduct in South Asia over the last ten months are not yet widely understood." I That audience must have been disappointed, for the revealed documents did nothing to enhance understanding. They offered no explanation of the strategy behind the White House policy. Max Frankel correctly pointed out that these papers "deal with tactical discussions during a few days, without relation to the larger calculations of American interests in South Asia and elsewhere." Kissinger repeatedly impressed upon his colleagues his view that the conflict in the sub-continent was of global significance and should not be regarded as a local conflict. But at no point did he spell out the significance or the goals his tactics were designed to achieve. At one point he stressed the need for the U.S. to "make clear our position relative to our greater strategy." But nowhere is there any indication of what the "greater strategy" is. 2 One can only sympathize with the New York Times' lament that despite the Anderson revelations, there has been no official "accounting of why t)1e U.S. was willing to diminish its own influence in India, and in the new state proclaimed by the Bengali secessionists, because of its pro-Pakistani exertions and assertions that could not alter the course of the war.,,3 Such complaints are. common in the U.S. today, yet few critics appear to comprehend that the absence 22 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org of "accounting" is not an aberration of policy but the policy itself. According to Kissinger's maxims for an effective foreign policy, the public qualifies only as the object of manipulation while the government must not be subject to accountability. In fact, far from clarifying Washington's reasoning the Anderson papers compounded public confusion. Unless they are viewed in the context of larger U.S. strategy, the U.S. posture on the crisis in South Asia does not make much sense. Because they reveal much of Kissinger's tactics and assumptions without even hinting at his objectives, most commentators concluded that Presidential caprice (Nixon's reported friendship with General Yahya Khan and his presumed dislike of Mrs. Gandhi) rather than political calculations dictated U.S. policy on South Asia. To my knowledge columnist Joseph Kraft is the only observer who while describing U.S. performance as "inept and then ignoble" concluded that"... what actually happened on the ground in the sub-continent, far from being a defeat, is in keeping with American interests." Nevertheless, these documents yield a series of more or less expected confirmations of American motives and presumptions. They make sense when viewed in the context of the U.S. policy: a) of promoting a new pro-Western constellation of power in the Southern Mediterranean and Indian Ocean regions; b) of stimulating the conflict between U.S.S.R. and China; and c) of raising the Russian stake in international "stability" through the process of selective rewards and cooptation as a junior partner in certain areas of the world. Before examining how American policy helped serve the above goals, it may be useful to recall the salient features of Washington's tactics during the South Asian crisis. First, it is now clear that American moves were designed to assure for the U.S. dominant influence in West Pakistan, and not to protect the integrity of the state as it was constituted since 1947. At no point during the crisis did Washington give Pakistan military, economic, or political aid in a quantity or manner that could conceivably affect the outcome of the conflict in East Pakistan. On April 6, ten days after the military intervened to suppress the Bengali separatist movement, the U.S. announced the suspension of all military aid and sales to Pakistan. At the time the total value of outstanding licenses issued by the State Department's Office of Munitions for Pakistan was estimated at $35 million. 4 The ban was loosely enforced, and on June 21, 1971, the New York Times disclosed that the U.S. was permitting military supplies to sail to Pakistan under the pretext that these were in fulfillment of licenses issued and sales commercially contracted prior to March 25. On July 23, 1971, Senator Stuart Symington accused the government of permitting Pakistan to ship approximately $15 million worth of armaments which were already in the "pipeline." 5 The effect of the ban, nevertheless, was to reduce U.S. arms supplies to Pakistan to a negligible quantity. In his December 7, 1971 backgrounder Kissinger claimed that the U.S. supplied Pakistan "less that $5 million worth" of military spare parts after March 25;6 the backgrounder of December 7 was inserted in the Congressional Record by Senator Barry Goldwater on December 9, 1971. Senator Frank Church, a vocal critic of the government, has challenged this figure and claimed that U.S. military supplies to Pakistan amounted to some $22 million. It is an irrelevant controversy, for even the allegedly exaggerated figure cannot be construed .as meaningful aid to an ally at war. Of negligible military value, the supplies did serve the political purpose of keeping the Pakistani ruling class assured of U.S. support and hooked into the U.S. military machine. On economic aid Kissinger claimed in the above-quoted backgrounder that the U.S. "has made no new development loans to Pakistan since March 1971." As for refugee relief aid, the U.S. provided a larger share of it to India than to Pakistan partly because the refugee problem was viewed as being more serious there, and partly, Kissinger was to affirm later, to assure India of American goodwill. Second, the Anderson papers confirm that while denying its policy was aimed against India, the Administration had in fact deliberately "tilted" in Pakistan's favor, and wanted this prejudice to be widely known and broadcast. Thus, Kissinger opened the December 3 meeting with the statement that "I am getting hell every hour from the President that we are not being tough enough on India.... He wants to tilt in favor of Pakistan." Later on Kissinger rejected an earlier draft of the U.S. statement to the U.N. Security Council as "too evenhanded," and underscored: "It is hard to tilt toward Pakistan if we have to match every Indian step with a Pakistan step." 7 On December 8 Kissinger admonished his colleagues that "we are not trying to be even-handed. There can be no doubt what the President wants. The President does not want to be even-handed." 8 The "tilt" toward Pakistan consisted mainly of statements disapproving of Indian intervention. The stress was on symbolic gestures that would create the impression of support for Pakistan rather than actually punish India. Some, not all, aid to India was to be cut off. But, records the Memo on December 6 meeting, "Dr. Kissinger said to make sure that when talking about cut off of aid for India to emphasize what is cut off and not what is being continued." Similarly, American diplomatic moves were intended more for their propaganda and image value than for their actual effect on the course of events. This was true until December 8 when the White House appeared genuinely concerned that India might follow up its victory in East Pakistan by pushing into West Pakistan. Thus on December 4, Kissinger set aside a suggestion by Samuel de Palma, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization, that the U.S. "get others lined up with our resolution before we introduce it." "According to Dr. Kissinger," records the account, "the only move left for us at the present time is to make clear our position relative to our greater strategy. Everyone knows how this will come out and everyone knows that India will ultimately occupy East Pakistan. We must, therefore, make clear our position, table our resolution." Third, in abstaining from meaningfully aiding the Pakistani military effort in East Pakistan, the United States could only have assumed the eventual outcome-the emergence of a separate, overpopulated, resource-poor East Bengal on the borders of India. For it took little prescience to predict that without massive foreign help the West Pakistani army could not possibly suppress, in a populous and geographically separated province, a popular rebellion which enjoyed full support of the neighboring government of India. As Kissinger put it, everyone knew how it would come out. Nor is it conceivable that anyone in the White House imagined that an independent Bangladesh could escape dominance by India. The White House maintained frequent 23 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org contact with the Indian government and kept it apprised of its limited objective of preserving West Pakistan as an allied state. In his December 7 backgrounder Kissinger claimed that: "We told the Government of India on many occasions-the Secretary of State saw the Indian Ambassador eighteen times; I saw him seven times since the end of August on behalf of the President. We all said that political autonomy for East Bengal was the inevitable outcome of political evolution and we favored it.,,9 These contacts culminated in Mrs. Gandhi's visit to the White House at a time when without doubt Americans knew of Indian plans for military intervention in East Pakistan. Fourth, it is noteworthy that the Nixon administration, so given to confrontation in testing its will against those of others, took no tangible steps to prevent the Indian invasion. This, despite the fact that it had known, considerably in advance, of Indian preparations with Soviet help for intervention in East Pakistan. Since early October newsmen had been reporting massive movement of Russian armaments to the Bengali frontier and the imminence of Indian intervention. Furthermore, knowledgeable Pakistani and Indian officials say that during her visit to the White House Mrs. Gandhi conveyed in clear terms her impatience with the continuation of the crisis and her resolve to hurry the independence of Bangladesh. President Nixon and his officials confined themselves to expressing hope for a political solution, and to stressing their commitment to the integrity of West Pakistan-a gesture that Mrs. Gandhi could only interpret as encouraging. In an effort to offset the damaging impression of complicity in the dismemberment of an allied country, Kissinger claimed rather equivocally that when Mrs. Gandhi visited Washington "We had no reason to believe that military action was that imminent and that we did not have time to begin work on a peaceful solution." (Italics added) However, this statement suggesting only that the U.S. had no knowledge of the timing for military action was refuted by Ambassador Keating. On this point his cable read: "With vast and voluminous efforts of the intelligence community, reporting from both Delhi and Islamabad, and his own discussions in Washington, Ambassador Keating said he did not understand the statement that 'Washington was not given the slightest inkling that any military operation was in any way imminent.' See lfor) example DIAl B 219-71 of November 12 stating specifically that war is 'imminent.' ,,10 In other words, for at least two weeks in advance the Nixon government knew that Pakistan, since 1953 an ally and client, signatory of a mutual defense treaty with the U.S. and member of SEATO and CENTO alliances, was to fight a war for its survival. Yet it did nothing worthy of note to prevent the outbreak of hostilities or to help the invaded ally, although in a remarkable denouement of shadow-play diplomacy the U.S. displayed diplomatic and military strength (e.g. representation to U.S.S.R., and sailing the Ellterprise into the Bay of Bengal)- only after the outcome of the conflict had been clearly determined. The case of Pakistan gives the lie to Nixon's claim that his sole reason for supporting the Saigon regime is to protect the credibility of America's commitment to its allies. First, the conduct of U.S. policy during the South Asian crisis and the tone of the Anderson papers indicate a remarkable absence of concern with the potential and actual extension of Russian influence in India and Bangladesh. With regard to India one encounters the assumption that the U.S. public posture would undoubtedly cause it some irritation, but its leaders would understand and accept the limited American objective of preserving the integrity of West Pakistan while permitting India a freer hand with regard to East Bengal. Ambassador Kenneth B. Keating, popular in India, was understood as doing an admirable job of reassuring the Indian govt:rnment leaders. Jack Anderson portrayed Nixon as "confident that the Indians would not allow themselves to become wholly dependent on the Russians, and that the risks of offending them were therefore less than critics believed." 11 As for Bangladesh, there was equanimity over the possibility that it might come not only under Indian but Russian influence. Here is an exchange as recorded in the Memo on December 6 Meeting: "Dr. Kissinger asked whether we will be appealed to bailout Bangladesh. Mr. Williams [Maurice J. Williams, Deputy Administrator, A.J.D.) said that the problem would not be terribly great if we could continue to funnel 140 tons of food a month through Chittagong, but at this time nothing is moving. He further suggested that Bangladesh will need all kinds of help in the future, to which Ambassador Johnson [U. Alexis Johnson, State Department) added that Bangladesh will be an 'international basket case.' Dr. Kissinger said, 'however it will not necessarily be our basket case. ' " (Italics added) Nevertheless, the Memos as well as subsequent decisions indicate a policy of maintaining American economic and political presence in India and Bangladesh. Thus there has been no actual or projected diminution of American economic aid to India, and the U.S. has become the largest aid giver to Bangladesh. In effect, India and Bangladesh offer the most clear-cut example of peaceful co-existence and of Russia's junior partnership in the Pax Americana. There were solid reasons for White House indifference to its liberal critics' warnings that the policy of 'tilting' toward Pakistan would lead to the loss of India to Russian influence. And there were good grounds for welcoming an extension of the Russian role in the sub-continent. The risk of India turning into a Soviet client under the leadership of the Congress party is about as remote as Bhtain's entry into the Warsaw pact under the prime ministership of Harold Wilson. An intelligent practitioner of Realpolitik, Kissinger could not conceive of Mrs. Gandhi basing her long-term policies on temporary irritation. After all, India is one country to have clearly profited from its "neutralism." Thanks mainly to its hostility toward China, and its place as the second most populous country in the world, it has been the object of courtship by both the U.S.S.R. and U.S.A. Both have invested billions in rubles and dollars to build its economy to match China's; since the Sinolndian War both have contributed heavily to the modernization of its armed forces. It is difficult to imagine India cutting off a primary source of support just because American rhetoric caused it some inconvenience or anger. Dr. Kissinger put the point rather succinctly when, referring to the Indian Prime Minister, he told the W.s.A.G. meeting that "The lady is cold-blooded and tough and will not turn into a Soviet satellite merely because of pique." 12 India is also one of the rare countries which could be presumed "safe" under Russian influence, even if the latter were to extend beyond tolerable limits. For in India the U.S.S.R. must continue to favor the status quo under the 24 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org anti-Chinese Indian National Congress over an assumption of power by the Communists who, despite the many rifts among them, constitute the only viable opposition movement in the country. For if the Communists were to come to power they" would most likely be neutral in the Sino-Soviet dispute, i.e., if the pro-Chinese factions do not dominate the government. Hence India will be "safe for democracy" even or especially under Soviet tutelage. Much the same can be said about Bangladesh. The pro-Western Awami League leaders are assured of continued Soviet support and protection for the simple reason that the only alternative to them are the Communists and leftists who are unlikely to join the Russian crusade against China. The facts that the Indian government coupled its intervention in East Bengal with massive repression of the left in the Indian half of Bengal, and that subsequently both Mrs. Gandhi and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have continued their assault on the left without even mild disapproval from the U.S.S.R. only confirm this expectation. More importantly, the extension of the Soviet role in India and Bangladesh-and this has been noticeable especially in the field of armaments-helps promote the single most important objective of recent American policy: the stimu lation of Sino-Soviet confrontation and the military encircle ment of China by the U.S.S.R. Since the U.S. is less interested in multiplying its own encirclement of China, Bangladesh and Eastern India have practically no strategic value for it. On the other hand, expanding Soviet presence on their southwestern flank can be perceived only as an ominous development by the Chinese. The White House attitude of equanimity toward the potential expansion of the Soviet role did not extend to West Pakistan. Maintaining its "integrity," not the unity of the old Pakistan, and Pakistan's status as a client state were important to the U.S. The White House risked considerable public criticism to create the illusion of support for and solidarity with the West Pakistani-dominated central government. And as the war with India entered its last phase, the U.S. became genuinely concerned over the possibility that India might follow up its victory in East Pakistan by pushing toward the West. The Anderson papers indicate this concern in all the WSAG meetings. However, it was not until December 6 that the White House began considering ways to prevent India from "dismembering" Pakistan. By that day the Pakistani defense in the East had crumbled, and America's "ally" had in fact been dismembered. At this meeting, CIA director Richard Helms "stated that for all practical purposes it [East Pakistan] is now an independent state recognized by India." Ambassador Johnson suggested that the "Pak armed forces now in E. Pakistan could be held hostage." His opinion was reinforced by General Westmoreland who noted that "there was no means of evacuating West Pak forces from the East Wing ..." Whereupon leaving some 90,000 beleagured soldiers of an allied nation in the lurch, "Dr. Kissinger stated that the next state of play will involve determining our attitude toward the state of Bangladesh." According to the Memo the meeting of December 6 "was devoted to the massive problems facing Bangladesh as a nation" with Dr. Kissinger indicating that "the problem should be studied now." However, the "subject of possible military aid to Pakistan is also to be examined but on a very close hold basis. The matter of Indian redeployment from East to West was considered as was the legality of the current 'sea blockade' by India." The "close hold basis" meant simply that Pakistan would get military aid only if India seemed determined to overrun its Western provinces. "The President," indicated Kissinger, "is not inclined to let the Paks be defeated." And Mr. Sisco [State Department] "stated that from a political point of view our efforts would have to be directed at keeping the Indians from 'extinguishing' West Pakistan." A decision was made to look into the possibility of supplying arms to Pakistan quietly-through Saudi Arabia and Jordan. Augmented concern with the security of the Western wing of Pakistan dominated the meeting of December 8. The War had stiffened on the Western front. CIA Director Helms reported that Mrs. Gandhi had indicated that before heeding a U.N. call she intends to straighten out the Southern border of Azad Kashmir. It is reported that ... Mrs. Gandhi attempts to eliminate Pakistan's armor and air force capabilities." Kissinger was alarmed and obviously agitated: "Dr. Kissinger suggested that the key issue if the Indians turn on West Pakistan is Azad Kashmir.... The elimination of the Pak armored and air forces would make the Paks defenseless. It would turn West Pakistan into a client state. The possibility elicits a number of questions. Can we allow a U.S. ally to go down completely while we participate in a blockade? Can we allow the Indians to scare us off, believing that if U.S. supplies are needed that will not be provided?" On that day, for the first time Kissinger expressed doubt over the U.S. ban on sales of arms to Pakistan: "Dr. Kissinger suggested that perhaps we never really analyzed what the real danger was when we were turning off the arms to Pakistan." 13 It is doubtful whether India actually intended or had the capacity to "extinguish" West Pakistan. But it is clear that Nixon and Kissinger feared that India was getting carried away by the momentum of its victory and was not heeding earlier White House warnings to keep off the one half of Pakistan the U.S. wished to protect. In an interview in Time magazine Nixon too claimed that the American intelligence community had reason to believe that there were forces in India pushing for total victory. Once this perception took hold, the White House made the minimal moves needed to prevent escalation of fighting on the Western front: King Hussein of Jordan was kept in a "holding pattern" as a conduit of arms to Pakistan. India received warnings against pushing on to West Pakistan. The Enterprise, the nuclear warship, showed the flag in the Bay of Bengal. President Nixon intervened with the Kremlin and induced Deputy Foreign Minister Vasily V. Kuznetsov to journey to New Delhi with warnings favoring Indian acceptance of a cease-fire. This was obtained on December 16 following the fall of Dacca and the surrender of 90,000 I , Pakistani soldiers. The next day, Z. A. Bhutto, President-designate of Pakistan and an erstwhile "Yankee baiter," faced T.V. cameras outside the Western White House; his right hand raised, fingers crossed, he said that Pakistan was "beholden" to America for its friendship and support. I ; II I The importance of West Pakistan to the U.S. derives, of course, from its strategic value as a state bounded by India, Iran, Afghanistan, China, and the U.S.S.R. But even more important to the American interest is its commanding location at the Indian Ocean's opening into the Persian Gulf-the 25 I BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org source of 60% of the world's oil reserves. The policy of maintaining an all-American foothold in West Pakistan while creating a U.S.-Soviet condominium in the rest of the sub-continent appears to be related to the Kissinger-Nixon strategy of creating a new and dependable pro-Western constellation of power in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean regions-an informal yet cohesive military network which would supersede the role in that region previously assigned to NATO and to the ill fated Baghdad Pact. Spain and Portugal at one end, with Turkey, Greece and Israel in the heartland, Iran and Pakistan are willed to constitute the eastern primates of Pax Americana. We are witnessing the development of the Mediterranean version of Nixon's "Southern Strategy." The outlines of Nixon's design emerged during his Mediterranean tour in the fall of 1970, and they were also discernible in the seemingly contradictory developments associated with the cease-fire along the Israeli-Egyptian front. In reports written at the time, I had pointed out that the Rogers' Plan, which in fact was drafted by Kissinger's staff in the White House not by Roger's men in the State Department, was promoted to obtain some tactical gains rather than to achieve a Middle East settlement based on the U.N. Security Council Resolution of November 22, 1967. It is now a fact that the cease-fire brought about by the now-abandoned Rogers' Plan accomplished the tactical objectives of a) defusing the Arab-Israeli conflict and freezing the situation to Israel's advantage; b) reducing the risks of U.S.-U.S.S.R. confrontation; c) slowing down the influx of Soviet arms in Egypt and growing Russian influence in the Middle East at a time when the Egyptian deployment of defensive SAM missiles and the arrival of Soviet-flown Migs in the area were regarded as disturbing developments in Washington; d) further dividing the Arabs, and isolating the Palestinian resistance who then became a relatively easy target of King Hussein. Nixon's 1970 visit to the Sixth Fleet, his first trip abroad as President, underscored the importance his government attached to the region. The visit to the Fleet was expected to be an exercise in gunboat diplomacy, but the manner in which he conducted it surprised many observers. He skipped France altogether. The stopover in Italy was a formality, as was the return through London. Nixon set the tone of this tour with the declaration in Rome that "one of the primary indispensable principles of American policy is to maintain the necessary strength in the Mediterranean." 14 In the Vatican, a maleable Pope had his "spiritual power" contrasted with the reminder that the "President of the strongest nation in the world" had come to visit "the mightiest military force which exists in the world on any ocean." The scene then shifted to the aircraft carrier Saratoga which had been poised in a well coordinated plan with Israel, American officials later confirmed, for intervention in Jordan in case Syria entered the battle or the Palestinian resistance made unexpected gains in the battle against Hussein; to Yugoslavia, Spain, and Greece. Display of strength, saber-rattling, and flag-showing are important ingredients in Kissinger's concept of imperial diplomacy; and they are congenial to Nixon's temperment. He was resentful :>f Abdel Nasser for dying at an inconvenient time, for it led to the cancellation of the Fleet's elaborate display of fire power. Max Frankel of the New York Times, on board with Nixon, reported him wondering, "How would the Russians or the Israelis regard a president who could be driven off his course by the Egyptian leader, even in death." He was worried too that Tito might cancel his invitation. But the surviving grandee of the neutralist bloc passed by the funeral of his avowed friend to wine and dine Nixon during the week when the Arab people buried Abdel Nasser and under intensified attack 10,000 tons of U.S. bombs fell on Vietnam. That week Nixon learned an important fact about "socialist realism" which would later help him in dealings with China and the U.S.S.R. Armaments supplies to Greece had been resumed two weeks earlier despite protests from influential European and American groups. A Presidential visit to Greece, however, was deemed inopportune at the time. Hence while Nixon visited Franco, Defense Secretary Laird was in Athens giving what he described as "high priority" to the modernization of Greek forces. IS The "modernization" of the junta has since continued on a bilateral basis as well as under the cover of NATO. The enlargement of U.S. armaments aid to Greece and expansion of U.S. naval activities in Greek ports are now well known facts. Similar developments obtain in case of Turkey and Iran, Spain and Portugal. If these states are being readied to act as sentinels, Israel appears to have been allotted the role of chief constable. It fits all the specifications of an ideal surrogate. Its military performance in 1967 has been a matter of unabashed envy to the Vietnam-frustrated Chief of General Staff. Its air force is regarded as an effective deterrent against Syrian or Iraqi attacks on friends and allies in the oil-rich kingdoms. Between France and India it is the only power to enjoy the nuclear option. Its technological sophistication reassures U.S. officials who have deep faith in the decisive power of machines. Above all, its economic and military dependence on the U.S. is viewed as being permanent; hence its stability as an ally is presumed. The image is of Sparta in the service of Rome, an irrestible opportunity. As a result, since September 1970 the Congress has given the White House what the Times has described as "the most open-ended arms buying program in the world." 16 And the Honorable John McCormack, the Speaker of the House, said with an injured note of surprise: "I have never seen in my 42 years as a member of this body language of this kind used in an authorization or in an appropriation bill." Consequently, Israel armed with the most advanced offensive weapons in the conventional arsenal of the U.S. has become the great power of the Middle East. No other country in the world ever enjoyed so complete a commitment from the U.S. And no other state in history achieved status as a great regional power almost entirely on the basis of foreign support. It is only in this context that one can explain active Israeli campaigning for the re-election of Nixon, the Zionist lobbies' rejection of McGovern, and Nixon's statement that there can be no viable security for Israel without U.S. military aid to Greece. A country like Pakistan cannot expect so exalted a place. Its role is to remain inhospitable to the Soviet Union, particularly to its navy, while expansion of some U.S. naval facilities there could be of value. Hence preparations are under way for the development of port facilities in Pasni and Gawadar along the Mekan Coast overlooking the Persian Gulf. As a Muslim state which is neither Persian nor Arab, Pakistan is also ideally situated to help administer the disputed oil sheikdoms of the Gulf. Hence with American blessings and British help it has established military and policy advisory missions in Muscat, Oman, Abu Dhabi, and Kuwait. 26 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org I 1 I l 1 I t The assumptions which define the U.S. strategy in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean region need to be briefly capitulated. First, a basic tenet of the Nixon-Kissinger diplomacy is a certain suspicion of U.S.S.R. as a rival and potential challenger of the paramountcy of the U.S. International instability IS viewed as potentially disadvantageous to America. Hence U.S. policy toward the U.S.S.R. combines elements of containment and confrontation in some regions, of cooptation and selective rewards in others. In the Mediterranean, Red Sea, and Persian Gulf regions, it perceives its hegemony threatened by Soviet "intrusion." Officials in the Nixon government believe that following the Johnson-Kosygin meeting in Glassboro, the U.S. miscalculated the extent of Soviet ambition and its capability for penetration in the Middle East. As a result, they remained sanguine over growing Soviet influence in the area. An example was cited of Soviet military missions in U.A.R.: Lacking sizable aircraft carriers necessary for air combat and deep inland penetration, the Russian navy was considered incapable of posing a challenge to the Sixth Fleet. American officials had felt sure that in an effort to overcome this disadvantage, the U.S.S.R. would not introduce Soviet personnel in the Middle East, as it had not done so in North Vietnam. The news that Soviet pilots might be manning the advanced MIG's in the U.A.R. destroyed both assumptions and aroused American concern to the extent that the normally cool Dr. Kissinger spoke of forcibly ejecting U.S.S.R. from Egypt. Second, the region in question is strategically and economically too crucial to allow for a policy of "co-existence" such as the one obtaining in South Asia. The projected future shortage of gas and oil supplies make middle Eastern oil not only a major source of profit but the mo.,'>t strategic resource of modern times. For the West to control this resource is not only an economic but a military necessity. Third, the fear that American power is slipping from both Western Europe and the Mediterranean region is enhanced by the belief that France (for reasons of "Gaulist chauvinism") and Italy (because of "instability and leftward swing") have become unreliable allies. In Great Britain Washington retains a lingering hope and trust. But given its economic problems, and the isolationist mood of its people, the United Kingdom is expected to continue to "abdicate its responsibilities" as a world power. As a result, officials envisage a gradual elimination of NATO activities in the Mediterranean and wish to replace it with a new alliance of dependable states more or less dependent on U.S. economic and military power. Fourth, given the economic and social pressures at home, the U.S. government foresees the impossibility of committing more military personnel abroad. In order to avoid serious opposition to an aggressive foreign policy, to reduce operational costs of deploying large numbers of American soldiers, and to prevent the resurgence of "neo-isolationist sentiments" in America, the government is seeking to minimize direct involvement of Americans abroad by making maximum use not only of technology, but also of mercenaries and surrogates. Thus, the Mediterranean is witnessing not only the emergence of a "Southern Strategy" and the application of "Nixon Doctrine," but also a special brand of "Vietnamization. " Fifth, it appears clear that U.S. policy under Nixon prefers the creation of regional constellations ot pro-Western allies based on bilateral ties with the U.S. rather than on formal collective security pacts favored under Truman and Eisenhower. This trend is based on Kissinger's correct assessment of the disadvantages which accrue to the leading member of formal collective security arrangements. A set of allies each tied by separate bilateral agreements to the paramount power gives the latter maneuverability and control unobtainable in collective arrangements. It is a tribute to the flexibility of this arrangement that countries such as Muslim Pakistan, Arab Jordan, fascist Greece, and militarist Turkey can all fit in the same alliance without causing any embarrassment to themselves, each other, or the paramount power. Lastly, it is noteworthy that, with the exception of Israel and Pakistan, all the primary agents in this configuration of power are fascist or proto-fascist governments. Close analysis of the recent U.S. role in the making and survival of regimes in Greece and Turkey indicates a conscious preference in Washington for what my be described as "developmental fascism." Yet American alliances are probably difficult for regimes in quest of stability. Alliance with the U.S. is unlikely to be a popular posture in any country of the region except Israel (whose population apparently believes such a relationship to be basic to their security). Hence no democratic governmel)t can sustain it for too long. Only a tyranny can keep the lid on popular demands for a neutralist or independent foreign policy. Spain and Portugal are viewed as examples of the success and suitability for underdeveloped nations of national fascism wedded to economic growth. NOTES 1. New York Times, January 6, 1972. 2. Memo for December 4, 1971 meeting, New York Times, January 6,1972. 3. New York Times, January 6,1972. 4. New York Times, July 7,1971. 5. New York Times, July 24,1971. 6. New York Times, January 6, 1972. 7. Ibid., memos on meeting December 3, 4, 6, 1971. 8. New York Times, January 15, 1972. 9. In a cable to Secretary William Rogers, Kenneth B. Keating, U.S. Ambassador to India seemed to challenge this claim, but in effect he confirmed its substance and spirit. The operative paragraph of the cable reads: "Story indicates that both the Secretary Mr. Rogers and Dr. Kissinger informed Ambassador Jha of India that Washington favored autonomy for East Pakistan. Mr. Keating said he was aWare of our repeated statements that we had no formula for a solution and our belief that the outcome of negotiations would probably be autonomy if not independence, but he regretted that he was uninformed of any specific statement favoring autonomy." (New York Times, text of cable, January 6, 1972, italics added.) 10. New York Times, January 6, 1972, Keating cable to Rogers. 11. New York Times, January 6, 1972. 12. New York Times, January 15, 1972, text of memo of December 8. 13. Text of memo on lndian-Pakistan War, New York Times, January 15, 1972. 14. New York Times, September 28, 1970. 15.New York Times, October 15, 1970. 16. New York Times, September 29,1970. 27 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Weather Modification and War by Peter Caplan Although the cost already borne by the people of Indochina in terms of human deaths and injuries is staggering, still more suffering awaits them as a consequence of the lingering effects of the new use of an old weapon environmental warfare - on a scale never before seen. Throughout the war, the United States systematically attacked the ecosystem through intense application of herbicides, large-scale bulldozing, attempted creation of firestorms, and the incredibly concentrated bombing, which cratered vast areas and repeatedly damaged the dikes in North Vietnam. This has created irreversible damage to the environment. In addition to serving the announced purpose of denying cover to the insurgents, it has become clear that the environmental warfare has had a more sinister purpose: to destroy the social structure that supports the National Liberation Front by removing millions of people from their ancestral homes and packing them into more easily controlled areas, such as urban slums and refugee camps. The mindless destruction in Indochina obliged interna tional law professor Richard Falk,l for lack of a precedent, to invent a definition for environmental weapons as weapons intended to "destroy the environment per se, or disrupt normal relationships between man and nature on a sustained basis." To accomplish this same purpose on a much grander scale but in a more subtle fashion, there are ominious reports of a new class of weapons which are to be the tools of what MacDonald 2 refers to as "geophysical warfare." These wea pons, which include earthquakes, climate change, altered ocean currents, and tidal waves, can be triggered at a great distance from the intended victim and may be indistinguish able from natural disasters. Although there is as yet no evidence that a capability to use these weapons exists now, one line of research that is being intensely pursued is climate modification. The most important work here is done under project "Nile Blue" (now called "Climate Dynamics"), which the Pentagon asserts is necessary because other major world powers have "the ability to create modification of climate that might be seriously detrimental to the security of this country." 3 Funding for computer time to run the necessary numerical simulations is over $3 million annually, and in 1973 ILLIAC IV, the fastest machine available, did the work. Evidence of U.S. Use of Weather Modification in Indochina A key precedent for geophysical warfare has already been established by the use, for the first time, of weather modification as a weapon of war. As used in Indochina, it has consisted mainly of attempts to increase rainfall by the injection of chemicals into selected thunderclouds to enable them to overcome natural atmospheric restraints on their growth. Although these techniques, loosely referred to as "cloud seeding," have existed for over thirty years, only recently has there been wide agreement that some of them really work. Due to rigid secrecy, evidence of rai.nmaking activities in the war did not begin to appear until 1971, when Jack Anderson's syndicated column of March 16 4 stated that the Air Force had been stimulating rainfall over the Ho Chi Minh trail network since 1967. Shortly thereafter, Rep. Gilbert Gude and Sen. Alan Cranston began an unproductive 10-month correspondence on the subject with Administration officers. 5 Senator Pell was less patient; when, after three months of government evasion, John Foster, director of defense research and engineering for the Pentagon, finally informed him simply that the information he sought was classified, Pell published the whole correspondence. 6 Two months later, Pell and thirteen other Senators submitted Senate 28 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Resolution 281, urging the United States to seek international agreement on a treaty that would prohibit "any environmental or geophysical modification activities as weapons of war" as well as "research or experimentation, directed to the development of any such activity as a weapon of war ... "? Finally, in April 1972 at Senate hearings,S Senator Pell got to question Secretary of Defense Laird directly, explaining that he had introduced a draft treaty opposing the use of weather modification for military reasons and asking Laird: "Are you able to comment in any way on this subject?" Laird replied that he would be pleased to do so and promptly evaded the question by presenting a list of weather modification programs in the Philippines, the Caribbean, and Texas. Pell tried again: "Excuse me, I know my colleagues are waiting to question you too. Have we engaged in these activities for military reasons in Southeast Asia?" Laird tried to close the door with, "I can't discuss the operating authority that we go forward with in Southeast Asia." After a short digression, however, Fulbright reopened with, " ... why do you decline to discuss weather control activities in North Vietnam when you freely discuss B-52 flights over North Vietnam? What is the sensitive nature of weather control, or whatever you may do with the weather? ... " And Laird's unconvincing reply, "I do not talk about things that we haven't done ..." and, in the next sentence, "In connection with the weather programs ... we have not conducted ... such operations, but I am not going to rule them out." Fulbright: "In other words, you have never engaged in the use of weather control ...?" Laird: "We have never engaged in that type of activity over North Vietnam." Fulbright: "That is a perfectly logical answer. I don't know why you were so sensitive about it." Laird: "I am not sensitive about it, Mr. Chairman, but ... " Fulbright: "But you didn't discuss it." Having thus established that weather modification was considered an extremely sensitive subject, more sensitive even than B-52 raids, Fulbright unfortunately neglected to examine Laird's refusal to discuss weather modification in the rest of Southeast Asia, in the light of his denial of weather modification over North Vietnam. If Laird was telling the truth, the clear implication, of course, is that military weather modification was carried out in the combat area exclusive of North Vietnam; however, most meteorologists will agree that it is not necessary to be "over" a country as small as North Vietnam in order to modify its weather. ~ At about the same time, the Chicago Collective of Science for Vietnam distributed a mimeographed report 9 containing the first direct evidence on the subject - a reference in the Pentagon Papers (Gravel edition, vol. IV, 421) to rainmaking over Laos in 1967 to "reduce trafficability. along infiltration routes." The research was prompted by the receipt of a letter from Huynh Huu-Nghiep of the Union of Vietnamese Intellectuals in France asking for information on reports of American military use of meteorology, "to denounce this new form of war to the American public" and forward relevant data to Vietnamese scientists. The resulting report apparently had the desired effect; Deborah Shapley, in an extensively quoted article in Science lo (which made no reference to the above report), located another Pentagon Papers reference and, for the first time, brought the facts before a large scientific audience. At the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearingsll that preceded the UN Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, it was made clear that key members of the American delegation had not been adequately informed about S. R. 281. Russell Train, chairman of the delegation, had not received a copy and refused to express any opinion. As might have been expected, the US acted to dilute an already weak resolution requiring essentially that nations engaging in activities "in which there is an appreciable risk of effect on climate" should be open about these activities and consult with other nations. There was apparently some disagreement within the American delegation, in the course of which it was revealed that it was the military that objected to the resolution. 12 Starting with the publication of an article in the Providence Journal of June 26, 1972, in which Senator Pell linked the disastrous 1971 floods in North Vietnam to American rainmaking efforts, other accounts appeared in nationally read newspapers.13 Seymour Hersh, on the basis of numerous interviews with high-ranking government officials and military sources, indicated that cloud seeding had been used as early as 1963 to control a Buddhist demonstration in Saigon and later to increase the duration of the summer monsoon over North Vietnam, to hamper anti-aircraft missiles and to muddy infiltration routes. An official Pentagon spokesman responded to the articles only by insisting that "we have not engaged in any [rainmaking] over North Vietnam." 14 Hearings on Senate Resolution 281 took place on July 26 and 27,1972. Among the witnesses were three who were in a position to know about weather modification in Indochina: Benjamin Forman, a DOD counsel, Gordon J. F. MacDonald of the President's Council on Environmental Quality and formerly of DOD's Institute for Defense Analyses, and Herman Pollack, director of the State Department's Bureau of International Scientific and Technological Affairs. All three refused to divulge the information on the grounds that it was classified; Forman in particular aroused Chairman Pell's ire by confirming Laird's "not over North Vietnam" statement and then providing nothing else of substance. Pell remarked, "In my own twelve years here I don't recall a single area where comment is as flatly refused as this." In addition, Pell revealed that DOD had also refused to comment in a closed session of the committee. 15 These refusals testify to the great significance of the program. (Further evidence was the quiet elimination of weather modification from a U.S.-U.S.S.R. science and technology cooperative agreement.) In August an excellent study by Gliedman l6 analyzed in painstaking detail the structure of dike systems of North Vietnam, explained how nearby bomb explosions can create invisible weakening, and calculated possible rice-crop losses from monsoon flooding. He estimated the relatively modest additional volume of water from rainfall at the end of the monsoon season (when waters are highest and soil saturated) that would be needed to cause flooding, then compared that to the volume claimed to be obtainable by the latest weather modification techniques. He concluded that existing tech niques could have produced dangerous flooding, thus lending some weight to Pell's accusation that the disastrous 1971 monsoon floods (among the five worst of this century) were attributable to rainmaking activities. In September 1972, Weather Engineering Corporation of Canada, Ltd., sued the Pentagon for $95 million, claiming that it had used the firm's cloud-seeding device III Indochina in violation of patent rights. I? 29 I BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Two more recent attempts to obtain information about American military weather modification activities have again elicited the customary stony silence from the Pentagon. One took place at the Spring 1973 Senate Armed Services Committee hearings; the other was a petition to the president dated March 1, 1973, from the 4500-member Federation of American Scientists 18 urging full disclosure. Strangely enough, Gordon J. F. MacDonald, serving as spokesman for the group (although denying "personal knowledge" of DOD operations), became the first former government official to state that the US had used weather as a weapon. 19 On July 11, 1973, S.R. 281 (having been reintroduced as S.R. 71) was approved by an impresive 82-10 margin. Yet as of that date the Pentagon had still failed to confirm or deny the use of rainmaking in the Indochina war. Meteorology and the Military Public reactions by meteorologists have ranged from shoulder-shrugging to anger, but none have expressed much surprise; meteorology and the military have long been bedfellows. As far back as the War of 1812, Army medics were instructed to keep weather diaries, and the original National Weather Service in 1870 was run by the Army Signal Service. Their symbiotic relationship was recently celebrated by Brig. Gen. W. H. Best, USAF, Commander of the Air Weather Service. 2o Best cited a RAND study that showed for operations over Southeast Asia, the probability of "mission success" was 28 percent without weather forecasts, 50 percent with, and 74 percent if the forecasts were perfect. The Air Force alone now employs more than 3.5 times as many meteorologists as the National Weather Service. Estimates of Federal spending for 1973 show that of the $350 million atmospheric sciences research budget, only about 15 percent is military, but the combined DOD-NASA portion amounts to about 78 percent. Although civilian agencies now finance most weather modification research, its origins are military. The initial lab experiments in the mid-1940s grew out of wartime research on aircraft icing. These, plus the initial field trials of cloud seeding and the. early years (1946-1950) of development, were mostly financed by the military.21 The field experiments were widely publicized, leading to unproven extravagant claims for the potential benefits of weather modification. Commercial rainmaking activities prospered in the following years, reaching a peak in 1952, with about 10 percent of the entire continental US seeded, as well as portions of thirty other nations. 22 After a period of retrenchment, in which questions were raised about the ability of cloud seeders to influence rainfall significantly, a period of steady growth in government funding of weather modification research ensued, the total rising from $2.4 million in 1960 to $12 million in 1970 and then more than doubling in the next two years. 23 The rapid growth of weather modification in the sixties was correlated with a general growth in science research funding and further stimulated by a new series of inflated claims, with the American Meteorological Society in 196224 holding out hope of "tremendous economic and humanitarian advantages" and in 1967 25 "great benefit to mankind." No less a personage than Lyndon Johnson proclaimed in 1963 26 that we will some day "eliminate droughts and floods, bring rain to the deserts, and control deluges of jungles"; and in 1967 27 30 Robert M. White, Environmental Science Services Administra tion (ESSA) chief, foresaw improving "the well-being of people in ways and to a degree that are now inconceivable." These statements contrast sharply with the cautious conclu sions published in the journals by the investigators in the field and also with the language in the status reports frequently issued by the National Academy of Sciences and the National Science Foundation, among others. For example, a 1971 NAS report 28 reiterated its careful 1966 statement that "there is increasing but still somewhat ambiguous statistical evidence that precipitation from some types of cloud and storm systems can be modestly increased or redistributed by seeding techniques. " Throughout the period after World War II there was little mention of military applications, with the exception of the post-Sputnik scare in the late '50s. Then, dark hints about Russian progress were in style, typified by Houghton's statement: 29 "I shudder to think of the consequences of a prior Russian discovery of a feasible method of weather control. " The attitude of the NAS and NSF status reports toward military matters is curiously inconsistent. They list all of the military research being conducted (mostly on subjects similar to those of civilian research, e.g., rainmaking, fog clearance, hail and hurricane modification) and dutifully express the need for international cooperation and peaceful uses of weather modification; yet they fail to see any conflict between military research and international cooperation, or to acknowl edge that the military research being described has very real offensive as well as defensive potential. The NSF Special Commission report of 1966,30 for example, innocently recognized a "remote possibility" that sometime in the future a nation might develop the capability to use weather modification to inflict damage on the economy and civil population of another country," while the NAS 1971 report 31 allowed that "military applications of weather modification are conceivable." St. Amand back in 1966 32 was more forthright: "We regard the weather as a weapon. Anything one can use to get his way is a weapon and the weather is as good a one as any." His reaction to the recent disclosures was: "I don't think using weather to discourage people from moving is a bad thing to do.,,33 Military Research and the University Since a sizeable portion of militarily supported research is done by people outside the military, some of whom hold academic positions, it is enlightening to look at the Pentagon's views of the benefits of collaboration between itself and the campus. William J. Price, executive officer of the Air Force Office of Scientific Research, pointed out 34 that "One of the strengths of the DOD-university relationship is that it is built upon mutual understanding and respect for their common interests." Universities must function in such a way as to "assure the future of society" (American society, presumably). Professors are depicted as desiring "especially to work on problems of national security ... in their concern to assure the future of society." Price estimates that DOD in 1968 supported up to half of Federal research in math, physics, and engineering on campus. Compliance with the Mansfield amendment to the 1970 Military Procurement Act has caused some BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org ! I I problems. It required, as originally worded, that DOD-spon sored research bear "a direct and apparent relationship to a specific military function or operation." According to Shap ley's account 35 of DOD research at Stanford, the Defense Documentation Center has, for its records, changed the titles and in some cases the descriptions of proposals approved by DOD to justify funding them. Just what is required of the DOD-sponsored scientist was made clear by Paul Lukasik, director of their Advanced Research Projects Agency: He must have a "degree of objectivity that enables him to separate his science from his advice. He can work in the area of quantum mechanics regardless of his position on the ABM ... or on [thel test ban treaty." 36 In other words, as long as he lets the DOD pick his j mind, what his conscience says is irrelevant. Lukasik contin ues, " ... the universities ... not only provide the input to us, but they learn from us ..." Thus General Best isn't the only 1 one to talk about symbiosis. This view of the university scientist as an objective intellect to be placed at the disposal of the government can , I 1 I equally well be applied to scientists outside the university. It was stated succinctly by Richard Reed, president of the J American Meteorological Society, in his explanation 3 ? of the philosophy that went into the Society'S testimony on S.R. 291: It is the government (not, in this case, the AMS) that is to determine "the use to which meteorological knowledge and t , skill are ultimately put." The message that AMS and DOD i seem anxious to communicate is that scientists, when they act I ! in this matter, are being politically neutral. However, where the only "scientific opinion" heard by the public comes from scientists on the payrolls of the powerful, it is imperative that other voices be heard. Having the privilege of far more education than most of the public, the scientist has a unique responsibility to challenge and criticize; his silence is not neutrality, but acquiescence. The Indochina war is by no means the first instance of the use by the West of the latest technological and scientific advances in the service of imperialism. It was the key to the early Spanish conquests, the exploitation of Asia and Africa by the Europeans, and the destruction of the American Indians by our own forefathers. Indochina has been a grisly laboratory and its people guinea pigs for the weapons of the future - infrared sensors, air-dropped antipersonnel weapons, the computerized electronic battlefield and now geophysical warfare. In its policy of "Vietnamization" and in its current world-wide program of providing technical aid and training to the police and the military in client countries run by repressive regimes, it is clear that the US is going to depend more and more on science and technology and less and less on the Marines for maintaining the status quo or worse (as in Chile). A few of the scientific and technical people in this country whose talents are being used in the service of this global r strategy have become politicized sufficiently to see the I j I position that they are in and must begin the long process of educating themselves and their colleagues to seek ways in which to turn their talents to the service of those who need it. The politically aware non-scientists in contact with Third World people have a vital role to play in this process. It is hoped that the collaboration that produced the Science for I Vietnam report on weather modification and the Gliedman book will serve as a model for much more work of this kind. NOTES 1. Richard Falk, Prohibiting Military Weather Modification (hereafter PMWM), Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Oceans and International Environment, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, 1972, testimony of Richard A. Falk, 38. 2. Falk, 124, from G. J. F. MacDonald, "How to Wreck the Environment," in Nigel Calder, ed., Unless Peace Comes (New York: Viking, 1968). 3. DOD Appropriations for FY 1972, Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Appropriations, 1971, 739. 4. Jack Anderson, "U.S. Rainmakers Proving Success over Ho Chi Minh Trails," Bell-McClure Syndicate, March 16, 1971. 5. PMWM, 103-108. 6. Congressional Record, January 26, 1971, S508. 7. Congressional Record, March 17, 1972. 8. Foreign Assistance Act, Hearings Becore the Senate Commit tee on Foreign Relations, April 18, 1972, 128,159. 9. Science for Vietnam, Chicago Collective, "The Big Gun Is in the Rain" (1103 East 57 Street, Chicago, Illinois 60637). 10. D. Shapley, "Rainmaking: Rumored Use Over Laos Alarms Experts, Scientists," Science 176, 1216-1220. 11. U.N. Conference on Human Environment: Preparations and Prospects, Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, May 3, 1972, 20. 12. D. Shapley, "Rainmaking: Stockholm Stand Watered Down for Military," Science 176, 1404. 13. De Silva, Providence Journal, June 20, 1971; Victor Cohn, Washington Post, July 2, 1972; John Wilford, New York Times, July 3, 1972; Seymour Hersh, New York Times, July 3, 1972, and July 9, 1972 (all of these also in PMWM, 5-17); in addition: Robert C. Cowen, Christian Science Monitor, July 3, 1972. 14. Seymour Hersh, "1967 Order to End Rainmaking Re ported," New York Times, July 4, 1972 (quote is from Jerry Friedheim). 15. D. Shapley, "Science Officials Bow to Military on Weather Modification," Science 174 (1972), 411. 16. John Gliedman, Terror from the Skies (Cambridge, Mass.: Vietnam Resource Center, 1972). 17. D. Shapley, "Weather Watch," Science 178 (1972), 144-145. 18. Congressional Record, March 8, 1973. 19. Victor Cohn, Washington Post, March 9, 1973. 20. W. H. Best, Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 53: 5 (1972), 429-432. 21. V. J. Schaefer, Bull. A.M.S. 49:4 (1968), 337-342. 22. R. Huschke, Bull. A.M.S. 44:7 (1963), 425-429. 23. E. Droessler, Bull. A.M.S. 53:4 (1972),345-348. 24. H. Houghton, Bull. A.M.S. 43:8 (1962), 400-401. 25. H. Houghton, Bull. A.M.S. 49:3 (1968), 272-273. 26. Government Weather Programs, House Report no. 177 (1965),151. Statement made May 2, 1963. 27. Robert M. White, quoted in "Weather and the Hand of Man," ESSA pamphlet (1967),2. 28. The Atmospheric Sciences and Man's Needs, Report of the Commission on Atmospheric Sciences (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, National Research Council, 1971), 56. 29. H. Houghton, Bull. A.M.S. 38:10 (1957),567-570. 30. Weather and Climate Modification, Report of NSF Special Commission on Weather Modification, NSF 66-3 (1966), 119. 31. The Atmospheric Sciences and Man's Needs, op. cit., 56. 32. Weather Modification, testimony of P. St. Amand Before the Senate Committee on Commerce, on bills S23 and S2916, 1966. 33. D. Shapley, "Rainmaking: Rumored Use Over Laos," op. cit. 34. W. J. Price, Armed Forces Research Review (July-August 1970),6-9. 35. D. Shapley, "Defense Research: The Names Are Changed to Protect the Innocent," Science 175 (1972), 84, 866-868. 36. DOD Appropriations for FY 1973, Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Appropriations, Testimony of P. Lukasik, March 14, 1972, 75. 37. R. Reed, Bull. A.M.S. 53:12 (1972),1185-1191. 31 J BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Managing the Media Filipino Style Manila October 22,1973 by Ruben Diario Right after martial law was declared, the military, through the Office of Community Relations (OCR) of the headquarters of the Philippine Armed Forces, decided which media organizations could operate, which publications might be printed, and which newsmen were to be given a clean bill of health. On May 11, 1973, these functions were turned over to the Media Advisory Council, a "private" body established to exercise the functions of a press council. In mid-October, President Marcos "froze" the MAC and to date, the question of who will watch the press is still unanswered. The choice, it appears, is between the military and the Department of Public Information (DPI). The fall from grace of the MAC, abetted by many sectors, including the military and the DPI, is interesting in that it presents, in microcosm, the problems that have plagued the Philippine press - both before and after martial law. The President "froze" MAC after having received a "White Paper" (some say it was two inches thick) from the military, setting forth and documenting widespread mulcting of media and business organizations by the MAC, especially by its chairman, Mr. Primitivo Mijares. The call for the dissolution of MAC was echoed by the DPI as well as some of the special assistants around the President who had supported Mr. Mijares until _. the story goes -- they found out he had not been giving them their full share of the monies "contributed" by business and media organizations. Business and media organizations even those that were willing to give money under the table as long as this was in "tolerable" amounts - added their pressure. MAC turned out to be a monster and expectedly so, because the President, in setting up the "private" body through which the press was supposed to discipline itself, chose for its personnel the very people who epitomized the worst vices of which he accused the pre-martial law press. It is true that there were newsmen who were on sale to the highest bidder, newsmen who virtually extorted money from the businessmen and politicians they covered, newsmen who used their connections with government to further their own and their publishers' interests. The worst of these newspapermen were those who covered the House of Representatives, whose over-lOO headline-hungry members were easy pickings for newsmen-extortionists. The dean of these Congressional reporters was Mr. Mijares himself (who bragged before martial law that he was worth P3 million), who, upon his appointment as MAC chairman, promptly surrounded himself with his cronies from the Congressional Press Club. Mr. Mijares himself is a most interesting case study in media opportunism. He worked for the Manila Cbrollicle (owned by the Lopez family, Mr. Marcos' political opponents) and then switched over to the President's side when he joined the Daily Express, which had been set up as the administration's mouthpiece. Mr. Mijares' credentials to head the body through which the press was to discipline itself are based on his being president of the National Press Club - a post he won in an election held after martial law: he had run unopposed and only about 30 of the Club's several hundred members had voted. Upon becoming head of MAC, which was to be supported not out of government funds but out of a fund to which every media organization had to contribute one-tenth of one percent of its gross income, Mr. Mijares proceeded to define as many corporations as possible as "mass media." Advertising agencies, presses that did only job printing, private '. 32 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org tele-communications companies, the telephone company, and even the public relations of big corporations were defined by Mr. Mijares as "mass media" which therefore had to kick in a percentage of their income. (For corporations' public relations departments, Mr. Mijares' people claimed that these departments' shares of the company budget was their "income.") Mr. Mijares did not succeed in getting his definition of "mass media" (and therefore his power) to stick in all instances. But every institution that either faced the threat of having to contribute part of its income or had "consented" to buy several P5 ,000 sponsor's tickets to a MAC benefit movie was willing to do what it could to grease the skids for MAC and Mr. Mijares. Within the government, Mr. Mijares did his best to increase his influence and that of the MAC at the expense of the Department of Public Information. MAC sent out its own press releases glorifying the government. MAC planned an overseas news service to improve the Philippine image abroad. And Mr. Mijares himself undertook a number of image-building (or wrecking) projects, notably his attempt to smear the Philippine consul in the United States who had defected from the Marcos government. And it appeared as if Mr. Mijares had far greater influence with the President than did Press Secretary Tatad. What rankled was that in contrast with Mr. Mijares' high-living colleagues, many of Mr. Tatad's people, especially those at the lower echelons, went without pay for months on end. The military was unhappy about Mr. Mijares' activities and when complaints started coming to their attention (after all, media people had dealt with the military before MAC came into existence), they silently started gathering evidence against the MAC. Although the military'S handling of the media might have been heavy-handed at times, it was not as pure as the driven snow either. The story is told of a couple of newsmen who presented a proposal to set up a newspaper catering to the military; the permit was not granted, but such a paper was published, this time under the aegis of a lady who happens to be the sister of the major who screened such applications. But whatever the criticisms against the military, its handling of the media was far more honest than the MAC's. ( The case of MAC, and in more personal terms, that of Mr. Mijares and his cronies, shows the kind of irresponsibility that characterized certain sectors of the pre-martial law press. This irresponsibility is still very much present, precisely among the very newspapermen favored by the Marcos administration. This inconsistency between the administration's attacks on the evils of the pre-martial law press and its favoring the very perpetrators' of these evils suggests that the administration is less interested in an effective press than it is in a servile press: no matter how corrupt a newsman you are, you're okay as long as you toe the line. What this means in practice is that it is the opportunist who wins. Even those newsmen sympathetic to the Marcos administration but who retain enough professionalism to be willing to question certain policies and procedures do not get far. What is called for is not just giving the administration the benefit of the doubt, but to ascribe to it the virtues of infallibility, indefectibility, impeccability. r Media and Development 1 It has been argued, with no small amount of cogency, that a certain amount of authoritarianism is necessary for a I 1 country to develop. A free press tends to break consensus, limit political power, and scatter resources which could, theoretically, be better harnessed together in pursuit of development. The task of the press, in this context, is to become one of the moving forces in development. Its task is to inform, motivate, guide opinion, and otherwise generate public support for the tasks of modernization and development. Hence, the press is but a player in an orchestra: it must respond to the baton of the conductor. This is the line that many newsmen - quite a number of them far more responsible than the likes of Mr. Mijares - take with respect to the martial law situation. It would be easier to adopt, or at least not to criticize, this position if the present partnership between the press and government were really leading towards development. But from the looks of things, the present partnership is very one-sided. If performance is an indicator of policy, it looks as if the role of the press, as envisioned by government, is that of hypnotist, huckster, and ass-licker. The Press as Hypnotist Partly because talking about government performance in terms other than praise is dangerous and partly out of policy, the attention of the press is increasingly directed towards entertainment and non-controversial, matters. Today, there are more women's magazines, more sports magazines, more entertainment magazines, and more comics magazines than were ever published before. In any case, even if the number of magazines dealing with sports and entertainment had remained the same, there certainly are many more things for them to cover. It cannot be claimed that the increasing number of sports tournaments is due to decisions made by the government or people close to the government. But the invitation of the Yugoslav basketball team, the plans to send a basketball team to China, the holding of an international chess tournament in Manila, and such events that call for a tremendous expenditure of foreign exchange could not take place without administration backing. One need not even mention the basketball series sponsored by the Dona Josefa Edralin Marcos (the President's mother) Foundation. The cultural events sponsored by the First Lady or through her Cultural Center are newsworthy events in their own right (although the press has often been forced to go overboard - as in the case of Van Cliburn). Prizes to national artists, concerts by people ranging from Renata Tebaldi to Jose Feliciano, performances by national dance groups from as far away as Russia and Africa ... all these would have to be covered in their own right. And the press willy-nilly has to cover the comings and goings of the First Lady's fellow jet-setters, Cristina Ford and the Countess Pignatelli. Radio and television have not been spared. The watchword is escapism, or so Buddy Tan, the program director of KBS (the radio-TV network owned by a presidential crony), has been paraphrased as saying. The movies and specials on TV are far better than the vintage films of the '50s and '60s that used to be shown before. But even the beat films they show are basically escapist. And local cinema has followed the trend towards escapism. Notorious before martial law for its explicit productions, Philippine cinema has gone back to cops and robbers, situation comedy, and fantasy. (Almost all the 33 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org pre-martial law movie sirens are out of jobs. The only noticeable exception is the mistress of one of the people on the Media Advisory Council. This man has actually done his best to advance her career, even to the point of personally bringing her publicity releases to newspaper and magazine editors.) The Press as Huckster The press has gone overboard in publicizing government development projects as unqualified successes and keeping silent about government reverses. The press is silent about the war in Mindanao, about clashes with insurgents in Central Luzon, Southeastern Luzon, and Panay Island in the Visayas. It is silent about the massive drafting of men in the Visayas, its loss of practically all of J010 and Basilan islands in the South. Other reverses that have not been mentioned or have been outright lied about include the rice cnS1S. The government started out denying that there was a rice crisis, then admitted that there was one due to distribution rather than production problems; then it claimed that massive imports were coming in. (Significantly, it reported shortages in terms of thousand metric tons and reported imports in terms of cavans [50-kilogram sacks].) They it blamed Pakistan and Thailand for having reneged on an export commitment. The press was silent on the Pakistani government's protest over this lie. Finally the official line was that all over the world countries were in the same boat. And dutifully the press printed every new version of the story. Nor has the press been able to report the extent of damage to the rice crops due to flood, drought, or pest. Even the fact of typhoons in Mindanao has not been reported. While metropolitan newspapers carry "how to" features on agriculture and "success stories" involving common people involved in this or that government project, radio and television blare out jingles about different government programs ranging from the Masagana 99 (miracle rice) program to that of Samabang Nayoll (cooperatives). Besides these jingles, there are government news programs, government discussion programs, and even government personality shows. Scheduling leaves a lot to be desired. Even Metropolitan Manila people get bombarded with farmers' programs (including jingles aimed at tenant farmers). There was even a time when the showing of a basketball game was interrupted at the half to make way for a government propaganda show - to the viewers' howls of protest. Finally, since many of these programs are simulcast, the poor listener or viewer has no alternative other than to listen or switch off the set. And interspersed with all these are the ubiquitous advertisements and, yes, even full-length marches glorifying the New Society, to the point that composers of marches (who never had very much business) are now very much in demand. (Among the march composers of the New Society is an old gentleman who numbers among his works the march of the KALlBAPI, the Filipino collaborationist group during the Japanese occupation.) Before martial law, the editorials and opinion columns of Manila's press ranged from the violently, virulently, slanderously critical to the cloyingly, ingratiatingly flattering. Today, only the latter type is left. Under ordinary circumstances, this would not be so bad since people could just ignore the editorials and opinion columns. But one can't get away from the ass-licking even in the news columns: the government officials' (who are, ipso facto, newsworthy) effusive praises are given big play. The most notorious statement of late has been that of a presidential assistant (who happens to hold a Ph.D. from somewhere) who spoke glowingly of the "apotheosis of Marcos." Which the press dutifully published. In the past, any columnist worth his salt would have recalled that the Emperor Caligula had deified his horse and that here in the Philippines we had the reverse. The society pages are full of effusive praise for the First Lady as tbe patroness of art and culture, as the foremost social worker, as tIJe first in the forefront of the battle against air and water pollution. The news programs on radio and television echo these praises. Documentaries on various highly successful government projects all ascribe their success ultimately to the President or his policies. Even the movie houses are not free from this type of propagandizing. The administration, through presidential cronies, has moved to acquire interests in at least three movie studios. What they have produced are thinly disguised glorificatory biographies of the President. And even if one doesn't bother to see these films, one gets reached nonetheless. Movie theaters in the Philippines are required by law to play the National Anthem before the first and last show. A film carrying the lyrics is generally shown during the singing. One version flashes the pictures of different national heroes on the screen and then, at the finale, the picture that appears is that of President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. Tomorrow a researcher steeped in communication theory will criticize the way the government has used media so far. The main criticism is that it is based on a wrong theory of persuasion: it is not true that persuasion automatically results from propaganda; people do not accept messages uncritically; they respond with agreement, disagreement, or doubt; people talk to one another, compare notes, and on the basis of facts and logic, decide to agree or diagree. One does not engineer popular consent the way one markets a deodorant. Perhaps. But this is not the only inference that may be drawn from the government's use of media. An equally valid inference is that the government views the Filipino as, to all intents and purposes, a child - ignorant, pliable, trusting. And even where he is logical and critical, logic and criticism need the facts on which to work. Today, news is what the President - acting through his media people defines as news. Today, one does not know how goes the war in Mindanao; whether there will be another rice shortage next year; whether prices will go up; whether the Philippines will \ recognize mainland China; or even whether the First Lady has gone to the opening of the Sydney Grand Opera House. Today, one knows only what he reads in the newspapers. No matter how logical, how rational the Filipino may be, what judgements will he reach tomorrow? What kind of judgements can he reach if they are based on facts as defined by a press that through its hucksterism and ass-licking has hypnotized itself into believing that development and President Marcos' New Society are, now and forever, one and inseparable. 34 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org I 1 , Political Prisoners in the Philippines' New Society i - ~ 1 I l 1 f I Manila September 15, 1973 by Celso Banaag They came in blue Toyotas, their red lights flashing. But they did not use a siren. Perhaps they did not want to wake the neighbors, for it was after midnight and already September 23, 1972. The Metrocom officers who came for me were nice enough. They let me get a book, my toothbrush, and a change of underwear. I was able to talk privately with my parents. On the way to Camp Crame they stopped long enough at a roadside stand to allow me to buy cough drops. When we reached the hastily barricaded Camp Crame gymnasium, I discovered that others had not been as lucky. Ramon V. Mitra, member of the Philippine Senate and the opposition Liberal Party, said: r At 1:30 in the morning of September 23, 1972, my houseboy was roused by the barking of my dog and the ringing of the gate bell. At the gate the boy was jumped by I several armed Metrocom men. With cocked armalites poked at the boy's throat, they ordered that I be awakened and told the boy that should he lie about my presence in the , house 'we will blow your head of! ' Having in the meantime risen from bed, I opened my door to submit to the I occupation of my home, which the fully armed Metrocom men promptly did. They 'covered' all the rooms, and had a gun-wielding man guarding each of my six little children, aged two years to twelve . .. I asked if I could call a lawyer. They did not permit me. I asked where I was to be taken. . They did not tell me. Nor my distraught wife. (Annex 6, Reply memorandum for petitioners - In the matter of the Petition for Habeas Corpus of Joaquin Roces, et. al.) Luis R. Mauricio, editor and general manager of the popular Graphic Magazine, suspected that the uniformed men who came for him were imposters, so he tried to stall for time. I told Major Arcega I could not go with him at that hour (12:30 a.m.); but if he returned in the morning, I could. He said he had orders to take me and he would carry out these orders by force, if necessary. In that case, I said, I would go with him, but first he must allow me to dress up. He said I should go as I was - in my T-shirt, pajamas and slippers. After he was forcibly dragged to the waitiQg Metrocom car, Mauricio called out to his crying wife to bring him a pair of 35 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org pants, a shirt, and his eyeglasses. I then asked for a pack of cigarettes alld a lighter. III the meantime, the driver was ordered to go, and again I pleaded for them to wait for my things. I also called out to my wife to have my false teeth brought to me. My wife came out; she threw my clothes to the car, but my teeth were still missing. My daughter, ill the meantime, had gone to get them. She brought them to IIniformed guard near tbe gate, crying. (Ibid, Annex 9) As the night wore on and more and more people were brought to the Camp Crame gym (we took to calling it "crummy gym" after a while), we saw that there were more serious problems than brusque and impolite arresting officers. Erika Torres, a near-hysterical housewife, turned from one PC [Philippine Constabulary] officer to another, pleading for information to explain her plight. "I'm only a housewife," she said, "[ don't know anything about politics, and besides I'm not even a Filipino citizen." It turned out later that she had been the victim of an ugly mixture of military inefficiency and unconcern for peoples' rights. They wanted an activist named Eric Torres, thought she was the poet and art critic with the same name and ended up with the poor, terror-stricken housewife. Other victims of the same Kafkaesque nightmare included the son of a well-known columnist, the tubercular father of a progressive journalist, a lame hunchback and a blind masseur. l\''1uch has been made of the so-called humane treatment of political prisoners. Every once in awhile, domestic and foreign media men are invited into the concentration camps in Manila to show the world how "happy and well-adjusted" the political prisoners are. This kind of propaganda point would be ludicrous if it were not pernicious. It is as if, having wounded somebody, one then brags about one's maganimity because at least one didn't kill him. The truth, of course, is that while the camps in Manila are nothing like the tiger cages of Thieu or the malaria-ridden Buru Island of Suharto, abominable hygienic conditions, torture, inadequate food, corrupt and brutal guards - all these exist but are carefully hidden from public Vlew. The treatment of political prisoners varies. Camp conditions are generally better in Manila than in the provinces, primarily because of the presence of large numbers of foreign correspondents in the city. Facilities for prisoners in the Camp Crame gym, the [pil Reception Center, and the Youth Rehabilitation Center (such lovely names!) in Fort Bonifacio were for a time passable if not altogether adequate. The tremendous increases in the number of prisoners in these camps in the past few months, however, have created conditions which endanger the health of their occupants. Until a few months ago, the number of prisoners at the Camp Crame gym was kept under 150 at the advice of the PC's own doctors. There are today more than 300 prisoners at that camp. At the same time, food rations have been lowered to P2.50 a day, a scandalously small amount given that rice alone now costs P8.00 per ganta. Rvery prisoner who is released has to sign a form letter saying that he has not been maltreated, which of course everyone signs unless he wants to remain in jail. In November last year, four men got a taste of the kind of violence and inhumanity that military men are prone to in the absence of legal restraints. After a fistfight provoked by two "lawless elements," they and their two opponents were mauled by the guards after which they were packed into a stinking, windowless toilet cubicle, where there was only enough room to stand, for a whole day. When they were released they were made to dance and kiss each other while the whole leering squad of guards cheered. The unfortunate whose stomach reacted against the revolting indignities they were being subjected to, was made to lap up his own vomit. More recently, prisoners at the Ipil Reception Center went on a hunger strike when another six prisoners were accorded the same treatment. In the provinces, camp conditions and the treatment of prisoners is much worse. Unprepared for the sudden flood of prisoners and not provided with sufficient funds to construct appropriate facilities, local PC commanders shoved prisoners into whatever prison space was available without consideration for elementary hygenic requirements. Little or I ) food was provided. Without the restraint of possible adverse publicity, the beating of prisoners for minor infractions and the use of torture during interrogation has been the rule rather than the exception. Apart from observable differences between concen tration camps in Manila and in the provinces, the treatment of prisoners also varies according to criteria that bear no relation to alleged offenses. This is not to say that even the most humane treatment of prisoners in any way justifies the continued imprisonment of thousands of men and women without due process of law. But given this basic fact, differences in the treatment of prisoners because of social background, bribery, and social connections add insult to prior injury. Although they did not themselves request it, members of Congress, the Constitutional Convention and some media men were billeted in separate and much more comfortable quarters than the rest of us. The highly publicized air-conditioned rooms that were made to look like standard accommodations for prisoners were in fact only for the few prominent media men and members of Congress and the Concon, who were the main objects of foreign press attention. There seem to have been two broad categories of political arrests which deter!TIined how prisoners were subsequently treated. There were, on the one hand, what we might call exemplary arrests - the selective seizure of representative personalities from among members of Congress, the mass media, intellectuals, university professors, students, priests, and other sectors of the political public. The arrest of particular individuals often seemed to defy rational explanation. Most of the prisoners in this category could be classified as opposition personalities ranging from anti-Marcos oligarchs to reformist priests to radical journalists. But there were also a number of wholly arbitrary arrests calculated to increase the demonstrative effect of the whole process and to terrorize the public. It was obvious from the kinds of people in this category who were arrested that some of the lists used to go back to the 'fifties and even the 'forties. Former Huks, peasant leaders, and labor union men who since the 'forties had been engaged in perfectly harmless occupations were taken. Arresting teams went looking, for men who had long since died. Among the most unfortunate are men such as Angel Baking and Sammy Rodriguez, who had already served fifteen to twenty year 36 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org sentences for alleged subversion only to be rearrested for no apparent reason. There were also people whose only " c r i ~ e " seems to have been that they had incurred the personal enmity of Mrs. Imelda Marcos and/or powerful military men. Man-about-town George Sison was jailed for several months because he wrote catty tidbits about the First Lady in his gossip column. A journalist remains in jail after almos.t a year because a PC colonel wants to keep him away from hiS mece. The bulk of the arrests in the "exemplary" category, however, were calculated to assure the Marcos-military clique's control over the mass media, the reformist segment of the Catholic church and schools and universities. The arrest of publishers such as Chino Roces of the Manila Times and Teodoro Locsin of the Free Press, of editors such as Amando Doronila of the Manila Chronicle, columnists such as Louis Beltran (Pace Magazine) and Max Soliven (Manila Times), prepared the way for the regime's control over and total monopoly of the mass media today. Students such as Gerry Barrican and university professors such as Hernando Abaya, Ester Albano and Ernesto Constantino were arrested not because they belonged to allegedly subversive organizations but in order to terrorize the academic community into meekly accepting the curtailment of academic freedom in schools such as the University of the Philippines. Selective arrests of influential foreign clerics, activist Filipino priests, recalcitrant officers of Catholic church-financed and -influenced organizations such as the Federation of Free .Farmers (FFF) have seriously set back the Christian Democratic movement III the Philippines. Father Daniel McLaughlin, parish priest of Panabo, Davao del Norte, was arrested and quickly deported without trial. Father Vincent Cullen of Malaybalay, Bukidnon, and Fathers Healy and Donohue in Cagayan were detained for several weeks. Fourteen leaders of the FFF who opposed FFF President Montemayor's efforts to turn the FFF into an instrument of the regime were arrested on the ridiculous charge of having plotted to assassinate Imelda Marcos. Mr. Isagani Serrano, an organizer for ZOTO, the church-supported organization of Tondo families, was arrested last May and remains, to this day, in jail. With the exception of journalists such as Ernesto Granada (Manila Cbrollicle) and professors such as Francisco Nemenzo, Jr. (U.P.), the bulk of prisoners in the "exemplary" category have been released. After having spent from ~ h r e e to six months in jail, the prisoners in this group had, as It were, already served their function of demonstrating the repressi.ve capabilities of the New Society and could be tempor.anly released. As a rule, prisoners in this category were relatively well treated. This has not been true of prisoners who are considered as presenting a more serious threat to the Marcos-military clique. The second category of political prisoners includes political rivals of the president such as former Senators Benigno Aquino and Jose Diokno. In the past few months, Aquino and Diokno have been kept in solitary confinement and continuously subjected to both physical and mental torture to get them to endorse the New Society. They have been shunted from one prison camp to another and at various times prohibited from seeing members of their families. It was only after the Supreme Court ordered it that Aquino's and Diokno's families were allowed to see them. After this visit, Mrs. Diokno said: I almost failed to recognize him; he looked very much older than his age; he was so thin, obviously because he had lost a lot of weight; he had worry lines all over his face and bags under his eyes; his face was completely unshaven; he looked choked and could not seem to utter a word. ... At the recent abortive trial of Aquino the media men did not recognize him at first for he has lost some thirty pounds. His refusal to participate in the farcical mock trial, which would have subjected him to the will of a military organization acting both as prosecutor and judge, served to dramatize the inhumanity and injustice of the Marcos regime to the whole world. The worst treatment, finally, is reserved for members of allegedly subversive mass organizations - for those men and women, young and old, who, with the vigilance and intense commitment to ideals of social justice and democracy, have over the past few years exposed the bankruptcy of Marcos and his military and technocratic cronies. Many of them do not even reach the prison camps, for often as not they are killed at the time of their capture by ambitious military men anxious to report "battle" victories. They end up, mal1Y of them still in their teens, listed as the "commanders" and "amazons" of military reports of the "insurgent campaign." Those who are lucky enough not to get murdered are taken to secret apartments and at times to military camps where they are squeezed for information through the use of a wide range of crude to sophisticated torture techniques. Many of these cases of torture go unreported, for the Marcos regime has gone to great lengths to show its supposed humane authoritarianism. But the truth will out: Tommy Urog, a broken arm; John Quimpo, water forced up his genitals; Rio Dantes, two weeks in a hospital to recuperate from several days of torture; and finally, Liliosa Hilao, a young girl of twenty, tortured to death, then muriatic acid poured down her throat to make it look like she had committed suicide. The list could be made longer but the truth which belies government propaganda is already known to the thousands plus their families who have been victims of martial law justice since that fateful day over a year ago which we are now supposed to celebrate as a day of thanksgiving. In the September 8, 1973 issue of Focus Pbilippilles, one of the propaganda mouthpieces of the Marcos regime, it was reported that 11,697 people have been jailed since September 23, 1972. Of these some 8,000 are alleged to be "criminal elements." Since political prisoners are often listed as "criminal elements" and since the list does not include those who have been detained since before martial law, such as Nilo Tayag and hundreds of others in Manila and the provinces, the number of I , pulitical prisoners is probably much larger than the 3,500 or so admitted by the government. Furthermore, every additional day of martial law and denial of people's civil and political rights means that more and more patriots are going to suffer imprisonmen t. With the exception of TV commentator Roger Arienda and Senator Aquino, the government has not tried any of the ! I 1 political prisoners or even so much as told them their alleged crimes beyond the general catch-all categories of subversion, rebellion, and inciting to rebellion. The arbitrariness which characterized the arrests has also been evident in the releases. It is generally agreed among political prisoners that releases are dependent upon who one knows in the military establishment 37 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org and among those politicians who continue to have access to Malacanang Palace. Upper-middle-class and middle-class prisoners whose families have social connections tend to get released earlier than working-class prisoners from Tondo or from peasant families. Worst, military officials who are in a position to facilitate the processing of a prisoner's papers have been known to solicit bribes. The amount of money circulating in Camp Crame offices which handle the cases of prisoners runs into the tens of thousands. Brigadier General Tagumpay Nanadiego, who occupies the key position in the AFP Judge Advocate General's Office, is reported to have accumulated six private cars in the past year alone. The problems of political prisoners do not end after their release. To start with, everyone is considered to be only temporarily released and has to report regularly to the military authorities. Some report as often as twice a week and have to submit a schedule of daily activities. Movement is restricted to the Greater Manila area. Trips to the provinces require prior permission from the reporting officer. As a result university professors have been prevented from attending conferences abroad. Businessmen have lost out on key contracts which had to be negotiated outside the country. For released prisoners the constant threat of rearrest and the continuing restrictions on their movement are only part of the problem. A more serious one has to do with the fact that most of them have lost their jobs and cannot get the necessary clearances for landing new jobs. As in other dictatorial countries, the political prisoner situation reflects the character of the ruling regime. The large number of arrests for demonstrative and terror-creating purposes shows the tremendous resistance of the people to the rape of their rights and freedoms and the consequent need for shock techniques. The use of torture; the cavalier regard for prisoners' hygienic and dietary requirements; the corruption, bribery, and class-based favoritism shows that the new regime has not in fact created a new society. It has succeeded mainly in preserving the worst features of the old. And if the high morale, camaraderie, continuing political education and heightened dedication to revolutionary ideals among political prisoners is any measure, Marcos has not succeeded in his efforts to terrorize us. He has, instead, simply brought the day of his downfall closer. BETTER IDEAS ... from Xerox The microfilm edition of the Bulletin is now available. Back issues on microfilm may be purchased for $4.00 for volumes one through two [March 1969-Fall 1970]. Volume three, 1971, and succeeding volumes are $4 per volume/year. Note catalog number 6049 Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars. Order from: Customer Services-periodicals, University Microfilms, 300 N. Zeeb Rd., Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA. Books Posters Stamps Woodblocks. Paintings. Cards Kites Records DIRECT from PEKING CHINA BOOKS 2929 24th St. 282-6945 Open 9-6 daily, Sat-Sun 10-5 FORTHCOMING: Paul Joseph-The Making of the U.S. I ndochina Policy Martin Murray-The U.S. Future in Vietnam Ell Zaretsky-The Family: Public and Private Martin J. Sklar-Economic Theory and U.S. Capitalism CURRENT ISSUE (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER): Carl Boggs-Gramsci's Prison Notebooks Robert Fitch-Who Rules the Corporations? Response to Paul Sweezy Brian Henderson-JeanLuc Godard and the Attempted Suicide of Bourgeois Cinema Ros Petchesky and Kate Ellis-Day Care in Corporate America SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER: Fred Block and Larry Hirschhorn-The I nternational Monetary CriSis Robert Spertus-'Seelng Red: Socialists and the Avant Garde Karl Klare-McGovern and the Movement OTHER RECENT ARTICLES: James O'Connor-Inflation, Fiscal Crisis, and the Working Class James Weinstein-The Left, Old and New Robert Carson-The Unemployment Crisis among Youth AI Szymanski-The Shape of the American Working Class SPECIAL OFFER: For a New America: Essays in History and Politics from "Studies on the Left," 1957-1967. $1.50 with subscription. SOCIALIST REVOLUTION AGENDA PUBLISHING COMPANY 396 SANCHEZ STREET SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 94114 NAME _________________________ t ADDRESS _________________________ CITY _____________ STATE ___ ZIP _____ Slnlle Issue @ 1.50 _______ Forelln Subscription $6.50 _____ Subscription (6 Issue.) $6.00 _____ SPECIAL OFFER. $7.50 ___ 38 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org BACK ISSUES OF THE BULLETIN AVAILABLE (send $1 per issue to: Bulletin, 604 Mission St., room 1001, San Francisco, CA. 94105; all other back issues are out of print but may be obtained in a microfilm edition from University Microfilms of Ann Arbor, Michigan.) Vol. 2, No.4, Fall 1970 S. lenaga, "The Japanese Textbook Lawsuit" F. Branfman, "Laos: No Place to Hide" J. Dower, "Asia and the Nixon Doctrine: 10 Points" J. Mirsky and J. Morrell, SIU Vietnam Center Struggle J. Pearson and J. Smilowitz, The Lon Nol Coup and Sihanouk REVIEW J. Halliday, Suh's The Korean Communist Movement 1918-1948 M. Young, "Why I Chose Imperialism-An Open Letter to 'Imperialists' " Vol. 3, Nos. 3-4, Summer-Fall 1971 K. Gough, Women's Conference CCAS, "Interview with Chou En-Iai" Kung, Tiao Yu-tai movement W. Pomeroy and B. Kerkvliet, Sources on the Philippines Revolu tionary Movement SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT: Modern China Studies M. Roberts, "The Structure and Direction of Contemporary China Studies" D. Horowitz, "An Unorthodox History of Modern China Studies" J. Fairbank, Comment Vol. -l, No. I, Winter 1972 r AhmeJ. "The Struggle in HallglaJe'h" E. AhmaJ. "Note, on South A,ia in Cri,i," M. Kam. "The Commu n i,t Movement in India" M. Shivaraman, "Thanjavur, Kuml>ling' in Tamo! S. AhmaJ, "Pea,ant Cia"", in Pak"tan" K. Gough, "South A,ian Kevolutionary Potential" E. FrieJman. "China. Pakistan, lIangladc,h" K. DeCamp, "The (;1. ,\1ovcmcnt in A,ia" D. Marr, "Vietnamc,,, Source, on Vietnam" Vol. 4, No.2, Summer 1972 C. & G. White, "The Politics of Vletnami/ation" N. Long, "The Weaknesses of Vietnamil.ation" II. Bix, "Report from Japan 1972 I" D. Wilson, "Leatherne,ks in North China, 1945" K. Buchanan, "The Geography of Empire" -map' REVIEW F. Baldwin, books on the USS Pueblo incident V. Lippit, "Economic Development and Welfare in China" A. Feuerwerker, Communication Vol. 4, No.3, Fall 1972 SPECIAL ISSUE ON ASIAN AMERICA V." B. Nee, "Longtime Californ' " H. Lai, "Organizations of the Left Among the Chinese in America" C. Yu, "The Chinese in American Courts" REVIEW S. Won" Barth's Bitter Streng,b F, Chi, J. Chan, L. Inada, " Wong, "Aieeeee! An Introduction to Asian-American Writing" D. Mark, W. Lum, S. Tagatac, L. IDada, & Wong, Poetry F. Chin, "Confessions of the Chinato..wn Cowboy" Vol. 4, No.4, December 1972 EXCHANGE: IMPERIALISM IN CHINA A. Nathan, "Imperialism's Effects on China" J. Esherick, "Harvard on China: The Apologetics of Imperialism" H. Bix, "Report from Japan 1972-11" T. Huu, Ho Chi Minh, N. Ngan, T. Khanh, & L. Lien, Vietnamese Poetry U. Mahajani, Comment on E. Ahmad on South Asia Vol. S, No.1, July 1973 G. Omvedt, "Gandhi and the Pacification of the Indian National Revolution" C. Riskin, "Maoism" Motivation: Work Incentives in China" E. Ahmad, "South Asia in Crisis" & India's Counterinsurgency War Against the Nagas and Mizos G. Kolko, D. Rosenberg, et aI., "The Philippines Under Martial Law" REVIEWS R. Kagan & N. Diamond: Solomon's Mao's Revolution and the Chinese Political Culture M. Roberts, Scott's The War Conspiracy CCAS and E. Vogel, Funding of China Studies, cont. Vol. 5, No, 2, September 1973 G. Porter, "The Myth of the Bloodbath: North Vietnam's Land Reform " H. Schonberger, "Zaibatsu Dissolution and the American Restoration of Japan" J. Fairbank, J. Esherick, & M. Young, "Imperialism in China-An Exchange" B. Kerkvliet, "The Philippines: Agrarian Conditions in Luzon Prior to Martial Law" Communist Party of the Philippines, "Tasks of the Party in the New Situation"'document A. Kuo, "New Letters from Hiroshima"'poem REVIEWS P. Scott, "Opium and Empire: McCoy on Heroin in Southeast Asia" M. Klare, "Restructuring the Empire: The Nixon Doctrine after Vietnam"-Brodine and Selden, eds., The Kissinger-Nixon Doctrine Vol. 5, No.3, November 1973 F. Baldwin, "The Jason Project: Academic Freedom and Moral Respon sibility" H. Bix, "Regional Integration: Japan and South Korea in America's Asian Policy" J. Comer, "The Assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem" and "The Front'" poetry REVIEW ESSA Y J. Halliday, "What Happened in Korea? Rethinking Korean History 1945-1953" BIBLIOGRAPHY M. Selden, "Imperialism and Asia: A Brief Introduction to the Literature" Vol. S, No, 4, December 1973 L. Francisco, "The First Vietnam: The philippine-American War of IH99" R. Thaxton, "Modernization anJ Counter-Revolution in Thailand" R. Comer, "Correspondent" & "The People"'poetry M. Scher, "U.S. Policy in Korea 1945-194H: A Neo-Colonial Model Takes Shape" REVIEWS C. Yu, "Chinatown as Home Base"-V. & B. Nee, Longtime Californ'" R. Pfeffer, "Revolting: An Essay on Mao's Revolution, by Richard Solomon" N. K. Vien, "Myths and Truths: Frances Fitzgerald's Fires in the Lake" Index, 1973, Volume 5, nos. 1-4 39 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org David Marr's 'Vietnamese Anticolonialism' by Nguyen Cong Binh Translated by Jayne Werner, Le Dinh Tuong, Phil Hill, Tran Quae Hung, and Gary Porter; annotated by Jayne Werner and Trarz Quae Hung. Tran Quae Hung, of the Union of Vietnamese in the United States, helped with the editing and with the difficult task of translating political terminology. From Ngbien Cuu Licb Su No. 144 (May-June 1972),43-53. Vietnamese Anticolonialism 1885-1925, by David G. Marr. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971. pp. xix, 322, maps, glossary, bibliography. Because of its legendary resistance against the United States and its struggle for national salvation, Vietnam has entered into the consciousness of progressive mankind and has begun to attract the attention of foreign historians. In the United States, the war of aggression waged by the U.S. government has been costly in lives and property and has seriously weakened the country in all aspects, leading to the increasing opposition among the American people to the war. While protesting against the policy of the U.S. government of continuing and widening its aggression in Vietnam, for the purpose of defending America's honor and to fight for their democratic rights and economic livelihood, the American people from all walks of life have been building a friendly Introduction by Jayne Werner The following essay is a translation from the Vietnamese of a review of David G. Marr's Vietnamese Anticolonialism (University of California Press, 1971) by Nguyen Cong Sinh, a prominent Democratic Republic of Vietnam historian, whose work on the Vietnamese revolution has been a significant part of the collective scholarship on contemporary Vietnamese history being undertaken today. Sinh's work on contemporary Vietnamese history has included numerous articles in Nghien Cuu Lich Su IHistorical Studiesl and other journals on aspects of the Can Vuong (royalist movement against the French), the working relationship with the Vietnamese people. Because of this reason, the American people would like to have a better understanding of the land and people of Vietnam, past and present. However, in the United States "the study of Vietnamese anti-colonial movements has been largely the preserve of the political scientist, the practicing journalist, and the intelligence specialist." 1 Since nearly all of these people have conducted their research according to strict political guidelines from the White House and the Pentagon, they have ignored the historical truth in an effort to justify present-day American neo-colonialism. Despite these limitations, Marr's Vietnamese Anticolonialism is one of the first historical studies published in the United States which makes a larger contribution to America's understanding of the Vietnamese struggle for freedom and independence, and thereby shows that the present U.S. war of aggression is doomed to failure. ciass, the nature of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, and aspects of the 1945 August Revolution. The appearance of the review of Marr's book by such a prominent D.R.V. historian, plus the fact that this is the first serious U.S. historical work on Vietnam that has been reviewed in Ngbien Cuu Lich Su, and the unusual length of the review (which testifies to the reviewer's interest in the book), all serve to underscore the importance of Vietnamese Anticolonialism as a scholarly study of contemporary Vietnamese history. The Vietnamese interest should lead to a greater effort on the part of progressive Asian scholars in the United States to become acquainted with this book as a basic guide, in English, to the first resistance struggle against the French from I H85 to 1925. On the whole the review of Vietnamese Anticolonialism is a favorable one, which is notable since the Vietnamese have not been satisfied with most Western attempts to conceptualize their history. Even Jean Chesneaux, a noted French historian, has come under attack. 40 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org A Search for the Historical Truth To lay a scientific foundation for his study, Marr collected and painstakingly researched much of the published material on Vietnamese history from 1885 to 1925, material dating from then to the present published in Vietnam, France, and the United States, as well as such other countries as China, Japan, and Great Britain. He did not overlook French authors of the past any more than contemporary foreign authors who write about Vietnamese history. Marr's clearly stated viewpoint is worth noting: "One of the historiographical aims of this book is to demonstrate that the time has come to take Vietnamese language sources quite seriously. The bulk have corrie out since 1954, in an effort to make up for all the decades when Vietnamese publishing suffered under strict French controls." 2 Vietnamese language sources are listed first in the bibliography and they amount to approximately 70 percent of the total. Marr's opinions and methods are objective and scientific. Previous research on Vietnam has been the preserve of French authors, many of whom were administrative officials or senior military men engaged in attacking or occupying our country. They looked at Vietnam from the steps of a Catholic church or from the deck of a French warship; and because of their vested interest in colonialism, they distorted the truth about the history of the Vietnamese anti-colonial struggle. The Vietnamese nation and people have created a glorious achievement in their struggle for independence and freedom, and this struggle has been documented by books, popular cultural forms, and historical artifacts. These are the most important materials any historian must use who wants to reconstruct Vietnam's anti-colonial history accurately. Marr writes: Nguyen Cong Binh does have a number of criticisms of Marr's book, discussed at the end of the review. But he essentially feels that it captures the national and progressive character of the first resistance efforts against the French, first in the royalist movement led by members of the Vietnamese imperial and loyal scholar-gentry after the French conquest, and then by other scholar-gentry figures such as Phan Boi Chau and Phan Chu Trinh, who bridged the gap between the royalist resistance and communist resistance. (The Communist party was founded in 1930 by Ho Chi Minh.) One of the major points that the reviewer makes is that through their anti-French, anticolonial struggles the Vietnamese people in many instances rose up spontaneously against their foreign aggressor without being prompted by their supposed leaders, the scholar-gentry, many of whom accepted collaboration. Thus although backward in many ways they were able to advance their history and take a proud place among other nations, some of them more advanced than they along the road to socialism. What was basically a national struggle against French rule, with thousands of years of national history and heritage behind it, became at last capable, with the founding of the Communist party, of being directed towards the ultimate defeat of the French, and by extension of the United States, and to building of socialism in the D.R.V. The reviewer feels that David Marr's book shows a new methodology for U.S. historians of Vietnam, seeing the early national movement as a progressive and important struggle and patriotism as the thread which runs through Vietnamese history. Only thus can one explain the continuity of the entire struggle and why the communist movement won in the end. Nguyen Cong Binh also praises the book for bringing out how savage and brutal colonialism was in Vietnam, a fact which most Western historians have either ignored or underplayed. He also lauds Marr's presentation of the vacuity of la mission civi/isatrice and of the contrasting constant efforts undertaken by the Vietnamese, at all stages during the colonial period, to get rid of the French, dispelling the illusion of the "peaceful native." The main criticism the \ Some readers may feel tbat I bave relied too beavily 01/ publications from Hal/oi. Tbis is maillly because scbolars ill North Vietnam have moved far abead of their contemporaries ill tbe Soutb ill tbe patiellt collectioll, annotation, and publicatioll of primary data 011 anti-colollial activities. 3 That point is obvious, as anyone who studies Vietnamese history can see. For example, the British historian Martin Bernal, who visited both Hanoi and Saigon in the beginning of 1971, commented that he was "deeply impressed" by the large amount of historical research being undertaken in north Vietnam, and he reported that even the most ardent anticommunist "scholars" in Saigon have had to acknowledge that the North promotes historical and archaeological research and translation of ancient writings much more than the South_ 4 This accomplishment is based on the superior political system the North has, a system which was built on a glorious victory over colonialism, consequently opening up many opportunities for people engaged in historical studies to do research and to put the historical record straight, and to investigate objectively the process of our people defeating the colonial power. This research has in turn stimulated the whole people to rise up and defeat present-day American neo-colonialism. If "the Ilanoi system is the only genuine representative of the Vietnamese spirit," 5 then the system in Saigon fears the historical truth about the people's anti-colonial struggle. It obstructs and even forbids progressive southern intellectuals from wrItmg about what actually happened. A case in point is that of Father Truong Ba Can reviewer has of the book is that it does not emphasize enough the popular chantcter which was the driving force hehind the early national movement, which was not exclusively in the hands of a few scholar-gentry living in exile abroad in Japan and China but truly expressed a spirit of resistance that permeated the popular classes. I1istorical research is now a large part of scholarly activity being undertaken today in the D.R.V., after a century of neglect under colonial rule when the French Ecole Francaise de l'Extreme-Orient, located in lIanoi, was forbidden by law to study controversial political matters in Vietnamese history. c'oncentntting instead on art and literature. In 1953, when the Vietnamese resistance against colonial rule was heading towards the Dien Bien "hu victory, the Central Committee of the Communi,t p a r t ~ ' took steps to establish historical research priorities and facilities. The Committee for Vietnamese Literary, Ilistorical, and Geographic'al Studies was founded and guidelines, basing Vietnamese historical researdl on Marxism-Leninism and orienting research towards developing the national spirit of the people, were established. In the beginning of 1959 the Ilistoricallnstitute, under the direction of the State Committee for Sciences, was founded and in that same year this Institute staned publishing .Vgbie/l CIIII Lie/} SII, the D.R.V. 's main historic'al journal. One of the D.R.V.'s most well-known historians, Tran lIuy Lieu, headed the Institute until his recent death. With the new priorities, historical studies throughout the country were spurred, as other organizations and localities started to conduct research on topi.:s, including both pre-historic and modern history, most pertinent to them; historical commissions of the party in local areas and in factories started to work on .:ollecting data on history in their areas, while schools and the army have also contributed to the general effort. Nguyen Cong Sinh has been at the forefront of the effort by the Vietnamese to write their own history of the last one hundred years, both at the Historical Institute and on party commissions on historical research_ See Phan Gia Ben, La Recherche historique en Republique Democratique du Vietnam, 1953-1963 (Hanoi: Editions Scientifiques IXuat Ban Khao Hoc] ,1965). 1 41 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org whose historical work was written in mid-1971. 6 Tran Trong Kim's An Outline History of Vietnam (Viet Nam Su Luoc), written during the heyday of French colonialism and presenting the colonialist and feudalist viewpoint, on the other hand, "is regarded as either official teaching or irrefutable dogma."? Marr's research for Vietnamese Anticolonialism was conducted from an impartial standpoint and it displays an objective attitude essential to historians doing scientific research. Marr has also used a wide range of materials, from which he has been able to draw his own objective conclusions. An Improvement in Methodology: The Theme That Patriotism Is the Red Thread Running through Vietnamese History The unique feature of modern Vietnamese history is that since the early 1930s Vietnamese patriots have solely rallied around the banner of national salvation of the Communist Party. This situation contributed to the rapid development of the Vietnamese revolution which moved from one victory to another. Today Vietnam represents to the world the knife-point of the attack of mankind on its number one enemy, American imperialism. Many foreign historians studying Vietnam have focused on the political question central to recent Vietnamese history, that is, the anti-colonialist movement. They have been faced with the unique feature of this movement, as mentioned above, the fact that the Party of the working class has provided the only real leadership of the people. In Vietnam: A Political History, Joseph Buttinger says: in writing the history of modern Vietnam, the question inevitably arises why the Communist Party gained such an enormous influence among intellectuals, workers, and peasants. The same question can be formulated differently: why did the non-communist nationalists fail to rally enough popular support to prevent the Communists from securing the leadership of the anti-colonial forces?8 Marr poses a similar question: "Why did Communists succeed in Vietnam ... ? More precisely, why did non-communist groups lose out so decisively in Vietnam?,,9 Buttinger's answer is that the strength of communism in Vietnam came from the fact that the French failed to industrialize. Vietnam sufficiently and did not let indigenous capitalism develop to the point where "real" benefits to the people could be attained, and therefore "non-communist nationalist groups" were unable to assume the leadership of the people. Jean Chesneaux's answer in the book Le Vietnam is that one of the factors was that "colonial authorities were never concerned with developing a loyal opposition like the Congress Party in India." 10 Although Marr's study does not treat the communist Tran Trong Kim was head of the Japanese-installed Vietnamese government March-August 1945. (The Japanese ended French rule in Indochina in March 1945 after a coup de force against the Vichy-appointed regime.) He was deposed by the August Revolution led by the Viet Minb which proclaimed the independence of Vietnam on September 2. Tran Trong Kim wrote An Outline History of Vietnam in 1928. movement as such in Vietnam, Vietnamese Anticolonialism only covers the years up to 1925-26 when the leader Nguyen Ai Quoc [Ho Chi Minh) founded the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association, forerunner of the Indochinese Communist Party), he still answers this question in a way that does not see the strength of the Communist movement in terms of any "mistakes" made by French colonialism. "The French did not allow the Vietnamese to modernize their institutions effectively or allow them any real responsibility for self-government, but that is not because the French made a mistake" 11 (my emphasis). In other words, he does not consider "mistakes" to have been the essence of colonialism. Where has colonialism in fact industrialized a colony or encouraged the development of national capitalism? For real industrialization to occur, the feudal system of agriculture would have to be eliminated and the peasants given the land they till. Markets for native industry would have to be developed, raw materials would have to go into the industrial development of the colony, rather than to enrich monopoly capitalists in the metropolitan country, which makes the colony dependent on the colonial power. To ask colonialism to industrialize its colony and develop national capitalism is to ask that it no longer be colonialism. Also it is not historically accurate to state that the French colonialists were not interested in supporting reformist nationalists. Albert Sarraut's (former Governor General of Indochina) statement of May 1919 together with the activities of people like Pham Quynh, Nguyen Van Vinh, Tran Trong Hue, and even people like Bui Quang Chieu * show that one of the most important policies of the colonialists after World War I was to build up and support reformist nationalism among native upper-class intellectuals in order to counteract the influence of communism. The fact was that in the colony of Vietnam, the national movement of the people had become very strong and that is why reformist nationalism never fully developed. Revolutionary nationalist organizations, on the other hand, like the Vietnam Nationalist Party (Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang) disintegrated entirely after the failure of the Yen Bai revolt.t Some of the true patriots who survived the repression later fought under the banner of the Communist Party. If one blames the failure of the non-communist nationalist-reformist movement to develop on The Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association (Tbanb Nien Cacb Mang Dong Chi Hoi) was founded in Canton by Ho Chi Minh to prepare for the founding of a communist party in Vietnam, which he established in February 1930. See Viet Nam Workers' Party, An Outline History of the Viet Nam Workers' Party (1930-1970). (New Delhi, India: New Age Press, 1972), 1-5. Pham Quynh, considered to be the father of national-reformism in Vietnam, published a review in Hanoi called Nam Phong [South Wind] which called for a return to the old Confucian principles which had governed the Vietnamese dynastic regimes in the past, while continuing to collaborate with the French and to maintain colonial domination. Nguyen Van Vinh was another nationalist-reformist leader who published a newspaper in the North. Bui Quang Chieu was the main leader of national-reformism in the South, which pressed for economic and political reforms, but not social change, from the French. See Nguyen Nghe and Nguyen Khanh (two North Vietnamese writers), "La pensee philosophique et sociologique au Vietnam," La Nouvelle Critique, Nuinc!ro Speciale sur Ie Vietnam, 1962. t The Viet Nam Quoe Dan Dang, the main revolutionary nationalist party in Vietnam, was founded in 1927 and was modelled in name, organization, and programs after the Chinese Kuomintang. It advocated 42 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org French colonialist mistakes, does this viewpoint not help to justify present-day American neo-colonialism? 12 Vietnamese Anti-colonialism tries to find the source of the strength of communism in Vietnam, and the source of the strength of the Vietnamese people under the leadership of the Communists, by looking at the internal process of development of Vietnamese history, from which the present period is the necessary and logical outcome, rather than by examining the mistakes the colonialists might have made. Patriotism is the moral principle of the Vietnamese people, and it has been inherited from past generations and enriched over the course of Vietnamese history, running like a red thread through that history. The book states that "a fundamental assumption is that one cannot understand resistance efforts in more recent times without going back at least to 1885." 13 "Without a doubt the 'continuity' [my quotes] of Vietnamese anti-colonialism is a highly-charged, historically self-conscious resistance to oppressive, degrading foreign rule." 14 Patriotism is "an ethic '" that was successfully passed on to subsequent generations providing what I believe is one of the real keys to an understanding of anti-colonial movements in Vietnam. "IS This sense of continuity is not only a simple process, but it has been inherited and developed through each historical stage in Vietnam. Chapter I, an introduction to Vietnam's thousands of years' old resistance to foreign aggression during the feudal era, is headed by a verse by Nguyen Trai: Dau cuong nhuoc co luc khac nhau Song hao "kiet d oi nao cung co Although we have been at times weak, at times strong, We have never lacked heroes. -Nguyen Trai, Binh Ngo Dai Cao The Tayson peasant revolt to overthrow feudalism, smash the Ching (Manchu) dynasty aggressive clique and unify the country was the end of a process of struggle for freedom and independence by the p e ~ p l e before the advent of French colonialism. But "this resistance [the Tayson revolt] provided the last historical precedent for the scholar-gentry groups almost a century later who also attempted to foil the foreigners." 16 After covering the first years of the anti-French resistance in the South with Truong Dinh and Nguyen Dinh Chieu, the author reaches the Can Vuong [Save the King] movement. "The Can Vuong movement provided crucial moral and spiritual continuity to the long struggle against this new foreign invader.,,17 "And as we shall see, the next generation armed struggle against the French, organizing the Vietnamese soldiers in the French militia, was of an anticommunist tendency, and lacked a well-defined social program. It also lacked a mass base but organized the revolt of the soldiers at the Yen Bay garrison against their French officers in February 1930 which was a terrible failure. See: A Century of National Struggles. Vietnamese Studies, No. 24 (Hanoi: Foreign Languages Publishing House) 84-86. Proclamation of Victory over the Ngo [the invadersl, 1428, written by famous Vietnamese statesman and poet Nguyen Trai. Victory referred to is over the Chinese (Ming dynasty), whom the Vietnamese expelled in 1427. See Traditional Vietnam, Vietnamese Studies No. 21, 92-98, for English translation of complete poem, one of the finest in Vietnamese literature. came to maturity amidst this turmoil. Whether later they were sympathetic to or skeptical of Can Vuong efforts, the positions they argued and the actions they took were in large part conditioned by the tactical failures and the spiritual successes of their predecessors." 18 After the Can Vuong movement at the beginning of the twentieth century the resistance, which had developed a national and democratic character, took many resourceful forms such as armed uprisings, economic, political, cultural and ideological struggle. Marr says that "the demonstrations and violence in 1908 ... represent both an end and a beginning. It is possible to view them as final outbursts in the traditional mold. . .. The beginning of a new era came in 1908 as a result of the progressive scholar-gentry. ,,19And the events of 1903 to 1908 ... were of overriding importance in setting the direction of anti-colonial movements in Vietnam, explaining in large part the abortive putschism of the next decade, the anti-colonial position of the generation which emerged in the 1920s and even the ultimate forging of the Viet Minh between 1941 and 1945. 20 Marr has also expounded in a more general way on Vietnamese patriotism, on the change in the character of this patriotism in modern Vietnamese history: The Can Vuong generation of the 1880s and 1890s to the anti-colonial groups of the 1920s was a vast political leap, and it was men of the turn of the century like Phan Boi Chau and Phan Chu Trinh who provided whatever bridges there were between. On the crucial subject of patriotism, for example, the century had begun with the basic imperative still being fidelity (trung)..... The term "love of country" (yeu nuoc; Sino- Vietnamese ai-quoc) certainly existed, but it was generally subsumed under fidelity. However, during the period of the Dong Du movement and the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc, love of country achieved a new status of its own, relating to the land and people as a whole. This concept quickly took precedence over traditional fidelity, and by the 1920s the latter term had been altered until it could effectively be subsumed under the former. 21 The change in the character of Vietnamese patriotism, from patriotism based on the scholar-gentry to patriotism based on the proletarian class, is not a simple problem, however. Marr has not yet given a satisfactory answer to this, as we point out in the last part of the article. However, the history of Vietnamese anti-colonialism presented by the writer in the above terms leads the reader to make a number of objective conclusions: 1. The Vietnamese tradition of patriotism, passed down for centuries and enriched in the course of Vietnam's historical The Dong Du [Eastern Study] movement was organized by Phan Boi Chau and sent several hundred students to Japan to study modern science and military training during the years 1907-1909. The Dong Kinb Ngbia Tbuc [Hanoi Free Study Institute) was founded in 1907 by modernist scholars in Hanoi and offered courses on literature, modern science and math to an enrollment of several thousand. The colonial regime forced the Institute to close in 1910 but it marked a turning point in the intellectual evolution of the country. See Marr, 120-155, 156-184. 43 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org evolution, shows that the Vietnamese people have always fought the invaders to save the country and that they have never bowed down to slavery but have always been victorious in the end. In ancient times, and for a period of over a thousand years, Vietnam was threatened, invaded, and ill-treated under the rule of very strong foreign feudalists. But with a heroic and durable spirit and unbounded determination, the Vietnamese people gloriously triumphed and remained the masters of their own land. The principles of the just cause and national unity were the sources of their strength and the lasting factors which caused Vietnam to win. Western-style colonialism came to Vietnam with modern methods of capitalist production, modern weapons, a professional army and an evil policy of dividing our people. The colonialists thought there was nothing which could stand up to them and kick them out. Vietnam truly had a formidable challenge, but in the end the colonialists could not suppress the Vietnamese people. The end of the French colonial regime in 1945 and the historic Dien Bien Phu victory, which Vietnamese Anticolonialism refers to in its conclusion, shows that in the clash between the just cause and the unjust cause, what finally determines victory or defeat is not technology or weapons. If a people have the determination and unity to struggle for liberation, then the oppressors cannot stop them from winning. This is why the war of aggression waged by the United States in Vietnam will unavoidably result in complete defeat. 2. The Vietnamese tradition of patriotism, passed down for centuries and enriched in the course of Vietnam's historical evolution, demonstrates the truth that there is nothing more precious than independence and freedom. Independence and freedom are the most precious things in the life of the people, not only in Vietnam, but in all nations. The Vietnamese Declaration of Independence of 1945 affirmed that "all peoples of the world are created equal; every nation has the right to life, happiness and liberty." Thus aggression, enslavement and destruction of the right to live of a nation by another is unjust, immoral, inhuman, and must be fiercely resisted. During its thousands of years' old effort to protect and win its sacred right to live independently, Vietnam demonstrated from early on the struggle between the just cause and the unjust cause, civilization and brutality: Successfully we confronted barbarity with justice, And fought brutality with humanity.22 Western colonialism was a new form of oppression, more cruel than the old form because it relied on the most advanced power and technology and turned the aggressors into the most barbaric of human beings as they carried out their aggressive war, exploited and usurped the people's right to live. The Vietnamese history of resisting French colonialism by our just right of self-defense is a history of glorious struggle of the just cause and civilization. The resistance against the Americans to save the country today again shows in the most obvious way that Vietnam is the conscience of mankind, that the American aggressors are savage and immoral to the point that they have lost all human quality. President Ho Chi Minh in his appeal to the people of July 20, 1968, said: "A decisive struggle between the just cause and the unjust cause, between civilization and brutality, is occurring in our country today." 3. The Vietnamese tradition of patriotism, passed down for centuries and enriched in the course of Vietnam's historical evolution, merging with mankind's evolution as a whole, not only demonstrates that the spirit of independence is an ancient principle, but expresses a will and capability to be independent and self-reliant, and has raised the Vietnamese process of historical development up to the level of the current stage in world history. The Vietnamese struggle has a basically progressive and revolutionary character because its tasks have been winning independence for the nation and achieving freedom for its people. Revolution means being inventive: it demands constant improvement of programs and forms of struggle which are appropriate to the situation, to advance towards victory. "Later generations did study the political positions and review the tactics of their predecessors, trying to learn from their errors. When their objective circumstances did improve, there was this reservoir of practical history to give . d d d . ,,23 them both sober perspective an un aunte tenaCity.... Thus, when the new era dawned after the October Revolution, the Vietnamese Revolution, with the activities of the leader Nguyen Ai Quoc, the first communist in Vietnam, became a part of the world socialist revolution. Vietnamese Anticolonialism says that Quite obviously, most of the world had undergone momentous change by the early 19205. First in ripples, then in waves, the impact would be felt in Vietnam . ... Vietnam was possessed of a meaningful history, both in the immediate and more distant senses, but Vietnam was at this time part of world history as never before imagined. One way to perceive some of the important, yet subtle, relatIOnships between what we have studied in previous chapters and the events of later years is to outline the early life of the man, who more than any other, came to dominate the modern history of his country, Nguyen Ai QuoC. 24 Considering the fact that the Vietnamese process of historical development has raised itself up to the current stage in world history, one cannot avoid concluding that today's task of opposing the United States and saving the country is the continuation and the crystallization of the thousands of years' old tradition of driving out invaders and protecting the country. The present period of fighting the United States, saving the country and building socialism in the North likewise are the continuation and development of four thousand years of Vietnamese history and are now a part of the world revolution. Some Objective Observations Vietnamese Anticolonialism has a number of objective observations on various historical movements and concrete historical events which illustrate the author's independent thinking. (1) The author shows that colonialism in Vietnam was a savage, oppressive system of exploitation from its inception. Colonialism still has a number of ardent apologists today. Rupert Emerson in his From Empire to Nation states that colonialism paved the way to "democracy," that "western concepts such as human rights and humanitarianism were propagated by the colonial powers in the colonies, that colonies were mere instruments to spread the intellectual, scientific and material revolution of the West which began in the Renaissance." 25 Philippe Devillers in his Histoire du 44 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Vietnam de 1940 a 1952 even boasted about the French mission civilisatrice saying that the West had made social and economic contributions to Vietnam and that "if the overall benefits that France and Vietnam respectively drew from their encounter are compared, it cannot be debated that Vietnam gained a lot more than France where only a few thousand individuals took a profit from Indochina." 26 Vietnamese A nticolonialism objectively states that Vietnam was artificially partitioned for reasons "based above all on economic advantage to the colon and political expediency for the French administration." 27 The French colonialists divided the people: "After 1867 it was quite difficult for Vietnamese to circulate in and out of south Vietnam. . .. two segments of an entire generation of Vietnamese [were] cut off from each other. Then, between north and central Vietnam after 1885 the same thing began to develop...." 28 The colonialists freely robbed the Vietnamese of their belongings: "many landowners in the south returned to their villages after 1863 or 1867, only to find Frenchmen or French-protected Vietnamese in irreversible custody of their property.... In north and central Vietnam after the collapse of the Can Vuong movement there were similar rude shocks to many, both resister and refugee, as they filtered back to their home villages ..." 29 The colonialists treated our people with contempt, hardly above animals. 3o These are the realities about "human rights," "equality," and la mission civilisatrice that the colonialists brought to Vietnam. Vietnamese A nticolonialism faithfully reflects the Vietnamese viewpoint which regards the French invaders to have been "savages. ,,31 Vietnamese patriotism was thus "an ethic nurtured on a day-to-day basis by the slights and savageries of French colonial rule .... " 32 (2) Vietnamese Anticolonialism sees the Can Vuong movement led by feudal scholars as patriotic and progressive, one which was inherited and developed by its successors. This view is diametrically opposed to the opinion of some foreign historians. For example, Philippe Devillers in his above-mentioned work agrees with Captain Grosselin's view in his book L 'Empire d'Annam that Many scholars ill the end recognized tbat it was useless to continue the struggle and that without modern weapolls defeat was inescapable ... they were conscious of the backwardness of their country, and of the need for modernization and opening up the country to outside influences, ill this instance Frallce, that great Western power whose moral prestige was well known to them and to which they were favorably predisposed. 33 Obviously this viewpoint is a blatant defense of colonialism. Jean Chesneaux observes about the Can Vuollg movement that This struggle was waged vigorously and was widely supported by the masses. But it was hopeless and lacking ill perspective. These Confucian scholargentry ollly fought ill the name of honor and for a nostalgia of an unredeemable past. 33a And: The Confucian intellectuals who led the "revolt of the scholar-gentry" from 1885-1895 were secluded in the nostalgia of the past. Vietnam was desperately alone and nothing on the horizon could offer a ray of hope. 33b Naturally the ideology of the scholar-gentry was feudalistic but the above mistaken views hold that our people were still attached to a dying feudal culture. Chesneaux also considers the sole aim of the Can Vuong movement to have been the defense of an old outdated culture based on the Confucian concept of loyalty to the king. The author of Vietnamese Anticolonialism states that: It has been easy for some observers, particularly those who ('annot sense the Vietnamese people's aggressive pride in themselves and their history, to dismiss this loyalist movement [the Can Vuong movement) as simply the last stand of an outmoded, obscurantist ideal. Yet there is a continuity, an unbroken thread tying this "antiquated" [my quotes} resistance to more successful efforts in the twentieth century. 34 (3) Vietnamese Anticolonialism makes a number of objective observations on the progressive character, scope, and significance of the various resistance movements in the early twentieth century. The author directly takes issue with Jean Chesneaux that the Vietnamese bourgeoisie emerged during the first part of the twentieth century. "On the basis of the evidence, it seems unrealistic to argue for the existence of a conscious, self-assertive class-even a small one-until after World War I." 5 The author disagrees with Chesneaux that "the bourgeoisie became active in the first part of the twentieth century, at a time when the national movement was in decline." 36 Vietnamese Anticolonialism sees the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc "as a vigorous but short-lived movement [and] very much an anticolonial, antitraditionalist phenomenon. . .. I believe that the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc movement served several important - perhaps essential purposes for the young men who would constitute later generations of anticolonialists." 37 The author considers the tax movement of 1908 to have been "of inestimable importance [because] for the first time, the peasants took their grievances directly to the French residents, after having learned to their own satisfaction that the mandarin representatives of Hue were indeed powerless, impotent." 38 Vietnamese Anti colonialism also devotes many pages to Phan Boi Chau, the symbolic figure of the patriotic movement in the first part of the twentieth century, as well as the Dong Du movement led by him. The Vietnamese anti-colonial movement at the first part of the twentieth century did not "decline" but developed not only more vigorously but more progressively. This fact demonstrates that Vietnam had, since the very early days, exposed the corruption and impotence of imperialism precisely at the time when imperialism was becoming master of the world and shackling all of Vietnam in chains. Through its revolutionary movements -- which were not led by the bourgeoisie-the Vietnamese people expressed their spirit of self-reliance and their ability to catch up with the trends in world history at the time when mankind had moved to the doorstep of socialism. What was the Moving Force behind Vietnamese Anti-colonialism? Vietnamese Anticolonialism though admirable contains weaknesses. Vietnamese history, within the period examined by the author, seemed to contain a number of paradoxes. 45 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Early national liberation movements at the end of the nineteenth century did not escape feudalistic ideology, yet the feudal class had lost its historical role. At the beginning of the twentieth century bourgeois tendencies had emerged, although a bourgeois class had not yet appeared, and when the bourgeoisie began to enter the political arena in the 1920s the leadership of the people was rapidly and completely transferred to the working class. The problem is, why was the Vietnamese patriotic tradition able to be inherited and enriched, why was the character of the Vietnamese patriotic movement transformed so rapidly, and why did it meet the historical requirements of the time? The author has not yet gone deeply enough into these questions, which deal with the popular nature of the Vietnamese patriotic movement. But it is necessary to say immediately that the author does not share Philippe Devillers' historical viewpoint that: "History has shown that it is made by a few." 39 Marr does go into the role of the popular masses participating in the anti-colonialist movement. For example, in the end of Chapter I, "The Nature of Vietnamese Identity," Marr comes to the conclusion that: "one of the most important messages of Vietnamese history seems to be that enough of the elite had enough in common with the mass of the peasantry to pool their talents at appropriate times in ultimately victorious struggle against a foreign invader." 40 When the French colonialists conquered Cochinchina and the feudalist court showed its impotence and cowardice, "a fair proportion of the population in the Mekong delta had taken matters into its own hands. ,,41 At the beginning of the twentieth century, "the mass of [the) Vietnamese ... retained their emotional hatred of foreign domination and understood the call for armed struggle.,,42 But the author has not delved deeply enough into this basic problem, the fact that the popular masses were the main moving force behind the Vietnamese patriotic movement. Consequently the author has not properly explained the course and continuity of Vietnamese history and the transformation of the Vietnamese patriotic and revolutionary movements. 1. Concerning the origins and character of the Call Vuong movement. In discussing the situation in Hue in 1884, preceding the Ham-nghi uprising (July 1885), the author observes: "Ton That Thuyet dallied for another year and a half before doing what might have been obvious decades before-namely, withdrawal of the king from Hue into the mountains and proclamation of a countrywide movement of resistance." 43 In other words, why was the Can Vuong movement capable of breaking out in 1885, and not "decades before"? More importantly, why was the movement able to develop in such lively fashion? Of course, there was the immediate factor that the situation in Hue in the middle of 1885 simply forced Ton That Thuyet to the decision to rise up. There was also a longer-standing cause: a number of scholar-gentry of patriotic spirit, who previously had waited patiently for the Hue court to take a position of resistance, finally had their iingering hopes shattered by the defeatist treaties of 1883 and 1884. But these factors were not adequate in themselves. It is necessary to speak of a deeper, more fundamental source: the role and activities of the masses-at that time essentially the peasantry-in the resistance struggle in general, and in particular their role in the outbreak, patterns and essential character of the Can Vuong movment. During the initial period in south Vietnam, it was they, those people "first and foremost familiar with the work of digging, plowing, harrowing and transplanting, who have not yet been trained to use shields, muskets, swords and banners,,,44 who courageously rose up and killed the French bandits. It was those people who, with "only a snatch of cloth around the waist, a bamboo spear in hand,,,45 refused to give way before the enemy, "even though they were up against metal ships with belching smokestacks, iron cannon with lead projectiles.,,46 It was they who jumped and "seized the horse's head" when Truong Dinh still hesitated in the face of a royal order to assume new duties in An-giang. In short, they represented the strength, the vitality of the Vietnamese people, at a time when the feudal class had terminated its historical role. That strength and vitality was transmitted to the hearts of those scholar-gentry who still retained the millenial cultural spirit of the people, of which patriotism was the very essence. The masses both rose up of their own accord and responded to scholar-gentry calls, both attacked the French directly and protested surrender edicts from the royal court. When the French colonialists invaded north Vietnam in 1873, and then 1882, popular feelings boiled over. As Vietnamese Anticolonialism explains, "Royal court records of this period were filled with messages from district mandarins to the effect that the people were asking to fight, wanting to fight. ,,47 Wherever the enemy went, the people jumped forth in resistance, while the court showed itself to be extremely feeble and cowardly. And then, when the court signed the defeatist treaty of 1883, the attitude of the people was quite clear-cut: Crowds move to and fro, beating drums, waving flags In this battle we 'Il strike botb tbe court a/Jd the Westemers. 48 One unsettling comparison which progressively etched itself into the minds of those scholar-gentry retaining a patriotic spirit was the total powerlessness and surrender mentality of the court, versus the refusal of the people in general ever to accept submission. The people's ardent patriotism, their unyielding will, their firm yet supple capacity for struggle, and their illuminating sense of just cause-all these served as a conceptual foundation for the patriotic scholar-gentry, a solid post for getting up again, as well as a source of talertt and material assistance in building a broad, numerous literati movement. By simultaneously opposing the foreign bandit aggressors and the court clique that would surrender and sell out the country, the Call Vuong movement became patriotic and progressive in nature, even though the scholar-gentry leaders of that time still held on to their old feudal ideology. Subsequently, the essence of the movement was passed on and expanded in a new environment, that is to say, the popular, democratic campaigns of the early twentieth century. 2. Concerning the character of the early twentieth century movements. Vietnamese Anticolonialism states that, "if one believes that it is possible to have a stri(,tly intellectual revolution, that 46 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org is, a changing of minds that sets certain men or certain classes marching in substantially new political and economic directions, then there was a revolution of sorts in Vietnam between 1900 and 1910.,,49 The author has already affirmed the. patriotic and "anti-traditional," in short, the revolutionary character of these movements. But does it follow that this revolutionary character was only expressed in the intellectual arena and, more importantly, why was the movement revolutionary? Ideology always has an international aspect. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Asia was seething with bourgeois democratic currents of thought, and this influenced Vietnam. But Vietnam was receptive only to these currents because there was a real base for them. In their efforts at colonial exploitation, the French imperialists combined tightly the piratical manner of contemporary capitalism with the barbaric, oppressive, thieving nature of feudalism. And they did this on the economic, political, cultural and ideological fronts. The feudal class became a mere appendage of the colonial ruling system. Meanwhile, capitalism in Vietnam began to sprout and seek means of expansion. Thus it was that the movements at the opening of the twentieth century, besides having a national character, also had a democratic character. Naturally democracy at this time had not yet struck at the roots of feudalism. Yet it was expressed on political, economic, cultural and ideological fronts (education according to the new concepts; campaigns to study the romanized script [quoc-ngu); opposing rote memorization of the classics; promoting new culture versus outmoded customs; opposing corrupt, bullying mandarins and village officials; emphasizing industrialization and purchase of local products). Of course, each of these revolutionary actions had its own ideological content, but it is not possible to argue that it was a revolution purely of intellectual, ideological nature. To do this draws one easily into the trap of regarding the origins of revolution as merely a foreign import or as simply an ideological exercise of a few leading scholar-gentry. This ignores the role of the people, the masses -the root cause of the widespread, revolutionary character of the movement. Contradictions between the people and the colonialists and feudalists, as well as the people's drive for independence and freedom that stemmed from earlier periods, were all sharpened progressively by French exploitative activities (witness the continuous uprisings and the obvious discontent with harsh, greedy colonial, feudal policies). That situation continued to influence the patriotic scholar-gentry, so that when they did make contact with "Asian winds and European rains,"* whether favoring reformistt programs or hoping for I.e. receptive to modern thinking, either from China and Japan or from Europe. t Referring to the distinction Marr makes between "reformist" scholar-gentry and "activist" scholar-gentry. Both groups were against French rule. Some of Phan Hoi Chau's (who founded the Reformation Society, Duy Tan Hoi) associates and eventually Phan himself represented the activist side of the scholar-gentry movement since "the basic priorities of this group were always activist, violent, even putschist in character." (Marr, 121) Reformist or "modernist" scholar-gentry (note that this was not the same type of reformism usually associated with the bourgeoisie), like Phan Chu Trinh, stressed the non-violent, political attack on colonialism and the need for republican institutions. See Marr, 135-6. 156-7. external aid, they still retained an independent, nation-oriented position. (The objective of the Reformation Society was to "first and foremost regain national independence" and, for scholar-gentry of the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc, to "chant independence prayers at the reformation pagoda.") Then, too, the postures of reformism or activism of the scholar-gentry, when spread among the masses thirsting for independence and freedom, tended to be assimilated with discretion, according to mass needs and aspirations. They merged reformist and activist tendencies and, as a result, created broader, larger movements of revolutionary, mass character. Both the Eastern Study movement and the Dong Kinh Nghia Tbuc were like this. And, in particular, the reformist movement in central Vietnam, when it penetrated the masses, became an activist movement of tens of thousands of peasants refusing tax payments, opposing corvee duty, punishing overweening landlords serving as enemy lackies, and generally causing the colonial-feudal regime in many districts to suffer paralysis. The revolutionary, mass character of the early twentieth century movements raised up higher the spirit of independence and self-determination of the Vietnamese people, at the same time reflecting their self-strengthening, self-sufficient attitudes and their ability to surge forth together with the advancing waves of human history. 3. Also, because the author of Vietnamese Anticolonialism has yet to go deep into the mass character of Vietnam's patriotic movements, he cannot thoroughly analyze and explain the "Changing the Guard" matter contained in the final chapter, which serves to conclude the historical period and thus his study. The years following the First World War were the golden era of French imperialism in Vietnam, as they proceeded to invest in and to pillage the colony with unprecedented intensity and scale. More than ever before the Vietnamese nation was heavily shackled and enslaved, the working masses were forced into misery and deprivation. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie was small and feeble, talking about reformism, in short, lacking the capacity to assert .national leadership. But the vitality of the nation, coming again from the strength of the masses struggling for independence and freedom, asserted itself after the war in various national democratic movements. That was also the opening of a new era for humanity. At the same time as an independence movement was developing among the working class, as a patriotic movement was spreading within the urban petit bourgeois class, and as the peasants were about to explode in wrath, Marxism-Leninism was brought by leader Nguyen Ai Quoc, his comrades and disciples in the Viet-Nam Thanh Nien Cach Mang Dong Cl.>i Hoi [Vietnam Revolutionary Youh Association) to the people of Vietnam thirsting for true independence and freedom. Marxism-Leninism came to the Vietnamese people like fresh water to a thirsty traveler, like food to the famished. Nguyen Ai Quoc had moved from simple patriotism to Marxism-Leninism. Now he proceeded to guide the people along the path he had already trod. The' people of Vietnam found in Marxism-Leninism the final, systematic road to national liberation, and the job of national liberation became both the objective condition for, and the result of, progress in liberating the proletarian and other laboring classes. 47 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org After the establishment of the Viet-Nam Thanh Nien Cach Mang Dong Chi Hoi a strong wave of national democratic feeling swept the entire country, during which the working classes emerged as an independent political force and the other patriotic elements were swept along the revolutionary path of the proletariat. A historical phenomenon unique to Vietnam had occurred: only five years after the Viet-Nam Thanh Nien Cach Mang Dong Chi Hoi had been born, the banner of national salvation of the party and the proletariat had become the banner unifying all patriotic Vietnamese. While there are thus some shortcomings, Vietnamese Anticolonialism is still an accomplishment for the author. In his introduction, the author advances some important questions that tend to permeate his research topic: What are the nature and causes of man's terrible inhumanity toward his fellow men? How do the strong treat the weak? More significantly, how do the weak react? Who, in the last analysis, are really the weak ones; who, the strong? 50 The author does not presume to answer directly each of these questions, yet the history of Vietnamese anticolonialism, presented in a spirit of objectivity and with a wealth of documentation, becomes concrete proof in itself, directing the reader towards certain unavoidable conclusions: 1) The source of insensitive activity in the sphere of interpersonal relations lay with the enslaving, pillaging nature of colonialism. Indeed, Governor general Albert Sarraut made this point forty years ago, when he stated: The colonial task from the beginning is not that of civilized behavior or of any desire to civilize. It is forceful, violent behavior, violence for profit. 51 2) Colonialism employs advanced techniques with the object of subduing, of enslaving colonial peoples. Colonialists turn themselves into barbarians, sowing barbarism everywhere and blocking the progress of colonial peoples. The history of Vietnam in the past hundred years is a vivid judgment on colonial systems: Never before in any country, in any period, have human rights been so barbarously and wickedly violated. 52 3) Thus, in order to regain independence and freedom, that which is most precious in the life of the people, and in order to build a spirit of friendship among peoples, there is no other path but to stand up and defeat colonialism. And the history of Vietnamese anticolonialism has proven that a people, even though small in numbers, if they know how to unify and are determined to rise up and be masters of their own destiny, can fight and win against any foreign invader. 4) Finally, the process of struggling to regain independence and freedom also serves as a means to unmask the true nature of colonialism and imperialism, condemning them as a prime obstacle on the people's road to progress. For that reason, in today's conditions the task of struggling for independence and freedom is also the task of defeating the increasingly weak imperialist forces. It is the just cause triumphing over the unjust cause, civilization triumphing over tyranny, oppressed peoples advancing their revolutions in step with current world history and contributing positively to world revolution. In truth, today's Vietnam provides further clear and penetrating answers for the above questions. Instigating a cruel war of genocidal proportions, America's neo-colonialism has revealed the most concentrated, intense aspects of colonial barbarity, wickedness and reaction. But the repeated strategic defeats of this neo-colonialism have exposed more clearly than ever the serious deficiencies of American imperialism in this period of world imperialism's decline and fall. In the glorious anti-U.S., national salvation, armed resistance struggle-the greatest struggle in our people's history of opposing foreign intervention and a momentous clash for the contemporary world - Vietnam has been able to mobilize the strength of 4,000 years of national history, and has had the enthusiastic sympathy and support of the socialist countries and that of progressive humanity in general, including the progressive people of America. Thus Vietnam, without broad territory, without a big population, and with a still-backward economy, has yet been able to win great successes and is determined to achieve complete victory. This victory will not only have decisive meaning for the destiny of the peoples of Vietnam; it will also actively advance the world revolutionary movement. Notes 1. David G. Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), xv. 2. Marr, xvi. 3. Marr., xvi. 4. Martin Bernal, "North Vietnam and China," The New York Review of Books, August 12, 1971. 5. Bernal. 6. In August 1970 Father Truong Ba Can wrote Twenty-[ive Years of Building Socialism in the North which was published in the review Doi Dien. Father Chan Tin, editor of review, was taken to court over the matter which led Huynh Van Vi, chairman of the south Vietnamese press association to comment, "Intellectuals must respect the truth and Father Chan Tin is such a person whose sole motivation in publishing an article on historical research is to respect the truth. No one can suspect that he had any political motivation in doing so." Nonetheless, Chan Tin was sentenced to six months in jail by the regime, and Truong Ba Can was savagely beaten by the authorities for frivolous reasons. 7. Nguyen Van Trung, Chu nghia [hue dan Phap, [huc chat va Huyen thoai [French Colonialism-Substance and Words] (Saigon: Nam son, 1963),201. 8. Joseph Buttinger, Vietnam, A Political History (New York: Frederick Praeger, 1966), 177. 9. Marr, xv. 10. Jean Chesneaux, Le Vietnam (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1968),82. 11. Marr, 276. 12. Buttinger says the following about old-style colonialism: "It was a primitive, exploitative system that brought all the evils of eariy, and none of the blessings of later, capitalism." Op. cit . 177. 13. Marr, op. cit., xv. 14. Marr, 4. 15. Marr, 45. 16. Marr, 16. 17. Marr, 76. 18. Marr, 76. 19. Marr, 185. 20. Marr, 195. 21. Marr, 211. 22. Nguyen Trai, Binh Ngo Vai Cao. 23. Marr, 211. 24. Marr, 253. 25. Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960). Quoted in V. Li, "Le mouvement de 48 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Comments on 'Vietnamese Anticolonialism ' by Jayne Werner The review by Nguyen Cong Binh of Vietnamese Anticolonialism deals with the larger historical perspective of the anti-colonial movement from 1885 to 1925, questions of methodology, and theoretical concepts about Vietnamese history. Some aspects of the book are particularly interesting and germane to American readers, even if they have only a casual familiarity with contemporary Vietnamese history. The Marr study is not a dry historical account of the early national movement, but rather a vibrant and alive story which transmits to Americans the cultural content, the ways of thinking, the spirit, and the debates of that period. This is a liberation nationale contemporain et la place qu'il occupe dans la lutte antiimperialiste," La Vie Internationale, December, 1971. 26. Philippe Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 a 1952 (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952), 53. 27. Marr, 79. 28. Marr, 79. 29. Marr, 81. 30. Marr, 96. 31. Marr, 45. 32. Marr, 45. 33. Devillers, 28. 33a. Chesneaux, Le Vietnam" 30. 33b. Chesneaux, 79. 34.Marr, 48-49. 35. Marr, 202-203. 36. Chesneaux. 37. Marr, 182. 38. Marr, 185. 39. Devillers, 54. 40. Marr, 21. 41. Marr, 30. 42. Marr, 204. 43. Marr, 43. 44. Nguyen Dinh Chieu, Van te nghia si Can-giuoc [Poem commemorating the heroes of Can-giuoc) . 45. Ibid. 46. Anonymous, Hich danh Phap [Proclamation to attack the French). 47. Marr, 45, 46. 48. Folksong of Nghe An and Ha Tinh provinces. 49. Marr, 204. 50. Marr, 4. 51. Albert Sarraut, Grandeur et SenJitude Coloniales (Paris, 1931),107. 52. Nguyen Ai Quoc, Le Proces de la Colonisation Fran,aise. [French Colonization on Triall noteworthy achievement. The people who led the anti-French movement emerge as full human beings, predecessors in spirit to leaders such as Ho Chi Minh, Vo Nguyen Giap, and Le Duc Tho. Note, for example, some of the biographies of early resistance leaders (who lived from about 1860 to 1930 and who are not mentioned in most French "histories" of Vietnam) on pages 83-94, and follow throughout the book the footsteps of the two great patriotic scholar-gentry figures, Phan Boi Chau and Phan Chu Trinh, whose stories are in many ways the central focus of this book. Marr also communicates the feeling of most Vietnamese after the French conquest of mat nuoc, of having lost their country and of being threatened with the loss of their identity as a people. Marr presents the early anti-colonial leaders through writings and poetry, translated into tnglish for the first time, which attest to their intense patriotism, spirit of self-sacrifice, dignity, and eloquence. For example, one can read parts of a celebrated poem by Phan .Boi Chau, Hai Ngoai Huyet Tbu [Overseas Book Inscribed in Bloodl :1 Wby was our cou1ltry lost? I submit tbe followillg: First tbe monarch hew nothing of popular affairs; Seco/ld the mandarins cared nothing for the people. A nd third the people knew only of themselves. State matters to the Killg, other affairs to the mandarins, the people said. Hundreds of thousands, millions together worked To build the foundations of our country. Tbe bodies, the resources are from the people; Tbe people are in fact the country, the country is the people's. On the throne the King had complete license And had a long time to drowse. Within the borders his word was law, Ten thousand people bowed low at his command. Search back and forth over history, Who will restore benefits and wipe out the people's misfortune? * Blood is boiling in your heart, Countrymen! Draw forth your swords, There is Heaven, Earth, and Us. That is what we call true unity! 49 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Marr makes a distinction between the "activist" and "reformist" scholar-gentry, which is symbolized by the differences between Phan Boi Chau and Phan Chu Trinh, between those more concerned with immediate expulsion of the French (regardless of what type of Vietnamese regime was reinstated) and those primarily interested in reform, elimination of oppressive feudal institutions such as the monarchy and the mandarinate, and the achievement of modern forms of government. After the initial royalist movement against the French (from about 1885 to 1890), Marr sees in much of the early anti-colonial struggle an interplay between these two trends, neither of which reached ultimate fruition. The French were not forced out of Vietnam until 1954 by the communist movement, nor did they undertake reforms of the feudal institutions. The book delves into the debates, the philosophical differences, and the various organizational programs that animated the anti-French struggle during the early years. One chapter is devoted to Phan Boi Chau's DOllg Du [Eastern StudyJ movement, a part of the activist trend, which sent to Japan in secret several hundred young students who were to study modern science and military arts in preparation for an eventual uprising against the French after they returned home. Another chapter deals with the DOllg Killb Ngbia Tbuc, the Hanoi Free Study Institute, a school founded by some reformist scholar-gentry which sought to give young Vietnamese a more modern and appropriate education than they were receiving under the French or Confucian systems. The poems of Ph an Boi Chau and the writings of Phan Chu Trinh were distributed and recited in the DOllg Killb Ngbia Ti.>uc (see pages 175-79 for some of these poems). Marr describes the impact of the anti-colonial movement on the men who would become the leaders of the communist movement, in particular Ho Chi Minh; this can give American readers a sense of the continuity and rich heritage supporting communism in Vietnam. Marr writes of Ho Chi Minh's boyhood in north Vietnam in the atmosphere of the royalist movement and resistance against the French. His maternal great-uncle had been a close friend of the son of the scholar-gentry leader who had led the uprising of 1885 in his native Nghe An province. This uncle, after being incarcerated for many years, later lived with Ph an Boi Chau. Ph an Boi Chau remembers in his memoirs the young nine-year-old boy, Nguyen Ai Quoc (Nguyen the Patriot, one of Ho Chi Minh's early names), who sat at his knee listening to him recite lines of poetry which the boy never forgot. Marr notes that Ho Chi Minh acknowledged on several occasions the spiritual debt he owed to Phan Boi Chau. (See pages 209,253-257). The early communist leaders were also heirs of the anti-Confucianist and anti-feudal "reformism" of the modernist scholars; it was only with the merging of the two dominant trerids in the early anti-colonial movement, reformism and activism, anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism, that the right formula was found for both expelling the foreigner and reorganizing the society for a better life for its people. But present-day Vietnamese have felt a greater debt and deeper link with the "activist" trend in the early national movement, as Vietnam has found it extraordinarily difficult to free itself of foreign interference and domination: Pball Bui Cbau's ubjectives ill life were simpler a/ld more ubviuus tball thuse uf Pball Cbu Trinb, yet, paraduxically, they bave pruved to be mure difficult tu accomplisb. Phall Boi Cbau wanted an end to foreign exploitation, an end to slavisb bowing and scraping before alien doors. While many of Phan Cbu Trinb's visions of modernization bave come to fruition alld even been surpassed - Pban Boi Cbau's vision of a Viet/lam witbout foreign overlords bas remained just beYD11d grasp, a spur to further agollizing effort whicb may be the secret of why today the memory of Phan Boi Cbau remains more intimate, more meaningful, to the mass of tbe Vietnamese peuple 2 Marr does not use the term "nationalist" to describe the anti-colonial movement because he feels that the meaning of the Vietnamese terms quuc-gia and quoc-dan, which would normally be translated as "nationalist," carry controversial political and emotional connotations in Vietnamese. He feels that the Vietnamese term dall-tuc conveys more the sense of the Vietnamese conception of their "peoplehood" or "nationhood" but that this term cannot be translated as nationalist, but rather as national. However, to use national in this context would confuse it with nationalist, so he prefers to stick with anti-colonial. Nguyen Cong Binh uses mainly the term national movement, pbollg trao dan tuc, although he also uses the term anti-colonial to describe the struggle against the French from 1885 to 1925, before communism directed the national movement. He does not use the term nationalist because Marxist concepts associate this term with the politics of the bourgeoisie, seeing nationalism occurring with the growth of this class as it seeks to expand capitalist markets throughout a national territory, which mayor may not comprise different ethnic categories, and to establish democratic or republican forms of government, usually in opposition to a monarchy or feudal institutions. In the process, the bourgeoisie develops an appropriate ideology emphasizing political independence and free markets within its territory.3 Although much of American scholarship on Asia has tended to define anti-colonial movements as "nationalist," on the model of countries such as India and Indonesia where the independence movements were led not by communists but by the bourgeoisie, the Vietnamese case illustrates another model in which the bourgeoisie as a class essentially had no role in the independence movement. The leadership of the national movement passed directly from the patriotic Confucian educated scholar-gentry to the working class and the Communist party without an intervening stage of capitalism and republican institutions. Some Vietnamese Marxists have argued that one reason this stage may have been avoided in Vietnam was because of certain affinities between Confucianism and Marxism; the intense patriotism and of the anti-French non-collaborationist scholar-gentry directed them, or their sons, to the best solution to Vietnam's plight, that is, the theory and application of Marxism-Leninism. 4 Marr's Vietnamese J\ Ilticuiulliaiism, by using the term anti-colonial to describe the independence movement in Vietam, can help challenge the use of "nationalism" to describe all anti-colonial movements in Asia and help focus attention on the leadership of various independence movements to determine which ones have in fact moved the furthest toward achieving true independence for their peoples. Finally, one thing that emerges from the Marr book with particular relevance for us as Americans is the lesson, repeated over and over again, that although the patriotic scholar-gentry 50 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org realized the tremendous odds against them, saw the brutality of modern French weaponry, and witnessed their mandarin colleagues bow before the aggressors without a protest and help them maintain the colonial regime, they would not and did not give up fighting. The odds were even more overwhelming for the common people, who with "ollly a match of cloth around the waist, a bamboo spear ill hand," refused to give way before the enemy, "even though they were up against metal ships with belching smokestacks, iro;l canllOllS with lead projectiles, " as described in a nineteenth century poem and proclamation quoted above by Nguyen Cong Binh. This was the same spirit of resistance that had enabled the Vietnamese people to defeat the Mongol, Ming, and Ch'ing invaders; in the case of Kublai Khan's Mongols, the Vietnamese were the only people south of China who were able to check the advance of their armies and navy on their southern campaigns in the 13th century. Whereas the 19th century Vietnamese court troops were awed by the weapons of the French the common people had the tradition of guerrilla warfare to fall back on, then as now. Even at the height of the Pentagon's war against the Vietnamese, when the technology and airpower seemed so massively destructive, D.R.V. was not forced to abandon its ties with the south, nor was the N.L.F. "eliminated." The nature of resistance in the south under the P.R.G. as heirs to this anti-colonial tradition, national spirit, and resistance against foreign invaders, thus should help put the future of the Thieu regime in perspective. The fight today of the guerrilla movement under communist leadership in the south against all the vindictive might of the war-machine of the Pentagon is not the first time the Vietnamese have triumphed over an ostensibly superior enemy, as Marr shows. And their victory once again reaffirms the primacy of man over technology, which is a victory for us all. NOTES 1. Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, 129. 2. Marr, 275-6. 3. For a development of this approach with relation to Southeast Asian countries, see Le Thanh Khoi, "Quelques caracteristiques historiques des mouvements nationaux en Asie du Sud-est (1900-1945)," in Jean-Paul Charnay, ed., De l'lmperialisme a la Decolonisation (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1965), 35-62. 4. Nguyen Khac Vien, Experiences Vietnamiennes (Paris: Editions Sociales, 1970), 201-233; this chapter entitled "Confucianisme et marxisme au Vietnam" will soon be published in English with other selections by the Indochina Resource Center. The China Quarterly AN INTERNA TIONAL JOURNAL FOR THH STUDY OF CHINA January-March 1974 Communications Within the Bureaucracy Some Observations on Current Fertility Control in China The 1972 Shipping Regulations The Sino-japanese Rapprochement: A Relationship of Ambivalence Research Note Political Profiles: Wang Hung-wen and Li 'feh-sheng Report from China: "Revolution in Education" Committees COMMENT BOOK REVIEWS QUARTERLY CHRONICLE AND DOCUMENTATION c'ditorial 0 [[ice: School of Oriental and African Studies Malet Street London WC 1E 7HP Subscriptions: Research Publications Ltd. Victoria Hall, East Greenwich London SElO ORF Subscription Rates: 4.00 or U.S. $10.00 a year For full-time students: 2.00 or U.S. $5.00 a year Individual copies: 1.00 or U.S. $2.50 Issue No, 57 Micbel Oksenberg Carl Djerassi Antbony Dicks Gene Hsiao Pariss Chang Robert McCormick Subscription Rates: 4.00 or U.S. $10.00 a year. For full-time students: 2.00 or U.S. $5.00 a year. Individual copies: 1.00 or U.S. $2.50. 51 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org The American-Japanese fCo-Prosperity Sphere' by T. A. Bisson Japanese Imperialism Today, by Jon Halliday and Gavan McCormack. London: Penguin (New York: Monthly Review). pp. xviii, 279, maps, charts, appendices. .50 (Penguin paperback), $7.95 (Monthly Review hardcover). Once upon a time Washington could boldly proclaim its much-used slogan: the United States, defender of freedom and democracy. Today the words ring less clearly in American ears. what with the barbarities of the Indochina war, climaxed by the Hanoi and Cambodian bombings. But Americans are still largely unaware of a much broader Asian canvas in which American actions destroy freedom and suppress democracy. Few would believe that the United States (with Japan's help) controls a ring of satellites circling the eastern rim of Asia not unlike those of the Soviet Union in eastern Europe, though with one difference-our satellites are governed by men far less able and far more brutal. No overall picture of these Asian satellites exists in the American mind. How could it? The American news reports, with their scattered and fragmentary coverage of Asian events, are uniquely constituted not to deliver a full view of the full Asian picture. Halliday and McCormack are in effect seeking to break through this wall of ignorance. Their view is a comprehensive one. It relates events in Djakarta, Saigon, and Seoul. It ranges, in other words, over the entire region, drawing into sharp interpretive focus the policies being applied throughout the area during the postwar years, but especially since 1965. It is massively documented with 30 statistical tables and a postscript that carries the data well into 1972. A review can take note of some of its findings but much is necessarily omitted. The East Asian imperium Its most significant pages are those which detail the rapid growth of an American-J apanese partnership in the control and exploitation of the Third World countries that border eastern Asia. Operating freely over the whole area since 1945, the United States had a long head-start, but since 1965 the Japanese stake has greatly increased. In this shift the protracted Vietnam war abetted Japan's growing economic prowess by inducing Washington to solicit greater assumption of imperial responsibilities by its Japanese partner. Competition for relative shares in exploiting the condominium is strong, with the partners constantly hammering out a compromise division of the spoils. This reviewer is left with a wistful feeling if only the United States could have also been named in the book's title. Many of its most telling passages deal quite as much with American as with Japanese imperialism. For two decades the United States acted as the pioneer architect of the new imperium, most of whose operations it must be emphasized lie wholly outside of Vietnam. In 1965 Washington found it necessary to admit Japan as a full, even if a junior, partner. What characterizes the situation as it exists today, ignored by too many of our academic scholars, is simply this: the swift emergence since the mid-'60s of an American-J apanese condominium, of a new co-prosperity sphere, in the "free world" arc from Seuul to Djakarta. The alliance is not without its internal sljuabbles. Customary in any such relationship, and more noticeable recently, such troubles must be and are worked ou t, mostly in the senior partner's favor. The two powers, after all. are linked together by the strongest of imperialist ties- the absolute necessity to coordinate the military-economic underwriting of their satellites on the East Asian periphery. It is a task that requires constant attention. These local regimes, normally military dictatorships, are often unstable, always greedy for handouts, all corrupt, and all soundly anti-communist. Run over the list of these "free world" defenders: Suharto of Indonesia, Marcos of the Philippines, Thieu of Vietnam, Lon Nol of Cambodia, Chiang Kai-shek of Taiwan, Pak Chung-hi of South Korea, and the Field Marshals Praphas and Kittikachorn, late of Thailand. 52 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org I I t f f This latter pair were merely the latest in a long line of incredibly corrupt officers from the Thai military, always handsomely supported by Washington. Their overthrow on October 15, 1973, cost the lives of at least 300 students, with thousands more wounded. The protest demonstration, led by 200,000 well organized students and involving many Bangkok residents, was a huge one; all were unarmed civilians. The machine-guns turned on the crowd, and even more the use of "tanks and helicopter gunships," indicates how much the military overshadowed the police in the actions of this day.1 So strong was the feeling roused against the two Marshals that, having done their tragic work, they fled into exile, Praphas to Taipei and Kittikachorn to Boston. The lengthy presence of thousands of GIs has had disastrous effects on Thai ways, and much anti-Americanism exists. A touchstone for the new cabinet even the students are liberal not leftist- may well be the continuance of the six American air bases. Thailand, it is worth noting, could prove symptomatic: some of the other dictators, Pak in South Korea and Marcos in the Philippines, sit uneasily in their seats. One must wonder how far this episode, and its implications, registered with Americans. For quite a while there was such a business as the Vietnam war. Under the Nixon-Kissinger "settlement" it still continues, with the "free world" side led by that staunch democrat Thieu, still with thousands of political prisoners being tortured in his jails. During this tragic decade no prime minister of Japan once questioned the Amerian role there, despite the opposition voiced so strongly by the Japanese people as to make it necessary for the American ambassador to denounce the reflection of this sentiment in Japanese newspapers. How could a Liberal-Democratic prime minister, a Kishi, an Ikeda, or a Sato, take up the plaint of his people when the United States was holding down a valuable segment of the condominium and paying liberally for the materials so lavishly supplied by Japan in support of the war? It could be no more expected than for an LBJ or a Nixon to listen to the plaint of the American people. The two imperialist partners had joined hands to do a job, the people could be ignored. Let us be clear, then, on the esence of this new co-prosperity sphere ala deux. Fundamentally what exists among rulers and ruled in this East Asian region is a symbiotic relationship: the satellites need arms and money from their neo-colonial masters, while the imperial partners need raw materials, investment areas, and markets. In its form of control, with apparent local autonomy, and with its diversc and widely scattered constituents, one is dealing with a new type of empire. Taken as a whole, it is by no means insignificant, either territorially or in its wealth of natural resources. Its island chains run from the Ryukyus through Taiwan and the Philippines to Indonesia. On the mainland it takes in South Korea, Thailand, and what is left of Indochina, chiefly the Saigon-controlled areas of Vietnam. Its influence grows steadily in Singapore and Malaysia; Singapore especially is becoming more dependent. Exploitation of this rich imperium is a bonanza for the master powers and highly profitable to the officials heading the local regimes. Ilow the people fare under this arrangement is another matter, one that goes far to explain the drastic repression that exists in country after country. Dividing the imperium between its dual masters has been an interesting exercise in imperialist statesmanship. Japan might be said to have bought its way in, by providing loans to Suharto, Thieu, Chiang and Pak, at a time when the mounting costs of the Vietnam war had reduced Washington's ability to finance the entire galaxy of satellite dictators. But given the U.S. headstart throughout the condominium, Japan's contribution could purchase no more than a Junior partnership. Investment opportunities were the main prize. Even today, from Indonesia to South Korea, the American corporations are the dominant investors, though the giant Japanese concerns have gained a sizeable second-rank stake. Trade control was the lesser prize, and here Japan was simply the superior competitor. Its exports to the satellites have skyrocketed, until their large deficit balances have for most become a critical problem. Japan's imports, on the other hand, have been much smaller, but still considerable; in this trade equation it is the local countries that are the dependents. The authors' data and analyses cover a dozen or more of the local East Asian countries, often in great detail. For a summary look at some of this rich material, Indonesia may be chosen to illustrate the picture in the south, Taiwan and South Korea for the north. Indonesia Indonesia is by far the richest and most valuable segment of the condominium. It is also a prime example of how the partners work to prop up an undemocratic regime through which the economy can be profitably milked. A set of Japanese-trained generals control the Indonesian army, with General Suharto heading the dictatorship established in 1965. It should have given Japan the edge, but in fact the United States has fared better. When the coup occurred, a group of Indonesian technocrats, carefully trained for years mainly by University of California professors, took over the key economic agencies of Suharto's new government. I n the scramble that still con tinues, U.S. capital has gained control of the larger and more productive oil and rubber areas, and also of the tin, copper, nickel, and bauxite mines. Alcoa, for example, controls the "bauxite rights on every island," except for the gm'ernment-worked deposits on Bintan established under Sukarno. By mid-1971 U.S. companies held 78.6 percent of total foreign mining investment in Indonesia, and roughly the same proportion of oil investment. For Japan there were some lesser oil rights and a promising nickel concession in the Halmahera area. Though it is Amcrican concerns that reap the profits, they do not depri\'C their partner of these critical raw materials; the bulk of Indonesia's oil and mineral exports go to Japan. As a result, and quite against the normal pattern, Japan's imports from Indonesia in 1970 were twice its exports. This does not mean that Japan has been left out in the cold. In forests and fisheries Japanese investment is dominant, and lumber is second only to oil in the list of Japan's critical needs. 2 When otht:r factors are added, it. becomes much clearer that Japan is a substantial partner in the Indonesian scene. In manufacturing, transport, communications, and electric power, it is Japan that holds the lead. From the outset, financial help was badly needed and Japan has played a major role in underwriting Suharto. In July 1966 the United States and Japan carried through a rescue operation on his shaky foreign debt position, with Japan alone pledging the large loan advance of $300 million. Many separate loans have followed. 53 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org including a recent one in May 1972 when Sato paid a week's visit to Suharto, seeking oil concessions from the Djakarta junta. Success was registered in a $207 million loan contract extending Japan's rights in oil exploration and development. All told, then, Japan has paid its way in the Indonesian operation and acquired its share of the rewards. Looking to the effects of this process, one is struck by the fact that Indonesian "development" has been turned over virtually ill toto to foreign capital, with no restrictions on repatriation of profits. Seldom, even in colonial days, has the abdication been more complete. Under Sukarno an effort was made to retain independent control, under Suharto any such attempt has been shelved. A rueful comment best expresses the situation: "japan and the United States already control the Indonesian economy. The U.S. has seized the natural resources and japan the manufacturing industry." 3 The speaker was Sadhi, Chairman of the Indonesian Government Investment Committee. Indonesia represents one particular facet of japan's general economic breakthrough into Southeast Asia, from which memories of its wartime acts had long excluded it. Reparations and economic aid, tied to the purchase of japanese goods, opened the way; with the gates down, japan's trade with the area has reached ever-higher totals. The untoward aspect of this growing trade is its heavy imbalance. Indonesia, as noted, is the exception, but even with Indonesia included, japan's export surplus to Southeast Asia as a whole more than tripled in the 1960s, from $550 million in 1960 to $1.888 billion in 1970. And the imbalance continues to grow at an even faster rate. By 1975, in a japan Economic Research Center projection, japan will supply 40 percent of Southeast Asian imports with a surplus balance of $5.800 billion. Interest payments on foreign loans already bulk large for many Southeast Asian countries; the prospect of still further loans of a size sufficient to cover the trade imbalance here envisaged is staggering. Japan's insatiable demand for lumber gives the authors another reason for concern over Southeast Asia. Its forests already supply the major part of japan's mushrooming demand and recently supplanted the United States as the chief provider. Along with Canada the United States is growing more restrictive, and Japan has now turned to Southeast Asia, particularly the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. During the colonial era Mitsui and other zaibatsu concerns had devastated the forests of Taiwan and Korea, in the process touching off a large uprising on Taiwan; today, neither country is among the leading suppliers. japan has won the big forest concessions in Indonesia, where full exploitation is just beginning; a worried Philippines has recently barred further export of Mindanao mangrove. More is at stake here than Rocky Mountain scenery. These tropical forests are often the necessary adjunct of a closely associated agriculture, if only in their conservation of moisture. "The pillaging of Southeast Asia's forests," the authors note,' "has a devastating effect on the lives of poor peasants throughout the area, and utterly negative, and often irreversible effects on the whole ecology." (p.70) Taiwan From Indonesia, where tens of thousands are unemployed and an impoverished squatter populace is forcibly driven from the cities, where the peasantry has never been in worse straits, and where thousands of political prisoners are still held in brutal detention, we hear little of the bracing social effects of "development" by Alcoa, Mitsubishi, et al. But to the north, for Taiwan and South Korea, the reports are quite different-in many cases little less than a litany of accomplishment. Against this "success story" the authors, digging below surface appearances, set some grave questions. In this northern sphere the focus of attention is on the growing activities of japan during recent years. A little-noted shift in the imperium's arrangements, occuring in the mid-'60s, has vastly increased the weight of the Japanese partner. Through the early postwar years Taiwan and South Korea were little more than American vassal states, as was Japan itself. Even after 1952 bitter memories of colonial oppression, especially intense in South Korea, held back Japan's economic entry. With a strong assist from Washington, handled by Dean Rusk, Japan's breakthrough was achieved in the key year 1965. It was a typical coup for the partners, with both benefitting. On one side, the cost of LBJ's escalating Vietnam war put an end to the customary U.S. fiscal aid to Taiwan; on the other, Japan came through with a yen loan of $150 million to Chiang Kai-shek. His regime had never limited japan's trade activity, but the investment concessions had gone to American firms. Now, as quid pro quo, the bars were let down and the big japanese concerns, already dominant in Taiwan's foreign trade, were free to challenge the big American lead in capital investment. It was all very pleasant and gentlemanly: Ja,pan made its input and, as in Indonesia, received the appropriate junior partner's share of the proceeds of the enterprise. Conditions might have seemed less propitious in South Korea, but here too the partners secured a breakthrough for japan, and one that was far more significant. The Koreans, apart from forty years of colonial oppression, had some very recent memories. During World War II Japan had brutally impressed Korean slave-labor forces by the hundreds of thousands. Two decades later there were still no diplomatic relations and still no peace treaty. Hostility to Japan existed as much under Syngman Rhee, who had his own memories, as under the succeeding more democratic governments. But Pak had taken over in 1961, and by 1965 was anxious to enlist Japan's help in shoring up his regime. In this he had strong backing from Washington, equally eager to tie japan up with the Seoul regime through the loans and investments that would follow. So in 1965 Pak overrode the deep-seated opposition in Parliament and the country, crushed the massive protest demonstrations by military force, and proceeded to negotiate and sign a formal treaty agreement with japan reestablishing and "normalizing" relations, i.e., full japanese trade and investment rights. To Pak went the japanese loans. If we take Taiwan as an example of investment procedures in the imperium, it becomes easy to see why the biggest corporations of the United States and japan scramble to enter the field. Always the magic word "development" is employed. Where independent local industries have emerged, normally in textiles, one can speak of development. Taiwan is the star case most often cited, but even here the foreign-controlled industries have become overwhelmingly dominant. And under what conditions, one may ask. Like Suharto or Pak, Chiang Kai-shek is more inclined to shower favors on the foreign investor than to discipline him. These 54 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org include a five-year tax-free period, with only a low company tax thereafter, freedom to remit all profits to the country of capital origin, plus a special boon due to the "war situation"-no strikes permitted. Tariff-free export zones, as at Kaohsiung, offer even greater privileges. Finally, wages are low in Taiwan, about half those in Hongkong, and this for a skilled labor force. Benefits to the local economy from these investments are minimal. The real beneficiaries are the big foreign concerns. In Taiwan, as elsewhere, the large profits of the foreign investor are drained from the country with negligible contributions to local budgets. In many 'cases the foreign capital is provided through loan contracts, on which the local country has interest charges to meet. The foreign investor earns profits on his product and interest on the loans. Taiwan is not in South Korea's dire straits, owing to an early effort at land reform, a wider trade outreach, and a more diversified economy. Its 1970 per-capita income was $258, relatively high for a Third World country, though North Korea's figure of $210 in 1969 was comparable. In recent years, nevertheless, the situation has grown difficult, particularly on the trade side. In 1970 Taiwan's trade deficit with Japan came to just under $600 million. The cumulative deficit of $1.600 billion since 1965 pointed to a startling rate of increase. These trade deficits must somehow be covered. Since 1965, as well, Japanese loans and investments have greatly increased, and their interest charges have become a burden. Changing the trade situation to lessen the deficit would not be easy. Japan supplies nearly 40 percent of Taiwan's imports, and Japanese trading firms handle up to half of Taiwan's total trade. On the political side, also, some untoward phenomena have appeared in Chiang's firmly ruled domain. Dissatisfaction and unrest are being expressed in unexpected ways. One reason might be that, with all the foreign investment, an estimated 25 percent of the labor force was unemployed in 1971. Another reason, no doubt, would be the unsettling effects of the Nixon-Kissinger diplomacy, felt most of all in Taiwan. Significantly, the unrest centered on the American Japanese presence. A spate of violent attacks was directed against various military bases, several foreign-owned banks, and some petrochemical plants. The last target might seem hard to explain, if one were not aware that industrial pollution has become a live topic in the northern satellites, with full knowledge that the threat comes from Japan. 4 Chiang's most serious problem, of course, has arisen from China's full diplomatic entry on the world scene under terms in which both the United States and Japan declared Taiwan to be part of China. One response, already evident, could be to establish Taiwan as an independent state. For Chiang himself this ploy is close to impossible; after his passing a negotiated reunion with China is the likely outcome. South Korea When Washington engineered Japan's reentrance into South Korea in a tie-up with Pak's dictatorship, it struck a damaging blow to the Korean people and to their country's national independence. For Pak has been a willing tool of his masters- -so much so, indeed, that his actions have verged on abdication. By far his greatest assist to the United States, footed by the American taxpayer, was the dispatch of 40,000 South Korean mercenary troops to Vietnam. With Japan his relations have been economic, filling the coffers of his regime at the expense of his country's welfare. The more closely one examines them, the more harmful they appear to true Korean interests. As everywhere in the imperium, the two partners completely dominate the South Korean economy. Japan started from near zero in 1964 with its typical "reparations" and "aid" breakthrough, in an operation benefiting not the Korean peorle but the big Japanese concerns and Pak's officialdom. By 1969 it had replaced the United States as South Korea's major trade partner. In that year the Korean trade deficit of some $600 million was already very large; in 1970, at $1,200 billion, it had doubled. It should come as no surprise, then, that foreign investment, mostly Japanese of late, has boomed during Pak's years. By the end of 1970 foreign funds totaling $3 billion had been poured into the economy. American firms held much the largest portion, but the Japanese were rapidly increasing their share. Profits on these investments, and interest on the loans that often cover them, must be remitted; then the trade deficits must be covered. Japan has been Pak's savior. A first $200 million loan dates from 1965; many others have followed, both from the Japanese government and the private Japanese concerns. At this point the clearest view of South Korea's financial predicament emerges. Loan repayments already totaled $241 million in 1971. These payments have a built-in growth factor; the estimate is that by 1976 they will reach $648 million. A pessimistic observer might be inclined to say that the country is going bankrupt. Pak must now contract new loans in order to cover the old ones. He is reduced to begging Japan, the only source, for more and more. They are forthcoming, but the terms grow more onerous. In return for a Japanese government loan of $170 million, during negotiations at Seoul in September 1972, Pak signed an "ownership of industry" agreement that markedly tightened Japan's stranglehold on the economy.6 And meanwhile what has happened to the country's living standards? The book's half-dozen pages on this topic (158-163) are a much-needed antidote to reports of the "prosperity" attending South Korea's "boom." An upper crust certainly benefits. Martin T. Cobin notes that corruption and unequal taxation have led to "an ever-widening gap between the wealthy and impoverished." A "conservative estimate," he states, shows 5 percent of the population owning 70 percent of the wealth. 7 The country's independence is being mortgaged, the gains are going to officials, landlords, and 'compradors." This word rings a bell that echoed through China's treaty ports in the 19th century; in South Korea today it refers to the well-heeled Koreans working for the Aqlerican and Japanese corporations. A brave young poet struck fire in May 1970 with his poem on "The Five Bandits," depicted as selling out the country to Japan. His bandits were "the plutocrats, bureaucrats, parliamentarians, generals, and high officials." (p. 160) Kim Chi-h:t was jailed under the catch-all anti-communist law. There is a new and somewhat broader middle class but its share of the so-called prosperity, minimal at best, is growing smaller. Steep price rises, accentuated by the successive won devaluations, have accompanied Pak's tie-up with Japan. Inflation took over in South Korea well before its recent ss BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org appearance in the United States. One sufferer is the urban middle class consumer; without a matching rise in income, his living standard drops steadily. In 1971 a price increase of 20 percent was decreed for rice, with corresponding price rises in such items as cotton yarn, sugar, and utilities. During the 1967-69 period, well before these increases, consumer spending had showed a 12 percent decline. By 1971 many bankruptcies among smaller urban and provincial businesses were widely reported. Affluent middle-class members may still send their sons to the university, where fees ranged from $380 to $440 by 1971. South Korea's per-capita income of $120 in 1969, roughly half that of Taiwan and North Korea, further verifies the limited middle-class spread of the new prosperity. So Iowan average figure, which takes in the "new rich," also suggests that most South Koreans are in economic difficulty; in fact, the conditions of both farmers and workers are often desperate. Late in 1971, with thousands of workers being laid off, Seoul's unemployment rate was 23 percent of the labor force. It is the normal figure for the imperium's wards. 8 But this is not all. South Korean wages, even for organized workers, fall below subsistence levels. Hours and working conditions recall the worst abuses of 19th century England pictured by Karl Marx in Das Kapital. In November 1970 a Seoul worker burned himself to death after armed police had broken up a demonstration he was organizing. His demands, apart from better factory working conditions, were these: a 9-hour instead of a 16-hour working day, extra payment for night work, and four days off a month instead of two.
A new, six-page biweekly bulletin of up-to-date news and analysis on Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. Published by Internews. The first issues have included interviews: Andreas Papandreou on Greece Gabriel Kolka on his visit to the DRV/PRG Senator Abourezk on Middle East factfinding trip Michael Tanzer on international oil John Silva of the PAIGC on Guinea Bissau special reports: Geneva and the Israeli elections The U.S. and the Panama Canal The Rebel strategy in Cambodia U.S. military build-up in the Indian Ocean U.S. strategy against raw materials producers Our news sources are unique in the history of alterna tive journalism in the United States. we monitor radio teletype sources from allover the world, including Viet nam News Agency from North Vietnam, Liberation Press Agency from the PRG in South Vietnam, Hsinhua from the Peoples Republic of China, Prensa Latina from Cuba, and many others, including major western news services. The International Bulletin is mailed first class in the United States to reach you within 80 hours of our final news deadline. Free sample copies available on request. Subscription rates: $4 for 6 months, $6 for 1 year, over seas airmail $15.00. Write to International Bulletin, P.O. Box 4400, Berkeley, CA. 94704, U.S.A. Korean farmers still make up the largest segment of the population. Their plight is not only the most general but also the most serious. Korea was once a grain exporter, of rice especially, from the fertile and well-watered plains of the south. Under postwar Seoul regimes, a sadly neglected agriculture has steadily run down. Pak opted even more heavily for industrial development. 9 With no land reform, the landlords still fleece their tenants. In the five years preceding 1968, farm household income dropped by 19.1 percent, and no doubt the decline has continued. In colonial days Japan extorted large amounts of rice from Korea. The populace was left with inferior grains or, as during the periodic "spring famine," with nothing at all. The "reparations" rice imports reversed the picture except that thereafter Seoul has had to purchase the rice, which has now become a major item in Japan's commodity exports. So, in the two years 1969-70, South Korea's imports of Japanese rice came to $245 million, a sizeable factor in the trade deficit. By the late '60s South Korea had taken on all the attributes of a one-man dictatorship. Pak's power was exercised through the police and military, a lavishly endowed secret police, and a parliamentary majority of Pak's docile supporters. In the '70s political crisis became endemic and more direct measures were necessary. Deteriorating economic conditions, with the Japanese presence giving them a sharper edge, were one cause of Pak's growing political difficulties. South Koreans still resent his brutal imposition of Japan's return and even more what they see today: the growing reality of their country's economic dependence on the old colonial master. The results of a poll reported by the Koryu J/bo [Korean Daily] on March 5,1970, were staggering: 97 percent of those interviewed opposed the tie-up with Japan, 1 percent favored it. Pak's regime, more even than Nixon's, would seem to have forfeited any semblance of public confidence. In some regions of South Korea Japanese industrial activities have sparked violent protests. 1O In others, despite police crackdowns, labor demonstrations and strikes have defied the authorities. Only a fraction of the workers are unionized, however, and the labor movement as a whole is weak. It is left to the students, more idealistic than practical, to head up a national opposition and take it into action. To their credit they have one heroic achievement: in 1960 their nationwide demonstrations and their martyrs in Seoul led to the overthrow of Syngman Rhee's dictatorship. It is against them that Pak has leveled the most brutal of his repressive measures. But these South Korean students, unlike their Thai brethren, lack a firmly knit national organization, and Pak has outlawed any such organizational ties or efforts to form them. Student protest demonstrations are sporadic and disconnected, usually developing in Seoul with the hope that they will spread to the provinces. Still, student protests have continued, and they are troublesome. By 1970 the beating and jailing of students in critical periods had already become common. In 1971 the demonstrations spread outside Seoul and drew other support, including that of Catholic clergymen and church members. The slogans were sharp: "confiscate comprador capital" and "guarantee the right to livelihood." The army moved in on October 15. Eight universities in Seoul alone were closed down and garrisoned by troops, 170 student leaders arrested and jailed, and hundreds more slated for conscription into the army. Kyo Ki-chon, respected Dean of Seoul University's Law S6 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org School, was charged with complicity in the demonstrations and sent to jail. Now the dictatorship was tightened up. Pak's "state of national emergency" proclaimed in December 1971 had a set of twelve articles that, under a maximum jail term of ten years, banned assemblies and demonstrations, restricted strikes, and prohibited publication of articles "affecting national security" or "promoting confusion of social order." Since the Constitution gave the President no such authority, a law had to be passed; despite minority protests that the measure violated constitutional government, Pak's dutiful National Assembly majority passed it. Nevertheless, further "disorders," with students in the forefront, occurred a year later, in October 1972. This time Pak's response was to declare martial law, a right vested in him by the Constitution. The plea of "national security" (shades of Nixon!) was a sham; everyone knew that Pak feared not an invasion by North Korea but his own people. Universities were again closed, and more demonstrators sent to jail. His climactic act, in the spring of 1973, came in the form of a second amendment to the Constitution. Approved once again by the National Assembly, it empowered him "to govern with unchallenged authority for as long as he liked." 11 The mere listing of Pak's dictatorial powers gives no real feel of South Korean political realities. It is necessary to detail the ways in which they are applied. The National Assembly, once the scene of vigorous debate, is reduced today to a rubber stamp. The Cabinet has no more than an administrative role, Pak makes the decisions. The parties are so restricted as to have become meaningless. The secret vote no longer exists; officials in the towns watch the voters as they mark their choices. Courts and judges dare not defend civil rights; they serve at Pak's mercy and in his interest. The press is completely muzzled. Chief oppressor is the Central Intelligence Agency. The name derives from the American partner's early influence, but since the agency itself is Pak's Gestapo, it confers little honor on the United States. Its director, Lee Hu-rak, close to Pak since 1963, is the touted power behind the scenes. A combined CIA and FBI, the agency is engaged far more in political repression than in foreign intelligence gathering. Its numbers are a closely guarded secret, bat estimates on the high side reach to 300,000. These CIA agents tell the press what and what not to print. Their spies are everywhere, from hotel lobbies or government offices to places that might be thought private. Persons talking unguardedly in a taxi find themselves delivered to a police station. "No telephone," writes Halloran, "is considered safe from tapping and no office, hotel or even home is free from electronic bugging." 12 Plainclothesmen watch private homes and interrogate visitors. Arbitrary arrests are everyday occurrences, with respected citizens held from two to twelve days for questioning; the courts work hand-in-glove with the secret police. Foreign visitors are especially suspect. During Halloran's five days in Seoul an agent was outside his hotel door reporting his every movement by phone. Nor is foreign territory immune from the operations of Seoul's secret agents. Thieu jailed his defeated presidential candidate; Pak had his defeated 1971 rival, Kim Dae-jung, abducted from a Tokyo hotel in August 1973 and secretly brought back to Seoul. In November, after a bitter row during which Japan withdrew economic support, Pak's Prime Minister, on the promise of renewed Japanese aid, had to go to Tokyo to make abject apologies to Tanaka. Martin Cobin summarizes the atmosphere in which Koreans live: "The general feeling being engendered is that of a reign of terror in which there is some brutality and a great deal of threat, suspicion, and fear." 13 That the students should continue their resistance after martial law was imposed in December 1972 might seem unlikely. For a year, indeed, there were no further outbreaks. The quiet was deceptive. On October 2, 1973, about 400 students from Seoul National University, demanding restoration of civil rights and dismantling of the CIA, gathered at the monument to the students shot down by Syngman Rhee. Clubbed and beaten by the police, some 150 students were arrested, and SO others "were dragged from classrooms, library study rooms, and laboratories to which they had fled." 14 And then, two days later, a group of the University's law students gathered on their campus; the police forcibly dispersed them, this time making 31 arrests. "We resist dictatorship," their mimeographed flyer read; also, in a pledge recalling 1960, "we are rising up again on a long and thorny road to the revival of the nation." For Pak's officialdom, also with 1960 in mind, the question always is will it spread, and deepen, and become nationwide? This time indeed the resistance did become threatening, even if Pak did not suffer the fate of Syngman Rhee. With the student demonstrations spreading to major provincial cities, and with Korean scholars, journalists, and clergymen boldly denouncing "dictatorship and rule by terror," the Seoul regime beat a strategic retreat. A set of significant Cabinet changes on December 3 saw the hated Lee Hu-rak ousted as CIA chief; on December 4 the premier (himself unchanged) pledged reforms in an effort "to wipe out any mistrust of the Government among the people."I4a The dismissal of Lee Hu-rak, responsible for the Tokyo hotel kidnapping, also served the purpose of conciliating Japan. In the economic conference with Japan, scheduled for Tokyo in mid-December, Pak was once again seeking favors. Some mitigation of the dictatorship's harshest features may be occurring, but there are no signs of a change in Pak's basic economic policy of dependence on Japn. His people are as much at odds with him on this as on his police-state system. Despite the overwhelming force at its disposal, the Seoul regime has good reason to be concerned. According to a government-sponsored poll late in 1969, 90.61 percent of those questioned favored unification with North Korea. Most of his people, it would seem to Pak, were subversives. And what of the feeling five years later, in 1974? Not only must Kim II-sung now seem a less fearsome dictator than Pak. It is also known that the average living standard is far higher in the north, that there the abject farm poverty of the south no longer exists. One might well say that a South Korean sentiment grown too strong to resist has driven Seoul into negotiations with the north. Pak will, of course, have many devices to bring the unification parleys to naught, but meanwhile the problems on his home front are likely to become more critical. The Partners Is Japan a scary economic giant, mustering an export prowess that is irrestible? For the countries of the East Asian 57 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org imperium, weak in themselves and even weaker in their leaders, this is certainly the case. The view is also common in the West, and not least in the United States, where the trade deficit with Japan has been largest of all. IS It is not one shared by the ruling circles of U.S. finance capital. Instead, though they too may have had some tremors, they know their own strength, think of Japan as their ally, and still feel sure of their master status in the alliance. Though the United States has been passing through a severe economic crisis, tracing to the heavy costs of its Pax Americana, American capital is still strong. Trade deficits in the East Asian neo-colonies operate to increase economic inferiority and political subservience; in the United States they lead to strong counter-measures which had already restored a surplus trade balance with Japan in 1973. If Japan will not revalue its undervalued yen, the U.S. will devalue the dollar; if barriers to American goods exist in Japan, the U.S. will impose higher levies on Japanese goods. An omen of Connally's actions in 1972 had appeared earlier in Nixon's first protectionist measures. Paying off a political debt to Strom Thurmond, they hurt the American consumer and other East Asian textile producers as well as Japan. 16 Capital investment is a better criterion than trade if one is to assess Japan's true economic strength. And here the far greater capital resource!F of the United States come into play. Throughout the East Asian condominium, Thailand alone excepted, more American capital is invested than Japanese. Outside East Asia the disparity is even greater. The occupation had severely limited japan's activities outside the home islands; also, it was not until the early '50s that Japan's economic recovery was far enough advanced to permit much in the way of overseas business operations. On one front only - that of Japan istelf - a stubborn tug-of-war exists that bids fair to go on for some time to come. American capital is most anxious to better its position in the fast-growing and highly profitable Japanese home market. Such a foothold has the further advantage of enabling the American firms to produce more cheaply for the international market outside Japan. Japan, on the other hand, is equally determined to hold this pressure back, if only to safeguard its economic independence. Japan's success in this endeavor is modified by a limited, but growing, American breakthrough. On the average, foreign investors account for only 5 percent of sales in the Japanese market. But averages never tell the whole story; in this case, several American investors have far exceeded them. 17 Most foreign participation has been through joint ventures, with Japanese capital predominant. But IBM, in a field where technology is decisi\'e, controls two-thirds of Japan's computer market, apd this through a wholly-owned subsidiary. United Fruit, in late 1971, was taking over three-quarters of the shares in a joint venture. The number of such exceptions is growing. Toyota and Nissan, as might be expected, control upwards of 70 percent of the domestic car market and 90 percent of export sales, though Chrysler and General Motors have now started joint ventures with two lesser Japanese automotive tirms. In petroleum today American dominance is virtually complete. Standard Oil affiliates controlled 58.3 percent of JapalJese crude oil refining in 1970, while a Caltex joint venture was the largest marketer of petroleum products. Abroad, at the main world sources of crude oil output, Japan's dependence is critical. An October 1971 White Paper estimated that American capital controlled 80 percent of Japanese imports, mostly from the Middle East but also from Indonesia. 18 Today's oil crisis hits both partners but it is far more dangerous for Japan, as the "temporary" Arab oil blockade this past fall ominously demonstrated. The large Japanese foreign reserves should be an element of strength contributing to economic independence. They can and do find investment abroad, mostly in Latin America and Southeast Asia, and now in the Middle East. Nevertheless Japan conducts its business operations in dollars and, more tlran any other great power, its 20-odd billions of dollar reserves are just that, kept almost en,tirely in dollars and in the United States. Thus the two dollar devaluations were truly "nasty shocks," reducing the value of both the reserves and the business contracts entered into by the big Japanese concerns. Japan's hesitancy to convert its reserves into gold or non-dollar currencies argues a striking weakness and subordination. Since Japan "does not have complete control over its reserves," Professor Inoue Kiyoshi has emphasized, "their main function is to prop up the dollar." (p. 219, n. 3) A determined effort to escape from this predicament would be Japan's fullest sign of independence, but such a move is a sharper challenge to the United States than it has been prepared to mount. 19 The return of Okinawa to Japan's jurisdiction accomplished by Sato might be thought to contradict the greater U.S. weight in alliance decisions, but the book's trenchant pages on this matter (195-208) offer little support to such an interpretation. American corporations enjoy a virtually complete domination of the Okinawan economy, one that will yield even more benefit from withi.n Japan's protectionist walls. The political aspects of the "reversion" deal were not particularly favorable to Japan and still less so to the people of this tragic island, where thousands of helpless civilians were killed in the war's last engagements. First misruled by Japan and then by the United States, Okinawa has had 44 percent of its arable land turned into American military bases since 1945. The reversion effected on May 15, 1972, left most of the bases under U.S. control, though some were transferred to the Japanese military. Flouting popular sentiment, the Sato-Nixon agreement failed to include a specific guarantee that the island would be "nuclear-free," as was the case on the home islands. Japanese forces could now be brought in, and with an obvious function that of holding in check the frightening Okinawan opposition to the American presence, which, on one occasion at the Kadena Airbase in 1970, had seen an estimated 10,000 Okinawans storming the gates and burning 80 American cars. 2O It will be less embarrassing to have the Japanese police and military riding herd on the strong leftist popular movement that has developed on the island. For the Japanese military, it is true, this first dispatch of troops outside the home islands was a morale booster - played up as an end to the period of defeat and, hopefully, as a boost to the "new nationalism." All told a good deal for both partners, well in the spirit of the alliance. Of all the "Nixon shocks" there can be no doubt that Washington's secret Operation Peking cut most deeply into Japanese sensitivities. In a move so closely affecting Japan, the partner was not even accorded the courtesy of advance notice. From the early '50s, with the Dulles dictate, Japan had meekly 58 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org followed the U.S. requirement - Jom with us in support of Taiwan and have no truck with China. As traders, investors, and lenders, Japanese businessmen flocked to Taiwan, and even more after Dean Rusk's go-ahead in 1965. But now, in a trice, Washington's unilateral action had turned things upside down. The new adjustment forced on Japan was accomplished, though not without some embarrassment. Sato was driven from office, to be succeeded by Tanaka, who went hat in hand to Peking, made an apology of sorts for Japan's 1931-35 barbarities in China, and established a modus vivendi :i la Nixon-Kissinger. It was what the opposition parties had long advocated, with considerable support from the more enlightened business elements. A strange thought comes to mind. Had the Liberal-Democrats heeded these voices, it would have been Japan that first touched base in Peking. Perish the thought! Run counter to the United States? On such a settled policy? What an act for a good partner! Business support had in fact weighed in heavily on the wrong side. Most of the big Japanese concerns, thoroughly committed to the profitable exploitation of Taiwan, had constituted the most powerful lobby in favor of things as they were. Taken all in all, the costs of the forced readjustment may not prove too burdensome for Japan. The real blow, as Peking knew well enough, was struck at Chiang and Pak, the two northern proteges of the imperium. Both regimes were perceptibly weakened, yet both will continue for a time, and so will their ties to Japan. Chiang had to sever formal diplomatic relations with Tokyo, but there is no sign that he intends to get tough; trade continues as usual, though investment may be less brisk. 21 The blow fell harder on the weaker Pak, forced already to make gestures to Pyongyang, faced with continuing student-led disaffection, and made even more dependent on Japan. For Japan itself the disabilities suffered were far less. And above all, on the positive side, the perennial mirage of a big China trade now beckons, for which indeed it is better fitted than the United States. Japan could hardly do more than take the new situation in stride and make the necessary adjustments. The partnership hardly seems threatened under Tanaka who represents, even more than Sato, the most reactionary circles of the Liberal-Democratic party. A "turnaway" to Moscow, bruited at times, would mean a break with the United States, besides risking the exchange of one dependence for another. As much as ever, maintenance of the condominium is essential. At most Tanaka is maneuvering within the new diplomatic equation, but so far without much success. His October 1973 parleys in Moscow failed to secure the long-sought return of the Soviet-occupied islands off Hokkaido, though talks were arranged that may assure Japanese fishing rights around the islands. Also, the ambitious options with respect to large Japanese investment in development of the Yakutsk natural gas and the Tyumen oil fields were left open. But now it was explicitly agreed that third parties, meaning the United States, could also participate. The projects have in fact become too big for Japan to swing alone, while American capital seems determined to enter the game. The outcome seems to hinge on the course taken by Soviet-American relations. And now a new element sounded out some of the West European countries, urging that they too should enter the big deal. Far from being a juggernaut on the world economy, Japan might be more realistically described as a major industrial power beset with serious problems. By far the greatest of these is the satisfaction of its raw material needs, made no easier by today's growing shortages, above all in oil. More than any of the other industrial nations Japan is critically dependent on overseas supplies not under its control. The richest sources are in Latin America and the Middle East but here its rivals, the United States most of all, are strongly entrenched - a situation existing even in the East Asian condominium. A notable exception is Australia, which sells much of its foodstuffs and basic raw materials to Japan, a situation that the new treaty envisaged for 1974 will further stabilize. Quite apart from the matter of oil, it is the United States that possesses the advantage in its economic relations with Japan. Trade with the United States accounts for roughly one-third of both Japan's exports and imports. On the American side, in 1970, these figures were 14.7 percent for exports and 10.8 percent for imports. This alone might seem enough to guarantee Japan's good behavior. Its extreme weakness in technology has helped many American concerns break into the Japanese home markets. In 1970 Japan was still paying out more than half a billion dollars for imported techniques, after a 1950-70 expenditure of nearly $3 billion for them. Its large dollar reserves are a source of strength, but in dollars kept in the United States they are also a help to the American partner. Japan's Economy Japanese imperialism, as described in this book, is the outcome of a long postwar development that began with the occupation. Measures taken by General MacArthur, such as revising the early liberal Election Law or pulling the. teeth of an already weak antitrust program that left the banks virtually untouched, enabled the old-line politicians, bureaucrats, and business interests to establish firm control of government as early as 1948. Through the Liberal-Democratic Party (what a misnomer!) they have now held an unbroken grip for a quarter-century . The able managers of the zaibatsu combines, freed of the old family heads' control, now joined hands with the bureaucrats in the Finance Ministry, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITO, and the Bank of Japan on a new and more efficient program of unrestricted capitalist development. Western countries were given a lesson in how to manage a modern industrial economy. Japan's "interlocking system of government supervision and private exploitation," the authors note, "has no equal in the other advanced capitalist countries.,,22 Emphasis was not primarily on consumer industry, as the big textile and other light goods exports might suggest, but far more largely on heavy industry. As early as 1965 "the share of heavy industry in Japan's industrial output was higher than in any other industrial country." In 1967 Japan's per-capita output of steel already equalled that of the United States. In 1971 Nippon Steel exceeded the output of U.S. Steel. Emergence of this giant steel concern starkly illustrated a third face of Japan's postwar economy the sweeping away 59 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org of vestigial remnants of the occupation's antitrust program. Nippon Steel came into being on March 31, 1970, as the result of a merger of Fuji Steel and Yawata Steel, both members of the old Yawata zaibatsu. Leading Japanese economists headed the broad public opposition mobilized to fight the merger. When the Fair Trade Commission bowed to the combined government-industry pressure, it signalled the final collapse of the continuous postwar struggle waged against economic concentration. The battle, indeed, had already been lost. During 1951-55 there had been an annual average of 345 mergers of firms capitalized at more than 4 billion yen. In 1969 there were 1,163 mergers of firms capitalized at more than 36 billion yen. Holding companies had been prohibited; today they are appearing with little challenge. There had been ten major zaibatsu combines; today the majors are reduced to six, and more firmly knit together through their many joint ventures than were the old combines. Mitsubishi, Mitsui, and Sumitomo were the greatest of the prewar zaibatsu, the same three are the greatest of the six major combinations of today. There are other shadows on the picture, many being the inseparable accompaniments of advanced industrial development. In Japan they tend to be more ominous than usual. Note has been made of its grave dependence on overseas sources for supplies of oil and timber especially, but many other metals and even foodstuffs could be added. 23 Extremely vulnerable on this front, Japan is being more directly penalized on another - the inevitable costs of a careless mushroom industrialization too largely concentrated in the narrow coastal a r ~ from Tokyo-Yokohama to Osaka-Kobe. Pollution and environmental damage, already graver than in most Western countries, are increasing on an ever-greater scale?4 Public feeling has in some cases erupted in violent incidents, as residents of outlying communities refuse to accept the location of "dirty industries" in their areas, and so they must be transferred to Taiwan or South Korea. Actions taken thus far by the Liberal-Democratic cabinets, always tardy and inadequate, show little promise of reversing the disastrous trend - this to a land whose beauty has been the pride of every Japanese. The new structure was reared not only by its Japanese architects; it was also the work of the American partner. In considerable part Japan became the third-ranking industrial power through its unbroken alliance with the United States. The greatest help came from the two wars in which Japan acted as the commissariat for the American military. The Korean war gave the first big boost to its economic recovery, the Vietnam war took it over the top. Japanese sources estimate that, from the mid-60s to the early 70s, something like $2 billion a year accrued to Japanese business, directly and indirectly, from the American wars against the Indochinese countries. It is unnecessary to add that the American naval and supply bases in Japan, if not fully involved, were most useful in many ways and the clearest reflection of the close collaboration of the two imperialisms. Japanese Militarism Cooperation has indeed been closest of all in the military sphere, with American officials pressing greater rearmament on Japan, in season and out, since the occupation formally ended on April 29, 1952. Steady progress to this end has actually been made for twenty years, and today Washington is well satisfied with the result. That Japan is a weak military power has been a widely accepted myth, but the facts are otherwise. Its rearmament program has centered on the air and naval branches far more than on land forces. Taking all categories into account, Japan's armed forces are already "the seventh largest in the world. ,,25 This rating, for size alone, takes no account of qualitative factors. In military technology Japan ranks among the leading world powers. Fourth to launch a space satellite, its scientific research on nuclear energy is far more advanced. 26 Its scientists rank among the world's best. The number of its nuclear plants is exceeded only by the United States and Britain. In degree of technological preparedness, only the nuclear military powers surpass Japan. Reliable estimates indicate that nuclear weapons could be attached to Japan's missiles within a year. The energetic officer training program in Japan's Self-Defense Forces is another significant emphasis. A large officer backlog was left from World War II. Veteran officers and NCOs still appear to be in surplus, but lately training and recruitment of university students has been pushed. All three branches -- land, air, and naval --- are heavily over-officered; all could be swiftly expanded by up to four or five times. By the early 70s these forces were "approaching a point of maximum effectiveness" (p. 83). They were highly mechanized, with the latest types of tanks, heavy artillery, helicopters, jet fighters, anti-aircraft missiles, and destroyers equipped for anti-submarine warfare. The land forces had one vehicle for every five men. A five-year expansion program covering the first half of the 70s, held up for a time by wide public opposition, is now going forward. Numbering 230,000 in 1970, the forces are scheduled to reach 336,000 by 1975. Even then the per-capita defense expenditure of $30 will be relatively low, but if the force increases continue, total spending will compare with that of Britain, France, or West Germany by the end of the decade. Over the five-year expansion period, spending on the air force will increase 2.8 times, on the navy 2.3 times, and on the army 1.9 times. Tanaka's 1973 budget called for a 22 percent increase over the 1972 budget, the highest ever made. "By 1975," the authors conclude, "Japan will be the mightiest non-nuclear power in the world" (p. 89). Considerably piqued in recent years by Japan's unwillingness to depend on purchases of American weaponry, Washington has nevertheless been continuing to share its advanced arms techniques in the furthering of Japanese rearmament. Under one 1973 contract with the Pentagon, McDonnell-Douglas is building a Thor-Delta rocket prototype for Japan, under another it has licensed Mitsubishi to produce its Phantom F4 fighter bomber.27 In both cases Japan acquires the technology and production is in Japanese plants. For the rocket only a prototype is supplied, and this for the first stage only; Japanese concerns will produce the other stages and then the entire rocket. On this issue, clearly, the Connolly and Laird trips to Japan two years ago were fruitless. They had pressed strongly for larger Japanese purchases of American products, planes especially. The Sato Cabinet and the arms industry, with Mitsubishi Heavy Industries in the lead, opted for independence and self-sufficiency. Even so, or in addition, Japan's arms purchases from the United States are running at an annual level of something over half a billion dollars. Japan has in fact achieved a self-sufficiency in arms output matched only by the United States among the Western powers. By 1969 the big Japanese concerns, headed by 60 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, were already supplying 97 percent of Japan's ammunition and 84 percent of its aircraft, tanks, naval craft, guns, and other military equipment. In this field, as in foreign investment, Japan has fought doggedly to secure its independence. Perhaps even more significant, Japan has developed its own military-industrial complex, one that year by year grows more powerful, in government as well as in business. 28 Retired generals and admirals hold posts on the big defense firms; for Mitsubishi Heavy Industries alone, in 1969, fifteen such positions were held by former military officers. This giant concern then held 38 percent of defense contracts; with Mitsubishi Electric added, the figure came to 45 percent, or ten times the share taken by even the largest American defense firms such as Lockheed. An early favorite of the Pentagon, Mitsubishi has produced 500 jet fighters since 1956 under licences from North American and Lockheed. Its recent contracts with McDonnell-Douglas continue its close tie-up with American arms manufacturers. A contract with Chrysler also gives Mitsubishi an inside track on the latest aerospace technology. Keidanren is the biggest federation of Japanese business firms; along with other big business organs it is tied to government in joint defense planning agencies; Mitsubishi executives hold many of the top positions. The Japanese people have steadily opposed a revival of Japanese militarism. Article 9 of the postwar Constitution, imposed by General MacArthur, declares inter alia that "land, sea, and air forces will never be maintained." In 1950 the same General MacArthur, appealing to the Korean war emergency, authorized formation of a Self-Defense Force with 70,000 infantry. Originally thought of as a reinforcing police force, it soon had 1,000 tanks, as many planes, and eight Hawk missle battalions. At this point it might seem to have already outgrown the limits suggested by its name and to be in violation of the Constitution. So Japan's lower courts have decided, more than once, only to have the Supreme Court overrule their decisions. But the issue will not stay down and is today being contested again. On September 17, 1973, Judge Shigeo Fukushima of Sapporo's three-man District Court rendered the strongest verdict yet. "Ground, maritime, and air Self-Defense Forces," he declared, "in [the] light of their size, equipment, and capabilities, come under [the] 'land, sea, and air forces' mentioned in the second provision of Article 9 and are unconstitutional.,,29 This decision will quite possibly go into limbo, joining the others handed down by courageous Japanese judges. The Supreme Court may overrule them, but they bear witness to the strength of a public sentiment that has been, and still is, the chief obstacle to the big alliance that determines the military policy of the Liberal-Democratic cabinets. The persistence of this feeling, continuing to embolden the lower court judges, has proved most embarrassing to the apologists of postwar Japanese imperialism. If they do not ignore it, they go to great pains to explain it away, perhaps because they recognize that the Japanese people are now defending a principle that Americans had first embodied in the Constitution. But the fact remains, and an important fact it is. The Japanese people, ranging from a majority to a very large minority on individual issues, stand in direct opposition to the major Liberal-Democratic policies, and most of all to its "defense" policy. Mindful of the last war, public opinion is overwhelmingly opposed to nuclear weapons. 3O The strength of this feeling, above all, has given pause to a prime cabinet decision - the of nuclear weapons and the equipment of the Self-Defense Force with them. The preparations are made, but fear of public reaction has worked to postpone the fateful step. To a lesser extent public opinion has opposed the transformation of the Self-Defense Force into a large, modern and well-equipped army. It has not been able to halt the government's determined efforts. Yet the Constitution has continued to be an irksome annoyance, one that it has proved impossible to remove. An amendment that would lift the bar on "land, sea, and air forces," fervently desired by the Liberal Democrats, requires approval by referendum. But, since they dare not risk a rejection, the action cannot be taken. The government and business leaders have simply gone ahead with the military build-up, relying on the Supreme Court to sustain their unconstitutional procedure. On other issues that approach these in importance many Japanese also oppose the extreme oligopolistic, if not monopolistic, economic concentration represented by Mitsubishi, Mitsui, Sumitomo, and the other giant trusts. Here, too, the occupation had supposedly established certain legal if not constitutional bars, but the business-government coalition has simply overridden them. The order of the day has become mergers, holding companies, banking alliances with the new combines, and the relegation of the Fair Trade Commission, intended to enforce the antitrust laws, to a position of helplessness. On foreign policy, the Security Treaty constitutes the very linchpin of the American-Japanese alliance. From the beginning large numbers of the Japanese people opposed it. At every decennial renewal demonstrators by the thousands stretch the Japanese police to the limit in the effort to control them. In 1960 they not only forced Eisenhower to give up his scheduled visit to Japan, but brought down the Cabinet as well. If not the Security Treaty, what then? An alternative exists. It represents the deepest contradiction of all between the militarist official policy and the pacifist sentiments of the people. It would, in fact, require a 180-degree shift in existing policy, establishing Japan as a neutral state like Sweden. If the Social Democrats allied with the Communists achieved power, and recent election results begin to make this a possibility, the shift might well be accomplished. The imperium we have been examining would be dissolved. This is not a result that Japan's current rulers can accept. It presents a central problem. How does one transform the people's "un-Japanese" pacifist sentiment into a soundly Japanese militarist sentiment? Despite its name the Self-Defense Force has become a strong modern army; the people must be taught to accept it as SUCh. 31 And so vigorous measures are taken to heal this split in the body politic. It is a matter of proper education and here efforts have been concentrated with considerable success. Occupation reforms reduced the Ministry of Education's autocratic powers and established local Boards of Education locally elected. Today the Ministry's centralized authority has been restored, and the locally electe<;l Boards have been abolished. The old controlling powers were restored for a purpose, and they have been used. Textbooks have provided the focal 61 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org issue. Books by liberal Japanese scholars that entered the schools in the late '40s have been censored or entirely scrapped and more suitable texts prepared. Since 1966 the process has been regularized: all textbooks must undergo official scrutiny before they are given official certification. Japanese papers have gone into detail on the sort of changes made by the examiners, as the authors have noted (187-88). "The argument about rights to self-defense is over. Write that war potential for s<!lf-defense is not unconstitutional. " "That 'sovereignty rests In the people' may cause misunderstanding. Change it." "Avoid any mention of the Emperor's declaration that he is a mere human [and not divinel." "From the latter Meiji period the Government strove to expand into Taiwan and Korea, and soon afterwards into the continent. Delete completely." "Do not write that there were differences of opinion over foreign policy within the country." "In treatment of the causes of the Sino-Japanese War it reads as if Japan did something wrong. Mention the wrongs on the other side." In this field, too, the Constitution has become a nuisance. lenaga Saburo, Professor of Japanese History at the Tokyo University of Education, took legal action against official textbook censorship, basing his case on the Constitution's Bill of Rights. The Tokyo District Court judge held in July 1970 that the government's textbook scrutiny should be limited to an indication of "typographical errors, misprints, and clear errors of historical fact." (p. 189) Is it the judges' assurance of public support that leads them, time and again, to rebuff the autocratic and illegal acts of the powers that be? One might raise a last question as to Japanese militarism. Where is Japan expected to use its ever-larger and ever more heavily equipped military forces? Certainly not against China or the Soviet Union, with whom relations, if not cordial, are at least normalized. The answer is not in doubt. Japan's military strength is centered, along with that of the United States, on defense of the joint imperium. The local dictatorships which they keep in power are unstable if not shaky, with revolutionary overthrow always a possibility. Moderate changes in the satellites are permissible, but drastic changes threatening the economic grip of the two partners must be resisted by every means not excluding military force. Japan's strategic concern, therefore, as well as that of Washington, extends from end to end of the East Asian coasts: the Straits of Malacca in the south are as vital as South Korea to the north. A postwar first occurred in 1969 when Japanese destroyers passed through the Straits (unthinkable only a few years ago) on joint maneuvers with Malaysia and Australia. At home the business concerns call for naval protection and repair facilities in the Southeast Asian ports. Some local opposition might have been expected, but not from Suharto's Japanese-trained generals or from Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, who worked with the Japanese during the wartime occupation of Malaya. Still, their strategic position is advantageous, and they are not above using it in their bargainings with the Japanese. As against Japan's demand for "international ization" of the Straits, in which Washington joins, they speak of extending their territorial waters to embrace them. 32 Meanwhile Japan also works actively to have a pipeline, if not a canal, built across Thailand's Kra Isthmus, and develop a lengthy bypass for its supertankers through the Lombok Strait near Bali. To the north the special status of South Korea, and the need to safeguard it, has been expressed in words that are far more blunt. The Sato-Nixon communique of November 21, 1969, termed South Korea "essential to the security of Japan." Soon after, Nakasone Yasuhiro, Director-General of the Self-Defense Force, went somewhat further, characterizing South Korea as "Japan's advance stronghold." Since then things have undergone a change. Tokyo's new relationship with Peking, established in the Chou-Tanaka talks, makes it more difficult, if not unlikely, for Japan to give military support to Pak were his regime threatened with overthrow. It is the earlier statements, nevertheless, that show the true concern of the imperialist partners. Conclusion The great value of Japanese Imperia/ism Today lies in its wealth of organized data, very largely on unpleasant subjects, hitherto most often ignored or brushed aside by our academic scholars: first, on American-Japanese activities in their East Asian imperium, and second, on the relationship (more cooperative than antagonistic) that the partners have formed. The two allies, the authors make clear, treat the satellites of their realm not with solicitude for the development as independent countries, either politically or economically, but as objects of exploitation by the biggest Japanese and American corporations. Surely they are correct when they define such actions as imperialist. The partners pose as democracies, defenders of the "free world," but from end to end of the imperium they furnish arms and money to military dictators that betray local national interests, suppress the rights of free press and assembly, and shoot down students who seek to defend the true interests of country and people. When, as here, the survey becomes comprehensive, we see that this is not a matter only of Vietnam or Laos or Cambodia (it is just that in these cases imperialist force is directly applied), but also of Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and South Korea, where the ends desired can be achieved indirectly through the local military dictators. To the shame of all decent-minded Americans, it is the United States that is the organizer and leader of this outrage, not only in its own right but also in carefully nursing Japan along so as to have a proper aide in handling the new co-prosperity sphere. One cannot escape the feeling that with all its outward show this East Asian condominium is a jerry-built structure. Propped up by their imperialist masters, Thieu, Lon Nol, Suharto, Marcos, Chiang, and Pak do their best to stride masterfully on the world stage. The appearance is delusive; they will all be overthrown, and with no glory in their exits. The struggle goes on in Indochina, and now Thailand demonstrates the costs to be paid. But free peoples will again rule in these countries, and they will rule in the interests of all instead of the privileged few. It might well be left at this, except that some comment seems needed on the responsible operators in these events the United States and Japan. Halliday and McCormack have written an honest book. When the reader sets it down, his reflections move beyond its restricted field to a wider horizon. 62 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org In Japan we seem to see the replay of an earlier scenario. The same old groups - big businessmen, politicos and bureaucrats, and now once more the military - are doing the same old things. But any such deja vu is a delusion. History does not repeat itself, despite the hoary myth. Conditions are different both within Japan, where the opposition is far stronger, and on the Asian scene, most of all in the neighboring mainland areas. Unlike 1941, Japan's motions "today are circumscribed. Above all, Japan is not acting independently but has come to listen to Big Brother, though with an increasing querulousness. Not that this result was accidental, when we consider Japan's postwar evolution. The Liberal-Democrats, with vital American assists from the occupation period on, had fashioned a regime that would inevitably clasp hands with U.S. imperialism. That Japan should be thus led astray was an altogether natural outcome. Assuming, as we must for the immediate future, that not Japan but the United States is calling the shots, can we then breathe easier? Hardly, after Vietnam. Hardly, as we look at Washington under today's glaring spotlight. Are a country's foreign and domestic policies, as some would have it, two faces of the same coin? The imperialist face of the United States shows up not only in East Asia; it shows up as much or more in its Latin American satellites or in Greece, or Portugal, or Spain. In its overseas operations Washington arms and finances a group of dictators that sweep aside all democratic rights of their citizenries. Could it happen that American officials, having become too acrustomed to such a face, might be willing to act in similar ways at home? Might a country that supplies arms to dictators that shoot down protesting students turn the guns on its own protesting students? Somehow there seems to be a connection here. Such a country might even find itself and here the American people themselves enter the equation - ~ with a Nixon for its president. Watergate, it is said, has led to. an awakening, and decisive change will come. Perhaps. Are the American people sufficiently aroused to put an end to these crowding evils? an end not only to illegality and corruption at home, but to an indefensible policy abroad? They are not superficial evils; they are deeply rooted in the corporate structure of American society. The struggle here may prove as long and as painful as that being waged in the American empire's satellites; quite possibly, success for both will come only when both are linked together in joint struggle. Postscript, January 1974 The January events in Jakarta come as striking confirmation of the Halliday-McCormack thesis that the nature of the East Asian military regimes leads to a threatening increase of mass discontent. They reflect a political crisis that develops with a kind of inevitability. The tremors spread from country to country, but the same challenge is always presented to impoverishment resulting from the military satraps' corrupt tie-ups with the American and Japanese concerns. The coterie around the generals grows rich from the pay-offs, the people sink into abject and unrelieved poverty. News reports that conditions such as these existed in Indonesia have been sparse. Had the true facts been known, the scale and bitterness of the Jakarta outbreak on January 15 and 16, leaving 11 dead and scores injured, would not have proved so surprising. Indonesia is in fact another South Korea, only more so. The country earned some $4 billion on its 1973 oil exports, but its ruling clique pocketed the gains. Its teeming people in village and city show a per capita income of 25 cents or less, while the Indonesian oil czar throws a million-dollar wedding for his daughter on his multi-villaed estate. Adam Malik, the Foreign Minister, blandly admits that corruption is "everywhere." 33 The students throughout the imperium lead the rising protests, but behind them lies a mass sentiment of growing desperation. Grievances are not merely student grievances, they are mass grievances. With the "ugly Japanese" replacing the "ugly American" as the symbolic target, the mass response grows intensely emotional. Yet one should not be misled: the essential attack is directed to a domestic target - the misrulers of the several countries. Its basic thrust demands that the local dictators mend their ways; if not, they will be unseated. The social revolutions maturing throughout the region are still in their initial stages, more potential than actual. Some gains, it is true, may already be tallied. In Thailand severe blows have been dealt the military and a new constitution promising speedy elections is being drafted. South Korea's broadening opposition has forced Pak into some concessions; much stronger pressure is expected when the universities reopen in the spring. The thousands of demonstrators (far larger than a mere group of students) that kept Prime Minister Tanaka in strict seclusion during his Jakarta visit represented a new phenomenon: the Indonesian populace was mounting the first serious opposition to Suharto's seven-year dictatorship. So far, none of these protests has had more than tentative results. In Thailand the generals lurk warily behind the scenes, and nearly 40,000 Americans man their air bases with B-S2 bombers. The dictatorships of Pak and Suharto are still firmly entrenched. But in these countries, as elsewhere in the imperium, the underlying situation is explosive and the fuses splutter. The causes of revolt are persuasive, quite possibly strong snough to bring thoroughgoing rather than superficial change sooner than one might expect. NOTES 1. Some estimates of the death toll ran as high as 600; for days after, the Thai radio was calling for blood donors. American news reports first minimized the casualties and then omitted further mention of them. I use the conservative estimate given by Charles Taylor, The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 26, 1973. 2. With its wooden houses and huge paper consumption, Japan is the world's largest consumer of lumber, and the need grows with every year. Its lumber imports cost $1.572 billion in 1970; the 42 million cubic meters represented a 16 percent increase over 1969. 3. Halliday and McCormack, 38. Quoted from Chuo Koron, No.6 (1970). 4. Inaba Shuzo, President of Japan's National Economic Research Society, stated recently that "in order to deal with pollution, Japan must seek new areas for its steel, electric power, oil-refining, and petrochemical industries." (p. 142) The "new areas" are most dearly Taiwan and South Korea, though Indonesia is also a possibility. 5. The Japanese taxpayer foots the bill; the big concerns dispose of domestic surpluses or obsolete equipment, often at excessive prices. Seoul officials handle the transactions; normally, in the case of industrial investment, by selling the required licenses to the highest bidder among the Japanese concerns. Or take rice. In the late 1960s government storehouses bulged with six million tons of unsold rice bought by the Liberal-Democrats to bribe the insatiable farm lobby. 63 I BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org These stocks were unloaded on South Korea at high prices charged against the reparations or aid accounts. Pak's officials then fixed still-higher prices when the rice was sold to the Korean consumer. Rice, it might be noted, should not have to be a Korean import, that is, if Seoul had not neglected Korean agriculture in postwar years. 6. Halliday and McCormack, 252. 7. See "The Republic of Korea," International Affairs Reports, 18:8 (October 1971). Philadelphia, American Friends Service Committee. 8. In Taiwan the rate is 25 percent; in Indonesia, if the semi-employed are included, it is 35 percent. Thus, in the imperium's three classic examples of "developing" countries, significantly increased employment, a contribution often claimed for foreign investment, has not been achieved. 9. The 1971 budget devoted 45 percent to administration, 30 percent to the military, and 25 percent to investment and services. An adequate emphasis on agriculture could make South Korea self-sufficient in food. 10. One of the largest and most threatening took place during the summer months of 1970 in an area west of Pusan, where deep social unrest gripped several of the provinces. The area includes the Masan tariff-free zone, with its special privileges for the foreign investor. A concentration of Japanese investment, with arbitrary and oppressive labor practices, had aroused correspondingly vigorous Korean antagonism. The protracted outbreak was crushed in July 1970; more than 10,000 local Koreans were jailed for shorter or longer periods. In 1971 other regions were also the scene of serious disputes, social or economic in origin. 11. Richard Halloran, "President Park's South Korea; There is Only One Path, and It Is His," New York Times, August 28, 1973. Halloran wrote that the repression under Pak's regime "puts in question whether the national interest of the United States is being served by a continued alliance. Stated another way. is that the sort of government the American people paid for after expending 33,625 lives in combat war and then sending $8.4 billion in economic and military aid?" 12. "Seoul's Vast Intelligence Agency Stirs Wide Fear." New York Times, August 20. 1973. 13. "Martial Law in Korea." International Affairs Reports, cited. December 1972. 14. New York Times, October 3 and 5, 1973, with editorial on October 7. 14a. New York Times. November 6, December 4 and 5. 1973. 15. On the relations and relative status of the partners, Chs. and 7. Japan's capitalist rivals carefully ignore a salient fact of the world trade picture: standing only sixty-second in the ratio of its exports to its GNP in 1971. Japan is relatively less of an exporter than France, Britain. the Netherlands, and many other countries. 16. Two different regions felt the blow. Late in 1970 harsh restrictions were first imposed on textile goods exported by Hongkong, Taiwan. and South Korea. Our East Asian wards learned that it was dangerous for "developing" countries to become efficient producers of export manufactures. Japan fought harder but finally knuckled under. signing a "voluntary" three-year agreement, effective July 1. 1971, that sharply limited further growth of its textile exports to the United States. Sato had to give sizeable financial help to the politically influential textile magnates. but some 300.000 Japanese workers in the small-scale establishments were thrown out of work. 17. As of June 30, 1970. out of 776 foreign companies operating in Japan. 477 were American, holding two-thirds of total invested foreign capital. This group included 83 of the 200 top industrial corporations of the United States. They were financed largely by a srrong cluster of U.S_ banks, the largest such foreign group in Japan. 18. Japan has been making vigorous efforts to acquire independent sources of supply. In recent years it has secured its own conrracts with Nigeria, Saudi Arabia. and Kuwait, and with Iran for development rights in the large untapped Laurestan oil fields. New concession rights in Sumatra and Brunei may somewhat lessen the American near-monopoly in the Indonesian area. Three claimants China, Taiwan, and Japan - have been contending for the Tiaoyu island group's offshore oil deposits. Japan has simply occupied the islands by military force. with Washington's blessing, but the issue may raise its head again. A $150 million Japanese loan to Thieu in 1970, urged by Washington, has sparked a Japanese investment drive in Vietnam similar to that in South Korea, and a Japanese consortium is working with Gulf Oil to develop Vietnam's offshore oil fields. Japanese oil investment is growing in. Australia; the trade exchange here is large and a new treaty "to formalize. stabilize, and broaden" their relations will be concluded in 1974. (New York Times, October 31, 193) 19. Connally called on Japan to make up $5 billion of the $13 billion "turnaround" needed to balance U.S. international accounts. Apart from desired trade concessions (letting down bars to American investment in Japan, incidentally, would detract from the balance). U.S. officials have offered some interesting suggestions to achieve this end. One is that Japan should put its dollars to use by purchasing more American bonds and U.S. Treasury bills than it has been, i.e., it should prop up the American economy directly. For another, why should the Liberal-Democratic cabinet support Mitsubishi's effort to produce Japan's own weaponry? American planes cost less, and the half billion dollars being spent by Japan on arms purchases from the United States were not nearly enough. 20. G.!. incidents of rape. murder, and injury were running at three a day in 1971, that is, 1.000 or more per year; in such cases only 1 or 2 percent of the culprits received punishment. 21. See "Taipei 'Practical' on Japan Trade,'" New York Times. October 8, 1972. 22. See p. 165. and more fully, 165-195. 23. For oil. pp. 59-69; for timber, pp. 69-71. 24. Even in the mid-'60s complaints of the deteriorating quality of life had filled the newspaper columns. Automobile traffic has multiplied, with the usual results. Tokyo vies with Los Angeles as the smog capital of the world. Years ago the Welfare Ministry declared the polluted beaches in the Tokyo-Yokohama area off-limits. Dozens of cherry-blossom "flower-viewing" sites existed in Tokyo not so long ago; today they have been reduced to five and even these are not safe. Poisoned waters from factory emissions have caused many deaths, but officials shielded the corporations, and the issues had to become public scandals before the family survivors obtained compensation payments. 25. See p. 83; for full dicussion, 77-107. 26. For its advanced status see the technical article "The Many Uses of Nuclear Energy," Nippon Steel News, No. 41. September 1973. 27. Strongly opposed by the AFL-(;IO. as exporting the jobs of American workers to Japan. On the floor of the Senate. Ribicoff opposed "the sale of our military technology to foreign nations." The rocket is to be used "for peaceful purposes" only, but it needs slight modification to carry a nuclear warhead in distances up to 5,000 miles. See New York Times, March 7, 1973. 28. For the military-industrial complex, pp. 107-118. 29. New York Times, September 18, 1973. 30. Tens of thousands rallied in Tokyo on October 6 and 7, protesting arrival of the American aircraft carrier Midway at the U.S. Yokosuka naval base - for a three-year stay. Japanese officials claimed the Midway carried no nuclear bombs, but the American Navy spokesman at Yokosuka "would neither confirm nor deny that there were nuclear weapons aboard." New York Times, October 7,1973. 31. The name symbolizes the constitutional qualms evident in 1950; its continuance witnesses to the strength of existing public opinion. Not "War" but "Self-Defense;" not a "Ministry" but an "Agency." headed not by a "Minister" but by a "Director-General." This, when today it disposes greater military might than the War Ministry of 1941. 32. James P. Sterba notes that "Indonesians have been mumbling about claims on the straits," but stresses their dependence on Japan. New York Times, August 28, 1972. 33. New York Times, January 16 and 18. 1974. For the students' grievances, see NYT, January 22. 1974. 64 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Katz & Milton, 'Fragment from a Lost Diary' by Connie Young Yu Fragment From a Lost Diary a11d Other Stories: Women ofAsia, Africa, and Latin America, edited by Naomi Katz and Nancy Milton. New York: Pantheon Books, 1974. pp. xviii, 318. $10. The appearance of this collection of twenty stories is a significant event. It is a rare chronicle of the difficult, often heart-breaking lives of women in Africa, Asia and Latin America today. Generally, the non-Western experience has been neglected by American publishers, who have mainly put out romanticized tales of exotic lands told by English-speaking writers for the entertainment of Western readers. The muffled voices of women in the Third World have been heard least of all. Cenainly nothing comparable to Fragmellt From a Lost Diary has ever been published in America. Each story speaks with authority and knowledge about the feelings, despairs and hopes of these women. The dilemmas confronting them are not the concerns or themes of the women's liberation movement of Western societies; but they shed light on the lives of non-white women, who, lest we forget, comprise the larger segment of the world's population. The stories are divided into three sections. The first (with the exception of one story) involves Asian peasant women helplessly trapped in the rigid, harsh customs of their traditional societies. This part is fittingly prefaced by a Chinese poem: "How sad it is to be a woman!/Nothing on earth is held so cheap." A 14-year-old Korean girl and an 8-year-old Indonesian girl are forced by the poverty ~ f their families to become child brides. A woman of the Philippines must be abandoned by her husband for another because she has not borne any children. A Chinese teenager is cruelly banished from her village because a young man seduced her. "The Green Chrysanthemum" begins with a voice exclaiming, "An airplane! An airplane! Just like a dragonfly, isn't it?" As you read on, you find you that a Korean peasant girl is speaking. You also discover that her impoverished father had to sell her at the age of 12 to become the betrothed "bride" of a nine-year-old eunuch. In this and other stories you experience a shock upon seeing a modern image in a traditional setting and realizing that the story is about people living today. Following the disturbing yet captivating tales of the first section is a group of stories about married women who are oppressed by their status and the faults of their husbands. Two powerful poems by Okot p'Bitek of Uganda are included. "Song of Lawino" is the voice of a woman who decries the corruption of her husband by white man's culture. Her husband reads white man's books and, "In the ways of his people/He has become a stump." She is left alone, the caretaker of family, culture and village, saying: "I do not know/How to keep/The white man's time ... Time has become/My husband's master/It is my husband's husband." In Tokuda Shiisei's story, "Order of the White Paulownia," Kanako, a young working-class wife of Tokyo, agonizes over whether or not to leave her husband who gambles away their meager savings. Her sister advises her, "After all, marriage is a very different thing from what you find in movies and novels." Replies Kanako, who had readily accepted the arranged marriage, "But I can't believe it's meant to be like ours." The women in the final section are beginning to take on new roles in changing societies. They are no longer subjected to child marriages or totally trapped by tradition, but they face conflicts and struggles just as intense. "A Woman's Life" describes the paradoxical situation of a woman who has become a teacher in Tanzania. She is respected by her entire village, yet is beaten regularly by her husband. Her daughter asks, "You are a teacher, not a piece of junk for Baba to kick around. Why do you let him do it?" The mother answers resignedly, "A woman without a husband is nobody or worse. You have to explain why you are without a man in the house." "The Ivory Comb" by Nguyen Sang is the only story in the book about a woman who is liberated in the modern sense. She is an able, courageous Vietnamese resistance fighter whose father was killed by Americans. She is free from the age-old fears about marriage, rigid village customs and social pressures, but her life is in constant danger as she leads her people through defoliated jungles under threat of ambush from the enemy. The oppression of racism becomes a dominant theme in this last part of the volume. Of the five stories, three come out of South Africa. I felt these were the most powerful narratives in the whole collection. The experiences described of women of color living under Apartheid are seldom presented to American audiences, yet in these skillful stories these women are not difficult to identify with. A tired, middle-class Indian woman is driving all night with her two children to meet her husband in Capetown. They 65 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org can only sleep on the road because the hotels are reserved tur whites. The children are tired, thirsty and irritable. She stops at a cafe, decorated with Coca Cola signs, to have her thermos filled with coffee for her children. She is refused service and harshly insulted by a slovenly white woman, and in a rage she throws the thermos at the woman. She continues on her tedious journey until she is stopped by a roadblock and taken into custody by the police as "one of those agitators making trouble here." Alex La Guma's "Coffee for the Road" so brilliantly describes the troubled journey of the woman that )Iou feel you are riding in the car with her and her children as they pass through the dusty countryside. These passages of description are an integral part of the statement of the story: "Three black men trudged in single file along the roadside, looking ahead into some unknown future, wrapped in tattered, dusty blankets, oblivious of the heat, their heads shaded by the ruins of felt hats." The women of Fragment From a Lost Diary do not suffer from the identity problems of many modern American women. They behave in the context of their societies and have no desire to break away from them. The stories involve largely peasant and working-class women of cultures and customs far removed from the Western experience. Yet there is a universality about all the stories, as the emotions experienced by the women are common to all people. The editors, Naomi Katz and Nancy Milton, have made an important contribution to understanding the lives of Third World women by assembling this volume as a means of introduction. Ms. Katz is an African specialist and Ms. Milton is knowledgeable about Asia, particularly China, having taught in Peking from 1964 to 1969. Their own knowledge of the background of these short stories and their sympathies for the women of Third World countries is evident in their choice of stories, their perceptive introduction, the ordering of the writings, and the biographical sketches of the writers at the end of the volume. Several of the book's authors studied in Europe and the United States, and their writings show Western influences. Other writers never left their native land. With the exception of Lu Hsun, the famous revolutionary Chinese author, and Santha Rama Rau and a few others, they are all virtually unknown in the Western world. Although presented as an anthology of stories of Asia, Africa and Latin America, the volume clearly stands only as a collection of stories about women on the first two continents. The Cuban writer Dora Alonso is the sole Latin American author used. Her two unsatisfying stories reflect no substantial representation of a third continent. The anthology would have been a much more definitive and richer collection had the editors added several African and Asian stories instead. For many readers a new appreciation of the vision of African and Asian writers will be inspired by this book, as well as a discovery of new literary dimensions in other cultures. After reading these dramatic stories with diverse styles and dynamic techniques of narrative. many will seek further works of particular writers in this volume. More significantly, these stories pose many haunting questions about the effects of poverty, colonialism and racism on non-Western women today and what is to be done. Women of color in the United States will hear familiar voices in these stories. as I did, and realize that we have lost diaries of our own cultures and struggles, yet to emerge. Fragment From a Lost Diary comes as a strong encouragement in this respect, and generally, the experience of reading the book should not be missed. [Pacific News Service, Janaury 1974) CODI .. ibalo... EqbaJ Ahmad isa Fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington and has written for France-Asie and many other periodicals. He was one of the "Harrisburg Seven" defendants. ceJso Banaag is a Filipino intellectual working underground in the Philippines. Nguyen Cong Binh: see introductory comments by Jayne Werner before his article. Ruben Diario is an American citizen and a political scientist who recently traveled in the Philippines. Rick Doner is a graduate student in education at Stanford University and is currently teaching in a Palo Alto, California, high school. John Dower teaches history at the University of Wisconsin, Madison; his "The Nixon Doctrine: Ten Points of Note" has been reprinted in The Kissinger-Nixon Doctrine in Asia (Harper and Row). He is working on a biography of Yoshida Shigeru. Janet Salaaf teaches sociology at the University of Toronto and is writing a book on factory life in Hong Kong. Jayne Werner is preparing translations from the French of' Vietnamese historical studies scheduled for publication by the Indochina Resource center in 1974; she is a graduate student at Cornell. Connie Yu has written on the Chinese in American courts and other Asian-American issues. She is a director of the Peace Union of Palo Alto and works for the San Francisco Chinese Media Committee. Jim Seymour teaches at the University Without Walls of New York University. T. A. Bisson is the author of a number of books on Japan: Japan in China, just reprinted by Octagon, and Zaibatsu Dissolution il1 Japan. He served in Tokyo as Special Assistant to the Chief, Government Section, GHQ. SCAP, in 1946-47. He is retired now and lives in Waterloo, Canada. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS Because of postal regulations, The Bulletin mailing list must be arranged according to Zip Codes. Therefore with any correspondence about address changes, renew als, etc.-please enclose the address label on the cover, or at least note the Zip Code when you write. For changes. include both new and old addresses and Zips, otherwise we cannot locate your subscription. 66 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org Sovereignty in the South China Sea by Jim Seymour In january 1974, when fighting broke out between Saigon forces and Chinese in the oil-promising South 'China Sea, the American establishment news media tended to assume that the Chinese, being communists, must have been the aggressors. Those reporters who were quickly able to attune themselves to the official State Department line, however, refrained from making any judgment regarding the merits of the controversy! And well they might have, for the assertions of America's client regime regarding the various archipelagoes 2 are at best dubious. Official U.S. Government maps designate the islets by their Chinese (not Vietnamese) names, and neither Hanoi nor the Provisional Revolutionary Government has stated any claims in the region. Sovereignty is a legal concept, and questions about ownership must be answered in legalistic terms. Where there have been no formal agreements, international law relies upon such factors as discovery and the maintenance of a physical or administrative \1resence. Regarding the first criterion, the historical record concerning the South China Sea is clear: Chinese explorers discovered these islands two thousand years ago. (The Vietnamese did not take to the seas until modern times.) But being essentially uninhabitable, the islands have not supported communities of Chinese, nor of anyone else, and so there is little evidence of the kind of "presence" which would impress, say, the International Court of justice. Chinese sailors did keep touching down there, however, and in the fifteenth century the famous voyager and statesman Cheng Ho visited even the southernmost Spratly group, reiterating the Chinese claim. Many years later the Ch'ing dynasty explorer Li Chun passed through the area and reported the presence of Chinese fishermen. (Contemporary maps show the islands as belonging to China.) Oil Under Troubled Waters According to the Saigon government, in 1802 the Vietnamese Emperor Gia Long formed a company for the purpose of developing the islands economically. 3 Before long, however, Vietnam lost its sovereignty to France. Eventually, the islands fell under japanese control. 4 Neither japan nor France now has any serious claims in the South China Sea, and since World War II the islands presumably have belonged to their original owners, although the San Francisco treaty was less than explicit on the matter. Various parties, including the Philippines s and even a few individual pretenders, have made some efforts to assert themselves in the area, but there can be little doubt that the People's Republic of China has an excellent legal case. 6 Whether they can sustain their claim to two hundred miles of territorial waters is more doubtful.' The seabed belonging to them might well extend far, however, and it is in this peripheral region (rather than directly beneath the islands) that any petroleum probably lies. 8 Notes 1. According to a State Department press release, this exchange between Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and an unnamed reporter took place on January 22, 1974: Q. Mr. Secretary, the United States has stated its opposition to anyone country dominating the affairs in Asia .... How do you look upon the Paracel Islands question ... ? A. I don't think [the issue raises] the question of dominating the area.... There has been a dispute between various countries as to the ownership of these islands." Kissinger did not go beyond this noncommittal statement. The State Department generally discourages American oil companies from seeking petroleum in the area. The activities of the government itself, however, have tended to support Saigon. American materiel and personnel have been placed at the disposal of South Vietnamese forces in the archipelagoes. 2. The four main archipelagoes are, from north to south: the Pratas (Tung-sha), the Paracels (Hsi-sha), Macclesfield Bank (Chung sha), and the Spratlies (Nan-sha). 3. Until recently, when hopes for oil arose, the largely barren islets, few larger than a city block, were hardly of economic significance. They were known as a source of "guano" (a delicate term for fertilizer manufactured by birds). 4. The Japanese maintained a submarine base and air strip on the Spratlies during the war. The islands were administered as part of the Japanese colony of Formosa. In December 1946 the Republic of China dispatched a naval contingent to reassert control, and ROC troops have been stationed on Itu Aba much of the time since then. If the Republic of China is still a legal entity, it could claim the South China Sea islands both on the basis of the historic Chinese claim or, alternatively, on the basis of their former incorporations into the Japanese colony. This gives rise to the possibility that Taipei may have the best legal claim of all (again assuming that the ROC is itself legal). The two rationales are somewhat incompatible, however, and the ROC rejects the notion that it is solely insular. Regarding Taipei's position, see Free China Weekly, February 10, 1974, p. 1, and dispatches in U.S. Foreign Broadcast Information Service Daily Report, IV, February 1, 1974, page B-1, and February 8, 1974, page B-1. 5. For the Chinese reaction to Filipino intrusions among the Spratlies in 1971, see Peking Review, July 23,1971,19. 6. For the official statement of the Chinese position, see Peking Review, January 25, 1974,3 f. The British government also considers the archipelagoes to be Chinese. 7. In the unlikely event that the U.S. honored the 20()-mile claim, it would have to restrict itself to "innocent passage" in the area (i.e. no warships), which would have sisnificant implications regarding the conduct of any warfare in Indochina. 8. Far Eastern Eccmomic Review, December 31, 1973,40. BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org SPRING OFFENSIVE 1972 by John Comer Quang Tri has fallen - a new culture exists in the making of rubble. It is not there but it has fallen. The citadel which cannot fall has fallen again. Then along comes ARVN on the ground floor trying to stick it together again, but the best they can ever manage is a frontispiece made out of tyres and washing machines tin sheets and corroding paper. And when the way is made clear they won't wait for a wind they won't listen to the weather forecast all the people will blow at once in the same direction which is in accord with Heaven, the gunners will lay down a tremendous barrage. (The presumption of the city fizzles out with whatever pickings there are in the grandiosity wards at Monaco or the South of France, or is filed away in the Institute for analysis, generating a few more programmes on the dynamics of counterinsurgency.) I can't see a revolution without a decent obstetric service, or how anyone can expect to contain it if there aren't even provisions for a gynaecological examination - if the Delta abounds with malaria and tuberculosis and the villagers are packed into encampments as if they were surplus stock for the warehouse - or if as soon as you turn the cadres leap out in their pyjamas brandishing hypodermic needles and everyone has to go to school again studying domestic hygiene. And by giving away some carpentry sets Uncle Sam was expecting the peasants to develop self-sufficiency! And whether these people now can suffer forced-draft urbanization and still come out of it with virtue is something we might see in the reasonable future. Thus the Pirc defence: 'fluid & slippery ... closing the game and slowly equalizing, whether white opens P-K4 or P-Q4' Ho Chi Minh because he is pointed, like fire, because he has set out to accomplish himself and has respect for the topography, whereas the others are like water rotting everything they touch, chicane and profiteering. I am consumed in my work. I buy the liquor that is required of me. I look straight ahead at the horizon as if there was nothing else in the world but my steps. Still my manners and complexion invoke law according to unspoken rules-of-thumb, which is the law. In the moment of love I hear vulgar diminutives in my affectionate name. Their god has come to our house by ordinance. The women weep that they have been assaulted by diseased men. I whisper resistant symbols to the drumskin - which is my neighbour's ear - and my augmented voice is hailed in every part of the terrain. He who was blowing tea in a dream leaves it to cool under a saucer, his wife brandishes her irons and puts her feet up on the tabletop which defines her virtue. That night they are carrying grain into the illicit mouths of the hill. And women also, they fell on them with cries that had never been heard: women who embroidered our days, who had sewn knick-knacks in the shadow of our erections. ''Alcth;''9 i .....an!.
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This is the story of Viet Nam's struggle for Indepen dence and freedom be91nn1nq over 2, ODO years ago. 60 minutes long with detailed script; 160 sUdes, In cluding uncommon Vletnameae graphics and rare photographs; 4 part format Ideal for serial presenta tion; very useful for college, hl9h school, """cn-ms,:. Invaluable for putting present situation In Viet Nam aOO Indochina in historical perspective. Prepared by Cornell Concerned Asian Scholars and Ithaca Anti_ar Movement. Purchase Is S20, rental Is $5, plus shlpplnq costs. Indochina Peace Campaign of Syracuse Peace 924 Burnet Ave. Syracuse, NY 13203 (315) 68 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org PEOPLE OF NAMBO (1859 - ) Souls wander the open scrub by Gia Dinh, that we have lost our sanctuaries to a foreign charisma. Now we are not asking for anything which is not ours, but which is ours already, and we demalld it. For there can be no correct burials until every one of them has gone back to France. -Souls without provenance: an underworld dense with reptiles, and hogs abandoned against their kind. I will give you seven plates of rice and three of aubergines if you will give me a good harvest. At one time giants smote earth in a fit of irritableness; these ravines and pinnacles sprang up between their fingers. I was told by my grandmother. The valley is where one of them stretched out to sleep in the impression left by his palm. There arc many but I am in love with two of them, the god of domestic cheer and of the last meal in the day. And for age, to havc tobacco in a sunny promontory. Who lives in the tree? I who am a puff of feathers hanging from the musket barrel. Who hangs him who hangs by his feet? I who destroyed the barn-owl with my instrument. Who marches on the company storehouse? We march. An army of bragging voles, we march with impunity on the storehouse, bearing cough-pellets which are the tokens of our dead. China Books literature from China & Vietnam Poems of Mao 1$1 lung & Ho Chi Minh SUbscription to Chinese Literature Monthly Magazine $3. Request Fr.. catalogue. Open: 9-6 MS CHINA BOOKS .. PERIODICALS 2929 24th St 'SF 94110 282-6945 Pacif ImparT-lism ".-:'&ebook "... meticulous . ~ factual reports Facti & analysis on U.S . ~ & ~ n lCOf!O!IIic imperialism on the in the Jlsia-I'acitic Ngion. programs of international capital in the Pacific region .... very perceptive analyses of the primary Cact ors that will determine the behavior of the imperial powers ... a uniquely valuable re source for those concerned to understand world affairs." - Noam Chomsky " ... by Car the best militant economic and political research publication in the world . .. lucidly and punchily written .. . excellent indexing and cross-referencing .. . a veritable goldmine of information on the entire Pacific area .. richly deserves wide support and diffusion." - Jon Halliday, Editor, New Left Review A Monthly Report - $7.50 yearly (Institutions $15; airmail anywhere $8 extra) Typical subjects: International runaway shop: US" Japan export auto" electronics pTOduction. Overproduction crisis" risi", US Japan contradictions. Japan's zaibatsu" rebirth ofthe Greater East Asia Coprosperity Sphere. J Minerals" oil investment ... Extent of foreign control, against a back ground ofstruSlles for national liberation. (Sample on Request) "," wltll IUb: Speclll Write to: Report on Global PACIFIC RIM PROJECf Strule Box 16415 -1 for 011 (SOt San FraadICo CA 94116 ..perltelv' I BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org MATERIALS FROM INDOCHINA RESOURCE CENTER 1322-18th Street, N.W. Was/; illgtoII , D. C. 20036 Please Note New Address: 1N[)()CI1INA RLSOUH.CE CENTER P.O. Box 4000D Berkeley, CA. 94704 BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS (Add 20% for shippinll unless otherwise specified.) Viet-Nam: What Kind of Peace? Indochina Resource Center. Full texts of 1973 Paris Agree ment, 1954 Geneva Accords, etc., with extensive, informed analysis. "Absolutely indispensable study" - AFSC. 96 pages. $1.25 each; 2-10 copies @ $1.00; 11+ copies @ $.75. Add postage. Hostages of War: Saigon's Political Prisoners By Holmes Brown and Don Luce. Discussion and documenta tion on civilians imprisoned, without trials, in the jails of South Vietnam. 109 pages. $1.80 includes postage. Children of Viet-Nam Compiled by Tran Khanh Tuyet. Educational stories and big pictures to color. For ages 7 through 10. 28 pages. $.75 in cludes postage. AFTER THE SIGNING OF THE PARIS AGREEMENTS: DOCUMENTS ON SOUTH VIETNAM'S POLITICAL PRIS ONERS. NARMICNietnam Resource Center. 50 pages. $1.80 includes postage. THE TORTOISE AND THE SWORD. Vietnamese folk tale retold and illustrated by Beatrice Tanaka. Lothrop, 1972. 48 pages. $4.00 includes postage. VIETNAMESE ANTICOLONIALISM. By David G. Marr. "Highly recommended" by Library Journal. 1971. 322 pages. $4.00 includes postage. VOICES FROM THE PLAIN OF JARS. Compiled by Fred Branfman. 1972. 160 pages. $2.15 includes postage. TERROR FROM THE SKY. By John Gliedman. Vietnam Re source Center, 1972. 172 pages. $1.20 includes postage. EDUCATION IN VIETNAM. Ed. by John Spragens. 1972. 50 pages. $1.00 includes postage. HOW I BECAME A LIBERATION FIGHTER. By Tran Hieu Minh. 31 pages. $.50 inc. postage. STATISTICAL FACT SHEET ON THE INDOCHINA WAR. IRC, 1973.4 pages. $.15. CAMBODIA: 1973. Indochina Resource Center. 4 pages. $.15. MOVIES FROM INDOCHINA (Rental rates are for three days.) Laos: Land of Liberty Pathet Lao. General documentary on life in liberated areas. 1971. 25 min., 16mm, b/w. Narration in Lao, with Lao folk music. $10 rental. Children's Marionette Shows in the Jungle NLF. A highly visual film with Vietnamese voices and music. Teenagers learn to make and use marionettes for a play that travels from village to village in South Vietnam. 1971. 25 min., 16mm, b/w. $25 rental. U.S. Technique and Genocide DRV. English soundtrack re-recorded by Indochina Resource Center. Shows evolution of deadly U.S. anti-personnel weapons and effects on civilians. i971. 25 min., 16mm, b/w. $30 rental, $80 purchase. OTHER IMPORTANT SOURCES OF INFORMATION: VIET-NAM RESOURCE CENTER 76-A Pleasant Street Cambridge, Mass. 02139 (617) 491-0498 INDOCHINA MOBILE EDUCATION PROJECT 1322 18th Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 (202) 223-0527 AFSC/NARMIC 112 South 16th Street Philadelphia, Pa. 19102 (215) 563-9372 SPEAKERS The Center has qualified personnel ready to talk or lead discus sions on these and other subjects: PARIS AGREEMENT ON VIETNAM POLITICAL REPRESSION IN SOUTH VIETNAM U.S. WAR ACTIVITIES IN CAMBODIA REFUGEES IN VIETNAM, LAOS AND CAMBODIA PENTAGON AND A.I.D. PROGRAMS IN INDOCHINA HISTORY AND CULTURE OF VIETNAM LIBERATION MOVEMENTS OF INDOCHINA 70 BCAS. All rights reserved. For non-commercial use only. www.bcasnet.org INDOCHINA CHRONICLE SUBSCRIPTIONS ONE YEAR FOR $4.00 PICTURES AND EXHIBITS The Peoples of Indochina Postcard set. Six poignant photos selected by Indochina Mobile Education Project (see examples). $.10 each; 50 or more@ $.06. Spirit of the Land CUBAN PHOTOGRAPHS OF VIETNAM. Includes relevant poetry. People's Press, 1972.64 pages. $1.20 includes postage. Indochina 1973 Five-color, 18x22-in., 24-page calendar on the history and cul tures of the Indochinese peoples. $3.60 includes postage. All proceeds benefit Medical Aid for Indochina. Only We Can Prevent Forests Exhibit on ecological effects of the Indochina War. Color photos, captions, documentation on four large panels. $15 rental. The Rising Cry for Justice Exhibit of color photos, original art and quotations on the meaning of U.S. involvement to the Indochinese people. 28 panels of silk-screened posters; ceiling suspension design. $ 3 5 rental. I S.b8erlptloD BULLETIN OF CONCERNED ASIAN SCHOLARS One Year Two Years Regular $ 6 $11 Outside of North America $ 7 $12 Full-time Students $ 4 $ 7 Libraries/Institutions $10 $20 Sustaining Subscriptions $10-25 Name Street City, State, & Zip For changes, please include old address with zip code. Send to: Bulletin, 604 Mission St., room 1001, San Francisco, 94105 TAPES AND SLIDES Why thc War Is Not Over Comprehensive slide presentation on the history of Vietnam, U.S. intervention, and contemporary events. 160 slides, with detailed script. Prepared by Cornell CCAS and Syracuse Peace Council. $5.00 rental, $20.00 purchase. Tell Them We Are People Colorful, musical filmstrip on Indochinese culture, effects of the war, and chances for reconciliation. Narrated by Don Luce and Tran Khanh Tuyet. 126 frames, 20 min. with record. $5.00 for 3-day rental; $17.95 purchase. Tapes and Videotapes The Indochina Resource Center has a wide variety of tape recorded music of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. We also have a collection of unedited videotapes of conferences and meet ings attended by representatives from Vietnam and Laos. Feel free to inquire further about content and rental rates. How To Buy A Country CONTENTS U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) Prime Contract Awards by Region and State for Fiscal Years 1970-72 U.S. DOD Grants for Basic Scientific Research and Transfer of Title to Government Equipment and U.S. DOD Grants to Educational and Non-Profit Institutions Receiving Military Prime Contracts of $10,000 or More For Research, Developmental, Test, and Evaluation Work. Listings for all countries. $2 FROM: Project Anti-War c/o Victor Levant John Abbott College Department of Humanities P.O. Box 2000 Ste. Anne de Bellevue, Quebec Project Anti-War Montreal Quebec BCAS. All rights reserved. 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secdocument_844Download Chinese Sociology State Building And The Institutionalization Of Globally Circulated Knowledge 1St Edition Hon Fai Chen Auth full chapter