Introduction

The concept of sustainable development has the potential to appeal to many stakeholders but also to be interpreted under a multitude of conflicting definitions. Ideas of sustainability and sustainable development have emerged over an extended period of human history and have evolved significantly during the process. Institutions for sustainable development have emerged relatively late in the story but have had a significant role in shaping the discourse. This essay briefly examines the emergence of the ideas and looks at a number of key developments that have influenced the evolving conception of sustainable development.

A Brief History of Sustainability

The embryo of a discourse on sustainability can be recognised as early as the eighteenth century. Perhaps not surprisingly, the catalyst for this early thinking was the onset of industrialisation in Europe. At a time when wood was still heavily relied upon not only as a fuel but also a popular choice of construction material, fears of a European shortage prompted early conceptions of what we would now recognise as sustainable forestry (Du Pisani 2006, pp.85,86). Around the turn of the nineteenth century, The Reverend Thomas Robert Malthus published An Essay on the Principle of Population . The essay is often characterised as a rather gloomy, if not apocalyptic forecast of the world's inability to feed its swelling population. Critics of Malthus have been largely divided between those that believe his message was misunderstood and those that see him as attempting to justify the divide between rich and poor (Whitaker 2005). Nonetheless, the writings of Malthus did much to foster an awareness of the finite carrying capacity of the earth and the implications for a growing population. As had happened with wood in the eighteenth century, the nineteenth century saw concerns about the exhaustion of the newly dominant fuel, coal. One writer of the time was compelled to predict that England would be depleted of its coal reserves in only one hundred years (Du Pisani 2006, p.86). Following the second world war, the world was held in the grip of a newly found sense of optimism and potential. The war effort had yielded technological advances that made synthetic chemicals readily available and affordable as never before. The impact that this had on agriculture, industry and the wider economy was significant. The post-war economic boom fostered a sense that economies and personal affluence were now free to grow without limit (Du Pisani 2006, p.87). It is difficult to overstate the fundamental societal changes that were taking place. Indeed, not until this boom did the term growth first start to appear in mainstream economic literature (Hodson 1972, p.19). While economic growth and assumptions of its universal desirability would escape critical attention for some time yet, the 1960s saw the appearance of a number of writings that would prove to be pivotal in the emergence of a wider environmental awareness. In particular, Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, published in 1962, made a lasting impression in the public mind that the environment could be gravely damaged by human activities. Other influential works of the time include Garret Hardin's Tragedy of the Commons and Paul Ehrlich's The Population Bomb, which reinvigorated the debate begun by Thomas Malthus one hundred and seventy years earlier. Amid the increasing media attention to environmental issues, Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, the first environmental nongovernment organisations (ENGOs) came into being while environmental groups and the green political parties became more vocal and more influential. The Green Movement was underway (Du Pisani 2006, p.89). Page 1 of 6

In 1972, the Club of Rome commissioned a study whose findings would be published in the now infamous book, The Limits to Growth. The study used a computer model to simulate the effects of increasing population, food production, industrialisation, pollution and consumption of nonrenewable natural resources (Donella H. Meadows et al. 1972, p.33). It was a ground-breaking study, not least because it linked the world's economy and the environment to produce the first integrated global model (Costanza et al., 2007, cited in Turner 2008, p.397). However, as Nordhaus (1992, p.2) notes, [The] Limits [to Growth] did not sprout in an intellectual desert . Rather, it was the media focus of a wider scientific revolution. As had been the case with previous Malthusian commentaries, The Limits to Growth was the subject of significant criticism but, nonetheless, served to further stimulate the debate on what would come to be know as sustainable development.

The Emergence of Institutions for Sustainable Development

The 1970s saw the first in a series of environmental conferences that lead to the emergence of formal institutions for sustainable development. In 1972, the same year that The Limits to Growth was published, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (UNCHE), convened in Stockholm. This was the first in a series of what Seyfang (2003) terms 'environmental megaconferences'.

The Stockholm Convention, 1972

The Stockholm Convention was motivated by concerns held by the industrialised world over the environmental problems caused by industrialisation. However, to ensure that this would be a truly global convention, a preparatory conference met in Founex, Switzerland to set a more inclusive agenda that would bring the developing nations on-board (Tladi 2007, p.18). The convention helped to marry the traditionally opposing concerns of development and the environment at what was the first brining together of world leaders and scientists to discuss international environmental issues (Seyfang 2003, p.224; Haas 2002, p.75). The Stockholm Declaration, one of three legally non-binding instruments to come out of the UNCEH, was a significant step in the conceptualization of sustainable development for its recognition that development and environmental protection need not be conflicting concerns and for the promotion of the concepts of inter- and and intragenerational equity (Tladi 2007, pp.19,20). An important institution to arise from the UNCEH was the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), which, amongst other things, is instrumental in funding projects in developing nations that have global environmental benefits (Tladi 2007, pp.20,21).

The Brundtland Report, 1987

In 1987, the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) published Our Common Future, which famously articulated the concept of sustainable development as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987, chap.2, para.1). Our Common Future, often referred to as the Brundtland Report was undoubtedly a major milestone in the evolution of the concept of sustainable development. Not only did it provide the much quoted definition, but also it fostered the notion that sustainable development must integrate economic and social development with environmental protection. This three-pronged approach to sustainable development remains a key concept within the discourse.

Page 2 of 6

Our Common Future did much to place sustainable development on the political agenda, but detractors have argued that it was biased towards economic growth (Langhelle 1999, p.130). The report's contention that a 5-to-10-fold increase in global economic product would be necessary to achieve sustainable development drew much of the criticism (Robinson 2004, p.373). Herman Daly is credited as stating that the very term 'sustainable development' is an oxymoron (Redclift 2005, p.213). Indeed, Daly himself prefers to separate the concept of economic growth from development. The former, he argues, is merely an increase in the quantitative throughput of the economic system, while the latter is a qualitative improvement in living standards (Daly 1996). By this argument, economic growth is simply the tool (and in Daly's mind, the wrong tool) employed in the pursuit of development. Nonetheless, the Brundtland Report was influential in that it also laid foundations for the success of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992. Key proposals were the integration of environmental concerns with development activities, the strengthening of environmental protection agencies, increased cooperation between nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and scientific bodies, more inclusive decision making processes and the involvement of multilateral financial institutions in the pursuit of sustainable development (Tladi 2007, p.25).

The Rio Conference, 1992

The second of Seyfang's (2003) 'environmental mega-conferences' took place in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro. This was the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), also known variously as the Rio Conference, the Rio Summit and the Earth Summit. This conference was framed in the new language of sustainable development that had emerged since the Brundtland Report of 1987 and broadened the scope to include social as well as environmental issues (Seyfang 2003, p.224). Five instruments emerged from the Rio Conference. Of these, the Rio Declaration, Agenda 21 and the Forest Principles would be non-binding while the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Convention on Biological Diversity would be legally binding (Tladi 2007, p.26). Agenda 21 is a blueprint for sustainable development at the local, national and international level which, for Seyfang (2003, p.226), demonstrates clearly the potential for large international environmental conferences to provide global leadership to the lower levels of governance. Tladi (2007) points to differences in the use of language between the Stockholm Declaration of 1972 and the Rio Declaration of 1992 that indicate a shift in the emphasis on the three 'pillars' of sustainable development environment, economy and society over the twenty years that elapsed between their publication. In particular, it is noted that the language of the Rio Declaration puts a greater emphasis on development and economic growth and lesser emphasis on the duties and responsibilities of humanity towards the environment than does the Stockholm Declaration (Tladi 2007, pp.26-30). Furthermore, it is pointed out that whereas the Stockholm Declaration espouses the 'rights' of human beings, the latter document prefers to refer to 'entitlements' a somewhat weaker term (Tladi 2007, p.27). However subtle, changes in the use of language that result from protracted negotiation between the parties of the conferences indicate real changes in the conception of sustainable development. These discrepancies would appear to indicate a shift back towards the dominant economic paradigm and something of a dilution of principles regarding society and the environment.

Page 3 of 6

The Johannesburg Summit, 2002

The most recent of the 'environmental mega-conferences' was the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) held in Johannesburg in 2002 (Seyfang 2003, p.224). One of the main outcomes of the WSSD was the Johannesburg Declaration. Just as analysis of the Stockholm and Rio Declarations reveals a shift in emphasis between 1972 and 1992, the Johannesburg Declaration can illuminate the evolution of the sustainable development concept over the decade that followed. The Johannesburg Summit focussed not on the declaration of new principles but on the implementation and the monitoring of progress towards goals already declared at preceding conferences (Tladi 2007, p.30; Seyfang 2003, p.226). Nonetheless, commentators have pointed to a shift in emphasis towards social concerns. The gap between the rich and the poor both at the level of nations and also within societies was a strong focus of the WSSD (Tladi 2007, pp.31,32). This is hardly surprising given the context of the summit in its African location just two years after agreement on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) largely concerned with themes of social equity and alleviation of extreme poverty. Seyfang (2003, pp.225-227) points out that amid palpable disappointment regarding the summit on the part of NGOs and other stakeholders, some important gains were made that also reflect the evolving priorities in the sustainable development discourse. Corporations and business were given roles in the promotion and implementation of sustainable development. Also, the WSSD was the most inclusive of the 'environmental mega-conferences' with an increased role for the main stakeholder groups. These developments illustrate the emergence of stronger links between the economic and environmental pillars and increased recognition of the importance of broad participation in governance for sustainable development. Von Schirnding (2005) also notes the shift in focus from global to local issues and the recognition of human health as a 'resource for, and as an indicator of sustainable development' as important developments reflected in the Johannesburg Declaration.

Conclusions
From inconspicuous origins around the eighteenth century, the concept of sustainable development has had a slow growth to prominence with a notable and continued flourishing beginning in the latter half of the twentieth century. The Brundtland Report placed sustainable development firmly on the mainstream political agenda and made explicit the trinity of environment, economy and society. Through a series of international conferences, a shifting of weight between the three pillars is evident. The Stockholm Convention was primarily concerned with environmental issues (albeit in the context of their economic impacts), the Rio Conference leant towards the economic interests while the Johannesburg Summit moved towards social concerns. The next 'environmental megaconference' will be the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD) to be held in Rio de Janeiro in 2012. The UNCSD is billed to focus on a green economy in the context of sustainable development and poverty eradication and the institutional framework for sustainable development (United Nations 2010). This would appear to indicate a return to the environmental pillar by integrating it more tightly with the economy while still maintaining the balance on social issues.

Page 4 of 6

A key criticism of the concept of sustainable development is that it means too many different things to different people (Robinson 2004, p.373). It is often stated that everybody can agree with the broad principle of 'development that is sustainable' but exact definitions tend to be the sticking point as different parties have different agendas and correspondingly different notions of exactly what that means. Indeed, Fowke & Prasad (1996, cited in Williams & Millington 2004, p.99) have identified more than eighty distinct definitions of 'sustainable development'. The conferences described in this essay have done much to reign in the debate to a more manageable arena. However, there is still plenty of scope for ambiguity and it is important for stakeholders to remain focused in order to deliver effective programmes of governance for sustainable development. The UNCSD is an opportunity to refocus the effort and to produce something that a diverse range of stakeholders can buy into. Undoubtedly, much will have changed between the Johannesburg Summit and the return to Rio. Exactly what the latest incarnation of sustainable development looks like should become clear in the period following the upcoming conference.

Page 5 of 6

References
Daly, H.E., 1996. Beyond Growth: The Economics of Sustainable Development, Boston: Beacon Press. Du Pisani, J., 2006. Sustainable development historical roots of the concept. Environmental Sciences, 3(2), 83-96. Haas, P.M., 2002. UN Conferences and Constructivist Governance of the Environment. Global Governance, 8(1), 73. Hodson, H.V., 1972. The Diseconomics of Growth, London: Pan/Ballantine. Langhelle, O., 1999. Sustainable Development: Exploring the Ethics of "Our Common Future". International Political Science Review / Revue internationale de science politique, 20(2), 129-149. Meadows, D.H. et al., 1972. The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome's Project on the Predicament of Mankind, New York: Signet Books. Nordhaus, W.D., Stavins, R.N. & Weitzman, M.L., 1992. Lethal Model 2: The Limits to Growth Revisited. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1992(2), 1-59. Redclift, M., 2005. Sustainable development (1987-2005): an oxymoron comes of age. Sustainable Development, 13(4), 212-227. Robinson, J., 2004. Squaring the circle? Some thoughts on the idea of sustainable development. Ecological Economics, 48(4), 369384. von Schirnding, Y., 2005. The World Summit on Sustainable Development: reaffirming the centrality of health. Globalization & Health, 1, 8-6. Seyfang, G., 2003. Environmental mega-conferences--from Stockholm to Johannesburg and beyond. Global Environmental Change, 13(3), 223-228. Tladi, D., 2007. Sustainable Development in International Law: An Analysis of Key Enviro-Economic Instruments, Pretoria: PULP. Turner, G.M., 2008. A comparison of The Limits to Growth with 30 years of reality. Global Environmental Change, 18(3), 397-411. United Nations, 2010. Resolution 64/236 Implementation of Agenda 21, the Programme for the Further Implementation of Agenda 21 and the outcomes of the World Summit on Sustainable Development, A/Res/64/236, United Nations General Assembly 64th session, New York: United Nations. Whitaker, R. ed., 2005. Malthus, Thomas Robert - Introduction. In Nineteenth-Century Literary Criticism. Gale Cengage. Available at: http://www.enotes.com/nineteenth-century-criticism/malthus-thomas-robert [Accessed November 9, 2010]. Williams, C.C. & Millington, A.C., 2004. The Diverse and Contested Meanings of Sustainable Development. The Geographical Journal, 170(2), 99-104. World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987. Our Common Future, Oxford: Open University Press.

Page 6 of 6