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Minority Language Media, Globalisation and Protest. Dr. Niamh Hourigan

The growing power of the broadcast media in contemporary Europe has created a cultural environment where television and radio services have become the focus of controversy and protest. Indigenous European linguistic minorities have placed themselves at the centre of a number of these controversies by asserting the need for television services specifically for their own communities. Through social movement activity, these groups have constituted a dynamic force in a demand for change, which, along with technological innovation, has facilitated the provision of de-centralized, specialized television services. Demand for television broadcasting services in indigenous minority languages did not become prevalent in Europe until the 1970s. Concern about the absence of indigenous minority languages on radio was voiced during the 1920s and 1930s. The advent of television, a more expensive medium, in the 1950s, increased the invisibility of indigenous minority languages on the broadcasting spectrum. A number of national European broadcasting services made token gestures towards the broadcasting needs of these communities by providing short programmes, usually at weekends, generally focusing on religious issues or traditional customs (Stephens 1976). However, indigenous minority language activists gradually began to perceive the broadcast media as both a huge potential threat and an important tool (Pritchard-Jones 1982). The use of pirate radio by protest groups in the 1960s, particularly the student movement in the US and Europe, highlighted the liberating and empowering qualities inherent in radio and television

2 (Petley & Romano 1993, 27-49). The recession of the 1970s improved the economic position of European indigenous linguistic minorities. It hit many urban, traditionally industrialized areas while the rural areas, where many indigenous minority language communities were concentrated, were left relatively untouched. This increasingly narrow economic gap gave these language movements more confidence in asserting their demands for broadcast media within European nation-states (Stephens 1976, 33). The late 1960s and 1970s proved turbulent for the larger minority language groups such as the Welsh and Catalan language communities. During the late 1980s and the early 1990s, smaller language groups such as Scots Gaelic speakers became increasingly radical in terms of campaigns for television. A number of external factors contributed to the growing success of campaigns during this period. The growth in satellite communications technology and the increasing popularity of the community broadcasting movement meant that national broadcasting institutions had themselves become subject to increasing fragmentation and regionalization (Nowell-Smith 1989, 5). The lack of central cohesion in a number of nation-states and the presence of an EU which actively supported regionalism, allowed indigenous European linguistic minorities to assert their demands more confidently (Melucci 1990, 61). In reviewing campaigns for television services by campaigners in Catalonia, Wales, Galicia, Ireland, Scotland and the Basque Country, it became clear that these campaigns would be have to be examined in terms of social movement theory and broader theories of social change such as globalisation. As social movements, activists involved in minority language media campaigns appeared to have much in common with the new social movement activists, such as feminists and environmentalist, typically

3 found at the centre of European social protest. Secondly, as the empirical analysis progressed, it became evident that these activists were grappling with issues which are currently pre-occupying many of the macro-theorists of social change. In order to justify the demands for television services to themselves and to others, these ordinary people had to explain why their cultural presence in European societies had necessarily to be reflected by television. They were seeking to retain traditional ethno-linguistic identities but express them in one of the most sophisticated and complex cultural spaces available to Europeans. Therefore, these campaigners were grappling with issues which are emerging at a critical juncture in debates about identity, culture and mass media in European societies. These campaigns all emerged during the same historical period (the latter half of the twentieth century). However, the circumstances in which they emerged were very different. The Welsh campaign was conducted largely during a period of Labour government in Britain during the seventies while Scots Gaelic campaigns had to address the ideological leanings of the British Conservative government during the late 80s (Tomos, 1982; MacDonald, 1993). A coalition of centre-left parties eventually providing the funding for Irish language television in the mid 90s ( Feinneadha, 1995). By this stage, the television services linked to the three autonomous regions in Northern Spain (Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country) were well established (Maxwell, 1995). However, the campaigns for these services was closely linked to the operation of nationalist groups in these regions before the death of Franco in 1975. Therefore, the similarities between the Celtic and the Iberian campaigns are not as close as one would think.

4 Most reviews of social movement activity in Europe tend to focus on the distinction between what are described as new social movements such as the womens, peace and environmental organizations which provide alternative sources of identity and the more traditional European social movements based on class (Melucci, 1990). New social movements, it is argued have emerged because of a number of profound changes in European societies including the growth of cultural industries particularly media systems, the increasing importance of knowledge as a commodity, the fragmentation of identities and the decentralization of production processes. It is argued that these changes have caused Europeans to move away from traditional cleavages and conflicts and to become concerned with non-material issues such as self-actualization (Della Porta & Diani, 1999). Activists engaged in campaigns for minority language television seemed initially to bear greater resemblance to those involved in feminist, environmental and antiglobalisation movements. Firstly, these groups were concerned with the production of culture, one of the major concerns of new social movements. Secondly, many campaigners explained their activism by referring to a personal need to define and express their identity, also a characteristic of participation in NSMs (Scott, 1996). Many of the issues which typically prompt the emergence of new social movements such as the emergence of global media systems contributed to the emergence of campaigns for minority language media (Della Porta & Diani, 1999). Finally, these campaigns were, in many cases, dominated by members of the new middle classes, young educated individuals without ties to traditional elite groups, the same demographic group who tend to be involved in more typical new social movements (Mayer, 1995).

5 Despite the apparent similarities between minority language media campaigns and new social movements, there is no doubt that almost all of these campaigns were a manifestation of cultural nationalism and as such cannot be considered typical new social movements (Johnston, 1994). It is possible to argue however that as a result of the growing pervasiveness of the media within European societies, the hierarchy of goals typically adopted by minority language organizations changed. Some language activists believe that television in dominant languages threatens the cultural integrity of their language communities, containing within it the potential to downgrade or even destroy their culture (Poulsen, 1991). Their concerns echo the work of media theorist, Joshua Meyrowitz (1985) who has argued that by fracturing the physical isolation of placedefined groups such as regional linguistic minorities, television has created placeless cultures. These changes have created a fragmentation of group boundaries and the homogenisation of identities. As a result of the profound impact of these processes, the creation of own language media rather than reform of public administration or education has become in many cases, the primary goal of these movements. Therefore, the processes of social change which prompted the emergence of new social movements have also affected more traditional social movements and their goals have been structurally altered as a result. New social movement theory with its emphasis on the de-stabilizing effects of technological and economic change on cultural identity helps us explain why the goals of these movements have been transformed in a European context.

Globalisation

6 Since the establishment of the six services resulting from these campaigns: S4C, TG4, TV3, CCG, ETB, TVG, it has become even more challenging to examine their achievements in terms of broader theories of global change. A variety of theorists have attempted to chronicle the global changes which have occurred since World War II. These theoretical models included the post-industrial society, postmodernity, the programmed society, the network society and dis-organized capitalism (Lash & Urry, 1987; Hirst & Zeitlin, 1991; Bell, 1974). These theoretical frameworks adopt different models of political, social and cultural change. However, the theme of globalisation is a common thread which runs throughout each perspective. Malcolm Waters defines globalisation as a social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding (1995, 3). In terms of these spatial patterns of global change, the growing power of minority language communities and the discursive spaces they have created through television must be examined. Firstly, it is important to emphasize that campaigns for minority language television services emerged in response to the activities of nation-states rather than global change. The growth of global media may have made these indigenous minority groups more aware of their distinct cultural identities. However, these campaigns emerged during a period when television in Europe was controlled by nation-states through national broadcasting organizations such as BBC, RT and TVE (Morley & Robins, 1995). These institutions had close links with national governments and were openly dedicated to the support of national identities. This complex network of relationships between national broadcasters and government has two major effects on indigenous minority language communities. Firstly, these communities

7 and their cultures were marginalized, ignored or worse stigmatised within the output of national broadcasting services. In this way, national broadcasting services became part of the effective tools of domination used to stigmatise minority groups within nation-states (Della Porta & Diani, 1999). Secondly, the creation of associated national broadcasting elites had an adverse effect on political leaders and elites within indigenous minority language communities who were often among the dissidents ritually screened out by national broadcasting professionals. The link between national broadcasting institutions and national identity also contributed to the exclusion of minority language graduates, broadcasters, journalists and academics from elite positions in national politics, broadcasting and other cultural arenas. Therefore, the dominance of national broadcasting institutions did contribute to the cultural division of labour identified by Michael Hechter (1975). A social change was also taking place within indigenous minority language communities in Europe at the same time as these broader global and national changes. Educational reform in European states in the immediate post-war period contributed to the rapid growth of the middle class within minority language communities. In Ireland and Britain, the creation of a welfare state provided young people from these communities with much greater opportunity to attend second and third level education and to receive training in knowledge-based professions (Breen et al, 1990). In most cases, these campaigns were led by the first generation of indigenous minority language activists to receive third level education in extensive numbers. For this emerging middle class, the dominance of national broadcasting organizations meant that they had no

8 electronic discursive space where their cultural experience could be explored and where their status could be explored and legitimised. The successful establishment of indigenous minority language services has redressed some of these grievances. Firstly, broadcasters and programme-makers working through these services have successfully challenged many of the traditional stereotypes associated with minority languages. As a result, minority cultures now have much greater associations with glamour, modernity and youth (Cormack, 1994; Grin & Vaillancourt, 1999). This youthful image has contributed to the growing success of minority language education and cultural activities. This cultural confidence has contributed to greater political strength. An analysis of the overall support for regional nationalist political parties in Wales, Scotland and the three Northern autonomous regions of Spain reveal an upward trend and increasing success at local, regional, national and European elections. The social, cultural and political changes resulting from the establishment of these services has also contributed to the circulation of elites (Pareto, 1916). The emerging minority language middle classes of the 1960s and 1970s have achieved the upward mobility which they were seeking when these campaigns began. This circulation of elites has occurred at a number of levels. Firstly, because of the creation of these services and their associated institutions, new elite positions have been created. The establishment of S4C, TG4, TV3, TVG, ETB and even CTG has created positions with a media industry which provides a prestigious career destination for middle-class professionals from minority language cultures. The elevation of members of these groups to these elite positions has also contributed to elite circulation with national media industries and

9 national political and cultural institutions as these people tend to have more input at national level. Changes in collective identity which have resulted from the establishment of these services have filtered into other typical areas of middle-class employment such as education and public administration. They have also led to the creation of minority language cultural spaces such as bookshops, cafes and cultural centres. In Wales, Scotland, and Spain, these changes have resulted in a certain circulation within political elites at national level as members of these communities become more politically prominent and develop media profiles. Although the language movement in Ireland does not have a specific regional or political base, the establishment of TG4 has also led a certain elite circulation with a rapid increase in Irish-speaking individuals in management of some national cultural institutions. Therefore, the establishment of TG4 has led to the circulation of elites within cultural institutions though not within politics. The overall result of the creation of these services in terms of systems of stratification has been to strengthen the representation of indigenous minority language communities within cultural and political elites in nation-states and within the European Union In terms of the political economy of the media, S4C, TV3, TVG, ETB and TG4 are contributing to the growth of regional media economies. Along with the influence of global media conglomerates and the pervasiveness of cable and satellite broadcasting, these services have been a key factor in the dismantling of national television networks (Maxwell, 1995). In many cases, minority language media campaign groups were among the first organizations to argue successfully for the de-regulation of national television. The process has contributed to a decline in the power of national broadcasting

10 organizations such as BBC, RT and TVE and to the gradual dismantling of cultural elites who control these services. In countries such as Ireland, where national broadcasters had complete control of television, the entrance of commercial private broadcasters followed the establishment of TG4. BBC, RT and RTVE still wield a great deal of power within domestic European markets. However, calls for re-regulation from some media analysts accompanied by an aspiration to create television without frontiers would suggest that the entire concept of national television in Europe is in trouble. The success of minority language and commercial broadcasters in European markets is forcing national broadcasters to streamline their structures and re-organize their output using more cost-effective models of broadcasting. The crisis in national broadcasting networks may also reflect a broader crisis in terms of national identity. Europeans are increasingly embracing minority identities and alternative identities. While media events such as the World Cup in soccer serve to reaffirm the importance of national identities in Europe, international and minority television services would appear to be creating a sustained challenge to national identities. These changes in cultural identity may be also contributing to the increasing political weakness of European nation-states. The establishment of regional autonomous communities in Spain was part of the same process which led to the creation of the regional autonomous television services. Political devolution from the Westminster parliament has successfully occurred in Wales and Scotland since the establishment of these television services. Even in the Republic of Ireland where the language is not a political issue, political parties which are closely associated with Irish language issues such as Sinn Fin and the Green Party have made substantial gains in recent years.

11 It is possible to argue that minority television services and their associated groups are accomplishing, from below, the same erosion of national structures which globalisation and the EU are accomplishing from above. Smith (1995) has argued that the recognition of growing diversity within nation-states is actually contributing to their increasing weakness and decline. He comments the co-resident peripheral ethnies are increasingly felt to undermine the fabric of the nation by their demands for separate but equal treatment, their cultural differences and their aspirations for diversity and autonomy (1995, 95). The establishment of these services is contributing to the process of glocalization; the increase of power vested at global, supra-national, regional and local levels and the declining power of the nation-state. Manuel Castells (1997) characterizes the emergence of these challengers from below as evidence of the increasing influence of identities of resistance. He couples indigenous minority language movements with religious fundamentalist organizations, arguing that they are defensive reactions to modernization and globalisation. He argues Religious fundamentalism, cultural nationalism, territorial communes are, by and large, defensive reactions Reaction against globalisation, which dissolves the autonomy of institutions, organizations and communications systems where people live. Reaction against networking and flexibility which blur the boundaries of membership and involvement, individualize social relationships of production and induce the structural instability of work, space and time When the world becomes too large to be controlled, social actors aim at shrinking it back to their size and reach. When networks dissolve time and space, people anchor themselves in places and recall their historic memory (1997, 66).

In reviewing the Catalan case, he identifies global media in particular as a key factor in prompting the emergence of these defensive reactions. He states if nationalism is, most often, a reaction against a threatened autonomous identity, then, in a world submitted to cultural homogenisation by the ideology of modernization and the power of global media,

12 language, as a direct expression of culture, becomes the trench of cultural resistance, the last bastion of self-control, the refuge of identifiable meaning (1997, 52). The characterization of these campaigns as manifestations of identities of resistance is very attractive, particularly as the process of establishing a separate discursive space such as television relates directly to Castells pithy model of the exclusion of the excluders by the excluded (1997, 9). However, despite the potency of this image, it is possible to challenge the characterization of indigenous minority language groups as defensive reactions to globalisation. Activists involved in these campaigns regarded nation-states and national broadcasting organizations as the key oppressor. In many cases, they welcomed the challenge which global and supra-national institutions provided to nationstates. Rather than being defensive movements, minority language media campaigners have been opportunists in the dismantling of national infrastructures through globalisation. They are not pining for the certainties provided by nation-states, on the contrary, many of these activists would willingly dance on the grave of these nationstates even if it meant partnering Microsoft or AOL Time Warner. Management figures in indigenous minority language media services in Catalonia, Galicia and Wales are particularly concerned when witnessing the difficulties which national broadcasting organizations are experiencing in coping with the technological, economic and cultural changes wrought by globalisation. In many cases, the smaller minority language services have already begun to overcome these challenges. Therefore, rather than seeking to escape the global village, campaigners involved in indigenous minority language media campaigns are willing participants as long as they can have their own voice, their own space and some control over their own destiny.

13 The author is a member of the staff of the Dept. of Sociology, University College Cork, Ireland

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