Linguistic Tradition 2006-06-02

The Indian Tradition of Linguistics and Pini Rama Nath Sharma
May 29, 2006
Table of Contents
I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali..................................................... 1 0. Introduction.................................................................................. 1 1. The Strapha (SP) ................................................................... 6 A. The iva-stras (s).............................................................. 13 B. The Dhtupha (DP) ........................................................... 16 C. The Gaa-pha (GP) ........................................................... 16 D. The Udi-stra (Us)............................................................. 17 E. The Phistras (Phs).............................................................. 18 F. The Lignusana (L)........................................................ 18 2. The Vtti texts............................................................................ 19 3. The Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali..................................21 A. The Mahbhya as vykhyna............................................ 21 B. Vykaraa: abda, artha and abdrtha-sambandha........... 27 4. The Prakriy texts...................................................................... 32 5. The Siddhnta texts................................................................... 39 A. abda and abda-brahman.................................................. 39 B. Pratibh................................................................................. 40 II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference.............................................43 1. Rules and Operations................................................................ 43 2. Domain, Recurrence and Reference......................................... 48 A. Domain and Recurrence........................................................ 51 B. Reference to Antecedents, and Referential index.................57 3. Names and conventions from the Controlling Domain (CD)......61 A. Technical Names (saj).................................................... 62 B. Major Interpretive Rules........................................................ 68 III: Rule Interaction and Application.................................................. 70 1. smnya, viea and ea........................................................ 70 2. General blocking considerations............................................... 74 A. The karya proposal of vipratiedha................................ 76 B. The bhya proposal of suspension.......................................87 C. The tripd proposal of suspension....................................... 88 3. The Derivational System of the Adhyy...............................93
A. The ti affixes:...................................................................... 95 B. The sUP affixes:.................................................................... 95 4. Summary of the Derivational Mechanism................................ 113 A. Fully derived words (pada).................................................. 113 B. Bases (prakti) .................................................................... 113 C. Affixes (pratyaya)................................................................ 114 D. Levels of Derivation:............................................................ 115 E. Terms (assigned for exiting the Obligatory Domain)........... 116 F. Conventions:........................................................................ 117 IV: Modern Studies On Pini......................................................... 119 V: Select Bibliography..................................................................... 131 VI: Notes and References............................................................... 141
I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali
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catvri g trayo asya pd dve re sapta hastso asya / tridh baddho vabho roravti maho devo marty vivea //
0. Introduction*
Indian theorists of language believe in the divine origin of speech (vk).1 They begin with something which is not only physical and direct (pratyaka) but is also received by auditory instrumentalities and, in the process, is perceived by buddhi high intelligence. Perception by buddhi is the function of mind (manas). Reception by auditory instrumentalities is associated with the function of vital air (pra). It is buddhi which mediates between manas and pra, and as a result, vk, i.e., buddhyrha-abda word-on-mind, comes into articulation.2 This articulation of vk has its source in nda (noise) which, at the initiation of pra and through efforts (prayatna) of karaas speech-organs at specific places (sthna) results in dhvani sound, itself a modification (vikra) of outgoing lungair (vasana). It is stated that vk is a modified form of pra,3 immobile, located at the mldhra in the form of bindu encompassing the abda-brahman and is most commonly known as primary speech (par-vk).4 A modification of this vk by the time it reaches nbhi navel is known as payant, though still internal and perceived only by the mind. This same internal vk, again only perceived by mind, is known as intermediate (madhyam) when it reaches the heart (ht). When reaching the oral cavity and hitting the dome of the mouth it gets yet another modified name (vaikhar). This is what is commonly known as fully externalized speech, i.e., dhvani, and this is what the listener receives with his auditory instrumentalities. It is this same dhvani which strikes the listeners inner ears and excites his pratibh intuitive perception, the receiving intellect of the sphoa that from which meaning bursts forth. The buddhi of the listener which remains on a par with the buddhi of the speaker then leads to cognition of meaning mediated by pratibh . Accepting that the buddhi of the listener is on a par with the buddhi of the speaker amounts to saying that the word of the speaker remains on a par with the word of the listener. That is, the word-on-mind (buddhyrha-abda) of the speaker (vakt) already remains on the mind of the listener (rot). Needless to say here that whatever dhvani strikes the listener's ear, in turn, leads to cognition of meaning, is not any incoherent jumble of sounds but, instead, is an analog of meaningful utterances (abda) rendered in
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the form of dhvani for conveying the sense of the word-on-mind of the speaker. Patajali characterizes speech as follows: catvri g trayo asya pd dve re sapta hastso asya / tridh baddho vabho roravti maho devo marty vivea // 'his are four horns, three feet, two heads, there are seven hands of his; three-way tied this bull roars, the great god entered (us) mortals' k-sahit (4/58/3) The great god of this verse is recognized as abda-brahman. It is brahman in the abda-tatva word-principle which is imperishable, is without any beginning and end, manifested in meaningful object-form, from whence proceeds the evolution of the cosmos. 5 The four horns refer directly to four vk, i.e., par, payant, madhyam and vaikhar, and indirectly to sUP 'that which ends in a sP,' ti 'that which ends in a ti,' upasarga 'preverbs, prefixes' and nipta 'indeclinable, particle.' The three feet are bhta 'past,' bhaviyat 'future' and vartamna 'present.' The two heads are the two kinds of words nitya 'eternal' and krya 'those which are brought about, derived.' The seven hands are pratham, etc., nominal endings (vibhakti). The vabha 'bull,' the one who showers all desires as clouds do, is tied at three places, i.e., uras 'chest,' kaha 'throat' and iras 'head,' and he roars.6 The subject matter (upajvya) of grammar, i.e., speech (vk), itself has been accorded a divine status. The tradition claims that vk is the essence of man and Vedic k is the essence of vk.7 Bharthari (6 AD), in his Vkyapadyam, reveres grammar as a smti canonical code,8 and recognizes the Vykaraamahbhya (Mbh.) of Patajali (2 B.C.) as the source for knowledge of all theoretical constructs.9 The Brhmaas, Sahits, Upaniads and earlier classical literary texts such as the Mahbhrata and the Rmyaa, all attest to the fact that vykaraa, by their time, had already become a well-established discipline of learning. Patajali recognizes that a brhmaa initiate, after his initiation, was required to study grammar.10 It comes as no surprise then to see grammar accepted as one of the Vedgas, a field of study to be pursued as a must. Note that Patajali, while stating that grammar was included in the curriculum of young brhmaa initiates, uses the expression purkalpa etad st 'it was like this in ancient times.' The utterances of Vedic Sanskrit formed the basis for abdopadea 'instruction about words' by Vedic Indians first with extraction of individual
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constituent padas 'fully derived words' from continuous indivisible (akhaa) utterances and then subjecting the extracted pada to analysis in terms of bases (prakti) and affixes (pratyaya). This extraction of individual padas was aptly named padapha 'recitation of individual padas,' as against the more commonly available indivisible recitation known as the sahitpha 'recitation of Vedic utterances with no extraction of individual padas from their continuous recitation in close proximity (sahit).' This systematic extraction of individual padas from the sahit texts required, at the least, some understanding of grammatical categories and operations with reference to which individual padas could be established. Given the nature and importance of the Vedic texts it is no surprise that linguistic studies in ancient India centered around them. The prtikhyas are considered Vedic grammars, though some of them also include discussion on meters (chandas) and phonetics (ik). It is very well known that ancient Indians excelled in their study of phonetics, and phonology. There was also a brief period when intellectual endeavors were focused on etymological explanations (nirvacana). Yask's nirukta is a classic example of nirvacana. Durgcrya (Mmsaka I:261-262), claims that there were fourteen texts of the nirukta (caturdaaprabhedam). Yask himself mentions 13, 14 scholars. Note that Nirukta is a commentary on nighau which, by itself is a dictionary of Vedic words presented in three sections. The first section, namely naighauka, is a collection of 1341 synonyms. The second section is called naigama with 279 words of multiple meanings and uncertain etymology. The third section is daivata with 151 names of divinities. This brings the total number of words in Nighau to 1771. There are references in Pini to five kinds of texts which I suspect all made representation of grammatical knowledge: i. da 'seen, revealed': a text which is not man made (apaurueya) but is revealed, instead. Consider 4.2.7 da sma 'revelation of sman hymn' and 4.2.8 vmadev yayau ca 'the taddhita affixes ya and yau occur after the syntactically related nominal stem ending in the tty 'instrumental,' namely Vmadeva, when the derivative denotes 'revelation of sman received by Vmadeva; ii. prokta 'stated with excellence': a text which is made for explanation to students (4.3.10 tena proktam 'elucidated with excellence by him'). Note that a prokta text could be both an original text, or one made by some other scholar. For example, pinin prokta pinyam, anyena prokt mthurea prokt mthur vtti 'a text which was elucidated by Pini; made by someone elucidated by Mthura';
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style.
iii. upajta, 'a text which was perceived by the author by his own intellect.' Mmsaka informs that in such texts one includes the description of some aspect of a prokta text in an entirely brilliant way; iv. kta, a text which is made by the author in its entirety; v. vykhyna, a text which explains and elucidates a text with notes and commentaries. The Adhyy of Pini is a text of the prokta 'stated with excellence'
A careful look at the developmental aspect of representation of knowledge in ancient India reveals a sustained effort towards structuring knowledge into a format most conducive, not only toward maintaining rigor and preserving content, but also toward explaining it for those who most needed to be enlightened. History of India in general, and her intellectual history in particular, could not have changed this drastically for a better had it not been due to the birth of the Buddha. The discipline of grammar similar to many other branches of learning, for example Mms, Skhya, Nyya, and the rauta, Ghya and Kalpa Stras, got its knowledge represented in the format of the stra style (Sharma, 2002: 1-2). Pinis Adhyy, i.e., the recitation of his stras (strapha), excelled all competition in the field. Looking at the excellence of the Adhyy as a grammatical system one would rightly assume that the A of Pini must have developed as part of a very rich grammatical tradition. A stra was considered a formulaic statement representing a thread of idea with brevity and precision (Limaye 1974:36).11 Its goal was to capture generalizations extracted from usage, and facilitate derivation of correct words. But this brevity and precision was not accomplished at the expense of clarity. Since grammatical rules were formulated with brevity, and within the perspective of a meta-theory, stras certainly needed explanations. It is to explain a stra with a statement which best captured the true intent of its formulator that the development of another style of literature, namely vtti, could not be helped. A vtti 'paraphrase' statement was keyed into a stra to facilitate proper understanding of the stra, again with brevity. A vtti thus accepted a stra as its focus, or symbol (pratka), for formulation of its statement. Since a correct interpretation of stras demanded extreme caution in weighing questions of under-application, over-application, and in extremely few instances no application at all, a vtti was subjected to deeper scrutiny. This gave rise to a vast body of very brief and focused statements generally known as vrttikas. A vrtika examined a stra from the express point of view of what is stated (ukta) by a rule, what is not stated (anukta) by a rule, and what has been poorly stated (durukta), by a rule (uktnuktadrukta-cintakatvam vrttikatvam). A
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fairly substantial number of vrttikas which were formulated by Ktyyana on the stras of Pini are found in the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali. These vrttikas have become synonymous with what we know as vrttikas. A vrttika, by way of accepting a stra as its focus, puts a stra to test. The discourse style of the Mahbhya accepts vrttikas as pratka 'focus (symbol)' and offers its deliberations (vykhyna) by first introducing a topic and then discussing the same in view of questions (prana), answers (uttara), refutations (kepa) and resolutions (samdhna), all illustrated with examples (udharaa) and counter-examples (pratyudharaa). The bhya thus takes the vrttika as its pratika 'focus' and presents its discussion of a stra in view of examples and counter-examples. A bhya thus, by way of accepting a vrttika as its focus, again puts a stra to test. This interlocking dependency of focus on stra, vtti and bhya also became the main style of representation of knowledge in many other branches of learning in ancient India (Sharma 2002:6). The Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali is considered the first ever serious attempt to present a successful theory of linguistics, especially grammar. These focus-driven deliberations also gave rise to two other kinds of texts which, in the field of grammar, are recognized as : prakriy and siddhnta. The prakriy texts aim on presenting the corpus of the stras of Pini in a new arrangement, so that placement of rules, their explanations and illustrations could prove most conducive to applied aspect of grammatical derivation (prakriy). The tradition of prakriy texts begins with the Rpvatra of Dharmakrti followed by the Prakriy-kaumud of Rmacandra. It reaches its peak in the Siddhnta-kaumud of Bhaoji Dkita which, in turn becomes the source for an abridged Srasiddhntakaumud and a middle-length Madhyasiddhnta-kaumud, both made by Varadarja. Varadarja's own Laghukaumud brings this rich tradition of prakriy to a full circle. The siddhnta texts focused more on topics of theoretical interest and presented them in such an in-depth analytical manner that set standards of grammar in the tradition of Pini. The Vkyapadya of Bharthari is the single most important text on Philosophy of Language. Bharthari accepts that all theoretical constructs of the tradition of Pini have their source in the Mahbhya of Patajali. Pini, Ktyyana and Patajali are revered as three sages, and according to the dictum of yathottara munn prmyam, each subsequent sage enjoys relatively greater authority prama, making Patajali the supreme authority in matters pertaining to Pini. Bhaoji Dkita, Kaua Bhaa and Ngea are three important authors in the development of the Siddhnta literature. All these siddhnta texts, by their own admission, discuss
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and explain the principles established by the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali. The Vkyapadya (VP) of Bhartrhari (AD 5), Vaiyakaranasiddhntakrik of Bhaoji Dkita, Vaiykaranabhana of Kaunabhaa (AD 17), itself being a commentary on the Vaiyakaranasiddhantakarika of Bhattoji Dlksita, and Vaiykaraasiddhntamaj of Nageabhaa (Nagea; AD 17-18), with a short and very short (laghu; paramalaghu) version, are important text of the Siddhnta literature. Bhaoji Dkita's abda-kaustubha and Ngea's Laghu and Bhacchabdenduekhara, and Paribhenduekhara (P) are other important texts on issues in Siddhnta. kicit smnyavieaval lakaa pravartyam yenlpena yatnena mahato mahata abdaughn pratipadyeran / Mahbhya (I:6) It has been explained that the Sanskrit grammatical tradition is a focus driven tradition where representation of linguistic knowledge has been made in the text formats of stra, vtti, vrttika, bhya, prakriy and siddhnta. It should be noted that the text of a preceding format style serves as focus for the text of the succeeding format style. We thus will accept that a stra has word (abda) as its focus. A vtti will similarly have the stra-pha (SP) as its focus. For a bhya discussion we must also have a vrttika as focus. A stra, along with its vtti and related vrttikas, should form the focus for prakriy texts. A siddhnta text generally has the final view of the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali as its focus, especially for offering detailed formulations, and facilitating a comparatively better understanding. I shall next present the developmental history of Sanskrit grammatical tradition under subsections the Stra-pha, the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali, Vtti, Prakriy and Siddhnta. I shall discuss the Mahbhya after a short introduction to the Stra-pha before the Vtti, Prakriy and Siddhnta literature, in this order simply because Patajali enjoys the most authority in the tradition. Besides, the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali includes discussions on every aspect of grammatical literature of the three sages (trimuni).
1. The Strapha (SP)

abda-pramak vayam yac chabdaha tadasmka pramam 'we believe in the authority of word, whatever the word says is our authority' (Mahbhya I:41) Pini appears with his Adhyy (henceforth the A) at a stage when intellectual pursuits of speech theoreticians had moved to the stage of analyzing words as part of utterances, used as means of communicating ideas. That Pini
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chose to formulate a limited body of serially and/or otherwise ordered limited number of stras to account for the infinity of utterances of the Sanskrit language was no accident. For, the stra-style of describing reality in the realm of knowledge had become well-established. It is true that Pini's A stands as the single most remarkable treatise in the field of grammatical speculation. However, it will be a mistake to believe that the technique of capturing generalizations, i.e., of (usage of) speech by formulating general (smnya) rules of grammar (lakaa) along with related particulars (viea) which necessarily include exceptions (apavda) and negations (pratiedha), was something newly developed by Pini. Instead, his A developed as a remarkable body of stras presenting the most complete grammar of the Sanskrit language, or for that matter, of any past or present language of the world, as what can now be called the culmination of a rich tradition of grammatical speculation. A tradition which may have started with the padapha technique of textual rendition as opposed to a corresponding sahitpha and which after a brief preoccupation with the etymologies of individual words and utterances may have moved toward preparing some solid foundations. It is claimed, and to a larger extent correctly, that there were 85 known grammarians prior to Pini. We find references in the A to pre-Pinian grammarians, for example, piali, Kyapa, Grgya, Glava, Bhradvja and kayana , whose works constituted the formative stages of this aspect of grammatical speculation. Unfortunately, the works of these grammarians, except for a few references, are not available. Pini's date is still a matter of some debate among scholars. Pini, Ktyyana and Patajali are revered as the three sages of grammar (trimuni) where each subsequent in order enjoys comparatively greater authority (yathottara munn prmyam). We are in a much better position to determine the time of Patajali which is generally accepted as 150 B.C. Ktyyana's time is generally accepted as 3rd B.C. It is a fact that Patajali organized his Mahbhya around the vrttikas of Ktyyana. A leadtime of 100 to 150 years for Ktyyana after Pini, or for that matter before Patajali, is thus reasonable. The vrttikas of Ktyyana were primarily formulated around what is, is not, if it is, how it is or is not, an under-representation, over estimation, no representation, or wrong representation, of usages of the Sanskrit language. We find that usages of Pini's time differ from those of the times of Ktyyana's. It will be a mistake to accept that usages not accounted for by Pini were due to Pini's oversight. For it is hard to believe that such a meticulous observer would have missed such usages. We must then accept such usages as innovations. For such innovations to become established in usage we must offer some time. It
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is because of this that we accept Pini to have flourished at least 150 years prior to Ktyyana. This observation can also be backed by linguistic development on the subcontinent. The A consists of a little over four-thousand brief, but algebraically condensed stras threads, commonly referred to as rules. A rule is formulated to apply. But more importantly, a rule is to be formulated with a minimum of syllables (svalpkaram), is supposed to be unambiguous (asandigdham), should carry only the essence (sravat) of what is to be stated, should be allencompassing (vivatomukham), should be unstoppable in its application (astobham) and should be creatively new (anavadya). These grammatical rules are generally verb-less statements structured around a subject and its corresponding predication. The Adhyy of Pini is a cumulative listing (recitation; pha) of nearly four thousand grammatical rules (stra-pha; the SP), arranged in eight chapter-books (adhyya) of four quarters (pda) each. rachandra Chakravart (1919), based on a verse cited in the preface of his edition of the Nysa of Jinendrabuddhi, a commentary on the Kik-vtti (the KV) of Vmana-Jayditya (7A.D.), claims that the total number of rules in the A, which none other than Pini himself formulated, was three thousand nine hundred ninety-six (3,996).The total number of rules as discussed by the Kik-vtti comes to about 3981. A difference of fifteen rules can be easily accounted for by noting that the authors of the KV included atha abdnusanam 'here commences instruction of words,' the first aphorism of the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali as a stra. They also included the fourteen iva-stras as stras. It is still a matter of great debate whether atha abdnusanam should be accepted as the opening statement of the A of Pini. Yudhihira Mmsaka (1973: 20911) effectively demonstrates that atha abdnuanam should be accepted as the first statement of the Adhyy. I have already shown that the structure of a discussion in the Mahbhya requires a unit of focus. If this is accepted then what other than atha abdnusanam could effectively serve as unit of focus for initiating discussion on rules of the A as discussed in view of focus driven discussions of the Mahbhya of Patajali. The total number of rules in the Siddhntakaumud (the SK) of Bhaojidkita comes to be about 3976.This difference of five stras between the KV and the SK can be explained by the fact that the SK omits four stras from the fourth quarter of the fourth book (adhyya), and one stra from the fourth quarter of the sixth book. The exact number of the stras of the A thus varies. A rule of the A is referred to by three numbers separated by two periods, following the convention of b.q.n where b = book number, q = quarter number
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and n = number of rule. Thus, consider 1.1.1 vddhir daic which, with its numbers read backward, refers to the first rule of the first quarter of the first book. What follows is a summary listing of rules relative to topics discussed:
Adhyya I: (a) rules dealing with major definitions and interpretations (b) rules dealing with certain extensional provisions, and more definitions (c) rules dealing with assignment of the terms: tmanepada and parasmaipada (d) rules dealing with assignment of only one name (saj) per nominatum (sajin) (e) rules dealing with assignment of kraka categories Adhyya II: (a) rules dealing with formation of compounds (samsa) (b) rules dealing with nominal inflectional endings (sUP; vibhakti) (c) rules dealing with number and gender of compounds (d) rules dealing with replacements introduced to roots Adhyya III: (a) rules dealing with derivation of roots ending in affixes saN, etc. (b) rules dealing with the derivation of forms ending in affixes termed kt (c) rules dealing with the derivation of forms ending in affixes termed tiN Adhyya IV-V: (a) rules dealing with derivation of forms ending in affixes termed sUP (b) rules dealing with derivation of forms ending in the feminine affixes P / CP / P, and P / / N (c) rules dealing with derivation of forms ending in affixes termed taddhita 'patronymics' Note that adhyya one presents basic terms, conventions and concepts which relate to proper understanding of the grammar, and its function.The second adhyya mostly dwells on extraction of padas from sentences, to be subsequently subjected to analysis in terms of bases and affixes. This adhyya also deals with formation of compounds, and introduction of nominal endings which are subject to deletion if forming part of a compound. Adhyyas three through five deal with placement of affixes after two major bases: dhtu (3.1.91 dhto # 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava; 1.3.32 sandyant dhtava); and prtipadika (4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt # 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur...; 1.2.46 kttaddhita-sams ca). Each one of these bases also yields a complex derived
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base: those which end in affixes -saN, etc., in case of verbal roots (dhtu; 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava), and those which end in affixes termed kt, or taddhita, or else are termed samsa 'compound' (1.2.46 kt-taddhita-sams ca), in case of nominal stems. Finally, a base termed prtipadika can yield another set of six bases as characterized with yp 'ending in the feminine affixes marked with and P' of rule 4.1.1 ypprtipadikt). Why did Pini not include derivation of compounds in adhyya four? After all, compounds are nominal bases derived with affixes termed kt (3.4.67 kartari kt) and taddhita (4.1.76 taddhit). Pini includes the description of compounds in the domain of rules where only one term ekasaj 'one term' could be assigned (1.4.1 kard ek saj). Elsewhere, class-inclusion (saj-samvea) is the norm. There are some operational difficulties, for example, LUK-deletion of nominal endings from within compounds (2.4.71 supodhtuprtipadikayo) which I shall not discuss here.
Adhyya VI-VII: (a) rules dealing with doubling (dvitva; 6.1.1 ekco dve...) (b) rules dealing with samprasraa (6.1.13 yaa samprasraam...) (c) rules dealing with change in quality of sounds, in close proximity (6.1.72 sahitym ) (d) rules dealing with introduction of augment (gama; 6.1.134 suktprva) sU (e) rules dealing with accentuation (6.1.155 anudtta padam ekavarjam) (f) rules dealing with phonological operations relative to a presuffixal base (aga; 6.4.1 agasya) (g) rules dealing with further operations relative to affixes, augments, etc. Adhyya VIII: (a) rules dealing with doubling relative to a pada (1.4.14 sup-ti-anta padam) (b) rules dealing with accent relative to a pada (c) rules dealing with additional operations relative to a pada (d) rules dealing with miscellaneous operations relative to a non-pada. Note that adhyyas six through eight offer operations mostly dealing with change in the sound qualities, modifications (vikra) introduced to shapes of bases, namely dhtu (1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava, 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava), prtipadika (1.2.45 arthavad...,1.2.46 kt-taddhita-sams ca), aga (1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis...), bha (1.4.18 yaci bham), pada (1.4.14 suptianta padam), accentuation (svara), and others. These operations, as we will see in detail, are carried out with reference to formal units such as prtipadika 'nominal
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stem,' dhtu 'verbal root,' aga (1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi...; 6.4.1 agasya), bha (6.4.129 bhasya), taddhita (6.1.161 taddhitasya), samsa (6.1.220 samsasya), and pada (8.1.16 padasya), etc. The sections of rules prior to books 3-5 deal with what the tradition calls vkyavibhajynvkhyna 'analysis based on extraction of individual pada from sentences.' These extracted padas are then subjected to analysis in view of bases (prakti) and affixes (pratyaya). Of course, in view of rules of adhyya three through five. Relevant phonological and morphophonemic operations, including accentuation, follow through rules of adhyya six through eight. This listing of the content of the A in eight books of four quarters each pretty much follows the sequential order of rules. There is no fixed number of rules in individual quarters, or in the combined total number of rules in a given chapterbook. Pini places the rules of the A in select contexts. Individual rules which are bunched together with other rules and are thus placed in a given context can be viewed as sharing a single context. Placement of rules in a shared context can be identified as placing them in domains with shared context. It is in this sense that Pini places his rules in domains. All listings of rules in domains with shared contexts can be considered physical insofar as their physical placement at a given place in the A is concerned. However, there are listings of certain very large domains which are of consequence beyond their mere physical placement. Consider for example the following rule: 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham 'that which follows from here (atra) onwards is considered as if suspended (asiddham) in view of application of that which precedes (prva)' Rules which are listed prior to the first rule of the second quarter of the eighth book of the A are hereby clearly identified as forming a larger group of their own, namely the sapda-saptdhyy , the first seven books of the A with an additional quarter (pda) of adhyya eight. Rules which are headed by 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham also form a domain of their own, namely the tripd 'the last three quarter books.' This dual application of suspension (asiddhatva) which is extended (atidiyate) to rules both within and beyond the tripd is made possible by the use of the twin qualifications of prva 'prior' and atra 'here,' in a rule strategically placed as domain heading with impact on domains of rules which both precede and follow. That is, this provision of suspension which is characterized with the two words, namely prva 'prior, preceding' and atra 'here,' has consequences not only for rules which precede the tripd but also for rules which follow within the tripd. The first provision of suspension is extended to rules of the tripd as a whole, in view of application of rules of the Sapdasaptdhyy which precede the tripd. The second provision of suspension is
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extended to subsequent rules of tripd in view of application of its own prior rules. More about it in connection with rule-interaction. There is one domain of rules headed by 8.1.16 padasya which not only straddles between domain boundaries but also serves as a bridge between the sapda-saptdhyy and the tripd. This domain covers a fairly substantial number of rules all the way up to, and including 8.3.55 apadntasya mrdhanya. Consequently, rules governed by 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham which are also governed by 8.1.16 padasya are considered suspended in view of application of rules governed by 8.1.16 padasya and listed within the sapda-saptdhyy. The A of Pini has been mostly preserved through a remarkable oral tradition which has meticulously preserved the Vedas with their minutest details of accentuation. It is believed that Pini himself taught certain stras to his students in two or more different ways (ubhayath hy cryea iy...). Different ways of teaching rules to students in different parts of the country with different teachers could have resulted in variant readings. These readings became part of rules of the A, especially since they adhered to its style of ruleformulation, interpretation, order and application. There are proposals, for example yoga-vibhga 'split-interpretation of a rule,' whereby the tradition presents and accepts a split-reading of a rule. These can also serve as a source of variation in reading of a stra. A split-interpretation facilitates carrying over, or blocking, of anuvtti, and opens up an opportunity for reinterpretation of nominal endings of rule-constituents. Kik accepts nine split-interpreted rules from the Mahbhya and lists them as eighteen separate rules. This in turn becomes a major source of variation. Another major source of variation in reading a stra could be a vrttika proposal of Ktyyana, whereby a proposed vrttika, or a part of it, can be accepted as inserted in the wording of a rule. Here again the Kik-vtti has read many vrttikas, or some parts therefrom, as part of a stra. The following are recognized as primary sources for variation in the text of the Adhyy : (i) transmittal of the A through oral tradition; (ii) Pini's own two-way teaching of a stra; (iii) split-interpretation (yoga-vibhga) of rules; (iv) acceptance of variant readings by the authors of vttis; (v) a vrtitka, or a part therefrom, as part of a stra; (vi) listing of a stra as part a gaa; (vii) acceptance of elements from other traditions. Significant efforts have already been made by Saudmin Bahulikar (1972), Ram Shankar Bhacrya (1966:360-76), rnryaa Mira (1969), and Yudhihira Mmsaka (1973) to study variant readings in the text of the Adhyy. Bahulikar proposes a core of stras which Pini formulated and to which further additions were made. Rule relation and hierarchy of application is
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so intrinsic to the structure of the A that accepting a smaller core to which additions were subsequently made by others is hard to accept. This same goes for some recent proposals about non-Pinian authorship of the taddhita section of grammar. The A has to be accepted as what is available now. Of course, some interpolations, for example the vrttikas of Ktyyana, and some prePinian elements must be recognized. Bhacrya (1966: 61-78) has offered some yuktis 'clues' whereby Pre-Pinian elements could be identified. The text of the Adhy which is available today is fairly established, and variation in reading of stras is not much of a consequence, fortunately because three major texts, namely the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali, the Kik-vtti of Vmana-Jayditya and the Vaiykaraa-siddhnta-kaumud of Bhaoji Dkita, are readily available. Note, however, that a variant reading which does not function in unison within the unified structure of the A towards accomplishing its intended goal is rejected, mostly for not being in tune with the practice of rule formulation, interpretation and application of Pini (cf. sidhyaty apinya tu bhavati). I must now discuss the following texts which are generally not considered part of the Adhyy, but whose contribution towards effective functioning of the Adhyy cannot be questioned.
A. The iva-stras (s)

It is stated that Pini has prefaced his A with fourteen formulaic rules which are generally known as the ivastras. These perhaps also illustrate one of the oldest, and very effectively used, techniques of forming abbreviations. Pini lists the inventory of Sanskrit sounds (vara-sammnya ) by means of these fourteen stras such that individual stras represent classes of sound within the larger inventory of sounds. Each individual stra contains items listed in a particular order with the last sound of each stra being a non-list element. A term of abbreviation can thus be formed by taking any item on the list and combining it with any non-item on the list. The term of abbreviation thus formed will represent itself as well as all sounds that intervene (1.1.73 dir antyena sahet). Consider for example the following listing of the ivastras where I represent the non-list items in each stra in capital letters. The -a vowel which, with the exception of one in s 5, is inserted between consonants is intended for ease of articulation:
Page 14 1. a i u Vowels 2. K 3. e o 4. ai au C
5. ha ya va ra 6. la 7. a ma a a na M 8. jha bha Consonants 9. gha ha dha 10. ja ba ga a da 11. kha pha cha ha tha ca a ta V 12. ka pa Y 13. a a sa R 14. ha L A subgroup of this listing formed by the 1-4 is referred to by aC, an abbreviation term formed with a combined with the following non-list item, in this case C, to represent a as well as all intervening sounds listed prior to the dummy symbol C. Pini uses the term aC for vowels in general. This he also uses for representation of classes of vowels homogeneous with individual constituents of the abbreviation. Thus a can represent represent a, a, , etc. The order of elements listed in the s is as follows: (1) Vowels (s 1-4) (a) simple (s 1-2) (b) complex (s 3-4) (2) Consonants (s 5-14) (a) semivowels (s 5-6) (b) nasals (s 7) (c) stops (s 8-12) (i) voiced aspirates (s 8-9) (ii) voiced non-aspirates (s 10) (iii) voiceless aspirates (s 11) (iv) voiceless non-aspirates (s 12) (d) spirants (s 13-14)
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Let us return to rule 6.1.77 iko ya aci with its three terms iK, ya and aC, which represent (i, u, , ), (y, v, r, l), and (all vowels) in this order, respectively. The understanding that ya comes in place of iK occurring when aC follows comes from the following stras: 1.1.49 ah sthneyoga 'a ah 'genitive' (when not interpretable otherwise) denotes (the relationship) in place of ' 1.1.66 tasminn iti nirdie prvasya 'a specification made with saptam 'locative' denotes an operation to take place on what precedes' Thus, a sound denoted by the abbreviate term ya occurs (as a replacement) in place of the other denoted by iK, when occurring followed by a sound denoted by aC. But there is still a problem. What sound denoted by ya should occur to replace one of the four sounds denoted by iK? Pini provides for a resoloution to this problem by rule 1.3.10 yathsakhyam anudea samnm 'equivalency of elements specified as replacement in two sets of equal number of elements is assigned following their order of enumeration.' That is, i, u, , are replaced by y, v, r, l, respectively, in accord with the order of their enumeration in two sets of equal number of sounds denoted by iK and ya. Pini's method of forming terms of abbreviation with the help of the s can yield a vast number of abbreviations. However, the Adhyy uses only 41 abbreviations as summarized by the following vrttika proposal: ekasmn aaava dvbhy as tribhya eva kaam syu / jeyau cayau caturbhyo ra pacabhya alau abhya // 'one (abbreviatory term) each with , , , V, ; two with ; three each with K, , M ; four each with C, Y; five with R and six each with , L' If we treat the a of s 6 as an anunsika it, as has been advocated by the Kikvtti (KV ) and the Siddhntakaumud (SK), we will get an additional abbreviation, namely rA~. There are two more abbreviated terms caY and aM, where the first is attested by vrttika III (ad 8.4.88: cayo dvitya ari paukarasde), and the second by the Udistra (1/114 amant a). This brings the total number of terms of abbreviation to forty-four (Sharma, 2002:3536).
B. The Dhtupha (DP)

Pini, in the Adhyy , makes some provisions with reference to a group of forms he names dhtu : 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava, 2.4.72 adiprabhtibhya apa, 2.4.75 juhotydibhya lu, 3.1.25
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satypa...curdibhyo ic , 3.1.27 kavdibhyo yak, 3.1.69 divdibhya yan, 3.1.73 svdibhya nu, 3.1.77 tuddibhya a, 3.1.78 rudhdibhya nam, 3.1.79 tandikbhya u, 3.1.81 krydibhya n. These rules introduce augments (vikaraa), and require deletion or doubling (dvitva). There are other rules which introduce placement of affixes and other operations with reference to verbal roots (dhtu). The tradition attests to the listing of the following ten groups of roots in this order: (1) bhvdi, (2) addi, (3) juhotydi, (4) divdi, (5) svdi, (6) tuddi, (7) rudhdi, (8) tandi, (9) krydi and (10) curdi. The texts which enumerate roots of the Sanskrit language are generally referred to as the dhtupha (DP ) 'recitation of roots.' The text and authorship of the DP itself is controversial. Did Pini receive the DP from the tradition, or did he compose one himself for use in the Adhyy ? Was the DP he received from the tradition same as the one he used in his Adhyy? Are meaning entries of roots of the DP post-Pinian? There are differences of opinion on these questions among scholars. However, given close correspondences between listing of root-groups in the DP and those cited in the grammar, scholars generally agree on the existence of a DP which Pini used in formulating his Adhyy. Did Pini prepare his own DP, or did he accept one made available to him by the tradition? I tend to believe that he prepared his own DP without any meaning entry. It is hard to believe that Pini received a text of the DP from the tradition in a form made ready for use in his Adhyy, in a manner he so desired to use.
C. The Gaa-pha (GP)

The GP is an ordered listing of sets of nominal stems to which Pini makes frequent references in his Adhyy. These sets are of two kinds: those which present a closed list of nominals, and those which present an open-ended list of nominals. The authorship of the GP is again debatable. Jinendrabuddhi (Nysa ad Kik 5.3.2 ki sarvanma...) questions the Pinian authorship of GP. He also states that some parts of the GP are also post-Ktyyana. Jinendra's statements on the GP are in many ways self-contradictory. Cardona (1976:166) correctly observes that the GP was presupposed by rules of the strapha (SP). If the GP was presupposed by the SP then Pini must have had a version of the GP so that he could use it in the SP. Whether or not Pini received the GP from the tradition is not the right question. The right question is: how much of the available GP differs from the GP used by Pini, and what part of it precedes Pini. Besides questions about the authorship of the GP, there are other questions about order, listing, and meanings of listed nominals. Cardona takes up various points raised in connection with rule 1.1.27 sarvdni
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sarvanmni. He mentions that, in addition to regular listings under sarva, etc., mention must also be made of three rules 1.1.34 prvaparvara dakiottarpdhari..., 1.1.35 svam ajtidhankhyym and 1.1.36 antara bahiryogopasavynayo. For, Katyyana objects to the inclusion of these rules in the SP because their purpose is served by their inclusion in the listing of the GP. Patajali concludes that these rules are required in the SP for optional replacement of Ja with i.
D. The Udi-stra (Us)

The udi 'u, etc.' are affixes used to derive nominal stems. There are two versions of the udi available: the pacapd 'that which consists of five sections' and the daapd 'those which consist of ten sections.' The authorship of the stras is also debatable. Pini mentions the udi in two of his rules: 3.3.1 udayo bahulam 'u, etc., are used variously,' and 3.4.75 tbhym anyatrodaya 'the udi words are used outside the denotation of apdna and sampradna.' The first rule introduces the udi affixes after verbal roots variously (bahulam). Thus, we get k + u (kru + u) sU kru 'artisan.' The second rule states that the udi affixes can also be introduced to denote a kraka other than sampradna 'dative' and apdna 'ablative.' These two rules attest that the SP of Pini presupposed the udi affixes. There are additional rules in the SP which also attest to the existence of the udi. Consider 3.4.74 bhmdayo' pdne and 7.3.85 jgro' vicanal..., where the second rule orders -ar as a replacement for the of jg. This replacement is, however, not allowed before affixes such as vi. But the problem is that Pini does not introduce affix vi in his SP. It is an udi affix presupposed by Pini. Scholars generally believe that Pini did not formulate the udi stras. He may have had a version of the udi affixes made available to him by the traditon. It is most unlikely that he accepted that version for use in his SP without any changes of his own.
E. The Phistras (Phs)

The Phs is a small treatise that deals with accentuation of linguistic forms not developed through any process of derivation. This treatise gets its name from its first stra, phia which assigns a final high pitch accent. Cardona (1976:174-77) discusses editions and texts of this treatise along with question of authorship. It is generally believed that some text of the Phistras was known to Ktyyana and Patajali. It was composed by antanu who certainly antedates Pini.
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F. The Lignusana (L)

This treatise deals with assignment of gender based on structure and meaning of nominals. The text of this treatise consists of nearly 200 aphorisms enumerating items under the headings of feminine (strliga), masculine (puliga), neuter (napusaka), feminine-masculine (strpusaka) and variable (aviialiga). Finally, there is also a set of nominals which can be used in all three genders. Patajali states that (I:382, ad 2.1.36: ligam aiya lokrayatvl ligasya) gender should not be taught because of its dependence on usage. But there is evidence to suggest that Pini did discuss gender. Consider rules 3.3.94 striy ktin, 3.3.18 pusi sajy gha pryea and 3.3.114 napusake bhve kta which constitute al least the indirect evidence. For direct evidence one must consider rules such as 2.4.26 paraval liga dvandvatatpuruayo 'the gender of dvandva and tatpurua compounds is assigned based on the final compound constituent.' Most scholars do not accept that Pini formulated the text of L. Yudhihira Mmsaka (1973:II:256ff) believes in the Pinian authorship of the L (Sharma, 2002: 41).
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2. The Vtti texts

It has been stated that vtti takes stra as its focus, and tries its best to explain the stra with brevity, and as intended by the author, not any less not more. Yudhihira Mmsaka (1972:435-37), based upon internal evidence from the Mahbhya and its commentary Pradpa by Kaiyaa, claims that there were at least four or five vttis on the Adhyy which predate Patajali. Since there are statements in the Mahbhya claiming certain stras were explained differently by Pini, Mmsaka concludes that Pini must have composed his own vtti. The pre-Patajalian authors of vttis include names such as Vyi, Kui and Mthura. Mmsaka discusses forty-three vttis in all, thirty-eight of them by their authorship. The Kikvtti (7 AD) is regarded as the third most important grammatical text after the Adhyy and the Mahbhya. Commentators explain its name either by interpreting it as kiu bhav brought about at K, or kayati prakayati strrthn that which illuminates the meaning of stras. It is generally believed that this vtti was written by Vmana and Jayditya (7 AD). The vtti on the first five adhyyas is believed to have been written by Jayditya. Vmana is supposed to have written the vtti on the last three adhyyas. Let us consider the opening krik verses of the Kik-vtti: vttau bhye tath dhtunmapryadiu / viprakrasya tantrasya kriyate srasagraha //1// iyupasakhynavat uddhaga vivtaghastrrth / vyutpannarpasiddhir vttir iya kik nma // 2 // vykaraasya arra parinihitastrakryam etvat / ia parikarabandha kriyate' sya granthakrea // 3 // The opening verses of Kik describe its features as: (i) that which summarizes principal views scattered all over in the vttis, bhya, dhtupryaa enumeration of roots, and nmapryaa listing of nominals in groups , etc.; (ii) that which includes ii desiderata, upasakhyna addenda, uddhagaa correct listing of groups (gaa), and (iii) that which unfolds hidden meanings of rules (vivtaghastrrthn) and offers systematic derivation of forms (vyutpannarpasiddhi). We also know from Kik that it includes vrttikas of Ktyyana and iis 'desiderata' of the Mahbhya. This is the standard corpus of grammar made for carrying out its processes. Haradatta states that the words ii and upasakhyna are used as an upalakaa for supplementary statements which are made by focusing close to the context of a rule to capture goals which may not have been gathered by the rule itself. (PM ad Kik: stresaghta lakya yena saghyate
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tadupalakaam iyupasakhynagrahaam. tena vaktavydnm api grahaam). An ii (iyata iti ) 'desideratum' so that the functional scope of a stra could be saved from over-application (atiprasaga-vraa). An upasakhyna is a properly worded statement closely following the context of a stra. It is a vrttika statement which explains some not so stated application of a stra and generally saves it from non-application (avypti), as against an ii which generally saves a stra from over application (ativypti). Kaiyaa (in the paspa) accepts that iis are primarily responsible for use of the adjective mah to the bhya of Patajali. Since Kik is a fairly late text and clearly summarizes views from diverse sources with a desire to gather all available materials, its content goes far beyond the expected content of a vtti. Kik offers its vtti on 3,981 stras which also include atha abdnusanam, in addition to fourteen pratyhrastras. There are four major sources of variation in the reading of its stras: rulesplitting (yoga-vibhga); reading of a vrttika as stra; inclusion of all, or a part, of a vrttika as part of a stra; addition to, or deletion from, a stra. Kik accepts nine stras and lists them as eighteen, via yogavibhga. There are ten instances where a vrttika has been listed by Kik as stra. There are sixteen instances where Kik reads part of a vrttika into a stra. There are several stras where Kik is influenced by Cndra and Ktantra. Most of these influences are acknowledged in the form of modification of a stra or rendition of a statement in the form of an ii or vrttika. Kik also makes provisions for deriving compounds such as cauraght thief-killer, under the condition of kuts censure (3.2.86 karmai hana), parallel to mtulaght killer of maternal uncle. Cndra and Ktantra both make provisions for formation of these compounds. Ktyyana, Patajali and Bhaoji Dkita do not make any efforts to account for these formations. Perhaps because there interpretation of stras 2.2.3 dvityattya... and 3.2.86 karmai hana could still accommodate formation of these compounds. Now consider examples such as candramukh / candramukh moon-faced; mdvag / mdvag soft-limbed; sugtr / sugtr beautiful-bodied; snigdhakah / snigdhakah soft-voiced for whose formation Kik offers inclusion of aga limb, gtra body and kaha throat (voice) in the body of rule 4.1.54 svgc copas`arjand... Haradatta acknowledges that the author of the vtti put some extra efforts to accommodate these derivatives of the feminine affix S because popularity of usage (Padamajar ad Kik: aga-gtra itydi bhye nuktam apy etat prayogabhulyd vttikreoktam). Kik must be commended not only for its efforts towards offering judicious explanations to Pinian stras but also for offering accomodations in their formulation in tune with the post-Patajalian Sanskrit
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usage. Kik selects its examples from diverse sources. The Mahbhya, Mahbhrata, Rmyaa, Kirtrjunyam, Suruta and Caraka are important sources for classical usage. The Nysa of Jinendrabuddhi (9 AD) and Padamajar of Haradatta (11 AD) are two important commentaries on Kik (Sharma, 2002: 18). Mention must also be made of the Bhvtti of Puruottamadeva (12 AD) which draws heavily from the Kikvtti, and from the Bhgavtti of Vimalamati (8 AD). This last is not available. Puruottama only includes rules dealing with classical Sanskrit usage. Still, he excludes any discussion of accent rules. Though he arranges the strapha of Pini into eight adhyyas with four quarters each, he further groups the stras into sections with headings indicating nature of rules and operations. Puruottama has a real flavor for brevity,12 though he thus takes a lot for granted. He does not make any explicit statements about anuvtti, unless it becomes necessary. He, quite often, presents elements of anuvtti in a manner that facilitates proper interpretation of individual rules. Puruottama mentions vrttikas without mentioning their source, though occasionally, he cites such sources as Ktyyana, gaastra, eke someone, smti tradition, Vararuci and Saunga. Examples of Bhvtti are varied, and are chosen for clarity and frequency in usage. Puruottama normally does not offer any counter-examples. He tries to explain the stras with straightforward paraphrases using minimum of words. The Bhvtti can serve as a ready reference for interpretation of rules and relevant examples. It, however, can be used only by those who are well versed in the Adhyy. This description of the vtti texts is made short since these texts, particularly the Kikvtti, make extensive use of the Vykaraa-mahbhya.
3. The Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali

vykhynato vieapratipatti na hi sandehd alakaam /
(Mahbhya I:43)
A. The Mahbhya as vykhyna

It is stated that a stra is formulated with brevity and precision, though certainly not at the expense of clarity. This explicitness condition in rule formulation requires the use of terms and symbols within some meta-linguistic perspective. Rules are placed in contexts where a lower level rule expects reading of a higher level rule, or a part there from, for its correct interpretation. Although rules of grammar are placed in a serial order there application does not
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have to follow this serial order either within, or outside, the quarters or books where they are placed. Then there is always a possibility of conflicting and / or differing interpretations, and interpretations which may not be free of doubts(sandeha). It is in view of this, and many other difficulties, that a stra was interpreted as a sentence. For interpreting a stra as a sentence one needs to reconstruct the context of a rule by bringing elements and rules from elsewhere close to this context. This in turn was not an easy task. The vrttikas of Ktyyana were instrumental in selecting a topic, or focus, for his exposition on the stras of Pini. For, Ktyyana examines a stra in terms of its intended meaning and application in view of under application, over application, or very rarely, no application at all. Patajali arranges his vykaraa-mahbhya in 85 hnikas 'daysessions.' The total number of stras which Patajali comments upon in the Mahbhya is 1713. Sarma states there were an additional 275 stras to which Ktyyana and Patajali made references to. Sarma (1968:53-54) presents a tabular listing of the total number of 4293 vrttikas which Kielhorn established. The idea that the Mahbhya accepts Ktyyana's vrttikas as focus for its vykhyna thus clearly gets established. But there is yet another question. Is 4,293 a correct number for vrttikas of Ktyyana? Why did Ktyyana not offer vrttikas on other stras? This is not an easy question. First of all, vrttikas are available as part of the Mahbhya. Kielhorn effectively shows how they can be recognized by treating an immediately following paraphrase of Patajali as a clue. However, not all varttikas recognized by this method are accepted by commentators. Perhaps Ktyyana did not find it necessary to introduce vrttikas to other rules or perhaps vrttikas on rules not treated by Patajali have been lost as the Mahbhya is their only extant source. That Ktyyana wrote vrttikas for only one-third of the stras of Pini is hard to believe. It is my thinking that Ktyyana may have formulated vrttikas on other rules but Patajali did not accept them for discussion perhaps because of lack of interest. The selection and treatment of a varttika depended entirely on how it fit in the structure of vykhyna, and what it could contribute towards better understanding of the stra on hand. Patajali accepted a vrttika for his comment only if it could contribute something either towards understanding the meaning of a stra, or towards understanding some functional aspect of grammar. A vykhyna of Patajali was more like a test of the stras of Pini, of course, by way of testing the vrttikas of Ktyyana. There was, however, a big difference in the style of presentation, and predictability of its results. Katyyana had already stated the results of his inquiry. Patajali structured his arguments in the unique style of a dialog with
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questions (prana), illustrations (dnta), examples (udharaa), counter examples (pratyudharaa), answers (uttara), objection (kepa), doubts (sandeha), and resolution of doubts (samdhna), carefully leading the reader towards the final view (siddhnta). For, the intent of a stra could not be properly understood without vykhyna 'exposition' which, in turn, was explained as 'that which includes example, counter-example, and vkydhyhra 'reconstructing elements expected for completion of meaning.' Note in this connection that the vykhyna of Patajali has not only facilitated proper understanding of the stras of Pini, but has contributed many proposals which have become part of the grammatical tradition. The paribhs 'interpretive conventions' of the Paribhenduekhara of Ngea, and the vrttikas of Ktyyana are two such excellent proposals. Patajali presents his vykhyna in a very simple and lyrical style of prose which, by all accounts, carries much deeper meaning. One of the most striking features of his vykhyna is his keen observation of reality of the outside world especially as it bears upon reality of the inside world of grammar. His discussions of utsarga 'general,' viea 'exception,' ea 'residual,' pratiedha 'negation,' atidea 'extension,' niyama 'restriction' and asiddha 'suspension' rules regularly draws parallels from the outside world. Devadatta, Yajadatta, Viumitra and Kauinya are most famously cited individuals when it comes to illustrations focusing on folk maxims (laukika-nyyas) and injunctions. It has been stated that a vrttika is generally marked with the predication of vcya '...is to be stated.' But there are many other vrttikas where this predication is missing. Consider tyaje ca (ad rule 3.3.90 yajayca...) which is listed as tyajipjita ca by the Kikvtti. The Mahbhya marks it with upasakhynam as yatprakarae tyajer upasakhynam. There are other rules where a vrttika is marked with upasakhynam. Consider rule 3.2.78 supy ajtau inis tcchlye where we find sdhukriy upasakhynam 'should be mentioned when the sense is sdhukrin' a vrttika marked with upasakhynam. iyupasakhynavat vivtaghhastrrth / vyutpannarpasiddhir vttir iya kik nma //1// (Kikvtti I:1) It has been explained that the words ii and upasakhyna are used as an upalakaa for supplementary statements which are made by focusing close to the context of a rule to capture goals which may not have been gathered by the rule itself. The two words upasakhynam and vcya are used in connection with identification of vrttikas. What is the difference between the usage of the word upasakhyna and vcya? Let us consider a couple of vrttika proposals:
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1. yantn bhdnm upasakhynam 'mention must be made of bh, etc., when ending in i' (ad 8.4.34 nabhbhpkamigamipyyvepm) 2. tyasya tspasakhynam (ad 5.2.54 dves tya). The word upasakhyna may be explained as upa sampata samyaktay khynam kathanam 'properly stating something close to ...' If one carefully looks at the question 'close to what,' or 'close to what a statement is properly to be made,' one finds that, in vrttika one, this closeness is understood with the verb roots bh, bh, p, kami and gami, etc. As far as the second vrttika is concerned, the closeness of the upasakhyna is interpreted in relation to the words dvi and tri. The crya assigned the term sarvanman to dvi and tri read in the group of nominals listed in the group headed by sarva 'all.' Note that affix tya is introduced after dvi and tri termed sarvanman under 5.2.54 dves tya and 5.2.55 tre samprasraa ca . This assignment of the term sarvanman made to dvi and tri ending in affix tya is what can be called upasakhyna. We find this same situation in the first vrttika where closeness is related with bh, bh, etc. As against this, we understand that a vrttika marked with vcya makes a provision independently. One may find the same vrttika differently stated. Thus, consider 5.4.77 acaturavicaturasucatura... where we find the vrttika, caturo' c prakarae tryupbhym upasakhynam 'mention in this context of aC should be made after catur when used in combination after tri and upa.' The Siddhnta-Kaumud of Bhaoji Dkita phrases this vrttika as tryupbhy caturo' j iyate 'aC is desired after catur used in construction after tri and upa.' These vrttika proposals facilitate the derivation of the same forms tricatura and upacatura. Now, could the second vrttika also be confused with ii 'desideratum'? Perhaps not in the SK. But, elsewhere, for example it mab be confused with ii. A lack of the usage of vcya and upasakhynam may clearly indicate the status of an ii. The status of a vrttika should clear up any confusion. Note that where three or more vrttikas are introduced under a rule vcyam is generally used to mark only the first. Now consider parau vraje a padnte, a vrttika under 8.2.30 co ku where vcyam is not used. This vrttika, among other things, requires replacement in at the end of the pada when vraj is used in construction with pari .' It is stated that since the statement could only be construed with bhavati, vcyam is not used. That is, whether or not a vrttika is marked with vcyam, upasakhynam, or an absence of them both, also depends on the context. It is generally believed that Patajali defends the crya against Katyyana, and while doing that he also puts the vrttikas to test, especially with the belief that whatever is there in the vtti or vrttika is indeed already there in the stras. Accepting this view leads him to either refute a vrtika or explain it in
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a manner that offers a new meaning supporting the correctness of the stra in its entirety. Consider the vrttika yaa pratiedho vcya 'let negation of ya be stated.' Ptajali interprets vcya as vykhyeya 'to be explained' , and in accord with that he starts explaining the negation of ya by bringing jhala from rule 8.2.26 jhalo jhali. He now refutes the vrttika with a provision of deletion of jhaL occurring at the end of a consonant cluster (sayognta). For, since ya (y, v, r, l ) is not included within the denotation of the symbol of abbreviation, namely jhaL, the vrttika is not needed. By offering the vrttika on a rule the author of the vrttika forces the author of the Mahbhya to think. By offering the refutation of a vrttika by way of a different interpretation of the vrttika, Patajali reinforces our belief in the faultless formulation of Pini, the crya. People still have the impression that Ktyyana formulated his vrttikas to find fault with the stras of Paini. However, since this is not true of all the vrttikas, and especially not of those which were rejected by Patajali, this view should be abandoned. By focusing more on the vrttikas which Patajali accepted and which seek certain modification in a stra or its scope, people consider Ktyayana an antagonist of Paini. They also think that Patajali was the champion defender of Pini against Ktyyana. Kielhorn (1963:52) is correct in observing that "Pini has suffered more at his [Patajali's] hands than at those of the vrttikakra's". Patajali has not only rejected many vrttikas of Ktyyana but he has also rejected many stras of Pini. But Patajali holds the crya in the highest esteem. Consider his claim (Mbh. I:128) that 'the crya (Pini) himself is the authority (prama); ...it is not possible, even for a single sound segment, to be anarthaka 'non-meaningful.' Ktyyana shows great respect for the crya. His vrttikas must be accepted as complementary to the discussion of the bhya, and to the stras of the crya. For, they play a pivotal role in the structuring of arguments of the bhya discussion. There are many vrttikas which Patajali accepted for discussion but ended up rejecting them. Many of those vrttikas forced the author of the bhya to arrive at some satisfactory resolution to problems raised by them. It is in these contexts that Patajali offers some brilliant resolutions. Consider his frequent resort to the technique of yoga-vibhga 'rule-splitting,' against acceptance of the vrttika proposal (cf. 3.1.67 srvadhtuke yak; 3.1.85 vyatyayo bahulam; 3.3.14 la sad v; 4.3.1 yumadasmador anyatarasy kha ca; 6.1.102 prathamayo prvasavara, etc.). There are other aspects of rule interpretation, for example tantra (1.3.3 halantyam, 8.2.1 13 prvatrsiddham), transposition of nominal endings (vibhakti-viparima), interpretation of compounds (tapurua versus bahuvrhi) and types of negation
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(prasajya versus paryudsa pratiedha), etc., where vrttikas contribute towards resolution of a problem, via their own rejection. A varttika forms part of this complex argument structure by serving as a pratka. After the paraphrase of a vrttika is presented, its discussion with illustrations by means of arguments supported with examples and counterexamples proceeds. The tradition recognizes three participants in the discussion: the student (iya), teacher's aide (cryadeya) and teacher (acrya). The tradition also makes references to a participant who knows only part of the truth (ekadein) and another who offers the final view (siddhntin). It is to be remembered here that identifying the statements of these participants is often difficult. The bhya discussions seem to be structured around two basic issues: that which is given as established, and whether or not which is given as established should be accepted. Note that raising doubts against aspects of formulation, interpretation and application of a stra, by way of statements such as the vrttikas, was not an uncommon practice, especially for a text with the format of a vykhyna where a topic of discussion was systematically brought towards some final resolution, with the help of differing opinions supported by examples and counter examples. This can be likened to the test of a stra. The Mahbhya, aided by vrttikas which form focus of its vykhyna, does it commendably, though its ultimate goal is exposition of a stra. One should understand the role of vrttikas only with reference to structure of the bhya and its corresponding discussion. Joshi (1969: iii-iv) characterizes the discussion of the Mahbhya as a 'sustained argument and identifies its pattern as consisting of 'question (objection)- answer.' Since an objection has to be refuted or affirmed based on its examination in light of examples and counter-examples, an objection may have counter-objections which again may be refuted or reaffirmed. Patajali clearly states that a stra cannot be fully understood without vykhyna exposition.14 Simply extracting padas and presenting a paraphrase meaning of a stra cannot be considered vykhyna. It must also be complemented with examples (udharaa), counter-example (pratudharaa) and missing elements for completing a stra as a sentence (vkydhyhra).15 One may have some doubt about the correct meaning or function of a stra but this could not make a rule deficient. Removal of doubt is one of the main purposes of vykhyna. Consider the question of formation of the abbreviated symbol a, in the context of two -elements of the iva-stras 1. aiu and 6. l. There is doubt whether the abbreviated symbols a and i are formed with the , of s. 1 or of 6. If a is formed with s. 1 it would represent only three vowels a, i, and u; it would represent 14 sounds a, i, u, , , e, o, ai, au, h, y, v, r, l
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if a is formed with the of s. 6. This kind of doubt also can be raised with the formation of the abbreviated symbol i. Patajali presents an analysis of all rules where a is used, and with evidence, declares that only one a, namely of 1.1.69 audit savarasya cpratryaya, is formed with the of s. 6. All other abbreviated a symbols are formed with the of s. 1 (cf. auditsavarasyeti etat parihya prvea agrahaa parea igrahaam iti vykhysyma). As far as the abbreviated symbol i is concerned it is formed with the of s. 6, in all instances. The bhya has made an interesting observation in this connection. Pini made use of , , and M as an it in the iva-stras. Why did he not use N as an it in s. 6. This would have taken care of the confusion. The answer: Pini did not desire the use of N as an it.
B. Vykaraa: abda, artha and abdrtha-sambandha

The Mahbhya of Patajali is not only considered the first serious attempt ever to systematically discuss linguistic ideas on grammar in the Indian tradition but is also the most successful one. Each idea is presented, explored and tested in the broader context of a linguistic analysis which the Adhyy of Pini best represents. The Mahbhya opens its first day-session, namely the paspahnika, with introduction to the stra of grammar as abdnusana 'instruction of words.' He further explains that abdnusana aims on offering instruction of words of both the Classical language as well as of the Vedic. He informs that in earlier times brhmaa initiates were taught grammar as part of their curriculum soon after initiation. This practice, however, was lost around the time of Patajali. These initiates found no use for grammar, especially since they (thought they) could understand the Vedic words from the Vedas, and they could easily learn the words of the bha , the spoken language, from the usage. What then was the use of studying grammar?16 Patajali states here that the crya formulated his grammar especially for removing their confusion. Teaching about words of the Classical, as well as of the Vedic, language thus becomes the primary purpose of formulating the stra of grammar. Patajali outlines five main purposes of studying grammar:17 i. rak 'preservation of the Veda,' where knowledge of correct word, its meaning, deletion (LOPA), augment (gama), replacement (dea) and sound modification (vara-vikra) which also includes accent (svara) not only brings merit to individuals but also facilitates preservation of the Vedas. It was believed that a person who fully understood the meaning as well as modification in sounds of the Vedic words, alone, could preserve the Vedas (cf. lopgamavaravikrajo hi samyag vedn pariplayiyati).
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ii. ha, where reasoning derived from study of grammar enables one to select forms based on usage. This ha can be found in bases, affixes, nominal endings, gender and person, etc. For, the mantras of the Veda are not cited with all endings in all genders (cf. na sarvai ligai na ca sarvbhi vibhaktibhi vede mantr nigadit). iii. gama 'Veda ; the tradition,' where Patajali recalls that grammar is considered primary (mukhya) among the six agas 'branches of study' of the Vedas. An effort made towards study of grammar, the primary, indeed bears fruits (pradhna asu ageu vykaraam pradhne ca kto yatna phalavn bhavati). iv. laghu 'economy' , where Patajali claims that there is no briefer (laghu) means other than grammar whereby one could understand words correctly with their meaning (na cntarea vykaraa laghunopyena abd aky vijtum). v. asandeha 'absence of doubt': whereby study of grammar is recommended for resolution of doubts (cf. asandehrtha ca adhyeya vykaraam). Consider, for example, the compound sthlapat 'big-variegated' which can be interpreted as a karmadhraya 'that which is big and variegated,' as well as a bahuvrhi 'he whose variegated ones are big.' As a karmadhraya-tatpurua it is marked anudtta at the end; as a bahuvrhi it will retain the accent of its initial constituent (cf. yadi prvapada-praktisvaratva tato bahuvrhi atha antodttatva tatas tatpurua iti). A person who has not studied grammar cannot figure out this difference in meaning. Patajali mentions that one should not use corrupt words (apaabda). The demons (te' sur)18 had to face defeat because they used corrupt speech. Use of corrupt speech is strictly forbidden. Use of corrupt speech during sacrifice is punishable by pryacitta 'atonement.' It is therefore recommended that one should not use corrupt speech. Studying grammar saves one from use of corrupt speech. A single word correctly understood and properly used fulfills all desires in heaven, and here in this world.19 A word is considered correct in one meaning; when used with the denotation of a different meaning it is considered incorrect.20 Consider for example ava 'horse' which is not used correctly when articulated as asva 'absence of any possession.' A word can become dua 'corrupt' when not articulated with right pitch or sound (svarato varato v), or when used with incorrect meaning (mithyprayukta).21 This all emphasizes two inter-related things: (i) one should study grammar for knowledge of correct (sdhu) words; (ii) one should use correct words because there is merit (dharma) in use of correct words. A statement with (i) and
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(ii) put together will be (iii) use of a word with knowledge of its correctness brings merit. But knowledge of correct word also implies knowledge of incorrect words. A grammarian who knows correct words also knows incorrect words. Does a grammarian accrue demerits on account of his knowledge of incorrect words? No, because he only knows them he does not use them. A person who does not know correct words and, because of his ignorance, uses them incorrectly accrues demerits. A person who uses words with knowledge of the stra of grammar accomplishes dharma.22 Use of words with understanding of grammar, alone, constitutes the means of accomplishing dharma. A question is raised whether grammar should teach correct words, incorrect words, or correct and incorrect words both. Since a single word has many corrupt counterparts, and also since teaching of correct words is comparatively more economical, grammar teaches correct words. Consider gau which has many corrupt (apabhraa) counterparts, for example gv, go, got, gopotalik, etc. Besides grammar should teach only what is desired (ia). How should this teaching of correct words proceed? Teaching words by way of their individual enumeration, namely pratipada-pha, is here mentioned as one of the methods used by Bhaspati, an ideal teacher, for teaching grammar to Indra, an ideal student. But this method of studying grammar was pursued for a thousand heavenly years with no end in sight. What to talk of today when, if a person lives for long, he only lives for a hundred years. Patajali concludes that this method of pratipada-pha is no means at all (anabhyupya ea).23 Patajali again raises the question, 'how else should words be understood.' He states that rules with general and particular properties be formulated so that this vast ocean of words could be understood with little effort.24 A general (utsarga) rule is to be formulated based on generalization to which a particular (viea) rule could be related by way of being an exception (apavda). Consider, for example, 3.2.1 karmay a 'affix a is introduced after a verbal root when used in construction with a pada denoting object (karman), whose related exception is 3.2.3 to' nupasarge ka 'affix Ka is introduced after a verbal root ending in -, and not used with any pre-verb, when a pada denoting karman occurs in construction.' A question is then raised about the meaning of constituent words which enter into the formulation of general and particular rules. That is, whether their meaning is jti 'class' or individual (vyakti). It is both since the crya formulates his rules both ways (ubhayath). Consider 1.2.58 jtykhyym ekasmin bahuvacanam anyatarasym and 1.2.64 sarpm ekaea ekavibhaktau. Patajali next introduces a statement of his own as focus: siddhe abdrthasambandhe, whereby abda, artha and abdrtha-sambandha are
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considered nitya 'permanent.' It is further stated that nitya is not only that which stays fixed (avicli), does not go through modification (vikra), or does not get destroyed (nayati). It is also that whose essence (tatva) stays even after it goes through destruction. Consider the property (dharma) of pot-ness (ghaatva) which remains even after the pot (ghaa) is destroyed. That is, jti 'class property' remains even after vyakti 'individual' gets destroyed. But how is it known that abda, artha and abdrtha-sambandha are nitya? We know it from loka 'usage.' That is, it is not known from grammatical analysis. A grammarian teaches abdasdhutva 'correctness of words.' Knowledge of abdrtha 'word meaning'It is in this context that Patajali introduces the concept of nityat 'eternality.' That which stays fixed (dhruva), does not go through any modification and does not get destroyed is called kastha-nitya. The other is called pravha-nitya 'eternal in flow.' Simply put, the 'the eternal in flow' is one bounded by time and space (dea-kla). It should be remembered here that kla itself shares the two aspects of eternal. Ngea explains nitya as aktaka 'not brought about,' i.e., 'that which cannot be brought about, produced or affected by grammar (vykaranipdyatva).' Kaiyaa (Pradpa under 3.4.67 kartari kt) states that Pini formulated his grammar by accepting abdrtha-sambandha as eternal. In view of pravhanityat it can be viewed as arbitrariness. A grammarian does not have any control over the goal of his analysis (lakya). He enjoys control over his rules (lakaa), insofar as they can capture the usage. Rules of grammar are formulated for capturing the nature of usage and not to dictate the reality of usage. Rules of grammar are subservient to reality of usage (lakyaparatantratvt lakaaasya, Pradpa 5.2.80). Word, meaning and their relationship exists prior to the formulation of grammar; their understanding does not have to necessarily come from grammar. Grammatical analysis informs about correctness of words (abda-sdhutva); it does not control correctness. Consider someone going to a potter's and asking him, 'make a pot, I wish to use it.' This may be the reality of the outside world. It certainly is not true in the world of grammar. It is 'not like the one who, wishing to make use of a pot, goes to the pot-maker and says: Make me a pot, I am going to make use of it, does one who, wishing to use words, go to the grammarians and say: Make (me) words, I am going to use them.25 This clearly establishes the Adhyy of Pini as a grammar which could not be called prescriptive. When Pini states 6.1.77 iko ya aci 'let iK be replaced with ya when aC follows,' he does not dictate this replacement (Bhattacarya, 1966, (Bhattacarya, 1966: 214). He simply states that 'a replacement in ya in place of iK when aC follows' is seen in usage. It also means that Pini is not the creator (kartt) of words. He only recalls (smartt) them from usage.
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Grammarians present the analysis of correct words by imagining (kalpanay) their constituency in bases (prakti) and affixes (pratyaya) guided by the principle of anvaya 'concurrent presence' and vyatireka 'concurrent absence,' and by formulating general (utsarga), exception (apavda) and residual (ea) rules with related option (vibh), negation (pratiedha), restriction (niyama) and extension (atidea), which, in turn, would capture usage by way of derivation (nipatti). Ngea is quick to remind us that this analysis based on kalpan 'imagination' has its validity only in the domain of grammar (stramtraviayam). Since rules are formulated based on generalizations extracted from usage, and also since the scope of usage is very wide, a grammarian must find some standard norm of usage to facilitate determination of correctness. Patajali states that the usage of the ia 'wise, learned' should be accepted as the standard norm for usage. He identifies them as 'those brhmaas who live in this home of the ryas, whose grain is only one little earthen pot, who are not greedy, who do not seize upon a cause and who, on account of something or the other, have gone to the end of some branch of learning, or other. This summary description of a ia is based largely on nivsa 'residence in ryvarta and cra 'conduct,' notions many would consider non-linguistic. One must remember here that cra and 'going to the end of one branch of learning' with no ulterior motive whatsoever, not only attest to their use of correct words but also affirms their excellence.26 Grammarians accept that a word without meaning and a meaning without word does not exist. This makes abda and artha inseparable. A word is that by means of whose articulation one properly comprehends its meaning. A word, in the outside world of usage, is accepted as sound which makes meaning comprehended. But since sound disappears quickly, and also since sound is simply the quality of word (abda-gua), sound cannot only not be accepted as nitya 'eternal, permanent,' it cannot be accepted as that which expresses meaning. What expresses meaning is the the expressive power of word (abdaakti). The locus of this expressive power of word is sphoa 'that from which meaning bursts forth.' Identification of words within sentences, and of sounds with bases and affixes makes matters worse because meaning of a sentence, and for that matter of words, is not the sum total of meaning of their constituent units. Furthermore, a concurrent signification of meaning via experience of individual sound segments, and for that matter their combinations brought about by their sequential arrangement, cannot facilitate cognition of meaning. A disappearance of v from vka cannot account for the original meaning of vka. A switch of y, k, s in ypa, spa and kpa may not be accepted as a significant variable in the denotation of meaning since it will render pa
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vacuous.27 If one argues that recall of combinations will be made possible based on experience supported by memory, and hence, combinations of individual sound segments can be accepted as expressive, we will still face difficulties. For, sara and rasa, since they are composed with the same set of individual sound segments, may appear to denote the same meaning. For, memory will furnish an identical set of impressions for sounds which compose these utterances. There is absolutely no one to one correspondence between formal units of sentences, their constituent words, and corresponding units of meaning. We, however, see that a whole is meaningful if its parts are also meaningful. Combinations are meaningful if individuals in combination are also meaningful. A whole of people with eyes is certainly capable of seeing things as the individual does. We also see that a whole does not denote any meaning if its parts do not. A single grain of sesame contains oil so also does a heap of sesame. But individual parts of a chariot do not posses gati 'movement' as the chariot does. Grammarians accept the sphoa of indivisible sentence (akhaa vkya-sphoa) as principal. Grammarians, at least for heuristic and analytic reasons, accept the sphoa of component parts of sentences. In all practicality, the grammar of the three sages analyzes utterances of the Sanskrit language as an expression in sound of the word-on-mind (buddhyrha-abda) of the speaker guided by his intent to speak (vivak). The domain of grammar encompasses infinite utterances of the language from dhvani to sphoa. Study of meaning, and for that matter its cognition, falls outside of the scope of grammar. Grammar is limited to lakya usage and laksaa rules.28
4. The Prakriy texts

kaumud yady yti vth bhye parirama / kaumud yadi nyti vth bhye parirama // The Rpvatra of Dharmakrti (11 AD) is considered the first in the prakriy derivation tradition of the grammar. This tradition of applied texts focused on derivations, and to a larger extent, claimed to be relatively easier to comprehend. This ease of comprehension was brought about by rearranging the rules of the Adhyy and thereby limiting their corpus to varying lengths with placement of blocks of rules in the order of a functional hierarchy most conducive to grammatical pedagogy. Rpvatra discusses only 2, 664 rules, where its focus shifts from details of interpretation to rule application and types of derivation. The notion of prakaraa context which Pini developed, and which guided him in placement of his rules in the Adhyy, was modified. A prakaraa in Piini was conceived in view of physical placement of rules, their application and interpretation, especially as it related to context sharing
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(ekavkyat) among rules. The prakriy statements were not worded like vttis. They were worded more for facilitating rule-application and less for guidance in interpretation. Paraphrases were offered such that the operational context of a rule was easily understood. This, with exception to the vtti of the SK of Bhaoji Dkita, in many ways ended up compromising with the precise interpretation of rules. The Rpvatra consists of two parts, the first divided into ten avatras manifestations: saj technical terms, sahit close proximity between sounds,vibhakti inflectional endings, avyaya indeclinable, strpratyaya feminine affixes, kraka, samsa compounds, and taddhita secondary suffixes. The second part of Rpvatra has three major divisions (paricchedas): srvadhtuka (3.4.13 tiit srvadhtukam), rdhadhtuka (3.4.114 rdhadhtuka ea), and kt (3.1.93 kd ati). Each division is further classified into sections (prakaraas). The entire second part is presented under the general title of dhtupratyayapacik. Rmacandra (AD 14) by his prakriykaumud (PK) brought some respectability to this new arrangement of rules and some serious focus to its pedagogical purpose. It not only standardized the format of prakriy texts, but also served as a link between the old school of grammar (prcna-vykaraa) and the new (navya-vykaraa). It borrowed from the other schools of grammar, and was heavily influenced by the Kikvtti. The number of stras in the PK was far greater than the number of stras in the Rpvatra. It thus comes as no surprise when Rmacandra accepts: nantyt sarvaabd hi na akyante nusitum / blavyutpattaye smbhi sakipyokt yathmati // because they are infinite in number, all words could possibly not be instructed; (hence) they have been discussed by me in summary, as I see fit for the benefit of making beginners conversant (in grammar)' Rmacandra (AD 17), similarly to Dharmakrti, focuses primarily on stras dealing with the classical language. However, he has a small section at the end dealing with prakriy in the Vedic. Additionally, many Vedic rules have been included elsewhere in accord with contextual needs. The division of sections is also elaborate but does not vary in substance from the Rpvatra. Rmacandra does not follow the arrangement of Rpvatra when it comes to dealing with derivations of forms ending in affixes denoted by the term ti (3.4.77-78 lasya-tiptasjhi...). He discusses verbal paradigms with reference to group of roots (gaa) and whether they are marked for endings termed tmanepada, parasmaipada, or both. This arrangement became standard for later prakriy texts. Rmacandra takes a lot for granted. His explanations of stras are very brief and his statements concerning context of a stra, or its
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application, is still briefer. His examples are limited in number and when discussing derivations, he considers many details understood. However, Rmacandras organization is very good. It was a lack of explanatory details plus influence of other grammatical systems which subjected Rmacandra to severe criticism by Bhaoji Dkita. The PK was saved from still more criticism with help from of its commentary Prasda of Vihala, a grandson of Rmacandra. The PK, even though harshly criticized for some of its interpretations, became the standard text for the Siddhntakaumd (SK) of Bhaoji Dkita (AD 1590). The Pinian tradition had to wait for Bhaoji Dkita who, by his Siddhntakaumud (SK), not only brought perfection to the prakriy tradition but also established the SK as a theoretical marvel. A marvel that rooted out all competition and brought the Pinian tradition to a full circle. Bhaoji had an eye for meticulous details. He accepted the authority (prmya) of the three sages (munitray), especially of Patajali, though his work has greatly benefited from the Kik-vtti and Rmacandras Prakriykaumud. Bhaoji successfully tried to include practically everything essential for understanding the stras. His treatment of the stras is very brief, but very insightful, precise yet thorough and comprehensive. Unlike the Rpvatra and PK, he includes all the stras of the Adhyy. If one rearranges his treatment of stras in the Pinian order and edits some remarks to fit in places, one can arrive at a vtti which far exceeds in quality than all other vtti and prakriy texts combined. Bhaoji not only accepts the authority of Patajali but also vigorously defends his final conclusions against views expressed by post Patajalian commentators. Bhatoji has organized his SK in two parts (Sharma, 2001:26-27): his first part deals with sandhi, samsa and affixes introduced by rules of books four and five of the Adhyy. He introduces a new section of interpretive rules after the saj 'names' section of rules. He similarly introduces one new section of praktibhva non-sandhi after sandhi and two new sections of sarvasamsaea residual domain of compounds and samsrayavidhi operations with compounds as substratum, after the description of samsa. Bhaoji also includes separate sections for treatment of Vedic accent, as well as the accent of affixes, compounds and roots. What is surprising is his inclusion of two sections, one dealing with the udi affixes and the other dealing with the Phistras. Since the SK treats all rules of Pini, his treatment of the taddhita affixes is also very elaborate. The fact that Bhaoji interrupts his treatment of the kt (3.1.93 kd ati) affixes with his description of the udi affixes is most surprising. They are not related to verbal derivatives only. Why did he not put them right after the taddhita section. Locating the Phistras close to sections dealing with accent is not out of place.
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Bhaoji, in the second part of his SK, proceeds with description of verbal paradigms arranged in accord with classification of roots in ten groups (gaa). This is in consonance with Rmacandras procedures, though Bhaoji offers a very comprehensive description. He provides nearly every significant detail ranging from classification of roots to their meanings and paradigmatic forms. A discussion of rules dealing with the causal affix (iC), desiderative (SaN), intensive (ya), deletion of ya (yaluk) and denominatives (nmadhtu) follows. Bhaoji then brings up the discussion of active (tmanepada) and middle (parasmaipada) verbal inflectional endings. The presentation of impersonal (bhva), passive and reflexives follows. Since affixes denoted by the abbreviation ti are replacements of LA-affixes, rules dealing with placement of ti in consonance with description of LA-affixes is offered. The SK draws its examples from traditional sources which also include the Mahbhya and Kik. Most of his examples are presented in their modified forms in tune with classical literary sources. He also follows PK in relating his examples to Viu and Ka. Thus, he cites kya tihate gop the gop waits for Ka parallel to the Kiks tihate kany chtrebhya the girl waits for the students. It has been stated that Rpvatra, Prakriykaumud and Siddhntakaumud all shared the goal of presenting the description of the strapha of Pini as it facilitated proper understanding of the process of derivation (prakriy). Bhaoji went far beyond accomplishing this goal. His SK enjoyed immense respect and popularity. He himself wrote a commentary on the SK under the title Prauhamanoram. Yet another commentary was written by Vsudeva Dkita (AD 18). Jnedra Sarasvat, subsequently, wrote a very fine commentary on Prauhamanoram under the title of Tattvabodhin. Kauabhaa wrote his commentary on the the krik verses of Vaiykaraasiddhnta under the title of Vaiykaraabhaasra. The abdenduekhara, both long (bhat) and short (laghu), are two very learned commentaries on the SK by Ngeabhaa (AD 18), one of the last of giants in the great tradition of Pini. The Laghukaumud of Varadarja (AD 1620) is a short (laghu) text considered the last in the great prakriy tradition. It is primarily intended for beginners so that they can understand grammar with ease. Bhaoji Dikita's brilliant explanations of the grammatical tradition of the trimuni 'three sages' established him as the muni 'sage' of the new school of grammar (navya-vykaraa). In addition to the SK, he also authored abdakaustubha, after carefully studying the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali. He not only considered the stras which were discussed by Patajali but also considered those which were devoured by the proverbial she-goat (ajbhakita). That is , those which were not commented upon by Patajali. The
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Vaiykaraa-sidhnta-kaumud represents the pinnacle of excellence of grammatical knowledge. Note that the Bhattoji has not only collected all the stra, vrttika, ii, gaa-stra, etc., deemed necessary for proper interpretation of the stras of Pini, but has also shown their justification( aucitya). A single sentence expression of excellence of SK could be: the vtti of SK under each stra packs the principle which Patajali arrives at by careful analysis of a stra. It is because of this excellence that the Kaumud (SK) is held in highest esteem by the neo-grammarians: kaumud yady yti vth bhye parirama / kaumud yadi nyti vth bhye parirama // 'it is futile to work hard on the bhya if one understands the kaumd; it is (equally) futile to work hard on the bhya if one does not understand the kaumud' Let us consider some examples: The vtti of rule 1.1.11 ddeddvivacana praghyam reads d-d-edanta praghya syt 'let that which ends in T, T and eT be termed praghya' . The examples are: har etau / vi imau. What ends in here is the of har, made possible by vyapadeivadbhva 'treatment of secondary (final -) as principal (the which ends in - )'; what is dual is also the itself, made possible by prvntavadbhva 'treatment as final of what precedes.' That is, we get har(i + au ) = har via homogeneous long replacement similar to the preceding -i (prva-savara-drgha). This same way we will call the - of vi as the dual ending in . In the earlier case we cannot identify hari as ending in because it cannot be called dual (dvivacana). Although based on the interpretive convention of pratyaya grahae tadant grhy 'a specification made with an affix should be taken to mean as 'ending in that affix,' the word dvivacanapratyaya should mean 'that which ends in an affix with the signification of the dual,' dvivacana will not be interpreted here as meaning 'ending in an affix with the signification of the dual.' For, the assignment of the term praghya is here made on the basis of the indicator, 'sajvidhau pratyayagrahae tadantagrahaan nsti 'if a specification is made with a pratyaya in the context of an operation relating to assignment of a name, the affix is not interpreted as referring to that which ends in the affix.' If it was possible, har of the earlier example could have been easily treated as not only ending in but also ending in the dual. For, is dual based on its treatment as final of the preceding (prvntavadbhva). It is contexts such as these that grammarians of the new school emphasize on memorization, and recall (upasthiti), of the vtti of Baoji Dkita under each stra. Bhaoji also has a penchant for citing even shorter forms of Pinian stras. Consider ako' ki drgha 'long in place of a vowel denoted by the
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abbreviatory term aK when another denoted by aK follows,' which he offers as the 'better said (suvacam)' version 6.1.101 aka savare drgha. He intends to explain that given dadhi + atta, etc., there would not be any homogeneous long replacement (savara-drgha-dea), especially when yathsakhya is brought for paraphrase. For, in the yathsakhya 'assignment of equivalence in the order of enumeration' interpretation, we will get the long replacement when -i follows. Note that there are 30 kinds of , i.e., 18 of and 12 of , all termed savara 'homogeneous.' Thus, when followed by , for example in hot kra, will yield a replacement in long (drgha).There will not be a long replacement for and even when one assigns the term savara to with , against the negation of 1.1.10 njj halau. For, even though i is savara with , cannot be part of the denotation of aK. If the was the savara with the short -i, it would have become part of the denotation of aK. If the stra is kept as formulated, i.e., aka savare drgha, the long replacement cannot be blocked in har ayte, without the anuvtti of aci 'when a vowel denoted by aC follows.' Bhaoji offers some brilliant resolutions to contexts where a stra cannot apply even when the application of the same is made available. Consider why 8.4.45 yaro' nunsike' nunsiko v cannot apply to caturmukha 'he who has four faces.' He states: sthnaprayatnbhym antaratame spare caritrthe vidhir iyam rephe na pravartate 'since this operation has found its justification with application to stops most proximate in view of place and manner of articulation, it does not apply in the context of repha (r).' This rule applies to contexts of etan murri and etad murri where a stop has to be replaced with a nasal. It does not aply when the -r in caturmukha has to be replaced with a nasal. For, there are two kinds of items to be replaced by a replacement in anunsika 'nasal': spara 'stops and nasals beginning with the k-series to the p-series); and sparetara 'those which are other than spara.' A replacement in anunsika, for example in place of -d will be -n). In these instances the sthna 'place of articulation' and prayatna 'manner of articulation' of the item which is replaced (sthn; for example -d) and the item which replaces (dea; for example -n), both, will be the same. If the context of replacement relates to any sound other than spara (for example where one has to replace -r with -) only the place, i.e., mrdh 'cacumina,' will be the same, and not the manner of articulation. One can still argue here for application of the stra based on its formulation which, in turn, qualifies it for application. On this Dkita could say that: if the item to be replaced is most proximate (antaratama) as against simply an item for replacement (sthn; for example -r), the replacement must come in place of the most proximate. This is what is indicated with the reading of antaratame in sthne' ntaratame, the locative ending reading. It is stated that the sahit
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recitation of the Adhyy is like1.1.50 sthne' ntaratama urarapara. Thus, sthne' taratama ura rapara and sthne' ntaratame ura rapara both readings are correct. The meaning with the locative ending reading of sthnentaratame will be: a replacement comes in place of the item which is most proximate.' We will thus get a replacement in place of spara, etc., and not in place of repha (r). It is stated that Bhaoji has brought together all rules related to a single context in one place, facilitating their comprehension all at once. There are other examples similar to caturmukha. Consider for example bhavatt where, since ttA is marked with as an it, it should come as a replacement in place of the final sound segment (antydea). But total replacement (sarvdea) of -tu by ttA wins application because of consisting of more than one sound segment (anekltvt). For, the general provision of 'consisting of more than one sound segment, and being marked with as an it (aneklit)' and its corresponding exception (apavda; 1.1.52 alo' ntyasya ) have become equal in strength (samabala 'equal in strength'). It is interesting to note here that the question of equal strength does not arise in the context of a general and its related particular. For, a general rule applies leaving aside the scope of application of its related particular. The question of samabala 'equal strength' arises in the context of rules which enjoy their scope of application elsewhere (anyatra). But in that case a subsequent rule wins scope of application based on vipratiedha 'conflict of equal strength where the rule which is subsequent in order of enumeration wins' (1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam). While the SK presented a very brilliant explanation of rules and process of derivation, it no doubt dealt some serious blow to the genius of the Adhyy, especially to its mechanism whereby reconstruction of a single (sentence) context (ekavkyat) of rules scattered all over the grammar was accomplished. By rearranging the Pinian rules, the SK, though with a very noble goal, ended up ignoring the very fine mechanism of derivation Pini so meticulously established. Nevertheless, the SK of Bhaoji Dkita is brilliant, and hence, it became the primary text for studying grammar in the traditional circles.
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5. The Siddhnta texts

andinidhana brahma abdatatva yadakaram / vivartato' rthabhvena prakriy jagato yata // (VP I :1)
A. abda and abda-brahman

It has been stated that the siddnta texts accept the theoretical constructs (siddhnta) of Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali, and then explain, elucidate them as established view. They have generally addressed issues with focus on abda 'word,' artha 'meaning' and abdrtha-sambandha 'relation of word and meaning.' Bharthari's Vkyapadyam is a text which goes far beyond the realm of grammar. It establishes abda-tattva 'word-principle' as brahman : This andinidhana brahman is kastha-nitya 'eternal fixed,' and avicl 'never moving' and avikr 'not subject to modification.' I have already mentioned this view of the eternal (nitya). The Veda is the primary vivarta 'manifestation' of Brahman, and it is also its first imitation (anukra) . One can also say that the Veda is pratipdaka 'the manifest' and the brahman is pratipdya 'that which is made manifest.' The idea of Brahman and abda-brahman is not based on any difference (bheda) between the two: prptyupyo' nukra ca tasya vedo maharibhi / eko' pyanekavartmeva sammnta pthak pthak // (VP I:5) This krik verse implies that as practice of dna 'giving,' and conduct with tapas 'austerity' and brahmacarya 'celibacy' facilitates abhyudaya 'auspicious rise,' that same way one attains brahma with cleansing of mind attained by studying the Veda and by following a conduct approved by the Veda. The brahman of the Vedntin can thus be attained by means of the Veda. Further, bhatvt bhaatvc ca tm brahmeti gyate 'because of being pervasive and also because it receives growth in many different ways, the tman itself is called brahman.' Note that brahman is kastha-nitya 'eternally fixed,' as against tman which, identified with brahman as its manifestation, is bounded within time and space. It still is nitya 'eternal' but in the flow of time and space (pravha-nitya). When this same brahman of the tman is made manifest by articulated sounds it is called the abda-brahman 'word, the supreme,' not any different from the brahman of the Vedntin. Grammarians accept that an utterance expresses its meaning only when abstracted as entities different from their counterparts rendered in the form of dhvani. Thus, the word gau is expressed by its word-form (dhvani) g-au- to cognition of the substance (meaning), gau, qualified with dew-lap, etc. We thus see that there is a word indivisible which expresses itself in the form of dhvani. This is the word which
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becomes buddhyrha when the speaker has the intent to speak (vivak). This is the word which splits into two: primary word and its sound counterpart. It is the sound counterpart of an utterance which is expressed in the form of dhvani. There is a further split into two at the time of sphoa when the sound counterpart of the primary word splits into its form and meaning. It is the bursting forth of the locus of power of word in the form of dhvani which thereby makes the meaning manifest. Sphoa by way of its serving as locus of power of word expressed by dhvani is thus the primary source for cognition of meaning.This description of buddhyrha-abda, sphoa, pratibh and cognition of meaning (artha-sampratyaya) necessarily gives the impression of a process. Accepting it as a process may also imply some sort of a sequence. Grammarians accept sphoa as a flash of meaning and hence with no sequence. It is pratibh which enjoys the status of prime instrumentality in cognition of meaning.
B. Pratibh
Grammarians use pratibh as vkyrtha 'meaning of a sentence.' This comes about as a result of articulation of the words of a sentence. It is thus stated: vicchedagrahae' rthn pratibh' nyaiva jyate / vkyrtham iti tm hu padrthair upapditm // VP I:43// It is stated that when a sentence is articulated, meanings of individual words ending in sUP and ti appear separately. With these individual meanings brought forth separately, appears a special kind of perception (buddhi) which is called pratibh. There are two phrases in the above krik, namely pratibh' nyaiva and padrthair upapditm, which need special attention. That is, pratibh is nothing but perception, or a particular kind of intellect. It has been characterized with idantvena 'in this way' or tantvena ' in that way,' and ankhyeya 'not explainable.' But it has been established by pratytmavtti. That is, after hearing the same sentence different kind of pratibh would arise in the mind, or in the opinion of the naiyyikas, in the tman of listeners. But this pratibh could not be correctly described by the agent ( kart), i.e., the listener (rot), or the experiencing person. This is similar to the experience of sweetness (mdhurya) of grapes (drk), or molasses (gua), which cannot be exactly described. They all say that those things are sweet (madhura). This same applies to pratibh which can be experienced but which cannot be explained to others. Since meanings of individual words first appears separately, and then pratibh perceives them as unified into one, we can say that pratibh unites the meaning of individual words. This pratibh can also be viewed as constituting the scope of signification of individual word meanings. For, it is brought about by
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separate appearance of individual meanings and is thus established in every sentence in the form of all sentential meanings (sarva-vkyrtha-svarpat; krik 145). The sphoa which facilitates cognition of meaning and which is made manifest by dhvani is generally recognized as consisting of eight kinds: 29 (i) vara-sphoa, (ii) pada-sphoa, (iii) akhaa-pada-sphoa, (iv) vkya-sphoa, (v) akhaa-vkya-sphoa, (vi) varaa-jti-sphoa, (vii) pada-jti-sphoa, and (viii) vkya-jti-sphoa. These eight types of sphoa are based primarily on the notion that individual sound segments and any whole brought about by their combination are meaningful. But since sounds occur in a sequence and they quickly disappear, cognition of meaning bursting forth from a flash of sphoa with no sequence is hard to accept. This same is in many ways true of any divisible whole brought about by combination of sounds. A concurrent signification of meaning, via experiences of individual sound segments, and for that matter of their conglomeration, is thus not possible. Mostly because of non-disappearance (anivartakat) of mutual expectancy (kk) among units of sounds and words that the akhaa-sphoa 'a whole with no part' of a vkya qualified with class properties (jti) is considered principal (mukhya) and real (vstavika). All other types of sphoas are considered imagined (kalpita) and unreal (avstavika). They have been accepted for the express purpose of carrying out the processes of grammar. I must, however, mention yet another two-way classification of sphoa as nirvaraa (external) and svaraa (internal). The first can be recognized as the cidrpa-brahma, the supreme with the form of pure intelligence. That is, he by whose illumination this all gets illuminated (tasya bhs sarvam ida vibhti ) . The sphoa-tatva parallel to parvk is often characterized as nirvaraa. The sphoa-tatva parallel to payant and madhyam, etc., is characterized as svaraa-sphoa. Cognition of meaning is directly related with expression of reality via linguistic usage. It has been observed that language is not always competent to fully express reality. Contrarily, language also expresses non-reality. A clear view of reality is always obstructed by what is commonly known as avidy ignorance. A true cognition of meaning should not only be entrusted with mind and intelligence (buddhi) but must also be free of errors. A true cognition, in this sense, is noumenal. A phenomenal perception may ultimately, through series of errors, lead to true cognition. Bharthari shows how a series of errors leave progressively clearer saskras which, in turn, lead to true cognition. One may mistakenly assume a rope to be a serpent. A single negation in the form of this is not a snake can remove illusion for some. But a similar illusion where a tree is taken for an elephant can be removed through a series of errors of perceptions. The object of perception in these series of errors will always be the tree. The eye
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will be constantly perceiving the tree as an elephant. When one gets very close to the tree the object of perception and the form of the object of error will become one. There is no error and the true cognition (yathrtha-jna) of tree has thus been accomplished. Each error in the series of perceptions leaves a progressively clearer perception. Recall here that a reduction in distance cannot be accepted as the cause of true cognition. For, even at a distance, though with greater concentration, a person can accomplish true cognition of tree. Cognition of meaning via sphoa can also be likened to the idea of progressively clearer residual impressions of saskras. It must, however, be noted that sphoa is a uniquely singular indivisible entity with no sequence. It strikes as a flash of meaning and travels with the speed of sound. It is instantaneous in all aspects (Sharma, forthcoming).
II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference
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na videasthamiti ktvato nnvkya bhavati / videastham iti sad ekavkya bhavati / Mahbhya (II:178)
1. Rules and Operations

The Adhyy is a system (stra) of nearly four thousand rules (stra), distributed over eight books with four quarters (pda) each. Since rules are structured with utmost brevity and algebraic condensation, and also since the explicitness condition of their formulation demands clarity and no confusion, Pini chose to present them within the frame-work of a meta-linguistic theory most conducive to their interpretation and application. He not only formulated his rules with terms and symbols, but also furnished them with some interpretive conventions whereby, with systematic application of rules, one would present a formal analysis of correct Sanskrit usage. It has been stated that grammar focuses on correct usage of the language, and with the technique of anyvaya and vyatireka, extracts padas 'words' from utterances. A system of rules and operations are then formulated for analysis of those words by imagining bases, affixes and subsequent operations, thereby accomplishing their derivation (nipatti). Grammar thus becomes a system (stra) of rules (lakaa) whose goal is to fully understand correct usage (lakya). Rules of grammar have been likened to rain clouds which shower indiscriminately over land and water, both (parjanyavat lakani bhavanti). However, this is the reality of the outside world. Here in the inside world of grammar rules must be formulated with their clearly defined scope of application so that they can capture the reality of usage. It is with this idea in mind that Paini formulates general (utsarga) rules tied in with related particulars (viea) and residuals (ea). Next he formulates rules which offer related options (vikalpa), and make relevant negative (niedha), restrictive (niyama) or extensional (atidea) provisions. It is in this sense that grammar, in the Pinian parlance, is considered a set of rules (lakaa) which, with their application to a network of utterances with imagined constituency of specific bases and affixes, lead to the derivation of correct words (lakya). Rules are generally operational (vidhi) in nature. Since Pini formulates them with reference to a meta-theory, he could not afford not to formulate rules which assign names (sa) to forms (abda-rpa) and offer their interpretation, along with interpretation also of rules and their function. Rules which assign names (saj), offer interpretive conventions (paribh), and make restrictive
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(niyama) or extensional (atidea) provisions, facilitate application of operational rules. A summary list of rule types is as follows: (i) A heading (adhikra) rule serves as heading of a domain and interior domain in the sense that it carries over either in its entirely, or in part, to lower level rules of its domain or interior domain. Consider 3.1.93 dhto which is to be carried over to all rules of its domain (up to the end of the third adhyya, and including 3.4.117 chandasy ubhayath) for their proper interpretation. (ii) A technical rule assigns a name (saj) to some grammatical entity. Consider 1.1.1 vddhir daic and 1.1.2 ade gua which assign the names vddhi and gua to the two sets of vowels , ai, au and a, e, o, in this order. Pini assigns nearly one hundred technical terms (saj), either to a linguistic form (abda-rpa), its meaning (artha), or to a sound quality (dhvani-gua). (iii) A rule of interpretation (paribh) regulates proper interpretation of a given rule or application. Consider 1.1.3 iko guavddh which explains that whenever a replacement operation is specified with the express use of the term gua and vddhi, replacements must come in place of a vowel denoted by the abbreviated term iK (i, u, , ). The tradition, in addition to these, also accepts quite a few interpretive conventions which were implicitly assumed (jpakasiddha) by Pini, or were accepted based on norms of the outside world of usage (nyya-siddha). The Paribhendu-ekhara (P) of Ngea is an important text for reference. (iv) A rule of operation (vidhi) directs an operation to be performed on an input. Consider 6.1.77 iko ya aci which orders a replacement denoted by the abbreviate term ya (y, v, r, l) in place of an iK (i, u, , ) when a vowel (aC) follows. (v) A niyama rule attaches some restrictive provision to the scope of application of a given rule. Consider 1.4.1 kard ek saj which restricts the assignment of a single name to an entity in the domain of eka-saj (1.4.1 kard ek saj, through 2.3.38 kar karmadhraye). Note that classinclusion (saj-samvera) of technical names is the norm, elsewhere. (vi) A pratiedha 'negation' rule counters an otherwise positive provision made by a rule of grammar. Consider 1.1.29 na bahuvrhau which negates the assignment of the term sarvanman to items listed in the group headed by sarva 'all,' etc., when combined in a bahuvrhi compound. This rule thus negates the positive provision made by rule 1.1.27 sarvdni sarvanmni. There are two kinds of negations: prasajya-pratiedha where the negative is construed with the verb, yielding absolute negation; and paryudsa where the negative is construed with the noun yielding a negation with the meaning of similar to but different from (tadbhinna-tatsada). Consider abrhmaa which could be interpreted to mean
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either 'not a brhmaa, at all,' or someone similar to but different from a brhmaa, for example a katriya. (vii) An atidea 'extension' rule transfers a certain property to the application of a rule which it previously did not have. An extensional rule generally widens the scope of application of a definitional or operational rule. An atidea where affix vatI is explicitly stated is called ruttidea, as against arthtidea where sense of extensional vatI is inferred. For, example consider 1.2.5 asayogl li kit which transfers the property of being a Kit 'marked with K as an it ' to a non-Kit replacement of LI, initially not marked with P as an it (Pit). This is an extensional provision made for a named item, and thus is called sajtidea. An atidea which applies to a sthn 'item to be replaced,' for example of rule 1.1.56 sthnivad deo' nalvidhau, is called sthnytidea. Similarly, the extensional provision of 1.2.51 lupi yuktavad vyaktivacane whereby similar status is extended is called yukttidea. Extensional rules are further classified into two categories of krytidea (1.1.21 dyantavad ekasmin) and rptidea (1.1.59 dvirvacane' ci) whereby either a function, or a form, is extended to the scope of application of a rule. Four general categories are also recognized as strtidea 'extension of rule; 4.2.34 klebhyo bhavavat),' tdtmytidea 'extension of identity; 2.1.2 sub mantrite pargavat svare),' nimitttidea 'extension of condition; 1.3.62 prvavat sana)' and vyapadetidea 'extension of designation; 1.1.21 dyantavad ekasmin).' (viii) A rule which offers options is termed vibh 'option' (1.1.4 na veti vibh). The tradition recognizes three kinds of options: prpta 'that which is made available; 1.3.77 vibhopapadena pratyamne), aprpta 'that which is not made available;1.2.3 vibhoro)' and prptprpta 'fixed; that which is made available, and not made available, both; 6.1.30 vibh ve).' (ix) A rule which provides forms as derived, with no indication of their derivation by way of bases, affixes and rule applications is called niptana (3.2.26 phalegrahirtmambhari ca). There are three goals which niptana rules accomplish: aprptiprpaa, providing something not made available by any other rule; prpti-vraa 'blocking something which is made available,' and adhikrtha-vivak, indicating something additional.' The function of an operational rule is to facilitate derivation with its application. Operations can be generally recognized as follows: (1) Placement of an affix (pratyaya), whereby an affix is introduced after a base at the beginning of a derivation. Consider 3.1.91 dhto (read with 3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.2 para ca, 3.1.3 dyudtta ca and 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau) and 3.2.123 vartamne la, whereby affix LA is introduced after a verbal root when the action is located at the current time. Note that pacam 'ablative,' for
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example in dhto of 3.1.91, generally forms the left condition of placement operations. Rule 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham specifies the cooccurrence condition under which an affix could be introduced after a verbal root ( dhto). In addition to 3.1.93 dhto, there are two other rules which specify bases for placement of an affix: (i) 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt whereby an affix is introduced after a nominal stem, or after a form which ends in the feminine affixes (4.1.3 striym) marked with and P (P, , N; P, CP, P) and (ii) 4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v whereby a taddhita (4.1.76 taddhit) affix is introduced after first among syntactically related words (pada). Affixes introduced after these bases can be called placement affixes. (2) Addition (vikaraa), whereby an affix is introduced under the left condition of a root with the right condition of an affix. Consider the introduction of aP (3.1.68 kartari ap) after a verbal root when a srvadhtuka affix (3.1.113 tiit srvadhtukam) with the denotation of agent (kartari) follows (3.1.67 srvadhtuke). Also consider 3.1.69 divdibhya yan (yaN), 3.1.73 svdibhya nu (nu), 3.1.77 tuddibhya a (a), 3.1.78 rudhdibhya nam (naM), 3.1.79 tandikbhya u (u) and 3.1.81 krydibhya n (n) and 3.1.86 liyiy a (a). Introduction of all formal elements made after the base (prakti), and before the placement affix, can be considered part of this process of addition. One may also include additions made to a string at the stage of aga (1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi prtytyaye' gam). Consider 6.1.71 hrasvasya pitikti tuk, 7.1.47 ktvo yak, 7.1.50 jj aser asuk, 7.1.52 mi sarvanmna su, 7.1.54 hrasvanadypo nu and 7.1.58 idito num dhto, whereby tUK, yaK, asUK, sU, nU and nUM are introduced as augments. Doubling (6.4.1 ekco dve prathamasya) and iteration (8.1.1 sarvasya dve) can also be recognized as addition. However, they come late in the derivational process. (3) Replacement (dea) is a major operation whereby a linguistic form can be replaced, in part or whole, by another which also includes zero. This operation is carried out with clear understanding of what is replaced (sthnin) and what comes as a replacement (dea). That which is to be replaced is generally marked with the genitive (ah; 1.1.49 ah sthneyog ). The replacement itself is marked with the nominative. The right condition of replacement is generally locative (saptam; 1.1.66 tasminn iti nirdie prvasya). Consider ika ya aci = iK 6/1 ya 1/1 aC 7/1 where 6/1 is genitive singular, and 7/1 locative singular. This could also be represented as a rewrite rule: iKya / aC 'let iK be replaced with ya in the environment of aC'
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A replacement could be ordered for a linguistic form, for example, a base, affix, sound, or a vocalic sequence. Rule 1.3.10 yathsakhyam anudea samnm and 1.1.50 sthne' ntaratama guide selection of equivalent replacement for item to be replaced. The first rule applies to items offered in two sets of equal number. The equivalence here is to be determined based on order of enumeration of items in the sets. Rule 1.1.50 sthne' ntaratama requires a replacement (dea) to be most similar to what it replaces (sthnin).This close similarity is identified as close similarity in meaning (arthakt), sthnakta 'place of articulation' and sound quality (guakt). An operation, in the process of derivation, could also be found internally (antaraga) or externally (bahiraga) conditioned. An internally conditioned operation is preferred for application against one which is externally conditioned. It should be noted that replacement operations also cover what is generally known as modification (vikra). (4) Deletion (LOPA) can also be treated as replacement, total (sarvdea) or partial (ekadea). A total replacement can come in place of one, or two items, in the form of a single item or a zero. It is for this reason that LOPA is defined as non-appearance (1.1.60 adarana lopa). It can also be used as a cover term for deletion. Now consider the following rules: 1.1.61 pratyayasya luklulupa 1.1.62 pratyayalope pratyayalakaam 1.2.49 luktaddhitaluki 1.2.51 lupiyuktavad vyaktivacane 2.4.71 supo dhtuprtipadikayo 2.4.75 juhotydibhya lu 6.1.10 lau The first rule assigns the term LUK, LU and LUP to deletion of an affix (pratyaya). The third rule limits the scope of deletion by LUK of certain taddhita affixes, and a constituent termed upasarjana of a compound. But the term LUP must be used, instead, for deletion of a taddhita affix whose derivatives retain their original number and gender (yuktavadbhva). The scope of affixal deletion by LUK is more general. For it applies after leaving aside the scope of application of LUK and LU. Incidentally, LU-deletion is consequential for doubling (dvitva) of 6.1.10 lau. LUK is generally used for deletion of affixes termed vibhakti. A LOPA-deletion applies after leaving aside the scope of application of deletion by LUK, LU and LUP. These terms are mutually exclusive insofar as deletion with their express use of terms is concerned.
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This four-way use of terms of deletion not only clearly marks the general (smnya) and particular (viea) scope of deletion but also serves as a guide for recoverability of deletion. Consider the following two rules in this connection: 1.1.56 sthnivad deo' nalvidhau 'a replacement (dea) is treated as if what it replaced (sthnin), except when an operation entails original sound segments' 1.1.62 pratyayalope pratyayalakaam 'an operation conditioned by an affix is carried out even when the affix goes through deletion; but not when deletion is accomplished in relation to an aga with express mention of terms which contain LU (LUK, LU, LUP ;1.1.63 na lumatgasya)' (5) it-deletion: An it is a sound, or sequence of two sounds, which is tagged to some word-form introduced in this grammar for the first time (upadea). These tagged sounds are termed it, and subsequently made to go through it-deletion of rule 1.3.9 tasya lopa. Consider the following rules: 1.3.2 upadee ' j anunsika it 'a nasalized vowel in upadea (first citation) is termed it ' 1.3.3 halantyam 'the final consonant (haL) of a form in upadea is termed it' 1.3.4 na vibhaktau tusm 'the final tU (a consonant of the t-series), s, and m of a vibhakti (1.4.104 vibhakti ca) in upadea, is not termed it ' 1.3.5 dir iudava 'the initial I, U and U of a form in upadea is termed it ' 1.3.6 a pratyayasya 'the initial of an affix in upadea is termed it ' 1.3.7 cu 'the initial cU (a consonant of c-series) and U (a consonant of -series) of an affix in upadea is termed it ' 1.3.8 laakv ataddhite 'the initial L, and kU (a consonant of k-series) of a non-taddhita affix in upadea is termed it' 1.3.9 tasya lopa 'non-appearance (adarana) of that which is termed it '
2. Domain, Recurrence and Reference

It has been stated that rules of the Adhyy are placed in distribution over eight chapters (adhyya) of four quarters (pda) each. This arrangement of rules is made in accord with contextual relation among rules. A context qualified with general properties would require rules to be placed within a general context. A context qualified with particular properties would similarly require rules to be placed within a particular context. Contexts which may be qualified with residual properties would be considered as remainder of the general context. Placement
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of rules in a serial order within the adhyyas and pdas forms the physical context of rule placement. Patajali alludes to the functional context of rules when he says that, 'simply because two rules are placed at different places in the grammar it does not mean that they are different; they share a single sentence relationship (ekavkyat), even though placed at different places.' This establishes a kind of dependency relation among rules. Rules which share such dependency relation can be accepted as forming a functional context. It is generally agreed that proper understanding of a rule is possible only when one considers the exposition of the learned (P1: vykhynato vieapratipattir na hi sandehd alakaam). It is in this sense that Pinyas accept the notion of ekavkyat 'single sentence-ness' for interpretation of a rule. A rule in its physical context can be interpreted as a single sentence rather easily. To interpret a rule as a single sentence in its functional context is not so easy. For, that rule could not be properly understood unless the single sentence interpretation of its physical context is brought close to its functional context of application. Now consider two interpretive conventions (P2-3) which both are complementary to each other, and which scholars consider operative in the Adhyy : (i) yathoddea saj-paribham (ii) kryakla sajparibham These two views about interpretation of technical names (samj), and interpretive conventions (paribh), are called yathoddea 'not going beyond the place where taught' and kryakla 'taught at the place where operative.' A student may like to understand a rule, for example 1.1.2 ade gua, right at the place where it is taught in the grammar. Some other student may like to understand this rule where, for example, rule 6.1.87 d gua is taught with the use of the term gua. He understands 1.1.2 ade gua as a rule which assigns the name gua to aT and e. He also learns that e, per 1.1.71 dir antyena sahet with reference to inventory of sounds listed by the iva-stra, is an abbreviated symbol used with the denotation of e and o. An understanding of 1.1.70 taparas tatklasya further explains that a specification made with -t (which I show here with the uppercase T ) denotes duration (kla) of 'that which is used with T .' He thus understands that gua is a name (saj) assigned to vowels a, e, and o. Rules 1.1.3 iko guavddh, 1.1.49 ah sthneyog and 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya, similarly teach him that 'a specification made with the genitive (ah) means 'in place of' (that which is specified with the genitive),' and 'a specification made with the ablative (pacam) means 'after' (that which is specified with the ablative).' In addition, a replacement ordered with express mention of the terms gua and vddhi must come in place of a vowel denoted by
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the abbreviated symbol iK (1.1.3 iko guvddh). It is at the time of understanding the function (krya), and thereby application of rule 6.1.87 d gua, that his saskra 'memory impressions' of understanding 1.1.2 ade gua, 1.1.3 iko guavddh, 1.1.70 taparas tatklasya, 1.1.71 dir antyena sahet and 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya must be brought close to the context of 6.1.87 d gua, for its proper interpretation and application. The ablative of T and the term gua, must serve as a mark (liga) for reconstruction of the full context of this rule by memory so that its application could be accomplished. Note that this rule is put in the domain (adhikra) of 6.1.72 sahitym, where sahitym 7/1, aci 7/1 (6.1.77 iko ya aci) and eka 1/1 prvaparayo 6/1 (6.1.84 eka prvaparayo) must be carried over to its context. The locative ( saptam ) of aci 7/1 and the genitive dual (ah dvivacana) of prvaparayo 6/2 must also serve as marks for reconstructing memory impressions of rules 1.1.3 iko guavddh, 1.1.49 ah sthneyog and tasminn iti nirdie prvasya. This, in turn, facilitates his full understanding of rule 6.1.87. I now quote single sentence interpretation of this rule from the Kikvtti : avart paro yo' c aci ca prvo yo avara tayo prvaparayo avarco sthne eko gudeo bhavati 'a single replacement termed gua comes in place of both, the (gua) vowel which follows a, and the (gua vowel) a which precedes it, within the scope of sahit 'close proximity between sounds' It is clear from the preceding discussion that the two interpretive conventions, namely yathoddea and kryakla, are considered operative in the Adhyy. It is important to note in this connection that technical names (saj) and interpretive conventions (paribh) are not independent insofar as their function is concerned. They are intended for operational rules placed all over the grammar, and hence, must present themselves close to the context of application (vidhi) of other rules. Haradatta ( Padamajar on Kik, under 8. 2.1 prvatrsiddham) has the following verses: saj pararth atyanta paribh ca tadvidh / 'samj 'names' are always intended for others, and the paribh 'interpretive conventions' are also this same way; na svtantryea ts tasmt kryvagatihetava// 'they therefore do not make their function known independently; anekasya pradhnasya eabht bhavantv iti / 'they then be residual (ea) to many independent ones; et kevalam crya pthagde updiat // 'the teacher himself taught them at different places'
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vidhivkyais tu sahatya yatra tatra sthitair api / 'having approched the operational rules placed all over bodhayantya svakryi naikaprv par im // 'making their function known, these are not one prior to the other which follows' I shall next discuss the yathoddea view of interpreting a rule as a single sentence (ekavkyat) in the context of its placement in domains. The kryakla view of interpreting a rule in its functional context will be discussed under 'Reference to antecedent.'
A. Domain and Recurrence

It has been stated that rule 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham is responsible for the two-fold division of the Adhyy as follows: (I) The sapda-saptdhyy 'rules of the first seven adhyyas with rules of the first quarter of adhyya eight'; (II) the tripd 'rules of the last three quarters of adhyya eight.' This functional division is accepted because rules of the tripd are considered suspended (asiddha) in view of application of rules which precede it within the sapda-saptdhyy. Rules placed subsequently in order within the tripd are also considered suspended in view of application of rules which precede them in the tripd . The last domain of rules headed by 8.1.16 padasya not only straddles between the two broader sections of the Adhyy but also serves as a bridge between the sapda-saptdhyy and the tripd. The domain of 8.1.16 padasya, which extends all the way up to, and including 8.3.55 apadntasya mrdhanya, covers a fairly substantial number of rules covered by the domain headed by 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham. The following are major domains of rules in the sapdasaptdhyy: (1) The Controlling Domain (CD): All rules beginning with 1.1.1 vddhir daic through rule 2.2.38 karh karmadhraye. (1.1.1vddhir daic... through (1.4.1 kard ek saj 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam...; (1.4.23 krake -1.4.54 tatprayojakohetuca) (2) The domain of Samsa, vibhakti, and LUK-deletion: (2.1) samsa (2.1.1 samartha padavidhi (2.1.3 prk kart samsa (2.1.4 saha sup... 2.2.38 kar karmadhraye));
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(2.3.1 anabhihite - 2.3.73 caturth -sukhrthahitai). (3) The Obligatory Domain of affixes (pratyaya ;OD): {(3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.2 para ca, 3.1.3 dyudtta ca, 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau ...); (3.1.91 dhto...3.4.117- chandasy ubhayath); (4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt... (4.1.2 svaujasmau...) (4.1.3 striym 4.1.75 vayc ca) (4.1.76 taddhit - 5.4.160 nipravi ca) (4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v))) (4) The Domain of sahit (6.1.72 sahitym through 6.1.154 praskaraprabhtni ca sajym) (5) The Domain of aga (6.4.1 agasya (6.4.129 bhasya) 7.4.9 ca gaa)) (6) Domain of pada (8.1.16 padasya -8.3.55 apadntasya mrdhanya) (7). The Domain of Suspension (asiddhatva), the tripd : (8.2.1 prvatrasiddham to 8.4.68 a a iti) It has been stated that a rule (stra) or its part (straikadea), when marked with svarita, is carried over (anuvartate) to lower level rules for their proper interpretation (1.1.11 svaritendhikra). A domain heading would thus be marked with svarita so that it could be carried over to all rules placed within that domain, via process of recurrence (anuvrtti). Individual rules, or their parts, can also be marked with svarita to indicate anuvtti. That is, whatever is carried via anuvtti is an adhikra, marked with svarita. It is very difficult to know how far an adhikra carries, especially since the svarita marks are mostly lost (Mahbhya I:272). Larger adhikras could be identified by change of an adhyya, pda or topic (prakaraa). Incompatibility of carried over elements, with those to which they may be carried over to, serves as a good indicator for canceling anuvtti. Finally, an element which is carried over with the use of ca 'and' would generally cancel its subsequent anuvtti. Heading rules with terms and symbols used in the nominative (3.1.1 pratyaya; 3.4.1 dhtusambandhe pratyay), ablative (pacam; 3.1.91 dhto; 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt), genitive (ah; 6.1.223 samsasya, 6.4.1 agasya, 6.4.129 bhasya, 8.1.16 padasya) and locative (saptam; 2.3.1 anabhihite, 3.2.111 anadyatane la, 3.2.84 bhte, 3.2.1 karmai a, 6.1.72 samhitym) are good indicators of domain headings, not only for indicating possibility of rule
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application, but also prompting inputs for possible rule application. Patajali mentions three types of adhikras: one, like a lamp, though set in one place, illuminates the entire room; another, by means of a ca, is carried to subsequent rules; and a third carries to each and every rule governed by it. This three-way distinction implies that certain adhikras literally are carried via anuvtti, or by means of ca, while others are treated only as though carried. The paribhs such as 1.4.1 karad ek saj ,1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam, 2.1.1 samartha padavidhi , etc., are not carried over. Haradatta (PM ad K 1.4.23 krake) mentions six types of adhikras: name (samj), qualifier (vieana), substituend (sthnin), base (prakti), condition (nimitta) and substitute (dea). The examples which he cites are: 3.1.1 pratyaya, 4.2.92 ese, 6.1.84 eka prvaparayo, 4.1.1 ypprtipadikt, 6.4.46 rdhadhtuke and 8.3.35 (apadntasya) murdhanya. Four inflectional endings mark these adhikras: pratham 'the first nominative,' pacam 'the fifth ablative,' ah 'the sixth genitive' and saptam 'the seventh locative'; saj technical names' and dea 'replacement' are marked with the nominative (pratham); vieaa 'qualifier' and nimitta 'cause, condition' with the locative (saptam). A genitive (ah) generally marks the sthnin 'that which is to be replaced' while prakti 'base' is generally marked with the ablative (pacam). It should be remembered here that these remarks on adhikras generally apply to heading rules. Adhikras function in many ways: they introduce a term (3.1.1 pratyaya), specify a domain (1.4.23 krake), offer a locally valid interpretation, or define the context of an operation. Consider rules 1.4.56 prg rvarn nipt, 1.4.83 karmapravacany, 2.1.5 avyaybhva, 2.1.22 tatpurua, 3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.95 kty and 4.1.76 taddhit which assign terms. The idea of placing rules in domains such that a larger domain of rules contains one or more interior or sub-interior domains is crucial to the system of placement of rules in the Adhyy. Rules within a domain, interior domain, or sub-interior domain, are arranged such that a lower level rule expects a higher level rule to contribute towards its proper interpretation. The process of anuvtti is localized within a domain, and is unidirectional. However, there are instances where commentators invoke anuvtti of a part of a lower level rule for interpretation of a higher level rule. There are also instances where anuvtti skips over a few rules and applies to a rule as needed. This kind of anuvtti is called maka-pluti 'frog's leap.' Let us examine the following controlled listing of the Obligatory Domain (OD) headed by 3.1.1 pratyaya : 3.1.1 pratyaya 'affix' 3.1.2 para ca 'and (occurs) after'
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3.1.3 dyudtta ca 'and is marked with udtta at the beginning' 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau 'an affix denoted by sUP, and that which is marked with P as an it, is marked with anudtta ' 3.1.91 dhto 'after that which is termed dhtu ' 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham 'that which is there (tatra) in the domain of dhto, specified with saptam 'seventh triplet of nominal endings,' is termed upapada 'conjoined pada' 3.1.93 kd ati 'an affix which, under this governing heading of dhto, is other than a ti is termed kt ' 3.1.94 v' sarpo 'striym 'a formally dis-similar affix introduced as an exception under this governing heading of dhto blocks its general counterpart, only optionally, except for an exception introduced within the sub-domain of 3.3.94 striy ktin ' 3.1.95 kty pr vula 'affixes introduced prior to introduction of vuL (3.1.133 vultcau) are termed ktya' 3.1.132 citygni citye 'the words citya, and agnicity are derived via niptana' 3.2.84 bhte 'when the action is denoted in the past' 3.2.122 puri lu csme 'affix LU occurs, optionally to LA, after a verbal root when this same occurs in construction with pur, and is not used in construction with sma, when the action is denoted in a past which is non-current' 3.3.18 bhve 'affix Gha occurs after a verbal root when bhva 'rootsense' is denoted' 3.3.112 kroe nay anih 'affix ani occurs after a verbal root used in conjunction with na 'not' with the denotation of action in the feminine when kroa 'anger' is denoted' 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 'an affix occurs after that which ends in an affix marked with (P / /N) and P (CP / P / P), or after that which is termed a nominal stem (prtipadika)' 4.1.2 svaujasmauchabhym... 'affixes sU; au, Jas; am, au, as; , bhym, bhis; e, bhym, bhyas; as I, bhym, bhyas; as, os, m; i, os, suP, occur after that which ends in an affix marked with and P, or after that which is termed a nominal stem' 4.1.3 striym 'when feminine is denoted' 4.1.76 taddhit 'the taddhita affixes...' 4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v 'a taddhita affix occurs after the first among syntactically related words (padas)' 4.1.83 prg divyato' 'affix a prior to dvyati...'
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5.4.1 prg vahate hak 'affix haK prior to vahati...' The above listing clearly shows that rules 3.1.2 through 3.1.4 are not included in any one of the interior domains. These rules together with 3.1.1 form the FC (Functional Context ) of this domain of affixes. Two interior domains headed by 3.1.91 dhto and 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt have been shown here with some of their interior domains. Also note that rules 3.1.92, 3.1.93 and 3.1.94 form the FC of the interior domain of 3.1.91 dhto. A heading may define the right or left context of an operation; consider, for example, 3.1.91 dhto 4.1.1 nyp-prtipadikt and 4.1.82 samarthnm... which specify bases after which certain affixes can be introduced. Similarly, 6.3.1 alug uttarapade and 2.4.35 rdhadhtuke provide clear illustration of an adhikra rule defining the right context of an operation. Many headings specify conditions of placement of affixes, state an operation, or simply define the scope of a domain. Rules 2.4.35 rdhadhtuke, 4.2.92 ee, 6.1.72 samhitym, 3.2.123 varttamne la, 3.2.84 bhte, 3.3.18 bhve exemplify these functions. A distinction must be maintained between the anuvtti of the heading rule of a domain or interior domain, and the anuvtti of a rule which is placed subsequently within an interior domain. Let us now consider rule 3.1.62 aca karmakartari. It is formulated with two words aca and karmakartari. The following is the single sentence interpretation of this rule from the Kik-vtti, with indications of word endings, i.e., 1/1 (nominative singular), 5/1 (ablative singular), 6/1 (genitive singular) and 7/1 (locative singular), and English translation: ajantd (5/1) dhto (5/1) parasya (6/1) cle (6/1) pratyayasya (6/1) karmakartari (7/1) taabde (7/1) parata cideo (1/1) bhavaty (verbal pada) anyatarasym (7/1) affix CLI is optionally replaced with affix Ci when the former occurs after a verbal root ending in a vowel (aC) and when -ta, a replacement of LU with the signification of object turned agent (karmakart), follows This eleven word paraphrase interpretation of a two word-rule adds only two new words from the outside, i.e., bhavati becomes and paratas 'when following,' where parata is used to indicate the right condition and bhavati is used for completing the paraphrase sentence. All other words are brought close to this rule from other rules by reconstructing its context, via anuvtti, or with reference to other definitional and interpretation rules of the grammar. I have already listed eight rules which are brought close to the context of this rule. There are still many more rules which must be brought close to this rule. For example, rules which introduce LA-affixes and help select their replacements (in this context -ta). We also need rules which define terms such as karman and kart . Finally, we need rules such as 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya, 1.1.66 tasminn
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iti nirdie prvasya and 1.1.49 ah sthneyog which interpret operational contexts in view of specifications made by nominal endings. These rules, however, do not come via anuvtti. They are brought close to this rule by way of their memory impressions for its interpretation as a single sentence (ekavkyat).The idea is to have a mechanism whereby all rules which may be necessary for interpretation and application of a single rule could be brought close to its context from wherever they may be in the grammar. It neatly ties in with the two traditional views of rule interpretation: yathoddea-paka understanding a rule at the place where it is taught in the grammar and kryakla-paka 'understanding a rule at the place where its application is taught.' The technique of anuvtti plays a big role in bringing domain and subdomain headings, and also rules or their part(s), close to a rule within a given domain for its proper interpretation as a single sentence (ekavkyat). All other rules which may be needed for a single sentence interpretation of a rule are brought close to its context via reconstruction of memory impressions (saskra) of those rules. Anuvtti is domain specific where in consonance with the yathoddea view, element(s) of a higher level rule are brought close to the context of a lower level rule for its single sentence interpretation. Reconstruction of memory impressions close to the context of a rule from the outside of its domain largely falls within the kryakla view. I shall next show how memory impressions are brought close to the context of a rule for its single sentence interpretation. The krya-kla view whereby rules necessary for proper interpretation of a rule are brought close to its context from the outside of its interior domain entails reconstruction of definitional (saj) and interpretation (paribh) rules. These rules are generally placed within the first adhyya of the Adhyy which I have listed above as the Controlling Domain (CD) of grammar. It is my understanding that rules of definition (saj) and interpretation (paribh) control the system of derivation of this grammar. A rule of definition and interpretation is brought close to its functional context by process of reference. Use of a definitional term and symbol, and also the use of a mark ( liga) of an interpretive convention, sets the process of reference in motion. A reference made with the use of a definitional term and symbol to a constant antecedent may be referred to as constant reference. A reference made with the use of relative-correlative pronouns yad 'that which' and tad 'that' may be referred to as variable reference. Furthermore, a reference made with yad and tad is generally made to an interpretative convention. These references are largely made to rules of the Controlling Domain (CD), except for some domain specific definitions and
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interpretive rules. Consider rules such as 2.1.3 samsa, 2.1.5 avyaybhva, 2.2.19 upapadam ati, 2.1.22 tatpurua, 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava, 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham and 3.2.1 karmai a, whereby terms such as samsa, avyaybhva, upapada, tatpurua and dhtu are assigned. The next to the last rule, for purposes of an operation within the domain of 3.1.91 dhto, characterizes an upapada (2.2.19 upapadam ati) as that which is placed with the locative ending (saptam). Pini needed this rule so that he could facilitate the interpretation of rule 3.2.1 karmai 7/1 a 1/1, read with 3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.2 para ca, 3.1.3 dy udtta ca, 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau, 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham, as 'affix (pratyaya) a is introduced after (para ca) a verb root (dhto) used in construction with a pada (upapada) denoting karman (karmai 7/1.' Needless to say, upapada 'conjoined pada not ending in a ti ' serves as a mark (liga) for reference to antecedent.
B. Reference to Antecedents, and Referential index

A controlled listing of rules necessary for deriving pacati 'he cooks,' where terms and symbols are shown within brackets < >, is presented for ease of reference: 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava <dhtu> 1.4.99 la parasmaipadam <la> 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam <ta /na> 1.4.101 tias tri tri prathamamadhyamottam 1.4.102 tny ekavacanadvivacanabahuvacanny ekaa <ti> 1.4.103 supa <sUP> 1.4.104 vibhakti ca <vibhakti> 3.1.67 srvadhtuke yak <srvadhtuke yaK> 3.1.68 kartari ap <aP> 3.1.91 dhato (3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.3 para ca) <dhto> 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham 3.2.123 vartamne la <la> 3.2.124 laa atnacv aprathamsamndhikarae 3.2.126 lakaahetvo kriyy <hetu> 3.2.127 tau sat <sat> 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya <la karmai bhve akarmakebhya> 3.4.77 lasya <lasya> 3.4.78 tip-tas-jhi-sip-thas-tha-mib-vas-mas-ta-tm-jha-ths-thmdhvam-i-vahi-mahi <ti>
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3.4.113 tiit srvadhtukam <ti /it> 3.4.114 rdhadhtuka ea <rdhadhtukam> Now consider rule 3.2.123 vartamne la which introduces affix (pratyaya 1/1 para 1/1) LA 1/1 after a verb root (dhtu 5/1), here pac 'to cook,' under the denotation condition of action located at the current time (vartamna 7/1). Rules 3.4.77 lasya and 3.4.78 tiptasjhi... then apply on pac + LA. Rule 3.4.78 introduces a set of 21 elements denoted by the abbreviated symbol ti. We recognize ti as a replacement of LA 'that which contains LA' by interpreting the genitive (ah) of lasya as a mark of interpretive rule 1.1.49 ah sthneyog to mean sthne 'in place of.' However, application of rule 3.4.78 tiptasjhi... is problematic. How should one go about replacing LA with a ti? How should one select one ti out of a set of eighteen? We do not know anything about affix LA either. Recourse is thus taken to reconstruct references to their antecedents. This reconstruction will bring the following rules close to the context of application of rule 3.4.77 lasya and 3.4.78 tiptasjhi...: (i) <LA> <ti> 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya <la 1/3 karmai 7/1 bhve 7/1 akarmakebhya 5/3> 'the La-affixes are introduced after a transitive root when karman 'object' and kart 'agent' are denoted; they are introduced after an intransitive root when kart and bhva 'root-sense' are denoted. 1.4.99 la parasmaipadam <la 6/1> 'that which comes in place of a LA is termed parasmaipada' 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam <ta /na> 'a replacement of LA in ta and na is termed tmanepada' 1.4.101 tias tri tri prathamamadhyamottam 'each triad if ti is termed pratham 'third person,' madhyama 'second person' and uttama 'first person' 1.4.102 tny ekavacanadvivacanabahuvacanny ekaa <ti> 'individual (elements of each triad) is termed ekavacana singular,' dvivacana 'dual' and bahuvacana 'plural,' respectively' Selection of tiP (3.4.77 tiptasjhi...) as a replacement of La (3.4.77 lasya) with the help of reconstruction of antecedents of LA /ti via process of reference yields: pac + (LAtiP) = pac + tiP. Note in this connection that the ah, saptam and pacam of rules also brought interpretive rules 1.1.49, 1.1.66 and 1.1.67 close to the context of these rules. Now consider the following rules which assign the terms srvadhtuka and rdhadhtuka:
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3.4.113 tiit srvadhtukam <ti > <it > 'an affix denoted by ti, or marked with as an it, is termed srvadhtuka' 3.4.114 rdhadhtuka ea <rdhadhtukam> 'an affix other than a ti, or one marked with as an it, is termed rdhadhtuka' 3.1.67 srvadhtuke yak <srvadhtuke yaK> 'affix yaK is introduced after a verb root when an affix termed srvadhtuka follows' 3.1.68 kartari ap <aP> 'affix aP is introduced after a verb root when an affix termed srvadhtuka, with the denotation of kart,follows' These rule applications will yield pac + aP + tiP which, after deletion of and P (it-deletion) will yield pacati, a pada 'that which ends in affixes denoted by the abbreviate symbol sUP and ti ' (1.4.15 suptiantam padam). Note that the process of reference which brought rules facilitating selection of ti for derivation of pacati from pac + LA has produced a string of terms and symbols in the process. It is important to note that rules are brought close to application of a rule by process of reference to antecedents. These antecedents are terms and symbols used in those rules. A referential index of these terms and symbols can be made for each derivation. The referential index (RI) of pacati can thus be presented as follows: (ii) <dhtu 1.3.1> <LA (pratyaya, akarmaka, karma, bhva) 3.1.1, 3.2.123, 3.4.69, 1.4.99> <ti (parasmaipada, tmanepada ; prathama, madhyama, uttama; ekavacana, dvivacana, bahuvacana, vibhakti) 1.4.99-104)> <srvadhtuka, rdhadhtuka 3.4.113, 3.1.114> <aP (kart, srvadhtuka 3.1.67-68; pada 1.4.14 > A similar reconstruction of rule context by process of reference is witnessed in deriving odana + am = odanam, a pada which ends in a sUP. Now consider the following rules which I reproduce here from the Obligatory Domain (OD): 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 'an affix occurs after that which ends in an affix marked with (P / /N) and P (CP / P / P), or after that which is termed a nominal stem (prtipadika)' <prtipadika> 4.1.2 svaujasmauchabhym... 'affixes sU; au, Jas; am, au, as; , bhym, bhis; e, bhym, bhyas; asI, bhym, bhyas; as, os, m; i, os, suP, occur after that which ends in an affix marked with and P, or after that which is termed a nominal stem' <sUP>
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4.1.3 striym 'when feminine is denoted' 4.1.76 taddhit 'the taddhita affixes...' Rule 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt heads an interior domain within the Obligatory Domain (OD) headed by 3.1.1 pratyaya. Rules 4.1.2, 4.1.3 and 4.1.76 head their interior domains within the domain headed by 4.1.1. This domain requires a prtipadika 'nominal stem,' or a form which ends in an affix marked with and P, as its input. A prtipadika (1.4.14 arthavad...) is that which is meaningful (arthavat) but is not a root (adhtu) or affix (apratyaya). If a choice of prtipadika is made as input to the domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadika, and rule 4.1.2 svaujasmau... is selected for application, reference to rules 1.4.103 supa and 1.4.104 vibhakti ca, etc., will be made to enable selection of nominal endings. The interpretive heading of the vibhakti section of grammar makes a restrictive provision about selection of nominal endings (sUP). It states that selection of an ending such as dvity 'accusative,' is made to denote karman, only when karman is not expressed otherwise (2.3.1 anabhihite). This is a major selectional restriction rule, especially for making the selection of a replacement of ti for expressing kart, karman and bhva. If a choice to express kart or karman is made at the time of selecting a ti-replacement of LA, etc., the same could not be expressed with a nominal ending under the restrictive provision of 2.3.1 anabhihite. The expression of karman 'object' with dvity 'accusative' nominal ending -am, will subsequently yield odana + am = odanam 'rice,' a pada which ends in a sUP. This -am will be introduced after odana with the understanding that the kart of the sentence is selected for denotation with -ti introduced as a replacement for LA of pacati, under the selectional restriction condition of 2.3.1 anabhihite. If a selection is made to express karman with a replacement of LA, instead, the resultant verb form will be pacyate. Since the karman will be already expressed with the verb, kart will then be expressed with tty 'instrumental.' The nominal ending pratham would then be introduced after odana with the denotation of the nominal stem notion (prtipadikrtha). The sentence would then be a passive, for example, odana pacyate sdena 'rice is cooked by the cook,' parallel to the active sentence sda pacaty odanam 'the cook cooks rice.' It is to be noted here that these selectional manouvers are built into the system of the Adhyy to connect derivatives which may have a single source. The referential index of odanam could be presented as follows: (iii) sUP # 4.1.1-4.1.2 <prtipadika, vibhakti, dvity, ekavacana> 1.2.45, 1.4.103-104, 2.3.12.3.2
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I shall, in the section of derivation, show how referential indexes are reconstructed to guide strings for possible rule application in different domains. What follows is a select list of interpretive and definition rules for reference.
3. Names and conventions from the Controlling Domain (CD)

This select list of technical names (saj), abbreviatory symbols (pratyhra), and interpretive conventions (paribh), is presented here for reference. They have been selected from the first adhyya which I call the Controlling Domain. I have also included here some definition and interpretive rules which are placed outside adhyya one. The terms and interpretive conventions of adhyya one can be called global as against local whose placement and function is domain specific. Consider rule 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava which assigns the term dhtu to roots which have their source in the dhtupha (DP). Rule 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava assigns the term dhtu to derived roots, outside adhyya one, well wihtin the domain of 3.1.91 dhto. Its placement and function is thus local. Note that technical names are assigned to sound segments, their groups, or to a unit or units of a string, either at the base level of the input or at the level of placement of an affix, or at some stage in derivation. Definitions and terms are also assigned to both notional and grammatical relations. I shall show in the derivation section how technical terms not only facilitate access to domains but also locate rules for possible application.
A. Technical Names (saj)

(1) vddhir daic (1.1.1) 'T (the vowel of long duration; 1.1.73 taparas tatklasya) and aiT (ai and au; s 4) are assigned the term vddhi' (2) ade gua (1.1.2) 'aT (the vowel a of short duration (1.1.73 taparas tatklasya) and e (e and o; s 3) are named gua' (3) halo' nantar sayoga sayoga (1.1.7) 'the name sayoga is assigned to a sequence of consonants not articulated with any intervening vowel' (4) mukhansikvacano' nunsika (1.1.8) 'a sound pronounced through mouth and nose at once is termed anunsika' (5) tulysyaprayatnasavaram (1.1.9) 'a sound which shares similar effort of articulation at the same place of
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articulation in the oral cavity is termed savara 'homogeneous' with the other' (6) dded dvivacana praghyam (1.1.11) 'a dual word-form which ends in and is termed praghya' (7) ddhghv adp (1.1.20) 'roots which yield forms in d 'to give' and dh 'to place, put' (d, dh, d, do, de, dhe) with the exception of dP 'to cut' and daiP 'to clean,' are termed ghu (8) taraptamapau gha (1.1.22) 'affixes taraP and tamaP are assigned the term gha ' (9) 1.1.23 bahugaavatuati sakhy (1.1.23) 'bahu, gaa, and forms which end in affixes vatUP (5.2.39 yat tad etebhya...) and ati (5.2.24 kima...) are assigned the term sakhy ' (10) nt a (1.1.24) 'a number word which ends in and is assigned the term a' (11) nih (1.1.26) 'affixes Kta and KtavatU are assigned the term nih ' (12) sarvdni sarvanmani (1.1.27) (13) svardiniptam avyayam (1.1.37) 'words enumerated in the list headed by svar 'heaven, sun,' and also those termed nipta, are termed avyaya ' (14) i sarvanmasthnam (1.1.42) 'i (a replacement of the nominative plural ending Jas, and of the accusative plural as after a neuter nominal stem) is termed sarvanmasthna ' (14a) su anapusakasya (1.1.43) 'A sU (sU, au, Jas; am, au; 4.1.2 svaujasmauchabhym...) which occurs after a non-neuter nominal stem is termed sarvanmasthna ' (15) na veti vibh (1.1.44) 'na v 'or not' is termed vibh 'option' . (16) ig yaa samprasraam (1.1.45) 'the replacement of a vowel denoted by iK (s 1-2; i, u, , ) which comes in place of a consonant denoted by ya (s 5-6; y, v, r, l ) is termed samprasraa ' (17) adarana lopa (1.1.60) 'non-appearance is termed LOPA' (18) pratyayasya luklulupa (1.1.61) 'non-appearance of an affix is termed LUK / LU / LUP '
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(19) aco' tydi i (1.1.64) 'that (a formal unit) which is formed with last among vowels of a form is termed i 'penultimate' (20) alo' ntyt prva upadh (1.1.65) 'that (a sound) which precedes the final sound segment of a formal unit is termed upadh ' (21) vddhir yasycm dis tad vddham (1.1.73) 'that (a word) whose first among vowels is a vddhi is termed vddha' (21a) tyad dni ca (1.1.74) 'words enumerated in the list headed by tyad 'he, she, it' are also termed vddha ' (22) klo' jj hrasvadrghapluta (1.2.27) 'a vowel with the duration of u (ekamtrika 'one mora'), (dvimtrika 'two mora') and u3 (trimtrika 'three mora') is termed hrasva, drgha and pluta, respectively.' (23) uccair udtta ' (1.2.29) 'a vowel which is articulated with high pitch at its place of articulation is termed udtta ' (24) ncair anudtta (1.2.30) 'a vowel which is articulated with low pitch at its place of articulation is termed anudtta ' (25) samhra svarita (1.2.31) 'a vowel which is articulated with a combination of high-low pitch at its place of articulation is termed svarita' (26) apkta ekl pratyaya (1.2.41) 'an affix which is formed with a single sound segment (aL) is termed apkta ' (27) tatpurua samndhikaraa karmadhraya '(1.2.42) ` 'a tatpurua compound which is formed with its constituents in syntactic coordination (samndhikaraa) is termed karmadhraya. (28) prathamnirdia samsa upasarjanam (1.2.43) 'that (a constituent word) which is specified with pratham 'first triplet of nominal endings; nominative' in the formation of a compound is termed upasarjana ' (29) arthavad adhtur apratyaya prtipadikam (1.2.45) 'that (a word-form) which is meaningful (arthavat), but is other than a verbal root (dhtu) and affix (pratyaya), is termed prtipadika 'nominal stem'
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(30) 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava) 'items listed in the sets headed by the one beginning with bh 'to be, to become' are termed dhtu; also items terminating in affixes saN etc., (3.1.32 sandy anta dhatava). (31) upadee' j anunsika it (1.3.2) 'a nasalized vowel in initial citation (upadea) is termed an it ' (32) halantyam(1.3.3) 'a final consonant in initial citation is also termed it ' (33) na vibhaktau tusm (1.3.4) 'a tU 'consonant of the t-series), s and m of a vibhakti 'inflectional endings' in initial citation is not termed it' (34) dir iuava '(1.3.5) 'an initial I, U and U in upadea is termed an it ' (35) a pratyayasya (1.3.6) 'the initial of an affix in upadea is termed it ' (36) cu (1.3.7) 'the initial cU (consonant of the c-series), or U (consonant of the -series) of an affix in upadea is termed an it ' (37) laakv ataddhite (1.3.8) 'the initial L, , and KU (a consonant of the t-series) of a non- taddhita affix in upadea is termed it ' (38) tasya lopa (1.3.9) 'non-appearance (deletion) of that which is termed an it ' (39) ystrykhyau nad (1.4.3) 'forms which end in and , and are used with the denotation of feminine, are termed nad ' (40) neyauvasthnv astr (1.4.4) 'forms which terminate in and and denote feminine are, with the exception of str, not termed nad when they go through a replacement in iyA and uvA ' (41) v' mi (1.4.5) 'forms which terminate in and and denote feminine are, with the exception of str, optionally not termed nad when they go through a replacement in iyA and uvA and occur before m 'genitive plural' (42) iti hrava ca (1.4.6) 'forms which terminate in a short i and u, relative to the denotation of feminine are, with the exception of str, not optionally termed nad, when they go through a replacement in iyA and uvA and an affix marked with as an it follows'
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(43) eo ghy asakhi (1.4.7) 'the remainder of forms which end in i and u, except for sakhi 'friend,' are termed ghi ' (44) pati samsa eva (1.4.8) 'the word pati 'husband, lord, master' is termed ghi only when it occurs in a compound' (45) ahyaukta chandasi v (1.4.9) 'the word pati, in the Vedic, is optionally termed ghi when this same is used in combination with a pada ending in the genitive (ah )' (46) hrasva laghu (1.4.10) 'a short vowel (hrasva) is termed laghu 'light.' (47) sayoge guru (1.4.11) 'a short vowel when occurring before a sayoga 'consonant cluster' is termed guru 'heavy' (48) drgha ca (1.4.12) 'a long (drgha) vowel is also termed guru. (49) yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi pratyaye' gam (1.4.13) 'a form beginning with that after which an affix is introduced is termed aga when the affix follows' (50) suptianta padam (1.4.14) 'a form which ends in a sUP (4.1.2 svaujasmau...) or ti (3.4.78 tiptasjhisipthastha...) is termed pada' (51) na kye (1.4.15) 'a form which ends in -n is termed pada when affixes KyaC (3.1.8 sup tmana kyac), Kya (3.1.11 kartu kya salopa ca) or Kya (3.1.13 lohitdi...) follow. (52) siti ca (1.4.16) 'a form is also termed pada when an affix marked with S as an it follows' (53) svdiv asarvanmasthne (1.4.17) 'a form is termed pada when a svdi (affixes enumerated under 4.1.2 svaujas... through 5.4.151 ura prabhtibhya kap) affix which is other that one termed sarvanmasthna (sU, au, Jas; am, au) follows' (54) yaci bham (1.4.18) 'a form is termed bha when a svdi affix other than a sarvanmasthna beginning with y or a vowel (aC ) follows' (55) tasasu matvarthe (1.4.19) 'a form which ends in -t or s is termed bha when an affix denoting the sense of matUP follows'
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(56) dhruvam apye' pdnam (1.4.24) 'a kraka which is dhruva 'fixed' is termed apdna when movement away (apya) is denoted' (57) karma yam abhipraiti sa sampradnam (1.4.32) 'a kraka whom the agent (kart) intends (as the goal) by (means of) his action is termed sampradna' (58) sddhakatamam karaam (1.4.42 ) 'a kraka which, more than anything, serves as a means is termed karaa' (59) dhro' dhikaraam (1.4.45) ' a kraka which serves as locus (dhra) of action is termed adhikaraa ' (60) kartur psitatama karma (1.4.49) 'a kraka which the agent most wishes to reach is termed karman' (61) svatantra kart (1.4.55) 'that which is svatantra 'independent' is termed kart 'agent' (62) tatprayojako hetu ca (1.4.55) 'the instigator kraka of kart is also termed hetu 'cause' (63) prg rvarn nipt (1.4.56) 'items enumerated hereafter prior to adhirvare are termed nipta 'particle' (1.4.56) (64) upasarg kriyyoge / gati ca (1.4.58; 1.4.59) 'a nipta, listed in the group headed by pra, is termed upasarga when used with a verb; it is also termed gati' (65) karmapravacany (1.4.97) 'items termed nipata which are enumerated up to adhirvare are termed karmapravacanIya ' (66) la parasmaipadam (1.4.99) 'replacements of LA (4.1.78 tiptasjhi...) are termed parasmaipada' (67) tias tri tri prathamamadhyamottam (1.4.101) 'each triad of ti is termed prathama, madhyama and uttama ' (68) tanv tmanepadam (1.4.100) 'replacements of LA denoted by ta, and also na , are termed tmanepada ' (69) tny ekavacana-dvivacana-bahuvacanny ekaa (1.4102) 'elements of triads of ti are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' (70) supa (1.4.103) 'elements of triads of sUP are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other'
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(71) vibhakti ca (1.4.104) 'triads of sUP, and ti, are termed vibhakti' (72) para sannikara sahit (1.4.109) 'most proximity between sounds is termed sahit' (73) virmo' vasnam (1.4.110) 'cessation of speech is termed virma ' (74) prk kart samsa (2.1.3) 'samsa, prior to kara (2.1.38 kar karmadhraye) (75) avyaybhva (2.1.15) 'that samsa is termed avyaybhva ' (76) tatpurua 'the samsa is termed tatpurua ' (2.1.22) (77) dvigu ca (2.1.23) 'it is also termed dvigu' (78) sakhyprvo dvigu (2.1.52) 'the samsa termed tatpurua is also termed dvigu' (79) eo bahuvrhi (2.2.23) 'the remainder samsa is termed bahuvrhi ' (80) crthe dvandva (2.2.29) 'a samsa which denotes the sense of ca 'and' is termed dvandva' (81) s' mantritam (2.3.48) 'a vocative which denotes sambodhana 'address' is termed mantrita' (82) ekavacana sambuddhi (2.3.49) 'a singular of that which denotes sambodhana is termed sambuddhi ' (83) pratyaya 'an affix' (3.1.1) (84) tatropapada saptamstham (3.1.92) 'that which is cited in the domain of 3.1.91 dhto is termed upapada ' (85) kt 'a kt' (3.1.93) (86) ktya 'affixes termed ktya ' (3.1.95) (87) tau sat (3.2.127) 'affixes at and naC are termed sat ' (88) tiit srvadhtukam (3.4.113) 'affixes denoted by the abbreviated symbol ti, and those marked with as their it are termed srvadhtuka' (89) rdhadhtuka ea (3.4.114) 'the remainder of affixes is termed rdhadhtuka ' (90) taddhit (4.1.76) 'affixes termed taddhita ' (91) apatya pautraprabhti gotram (4.1.162) 'a grandson and any offspring thereafter is termed gotra '
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(92) te tadrj (4.1.172) 'the taddhita affixes which denote a gotra are termed tadrja ' (93) prvo' bhysa (6.1.4) 'the first element of doubling is termed abhysa ' (94) ubhe abhyastam (6.1.5) 'they both are termed abhyasta ' (95) tasya parammreitam (8.1.2) 'the second element of doubling is termed mreita '
B. Major Interpretive Rules

1.1.3 iko guavddh 'a substitute termed gua and vddhi comes in place only of a vowel denoted by iK when it is introduced with express mention of the term gua and vddhi' 1.1.46 dyantau akitau 'a linguistic element marked with and K is introduced as initial and final, respectively, to that for which it is specified' 1.1.47 mid aco ' ntyt para 'that which is marked with M as an it is introduced after the last vowel' 1.1.48 ec ig hrasvdee 'a vowel denoted by iK alone comes as a substitute in place of eC (e, o, ai, au)' 1.1.49 ah sthneyog a specification made with the sixth (ah) triplet of nominal endings means in place of (that which is used with the genitive), provided the context does not permit an interpretation otherwise 1.1.50 sthne' ntaratama 'that which comes 'in place of' must be most similar' 1.1.51 ur a rapara 'an a which comes in place of is automatically followed by r ' 1.1.52 alo ' ntyasya 'a substitute comes in place of the final sound (aL) of that which is specified with the genitive' 1.1.53 ic ca 'a substitute marked with as an it also comes in place of the final sound segment' 1.1.54 de parasya 'a substitute specified for a following element comes in place of its initial sound' 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya 'a substitute which is formed with more that one sound, or is marked with as an it, replaces the form in toto ' 1.1.62 pratyayalope pratyayalakaam 'an operation conditioned by an affix applies even when the affix goes through deletion by lopa '
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1.1.63 na lumatgasya 'but not when deletion relates to an aga, and is accomplished with the term which contains lu (LUK, LU and LUP)' 1.1.65 tasminn iti nirdie prvasya a specification made with the seventh triplet of nominal endings (saptam) indicates for an operation to apply on what precedes 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya a specification made with the fifth triplet of nominal endings (pacam) indicates for an operation to apply on what follows 1.1.68 sva rpa abdasyabdasaj 'a word-form, except for that which is a name (saj), only denotes its form (rpa)' 1.2.28 aca ca 'replacements specified with hrasva, drgha and pluta come only in place of a vowel (aC)' 1.3.10 yathsakhyam anudea samnm equivalency of items enumerated in a set of equal number of elements must be determined in accord with the order of their enumeration in sets
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III: Rule Interaction and Application

Rule-interaction and Blocked-blocker Relationship (bdhya-bdhakabhva)
prva hy apavd abhiniviante pacc cotsarg / prakalpya cpavdaviayam utsargo abhiniviate // Mahbhya (ad 2.3.46)
1. smnya, viea and ea

Patajali, in the paspahnika of the Mahbhya, states that a class of rules of grammar should be formulated based on generalization, so that the vast oceans of words could be properly understood. This class of rules will consist of general (utsarga) and their related particulars (viea ). A general rule, since it is to be formulated with certain generalizations made about its scope of application, must yield to its related particulars which would necessarily require delineation of their own particular scope of application. A particular rule is thus formulated with particular properties relative to generalized properties. A general rule is supposed to pervade its scope of application in its entirety. It is in this sense that it is called vypaka (pervader). Since a particular rule is formulated with particular properties relative to the general, the scope of application of a particular must then be extracted from within the scope of its general counterpart. A related particular is called pervaded (vypya), since its scope of application is to be carved out from within the general scope of its corresponding utsarga, the pervader (vypaka). A rule whose subjecthood is delimited by properties of that which is pervaded is called particular (viea). A rule whose subjecthood is delimited by properties common to that which pervades is called utsarga. An utsarga for reasons of its subjecthoods delimitation by common properties is called blocked (bdhya). A particular for reasons of its subjecthoods delimitation by properties of pervaded is termed a blocker (bdhaka). The relationship between a particular (viea) and its related general counterpart (utsarga) is thus characterized as pervaded-pervader (vypyavypaka). Rules whose application cannot be captured within the related class of general and particular have been classed as residual (ea). Consider rule 2.2.23 eo bahuvrhi, where the Bhya (ad 2.2.23) raises questions about the exact meaning of ea 'remainder.' Does ea refer to remainder of words whose compound formation is yet to be stated; does it refer to meanings with reference to which compound formation remains to be stated; and does ea
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refer to a type of compound which remains to be stated. It is clear from the Bhaya discussion, especially in view of some related vrttika proposals, that none of the above interpretations are free of problem. However, if one pays close attention to the context of this rule a general antecedent for ea is not difficult to find. A similar residual proposal is made by rule 2.3.50 ah ee, whereby a genitive ending is introduced to denote a residual ( ea) meaning. This residual meaning could be understood as any meaning which may fall outside the scope of meanings stated by rules beginning with 2.3.2 karmai dvity through 2.3.46 prtipadikrthaligaparima-vacanamtre pratham , etc. This residual meaning, close to the context of the genitive, is recognized as svasvmi-sambandha 'owner-owned relationship,' etc. A residual would thus fall outside of the applicational scope of general and related particulars. For, it refers to a proposal which is yet to be made, close to its context (upayuktd anya ea). It is generally believed in the Pinian parlance that a general rule yields the scope of application to its related particular. It is in this sense that the Mahbhya on rule 2.3.46 prtipadikrthaliga-parimavacanamtre pratham states that a general rule applies by leaving aside the scope of application of its related particular (prva hy apavd abhiniviante pacc cotsarg / prakalpya cpavdaviayam utsargo abhiniviate). The Bhya further adds that an exception does not wait for its application till the time a general rule has applied. Kaiyaa sums up the two views associated with this: (i) for separation of domains of application, an exception applies first. An utsarga then applies in the domain left-over by the exception. In the second view, an utsarga applies by carefully leaving aside the scope of application of its related exception. It is in this sense that the blocked-blocker (bdhya-bdhaka) relationship between a particular and its corresponding general is also likened to one between nirpya 'ascertained' and nirpaka 'ascertainer.' Let us consider the following rules: 1.3.3. halantyam 1.3.4 na vibhaktau tusm Our first rule assigns the term it to a final consonant in upadea. Our second rule denies assignment of the term it to a final consonant when this same happens to be a consonant of the t-series, or is -s, or else, is -m, contained within a vibhakti (sUP-ti). The scope of application of rule one is delimited by the general property of final consonant-ness. This property of final consonantness is also present within the scope of application of our second rule. However, this general scope of application is delimited with some particular properties of final consonant-ness, i. e., consonants of the t-series, -s and -m. If we follow the
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maxim of pervasion (vypti-nyya ) we can say that the general scope of application of our first rule 1.4.3 halantyam is shrunk from within by the scope of particular final consonant-ness properties common to the general properties. It is in this sense that the scope of application delimited by particular properties common to the general properties is called vypya (pervaded). The scope of application delimited by the general properties is likewise called vypaka. A rule which is delimited by particular properties of vypya is called particular (viea) , in relation to its corresponding general (utsarga). Our first rule is thus a general rule (utsarga). Our second rule is one of its related particulars (viea). It is generally accepted that a particular rule blocks application of its general counterpart (smnyasya bdhako viea). That is, an exception (apavda) always blocks application of its corresponding general (utsarga). That is why we accept the maxim of dadhi brhmaebhyo dyatm takra kauinyya 'let curds be given to the brhmaas and butter-milk to Kaudinya.' The general gifting of curds (dadhi-dna) must here be blocked by the particular gifting of butter-milk (takra-dna). Note that this blocking of gifting of curds (dadhi-dna) by gifting of butter-milk (takra-dna) is possible only when gifting of curds to Kauinya is possible (sati sambhave bdha), and only when it would be impossible (asambhava) to make these two gifts both at the same time (yugapad). This kind of blocked-blocker relationship obtains only where rules of the same class (sajtya) are involved. It will naturally not obtain where the injunction is stated by dadhi brhmaebhyo dyat kambala kauinyta let curds be given to the brhmaas and a blanket to Kauinya. The question of blocking of a general rule by its particular counterpart does not arise since no possibility of its concurrent application with its corresponding particular exists. I shall now briefly mention two interpretive conventions from the Paribhenduekhara : (P 63): prva hy apavd abhiniviante pacd utsarg 'an exception applies first; a general rule applies thereafter' (P 64): prakalpya cpavdaviaya tata utsargo' bhiniviate 'an utsarga comes to mind for application even prior to review of the scope of application of related exception' A person whose sight is set only on lakya (goal; word in derivation) is called lakyaikacakuka 'he whose eyes are set on goal of derivation.' A person whose sight is set only on the lakaa 'rule,' is called lakaaikacakuka. A lakaaikacakuka has both the general (utsarga) as well as its related exception, both, available. He first thinks about the scope of application of the utsarga. Once he is fairly sure that the apavda 'exception' does not have any possible scope of application, he facilitates application of the utsarga and
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accomplishes the goals in question. If the application of utsarga is not facilitated by leaving aside the scope of application of the exception then he will be faced with problem of application. For, when one thinks about application of possible utsarga, application of related exception also becomes possible.' A lakyaikacakuka is always focused on lakya and hence he not only imagines the lakaa which can efficiently accomplish the derivation of the lakya but also facilitates its application. He simply looks at the lakya, and even without reviewing the scope of application of the exception, knows where the exception should find its scope of application, as against the utsarga. He thus goes on side stepping the scope of application of the exception rule even without reviewing its scope of application, and thus accomplishes his goal of derivation by means of application of utsarga. Although, in this view, he need not remember the exception rule but still he applies rules in consonance with the prakriy of the stra. For, this is how he would accrue dharma. It is, therefore, stated that 'an utsarga comes on mind for application before any review of the scope of application of its related exceptions. These are the generally accepted views on rule-interaction relative to a general (utsarga) and its related particular (apavda). I shall here not discuss instances where the tradition talks about absence of blocked-blocker relationship between an exception and its related general. Let us now consider how an exception blocks its general counterpart, only optionally. The two rules which define the scope of this interaction type are as follows: 3.1.94 v' sarpo striym 'a formally dissimilar affix, in this domain of 3.1.91 dhto, blocks the application of its general counterpart only optionally, though with the exception of an affix of the interior domain headed by 3.3.94 striy ktin ' 3.3.94 striy ktin 'affix KtiN is introduced after a verbal root (dhto) when the derivative is to denote bhva 'root-sense,' and a kraka other than kart in the feminine.' Rule 3.1.94 v' sarpo striym offers a limited optional blocking of a general rule by its particular counterpart with its own exception. This interaction is not only specific to utsarga and apavda but is also specific to one apavda against the other. It is operative only in the domain of 3.1.91 dhto. It is only operative in connection with affixes which are not similar in form (asarpa). It is not operative in connection with formally dis-similar affixes of the interior domain headed by 3.3.94 striy ktin. Now consider the following rules:
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3.1.97 aco yat ' affix yaT is introduced after a verbal root which ends in a vowel' 3.1.124 halor yat 'affix yaT is introduced after a verbal root which ends in (short / long), or in a consonant' Our first rule specifies a verbal root which ends in a vowel, including . It is thus a general rule. Our second rule specifies a verbal root which ends in . It clearly causes shrinkage (sakucana) of the scope of the first rule. It is thus an exception. Affixes which are being introduced by these two rules are both similar in form. Note that formal similarity of affixes, or any lack there off, should be determined independently of their it-elements. Affixes yaT and yaT would thus not be considered formally dis-similar. The question of optional blocking by yaT, of yaT, would thus not arise. Affix yaT will block application of yaT, as an exception (apavda). Next consider rules 3.1.133 and 3.1.135: 3.1.133 vul-tcau 'affixes vuL and tC are introduced after a verb root' 3.1.135 igupadhajprkira 'affix Ka is introduced after verbal roots which (i) have an iK-vowel in their upadh 'penultimate position,' or are formed with j 'to know,' pr 'to please' and k 'to scatter' The first rule introduces two affixes namely vuL and tC. Since they both cannot be introduced concurrently (yugapat), one would introduce them in turn (paryya). The second rule introduces affix Ka which is formally dissimilar (asarpa) to both vu and tC. These two rules both are also placed within the domain of 3.1.91 dhto. They both also meet the condition of not being included within the sub-domain headed by 3.3.94 striy ktin. Affix Ka can thus optionally block application of affixes vuL and tC. I shall not discuss here the three proposals which all negate optional blocking proposal of rule 3.1.94 v''sarpo' striym. I shall also not discuss instances where a prior exception (purastpavda) blocks application of an immediately following general rule, and not any subsequent (purastpavd anantarn vidhn bdhante nottarn).
2. General blocking considerations

Rule-interaction has been studied in the literature from the point of view of possibility of rule application (prpti-sambhava). Once this possibility of application is ascertained in a context, we look at the context and give some serious consideration towards establishing the blocked-blocker relationship (bdha-cint). Rules whose possibility of application is ascertained in a given context are called svaka (with valid scope of application). If two rules A and B become applicable in a given context Z, a concurrent application of both rules is impossible. There are two possibilities:
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(i) Apply rules A and B in turn (paryya), or (ii) Apply only one rule by blocking the application of the other Here are some generally established blocking considerations: (1) B blocks the application of A if B is a particular (viea) related to its general (utsarga) counterpart A; (2) The karya proposal of vipratiedha 'conflict among rules of equal strength' whereby B blocks the application of A if B is subsequent (para) in the order of enumeration (1.4.1 kard ek saj and 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam). (3) The bhya proposal of rule suspension (asiddhatva) of 6.4.22 asiddhavad atrbht. (4) The tripd proposal of rule (8.2.1 prvatrsiddham ) suspension (asiddhatva). (5) B blocks the application of A if B may be rendered without any scope of application (niravaka). (6) B blocks the application of A if B is obligatory (nitya). (7) B blocks A if B is internally conditioned (antaraga), as against A which is externally conditioned (bahiraga). (8) B blocks A if B is placed higher in relative hierarchy of rules in interaction. Consider the following interpretive convention of relative blocking from the Paribhenduekhara of Ngea: prvaparanityntaragpavdnmuttarottara balya 'prior (prva), subsequent (para), obligatory (nitya), internally conditioned (antaraga) and exception (apavda), are considered more powerful in this order.' I shall discuss, in turn, three of the proposals from the preceding list of eight blocking considerations: the karya proposal, the bhya proposal, and the tripd proposal. These express provisions closely relate to the the utsargpavda dichotomy of (1) general (smnya), particular (viea) and residual (ea), already discussed. I prefer not to discuss the last two proposals separately because (5) would be covered under (2), and (6) offers nothing new accept for the established hierarchy. Detailed aspects of all could be referred to the Paribhenduekhara of Ngea.
A. The karya proposal of vipratiedha

Pini presents the following two rules: 1.4.1 kard ek saj 'a single name (saj) is assigned to a nominatum (sajin), up to 2.2.38 kar karmadhraye'
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1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam 'apply the rule which is subsequent in order when a conflict arises' The first rule is a domain heading, and as such, it governs rules which have been enumerated prior to rule 2.2.38 kar karmadhraye. Rules of this domain are generally referred to with the qualifier karya 'placed within the domain extending up to 2.2.38 kar karmadhraye.' The domain itself is aptly described as that of ekasaj 'one name. Kik raises a question, 'what then is that one name (k punar asau)'? It answers, 'that which is subsequent (par) in order of enumeration, and is also that which (if not assigned) is rendered without any scope of application (y par anavak ca).' Kik further adds that this statement is made for making a restrictive provision (niyama) of assignment of one name alone (ekaiva saj). For, elsewhere in this grammar, class-inclusion of names (saj-samvea) is the norm. Rule 1.4.1 specifies two things, (i) rule 2.2.38 kar karmadhraye forms the extent (avadhi) to which this domain is valid, and (ii) anavakatva and paratva are two conditions required for assignment of a single name. It is to be noted here that a rule which would otherwise become anavaka. Kik explains the word vipratiedha as tulya-bala-virodha 'conflict of equal strength (between rules).' It futher explains with a bhya statement, 'where two rule-contexts (prasagau) with their valid scope, elsewhere (anyrthau), qualify for application in a single context (ekasmin), concurrently (ugapat ). The conflict of equal strength (tulya-bala-virodha) is then a context of rule application where two rules with their valid scope of application (svakatva), elsewhere, qualify for concurrent application. Since an application in turn (paryya) would yield different results, and also since a concurrent application is not possible, the rule which is subsequent (param) in order of enumeration wins application. Since equal strength (tulya-bala) between rules is determined on the basis of anyatra svakatva 'valid scope of application, elsewhere,' it then becomes the condition for selection of a subsequent rule for application. We thus find a set of two conditions, namely (i) paratva and (ii) anyatra svakatva, under which a rule in conflict of equal strength (tulya-bala) could win application. These sets of two conditions clearly yield two kinds of vipratiedha, namely saj-vipratiedha and sajetara vipratiedha. A word of caution is in order here. This two way classification of vipratiedha does not mean that saj-vipratiedha would obtain only where both anavak and par conditions are met. It could also obtain where two names become applicable based on tulya-bala-virodha. Kik reads the word par with anavak to make it clear. Since class-inclusion of names is the norm in grammar, the question of tulya-bala-virodha between names is hard to accept. It
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is for this reason that tulya-bala-virodha in this section of ekasaj is imagined for carrying out the process of grammar. Why did Pini not state anavak 'that which may be rendered without any scope of application'? Pini did not state anavak because it would have amounted to stating the obvious. For, an anavaka obligatorily blocks application of a competing rule, irrespective of considerations of order of rules in this grammar. Looking at the two sets of conditions of two types of vipratiedha, we can rightly figure out paratva as a single condition operative in all cases of vipratiedha. Pini anticipated the conflict among two rules of naming (saj), and thereby placed the anavak rules subsequently in order to resolve conflict. Kik simply identifies anavak as par. Pini, when ordering his rules, anticipated conflicts of both kinds (i) where one rule, which he ordered subsequently, would be in danger of becoming vacuous, and (ii) where both rules have their proven context of application, elsewhere. A rule which wins application is ordered subsequently to the other in both instances of conflict. The Bhya has also discussed a different reading of rule 1.4.1 kard ek saj. This reading is given as prk kart para kryam. Since rule 1.4.1 kard ek saj makes a restrictive provision, and it is a niyama. A change in the wording of this rule with para kryam would make krya to refer to saj-krya. The reading of para kryam would turn this rule into a vidhi 'operation.' Additionally, rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam would simply read as vipratiedhe ca, of course, with the anuvtti of para kryam. It should be noted here that accepting this second reading would not change anything. It may make the process of derivation somewhat cumbersom. The first rule of the second reading would still facilitate blocking of a prior name (prv saj) on the basis of anavakatva and paratva. The second rule of the second reading would facilitate blocking of the prior saj by the par, on the basis of vipratiedha. This discussion also makes it clear that the use of ca in vipratiedhe ca, of the second reading, would save it from becoming a parisakhy. A niyama where sense of eva 'only' is read with the subject (uddeya) is called parisakhy. For, this would have limited the scope of parakrya to only those contexts where the condition of vipratiedha would obtain. Now consider the following sentences: (i) dhanu arair vidhyati 'pierces with a bow' (ii) g dogdhi paya 'he milks the cow milk' (iii) kasaptry bhukte 'he eats in the white copper plate' (iv) yavebhyo g vrayati 'wards the cow off the barley' (v) kpd andha vrayati 'wards the blind off the water-well' (vi) agner mavaka vrayati 'wards the child off the fire'
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(vii) dhanur vidhyati arai 'the bow pierces with arrows' (viii) sdhv asin chinatti devadatta 'Devadatta cuts beutifully with the sword' (ix) sadhv asi chinatti 'the sword cuts beautifully' (x) devadatta sthly odana pacati 'Devadatta cooks rice in a pot' (xi) sthl pacati 'the pot cooks' (xii) odana pacati 'rice cooks' The term karman, in sentence (ii), is assigned to go, because of go serving as the 'most desired kraka by the agent' (1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma), in view of the action denoted by dohana 'milking.' But paya can also be viewed as psitatama 'most desired' in view of this action. Since the use of -tamaP, would dictate the assignment of the term karma only to one kraka, namely go, payas 'milk' could only be viewed as ipstita 'desired.' It can thus not be assigned the term karman by 1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma. Rule 1.4.51 akathita ca would then apply to payas for assignment of the term karman. Notice that go can also qualify here for assignment of the term apdna, based on its being dhruva 'fixed' (1.4.24 dhruvam apye ' pdnam), with reference to apya 'movement away' of payas 'milk.' But since rules 1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma and 1.4.51 akathita ca are both subsequent rules, as compared with 1.4.24 dhruvam apye' pdnam, they will effectively block assignment of the term apdna to go and payas. This same way, assignment of the term apdna will be blocked by karaa (1.4.45 sdhakatama karaam) in (i) dhanu vidhyati, and by adhikaraa (1.4.49 dhro' dhikaraam) in (iii) kasaptry bhukte. Now consider sentences (iv) yavebhyo g vrayati, (v) kpd andha vrayati and (vi) agner mavaka vrayati, where the assignment of the term apdna is blocked in connection with go 'cow,' andha 'blind' and mavaka 'child,' by karman. Note here that the term karman of go, andha and mavaka blocks the assignment of the term apdna, based on the condition of psitatamatva 'most desired-ness.' The assignment of the term apdna to yava 'barley,' kpa 'water-well' and agni 'fire' is made by 1.4.27 vrarthnm psita 'that which is desired in connection with an action having the signification of vraa 'warding off.' That is, yava, kpa and agni are psita, as against go, andha and mavaka which are psitatama. Why can we not assign the term karman of 1.4.51 akathita ca to yava, kpa, and agni, similarly to paya of sentence (5)? The assignment of the term apdna of 1.4.27 vrarthnm psita would then be rendered without any scope of application (anavaka). The tradition also accepts vivak 'intent to speak' as an important variable, especially in connection with assignment of the kraka names
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(vivakta kraki bhavanti ). Thus, sentences (ix), (xi) and (xii) have their named agent expressed with the third person singular verbal ending -ti. Since the agent is thus expressed, asi 'sword,' sthl 'plate' and odana 'rice' are, under the selectional restriction of 2.3.1 anabhihite, used with the nominative singular (pratham; ) to only express their nominal stem notion (prtipadikrtha 2.3.46 prtipadikrtha...). Note that vivak, because of its control in the hands of the speaker, may appear problematic for rules of grammar to capture. But since grammar presents the analysis of correct words, and also since vivak must also meet the condition of abda-sdhutva 'correctness of usage,' the task of the grammarian becomes somewhat easier. It is the competence of asi, sthl and odana to serve as karaa, adhikaraa, and odana, that enables them to be spoken of as agents, irrespective of whether they are to be expressed by the verbal ending. Now consider the the following sentences: (xiii) tva pacasi 'you cook' (xiv) tva cha ca pacva 'you, and also I, cook' (xv) aham pacmi 'I cook' (xvi) sa pacati 'he cooks' (xvii) ehi manye rathena ysyasi ytas tena te pit 'you think 'I will go by the chariot,' your father is already gone with it' These sentences outline restrictions in selection of verbal endings as stated by rules as follows: 1.4.105 yumady upapade samndhikarae sthniny api madhyama 'a madhyama 'second triplet of verbal endings' is used when yumad 'second personal pronominal (yumad),' whether explicitly stated or implicitly assumed, shares co- referential relation with it'; 1.4.107 asmady uttama 'an uttama 'third triplet of verbal endings' is used when asmad 'first personal pronominal (asmad),' whether explicitly stated or implicitly assumed, shares co-referential relation' with it; 1.4.108 ee prathama 'a prathama 'the first triplet of verbal ending' is used when the remainder 'third personal pronominal (tad ),' whether explicitly stated or implicitly assumed, shares co-referential relation with it.' 1.4.108 prahse ca manyopapade manyater uttama ekavac ca 'and when teasing (prahse), a madhyama 'second triplet of verbal ending' is used after a verb root when verbal root man 'think' occurs in construction; the uttama 'first personal pronominal (asmad), whether explicitly stated or implicitly assumed, is, additionally, used in the singular.' Rules 1.4.105 yaumady upapade... and 1.4.7 asmady uttama have their independent scope of application in sentences (xiii) and (xv). They both find their
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scope of application in sentence (xiv). It is in view of rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam that rule 1.4.107 asmady uttama wins application on the basis of paratva 'subsequent in order of enumeration.' Sentence (xvii) is a special case where an added condition of cooccurrence is at work, in addition to prahsa 'teasing.' The tradition accepts the scope of application of vipratiedha valid thoughout the sapda-saptdhyy. Some recent studies would rather have the scope of vipratiedha limited to the domain of ekasaj. Proposals have also been put forward to reject the idea of vipratiedha altogether, and bring instances of vipratiedha under the scope of general and particular rules (utsargpavda). I accept the traditional interpretation of these rules, especially since accepting any opinion against the Bhya runs considerable risk. Accepting instances of vipratiedha as exception would necessitate changing the utsargpavdabhva of the Adhyy. Let us now consider the following rules: 1.4.10 hrasva laghu 1.4.11 sayoge guru Rule 1.4.10 hrasva laghu assigns the term laghu (light) to a short vowel (hrasvam). Rule 1.4.11 assigns the term guru (heavy) to a short vowel which occurs before a consonant cluster (sayoga). The term hrasva is defined as a vowel used with the duration of one half of a mora (ekamtrika; 1.2.27 klo jj hrasva-drgha-pluta). That same hrasva is here qualified for assignment of the terms laghu and guru. These two terms both will become applicale to the - i of ik to instruct and bhik to beg in deriving ik instruction and bhik begging. If the term guru is not uniquely assigned to -i of ik and bhik, rule 3.4.103 guro ca hala could not introduce affix a, and hence, 4.1.2 ajdy-ata p could not introduce affix TP. Moreover, with no application in ik and bhik, rule 1.4.11 sayoge guru will be rendered without any scope of application. It is in this sense that the term guru will become anavaka. Kik notes that a term which may otherwise be in the danger of becoming vacuous, and which is also subsequent in order of enumeration, is desired to win application. Thus, par and anavak become two conditions under which a single term could be assigned. Let us now return to 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para krym. It is explained as a niyama provision, though not as the type of parisakhy 'specific exclusion.' That is, in the parisakhy view, a subsequently enumerated rule could be applied by blocking a prior rule, only when a situation of vipratiedha arises. That is, eva only has to be construed with the subject (uddeya), in this case vipratisedhe. As against this, a niyama provision would only allow the operation
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of a subsequently enumerated rule to block the opration of a prior rule when a situation of vipratiedha arises. The word eva, in this view, will be construed with the predicate para kryam apply the subsequent, to yield the meaning: param eva kryam apply only that which is subsequent. Since two rules in conflict are both competent (smarthya) to apply in a single context, they are considered tulya-bala 'equal in strength.' There competence to apply simultaneously derives from the fact that none of the two rules in conflict could be rendered without any scope of application. For, they already have their independent scope of application (svakatva), elsehwere. Rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam, thus, resolves the conflict of simultaneous application in favor of the rule which is subsequent in order of enumeration. These two rules are both considered equal in strength because they both have their independent scope of application (svaka), elsewhere. Let us now turn to the following interpretive conventons: 1.1.49 ah stneyog a genitive (not interpretable otherwise in a context) means in place of 1.1.52 alo antyasya an operation obtains on the final sound of that which is specified with the genitive 1.1.53 ic ca that which is marked with as an it, also comes in place of the final sound segment 1.1.54 de parasya an operation in place of that which follows applies to its initial 1.1.55 anklit sarvasya that which consists of more than one sound, and which is marked with as an it comes in place of the final sound 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya a specification made with the ablative (pacam) requires an operation to obtain on that which immediately follows Note that these interpretive conventions all regulate loci of replacement operations. Rule 1.1.52 alo ntyasya is a general rule to which 1..154 de parasya is an exception. It is for this reason that application of rule 1.1.52 alo antyasya does not find any scope of application relative to provisions of rules 8.4.61 uda sthstambho prvasya and 7.1.29 aso na. Rule 1.1.53 ic ca is similarly an exception to 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya. But 1.1.55 aneklitsarvasya is an exception to not only 1.1.52 alo antyasya but also to 1.1.54 de parasya , of course, read with 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya . A separate formulation of 1.1.54 de parasya, as against a formulation such as tasmd ity uttarasyde, was made to facilitate its meaning as follows: 'an operation which is specified with the ablative (pacam ) is to be performed in place of the initial of that which immediately follows'
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Now consider 2.4.52 aster bh whereby as is replaced with bh , in view of 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya, an exception. But now consider rules 7.1.29 abhya au whereby au comes as a total replacement (sarvdea) of 1.1.67 aneklitsarvasya, against the initial-replacement proposal of 1.1.54 de parasya. Commentators recognize that, in the application of rules such as 7.1.9 ato bhis ais, we find a situation of conflict between these two exceptions. Rule 1.1.54 de parasya would require -ais to replace only the initial sound of -bhis. Rule 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya would require -ais to replace -bhis in toto. Rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam resolves the conflict in favor of total replacement (sarvdea) of the subsequent rule 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya. One need not doubt here that a non-application of 1.1.55 will make its condition of anekltva 'many sound-ness' vacuous (vyartha). A formulation of 1.1.53 ic ca as an exception to 1.1.55 aneklit srvasya is evidence enough to justify the condition of anekltva. In fact, anekltva should be considered most conducive towards establishing equal-strength (tulya-balat) status of 1.1.55 aneklitsarvasya, against 1.1.54 de parasya. Note that wherever 1.1.53 ic ca finds its scope of application, rule 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya also finds its scope of application. Rule 1.1.53 ic ca blocks the application of 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya at the strength of being an exception. Thus, under the provision of ava sphoyanasya, etc., as an it accomplishes replacement in place of the final sound (alo ntya), as against total replacement. But now consider the derivation of jvatt of jvatd bhavn and jvatt tvam 'may you live long' where given jv + a + ti, 3.4.86 eru replaces the -i of -ti with rU) to yield jv + a + tu. Rule 7.1.35 tuhyos tta (read with 1.1.53 ic ca) now applies to replace the final -u of -tu with ttA. But this replacement will yield a wrong form *jvattt. The correct form jvatt could only be derived by applying this replacement in toto in accord with 1.4.55 aneklit sarvasya. Recall that 1.1.53 ic ca is an exception to 1.1.55 aneklit sarvasya. A situation of conflict is resolved here by favoring application of 1.4.55 aneklit sarvasya, a subsequent rule, against its corresponding prior rule 1.1.53 ic ca. I shall not add any further discussion to this context of apavdatva and paratva for fear of expatiation (prapaca). Let us now consider the following rules: 7.3.101 ato drgho yai an aga-final -a is replaced with its long counterpart when a srvadhtuka affix beginning with a sound denoted by the abbreviatory term ya follows 7.3.102 supi ca an aga-final -a is replaced with its long counterpart, also when an affix
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termed sUP beginning with a sound denoted by the abbreviatory term ya follows 7.3.103 bahuvacane jhaly et the final -a of an aga is replaced with -e, instead, when an affix termed sUP beginning with a sound denoted by the abbreviatory term jhaL follows with the denotation of plural The Mahbhya finds a situation of vipratisedha in the application of rules 7.3.102 supi ca and 7.3.103 bahuvacane jhaly et. These two rules both have their independent scopes of application in the derivation of vksbhym / plakbhym and vkeu / plakeu, respectively. They both become concurrently applicable in the context of vkebhya / plakebhya. the Bhya rules in favor of application of replacement in -e based on vipratiedha (etva bhavati vipratiedhena). This happens to be one of the clearest statements in the Mahbhya relative to resolution of a conflict based on paratva. There is no additional discussion about it, either by Kaiyaa, or by Ngea. The condition of bahuvacane when the denotation is plural not only brings 7.3.103 bahuvacane jhaly et on a par with 7.3.102 supi ca in terms of equality of strength (tulyabalat) but also enables it not to be treated as an exception ( apavda). It would thus not be able to carve out its domain of e-replacement (etva) from within the general scope of long-replacement (drgha). That is, it cannot render any shrinkage in the scope of application of rule 7.3.102 supi ca. For, it could not be interpreted as sharing the vypya-vypaka relationship with 7.3.102 supi ca. An independent scope of application of these two rules, elsehwere, cannot establish any absence of vypti. The question of anavakatva thus also does not arise. For, in the context of non-applicability of that, we find the absence of application of that (tad aprpti-viaye vakbhva). This is how svakatva and paratva impair a relationship between utsarga and apavda. This is how two rules of equal strength (tulya-bala) come into conflict of concurrent application. But since the result of their application, unlike the odanaseka 'soaking of rice' of dadhidna 'gifting of curds' and takra-dna 'gifiting of butter-milk,' is not going to be the same, blocking of a long-replacement must here be accomplished by etva 'replacement in -e ' on the basis of paratva. Now consider the following rules: 4.1.95 ata i 4.1.114 yandhaka-vikurubhya ca 4. 1.122 ita cnia Rule 4.1.95 introduces affix i after a syntactically related nominal stem ending in -a and used with the genitive, denoting an offspring (apatya). Rule 4.1.114 introduces affix a (y-a) after a syntactically related nominal stem
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used with the signification of a sage (i), andhaka, vi and kuru. Rule 4.1.122 ita cnia introduces affix haK after a syntactically related nominal stem which ends in i (though not of i) and is formed with two vowels. Rule 4.1.122 ita cnia blocks application of a of 4.1.114 yandhakavi... in favor of affix haK, on the basis of paratva. The examples are ttreya and naidheya where atri and nidhi both denote a sage. Can 4.1.122 yandhaka... block the application of 4.1.95 ata i? No, because 4.1.114 yandhaka is an exception enumerated in-between (madhye) and, hence, it can only block application of 4.1.95 ata i. This is what the interpretive convention of madhyepavd prvn vidhn bdhante nottarn supports. A similar blocking on the basis of paratva can also be witnessed in application of rules 4.1.153 udc i and 4.1.157 udc vddhd agotrt, where kriei (son of Karisena) and npityani are offered as respective examples. But affixes i and phi of these two rules may also become applicable in the derivation of napityani (son of a barber) when the nominal stem denotes an artisan. Affix i could have its independent scope of application in the derivation of tantuvyi (son of a weaver), where as phiN could have its independent scope of application in deriving mraguptyani (a descendant of mragupta). Affixes a and cha are two important affixes in the taddhita section which illustrate many aspects of blocked-blocker relationship. Kik lists the following rules whose application is blocked by cha of 4.2.114 vddhc cha on the basis of paratva (avyayatrarpyottarapadodcyagrma-kopadhavidhs tu paratvd bdhate): 4.2.104 avyayt tyap 4.2.106 trarpyottara... 4.2.109 udcyagrmc ca 4.2.110 prasthottarapada... (i) where cha blocks tyaP in rtya (found nearby); (II) where cha blocks affixes a and a of 4.2.106 trarpyottarpyotttarapadt..., in vyasatrya; (iii) where cha blocks a of 4.2.109 udcyagrmt in vavakrya ; and cha, again, blocks a of 4.2.110 prasthottarapada-, in aulkya. Let me now present one more rule-interaction from the taddhita section. Consider the following two rules: 4.2.4 lub aviee whereby a taddhita affix introduced after a syntactically related nominal stem ending in the instrumental (tty), goes through deletion via LUP when the time of conjunction of a constellation with the moon is not specific. Our next rule 4.2.6 dvandvc cha introduces affix cha in deriving rdhnurdhya. Rule 4.2.4 subjects affix cha through deletion via LUP. It will be blocked on the basis of paratva. Rule 4.2.4
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lub aviee cannot be declared anavaka since it has its valid scope of application, elsewhere. Besides, it will block a through deletion since it is an exception in between (madhye pavd prvn vidhn bdhante nottarn). This obviously will be a blocking of anticipated deletion based on paratva. That is why, cho lopa paratvc chryata eva 'cha-deletion (4.2.4 lub aviee) is heard on the basis of its subsequent enumeration. There are some other aspects of vipratiedha which I shall not discuss here for fear of expatiation (prapacha). It is stated that for obtaining desired results, under the provision of rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam, relative to conflict among two rules of equal strength (vipratiedha), one should interpret para 'subsequent' as ia 'desired.' What desired goal is to be accomplished, and where is it enumerated by the author of the vrttika. Thus: vddhyautvatjvadbhvaguebhyo num prvavipratiedhena (vrttika, ad 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau) 'augment nUM is introduced on the basis of prva-vipratiedha, by blocking vddhi, replacement in au, treatment as if ending in tC, and gua.' (i) vddhi 'replacement in a vowel termed vddhi,' autva 'replacement in au' and tjvad-bhva 'treatment as if ending in affix tC.' An example of vddhi is offered in atisakhin , a bahuvrhi compound paraphrased as atyadhik sakhya yasya tat kulam 'that clan whose there are more than many companions.' Note that the compound can also be interpreted as a tatpurua with the paraphrase sakhyam atikrnta yat kulam tat atisakhi kulam 'a clan that has transgressed a companion.' A tatpurua interpretation with this paraphrase would occasion application of 5.4.91 rjhasakhibhy ac, thereby producing the undesired derivate *atisakham. It is therefore advised that a bahuvrhi interpretation be accepted. We will thus get atisakhi + (au, 7.1.19 nupusakc ca) = atisakhi + . Now comes rule 7.1.92 sakhyur asambuddhau which, by extending status as marked with ' to after atisakhi, occasions application of replacement in vddhi. This undesired vddhi is therefore blocked by accepting introduction of augment nUM of 7.1.73 iko' ci num vibhaktau, on the basis of prvavipratiedha. We thus get atisakhi + nUM + atisakhin. Let us now consider the locative singular form vri + i vrii, where 7.3.119 ac ca ghe may apply to derive a wrong form *vrau, similar to the correctly derived form harau parallel to hari + i. Here again, rule 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau is preferred for application on the baiss of prva-vipratiedha thereby yielding vri + nM + i vri + (n) vrii. Note here that once nUM is introduced, rule 7.3.119 ac ca ghe cannot apply. For, its condition of application will be impaired by nUM which will now be interveningvri and i. Now consider priy krora yasya kulasya tat priyakrou-kulam where, in the nominative plural derived from priyakrou + Jas, we may find application
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of tjvadbhva 'treatment as if ending in tC' of 7.1.95 tjvat krou. Note here that there is no assignment of the term sarvanmasthna (1.1.42 i sarvanmasthnam) in the neuter (napusaka), but, given priyakrou + (Jasi ) = priyakrou + i, i cannot be denied assignment of the term sarvanmasthna. Besides, there is no vidhi or niedha for assignment of the term sarvanmasthna in the neuter. Note here that the augmentation of nUM by rule 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau is also applicable here. Rule 7.1.95 tjvat krou is subsequent in order of enumeration but its proposal of treatment as ending in tC will be blocked in favor of nUM of rule 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau, again in favor of application of nUM on the basis of prva-vipratiedha. We thus get priyakroni 'a clan to which jackals are dear' (ii) numaciratjvadbhvebhyo nu prvavipratiedhena (vt ad 8.2.22 rt sasya): 'nU is to be favored for application against (i) nUM; against (ii) replacement in r, and (iii) also against treatment as if ending in affix tC (tjvadbhva), based on prva-vipratiedha' Now consider the following examples: (i) vri + m vrm, where the two augments nU (of 7.1.54 hrasvanadypo nu) and nUM (of 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau) both become applicable. The desired form vrm can be derived only with the application of nU, based on prva-vipratiedha. This will yield the the form vri + (nU) m = vri + nm. A long replacement for the short of vri can now be accomplished with application of 6.4.3 nmi to accomplish vr + nm. A replacement in (atva; 8.4.1 rabhy no a samnapade) would finally produce vrm 'genitive plural of the neuter vri (water).' A preference for application of nUM of 7.1.73 iko' ci vibhaktau would yield (vri + nU) + m where, in the absence of the following nm, -i of vri could not be replaced with its long counterpart. (ii) tis + m = tis + m, where augment nU of 7.1.54 hrasvanadypo nu is favored for application on the basis of prvavipratiedha, to block application 7.2.100 aci ra ta. This offers us tis + nm where long replacement for the short of tis cannot be accomplished because of negation of 6.4.4 na tiscatas... Our desired form will be tism with replacement in (atva). (iii) krou + m kronm where the tjvadbhva proposal of 7.1.95 tjvatkrou is optionally made available to krou + m by rule 7.1.97 vibh ttydiv aci. This optional provision of tjvadbhva is, however, blocked on the basis of prvavipratiedha, in favor of application of augment nU of rule 7.1.54 hrasvanadypo nu. We thus get the genitive plural form in kronm.
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B. The bhya proposal of suspension

Pini makes this extensional (tideika) proposal of suspension (asiddhatva) under rule 6.4.22 asiddhavad atrbht whereby what follows there onwards is considered as if suspended. The phrase bht 'up to bha' (6.4.29 bhasya)' is used to specify the domain (viaya) of this extensional suspension (tideika-asiddhatva), aptly called bhya since it covers all rules included within the domain of 6.4.1 bhasya, through the end of adhyya six. Note that the word atra 'here' is generally used in the sense of asmin 'in here.' This general meaning will then refer to operations (krya) stated within this domain of bha (bhya). The word atra restricts the scope of such operations to rules contained within the domain ending with the last rule of 6.4.129 bhasya (bhya). What operations within this domain of rules will be treated as asiddha? It is explained that an operation of this domain will be treated as asiddha if another operation of this domain is to be performed and if both operations share the same condition of application (samna-nimitta; K: atreti samnraya-pratipatyartham). Consider the derivation of dhi 'second person singular imperative active of s 'to instruct' for illustration. We get s + (LO siP) s + aP + siP s + (aP) + si(P) s + (sihi) = s + hi, where hi replaces si (3.4.87 ser hy apic ca), itself a replacement of LO, and aP goes through delettion by LUK (2.4.72 adiprabhti). A replacement in is then ordered for s before hi (6.4.35 hau) to produce + hi. It is at this stage that 6.4.101 hujhalyo her dhi becomes applicable. But there is a problem. This replacement in dhi must come in place of hi when hi occurs after a sound denoted by jhaL. Recall that , by way of replacing s, has removed jhaL, i.e., s, which occurred before hi. Since these replacements, i.e., and dhi, both are accomplished by rules contained within this domain, a -replacement can be treated as asiddha in accomplishing a replacement in dhi. That is, our string will still be s + hi., as far as the application of 6.4.101 hu jhalyo her dhi is concerned. Thus, we get (s + (hidhi)) = + dhi = dhi . A similar situation is also involved in deriving edhi from (as + LOsiP) as + si, where a of as is deleted by 6.4.111 nasor allopa and sa + hi gets its s replaced with e (6.4.119 dhvasor eddhv) to produce e + hi. Rule 6.4.101 hujalyo her dhi now applies to replace hi with dhi, with the understanding that e (etva) as a replacement is asiddha. Thus we get (es + (hidhi)) = edhi. Now consider the derivation of gahi and jahi, both second person singular imperative active forms of -gam and han, where si has replaced LO, and aP has again been deleted. Additionally, the m of gam has been deleted (6.4.37 anudttopadea), and han has been replaced with ja (6.4.36 hanter ja). Rule 6.4.105 ato he then becomes applicable to ga + hi and ja + hi to
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delete hi. Note that this deletion is required after an aga (1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis) which ends in -a. This rule application will produce undesired (ania) forms: *ga and ja. The desired forms, i.e., gahi and jahi, could be derived only if deletion of m (after ga) and replacement in ja (of han) is treated as asiddha. This asiddhatva will make the aga end in a consonant. That is, hi could then not be deleted. This is how we can get the desired forms gahi and jahi.
C. The tripd proposal of suspension

Rule 8.2.1 is an adhikra, and hence, it carries through all rules enumerated up to the end of this book-chapter (adhyya). Whatever is stated hereafter should remain suspended in view of what precedes this rule. Thus, in view of application of the preceding seven and one quarter-chapters (sapdasaptdhyy ) of the Adhyy, its last three quarter-chapters of rules are considered suspended (asiddha). A following rule, here in this section of the last three quarters (tripd ), is also to be considered suspended (asiddha) in view of what precedes in here (K: ita uttara cottara uttaro yoga prvaprvatrsiddho bhavati = asiddhavad bhavati). What is the meaning of asiddho bhavati ' is considered suspended.'? It does not (un)do what is already established (K: siddhakrya na karotty artha). Now the question: 'what is the thing which becomes suspended (asiddha)'? Is this a rule (stra), or an operation (krya) performed by that rule? This brings two notions of asiddhatva 'suspension': (i) strsiddhatva 'suspension of rule(s)' and krysiddhatva 'suspension of operation(s).' The first view will accept a rule (stra; lakaa) as asiddha 'suspended.' The second view will consider an operation (krya) performed by a given rule (stra) asiddha. This asiddhatva should be interpreted as strsiddhatva, because 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham is a rule (stra) where atra 'here' denotes an extent (avadhi) in relation to prva 'prior,' an obligatory avadhimat 'that which is bounded by an extent.' The word prva would thus denote the stra 'rule.' The asiddhatva of 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham relates to the notion of suspension of rules (strsiddhatva). What about the notion of suspension of krya 'operation'? The idea of the suspension (asiddhatva) of krya can be gotten only secondarily, by way of suspension of the stra which is primary (mukhya). Why is strsiddhatva 'suspension of rule' considered primary (mukhya)? Because strsiddhatva is stated within rules by means of explicit statements (sannivea-viea-yogitvt). When a rule (stra) becomes asiddha, the cognition which is generated by, and about, that particular stra also becomes asiddha. An operation which is carried out on the basis of cognition of a
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particular stra also becomes asiddha when cognition of that stra becomes asiddha. This is the order in which this notion of asiddhatva can be effectively understood. The asiddhatva of 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham is thus accepted as suspension of rules (strsiddhatva). Neo-grammarians such as Ngea and Bhaoji Dkita accept this view. Earlier grammarians, which also includes the authors of the Kikvtti, accept the krysiddhatva view. The tradition finds it rather difficult to accept suspension of rules. How could a stra, which has been stated and hence has attained the status of something established (siddha), be considered unestablished (asiddha). A pot (ghaa) will never become a piece of cloth (paa), no matter how many times someone calls it a piece of cloth. How can sun (srya) become non-sun (asrya)? But how should one go against Pini's own words (vacana). It is at the strength of Pini's own formulation (vacana-smarthya) that commentators are willing to accept the stra, not exactly as asiddha but, as if asiddha 'suspended-like' (asiddhavat). That is, they extend (atidianti) the status of suspension (asiddhatva) to what is established (siddha). This is how an operation which is carried out by a rule, and which is siddha, will become asiddha(vat) 'as if not established.' This rule, similar to 4.2.92 ee, is not only a lakaa 'rule' but is also a vidhi 'operation.' It is an adhikra since it has to be carried to rules contained within the last three quarters (tripd) of the Adhyy. It is also a vidhi since it provides for some new operation. How do you get these two meanings of adhikra and vidhi from this single rule. One may resort to tantra, a technique which Patajali (ad 1.3.3 halantyam) describes as: sakd uccaritatve sati bahvarthabodhakatvam tantratvam 'tantra is an interpretive technique whereby a word articulated just once denotes more than one meaning.' Consider the paraphrases of this rule, when read with the obligatory param 'that which follows': (a) prvatra kartavye sati param asiddham bhavati 'in view of application of that which is 'prior' (prvam; the sapda-saptdhyy), that which is 'subsequent' is treated 'as if suspended (asiddham; the tripd)' (b) prvatra kartavye sati param asiddham bhavati 'in view of application of that which is 'prior' in rules of the tripd 'last three quarters of rules of the Adhyy,' that which is 'subsequent' is treated 'as if suspended' (asiddham). The first interpretation will make this rule vidhi 'operational.' The second interpretation, since it is to be read as part of subsequent rules, will make it an adhikra 'governing rule.' Still, this rule is primarily an adhikra. Incidentally, how can one read param in this rule when it is not explicitly stated in the rule? We can
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read param 'that which follows' because prvam 'that which precedes,' as in prvatrsiddham, is a relative term and has an obligatory expectancy relationship (nitya-sambandha) with param. This statement of asiddhatva is made for purposes of negating (pratiedhrtham) an operation with 'replacement' (dea) as its condition (nimitta; K: tad etad asiddhatva-vacana dealakaa-pratiedhrtham). It is also made for purposes of accomplishing application of a rule with sthn 'substituendum, i.e., that which is displaced by a substitute,' as its condition (K: utsargalakaa-bhvrtham ca). Consider asmai uddhara, the dative singular form of idam 'this' followed in close proximity by uddhara, where 6.1.78 eco' yavyva replaces the ai of asmai with y. The y of y then goes through deletion of 8.3.19 lopa kalyasya. We thus get asm(aiy) uddhara asm(y) uddhara = asm uddhara. Note here that 6.1.87 d gua may find its scope of application on asm uddhara. This will yield a wrong form *asm(uo)ddhara *asmoddhara. Rule 6.1.87 d gua cannot apply here since 8.3.19 lopa kalyasya will be treated as asiddha. That is, deletion of y will be accepted as not having taken effect. Similar examples with a replacement in v, for au of dvau and dityau, can be found in dvau atra dv atra and asau ditya as ditya. Of course, with deletion of v of auv, again by 8.3.19 lopa kalyasya. Note here that 6.1.100 aka savare drgha may become applicable to dv atra and as ditya which, in turn, may produce unacceptable results *dv(+a )tra *dvtra and as(+ )ditya *asditya. Here again, the suspension of 8.3.19 lopa kalyasya will remove the condition of application of 6.1.100 aka savare drgha. Consequently, we will get dv atra and as ditya. That is, when a following rule is treated as asiddha in close context of a preceding rule, an operation carried out by it is treated as if asiddha, even more so (PM: yad hi prvastrasannidhau paramastram asiddham, tad tatpratipdita krya sutarm asiddha bhavati). The preceding are examples where an operation conditioned by a replacement is negated (dealakaa-pratiedha). Let us now consider amumai, amumt and amumin, the dative, ablative and locative singular forms of adas 'that,' which illustrate accomplishment of an operation conditioned by items to be replaced (utsargalakaa-bhva). Recall that, given adas + ()e, the s of adas is replaced with a (7.2.102 tyaddnm a). The resultant sequence of two a vowels of ada (sa) + ()e = adaa + ()e, is then replaced with a single a (6.4.94 ato gue). The e of e is also replaced with smai, under the condition of a pronominal aga ending in a (7.1.14 sarvanmna smai). Rule 8.2.20 adaso' ser then applies on ada + smai to replace its d with m and a with u. We thus get: a(dm) + (au) + smai =
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amusmai. An application of 8.3.59 deapratyayayo then replaces the s of amusmai with . We thus get amumai. We similarly get amumt and amumin, where the ablative and locative singular endings asI and i are replaced with smt and smin, respectively (7.1.15 asiyo smtsminau). Recall that the final a of ada, which gets replaced with u of 8.2.20 adaso' ser, forms the left condition (nimitta) of replacement in smai, smt and smin. These replacements cannot be accomplished unless 8.2.20 adaso' ser, and thereby its effect, is not considered suspended. The a at the end of ada is clearly an item which, when replaced with u, removes the substituendum of which u. Restoring this subsituendum, via asiddhatva, facilitates application of replacements such as smai, smt and smin (K: utvasysiddhatvt smydayo bhavanti). The Mahbhya discusses the purpose of establishing this asiddha section as follows: (i) to facilitate application of a rule characterized as general (utsargalakaa-bhvrtham) and (ii) to negate the application of a rule characterized with a replacement (dealakaa-pratiedhrtham). The word utsarga in the first purpose refers to a general rule in relation to a particular which displaces it. By inference, this utsarga, in the present context, refers to a substituendum (sthn) which is replaced by its corresponding replacement (dea). An illustration of the first can be found in the derivation of dhi and edhi where a replacement in dhi after jhaL is facilitated. The second is illustrated by derivational details of gahi and jahi where deletion by LUK is negated on the basis of asiddhatva. Now some questions. If the last three quarter-rules (tripd) of the Adhyy are considered asiddha 'suspended' in view of application of the preceding sapda-saptdhyy, then what is the purpose of specifications made here with pacam 'ablative,' ah 'genitive' and spatam 'locative.' For, rules dealing with these specifications will all become asiddha 'suspended' in view of application of 1..1.49 ah sthneyog, 1.1.66 tasminn iti nirdie and 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya. It is stated that, based on the kryakla 'formulation of a rule when it is intended to apply' view, these rules will not be considered asiddha in view of application of specific naming (saj) and interpreting (paribh) rules. The notion of prva 'prior' and para 'subsequent,' especially with reference to asiddhatva 'suspension,' cannot apply to them. It is stated that naming and interpretive rules are meant for facilitating applications of other rules. There is no prva 'prior' or para 'subsequent' applicational constraint on them because they indicate their functions only when brought close to applicational context of other rules. It is important to note that naming and interpretive rules (saj-
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paribh) abandon their sequential order dictated by their placement in grammar and, instead, follow their applicational order. They apply in the order of anticipated applications. Nysa (ad Kik) illustrates this point with multiple examples of rule application and concludes that naming and interpretive rules cannot be considered suspended. Recall that, in a conflict of equal strength (vipratiedha) between a prior (prva) and a subsequent (para) rule, that which is subsequent in order wins (1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam). What happens to this interpretive rule in relation to 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham? If one accepts the kryakla view, this interpretive rule will also present itself at the time of application of 8.2.1 prvatrsiddham. This interpretive rule of vipratiedha, since a subsequent rule which competes (sparddhate) against a prior rule is considered asiddha in view of its application, does not find scope (K: 'vipratiedhe para kryam' ity e tu paribh yena prvea lakaena saha sparddhate, para lakaa tat prati tasysiddhatvn na pravartate). Consider the two derivates of yaT, i.e., (vi-sphur + yaT) + sU visphoryam and (ava-gur + yaT) + sU avagoryam, where application of gua (7.3.86 pugantalaghpadhasya ca) cannot be blocked by application of drgha 'long replacement'(8.2.77 hali ca) on the basis of subsequent order of enumeration (paratva). For, 8.2.77 hali ca will be treated as asiddha in view of application of 8.2.26 pugantalaghpadhasya ca. The question of conflict between rules of 'equal strength' (tulyabalat) thus does not arise. If it is said that a subsequent operation is considered suspended when a prior operation is to be performed, a subsequent exception will become suspended in view of application of a prior (prva) general (utsarga) rule. Consequently, the gh of 8.2.32 dder dhtor gha will become suspended in the derivation of dogdh and dogdhum. The h of ho ha (8.2.31), in turn, will become applicable. It is therefore said that in applying a general rule, even though placed subsequently, an exception (apavda) is not considered suspended. This is accepted at the strength of Pini's own statement. Why can they not be applied in turn at the strength of the Pinian statement? This will save the Pinian statement from becoming vacuous. This is not acceptable. Although an exception could be applied in turn, optional application of gh by 8.2.33 vdruhamuha will become vacuous (cf. Nysa ad K.). This shows how an exception always blocks application of its corresponding general rule. The very formulation of an exception will become useless if it is placed susbsequently for suspension in view of a prior general rule (K: apavdasya tu parasypi utsarge kartavye vacanaprmyd asiddhatva na bhavati).
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3. The Derivational System of the Adhyy

It has been stated that language is a set of sentences. Grammar is likewise a set of limited number of ordered rules formulated with brevity, based on generalizations extracted from the usage. Rules are placed in the grammar in an order which not only captures anticipated interaction among rules, but also facilitates their application in a manner most conducive towards realizing intended goals (lakya). The goal of grammar is to derive correct words (abdanipatti) of the language. The tradition uses the word 'word' (abda) in the general sense of an utterance which, given its basic purpose of serving as means of communication, can be referred to as a sentence. A word in its technical sense is accepted as fully derived, a pada which ends in two sets of affixes, namely sUP and ti (1.4.14 suptianta padam). This yields two pada types, subanta 'that which ends in a sUP, and tianta 'that which ends in a ti.' Recall that this grammar imagines constituency of words in bases (prakti) and affixes (pratyaya), and as a result of operations (krya) carried out with application of rules on input strings, yields a fully derived word. There are two types of bases, namely prtipadika 'nominal stem' and dhtu 'verb root': 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya prtipadikam 'a non-root and nonaffix word-form (abda-rpa) which carries a meanig (arthavad) is termed prtipadika 'nominal stem. 1.2.46 kttaddhitasams ca 'a word form which ends in affixes termed kt (3.1.93 kd ati) and taddhita (4.1.76 taddhit), or which is termed samsa (2.1.3 prk kart samsa), is also termed prtipadika 'nominal stem.' 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava 'word-forms which are listed in groups headed by bh 'to be, become,' and its likes, are termed dhtu. 3.1.33 sandyant dhtava 'word-forms which end affixes saN, etc., are also termed dhtu .' Note that nominal stems (prtipadika), and verb roots (dhtu) will be here considered as base-input (prakti). Affixes which are introduced after base-inputs are classified into three groups of (i) yP 'those which are formed with a common (P / /N ) and P (CP /P /P ), (ii) Vibhakti : 'nominal inflectional endings (sUP)' and 'verbal inflectional endings (ti),' (iii) kt (3.1.93 kd ati) and taddhita (4.1.76 taddhit). Now consider the following rules: 3.1.7 dhto karmaa samnakartkd icchy v (san) 'affix saN is, optionally, introduced after a verb root used with the denotation of object of i 'to desire, wish,' provided its agent (kart) is the same as the agent of i.'
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For example, kartum icchati cikrati, where cikra 'to wish to do' is a root derived with affix saN, introduced after the verbal root uk 'to do.' This derived base input can then get access to the domain of 3.1.91 dhto whereby cikra, with introduction of LA tiP, and aP would yield cikrati, a verbal pada. 3.1.8 supa tmana kyac 'affix KyaC is, optionally, introduced after a pada which ends in a sUP, and is used with the denotation of an object wished for one's own (tmana).' For example, tmana putra icchati putryati, where putrya 'to wish a son of one's own' is a root derived with affix saN introduced after putra + am, a pada ending in sUP. 3.1.91 dhto 'after a verb root' 3.2.123 vartamne la 'affix LA is introduced after a verb root when action is denoted at the current time' 3.4.77 lasya 'in place of that which is formed with a LA ' 3.4.78 tiptasjhi-sipthastha-mivbasmas-ttjhathsthdhvamivahimahi 'the affixes tiP, tas, jhi, etc.' For example, pac + LA tiP pac + aP + tiP = pacati, a verbal pada which ends in a ti.
A. The ti affixes:
ekavacana 'singular' prathama madhyama uttama prathama madhyama uttama tiP siP miP ta ths i dvivacana 'dual' tas thas vas tmanepada 'middle' tm thm vahi jha dhvam mahi
3rd person 2nd person 1st person
bahuvacana 'plural' jhi tha mas

3rd person 2nd person 1st person
parasmaipada 'active'
4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 'an affix is introduced after that which ends in an affix, formed with and P (P/CP/P; P//N), or after that which is termed a prtipadika (nominal stem)'
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4.1.2 svaujasmauchabhybhisebhybhyasasos-yossup 'an affix denoted by sUP is introduced after that which ends in an affix formed with and P, or after that which is termed a prtipadika '
B. The sUP affixes:

ekavacana 'singular' pratham dvity tty caturth pacam ah saptam sU am e asI as i dvivacana 'dual' au au bhym
bhym
bahuvacana 'plural' Jas as bhis

bhyas 'nominative' 'accusative' 'instrumental' 'dative' 'ablative' 'genitive' 'locative'
bhym os os
bhyas m suP
4.1.3 striym 'an affix is introduced after a nominal stem when feminine is denoted' 4.1.4 ajdyata p 'affix P is introduced after a nominal stem... '4.1.5 nnebhyo p 'affix P is introduced after a nominal stem extracted from the group headed by aja 'goat,' or one which ends in -a' 4.1.76 taddhit 'affixes termed taddhita...' A form which ends in the feminine suffixes P, P, etc., is not assigned the name prtipadika. It, however, gains access to the domain domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt as a base-input again since its suffix is marked with yP. This time it must opt for application of 4.1.2 svaujasmau..., whereby, with introduction of sUP, it subsequently yields a pada. 4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v 'a taddhita affix, namely a (read with 4.1.83 prg dvyato'a) is introduced after the first among syntactically related nominal pada.' Consider upagu + as, a nominal pada which, with introduction of the taddhita affix a, yields aupagava, a nominal stem. This nominal stem must now get access to the domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt, whereby, with introduction of sUP (4.1.2 svaujasmau...) it yields aupagava 'male descendant of Upagu' , a nominal pada. Note however, that a base-input ending in a taddhita affix may gain access to the domain of 4.1.3 striym for yielding a nominal base ending in a feminine affix. The output of this application will then go for access to the
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domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt for application of 4.1.2 svaujasmau... This clearly establishes the cyclic nature of these domain accesses. It is clear from the definitions of nominal stems and roots that they each have two sets of forms, simple and derived. A nominal pada which ends in a sUP can also serve as a base input for introduction of -taddhita affixes under the provision of rule 4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v. This will still yield a nominal stem, and with the introduction of a sUP would yield a nominal pada. A kt affix can be introduced after a verbal base under the cooccurrence condition of a nominal pada, whereby a form which ends in a kt affix is termed a nominal stem. For example, kumbhakra 'pot-maker' which is a derived nominal stem. This can access the domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt, where with the introduction of sU of 4.1.2 svaujasmau... it yields kumbhakra, a nominal pada. A pada which ends in a sUP can also be combined with another, also ending in a sUP, to yield a compound (2.1.3 saha sup; samsa), again termed a nominal stem. Affixes saN, etc., can be introduced after a base-input termed dhtu, whereby a form which ends in them is again termed dhtu, a derived verb root. An affix of this class, for example KyaC, can also be introduced after a nominal pada, for example putra + am, under some cooccurrence condition to yield putrya, a verba root. This verb root can then yield a verbal pada, for example putryati 'he wishes a son of his own.' Finally, affixes formed with the two shared elements and P are introduced after a nominal stem to yield yet another complex baseinput. Note that this sets of six base-inputs which denote feminine are not classed as a nominal stem, or verb root. They are, characterized as ending in affixes formed with and P, instead. This controlled description of a fully derived word by way of bases (prakti), affixes (pratyaya) and operations (krya) may give the impression to many that the Adhyy is a morphological grammar, even more so because a pada is its final output. It is true that Pini accepts pada as the final output of his grammar. But his pada ends in a sUP, or in a ti. (1.4.14 suptianta padam). These sUP and ti affixes which come as terminal elements in a pada are introduced after bases which carry meaning. The sUP and ti affixes themselves express meanings both grammatical and notional. The meaning of a base is always notional. Grammatical and notional meanings are expressed by affixes, including sUP and ti . For example, consider nara + sU + odana + am nara odanam, and pac + LA pac + aP+tiP = pac + a + ti = pacati = nara odana pacati 'the man cooks rice,' where affix LA is introduced after pac, a verbal base-input. Rule la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya states that a LA-affix is introduced after a transitive (sakarmaka) verb root when kart 'agent' and karman 'object' are denoted. This same LA can also be introduced after an
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intransitive (akarmaka) verb root when kart and bhva 'root-sense' are denoted. The -ti of pacati is selected as a replacement of LA with the choice of expressing kart 'agent.' This choice of expressing kart with -ti has consequence for selecting the nominal inflectional ending sUP after nara and odana which happen to be the named kart and karman of the sentence. Now consider rule 2.3.1 anabhihite which makes a restrictive provision for selection of sUP. This rule would allow the slection of a sUP only when the denotatum of sUP is not already expressed. The dvity ekavacana 'accusative' ending -am of sUP which is selected for introduction after odana expresses the named object (karman) of pac . This is made possible because the -ti of pacati has expressed kart, and the karman is not already expressed (2.3.1 anabhihite; 2.3.2 karmai dvity). The choice to express kart by 2.3.18 kartkaraayos tty was not allowed in case of nara, the named agent of the sentence, because the -ti of pacati has already expressed it. It is for this reason that the pratham-ekavacana 'nominative singular' ending of 2.3.46 prtipadikrtha... had to be introduced after nara to express nothing but the sense of the nominal stem (prtipadikrtha). If a choice is made to express the karman with the verbal pada at the time of selection of ti, a replacement of LA, rule 2.3.1 anabhihite would not allow introduction of -am after odana to express the karman. The nominative singular ending sU would be then introduced after odana to express its nominal stem notion. The kart of the sentence would then be expressed by 2.3.18 kartkaraayos tty. The sentence would then be narea odana pacyate, a passive counterpart of the active nara odana pacati. This clearly shows that a pada in pini expresses grammatical and notional relations in a sentence. Furthermore, its derivation must adhere to certain selectional restrictions which bear upon the derivation of a sentence as a whole. I shall subsequently show how derivation of complex bases is related closely to expression of kart, karman and bhva, thereby yielding complex sentential strings. This expression of kart, karman, and bhva directly relates to derivation of simple and complex sentences, and the derivational paths the strings follow. Pini derives words (pada; 1.4.14 suptianta padam) by first extracting them from sentences, and then by analyzing their constituency in terms of bases and affixes. A formal string of base(s) and affix(es) is then processed through a network of rule applications to yield a fully derived pada. Since a pada necessarily carries an impression of grammatical and notional relations, and such relations are part of sentential meaning, a pada shares dependency relationship with a sentence. A pada cannot be fully derived without reference to its syntactic context. It thus becomes necessary for grammar to first present an
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abstract syntactic representation of a sentence. Since action (kriy) forms the central denotatum of a Sanskrit sentence, its abstract syntactic representation is presented as an action-complex with participants, namely the krakas. Pini sets up six kraka categories, namely apdna, sampradna, karaa, adhikaraa and kart, in this order. A select listing of the kraka domain headed by 1.4.23 krake is as follows: 1.4.23 krake 'when that which is doing' 1.4.24 dhruvam apye' pdnam 'apdna is a kraka which is dhruva when apya 'movement away from' is denoted' 1.4.25 'apdna is also the kraka which serves as 'source of fear' when the action is denoted by roots having the signification of bh 'to fear' and tr 'to protect' 1.4.27 vrarthnm psita 'apdna is also the kraka which is 'desired' when the action is denoted by roots having the signification of vraa 'to ward off' 1.4.32 karma yam abhipraiti sa sampradnam 'sampradna is a kraka whom the agent intends to reach as goal' 1.4.33 rucyarthn pryama 'sampradna is also the kraka who is pleased when action is denoted by roots having the meaning of ruci 'to please' 1.4.37 krudhdruherysyrthnm ya prati kopa 'sampradna is also the kraka towards whom anger is directed when action is denoted by roots having the meaning of krudh 'to be angry,' druh 'to wish harm to,' ryA 'not to tolerate' and asya 'to find fault' 1.4.42 sdhakatama karaam 'a kraka which serves as the 'most instrumental means (of accomplish action) is termed karaa' 1.4.44 parikrayae sampradnam anyatarasym 'a kraka is optionally termed sampradna when parikrayaa 'hiring on stipulated wages' is denoted' 1.4.45 dhro' dhikaraam 'a kraka which serves as dhra 'locus, substratum' is termed adhikaraa' 1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma 'a kraka which is most desired by the agent is termed karman' 1.4.50 tathyukta cnpsitam 'a kraka which, likewise, is not desired by the agent is also termed karman' 1.4.51 akathita ca 'a kraka which remains unstated thus far is also termed karman' 1.4.54 svatantra kartt 'a kraka who is independent (svatantra) is termed kart 'agent'
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1.4.55 tatprayojako hetu ca 'a kraka which serves as prayojaka 'promptor' of the agent is termed hetu, and also kart' Note that agent (kart) is a kraka which is independent of all other krakas in the sense that the action (kriy) must necessarily have it as a participant. All other krakas are named by the action depending on its own nature. It is not necessary for all six krakas to participate in accomplishment of all actions. It is also not necessary that a speaker may not look at the role of a given kraka as that of some other. Consider the following sentences where apdna could not be brought as a participant kraka: (1) bhtya vane khai sthly odana pacati kumbhakrya 'the servant cooks rice in a pot with wood in the forest for the pot-maker' (2) bhtyena vane khai sthly odana pacyate kumbhakrya 'rice is cooked in a pot with wood in the forest for the pot-maker by the servant' These two sentences are related in the sense that (1) is a action, and the other its passive counterpart. Since Pini derives them with a common string, I shall present the abstract conceptual structure (CS) of the active, namely the first sentence. A CS would constitute an action-complex where <action> will be central. Each CS will obligatorily have at least one participant, namely agent <kart>, who will bring other participating krakas into action, if the speaker so desires. Let us now return to the CS of sentences (1): CS1: bhtya vane khai sthlym odanam pacati 'x engages in accomplishing the action named y (softening) intended for z at a place named r in m, a receptacle' This sentence has five participants in its action complex, where since the agent is expressed with the verbal pada pacati. In fact pacati, by itself, can be accepted as a single pada sentence with its third person singular agent already expressed. I shall next show the derivation of pacati 'he / she / it cooks,' along with the derivation of other padas of the sentence (1). Participant(s) <kart> Action <viklitti 'softening'> (3) pacati 'he cooks' step #1 pac 'to cook' <dhtu / sakarmaka> 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava step #2 pac pac + LA 3.1.91 dhto {3.1.1 pratyaya
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3.1.2 para ca, 3.1.3 dyudtta ca, 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau} <anudtta> #1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya <pacam> 3.2.123 vartamne la <LA> 'affix LA is introduced after a verb root when action is denoted at the current time' 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya <kart> 'a LA-affix is introduced after a transitive (sakarmaka) verb root when kart 'agent' and karman 'object' are denoted; it is introduced after an intransitive (akarmaka) verb root when kart 'agent' and 'bhva' are denoted' pac + LA <dhtu / sakarmaka / pratyaya / anudtta /vartamna / kart / LA> step #3 pac + (LA tiP ) = pac + tiP 3.4.77 lasya 'in place of that which is formed with LA (LA)' #1.1.49 ah sthneyog <ah> 3.4.78 tip-tas-jhi-sip-thas-tha-mip-vas-mas-ta-tm-jha-ths-thmdhvam-i-vahi-mahi' pac + tiP <ti > # ti-selection 1.4.99 la parasmaipadam 'a LA-replacement is termed parasmaipada ' <ti / parasmaipada> 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam 'replacements of LA denoted by ta, and also na, are termed tmanepada ' <ti-tmanepada> 1.4.102 tny ekavacana-dvivacana-bahuvacanny ekaa 'elements of triads of ti are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' <ekavacana> 1.4.104 vibhakti ca <vibhakti> 'triads of sUP, and ti, are termed vibhakti' 1.4.107 tias tri tri prathamamadhyamottam 'each triad of ti is termed prathama, madhyama and uttama' <prathama...> 1.4.108 ee prathama 'a prathama 'the first triplet of verbal ending' is used when the remainder, i.e., tad 'third personal pronominal,'
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whether explicitly stated or implicitly assumed, shares co-referential relation with it.' <prathama> step #4 pac + tiP pac + aP + tiP <aP> 3.4.113 tiit srvadhtukam 'that which is a ti, or is marked with as an it, is termed srvadhtuaka' <srvadhtuka> 3.1.67 srvadhtuke yak 'yaK is introduced after a verb root when an affix termed srvadhtuka follows' <srvadhtuka> #1.1.66 tasminn iti nirdie prvasya 3.1.68 kartari ap 'affix aP is introduced after a verb root when a srvadhtuka with the denotation of kart follows' <srvadhtuka> ti-selection pac + () a (P) + ti (P) step #5 1.4.14 suptianta padam pac +a + ti pacati 'he /she / it cooks' <pada> Referential Index <dhtu / sakarmaka / pratyaya / anudtta /vartamna / kart / LA / ti / prathama / ekavacana / pada> Let us now return to the derivation of (3) pacati, our base-input pac activates the grammatical device and is assigned the term dhatu. by rule 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava of the Controlling domain (CD; adhyya one). It is then sent for scanning domain headings in the Obligatory domain (OD; adhyya three through five) of the grammar for possible rule application. It locates the domain of 3.1.91 dhto for possible rule application because dhto is the heading (adhikra) of the domain and it also contains the term dhtu with which the base input is identified. Term assignment thus guids a base-input in locating domain of possible rule application. Further scanning of this domain, especially in view of its CS marker of <vartamna> 'current time,' facilitates application of rule 3.2.123 vartamne la. This rule must be interpreted with the obligatory anuvtti of 3.1.1 pratyaya, 3.1.2 para ca, 3.1.3 dyudtta ca and 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau. For these form the rule-context of the larger domain of which 3.1.91 dhto is an interior domain. This is how 3.1.123 vartamne la yields the meaning, 'affix (pratyaya) la is introduced after the transitive (sakarmaka) verb root pac when action is accomplished at the current time (vartamna); it is also marked with
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udtta at the beginning (3.1.3 dyudtta ca). Since rule 3.1.91 dhto is marked with pacam 'ablative,' rule 1.1.67 tasmd ity uttarasya becomes operative. This assures that affix la is introduced not just after (3.1.2 para ca) pac , but 'immediately after' pac. Our string pac + LA must now scan the domain looking for application of a rule guided by introduction of the term LA. We find rule 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya whereby we learn that a LA-affix is introduced after an intransitive verb root when kart and karman are to be denoted. Our string pac + LA, where pac is marked with <sakarmaka> and LA is marked with <pratyaya, initial udtta (3.1.1-3.13), + kart, + karman (3.4.69)>, now moves to the application of rules 3.4.77 lasya and 3.4.78 tip-tas-jhi-sip-thas-tha-mip-vas-mas... where it is faced with the problem of selecting one ti-element out of eighteen. Recourse must now be taken to reconstruction of referential index tigerred by the terms LA() and ti whereby rules 1.4.99, 1.4.100, 1.4.102, 1.4.104, 1.4.107 and 1.4.108 are brought close to application of rule 43.4..77 and 3.4.78. This is how we select tiP, an active (parasmaipada) third personal (prathama) singular (ekavacana) ending (vibhakti) with the denotation of kart 'agent.' Two things must be noted here: (i) selection of -ti is made on the basis of choiced expression of kart 'agent' with reference to 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya; (ii) the anudtta accent assigned to LA in view of 3.1.2 dyudtta ca must be replaced with the anudtta of 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau, based on P as an it of tiP. The following is the summary representation of tiselection: 1.4.99 la parasmaipadam <parasmaipada> 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam <tmanepada> 1.4.101 tiastritriprathamamadhya... <prathama> 1.4.102 tny ekavacana-dvivacana... <ekavacana> 1.4.104 vibhakti ca <vibhakti> 1.4.108 ee prathama <prathama> 1.4.22 dvyekayor dvivacanaikavacane <ekavacana> The -ti of our string pac + (LAti (P) = pac + ti is now assigned the term srvadhtuka by rule 3.4.113 tiit srvadhtukam. This triggers the reconstruction of the term <srvadhtuka> which, via reverse scanning, leads to application of rule 3.1.68 kartari aP read with 3.1.67 srvadhtuke yak. This rule introduces affix aP after the verb root pac under the right condition of a srvadhtuka affix, namely -ti, used with the denotation of kart 'agent.' Notice that rules 3.4.78 tiptasjhisipthastha.. which introduces -ti is in the fourth quarter of adhyya three. Rule 3.1.68 kartari ap which introduces aP is placed in the first quarter of adhyya three, even before 3.1.91 dhto within whose domain
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3.2.123 vartamne la introduced affix LA. The selection of -ti, via reconstruction of LA and ti, not only helps the selection of -ti but also facilitates application of 3.1.68 kartari ap, by way of -ti as right condition of application. This application is made possible by reconstruction of the term <srvadhtuka>. Our string pac + ()a(P) + ti = pa + a + ti can exit this domain, and with assignment of new term in the Controlling Domain (CD), must gain access to domains of further rule application. A summary representation of terms which facilitated this derivation can be made in the form of a string with rule numbers as follows: <dhtu / sakarmaka (1.3.1) / pratyaya (3.1.1) / anudtta (3.1.4) / vartamna (3.2.123) /kart (3.4.68) / LA (3.2.123) / ti (3.4.78) / parasmaipada (1.4.99) / prathama (1.4.101) / vibhakti (1.4.104) / ekavacana (1.4.12) / pada (1.4.14)> (4) bhtya 'servant' Participant: <kart> Action pac 'to cook' <viklitti / dhtu / sakarmaka /+ kart> bhtya 'servant' step #1 bhtya <prtipadika> 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya prtipadikam 'that which is meaningful (arthavat), non-root (adhtu) and non-affix (apratyaya) is termed prtipadika' 1.4.53 svatantra kartt; 'kart is independent (svatantra)' bhtya 'servant' <prtipadika; kart> step #2 bhtya bhtya + sU 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 'an affix occurs after that which is marked with yp, or else is a nominal stem' 4.1.2 su-au-jas-am-au-as--bhym-bhis-e-bhym-bhyas-asi-bhymbhyas-as-os-m-i-os-sup 'the nominal endings sUP' bhtya + sU #sUP-selection 2.3.1 anabhihite 'when not already expressed' 2.3.64 prtipadikrthaligaparimavacanamtre pratham'pratham 'nominative' is used when sense of the nominal stem (prtipadikrtha), gender (liga) and number (vacana), alone, is to be expressed' <prtipadika / kart / sUP / sU / ekavacana> bhtya + sU
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1.4.22 dvyekayor dvivacanaikavacane 'dvivacana 'dual' and ekavacana 'singular' occur when 'two-ness, duality' and 'one-ness, singularity' is to be denoted' <ekavacana> 1.4.100 ...tri tri... 'each triad...' 1.4.102 tny ekavacana-dvivacana-bahuvacanny ekaa 'elements of triads of ti are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' <ekavacana> 1.4.103 supa 'elements of triads of sUP are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' <sUP> 1.4.104 vibhakti ca 'triads of sUP, and ti, are termed vibhakti' step #3 <vibhakti> bhtya + s(U ) = bhtya + s 1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi... <aga> 6.4.1 agasya (no rule application in the aga domain) 1.4.14 suptianta padam <pada> 1.4.110 virmo' vasnam <avasna> 1.2.41 apkta ekl pratyaya 'an affix formed with a single sound segment is termed apkta' <apkta> step #4 8.1.16 padasya 'of that which is a pada' <pada> 8.2.66 sasajuo ru bhtya + (sr (U~) bhtya + r 8.3.15 kharavasnayor visarjanya <avasna> bhtya + (r) = bhtya 'servant' <pada> Referential Index <prtipadika / kart / vibhakti / pratham/ sU / ekavacana / pada / avasna / apkta> The derivation of pada (4) bhtya 'servant' begins with the base-input bhtya which is assigned the term prtipadika by rule 1.2.46 arthavad adhtur apratyaya... of the Controlling Domain (CD). Our string bhtya <prtipadika> is now sent to the Obligatory Domain (OD) for locating an interior domain where possibility of rule application is indicated by the term prtipadika. The interior domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadika is selected because the rule is formed with the term prtipadika in it. The application of rule 4.1.2 svaujasmauchatbhym... poses the problem of selecting one sUP affix out of twenty-one. Similar to tiselection of (1) pacati, recourse must be taken to reconstruct the referential index of sUP. The selection of the nominative (pratham) singular (ekavacana)
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ending (vibhakti) will be made by bringing the following rule close to its context via reconstruction of referential index of sUP: 1.4.102 tny ekavacana-dvivacana-bahuvacanny ekaa 'elements of triads of ti are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' <ekavacana> 1.4.103 supa 'elements of triads of sUP are termed ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana, one after the other' 1.4.104 vibhakti ca 'triads of sUP, and ti, are termed vibhakti' 1.4.22 dvyekayor dvivacanaikavacane 'ekavacana 'singular' and dvivacana 'dual' are used when singularity and duality is denoted' 2.3.1 anabhihite 'when not expressed otherwise' 2.3.46 prtipadikrthaligaparimavacanamtre pratham 'pratham is introduced when nothing but the sense of the nominal stem (prtipadikrtha), gender (liga), measure (parima) and number (vacana) is denoted' Note here that this selection of -sU is made under the restrictive provision of 2.3.1 anabhihite. This rule can allow the selection of a sUP if its denotaum is not already expressed otherwise. Since pacati has already expressed the named kart of the sentence, bhtya must now be introduced with the nominative singular -sU to express nothing but its own sense (prtipadikrtha), per rule 2.3.46 prtipadikrthaligaparimavacanamtre pratham .' Our string bhtya + s (U) is now sent to the Controlling domain where it is assigned the term pada (1.4.14 suptianta padam). This term then facilitates scanning of domain headings beyond adhyya five (Obligatory Domain), and thereby access to the domain of rules headed by 8.1.16 padasya. Rule 8.2.66 sasajuo ru then replaces the -s with r (), thereby yielding bhtya + r. This -r is then replaced with visarjanya of rule 8.3.15 kharavasnayor visarjanya . Note however that rule 8.3.15 turns the -s turned -r to visarga under the condition of -s termed apkta (1.2.41 apkta ekl pratyaya). We now have bhtya +(r) = bhtya, a pada. The derivational history of bhtya can be captured with the following string of terms of its referential index which guided the derivation: <prtipadika (1.2.45) / kart (1.4.53) / sUP (4.1.2) / vibhakti (1.4.104) / pratham (2.3.46) / sU (4.1.2) /ekavacana (1.4.22 ) / pada (1.4.53) / avasna (1..4.110 ) / apkta (1.2.41)> (5) vana 'forest' <prtipadika; adhikaraa> 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya prtipadikam 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt
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1.4.45 dhro' dhikaraam #similar to step #2 of (4) bhtyah 4.1.2 svaujasmau... # sUP-selection 2.3.1 anabhihite 2.3.36 saptamyadhikarae ca vana + i 6.1.87 d gua (6.1.72 sahitym) (6) kha 'wood' <prtipadika; karaa> 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya pripadikam 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 1.4.42 sdhakatamam karaam #similar to step #2 of (4) bhtyah 4.1.2 svaujasmau... 2.3.1 anabhihite 2.3.18 kartkaraayos tty kha + bhis 1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi pratyaye' gam 6.4.1 agasya kha + bhis 7.1.9 ato bhis ais kha (bhisais) kha + ai(s) khai 'woods,' a pada (7) odana 'rice' <prtipadika; karman> 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya pripadikam 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt 1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma #similar to step #2 of (4) bhtyah 4.1.2 svaujasmau... odana + am 6.1.72 sahitym 6.1.106 ami prva odan(a+aa)m = odanam = odanam 'rice,' a pada (8) sthl <prtipadika; adhikaraa 1.4.45 dhro' dhikaraam... (9) kumbhakrya 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya pripadikam 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt
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1.4.49 karma yam abhipraiti sa sampradnam #similar to step #2 of (4) bhtyah 4.1.2 svaujasmau... 2.3.1 anabhihite 2.3.13 caturth sampradne kumbhakra + e 1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi pratyaye' gam 6.4.1 agasya 7.1.13 er ya kumbhakra + (eya) = kubhakra + ya 7.3.102 supi ca kumbhakr (a ) + ya = kumbhakrya (10) kumbhakra (a) k 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava <dhtu> 1.3.3 halantyam 1.3.5 diriuava 1.3.9 tasya lopa (it-deletion) ()k() = k (b) k 3.1.91 dhto 1.1.62 asmd ity uttarasya 3.1.1 pratyaya 3.1.2 para ca 3.1.3 dyudtta ca <dyudtta> 3.2.1 karmay a <karman> 3.1.92 tatropadama saptamstham <upapada> 'that which is specified in this domain of dhto with the saptam 'locative' is termed upapada 'conjoined pada' 3.4.67 kartari kt <kat> k + a() = k + a (it -deletion) 1.4.49 kartur psitatama karma <karman> 2.3.1 anabhihite 2.3.65 karkarmao kti <karman / kart> kumbha + am kumbha + m k + a 2.2.19 upapadam ati <upapada> 2.1.3 prkkart samsa <samsa> kumbha am kra
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1.2.46 kt-taddhitasams ca <prtipadika> 2.4.71 supo dhtuprtipadikayo kumbha + (am) + kra = kumbhakra 'pot-maker' Our base input for deriving kumbhakra is verb root k 'to do, make' which ,in turn, is assigned the term <dhtu>. This serves as a mark for guiding the string for acces to the domain of 3.1.91 dhto. Rule 3.2.1 karmay a then applies to introduce affix a. The locative singular (saptam-ekavacana) of karmai of this rule serves as a mark for bringing rule 3.1.92 tatropapada saptamstham 'that which is specified with a locative (saptamstham) in this domain of dhto is termed an upapada 'a coinjoined pada.' If a choice is made to introduce affix a after k, a pada denoting karman must be brought close to this context of k. Selection of a nominal ending with the denotation of karman must be made in consonance with the condition of 2.3.1 anabhihite 'not already stated, otherwise.' We realize that the affix which is to be introduced, namely a, is a kt (3.4.67 kartari kt ) affix, and hence it would denote kart. We may now select the genitive (ah) plural ending -m of rule 2.3.36 kartkarmao kti. Note that 2.3.36 allows genitive to denote kat or karman, when they are not already expressed otherwise, and when a kt (non-ti; 3.1.93 kd ati) affix follows in construction. This is what enables us to meet the condition of 2.3.1 anabhihite, and select genitive plural to express karman. The kart is already expressed with kra. The derivational string at this stage is: kumbha + m k + a. It has the referential index of <dhtu, upapada, pratyaya, kt, ady udtta>. Rule 1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis taddi pratyaye' gam assigns the term aga. The string is sent to the domain of 6.4.1 agasya where rule 7.2.115 aco' iti applies to replace of the aga with its vddhi counterpart r. This application yields kumbha + m k(r) a() = kumbha + am kra. The term upapada must now guide the derivation. Rule 2.2.19 upapadam ati allows the formation of a compound (2.1.3 samsa) which yields kumbha + am + kra. This string is then assigned the new term prtipadika 'nominal stem.' This leads to application of rule 2.4.71 supo dhtuprtipadikayo whereby a sUP, here - am of kumbha + am + kra, is subject to deletion by LUK. We now have kumbha (am)kra = kumbhakra, a derived nominal base (prtipadika). This completes the derivational history of fully derived words (padas) which form simple sentences. I have also shown the derivation of kumbhakra which is a derived nominal base termed compound. I now produce the first two sentences which formed the basis of the preceding derivational description : (1) bhtya vane khai sthly odanam pacati kumbhakrya 'servant cooks rice in forest in a pot with firewood for maker of pots'
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(2) bhtyena vane khai sthlym odana pacyate kumbhakrya 'rice is cooked by servant in forest in a pot with firewood for maker of pots' Since sentence (2) is the passive counterpart (karmavcya) of the first, the grammar must have a mechanism whereby sentence (1) can be related with (2). Consider the the derivational string of sentence (1) at step where -ti is selected to replace LA: pac pac + LA <placement of affix> 3.2.123 vartamne la 'current time' 3.4.69 la karmai ca bhve ckarmakebhya {(sakarmaka (+kart ) / (+karman))} pac + ( LAti) + pac + ti Referential Index <dhtu / sakarmaka / pratyaya / anudtta /vartamna / kart / LA / parasmaipada / ti / vibhakti / prathama / ekavacana> Notice that affix LA is here introdced after a transitive (sakarmaka) verb root under the condition of current time (vartamna). Its selection is made with the intent of denoting kart and karman. The selection of the vartamna, kartvcya, prathama-purua ekavacana vibhakti 'third person singular present indicative active ending' -ti is made with the choice of expressing kart 'agent.' Since the kart is already expressed here with -ti, rule 2.3.1 anabhihite can only allow the selection of pratham vibhakti 'nominative singular' after bhtya, the named agent of the sentence (1) bhtya... pacati, to express its nominal stem notion (prtipadikrtha). The derived sentence is thus an active (kartvcya). The derivational system of the grammar relates active sentences with their passive counterparts at the level of ti-selection. More accurately, at the time of making the choice of expressing kart, karman and bhva. If the choice is made to express the kart, the sentence will be active: (1) bhtya vane khai sthly odanam pacati kumbhakrya If the choice is made to express the karman, instead, the sentence will be passive: (2) bhtyena vane khai sthlym odana pacyate kumbhakrya A decision to express karman with the replacement of LA will not allow -ti as a replacement. The referential index of LA would facilitate the selection of the tmanepada 'middle' ending -te, as against the parasmaipada 'active' ending -ti (1.4.99-1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam). The selection of -te 'third person singular middle' will be made in accord with the following rule: 1.3.13 bhvakarmao 'tmanepada is introduced (as a replacement of LA) after a verbal root when bhva 'root sense' and karman 'object' are denoted'
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The term srvadhtuka which was assigned to -ti of the active would still be assigned to -te of the middle, and would lead, via scanning, to 3.1.68 srvadhtuke yak, as against 3.1.68 (srvadhtuke) kartari ap, whereby affix yaK will be introduced. The instrumental ending - (tty; bhtya + ) must now be introduced after bhtya (2.3.18 kartkaraayos tty) to yield bhtyena because -te of the verb expresses the karman 'object.' Since the karman 'object' is now expressed by the verb, the singular nominal ending pratham 'nominative' must be introduced after odana, the named karman of the sentence. We thus get the passive sentence: (2) bhtyena vane odana sthly pacyate kumbhakrya It becomes clear that Pini, by offering the choice of expression of kart , karman and bhva at the level of the LA-affix, derives related sentences such as active and passive. Sentences (1) and (2) illustrate the choice of expression of kart and karman in relation to a transitive (sakarmaka) action. What if one has sentence (3) mrkho hasati 'the idiot' laughs' where -ti is denoting the named kart, and the nominative singular (sU) after mrkha is expressing the sense of the nominal stem (prtipadikrtha). Since the verb is intransitive (akarmaka) it has only two choices of expression: kart and bhva. Incidentally, expression of bhva is always made with the third person sinular. If one chooses to express bhva with -te, unlike the karman of sentence (2), one would derive sentence (4) mrkhea hasyate, 'the idiot laughs,' a non-passive where the -te of the verb is expressing bhva 'root-sense.' Recall that there are two kinds of agents: svatantra kart 'independent agent' (1.4.53 svatantra kartt) and prayojaka-kart 'instigator (causal) agent' (1.4.54 tatprojako hetu ca). What if one wants to express the causal agent, as against, the independent one? This choice of expressing the causal agent is made available in connection with causal actions. Consider the following sentences: (11) devadatta kaa karoti 'D makes a mat' (12) devadattena kaa kriyate 'a mat is made by D' (13) devadatta yajadattena kaa krayati 'D has Y make a mat' (14) devadattena yajadattena kaa kryate 'a mat is made by Y at the instigation of D' (15) yajaadatta kaa karoti, ta devadatta prerayati 'Y makes a mat, D inspires him' (16) devadatta kaa kurvanta yajadatta prerayati 'D inspires Y while Y is making a mat' Note that sentence (13) is a causal sentence where the transitive action names two agents. One must derive a causative verb root before selection of
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LA. For this, verbal root k must, after term assignment by 1.3.1 bhvdayo..., be sent to the domain of 3.1.22 dhtor ekco halde... 'an affix is to be introduced after a verb root beginning with a consonant, and formed with a single vowel....' Rule 3.1.26 hetumati ca will introduce affix iC after k to yield k(r) iC = kri. Rule 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava will assign the term dhtu to kri. It will now be sent to the domain of 3.1.91 dhto, and selection of LA, etc., would yield the active and passive sentences with their causal active and passive forms. Notice kurvantam, the gerundive nominal base kurvat derived form k with introduction of affix tC (3.3.133 vultcau). Now recall the derived nominal base kumbhakra of sentence (1), used in the dative kumbhakrya. The kra of kumbhakra is a constituent which enters the obligatory compound formation with kumbha + am. The obligatory nature of compound formation does not allow kra to be used independently as a word with the denotation of its meaning kra as in *kra gacchati 'the doer goes.' If one wants to express the meaning of 'doer,' one must follow a different path in derivation. One must then not introduce the LA-affix after the verb (whether derived or simple), and introduce a kt-affix, instead. This would facilitate derivation of forms such as kartt 'doer,' kraka 'doer,' kurvat 'doing,' kta 'done,' ktavat 'did,' ktv 'having done,' etc. Pini offers the derivation of these forms by offeringdifferent domains of rule application. These domains are clearly marked with the choice of expression in case of verb roots. Derived bases such as kumbhakra, and other compound bases are covered by 2.1.1 samartha padavidhi. The domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt has three interior domains marked by 4.1.2 svaujasau..., 4.1.3 striym and 4.1.76 taddhit. Rule 4.1.1 requires a nominal stem as an input. If the nominal stem opts for application of 4.1.2 it derives a fully derived word (pada). If it opts for access to the domain of 4.1.3 striym it would yield a form ending in the feminine affixes. This resultant form must go again to the domain of 4.1.1 for application of 4.1.2, thereby to yield a pada. If the initial input accesses the domain of 4.1.76 taddhit, it would yield a nominal stem, and hence would seek access to the domain of 4.1.1 for application of 4.1. 2 yielding a pada. This pada, depending on its syntactic relation with another pada, can form an input to application in the domain of 4.1.82 samarthbhym prathamd v. The domain of 4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt is in many ways offers cyclic application for the nominal base inputs. The domains of 3.1.32 sandyant dhtava and 3.1.91 dhto similarly offer applicational choices for verbal base inputs. This is how the Adhyy derives simple and complex bases. This is how simple sentences are related with their complex counterparts.
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It is clear from the preceding that the derivational mechanism of the Adhyy requires Conceptual Structure (CS) of sentences for purpose of derivation. A CS represents an action complex where <action> is central. An action, depending on its nature, may name agent (kat), object (karman), Instrument (karaa), dative (sampradna), ablative (apdna), and locative(adhikaraa) as participants (kraka). Note that agent (kart) is the independent (svatantra) participant (kraka), and hence is accepted as primary participant in the action complex represented by the CS. All other participants are brought into action at the call of the agent, and thus facilitate accomplishing the action. Verb roots represent action, and nominal stems represent participants. Other nominal stems which are inserted in the string make notional representation. All lexical entries in the string at this stage are recognized either as dhtu, or as prtipadika. Both the dhtu and prtipadika have two kinds each.
4. Summary of the Derivational Mechanism

The derivational mechanism of the Adhyy makes use of a network of bases and affixes to derive padas with application of select operations.
A. Fully derived words (pada)

A fully derived word which either ends in a sUP (4.1.2 svaujasmau...), or in a ti affix is termed pada (1.4.14 suptianta padam).
B. Bases (prakti)
1. Verb base <dhtu> (a) Simple Verbal base: Roots listed in the group headed by bh 'to be, become' and its likes, are termed dhtu (1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava). Examples: bh 'to be, become,' pac 'to cook,' etc. (b) Derived Verb base: Word forms which end in affixes saN, etc. (3.1.32 sandyant dhtava) are termed dhtu. Examples: jigamia 'to wish to go,' putrya 'wishes a son of his own,' pci 'causative; to have someone cook.' 2. Nominal Bases <prtipadika> (a) Simple Nominal: Word forms which are meaningful (arthavad), nonroot (adhtu) and non-affix (apratyaya; 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur apratyaya prtipadikam) are termed prtipadika. Examples, harma, karma, yoga. (b) Derived Nominal (strpratyaynta): Word forms which either end in a kt, or in taddhita affix, or else, are compounds (samsa; 1.2.46 kttaddhitasams ca). Examples: aupagava 'male descendant of Upago,' kumbhakra 'pot-maker,' rjapurua 'king's servant.'
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There is one more derived nominal base which I would like to recognize as part of the derivational system: (c) Word-forms which end in the feminine affixes CP / P / P; P / / N (4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt, 4.1.3 striym).
C. Affixes (pratyaya)
I shall here present the basic classification of affixes which are necessarily brought into operations at important levels of derivation. The following order of their listing is preferred here for derivational reasons: (i) LA-affixes: There are ten abstract LA-affixes which are replaced with ti (3.4.78 tiptasjhi...), and also with affixes. Six of them are marked with -: la / li / lu / l / le / lo; four are marked with -: la / li / lu / l (shown with upper case letters): Marked with <> Marked with <> LA (3.2.123 vartamne la) LA (3.2.111 anadyatane la) LI (3.2.115 paroke li) LI (3.3.173 ii liloau) LU (3.3.15 anadyatane lu) LU (3.2.110 lu) L (3.3.13 l bhaviyati...) L (3..3139 linimitte l kriy...) LE (3.4.7 liarthe le...) LO (3.4.162 lo ca) (ii) The ti -affixes: The ti-affixes are a set of eighteen verbal endings which are classed into two sets of parasmaipada 'active' and tmanepada 'middle' (1.4.99 la parasmaipadam; 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam)). Each set of three triads refers to the third (prathama), second (madhyama) and first persons (uttama), rerspectively. Individual forms in each triad refer to singular (ekavacana), dual (dvivacana) and plural (bahuvacana). They are also termed vibhakti (1.4.104 vibhakti ca). These ti-affixes are generally replace LA-affixes (3.4.77 lasya, 3.4.78 tiptasjhi...), and are classified into two classes of srvadhtuka and rdhadhtuka (3.4.113-114 tiit srvadhtukam-rdhadhtuka...). They denote kart and karman after a transitive (sakarmaka) verb root, and kart and bhva after an intransitive (akarmaka). (iii)The kt -affixes The non-ti affixes which are introduced after verbal bases in the domain of dhto 'after a verb root' are called kt (3.1.93 kd ati). They are introduced with the general denotatum of kart (3.4.67kartari kt). (iv)The ktya affixes: The ktya-affixes are also introduced after verbal bases within the domain of 3.1.91 dhIto, beginning with rule 3.1.95 kty prior to rule 3.1.133
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vultcau. They represent a sub-set within the kt -affixes, and are also offered with theb denotation of bhva 'root-sense' and karman 'object.' (v)The sUP affixes: The sUP are a set of twenty-one vibhakti affixes classified into seven triads where each triad has forms for singular, dual and plural (4.1.2 svaujasmauchabhym...). These are introduced after all nominal bases (prtipadika), and also after forms which end in the feminine affixes marked with yp (4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt). Note here that a form which ends in a kt or taddhita ffix, or is a compound (samsa), is also called a nominal stem. (vi)The taddhita affixes: Affixes introduced in the domain of 4.1.76 taddhit are called taddhita. They are introduced after all nominal bases (prtipadika), and also after forms which end in the feminine affixes marked with yp (4.1.1 yp-prtipadikt). Additionally, they may be introduced after the first among syntactically related nominal padas (4.1.82 samarthn prathamd v). There are two additional terms introduced for some of these affixes (gotra and yuvan).
D. Levels of Derivation:
The derivational mechanism of the Adhyy primarily operates on two levels of naming and expressing, with reference to the Action Complex (AC) of the Conceptual Structure (CS) of sentences: (1) CS1: 'x accomplishes the action of making y at the current time' bhtya ghaa karoti 'servant makes a pot' AC1: <kart> Action: <dhtu> Level 1: Naming: <term assignment> bhtya <kart> Action: pac <dhtu> <prtipadika / kart> <dhtu / sakarmaka> 1.2.45 arthavad... 1.3.1 bhvdayo... Level 2: <domain access / affix placement> <adhikra / pratyaya> bhtya <kart/ prtipadika> pac <dhtu/ sakarmaka> 1.2.45 arthavad... 3.1.7 dhto karmaa... 4.1.1 yp-prt... 3.1.91 dhto 4.1.2 svaujas...<sUP / prtipadika> 3.1.123 vartamne la <LA> 4.1.3 striym <dhtu / la / vartamna> 4.1.76 taddhit 3.4.77 tasya
III: Rule Interaction and Application 4.1.82 samarthn 3.4.78 tiptasjhi... <ti>
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<rule Context> 3.1.1 pratyaya 3.1.2 para ca 3.1.3 dyudtta ca 3.1.4 anudttau suppitau <sUP-selection> <ti-selection>
<agreement> 1.4.99 la parasmaipadam 1.4.100 tanv tmanepadam 1.4.101 tias tri tri prathama.... 1.4.102 tny ekavacana... 1.4.103 supa 1.4.104 vibhakti ca 1.4.105 yumady upapade... 1.4.106 prahse ca manyopapapade... 1.4.107 asmady uttama 1.4.108 ee prathama 1.4.21 bahuu bahuvacanam 1.4.22 dvyekayor dvivacanaikavacane
E. Terms (assigned for exiting the Obligatory Domain)

1.4.109 para sannikara sahit <6.1.72 sahitym> 1.4.13 yasmt pratyayavidhis... <6.4.1 agasya> 1.4.14 suptianta padam <8.1.16 padasya> 1.4.18 yaci bham <6.4.129 bhasya> Other terms, depending on the base-input, and inputs yielded by individual applications, may be assigned to direct operations.
F. Conventions:
(1) A base-input, i.e. dhtu and prtipadik, when made input to the controlling domain (CD; the first adhyya of the grammar) activates this grammatical device with assignment of term (saj-krya) to the base-input(s). For example, the assignment of the term <dhtu> to pac by 1.3.1 bhvdayo dhtava, and of the term <prtipadika> to bhtya by 1.2.45 arthavad adhtur... This process can be called <Term Assignment>.
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(2) A base-input must gain access to the Obligatory Domain (OD; adhyya three through five) of the grammar for scanning of domain headings (adhikra) for possible rule application. A heading formed with the term assigned to the base-input locates the domain for possible rule application. For example, pac, the base-input which is assigned the term <dhtu>, can opt for possible rule application in the domain of 3.1.5 guptijkidbhya san, 3.1.7 dhto..., and 3.1.91 dhto, if it meets required condition. Access to the domain of possible rule application is made fairly automatic by assignment of the term, this case ,<dhtu> . (3) Access to, and application of a rule within a domain, must be made in consonance with syntactico-semantic specification of the CS, and terms currently assigned. This is the reason why pac was sent to the domain of 3.1.91 dhto. (4) Each time a definitional term and abbreviated symbol is introduced to the derivational string, recourse should be taken to scanning of the domain for possible explanation and application via reconstruction of referential index. (5) A referential index of definitional terms and symbol must be reconstructed by scanning rules beginning with the Controlling Domain (CD) to the domain which triggers scanning. Terms and symbols of the referential index alone guide a string for further location of domains and thereby rule application. (6) Operations directed by terms of the referential index must be performed in the order the terms and symbols appear on the index. Operations relative to term1 must be completed before an operation required by term2 is performed. (7) The string must, after each application, be sent to the Controlling Domain (CD) for possible assignment of new term, and thereby termination of operation in that domain. (8) The result of each application must be sent to the Controlling Domain (CD) which assigns a new term with reference to which scanning of domains for next possible domain access and rule-application.
IV: Modern Studies On Pini
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Goldstcker has admirably attacked Boehtlingk, but for Boehtlingk we forget Goldstcker; and Whitney had admirably attacked Pini, but for Pini we forget Whitney; I adore Boehtlingk because he reveals to us the spirit of Pini; I adore Pini because he reveals to us the spirit of India; I adore India because it reveals to us the Spirit, the Spirit. Faddegon (Staal, 1972: 273) The preceding quote says a great deal about the state of the art in the socalled Indological world of early Sanskrit studies in Europe. Faddegon stands at this crucial point in history of studies on Pini, especially when not only a change in orientation towards linguistics for the better, but also a shift of venue from Europe to America was quite clearly on the horizon. Whitney would serve as the bridge as far as studies on Pini were concerned. What Faddegon refers to in the above motto of his book, Studies on Pini's Grammar (1936), as 'the spirit of Pini ,' is what Boehtlingk called 'the genius of Pini.' By this time, albeit even way before, Kielhorn had already produced his edition of the Paribhsenduekhara of Ngea (1868-1874), and the Vykaraa-Mahbhya of Patajali (1880-1885). The Vykaraa-mahbhya, the Adhyy of Pini, and the Kikvtti, were, for all practical purposes, established as traditional sources. Boehtlingk brought out the final version of his German translation of the Adhyy under the title of Pini's Grammatik in 1887. Bhandarkar, Goldstcker and Kielhorn not only helped settle the texts, time and relationship between the three great sages of grammar, Pini, Ktyyana and Patajali, but their studies cleared the path for some serious studies of Pini on the one hand, and of the Bhya and the other traditional texts on the other. They offered some valuable insights into proper understanding of the Indian grammatical tradition in general, and structure of arguments of Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya with vrttikas, in particular. Kielhorn (1887; Staal, 1972:123-134) wrote his seventh and last article of the series of notes on the Mahbhya which dealt with Some Devices of Indian Grammarians. This article was clearly focused on the Adhyy, particularly with the goal of securing 'right interpretation and application of' Pini's rules,' with reference, of course, to the devices 'other than regular Paribhs' of the traditional grammarians. Kielhorn's examples and illustrations of jpaka 'indication,' niptana 'an express application to derive a form where no application is otherwise made available,' anabhidhna 'non-denotation of (a particular) meaning,' vivak 'desire to speak,'
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yogavibhga 'split-formulation of rules' , pralia-nirdea 'a vocalic specification made with coalition,' and vyavasthita-vibh 'fixed option,' to just name only a few of major devices, greatly contributed towards interpretation of Pini's rules. Many of the observations of Goldstcker were reviewed by Bhandarkar, and obviously there were some problems in Goldstcker's treatment of Pini, but still his book, Pini: His Place in Sanskrit Literature (1965), was a good study. Whitney wrote his Sanskrit Grammar based on literary usage which he prepared with meticulous details and great efforts. But his quasi-empirical (linguistic!) thinking was dulled by his adamant view of Pini and native grammarians as prescritivists, as against his own statistical approach of preparing the corpus of grammar. Whitney was a linguist, and he was writing a grammar of the Sanskrit language, but he had very little patience for Pini and native grammarians. This perhaps was the reason why he did not pay even the slightest attention to statements of Patajali, though he recognized that Pini should be studied by specialists, albeit not for teaching Sanskrit. He recognized the long tradition of grammar of the Hindus but he would not spare any praise for them. He considered brevity as the biggest weakness of Pini, mostly because it hampered clear understanding of grammatical rules. He could not accept that Pini's grammar was formulated based on generalizations extracted from usage. That this generalization formed the basis of formulation of rules within the broader relationship of smnya, viea and ea was ignored by Whitney. That Pini's grammar could not excercise any control on usage (loka), and also that the grammarian accepted word as authority (prama), was not acceptable to Whitney. The Adhyy was a grammarian's grammar and was certainly not intended as a manual for teaching Sanskrit. It was intended as reference for the learned (i; iaparijnrth adhyy). Since Whitney's grammar was written for teaching the Sanskrit language, and also since its corpus of data was based on availability of usage in the literature, there was hardly any chance for use of ingenuity in grammar insofar as predictability of usage was concerned. Whitney completely ignored the Bhya statements that grammar was a stra, and that it presented the analysis of correct words (sdhu-abda) of the language, both Vedic and Classical, by positing bases and affixes extracted from utterances on the basis of imagination (kalpan). In this sense Pini's grammar was artificial, though the language which it strived to analyse was correct, as found in usage. Grammar had to be artificial because it was based on the analysis of words by imagining their constituency in terms of bases and affixes. Finally, scholars were not able to accept that Sanskrit was the vernacular language of Pini. Leonard Bloomfield would later on realize that the language Pini and Patajali described was their own colloquial speech. Bloomfield
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studied the rules of the Adhyy, though not in much detail, but he recognized it as one of the greatest monuments of human intelligence. He also noted that ''No other language, to this day, has been so perfectly described (Staal, 1972:264). This was the time when study of the Adhyy was beginning to attract scholars for its study as a grammatical system, in its own right. This was as a result of recognition of Pini's great ingenuity in formulating his grammar. But the question of brevity, and thereby lack of clarity in interpreting his rules still turned many off, and left them frustrated. But this could be only true as for as the area of rule formulation and interpretation was concerned. Very little progress was made in the area of rule interaction and derivation. In fact, scholars had not gone past the earlier observation of Max Mller's that, 'The grammatical system of Hindu grammarians is so peculiar, that rules which we should group together are scattered about in different parts of their manuals.' The study of the notion of ekavkyat 'single-sentenceness' which Patajali alluded to in his statement, 'simply because rules are placed at different places in the grammar does not mean they form separate sentences; there is a single sentence relationship even when rules are placed at different places' (Bhya II: 178), had still to take us a longer way, beyond the bounds of anuvtti 'recurrence.' Pini still had a great deal to say, of course, by way of the Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali. Now consider the following rather long statement of Boehtlingk, as quoted by Faddegon: ''The order of the stras may here and there seems strange to us, but it is planned and carried out in a consistent and admirable manner. A perfect conciseness and complete avoidance of all repetitions has been the aim of the author and without any doubt he has attained this. The more thoroughly one studies Pini's grammar, the more one is struck by the acuteness and the successful mastery of the vast matter, shown in it. It is a kind a masterpiece of the first rank. The more recent grammars in which the unchangeable order of stras has been tampered with in order to string together everything bearing on the same matter, cannot be understood without the aid of the extensive commentaries, which of necessity continually refer to passages either long past by or not yet arrived at; indeed these grammars must be considered as failures....' Boehtlingk (Staal, 1972: 275) Faddegon's remarks, made against Boehtlingk's above quotation, are very insightful, especially as they stress the need for more serious studies into the system of Pini's grammar:
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The reader, however, who reads Pini for the first time, will be painfully struck by the fact that the text of the first chapters totally contradicts the assertion of Boehtlignk. Numerous references to later chapters are also needed here and are indeed given by Boehtlignk himself in his translation. And even these references are not sufficient in number. Already at the second chapter of the second book the reader is overwhelmed by its grammatical intricacies; and when he has finished the eight books, he only possesses a chaotic impression of details. The help afforded by Boehtlignk is insufficient in order to determine the merits of Pini exactly; we want more insight into the total plan, the execution of details; and the idea underlying the pregnant form of expression.' (Staal, 1972: 275) Faddegon did not have any problem with Boehtlingk's recognition of Pini as a genius. His observations did not even dispute Pini's 'successful mastery of the vast matter.' He was against subscribing to simplistic view of understanding the order of rules in the Adhyy. He perhaps also did not like Boehtlingk's sweeping remarks against the commentarial literature. Faddegon's remarks are excerpted from his Acta Orientalia article, The Mnemotechnics of Pini's Grammar I: The iva-stra,. This article, despite some inaccuracies, clearly acknowleges the need for some serious liunguistic studies of Pini's grammar by specialists. Faddegon 'though hardly known as a linguist he had sound judgement in linguistic matters (Staal, 1972:273).' This article should also be credited for making some insightful comments about the system of Pini's grammar: 'Evidently Pini tries in his analysis to separate the ideational aspect from the linguistic expression....' Faddegon chided the so called 'occidental linguists of the latter half of the nineteenth century' who were 'misled' and who hoped 'to understand language through the exclusive study of its phonal and morphological aspect... as if the application and imitation of physics and a mechanistic psychology were the last word of moral science.' Feddegon's remarks were well placed, especially in view of his subsequent book, Studies on Pini's Grammar (1939) where he discussed the system and structure of the Adhyy. Faddegon must be credited for leading a systematic study of the Adhyy as a grammatical system. Buiskool, a pupil of Faddegon, republished his study on 'The Tripd, being an English recast of prvatrsiddham (An Analytical-Synthetical Inquiry into the System of the Last Three Chapters of Pini's Adhyy ' in 1939. Staal (1972:273) rightly observes that Buiskool gave a penetrating analysis of
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some of the fundamental techniques of Pini's grammar, largely relating to the relative strength of rules and to the concept of asiddhatva.' It was also shown during these times, and beyond any reasonable doubt, that the Adhyy could not only be fully understood without help from the vast commentarial literature but must also be understood with the help of Ktyyana and Patajali, thereby the Vykaraa-mahbhya. With the text of the Mahbhya fairly well established by Kielhorn with identification of vrttikas, and thereby the structure of arguments, it became quite possible to explain the intricasies of Pini's formulations. Paul Thiema brilliantly showed it how in his studies Pini and the Veda: Studies in the Early History of Linguistic Science in India (1935), and Pini and the Pinyas (1956). His study of vrttika five (ad Pini's 1.1.9 tulysyaprayatna savaram; Staal, 1972: 299-332) went beyond the Mahbhya discussion by including the Kikvtti of Vmana-Jayditya, the Siddhnta-kaumud of Bhaojidkita, and the Laghuabdendu-ekhara of Ngea, pretty much the entire Pinian tradition. Theime's brilliance lies more in presenting the structure of traditional arguments, and thereby identifying clues for proper interpretation of issues on hand, than in offering their correct interpretation. Noam Chomsky with his Syntactic Structures (1957) and Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965) presented a theory of linguistics which went against the Zellig Harris' theory of Phrase Structure Grammars (PSG). Harris himself had gone past the Constituent Analysis of morphemes, with common formal properties, and had already abandoned this same in favor of a String Analysis which would offer some middle ground between PSG and the Transformational Generative Grammar (TG). Three things became central to this Chomskyan revolution: grammatical theory, model of grammatical description, and transformations. This was quite a big step beyond PSG and discovery procedures of the Bloomfieldian or neo-Bloomfieldian linguistics, or the so-called Finite State Grammars (FSG). Chomsky rejected PSG specially because it was found deficient in handling disjunctive dependency relationship natural to human languages. Chomsky listed some languages and, very effectively showed that natural languages fall outside the generative power of FSG (Sharma, 1978). TG clearly emphasize on a theory of language with explicitness condition of simplicity, and elegance. Elegance required grammar to be equipped with minimum metatheoretic formulations, based on generality. It also required power of predictability, in the sense that a model of grammatical description be able to generate infinity of correct sentences of the language with limited formulation of rules. Standards of correctness were based on the twin notions of grammaticality, and acceptability. Language for the first time was viewed as a set
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of sentences. Grammar was likewise viewed as a set of limited number of ordered rules capable of generating infinity of sentences. This generative power of grammar accepted two levels of deep and surface structures, where deep structure would generate forms which could then be mapped into surface forms with the help of transformations. The idea of a deep structure was based on abstract semantico-syntactic representation of sententences. Chomsky raised the issues of grammaticality and acceptability with the following sentences: i. Colorless green ideas sleep furiously. ii. Furiously sleep ideas green colorless. Whereas (i) is a perfectly grammatical English sentence, albeit semantically, it does not make much sense. This same, however, could not be said about sentence (ii) which reads sentence (i) in the reverse, and is grammatically not acceptable. It is not that the Indian tradition of Linguistics did not consider these issues. Consider the following sentences: iii. ea bandhysuto yti khapupaktaekhara / krmakiracaye snta aagadhanurdhara // there goes the son of a barren woman, his hair-top bedecked with sky-flower, having bathed with tortoise milk, carrying a bow made with rabbit's horns iv. agnin sincati pdapn devadatta Devadatta waters plants with fire v. udahri bhagini y tva kumbha harasi iras anavna scna abhidhvantam adrk30 O, you sister, carrying a jar (of water by your) head, did you see any bull running sideways Sentence (iii) is perfectly grammatical though semantically unacceptable. Sentence (iv) is not any different than (iii). Sentence (v) illustrates some degree of in comprehension to which a listener-reader must be in tune with, especially as order of words in sentences is concerned. Since Sanskrit is a relatively word order free language, sentence (v) may have different renditions. These renditions depending on change of order of words could further play on the power of comprehension of an ideal reader-listener. A Pinian would not only derive perfectly grammatical sentences such as the above, but would also resolve the problem of semantic unacceptability by accepting that such expressions of meaning are nothing but speaker's intent, backed by imagination (kalpan). The grammar itself extracts grammatical elements, for example bases and affixes, based on imagination (kalpanay padni pravibhajya...). It is interesting to note in this connection that the notion of bi-uniqueness of
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phonemes may be traced, though in a different context, to Patajali's Mahbhya, more particularly to his discussion of ypa / kpa / spa. This reminds us of the descriptive linguists idea of minimal pairs of utterances in contrast. Patajali mentions them in connection with the question whether a part of an utterance, or the utterance as a whole, is responsible for denotation of meaning. Vidya Niwas Mishra (1966) gets the credit for presenting a systematic study of descriptive techniques of Pini. Mishra's presentation is based on traditional sources and is trustworthy. van Nooten (1967, 1970) essentially presented the morphology of active finite verbs by way of replacement techniques, and of vocalic declensions by way of high-lighting 'those sections of the grammar that function in the formation of the declensional paradigm.' van Nooten's detailed analysis presents materials 'to illustrate Paini's technique as applied to the structure of the Sanskrit active finite verb.' His detailed presentation is very informative. He may also be correct in conceiving Pini's grammar as a machine, an automation, where the component parts of speech are selected on the initiative of an ordered mind....' van Nooten is aware that, after the selection of these categories, 'search for their manifestations' is undertaken. 'When these grammatical elements are adjoined in the correct order, their processing is taken over by the machinery of morphology, which drives them with inexorable certainty to the realization of the correct, pronouncable word or so the gramamr hopes.' van Nooten clearly understands two levels of naming and selection of named elements, but fails to not only recognize how, in what stage of derivation the grammar actually does that. He takes the selectional restriction rules for granted. This is where he misses the syntax of the morphology he has so ably presented. He misses the important role of rule 2.3.1 anabhihite, in the context of selection of ti-replacements of a LA-affix; he also misses its role in the selection of lexicalization by sUP of rule 4.1.2 svaujasmau... If he would have paid careful attention to 'how' and 'in what order' selection rules apply, he would have recognized the perspective of syntax in his derivation of paradigmatic forms. Credit must go to J.F. Staal (1965) who, by drawing a 'comparison between the methods employed by the Greek mathematician Euclid and the Indian linguist Pini,' drew considerable attention of linguists to Pini's grammar. He discussed the Methodological Principles of the Sanskrit Grammarians, and showed those principles at work in his papers on 'Reification, Quotation and Nominalization' (1965) and 'Syntactic and Semantic Relations in Pini' (1969). These studies were clearly pursued in search of a model of grammatical description (perhaps in Pini) similar to the transformational
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generative grammar. This was the time when grammar would be fully established as a set of limited number of ordered rules capable of generating infinite number of sentences of language. Pini would prove rather easy for comparison since his Adhyy was certainly a set of limited number of ordered rules. Whether or not the Pinian model could derive the infinity of correct Sanskrit senteces depended on a number of other things, for example the idea of 'deep' and 'surface' structures, and 'transformations.' Kiparsky (1982), similar to Kiparsky and Staal (1969), posited four levels of Painian derivational schema: (i) semantics, (ii) abstract syntax, (iii) surface structure and (iv) phonetics. Kiparsky, with reference to the derivation of devadatta odanam pacati 'devadatta cooks rice,' plugs in lexical items, devadatta <masculine, singular>, odana <masculine, singular, goal>, pac <current time...>, with diacritics indicating morphological idiosyncracies. His string, at the abstract syntactic level, will also involve the kraka and LA. At the surface structure level devadatta and odana will have the nominative singular ending sU and accusative singular -am, respectively. The verbal surface string will have pac - ti. A Painian would find this schema puzzling, especially in view of how Pini would derive devadatta odanam pacati. First of all Pini does not begin with semantics and abstract syntax. The first two levels of Kiparsky's schema may well be identified as the deep structure of TG. Secondly, this deep structure will have to be very shallow as far as the Pinian derivational mechanism is concerned. For, assignment of the kraka categories, and their lexicalization in vibhaktis, whether verbal or nominal, is pretty much part of the derivational process which clearly operates at two levels of naming and expressing. Assignment of terms such as prtipadika and dhtu, and also aga, pada, and bha, even sahit, to resultant formal strings, is also an important part of the derivational process. This aspect of derivational function cannot be ignored since terms not only facilitate access to domains of rule application, but also help locate and apply rules. Kiparsky's model is not a model similar to Pini. It is a model developed on the line of TG to capture what Pini's derivational mechanism does. If one compares the derivational process indicated by Patajali, and appealed for adoption by interpretive conventions of kryakla and yathoddea (cf. this paper), one could clearly see vast differences between the Pinian system and the TG. Since TG aimed for universals of grammar, and also since, in all seriousness, it lacked any evaluation procedure for classes of grammars, it failed. The TG model proposed for Pini's Adhyy, by Staal and Kiparsky, was destined to be a failure. Kiparsky in his book, Pini as a Variationist (1979) made two interesting claims: (a) that Pini made a three-way distinction in stylistic preferences
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among variants marked by anyatarasym, v and vibh, and (b) that the Indian grammatical tradition starting with the time of Patajali to reaching its peak its peak in Bharthari, Ngea and Bhaoji Dkita, remained ignorant of these stylistic preferences, for the tradition with absolutely no dissenting voice whatsoever claims that Pini used these three terms synonymously to denote optionality. Kiparsky attempts to systematically compare 'what Pini's optional rules say with what Sanskrit authors do.' His evidence includes the Vedic usage, early Sanskrit literature, and also the language of the Adhyy. Based on his analysis of 156 rules of the Adhyy, he groups Pini's technical terms into two classes of 'Primitive' and 'Theoretical.' Options indicated by anyatarasym and v are accepted by him as 'Neutral' and 'Preferred'; options indicated by 'vibh' are termed 'Rare.' Kiparsky's book is rather well researched, and his presentation is methodical and persuasive. However, his arguements are not convincing enough, as more research is needed both in the collection of data and analysis of additional ways, for example ca, bahulam, ekem, ubhayath, Pini uses to indicate option. Finally, some criteria must be developed to determine what Pini means when he uses different terms. It is believed that an effort to assign different degrees of variation to each one of these termes, or their subgroups, will fail. Questions have been raised in connection with this study whether one should resort to 'bare reasoning,' or one should look at Pini through the eyes of Patajali. Irrespective of the question whether Patajali would have liked us to use his eyes with our brains, the fact remains that without those eyes we shall remain forever blind (Sharma, 1982). Systematic studies of Pini's grammar, and of the Mahbhya of Patajali, especially towards the end of the decade of the nineteen-sixty, were pursued with great diligence and discipline by George Cardona and S.D. Joshi. Cardona systematically read nearly all significant books and papers, and presented his judicious reviews . He produced an excellent Survey of Research (1976) on Pini, with by far the most detailed bibliography to date. He subsequently (1999) published a continuation of this work under 'Recent Researches on Pinian Studies.' From 'Studies in Indian Grammarians, I...'(1969), and Some principles of Pini's Grammar (1970) to 'Linguistic Analysis and Some Indian Traditions' (1983) and 'Pini, his work and its Traditions, volume I, (1997),' Cardona was simply brilliant. His deep understanding of the tradition, and a keen sense of awareness about relevance of traditional views, enabled him to present scores of illuminating studies. The tradition of Pini could not have found a more judicious appreciator, and evaluator, in the west with critical acumen comparable to that of George Cardona. His volume I (1997) is an excellent example where he has made
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numerous innovative, though not controvertial, proposals dealing with rule formulation and interpretation. I shall not go into specific details of Cardona's writings for lack of space. S.D. Joshi is equally brilliant, and a traditionalist, with the critical acumen of a siddhntin, who would not settle without articulation, and possible resolution of doubts. His English translation of the Vykaraa-mahbhya (with Roodbergen) is an excellent example of his deep penetrating analysis of issues relating to the vrttikas of Ktyyana, and to Patajali's own statements. Joshi produced nearly a dozen volumes of his translation of the Vykaraamahbhya, though he abandoned this study in favor of his English translation of the Adhyy of Pini. He has thus far produced nine small volumes on the Adhyy where he has explained Pinian formulations based primarily on the Vykaraa-mahbhya and the Kik-vtti. Both in his papers, and books, Joshi has made some serious proposals, though at times very controversial. His paper on the siddha 'established' principle is one such serious proposal. His views that the taddhita section of Pini's grammar is not authored by Pini is well thought out, though still not free of problems. Joshi's proposal on the vipratiedha stra (1.4.2) claims to resolve two sets of problems at once: (a) whether or not the scope of application of 1.4.2 is limited to the kara (1.4.12.2.38) section of the grammar, or is valid through the sapdasaptdhyy 'first seven chapter-books plus the first quarter of the eighth adhyya of the Adhyy,' as the tradition believes it to be the case, and (ii) that instances of vipratiedha could be accounted for by treating them as exceptions (apavda). Joshi's proposals could not be simply brushed aside on the basis of not being in tune with the traditional views. These proposals need to be carefully studied and evaluated. For evaluation of the siddha principle one needs to compare it with the traditional views on rule formulation, interaction and application of rules, especially those which deal with the dichotomy of smnya, viea and ea on the one hand, and the principle of asiddhatva and siddhatva on the other. As far as his proposal on treatment of vipratiedha as exception (apavda) is concerned, one can not evaluate it unless details of Joshi's own definition of utsarga and apavda are fully worked out, and are also tested against Pini's own framework of smnya, viea and ea. Rama Nath Sharma (1987) published the first of his six-volumes study on the Adhyy of Pini. This volume presented the Adhyy as a grammatical device consisting of a limited number of ordered rules capable of deriving the infinity of correct Sanskrit sentences. For the first time, Sharma introduced the idea of term assignment and referential indexes (1981, 1992) whereby the grammatical device could be activated, and strings could be
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directed to access domains for possible rule application. He also recognized two levels of naming, with reference to the Conceptual Structure (CS) of a sentence, and expressing relative to lexicalization. It was also shown here how Pini derives sentences by using word-derivation as a tool. Deriving sentences by way of words was simply a strategic decision. Sharma would, and rightly so, (cf. this paper) link the idea of referential indexes to the traditional interpretive conventions of 'yathoddea' and 'kryakla' which, in turn, have their source in the Mahbhya of Patajali. In addition, Sharma presented some scanning conventions and traffic rules which still need further refinement, especially in relation to identification of markers of interpretive conventions, as found in the context of rule application. Sharma concludes that referential indexes not only activate the grammar, and help locate domains and rules for possible application, they also chart derivational paths for individual strings. It is this function of referential indexes which not only meets the predictability requirement of grammars, but also captures the creativity of the language. It cannot be out of place to state that the prakriy order of arrangement of rules was accepted in view of functioning of the interpretive conventions of yathoddea and kryakla, to just name only the two. Derivations in Pini begin with Conceptual Structure (CS) of sentences where two levels of naming and expressing are mediated by lexicalization. It should be noted in this connection that basic ideas of this present paper largely derive from major statements of the Mahbhya. Recall here the following two statements of Patajali: (i) na videastham iti ktvato nnvkya bhavati... 'rules do not become different simply because they are placed at different places in the grammar; they share a single-sentenceness relationship even though placed at different places in the grammar' (ii) kryaklasaj paribham The first statement anticipates the question: how are rules, placed elsewhere in grammar, brought close to the context of a given application; the second rule anticipates another questions: how do we know which rules apply to what input, where? The idea of referential indexes guided by these two statements of Patajali, answers these two inter-related questions, successfully. Sharma (2005; also this paper) revisited the interpretation of rule 1.4.2 vipratiedhe para kryam whereby he recognized two kinds of vipratiedha, saj and sajetara. He also showed how the scope of application of rule 1.4.2 is valid throughout the sapda-saptdhyy, and how instances of vipratiedha could not be handled by the dichotomy of utsarga and apavda. Sharma, through the years 1992-2003, published the second through sixth
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volumes of his very large and ambitious study on the English translation of the Adhyy, where translation of individual rules were complemented with vtti, anuvtti, word boundary (padaccheda), indication of inflecitonal endings (vibhakti-nirdea), compounds (samsa), examples (udharaa), and detailed notes on issues of rule formulation, interpretation, order and application. Finally, Sharma, in these volumes, has presented complete derivational history of over three thousand examples. The search for the genius of Pini is still on. Scholars in the area of artificial intelligence and computation have shown considerable interest in the Adhyy as a grammatical device. Shivamurthy Swamy (2006) has already posted the fifth version of his Gaakdhyyi, with information on rules of the Asdhyy, and nominal and verbal paradigms of Sanskrit words. Gerd Unruh, a Professor of Computer Science in Germany (personal communication), is actively engaged in preparing a software program for derivational system of the Adhyy. In this day and age of automation, and continued sophistication of tools of communication, the future of Indian grammatical studies in general, and of the Adhyy in particular, lies largely in the study of principles of rule formulation, interpretation, order and application which necessarily includes the study of its derivational system. Questions have been raised whether grammar should be accepted as science. Answers may vary, though not to any consequence for the Sanskrit grammar of Pini. For, grammar in the Indian tradition is considered stra, and hence, researchers may fail to find any equivalent of modern science in this source of knowledge, the stra.
V: Select Bibliography
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Abhyankar, Kashinath Vasudeva (Ed.), The Paribheduekhara of Ngea, edited and explained by F. Kielhorn, (new edition with preface by K. V. Abhyankar). Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1960. Abhyankar, Kashinath Vasudeva, A Dictionary of Sanskrit Grammar. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1961. Abhyankar, Vsudeva, (Ed.), Sarvadaranasagraha [Pini-daranam, 288311] of Syaa- Mdhava, (third edition). Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1978. Avanindra, Kumar, Savykhya Adhyy-Padnukrama-Koa (A word-index of Pini's Adhyy). Delhi: Parimal Publications., 1981. Agrawal, Vasudev Sharan, India as Known to Pini. Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan., 1963. Ayachit, S. M., 'Gaapha: A Critical Study,' Indian Linguistics 22: 1-63., 1961. Bahulikar, Saudamini, Some Criteria for Determining the Insertions in the Adhyy. Harvard University (unpublished doctoral dissertation), 1972. Banerjee, Rabi Sankar, Concept of Asiddhatva in Pini. Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar., 1984. Belvalkar, Shripad Krishna, An Account of the Different Existing Systems of Sanskrit Grammar (reprint). Varanasi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan., 1976. Bhate, Saroja and Johannes Bronkhorst (Eds.), Bharthari, Philosopher and Grammarian: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Bharthari, University of Poona, January 6-8, 1992. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass., 1993. Bhate, Saroja and Yashodhara Kar, Word Index to the Vkyapadya of Bharthari (together with the complete text of the Vkyapadya). Delhi: Eastern Book Linkers., 1993. Bhattacharya, Ram Shankar, Pinya Vykaraa k Anulana (in Hindi). Varanasi: Indological Book House., 1966. Bhimasen Shastri, Vaiykaraabhaasra, Bhaim Vykhyopeta (in Hindi). Delhi: Bhaimi Prakashan., 1969. Bhimasen Shastri, Nysa-parylocanam (a critical study of the Nysa of Jinendrabuddhi (in Hindi). Delhi: Bhaimi Prakashan., 1979. Bhimasen Shastri, Laghu-siddhnta-kaumud, I-IV (in Hindi). Delhi: Bhaimi Prakashan., 1983-88. Bloomfield, Leonard, Language. New York: Henry Holt., 1931. Boehtlingk, Otto, Pinis Grammatik (reprint). Hidelsheim: Olms., 1964.
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Brahmadatta Jijsu / Praj Dev, Adhyybhya, prathamvtti, I-III (in Hindi). Sonipat: Ramlal Kapur Trust., 1964-68. Bronkhorst, Johannes, 'Asiddha in the Adhyy: A Misunderstanding among the Traditional Commentators,' Journal of Indian Philosophy 8:69-85., . Buiskool, Herman E., The Tripd: being an Abridged Recast of Prvatrsiddham. Leiden: Brill., 1939. Burrow, Thomas., The Sanskrit Language. Language: Faber and Faber., 1973. Cardona, George, 'Negations in Pinian Rules,' Language 43: 34-56., 1967. Cardona, George, 'Pini's Definition, Description and Use of Svarita,' Festschrift for F. B. J. Kuiper, 448-61., 1968. Cardona, George, Studies in Indian Grammarians, I: The Method of Description Reflected in the ivastras. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society., 1969. Cardona, George, 'Some Principles of Pini's Grammar,' Journal of Indian Philosophy I: 40-74., 1970. Cardona, George, 'Cause and Causal Agent: The Pinian View,' Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda 16:1-2:22-40., 1971. Cardona, George, 'Pini's Krakas: Agency, Animation and Identity,' Journal of Indian Philosophy 3:231-206., 1974. Cardona, George, 'Paraphrase and Sentence Analysis: Some Indian Views,' Journal of Indian Philosophy 3:259-81., 1975. Cardona, George, Pini, A Survey of Research. The Hague, Mouton. Indian Edition 1980: Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass; reprinted 1997., 1976 (a). Cardona, George, 'Some Features of Pinian Derivations,' in: H. Parret (ed.), History of Linguistic Thought and Contemporary Linguistics. Berlin: de Gruyter, pp. 137-158., 1976 (b). Cardona, George, 'Subject in Sanskrit,' in: M. K. Verma (ed.), The Notion of Subject in South Asian Languages. Madison: University of Wisconsin, South Asian Studies., 1976 (c). Cardona, George, 'On the Paribh upapadavibhakte krakavibhaktir balyas,' Studien Zur Indologie Und Iranistik. Festschrift Und Paul Thieme, pp. 5-6., 1980. Cardona, George, 'On the Domain of Pini's Metarule 1.3.10: yathsakhyam anudea samnm,' Festschrift K. Kunjunni Raja, pp. 394-409., 1981. Cardona, George, Linguistic Analysis and Some Indian Traditions (Pandit Shripad Shastri Deodhar Memorial Lectures). Pune: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute., 1983.
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Cardona, George, Pini, his Work and its Traditions, Volume I: Background and Introduction (Second edition, revised and enlarged). Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass., 1997. Chakravarti, Shrish Chandra (Ed.), Kikvivaraapacik, the Nysa, a commentary on Vmana-Jayditya's Kik by Jinendrabuddhi. Rajshahi: The Varendra Research Society., 1925. Charudev Shastri, Vykaraa-candrodaya, 5 volumes (in Hindi). Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass., 1969-73. Chatterji, Kitish Chandra, 'The Adhyy and the Siddhntakaumud,' Calcutta Oriental Journal 3:1-2., 1935. Chatterji, Kitish Chandra, Cndravykaraa of Candragomin, 2 volumes. Poona: Deccan College., 1953-61. Chatterji, Kitish Chandra, Technical Termes and Techniques of Sanskrit Grammar, Part I (new edition). Calcutta: Calcutta University., 1964. Chomsky, Noam, Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton., 1957. Chomsky, Noam, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge: The M. I .T. Press., 1965. Chomsky, Noam, 'Remarks on Nominalization,' Readings in English Transformational Grammar (P. Jacobs and P.S. Rosenbaum (eds.). Waltham: Ginn and Company., 1970. Chomsky, Noam, 'Deep Structure, Surface Structure and Semantic Interpretation,' Semantics (Danny D. Steinberg and Leon A. Jakovovits, eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press., 1971. Das, Karunasindhu, Paribhs in the Pinian System of Grammar. Calcutta: Sanskrit Book Depot., 1984. Dash, Keshab Chandra, Indian Semantics, A Computational Model. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan., 1994. Dash, Radha Madhab, Idioms in Kik. Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan, 1998. Devasthali, G. V. (ed.), Anubandhas of Pini. Poona: University of Poona., 1967. Devasthali, G. V. (ed.), Srasiddhntakaumud of Varadarja. Poona: University of Poona., 1968. Dvivedi, H. P., Studies in Pini: Technical Terms in the Adhyy. Delhi: InterIndia Publications., 1977. Dvivedi, Kapil Deva, Arthavijna aur Bhratya Darana (in Hindi). Allahabad: Hindustani Academy., 1964. Dwarikadas Shastri (ed.), Mdhavy Dhtuvtti of Syacrya. Varanasi: Pracya Bharati., 1965-67.
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Dwarikadas Shastri (ed.), Bhvtti of Puruottamadeva. Varanasi: Tara Publications., 1971. Dwarikadas Shastri and Kalika Prasad Shukla (eds.), Kikvtti: Nysapadamajar Sahit. 6 volumes. Varanasi: Tara Publications., 196567. Emeneau, Murray, 'India and Linguistics,' Journal of American Oriental Society 7: 145-53., 1955. Faddegon, Barend, Studies on Pini's Grammar. Verhandeningen der Koninlijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam., 1936. Fillmore, Charles J., 'The Case for Case,' Universals of Linguistic Theory (B. Bach and R. T. Harms, eds.) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston., 1968. Fowler, Murray, 'How Ordered are Pini's Rules,' Journal of the American Oriental Society, 85: 45-47., 1965. Giridharaarm Caturveda and Paramevarnandaarma Bhaskara (eds.), Vaiykaraa-siddhntakaumd of Bhaoji Dkita with Blamanoram of Vsudeva Dkita and Tattvabodhin of Jnendra Sarasvat. 4 volumes. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass., 1958-61. Goldstcker, Theodor, Pini: His Place in Sanskrit Literature (repringt). Varanasi: Chowkhambha., 1965. Harris, Zellig, Papers in structural and transformational linguistics. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1970. Ayyangar, V. Krishna Swamy, Pinya Vykaraa Pravea (in Hindi). Agra: Uma Mehra., 1981. Ayyangar, V. Krishna Swamy, Pinya Vykaraa k Bhmik (in Hindi). Delhi: Prabhat Prakashan., 1983. Iyer, Subramaniya, Bharthari, A Study of the Vkyapadya in the Light of Ancient Commentaries. Poona: Deccan College., 1969. Joshi, D. H., 'On Expressing Krakas apropos of Pini 2.3.1,' Indian Linguistics, 33:94-97., 1971. Joshi, S. D., 'Two Methods of Interpreting Pini,' Journal of the University of Poona, 23:53-61., 1966. Joshi, S. D., (ed., tr.) Patajali's Vykaraa-Mahbhya: Samarthhnika (p. 2.1.2). Poona: University of Poona. Patajali's Vykaraa-Mahbhya: Avyaybhvhnika (p. 2.1.2-2.1.49). Poona: University of Poona., 1968. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Karmadhrayhnika (p. 2.1.51-2.1.72). Poona: University of Poona., 1971.
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Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Tatpuruhnika (p. 2.2.2-2.2.23). Poona: University of Poona., 1973. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Krakhnika (p. 1.4.23-.1.4.55). Poona: University of Poona., 1975. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Anabhihithnika (p. 2.3.1-2.3.7). Poona: University of Poona., 1976. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Vibhaktyhnika (p. 2.3.18-2.3.45). Poona: University of Poona., 1980. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya: Prtipadikrthaehnika (p. 2.3.46-2.3.71). Poona: University of Poona., 1981. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), "The Function of asiddhatva and sthnivadbhva in Pini's Adhyy", Center for Advanced Studies in Sanskrit (CASS-st. 6:153-168)., 1982. Joshi, S. D. (Ed., tr., with J.A.F. Roodbergen), The Fundamentals of Anuvtti (= PCASS B 9). Pune: University of Poona., 1984. JoshI, S.D. (with J.A.F. Roodbergen), The Adhyy of Pini. Volumes I-IX., New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi., 1991-2002. Kapil Deva Shastri, Saskrit Vykara me Gaaph ki Parampar aur crya Pini (in Hindi). Ajmer: Bharatiya Pracyavidya Pratishthan., 1961. Kapil Deva Shastri, Vaiykaraa-Siddhnta-Paramalaghumaj of Ngea (in Hindi). Kuruksetra: Kuruksetra University., 1975. Kk, Subhash, "The Pinian approach to natural language processing", International Journal of Approximate Reasoning, 1987.1:117-130., 1987. Katre, S. M., Pinian Studies II-VII: Dictionary of Pini. Poona: University of Poona., 1968-69. Katre, S. M., A Glossary of Grammatical Elements and Operations in the Adhyy. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages., 1981. Katre, S. M., Adhyy of Pini. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass., 1989. Kielhorn, F. K., see Abhyankar., 1960. Kielhorn, F. K., Ktyyana and Patajali: Their Relation to Each Other and to Pini (new edition). Varanasi: Indological Book House., 1963. Kielhorn, F. K., 'Notes on the Mahbhya: Some Devices of Indian Grammarians,' in Staal 1972 (123-134)., 1972.
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Kiparsky, Paul, Pini as a Variationist. Poona: University of Poona / Cambridge: M. I. T. Press., 1979. Kiparsky, Paul, Some Theoretical Problems in Pini's Grammar. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute., 1982. Kiparsky, Paul and J. F. Staal, 'Syntactic and Semantic Relations in Pini,' Foundations of Language, 5: 83-117., 1969. Laddu, S. D., Evolution of the Sanskrit Language from Pini to Patajali. Poona: University of Poona, Center for Advanced Studies., 1974. Limaye, B.P., Critical Studies in the Mahbhya. Hoshyarpur, Vishveshvarananda Vedic Research Institute (1974 ). Mahavir, Pini as a Grammarian. Delhi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan., 1978. Mira, dyprasda, Prakriykaumudvimara (in Sanskrit). Varanasi: Sanskrit University., 1966. Mishra, Chavinath, Nyyoktikoa (in Sanskrit). Delhi: Ajanta Publications., 1978. Mishra, Harsh Nath (Ed., tr.), Ngeabhaakta Paribhenduekhara with Sanskrit and Hindi Commentaries. Delhi: Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth., 1978. Mishra, Harsh Nath (Ed., tr.), Cndravykaraavtte Samlocantmakam Adhyayanam (in Sanskrit). Delhi: Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth., 1979. Mishra, Vedapati, Vykaraa Vrttika, Eka Samktmaka Adhyayan (in Hindi). Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan., 1970. Mishra, Vidya Niwas, The Descriptive Technique of Pini: An Introduction. The Hague: Mouton., 1966. Mmsaka, Yudhihira, Saskta Vykaraa-stra k Itihsa (in Hindi), vol. I. Sonipat: Ramalal Kapoor Trust., 1973. Nryaabhaa, Prakriysarvasvam (reprint). Tiruvanantapuram, University of Kerala., 1973-74. Palsule, G. B., The Sanskrit Dhtuphas: A Critical Study. Poona: University of Poona., 1961. Pathak, Shridhar Shastri and Siddheshvar Shastri Chitrao, Word-index to Patajali's Vykaraa-Mahbhya. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute., 1927. Pawate, I. S., The Structure of the Adhyy. Hubli: Self., 1935. Rangachary, M. (Ed.), / 1927 Rpvatra of Dharmakrtti, 2 volumes. Madras: G. A. Natesan and Company., 1916. Rau, Wilhelm, Bharthari's Vkyapadya (Krik Text). Weisbaden: Franz Steiner., 1977. Roodbergen, J. A. F. (Ed., tr., with S. D. Joshi), Patajali's VykaraaMahbhya (p. 2.2.23-2.2.38). Poona: University of Poona., 1974.
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Sarma, K. Madhav Krishna, Pini, Ktyya na and Patajali. Delhi: Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth., 1968. Scharfe, Hartmut, Pini's Metalanguage. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society., 1971. Scharfe, Hartmut, History of Grammatical Literature (History of Indian Literature). Volume 5 (part II: 77-210). Weisbaden: Otto Harrasowitz., 1977. Sharma, Mahesh Dutt, Kikvttisiddhntakaumudyo Tulantmakam Adhyayanam (in Sanskrit). Poona: University of Poona, Center for Advanced Studies., 1974. Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Referential Indices in Pini,' Indo-Iranian Journal, 17: 3139., 1975. Sharma, Rama Nath, Pini Vykara men Prajanak Pravidhiyan (in Hindi). Agra: Central Hindi Institute., 1976(a). Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Word Derivation in Pini,' Folia Linguistica, IX: 1-4:215228., 1976 (b). Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Review of Roodbergen 1974, Indo-Iranian Journal,' XX:280-290., 1978. Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Review of Kiparsky 1979,' Language in Society, 12: 349415., 1982. Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Pini aur unki Adhyy' (in Hindi), Bhstra ki Rparekha. Delhi: National Publishing Co., 1983. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini, Introduction to the Adhyy as a Grammatical Device. Volume I. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 1987. Sharma, Rama Nath, 'Pini and Reference to Variable Antecedents,' in R. N. Srivastava, et al (ed.), Language and Text : Studies in Honor of Ashok R. Kelkar (pp. 29-42). New Delhi: Kalinga Publications., 1992. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini. English Translation of Adhyya One with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration, Word-Boundary, Anuvtti, Vtti, Explanatory Notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices. Volume II. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 1992. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini. English Translation of Adhyyas Two and Three with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration, Word-Boundary, Anuvtti, Vtti, Explanatory Notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices. Volume III. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 1995. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini. English Translation of Adhyyas Four and Five with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration, Word-Boundary, Anuvtti, Vtti, Explanatory Notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices. Volume IV. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 1999.
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Sharma, Rama Nath, "Pini, Ktyyana and Patajali: An Overview of Sanskrit Grammatical Tradition", in G. C. Pande, et al (eds.) The Dawn of Indian Civilization (up to C. 600 BC); Project of History of Indian Science, Culture and Philosophy, Vol. 1, Part I (pp. 747-758). New Delhi: Center for Studies in Civilizations., 1999. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini. English Translation of Adhyya Six with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration, Word-Boundary, Anuvtti, Vtti, Explanatory Notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices. Volume V. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 2001. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini, Introduction to the Adhyy as a Grammatical Device. Volume I (second edition). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 2002. Sharma, Rama Nath, The Adhyy of Pini. English Translation of Adhyyas Seven and Eight with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration, Word-Boundary, Anuvtti, Vtti, Explanatory Notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices. Volume VI. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal., 2003. Sharma, Rama Nath, "Sphoavda", in D. P. Chattopadhyaya, et al, (eds.; forthcoming). Project of History of Indian Science, Culture and Philosophy (PHISPC:XII). New Delhi: Center for Studies of Civilizations. Sharma, Rama Nath, "Standardization of Sanskrit Grammar", in D. P. Chattopadhyaya, et al, (eds.; forthcoming). Project of History of Indian Science, Culture and Philosophy (PHISPC:XII). New Delhi: Center for Studies of Civilizations. Sharma, Rama Nath, Some Thoughts on Vipratiedha, in Kapil Kapoor (ed.). Sanskrit Studies (vol I: 315-325). New Delhi: D.K. Printworld, 2005. Sharma, Rama Nath, (forthcoming, KV1), Kikvtti of Vmana and Jayditya, text with Notes and English translation: Adhyyas One, Two and Three. Volume I. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Sharma, Rama Nath, (forthcoming, KV2), Kikvtti of Vmana and Jayditya, text with Notes and English translation: Adhyyas Four and Five. Volume II. Sharma, Rama Nath, (forthcoming, KV3), Kikvtti of Vmana and Jayditya, text with Notes and English translation: Adhyya Six. Volume III. Sharma, Rama Nath, (forthcoming, KV4), Kikvtti of Vmana and Jayditya, text with Notes and English translation: Adhyyas Seven and Eight. Volume IV. Shefts, Betty, "Generative Semantics and Pini's Krakas", Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda 23:27-39, 1961. Shivamurthy Swamiji Gaakdhyy (on the Web, 2006).
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Strmastr (ed.), Prauhamanoram of Bhaoji Dkita with the Commentaries Bhat and Laghu, abdaratna, of Hari Dkita. Volume I. Varanasi: Sanskrit University., 1974. rnryaa Mira, Kik with Commentary Praka (in Hindi). 2 volumes. Varanasi: Chowkhambha, 1969. Staal, J.F., Euclid and Pini, Philosophy East and West, (1965/2: 99-116). Staal, J.F., Reification, Quotation and Nominalization, in Logic and Philosophy: Essays in honor of I.M. Bochenski. Amsterdam (1965: 151-187). Staal, J.F. (ed.), A Reader on the Sanskrit Grammarians. Cambridge: The M. I. T. Press, 1972. Thieme, Paul, Bhya zu vrttika 5 zu Pini 1.1.9 und seine einheimischen erklarer, in Staal (1972: 299-331). Thieme, Paul, Pini and the Veda, Studies in the early history of linguistic science in India. Allahabad: Globe Press, 1935. Thieme, Paul, "Pini and the Pinyas", Journal of the American Oriental Society 76:1-28, 1956. Trivedi, Kamalashankar Pranshankar (ed.), 1931 The Prakriy Kaumud of Rmacandra with the Commentary Prasda of Vihala. 2 volumes. Bombay: Sanskrit and Prakt Series, 1925. van Nooten, B. A., Pini's Replacement Technique and the Active Finite Verb, Language, 1967 (43 / 4: 883-903). van Nooten, B. A., The Vocalic declensions in Pini's Grammar, Language, 1970 (46 / 1: 13-32). Varma, Siddheshwar, Pini and Elision: Being an Analytic Study of Pini's stras on LOPA (elision) in Sanskrit. Panjab University Indological Series, 1978. Vasu, S. K. (ed., tr.), The Adhyy of Pini (reprint). 2 volumes. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1962. Vasu, S. K. (ed., tr.), The Siddhntakaumud of Bhaoji Dkita (reprint). 2 volumes. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1962. Veda Vrata (ed.), Vykaraa-mahbhyam pradpodyotavimarai samalaktam. 5 volumes. Gurukula Jhajjar, 1962-63. Vedalakra, Raghuvir, Kik k Samlocantmaka Adhyayan (in Hindi). Delhi: Nag Publishers, 1977.
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VI: Notes and References
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* Many of my ideas about the content of this paper received better focus during my discussions with scholars, particularly Dr. Kutumba Shastri of the Rashtriya Samskrta Samsthana, Dr. Shashiprabha Kumar of the Jawaharlal Nehru University's Center for Special Sanskrit Studies, and Dr. Dipti Tripathi of the Sanskrit Department of Delhi University. Credit goes to Fulbright India for facilitation of their Scholar Grant (2005), and to Christopher Bopp for electronic presentation of this paper. The University of Hawaii's Research Council deserves special mention for supporting my research endeavors over past many years. 1. vg vai brahma / tasyai vca satyameva brahma / (atapatha-brhmaa 2/1/4/100) 2. dya karaavinysa prasyordhva samraam / sthnnm abhighta ca na vin abdabhvanm // (VP I:144) araistha yath jyoti prakntarakraam / tadvac chabdo pi buddhistha rutn kraa pthak // (VP I:46) 3. vibhajya svtmano grantn rutirpai pthag vidhai / pro varn abhivyajya varevevopalyate // (VP 1:115) 4. par v mlacakrasth payant nbhisasthit / hdisth madhyam jjey vaikhar kahadeag // (Ambkartr (ad VP I:142)) 5. andinidhana brahma abdatatva yadakaram / vivarte rthabhvena prakriyjagato yata // (VP I.1) 6. catvri gi catvri padajtni nmkhytopasarganipt ca / trayo asya pds traya kl.../ dve re dvau abdtmnau nitya krya ca / sapta hastso asya sapta vibhaktaya / tridh baddhas triu sthneu baddha urasi kahe irasti / vabho varat roravti abda karoti / ...mahn deva abda / marty maraadharmo manuy / tn vivea / mahat devena na smya yath syt / maho devo marty viveeti (Mahbhya, I:17). 7. puruasya vg raso vca grasa ca sma rasa smna udgtho rasa / (Chndogyopaniad 1/2/2) 8. sdhutvajnaviay seya vykaraasmti/ avicchedena inm ida smtinibandhanam // (VP I:158) 9. kte' tha patajalin guru trthadarin / sarve nytabjn mahbhye nibandhane // (VP II:479) 10. purkalpa etad st / saskrottarakla brhma vykaraa smdhyate (Mahbhya, I:22) 11. alpkaram asandigdha sravad vivatomukham / astobham anavadya ca stra stravido vidu // (Vyupura) 12. Sharma (2003)
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13. Sharma (2003:476-77) 14. vykhynato vieapratipattir na hi sandehd alakaam (Mahbhya, I:29) 15. na hi strata eva abdn pratipadyante / ki tarhi / vykhynata ca... / na kevalni carcpadni vykhynam.../ udharaa pratyudharaa vkydhyhra ity etat samudita vykhyna bhavati / 16. vedn no vaidik abd siddh lokc ca laukik / tasmd anarthaka vykaraam (Abhyankar 1978:292) 17. kni puna abdnusanasya prayojanni rakohgamalaghvasandh prayojanam (Mahbhya, I:8). 18. te' sur helaya helaya iti kurvanta parbabhvu / tasmd brhmaena na mlecchitavai npabhitavai (Mahbhya I:11). 19. eka abda samyagjta strnvita suprayukta svarge loke kmadhug bhavati (Mahbhya ad 6.1.84). 20. Note that the Mahbhya uses many words for indicating asdhu 'incorrect' words, for example, apabhraa, apaabda, dua, mlecchita, mithyprayukta, iapratiiddha, apabhita, etc. These words should be carefully studied for possible differences in understanding their contextual meanings. 21. yas tu prayukte kualo viee abdnyathvad vyavahrakle / so'nantam pnoti jaya paratra vgyogavid duyati cpaabdai // (Mahbhya, I:13) 22. straprvaka ya abdn prayukte so' bhyudayena yujyate (Mahbhya, I:41). 23. bhaspatir indrya divya varasahasra pratipadoktn abdn abdapryaa provca nnta jagma ...kim punar adyatve ya sarvath cira jvati sa varaata jvati...tasmd anabhyupya abdn pratipattau pratipadapha (Mahbhya I:25). Note that 'one thousand heavenly years' is anecdotal (arthavda). What Patajali wants to emphasize is the futility of pratipada-pha 'studying each and every word by enumeration.' 24. kicit smnyavieaval lakaa pravartya yenlpena yatnena mahato mahata abdaughn pratipadyeran / ki tat ? utasargpavdau...smnyenotsarga kartavya tasya vieepavda / tadyath karmay a (3.2.1); to' nupasarge ka (3.2.3; Mahbhya, I:25) 25. yath ghaena krya kariyan kumbhakrakula gatvha: kuru ghaa kryam anena kariymti na tadvac chabdn prayuyukamo vaiykaraakula gatvha: kuru abdn prayokya iti (Mahbhya I:32). 26. etasmin ryadee ye brhma kumbhdhny alolup aghyamakra kicid antarea kasycid vidyy prags
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tatrabhavanta i (Mahbhya III:174). 27. kpa spo ypa iti / 'kpa' iti sakrea kacid artho gamyate / 'spa' iti kakrpye sakropajane crthntara gamyate / 'ypa' iti kakrasakro' pye yakropajane crthntara gamyate / te manymahe 'ya kpe kprtha sa kakrasya ya spe sprtha sa sakrasya yo ype yprtha sa yakrasyeti (Mahbhya I:102). 28. lakyalakae vykaraam (Mahbhya, I:45). 29. Sharma, (forthcoming) 30. Limaye (1974:71)

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The Indian Tradition of Linguistics and Pini Rama Nath Sharma

May 29, 2006

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

1. The Strapha (SP)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

A. The iva-stras (s)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

B. The Dhtupha (DP)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

C. The Gaa-pha (GP)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

D. The Udi-stra (Us)

E. The Phistras (Phs)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

F. The Lignusana (L)

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

2. The Vtti texts

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

3. The Vykaraa-mahbhya of Patajali

A. The Mahbhya as vykhyna

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

B. Vykaraa: abda, artha and abdrtha-sambandha

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

4. The Prakriy texts

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

5. The Siddhnta texts

A. abda and abda-brahman

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

I: Pini, Katyyana, and Patajali

II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference

II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference

1. Rules and Operations

II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference

II: Domain, Recurrence and Reference