Arthur Deegan History 383: Islamic Civilization I Term Paper Roderics Failure and Tariqs Success: Why the

Muslims Conquered Spain November 28th, 2012

After Islams acceptance in Arabia grew, political and military leaders throughout the region adopted it as their religion. Within 100 years of Muhammads death in 632, Muslim forces conquered a vast area of land ranging over 6,000 kilometers from Pakistan in the east to Morocco in the west. A conquest that is most frequently overlooked is the Muslim conquest of Iberia. The Muslims conquest of the peninsula allowed for a part of Europe, Al-Andalus, to flourish while the rest of the continent lay stagnant during the Dark Ages. The invasion of 711 itself was swift, when Muslim and Berber soldiers led by Tariq ibn Ziyad, and subsequently Musa ibn Nusayr, swept through southern Spain. By 712, the Muslims had subjugated the majority of Iberia up to Zaragoza and the Ebro River. What is often forgotten about the conquest of Spain is the kingdom of the Visigoths had been established there for nearly 300 years.1 Despite the longevity of the kingdom, the Muslim invaders expeditiously seized the Visigoths land. The kingdom of the Visigoths fell almost immediately to Muslim forces because of poor political and social conditions, such as issues of succession, military unrest, and intolerance that afflicted Visigothic rule for decades leading up to the invasion of 711. An issue that often hampers researchers who study this period in history is the lack of primary sources surrounding the invasion of 711. In particular, Western historians struggle to find translations of documents relating to the period. In recent years, scholars have made English translations of vital documents available. Unfortunately, of these documents, only The Chronicle of 754 and the History of the Conquest of Spain are contemporary. 2 Two other important, translated works of the ninth and tenth centuries are The Chronicle of Alfonso III and Early
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Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages (Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill, 2005), xx. Spain is meant herein as a geographical term presently occupied by the Spanish state. 2 The Chronicle of 754, in Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain, ed. Kenneth Baxter Wolf (Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111-160. Ibn abd al-Hakam, The History of the Conquest of Spain, ed. John Harris Jones (New York: Burt Franklin, 1858), 18-43.

Islamic Spain.3 According to scholars, the two former sources appear to be independent of each other, written in the mid-late 700s. The latter sources, while providing important details, borrow information from the two earlier accounts. Ibn al-Qutiya was especially guilty of borrowing information, and his work is particularly similar to that of the earlier, anonymous chronicler of Alfonso III.4 The Chronicle of 754 and the The Chronicle of Alfonso III are the only complete Visigothic texts available in English, as well as the two most useful of all sources regarding the events relating to the conquest of 711.5 There are other accounts penned by Muslim authors, but these have proven to be insignificant as they simply copy from the earlier chronicles of Ibn alHakem and Ibn al-Qutiya. In particular, Roger Collins goes further to state that the value of Ibn al-Hakem and Ibn al-Qutiyas writing is limited on the subject of invasion, and contain more genealogy than anything else.6 While other partially translated documents are available, primary sources remain limited, and research is heavily dependent on secondary sources and the aforementioned, scarce selection of contemporary material. Tariqs army encountered little resistance when he assaulted the Iberian peninsula in 711. The only notable opposition that the Muslims faced was that of the Visigoths king, Roderic (711), and even they failed to provide a significant challenge to Tariqs seizure of Spain. Instead, many of the local inhabitants simply accepted the conquerors as their new rulers. The reasons for their lack of resistance towards their invaders are complex, beginning more than a century prior
The Chronicle of Alfonso III in Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain, 161-178. Ibn al-Qutiya, Early Islamic Spain, ed. David James (New York: Routledge, 2009), 59-67. 4 Roger Collins, The Arab Conquest of Spain: 710-797 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 1995), 32-36. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. From reading al-Hakam and al-Qutiya, I agree with Roger Collins that the authors partitioned a sizeable amount of their accounts on family ties. However, I recognize the importance of lineage to Muslim authors, and there are some valuable pieces of information that can be gathered from their histories.
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to the invasion, escalating to the Arab conquest of 711. In 586, king Reccared I (586-601) converted from Arianism to Catholicism, with many leaders following his decision. Three years later in 589, 62 bishops met at the Third Council of Toledo, and officially condemned Arianism as a heresy.7 This angered fanatic Arians, and isolated rebellions occurred, often in territories beyond the Pyrenees furthest from the kings reach. Reccared I put down these revolts, but also contended with frequent skirmishes against neighbors, [He] often pitted his strength against the excesses of Romans and the attacks of the Basques.8 Despite the kingdoms unity under Catholicism, Iberia itself was not unified. Byzantine enclaves that existed on the eastern coast constantly attempted to reestablish the old Roman province of Hispania. The north held the People of the Basques, who were aggressive towards the Visigoths, and must have seen them as successors to the Roman province. In conjunction with internal unrest due to Catholicism, the hold that the Reccared and his successors had on their subjects weakened. With Witterics coup in 603 over Reccareds successor, Liuva (601-3), came increased hostilities from both within and from neighboring factions. Witteric (603-10) himself was not a popular king, and Isidore of Seville comments that his illegitimate rise to power ruined the kingdom.9 A decade after the death of Witteric, the Visigoths, under king Suinthila (621-31), succeeded in ousting the remnants of the Empire, as well as launching successful campaigns against the Basques. In spite of Suinthilas actions, Sisenand (631-6) led a successful rebellion against him in 631. While he seized control of the kingship, scholars point out that Sisenands

Third Council of Toledo, The Visigothic Conversion to Catholicism, in Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, ed. Olivia Remie Constable (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 12. 8 Isidore of Seville, History of the Kings of the Goths in Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain, 103, 54. 9 Ibid., 104, 57-58.
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popularity in the north was not constant throughout the kingdom and most likely fractured for a time.10 One surviving coin suggests that a rival, Iudila, controlled a portion of Southern Spain at beginning of Sisenands rule.11 Sisenand silenced Iudila, but this insurrection proved to further upset the people. The following kings had to deal with the lasting effects Iudila had on the population. The Visigothic kings planned to quell further dissidents by imposing restrictions on the populace and amending laws. Roger Collins explains that for the last 70 years of the Visigoths control of Spain, a pattern emerged where kings called councils when they felt their power was threatened.12 The first notable Visigothic legislation came from the Sixth Council of Toledo in 638. The council of Bishops added severe consequences for people who associated themselves with Jews.13 The years that followed saw the creation of additional laws against Jewish people, lowering their status and ability.14 This caused a negative reaction from the people, leading local leaders to ignore the law or rise up against the kings, who saw Jewish members of society as an integral part of city life.15 In addition, this had a terrible effect on the economy. Visigothic trade was largely in the hands of Jews Jews were blamed and a regressive cycle of restrictive anti-

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E. A. Thompson, The Goths in Spain (Oxford University Press, 1969), 175. George C. Miles, The Coinage of The Visigoths of Spain: Leovigild to Achila II (New York: The American Numismatic Society, 1952. Plate XXII. One side of the coin mirrors that of Sisenands, while the other one is completely different. It appears to be an image of a persons head in profile, lacking the body that can be found on other Visigothic coins. I am not trained in numismatics, but the characteristics remind me of an Imperial coin. Along with the mints close proximity to land recently acquired from the Byzantines, I believe that Iudila may have led a rebellion trying to reestablish Constantinoples claim on Iberia. 12 Roger Collins, Visigothic Spain: 407-711 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 103. 13 Sixth Council of Toledo, Visigothic Legislation Concerning the Jews, in Medieval Iberia, 21-22. 14 Lex Visigothorum, in Medieval Iberia.23, 15 Roger Collins, The Arabic Conquest of Spain, 41. Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain, 17. Peter Linehan, History and the Historians of Medieval Spain (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 51.

Jewish legislation that led to the Emigration of Jewsand further disruption of trade.16 No doubt, this led to economic depression within Spain, which in turn instilled more dissatisfaction within the Visigoths. Another blow to Visigoth authority came when in 672, under the rule of Wamba (67280), Narbonne suffered from a great rebellion when a governor, where Hildericus revolted in city of Nimes. Paul, a trusted general sent to stomp out resistance, instead betrayed the king and took up arms with the rebel forces. Further exacerbating the conflict, Frankish and Basque soldiers also aligned themselves with their cause.17 Although Wamba crushed the rebellion in Narbonne, the size of the rebels support shows that there was clear dissatisfaction with the king.18 Following in the pattern of unease with kings, Wamba called upon another council that enacted further law against the population that posed threats to the throne. Conditions failed to improve when Ervig (680-7) succeeded Wamba under questionable circumstances in 680. Ervig called the Twelfth Council of Toledo where he issued laws to legitimize his rule and allowed Spanish bishops to increase their authority. Among the laws passed during Ervigs reign were renewed laws on forced conversion of Jews as well as their exclusion from society, further deteriorating the economic climate. Following Ervigs kingship, Egica (687-702) and later his son, Witiza (698-710), jointly ruled while famine and plague haunted life in Spain in 700. More than likely, the Visigoths understood this Gods punishment for immorality and poor rule within the Church elite and

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Thomas F Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain, 17. Julian of Toledo. The Story of Wamba. (Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2005), 5-8. The Chronicle of 754,. 35-36. 18 Roger Collins, Visigothic Spain, 96.

kings.19 The Mozarab author of The Chronicle of 754 and the later Asturian author of The Chronicle of Alfonso III contradict each other about the rule of the father and son. The former states that Egica oppressed the Goths with cruel death,20 while the latter describes Witiza as a reprobate and was disgraceful in his habits.21 Distinguishing which of the two had the least prosperous regime is is not as important as recognizing, that, within the last 15 years prior to Islamic invasion, king ruled who was infamous among the people. In 710, Roderic (710-711) overthrew Witiza and became king of the Visigoths. This caused a rift in the kingdom, forcing people to choose allegiance. As during Sisenands rule, coins issued in 710- 711 depict two different kings. Roderics coins appear as far north as Lusitania and Toledo, while Achila IIs coins came from mints in Narbonne, Gerona, Tarragona, and Zaragoza.22 The wider area of mints displays a larger divide between the two challengers, with Achila II having supporters in the north while Roderics remaining in the center and south. The generation that experienced famine, plague, terrible kings, and a civil war is the same that experienced Tariqs conquest of Spain. People saw this as an end to poor conditions and the start of better days. While the Visigothic kingdom fought through a civil war, Tariq ibn Ziyad, appointed governor of Tangiers by Musa ibn Nusayr, planned his invasion of the peninsula. Ibn al-Hakam and ibn al Qutiya both describe the help provided by a Visigoth, Julian, who lends Tariq ships.23 With his army hidden in trade cogs, Tariq sailed his men into Cartagena, moving throughout the

The Chronicle of 754, 127, 41. Ibid. 21 The Chronicle of Alfonso III, 164, 5. 22 George C. Miles, The Coinage of the Visigoths, 442-446, plate XXXVIII. 23 Ibn al-Hakem, Conquest of Spain, 18-23. Ibn al-Qutiya, Early Islamic Spain, 51-53. There is a myth surrounding Julians daughter being raped by Roderic, but that has been discredited. While Julians motives for aiding the Muslims is unclear, it most likely had to have been financially or politically motivated. Roger Collins, Visigothic Spain, 129-130.
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south of Spain. Roderick attempted to defend against the Arab invasion at the battle of Shedunia,24 but failed because of an army suffering from low morale and an army spread too thinly amongst the borders between the Basques, Achila II, and the new Muslim threat. Roderic, along with the majority of his forces fell at Shedunia, and within two years, Muslims controlled Spain up to the Ebro River. While some cities, like Toledo were taken by military force, many simply surrendered to the Muslim rule.25 The Arabs success was dependent on their treatment of their newly acquired population. Their terms for surrender were simple. In exchange for peace, all the Arabs asked for was to respect Islam and its followers, as well as acknowledging Tariq and Nusayrs authority.26 For their part, the Muslims reversed the damage done by years of oppressive legislation. Under Muslim rule, any convert to Islam was seen as an equal and enjoyed full rights of other Muslims. Whether because some connected the conversion to Catholicism with the degradation of the Visigothic kingdom, or due to promised equality, many people converted to Islam. Even those who continued to practice Christianity or Judaism, classified as dhimmi played an important role in Muslim society and had most of the rights and freedoms as Muslims did, including the owning of property, so long as they paid the jiyzah.27 In the following years, non-Muslims, in particular, Jews rose through the political and administrative ranks, such as vizier.28 As the remnants of the Visigothic kingdom transformed into Al-Andalus, the people of Spain saw their world improve.

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Ibn al Hakem, Conquest of Spain, 20. The Treaty of Tudmir 713 in Medieval Iberia, 37-38. 26 The Treaty of Tudmir 713, 36. 27 S.M. Imamuddin, Some Aspects of the Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Muslim Spain: 7111492A.D., (Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1965), 25-29. 28 Ibid., 41.

Over a century of growing social restrictions, intolerance, political instability, as well as external military threats and internal civil disorder with in the Visigothic Kingdom resulted in their decay throughout the seventh century. By 711, the most recent generation suffered through economic strife and political turmoil that resulted in civil war. These people, along with survivors of the previous kings, who carried stories of tyranny and insurrection passed on from earlier forbearers saw Tariq ibn Ziyad, Musa ibn Nusayr, and the Arabs not as invaders, but as liberators who could provide a better rule than their Visigothic predecessors. Many of these people assimilated into Muslim society with ease. For the following 400 years, Al-Andalus occupied most of the Iberian Peninsula. While most of Europe struggled to escape from the Dark Ages, poetry, architecture, music, and science all flourished in Al-Andalus. Even a millennium after the removal of Muslim rule in Iberia, evidence of their effect on Spanish culture remains evident, influencing modern Spain today.

Bibliography al-Hakam, Ibn abd. The History of the Conquest of Spain. Edited by John Harris Jones. New York: Burt Franklin, 1858. al-Qutiya, Ibn. Early Islamic Spain. Edited by David James. New York: Routledge, 2009. Collins, Roger. The Arabic Conquest of Spain: 710-796. Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 1995. . Visigothic Spain: 409-711. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2004. Constable, Olivia Remie, ed. Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997. Glick, Thomas F. Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages2005. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, 2005. Imamuddin, S.M. Some Aspects of the Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Muslim Spain:711-1492 A.D. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965. Julian of Toledo. The Story of Wamba. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2005. Linehan, Peter. History and the Historians of Medieval Spain. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. Miles, George C. The Coinage of the Visigoths of Spain: Leovigild to Achila II. New York: The American Numismatic Society, 1952. Thompson, E.A. The Goths in Spain. Oxford University Press, 1969. Wolf, Kenneth Baxter, ed. Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain. Liverpool University Press, 1999.