Professional Documents
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This research was co-ordinated by the staff of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development at the Development Planning Unit, University College London; Adriana Allen, Alexandre Frediani, Pascale Hofmann, Rita Lambert, Etienne von Bertrab and Matthew Wood-Hill. This has been organised in association with Peoples Dialogue for Human Settlements based in Accra and with inputs from the International Water Management Institute. Many people have contributed to research findings and strategy development: local facilitators and translators, academics, researchers, public officials, colleagues and friends in Accra and in London, and above all, women and men farmers who warmly opened up to us and patiently shared their knowledge and experience. Finally, the students of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development 2011-2012 enthusiastically engaged with this action-research project to generate valuable and detailed primary information, produced a range of outputs, and put forward interesting insights which further the understanding of the actual and potential role of urban agriculture in contribution to the environmentally just urbanisation of cities in the Global South, and specifically Accra, Ghana. This compilation of reports is the final product of their work. To all, many thanks. Environmentally Just Urbanisation through Urban Agriculture (Accra-Ghana, Reports 2012) 2 Alejandro Ordez Gonzlez
Editorial Coordinator General Coordinator
www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
Table of contents
Preface Chapter 1: Coastal Chapter 2: Old Fadama Chapter 3: Nima Chatper 4: Legon Chapter 5: La
5 7 51 95 163 225
ACCRA, GHANA
Preface
hese reports have been produced as part of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development programme at the Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London (UCL) in response to terms of reference for the Environment and Sustainable Development in Practice module, 2011-12. The five student groups worked in distinct areas within the city of Accra and its broader metropolitan area to understand the contribution of Urban Agriculture towards environmentally justice urbanisation in the city. The study areas represent a series of different realities facing urban farmers and urban dwellers alike. The research has included a four month deskstudy followed by two weeks of in-country fieldwork and meetings with key stakeholders and community, local, municipal and national levels. It has been conducted in collaboration with the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), Peoples Dialogue on Human Settlements (PD) and the Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor. The research produced in this document builds on and further contributes to work that has been undertaken by DPU staff and students alongside IWMI in Accra since 2009. For more information, and to read reports from previous year, please visit: www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu.
Chapter 1
COASTAL ACCRA
FANNY FRICK NAYANI NASA CHIKA OHASHI SANTA PEDONE MANDIRA THAKUR ISAAC YIELEH CHIREH
COASTAL ACCRA
Table of Contents
1 Acknowledgements 2 Abbreviations 3 Executive Summary 4 Introduction
4.1 Background 4.2 Objectives
5 Analytical framework
5.1 Conceptual Framework 5.2 Hypothesis and Research questions
8 Strategies
8.1 Introduction 8.2 Improvement of Livelihoods 8.3 Waste Management 8.4 Natural Resource Management
1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank the following people for their valuable contributions: Facilitators: Paul Nii Ankamah Adjn-Tettey (Fisheries Commission) Charles Blay (MoFA) Naa Arday-Acquah (GHAFUP) Mensah Owusu (PD) tienne von Bertrab (DPU) Rita Lambert (DPU) Adriana Allen (DPU) Alexandre Apsan Frediani (DPU) Matthew Wood-Hill (DPU)
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Asare (Revenue accountant, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council) Ayikwa (Canoe owner in Jamestown) Bismarck Nettey (Ex-President GNAFF; Canoe Owner in Chorkor) Divine Odotoy (Coordinating director, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council) Daniel Adjin-Tettey (Chorkor resident / ex-fisherman) Daniel Ocansey (Supervisor, Zoil Services Limited) Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Emanuel-Mark McHansen (Zoil Services Limited; fisherman in Jamestown) Nana Tambia IV (Queen of Nleshie Amanflo; Organiser of the GAMA market women association) Fatawu Giwah (Coordinator, Zoil Services Limited) Ivy (Fisheries Commission) W. Odame Larbi (Executive secretary, Lands Commission) Patricia Makrey (Fisheries Commission) Prof. Irene K Odotei (University of Ghana) Scott Apawudza (Greater Accra regional director, MoFA) Samuel Quarshie (Waste Management Department, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council) Samuel (Ghana National Canoe Fisherman Council) Nii Teiko Tagoe (Project Director, GAMADA) We would like to thank the fishing communities in Jamestown and Chorkor for their warm welcome and invaluable support for our fieldwork.
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2 ABBREVIATIONS
AMA COU EIA EPA CBMC Accra Metropolitan Assembly Canoe Owners Union Community Based Management Committees Environmental Impact Assessment Environmental Protection Agency Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations Greater Accra Metropolitan Authority Ga Mashie Development Agency
FAO
GAMA
Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor Geographic Information System Ghana National Association of Farmers and Fishermen Ghana National Canoe Fishermen Council Integrated Coastal Management Integrated Coastal Resource Management Integrated Coastal Zone Management Large Marine Ecosystem Millennium City Initiative 11
ICZM
National Fisheries Association of Ghana Non-Governmental Organisation Policies/Plans/Programmes Urban Agriculture Peoples Dialogue on Human Settlements
West and Central African Regional Seas Programme Waste Management Department Water Resource Commission Zoomlion Ghana Limited
3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
his research tries to build on the past 3 years of work carried out by the University College London (UCL) students from the Development Planning Unit (DPU), which focused on exploring the potentials and constraints of Urban Agriculture (UA) as a planning tool for an environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. This year, the research area, on which our team has focused, is the coastal strip of Accra, which stretches from Jamestown to Chorkor. Within this area, we identified a long established traditional food production system dating back to the XIX century: the artisanal fisheries sector. From our secondary research, the manifestation of resilience amongst the artisanal fishing communities within Accras ever growing urban boundaries was striking. This is especially true when looking at the industrialisation of the fisheries sector, an increasing depletion of fish
stocks and the privatisation of the coastal strip of Accra. What Harvey (2006: 98) calls uneven geographical development arising from capitalistic agglomeration economies is well evident in this neglected Old Accra. This striking resilience inspired the aim of this research work: finding the structural reasons for such resilience, identifying its vulnerabilities and developing a coherent strategy to counterbalance the impacts of these vulnerabilities on the fishing communities and the city of Accra as a whole. Within this uneven and therefore unjust urbanisation process, the artisanal fisheries sector stands out as a main contributor towards the food security of the city and this importance needs to be acknowledged by all stakeholders in order to trigger an environmentally just urbanisation process.
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It was found that the traditional structure of the artisanal fishery provides social and economic resilience through hierarchical organisation and division of labour in which women play an important role in securing income and food for the fishing communities and beyond. Ecological resilience is built through traditional rules and practices. However, as environmental degradation and industrialised fishery is continuously depleting fish stock, artisanal fishing communities have recently been forced to adopt less sustainable practices in order to cope with these impacts. Such practices of mal-adaptation are
reproduced as long as plans and programs ignore urban and marine social-ecological systems, and are therefore blind to the underlying causes of the degradation of livleihoods in these communities. To restore resilience in artisanal fishing communities in Accra, it is recommended that a more integrated approach in coastal urban management is implemented, for which the Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Project (GCLME) provides a suitable framework. Exemplary strategies for implementation of an integrated coastal urban management are outlined.
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BUILT-UP AREA IN 1966
BUILT-UP AREA IN 2000 MAPS 1.1-1.6_URBAN EXPANSION IN ACCRA BASED ON: ANGEL, S. ET AL. 2010. ATLAS OF URBAN EXPANSION, CAMBRIDGE, MA: LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY
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4 INTRODUCTION
4.1 Background
he environmentally unjust urbanisation in Accra is rooted in the colonial times when a clear divide was made between economic activities in the area inhabited by indigenous Ga communities around the harbour (Old Accra) and residential areas for the European settlers. After independence in 1957, Accras port was relocated to Tema in order to reduce the migration pressures in the city. The former colonial administrative and residential areas around the European town and Central Business District
were reorganized and opened for commercial and residential uses. Consequently, Jamestown was no longer attractive for commercial activities and therefore no longer functioned as a development node. The densely populated borough was facing increasing levels of poverty, exacerbated by the economic recession in the 1980s. The marginalisation of Old Accra continued as the liberalisation policies since the 1980s have encouraged economic investment in suburban areas (Grant & Yankson, 2002).
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4.2 Objectives
oday, fishing is the only significant economic sector remaining in Jamestown (Yeboah, 2008). The artisanal fishing communities have persisted in Accra since pre-colonial times coping with socio-economic, political and environmental pressures. The aim of this report, therefore, is to identify factors that contribute to and hinder resilience in the coastal communities in Accra in order to develop strategies towards adaptive governance of urban systems in coastal Accra. The report begins by introducing the conceptual framework created and the main hypothesis developed; followed by a summary of the methodology used. An analysis of the key findings is presented in the succeeding chapter, which is followed by a set of strategies.
MAP 2_STUDY AREA
5 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
16
rbanisation may be understood as a process of creating spaces that provide urban services such as housing, jobs and infrastructure (Ernstson et al., 2010). This process is highly dynamic because it is shaped by perpetual changes in socio-cultural, economic, political, physical and environmental systems not only within the city, but also at the regional, national and global scale (Ernstson et al., 2010; Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003). Systems are linked through material and informational fluxes (Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003), hence changes in one system trigger changes in another. Ideally, fluxes between urban systems would create equilibrium such that changes in one system are compensated by another. In this ideal state, the urban social-ecological system would provide conditions for equal access to livelihoods and recognition of rights among all citizens (Figure 1). In reality, however, the web of socioecological relations is highly dynamic and unequal urban geographies are constantly reshaped, reflecting cross-scale power relations amongst different urban actors (Cumming, Cumming & Redman 2006; Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003). As a consequence of these complex and obscure relations, the creation of benefits for some tends to result in vulnerabilities for others as the systems react. For instance, the creation of economic opportunities in Osu and suburban areas through structural adjustment programs (change in economic and political systems) has triggered
urbanisation and investment in infrastructure in these areas (changes in physical system), while no improvement was made in Old Accra/Ga Mashie area and Chorkor. Moreover, along with the commoditisation of ecosystems for urban purposes in the suburbs came the degradation of ecosystem services, such as natural storm-water drainage (changes in ecosystem). As a consequence, communities in the coastal area of Accra
Urban Social-ecological System
E c o s y s t e m
Economic system
Political system
Physical system
Social-cultural system
Livelihoods
Recognition of Rights
Environmental Justice
have been facing a double risk of exposure to natural hazards of flooding and pollution, and loss in income opportunities (Bremer, 2002; Yeboah, 2000). These impacts have contributed to todays
COASTAL ACCRA
conditions of overcrowding and unemployment (change in socio-cultural system)(Yeboah, 2008). Finally, the conditions of non-equilibrium and unpredictability of urban systems are exacerbated by uncertainties arising from migration, climate change and changes in the capacity of ecosystems to sustain services (Ernstson et al., 2010). In the coastal communities of Accra, this is felt most strongly in the decline of fish stocks in recent years, an outcome of industrialisation of the fishery sector, climate change and marine pollution.
Therefore, urban systems need to be concurrently resilient to shocks and amenable to transformation, given the constantly changing environment (Ernstson et al., 2010; Walker et al., 2006). Only then can the negative impacts from (both planned and unplanned) changes in one or several systems on the marginalised communities be prevented, thereby strengthening environmentally just forms of urbanisation. Planning for environmental justice in urban areas therefore requires an adaptive approach in governance rather than static solutions (Evans, 2011).
Potentially, the artisanal fisheries in Jamestown and Chorkor can contribute to resilience at three levels: household, community and city level, through enhancement in livelihood strategies, organisational structures, food security and ecological resilience.
How does the organisational structure of fishing communities contribute towards building resilience? How are the artisanal fisheries included in the city, and how do they contribute to food security and creation of livelihoods? What are the challenges in the fisheries contribution towards ecological resilience? What are the impacts of current urban planning initiatives on the coastal area? What is the vision among key stakeholders toward the future of the artisanal fisheries? These questions were particularly focused on the convergence and divergence of perceptions among the public authorities and decisionmakers on one hand, and amongst the community members and other non-governmental actors on the other hand.
direction and interpretation of the findings. The researchers hailing from different backgrounds had their own perceptions and consequent biases. Though the facilitators were of immense help, it was a challenge to interpret the problems. This is because some of them were policy implementers who have their own biases. Lastly, the presence of canoe owners (as they represent a higher level in the hierarchy) made it extremely difficult to reach the lower levels of the hierarchy to get their inputs during the focus group discussions.
Extensive secondary research together with lectures throughout the term from the tutors helped to provide valuable insight This was used to define the research task and develop hypothesis to be tested in the field work Transect walks
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Focus group discussion with: - 2 Chief Fishermen - Crew members in 2 groups of 6-7 fishermen - Fishmongers 4-5 groups of 5-6 women - Queen mother with secretary, vice-president of the Tuesday Market Association - Canoe Owners 1 group of 4 One to one interviews and seminars with: - Environment Protection Agency (EPA) - Fisheries Commission - Asheidu-Keteke Sub-Metro - Prof. Irene K Odotei - Ga Mashie Development Agency (GAMADA) - International Water Management Institute (IWMI) - Institute of Local Government Studies - Peoples Dialogue - Ghanas Federation for the Urban Poor - Town and Country Planning Participatory mapping exercises with groups of fishermen and fishmongers Data processing and analysis Output: - Final Presentation - Video - Final Report
TABLE 1_METHODOLOGY
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19
FOCUS GROUP WITH MARKET WOMEN AND QUEEN MOTHERS IN CHORKOR PHOTOGRAPH BY PAUL NII ANKAMAH ADJIN-TETTEY
7 FINDINGS
SOCIAL STRUCTURE
20 The fishing communities in Jamestown and Chorkor follow a typical structure (Figure 2) headed by a chief fisherman who is responsible for (1) representing the community at all levels (2) resolving disputes at community level (3) enforcing the traditional Tuesday ban on fishing. This ban is enforced all over the country and is linked to the very old tradition of considering Tuesday as a sacred day for the sea god. The chief fisherman is followed by the canoe owner who selects the first Bosun (first captain)
Processing
Savings groups
and the second Bosun (second captain) among the crew. The crew members can number up to 20 in the case of poli canoes, which are the biggest in size. In relation to the resilience building capacities of the canoe owner, it was found that he is not only the owner and manager of the canoe but he has a social obligation to help crew members in times of Mens share crisis. Moreover, as (Without profit) it was highlighted by different interviewees, when a crew Canoe owner member gets married, the canoe owner Crew members sometimes provides accomodation for the Maintenance newlyweds.
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WOMENS ROLE
As fish traders, women are very important because they are the ones who determine FISHMONGERS SCALING FRESH FISH IN JAMESTOWN the price paid for the PHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR catch. They work to achieve the best final price for the product and hence translate fish into money. As fish processors, their activity is embedded in the food culture of the population, which demands the fish to appear in a certain marketable form: smoked fish that can last 7-8 months; salted or fried fish (less common) that can last up to 1-2 months.
21
STRUCTURES OF RESILIENCE
This becomes more important considering that these communities do not have cooling facilities and in case of bumper harvest, the fish need to be processed quickly to avoid deterioration. In this regard, women can be considered one of the main actors providing food security not only to their communities but to the city as a whole.
incomes, about two thirds of national per capita income (Bortei-Doku, 2000). In order to carry out the role of informal lenders, women usually form savings groups which are the major source of interest-free loans for the fishermen. In Chorkor, women are organised in 4-5 groups of 100 each, subdivided into groups of 30, headed by a queen mother. In summary, the fishing community is built along very strong ties. The husbands serve as an important source of credit for their wives when the fish is sold to the women. The women, on the other hand, serve as a major source of interest-free loans for the fishermen. Furthermore, the women integrate the fish into the city.
POLITICAL CAPITAL
The artisanal fisheries sector is represented at national level by the Ghana National Canoe Fishermen Council (GNCFC), which is part of the National Fisheries Association of Ghana (NAFAG), within which the industrial and semiindustrial fisheries sectors are also represented. Each fishing community is represented by its traditional Chief Fisherman appointed to sit in a regional artisanal fishermen committee. These committees are united in the Union, which represents the artisanal fishermen in the Ministry of Fisheries and other organisations. The Council distributes the fishing subsidies to the fishermen and imposes a small levy on those inputs. In this way, the Council has some resources to work with (FAO, 2007). Furthermore, there are also Community Based Management Committees (CBMCs) formed by representatives from Government, Chief Fishermen and community members. The main idea is to enable a flow of information by allowing the members to voice their concerns.
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As bankers, women provide the money needed to purchase and upgrade inputs. This is crucial in such an informal sector, where fishermen have many constraints on borrowing money from professional lenders since they dont have a regular income due to wide seasonal fluctuations. In general, fishing communities have low
COASTAL ACCRA
This can sometimes lead to the appointment of a Chief who was not traditionally a fisherman, creating disputes as it is felt that the lack of experience in fishing will lead to a lack of SEWER OUTFALL INTO KORLE LAGOON understanding of the PHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR fishermens problems and therefore to a scant representation of the communitys real needs.
(OLD FADAMA)
23
In response to this issue, the canoe owners formed the Canoe Owners Union (COU). This however, is still not represented at the National level (cf. Figure 4). Furthermore, even the CBMCs have been discarded over the years. Therefore, there seems to be growing dissent amongst the community members with respect to their representation.
OPEN SEWER IN CHORKOR, FILLED WITH RUBBISH PHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
Appendix 1.2). Again, Jamestown and Chorkor are the final points of discharge of this contaminated water. Solid waste dumping in open drains also increases the risks of flooding (Baabereyir,, 2009). This is heightened by wide-spread lack of awareness on waste management at household and community level. In particular, the informal dumping of non-degradable plastic bags (e.g. water sachets) creates a problem of blockage and pollution. The outfalls of sewers and open dumping sites in the study area are shown in Appendix 1.3. Moreover, the shoreline in these areas has been constantly eroding at a rate of 1.7 metres per year over the past decades (Addo, 2009), which is likely to increase further. Climate change has also created changes in up-welling patterns leading to further depletion of the fish stock.
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GRAPH 1_LOSS IN CATCH OF HERRING BETWEEN 2000 AND 2009 SOURCE: FAO 2009
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needed for adequate service provision in water and waste management is lacking. A disastrous example of this omnipresent failure in environmental management in Accra is the disfunctional high-tech waste water treatment plant and Marine Disposal Site Lavender Hill at the Korle Lagoon (cf. Appendix 2.1). Internationally designed initiatives such as the Millennium City Initiative (MCI) are shaping current visions of urban development in Accra. The latter has a particular impact on coastal communities as one of its core projects is the regeneration of the harbour in Jamestown. The analysis of discourse in the MCI and among interview partners from AMA and private waste management companies reveals that current actions and visions for urban development conceive the citys coastal area as an aesthetic asset and are focused on creating visible changes,
25
COPING STRATEGIES
whereas the underlying vulnerabilities are by and large ignored. For instance the cleaning up activities of beaches by Zoil (a subsidiary of Zoomlion) is limited to solid waste collection on beaches, but no action is taken to reduce the pollution from liquid waste. Likewise, the proposal of the MCI is to protect artisanal fishing communities for their value as cultural heritage but without acknowledging the likely socio-cultural implications of such development initiatives. The government has also laid down some laws with respect to fishing specified under the Fisheries Act 2002 and the Fisheries Regulations 2010 (L.I. 1986). Besides the statutory laws the fishing community is also self-governed by customary laws (cf. Appendix 2.2). The statutory fisheries policies appear to be limited to the management of fish stocks, and once again, like the urban policies, ignore the socio-economic importance together with the gender-based division of labour in these communities. This is exemplified by the failed attempt to introduce a wholesale market in the community (Bortei-Doku, 1993) which would bypassing the crucial role of women. Despite the existence of policies, different stakeholders (Figure 4.) and statutory and customary laws there is still a crucial missing link. Current policies are poorly implemented in the local context of Accra, let alone in the
coastal communities of Jamestown and Chorkor, assemblies and sub-metro offices. Policies/plans/ programmes (PPPs) (cf. Appendix 2) are designed sector-wise at regional, national and international level, whereas their implementation is transferred to district and local assemblies who lack capacity in skills, resources and time.
Fisheries Act, 2002 Fisheries Regulations, 2010
NAFAG National Inland Canoe Fishermen Council Co-operative Fisheries Association Ghana National Canoe Fishermen Council Trawlers Association
EPA
WASTE MANAGEMENT ACCRA METROPOLITAN ASSEMBLY MILLENNIUM CITY INITIATIVE ACADEMIA RESEARCHERS IWMI SWITCH
Ghana National Canoe Owners Union National Federation of the Urban Poor Peoples Dialogue
26
The complexities of PPPs are particularly strong in the context of the communities analysed, where urban and marine policies accumulate. The lack of coordination amongst different governmental bodies creates overlapping of authorities leading to shirking of responsibilities.
n order to face the challenges presented in the previous section, the fishing communities have developed some coping strategies, which can be summarized as follows: The decreasing fish stocks and the subsequent loss in income have pushed the fishermen to migrate seasonally in search of greater catch. Besides increasing income, this strategy allows them to save money by avoiding some of the social and economic obligations (cf. Obeng, 2010).
Another way of bypassing the social structure, which in the lean season represents an obstacle for many fishermen, is the practice of landing on other landing beaches, where they can sell the catch to the highest bidder. This helps them to avoid sharing the catch with the canoe owner. Reduced catches and competition with industrial and semi-industrial trawlers dictate the necessity to use illegal fishing techniques such as light fishing in order to attract more fish as
COASTAL ACCRA
a desperate measure. This has also encouraged the use of nets with illegal mesh sizes (allowing fishermen to exploit juvenile fish) together with disregard of the traditional fishing ban on Tuesdays. Formation of womens saving groups as explained earlier. Creation of COU in order to compensate for the lack of representativeness of the Canoes Fishermen Council to which only Chiefs have access. Fishmongers use coconut shells in order to replace the costly firewood for the Chorkor ovens.
Women buy and process imported frozen fish, in Tema especially during the lean season. The necessity to fish in deeper waters and the need to adapt to new technologies have encouraged the useage of outboard motors (introduced in 1956).
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WOMEN BUYING FROZEN FISH FROM TEMA FOR PROCESSING PHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
n summary, the lack of participation by the traditional fishing community, poor representation within this community, lack of recognition of their traditional structures and their importance for the city implies no protection of the interests of coastal communities. The question raised is:
resilient structures. Secondly, processes of urbanisation have had negative impacts particularly on the ecological and the socio-cultural systems. There is thus a need for a paradigm shift in planning of coastal social-ecological systems in Accra towards human-in-the-environment perspectives (Folke, 2006: 263) which would integrate not only urban but also marine policy making. In the present context of fragmented planning and overlapping responsibilities, this seems to be a major obstacle in Accra. Nevertheless, the analysis of current proposals, initiatives and informal actctivities allows us to identify room for manoeuvre (cf. Appendix 3). In particular the Guinnea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Project (GCLME) provides a useful framework for improved integration of urban coastal management issues. Strategies for implementation of this project in the specific context of Accras artisanal fishing communities are proposed in the following section.
Who protects the coastal ecosystem which is a source of livelihood for the communities residing there? Who provides food security and are a key contributor to the resilience of the city?
Two main conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the findings. Firstly, processes at the scale of the city, at National and at global level seem to be the root cause of vulnerabilities created in coastal communities. However, as traditional structures become weakened, dynamics within the community are likewise contributing to a loss in
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COASTAL ACCRA
8 STRATEGIES
8.1 Introduction
he fieldwork findings showed that gaps in coordination across institutions and lack of public participation are currently hindering Accras coastal communities from adapting to the changes. In order to overcome these hindrances, planning for Accras coastal communities needs to shift to a more cross-sectoral approach, integrating regional and local PPPs (cf. Appendix 2) ranging from waste management, environmental planning, freshwater management, marine resource management to urban development. The involvement of multiple stakeholders, including the communities themselves as well as other formal and informal institutions, throughout the process of design and implementation of plans would be the key to success for an integrated approach that enables adaptive governance.
Appendix 3.1). However, similar to most ICZM projects worldwide, this is currently focused on rural areas, and therefore fails to fully address the double burden of urban and marine pressures that communities in Jamestown and Chorkor are facing.
NEXT STEPS
The lessons learnt in the pilot implementaion of ICM in urban areas in the Philippines have highlighted the importance of a multi-stakeholder taskforce drawing members from public and private organisations and the community. (PEMSEA, 2006). Therefore, the current proposal to create a similar body in the form of a District FIshery Assembly must be ratified. GCLME recommended that strategic action be taken in several areas. Among them, four can be identified as crucial to achieve the objectives of ICM in the context of Accra. These are improvement of livelihoods, waste management, resource management and the creation of employment opportunities. Activities for implementation of strategic action in these areas are suggested to link existing PPPs and activities at regional, urban and community level with GCLME projects, as outlined in the following chapter. For the strategies proposed, and for waste management in particular, the currently implemented GCLME pilot project on Waste Stock Management in Ghana (cf. Annex 3) provides a supportive context. 29
Long Term
Community
30
Making charcoal from coconut shells collected as waste to be used as a substitute for firewood bought from inland by the fishmongers
Number of coconut shell charcoal production sites The amount of charcoal produced The reduction in the purchase of fuel-wood
MediumTerm
hough the plan for regeneration of the harbour (MCI, cf. Appendix 2.1.1) is still a work in progress, it has presently created a lot of dissatisfaction amongst the Ga community. In this regard a first step has been taken by the NGO Ga Mashie Development Agency (GAMADA) by establishing a conflict management plan aiming at providing solutions to any dissent created. This plan requires the involvement of a larger spectrum of stakeholders than it currently includes such as the Fisheries Commission and COU and, most importantly, the community members. The focus group discussions should be interactive so as to allow cross flow of information. Selection of day and timing must be such so as to
ensure maximum participation by all. To fulfil this objective, the NGO Peoples Dialogue on Human Settlements (PD) and the CBMCs can provide the much needed impetus. The groups fieldwork revealed that Saturday was the most suitable day as this is the least productive day for both men and women.
ROLE OF FISHMONGERS
Fishmongers have a considerable potential to develop entrepreneurial skills. It is suggested that any future attempt to enhance the artisanal fishery value chain should first assess its impacts on the organisational structure, which is crucial for the survival of the sector itself. So far, no such
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assessment has been carried out by the authorities. Also the Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor (GHAFUP) could help in the enhancement of savings groups, which at the moment are not widespread (Mrs. Arday-Acquah, the groups facilitator and representative of GHAFUP, expressed an interest in engaging in this area).
The production of coconut shell charcoal is considered more sustainable than buying fuel wood because: it protects the forest, it reduces transport costs, provides livelihood opportunities (coconuts can be bought from local coconut collectors and processed into charcoal at the smoking location). Thus, there can be a reliable supply because of the close proximity to the smoking site. Furthermore, coconut shell charcoals provide better product quality with better texture and sweet smell to the smoked fish.
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WASTE MANAGEMENT1
ACTIONS INDICATORS ACTORS2 TIME-SCALE RECYCLING AND EMPLOYMENT DIVERSIFICATION OPPORTUNITIES Encourage industry to use recyclable plastics, making mandatory the existing proposal of adding biodegradable additives NATIONAL Number of companies using recyclable plastics Number of compounds participating Number of facilities created EPA (for monitoring and record keeping) National Association of the Sachet Water Producers Ghana Plastic Management Association Long Term
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Training of teachers to educate primary school children about the environment, and environmental management at household level Creating facilities and markets for re-use and recycling
AMA Community
Medium Term
CITY Number of recycling facilities in use Gbi Hanjer Ghana Limited and other private waste management companies Producers of plastic products Organisations such as Global Mamas COMMUNITY Canoe owners council ZOIL Long Term
Sea clean-up days on which Fishermen take plastic waste to the beach instead of throwing it back into the sea Creation of collection facilities at the compound level
Canoe owners council publish who participated and create a competition Amount of recyclable bags collected Number of collection facilities created in compounds
Short Term
AMA submetro offices Ashiedu Keteke and Ablekuma South Community members, particularly women
Medium Term
1 2
Refer to Appendix 2.1.3 Additional actors and responsibilities are recommended to be specified by the executive committee on waste management
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Coastal Area Degradation within which a network has been set up to develop strategies on waste collection, disposal and recycling by the private sector in Ghana. By bringing together these various stakeholders, existing proposals (e.g. SWITCH project (Adank, Darteh et al., 2011), the GCLME project), initiatives (e.g. Accra Sewerage Improvement Project (OCIN, 2005) and informal actions (e.g. coconut shells for reuse in smoking Chorkor ovens) can be merged into one coherent strategy. Activities should be prioritised and include the replacement of current non-degradable water sachets with biodegradable plastics through formal regulation, as well as the creation of recycling markets to encourage formal and informal engagement in recycling activities. The latter strategy combines the creation of employment opportunities and economic benefits created at city and national level for small and medium scale enterprises. Additional activities should focus on awareness raising through education of school children (to trigger a long term change) and through immediate actions such as sea clean up days, in reference to Zoils clean-up of beaches . On such days, fishermen could be encouraged to collect plastic caught with the fish and bring it to the shore instead of throwing it back into the sea which is currently a common practice. Incentives could be the nomination of the most environmentally friendly fisherman through the publications and awards by the COU.
impact on fish stock from liquid waste that has not been documented to date. In this context it is to be recommended that the Riparian Buffer Zone Policy is implemented in the entire Densu River water basin not only through integration of riparian land use criteria in land use planning and environmental assessments of future projects, but also through revision of existing permits for water extraction and use based on these criteria. More comprehensive monitoring of water pollution is moreover considered crucial for effective liquid waste management, engaging stakeholders in both freshwater and marine water management (i.e. WRC, EPA, MoFA, Fisheries Comission, farmers and fishermen). A starting point for a more comprehensive monitoring would be a register of waters returned to water streams, based on the data gathered by the WRC when granting permits. This could be complemented by measurement of water qualities, in order to establish separate thresholds for return of contaminated waters for each water stream discharged in Accra. A strong colaboration between research institutes and governmental institutions is recommended for the latter. 33
Better coordination in monitoring and enforcement of laws though District Fishery Assemblies
Mangrove Restoration
34
REGENERATION OF NURSERY FOR JUVENILE FISH FOR THE FUTURE SUSTAINABLE FISH STOCK
In order to ensure the future sustainability of fish stocks harvested by the traditional fishing communities in Accra, there is a need to create a city linkage connecting Accra with fishing communities in Jamestown and Chorkor.
Despite the ecological benefits of preserving their resources, including mangroves that serve as sites of nursery for marine juvenile fish, wetlands have been widely used as waste lands or considered as areas served for mosquitoes breeding (Ministry of Lands and Forestry, 2001). There has been indiscriminate exploitation of wetlands due to lack of regulation. The recognition of the importance of wetlands with Ramsar Convention (1971) gradually came into force, and
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therefore the Ministry of Lands and Forestry has established the national wetlands conservation strategy, managing Ghanas wetlands: a National Wetlands Conservation Strategy (1999). Therefore, effective mangrove restoration programmes will be a key to regenerate fish stock by restoring more breeding and feeding sites of the juvenile marine fish species which eventually
add to the sustainability of fish stock of the Greater Accra Region. To achieve this, initiatives related to sustainable management of coastal resources need to be coordinated at city, regional and national levels as well as at sub-regional level, such as GCLME and the West and Central African Regional Seas Programme (WACAF) by UNEP.
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9 Conclusion
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n the past, traditional fishing communities of Jamestown and Chorkor have been resilient to political, economic and environmental changes due to their strong socio-cultural structures and adaptive capacity. Today, however, gaps in policy implementation and the neo-liberal forms of urban development undermine the resilience of these communities. In order to gain an understanding of their contribution to the resilience of Accra, the study developed a conceptual framework which was used to analyse the findings. It was found that they are forced to adopt short-term coping strategies which are often not sustainable. Therefore, in order to maintain their resilience in the future, these communities need to be protected. In order to achieve this objective, the strategy suggested in the study, is an integrated management of urban and marine systems. However, given the limitations of the study and the importance of this community together with the unique urban setting of Accra, further research must be conducted in the future. This must be with respect to: Assessing the impacts of constantly changing environmental interactions related to changes in up-welling, destruction of wetland areas, coastal erosion and flooding on the livelihoods of the communities. Monitoring the changing dynamics of stakeholder interactions over time. Close monitoring of the water quality both in the sea and freshwater by measuring Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD), Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) and others. At regional level the saturation of the artisanal fishery sector, the ensuing unemployment among the fishermen combined with high migration rate to GAMA have been verified (Atta Mills, op. cit; Obeng, 2012). Therefore, future research should investigate fishermen unemployment rate in Ga Mashie and assess migration trends in order to establish if a coherent strategy for employment diversification is needed.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adank, M., Darteh, B., & al., e. (2011). Deliverable D1.1.6 Towards integrated urban water management in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area Current status and strategic directions for the future. Retrieved 04 08, 2012, from http:// www.switchurbanwater.eu/ Addo, K. (2009). Detection of coastal erosion hotspots in Accra, Ghana. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa , 11 (4), pp. 253-265. Atta-Mills, J. et al., (2004). The decline of a regional fishing nation: The case of Ghana and West Africa, Natural Resources Forum 28, 13-21. Baabereyir, A. (2009). Urban Environmental Problems in Ghana: a case study on social and environmental injustices in solid waste management in Accra and Sekondi Takoradi. Thesis submitted to the School of Geography University of Nottingham, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Nottingham. Bortei-Doku Aryeetey Isser, E., (1993). Kinsfolk and workers: social aspects of labour relations among da-dagme coastal fisherfolk in Bard Franois-Xavier (ed.), Koranteng K.A. (ed.), Dynamics and use of sardinella resources from upwellling off Ghana and Ivory Coast : acts of DUSRU meeting. Paris Bremer, A. (2002). Conflict Moderation and Participation - Prospects and Barriers for Urban Renewal in Ga Mashie, Accra. In R. Mills-Tettey, & K. Adi-Dako, Visions of the City - Accra in the 21st Century (pp. 106-116). Accra: Goethe Institut Nationales Accra. Chirapaisarnkul (2011). Financing Mechanisms for Climate Change Adaptation Initiatives. Available online at: https://moodle.ucl. ac.uk/file.php/5081/ESD/2010-2011/ C H I R A PA I S A R N K U L _ A d a _ - _ M S c _ Dissertation_s.pdf [Accessed 27/05/2012] Cumming, G. S., Cumming, D. H., & Redman, C. L. (2006). Scale mismatches in social-ecological systems: causes, consequences, and solutions. Ecology and Society , 1 (14). Denutsui, D., Akiti, T., Osae, S., Dampare, S. B., Tutu, A. O., Blankson-Arthur, S., et al. (2011). Assessment of pollution into the Densu Delta Wetland using instrumental neutron activation analysis. Research Journal of Environmental and Earth Sciences , 3 (6), 772-781. Entsua-Mensah, M., Ofori-Danson, P. K., & Koranteng, K. A. (2000). Management isues for the sustainable use of lagoon fish resources. In E. K. Abban, C. M. Casal, T. M. Falk, & R. S. Pullin, Biodiversity and sustainable use of fish in the coastal zone (pp. 63-71). Accra: ICLARM Conf. Proc. Ernstson, H., Leeuw, S. E., Redman, C. L., Meffert, D. J., Davis, G., Alfsen, C., et al. (2010, July 29). Urban Transitions: On Urban Resilience and Human-Dominated Ecosystems. AMBIO , 2010 (39), pp. 531-545. Evans, B., Joas, M., Sundback, S., & Theobald, K. (2006). Governing local Sustainability. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management , 49 (6), pp. 849-867. Evans, J. P. (2011). Resilience, ecology and adaptation in the experimental city. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers , 2011 (36), pp. 223237. FAO, (2007). Ghana Fishery country profile (available at: www.fao.org/fi/website/FISearch. do?dom=country) FAO, (2009). Capture production by species, fishing areas and countries or areas, in Fishery and aquaculture statistcs (available at ftp://ftp.fao. org/FI/CDrom/CD_yearbook_2009/navigation/
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index_content_capture_e.htm Grant & Yankson 2002. Accra City profile. Cities 20 (1), pp. 65-74. Hall, G. M. (2011). Fish processing: sustainability and new opportunities. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Harvey, D. 2006. Spaces of global capitalism: Towards a theory of uneven geographical development. London and New York: Verso. Interim Guinea Current Commission. (2009). Proceedings of the GCLME Regional Workshop, Douala, 2009. Fisheries Management Plans and Implementation Strategies in the GCLME. Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Project. Kwame Anku, S. (2006, September 21). Managing wetlands in Accra, Ghana. Retrieved May 29, 2012, from http://www.unep.org/urban_environment/PDFs/ManagingAccraWetlands.pdf Lefebvre, B. (2002). The Role of Historic Centres in Urban Development. In R. Mills-Tettey, & K. Adi-Dako, Visions of the City - Accra in the 21st Century (pp. 129-133). Accra: Goethe Institut Nationales Accra. Ministry of Lands and Forestry (2001, March 12). Managing Ghanas wetlands: a national wetlands conservation strategy.Retrieved May 30,2012,from http://www.ramsar.org/cda/en/ramsar-documents-wurl-policies--managing-ghana-s/main/ ramsar/1-31-116-162%5E21180_4000_0__ MWRWH (2011). Riparian Buffer Zone Policy for Management of Freshwater Bodies in Ghana. Available online at http://www.wrc-gh.org/docs/ wrc_4014e_20120224_1330067407_.pdf. Ntiamoa-Baidu, Y., & Gordon, C. (1991, August). Coastal wetlands management plans: Ghana. Retrieved May 24, 2012, from http:// www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/ WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2009/10/29/00 0334955_20091029014758/Rendered/PDF/511 660ESW0Whit10Box342025B01PUBLIC1.pdf Obeng-Odoom , F. (March 2012). Neoliberalism and the Urban Economy in Ghana: Urban Employment, Inequality, and Poverty in Growth
and Change Vol. 43 No. 1, pp. 85109. OCIN. 2005. Accra Sewerage Improvement Project (ASIP). (A. D. Fund, Ed.) Appraisal Report . PEMSEA. 2006. Securing the future through ICM: The case of the Batangas Bay Region. (G. R. Asia, Ed.) PEMSEA Technical Report. Punchihewa, P. G., & Arancon, R. N. 1999, . Coconut: post-harvest operations. Retrieved May 30, 2012, from http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/inpho/docs/Post_Harvest_ Compendium_-_Coconut.pdf Swyngedouw, E., & Heynen, N. C. (2003). Urban Political Ecology, Justice and the Politics of Scale. Antipode , pp. 898-918. Twumasi, Y. A., & Asomani-Boateng, R. 2002. Mapping Seasonal Hazards for Flood Management in Accra, Ghana Using GIS. Geoscience and Remote Sensing Symposium IGARSS '02. 2002 IEEE International. IGCC/UNIDO (2010). Report of the Round Table for Private Sector: Waste Collection, Disposal and Recycling Systems. Available online at: http://gclme.iwlearn.org/documentscentre/demo-projects/demo-wsm-ghana/reportdemo-waste-stock-management/at_download/ file UNEP (2012). Progress in implementing the Global Programme of Action for the Protection of the Marine Environment from Land-based Activities at the National Level. available online at: http://www.gpa.depiweb.org/docman/doc_ view/180-unepgpaigr3inf3rev1.html United Nations. (2002). Ghana Country Profile. Johannesburg Summit 2002. Walker, B. H., Gunderson, L. H., Kinzig, A. P., Folke, C., Carpenter, S. R., & Schultz, L. (2006). A handful of heuristics and some propositions for understanding resilience in social-ecological systems. Ecology and Society , 1 (13). Wellington, H. (2002). Kelewele, Kpokpoi, Kpangalo: A random Search for Accra's Urban
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Quality in a Sea of Globalisation. In R. MillsTetey, & K. Adi-Dako, Visions of the City - Accra in the 21st Century (pp. 79-89). Accra: Goethe Institut Inter Nationes Accra. Yeboah, I. (2000). Structural Adjustment and Emerging Urban Form in Accra, Ghana. Africa Today , 47 (2), pp. 61-89. Yeboah, I. (2008). Ethnic Emancipation and Urban Land Claims: Disenfranchisement of the Ga of Accra, Ghana. Geographical Research , 46 (4), pp. 435445.
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APPENDICES
1. Maps
1.1. Flood risk 1.2. Pollution 1.3. Land use in fishing communities
2.
3.
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1. Maps
1.1 Flood Risk
1.2 Pollution
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attaining the MDGs including the fundamental goal of halving extreme poverty by 2015. The MCIs top priorities are to attract domestic and FDIs that can create jobs, stimulate domestic enterprise and increase prosperity through more efficient agricultural production and agroprocessing, improved manufacturing and a wider array of export markets (Obeng, 2012). The other key area of focus is on bettering the lives of citizens by helping to improve the delivery of such essential public services as water and sanitation, good safe schools and properly equipped health facilities. Within the MCI, two successive urban planning, policy and design workshops have been undertaken to date addressing Accras public health system and studies on waste-to-energy and bus rapid transit options, solid waste composting, the region-wide e-waste industry now headquartered in Accra, and the history of land use policy for the city. Design proposals for improvement of residential and commercial sites in Ga Mashie envisage improvement of water provision services through water towers, market-oriented development of commercial areas and development of the waterfront for touristic use. The current designs include fishing and related activities as important livelihood strategies, but do not provide visions for protection of the artisanal fishery.
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aboard a motor fishing vessel shall not destroy or damage an appropriately marked fishing gear of an artisanal fisherman inside the zone. (3) full compensation for the destroyed gear either in kind or in cash, and adequate compensation for lost fishing time. Section 81. Establishment of zones and prohibition of fishing inside zones (2) The zone shall be used exclusively by small semi-industrial vessels, canoes and recreational fishing vessels. (3) A person shall not use a large semi-industrial vessel or industrial fishing vessel for fishing inside the zone. (5) A towing gear shall not be used in a thirty-metre zone or the depth prescribed by the Regulations. FISHING ACTIVITIES Section 84. Closed seasons (1) The Commission may by notice in the Gazette declare closed seasons, including their duration, for fishing in specified areas of the coastal waters or the reverie system. (2) A declaration made under subsection (1) shall be given reasonable publicity and, where possible, shall be given in advance of the closed season. CONSERVATION MEASURES Section 89. Protection of gravid and juvenile lobsters, other crustacean and other juvenile fish (1) A person shall not during fishing knowingly take any: (c) juvenile fish. (2) Where a fish mentioned in subsection (1) is caught accidentally or as a by-catch it shall immediately be returned to the sea, river or lake. (3) A person who contravenes this section commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine and in addition, the catch, fishing gear or any other apparatus or any combination of them used in the commission of the offence may be forfeited to the Republic. Section 92. Pollution of fishery waters A person who directly or indirectly introduces a deleterious substance into the fishery waters which adversely affects the habitat or health of the fish or any other living aquatic resource commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine. The Act failed to raise issues such as harmful fishing practices such as light fishing and pair
trawling on artisanal and semi-industrial industry, quality control of fish products and rights to access fishing logistics. Fisheries Regulations, 2010 (L.I. 1968) in tune with modern measures covers all fisheries sectors, including artisanal fisheries, in regards to fishing license, registration of fishing vessels, fishing nets, fishing devices and methods, fishing equipment, compliance measures and monitoring mechanisms. Section 8.(1) A person shall not use (a) a multifilament set-net the mesh size of which is less than fifty millimeters in stretched diagonal length in the marine water or riverine system; (c) a monofilament set-net in the marine waters. Section 10. (1) A person shall not manufacture, import, or sell or use a fishing net or gear, the mesh size of which is less than twenty-five millimeters in stretched diagonal length. Section 11. (1) A person shall not within the fishery waters of this country (a) use any fishing method that aggregates fish by light attraction including use of portable generator, switchboard, bulbs beyond 500 watts or bulbs whose cumulative light intensity attracts fish and long cable to facilitate light production or any other contrivance for the purpose of aggregating fish by light. (d) operate pair-trawling. Customary Law (Under Article 11 of the Constitution) are on the basis of religious beliefs and superstitions in association with fetishes which are enforced by taboos; Tuesday is regarded as the sacred day of the sea god and a long resting period which coincides with the fish sprawling periods. Nevertheless, the conservation of marine resources managed though taboos is sometimes disregarded by some fishermen due to small catches caused by the depletion of fish stock.
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and initiatives amongst others. This is implemented through the creation of country specific plans and Interim Guinea Current Commission, which is later to become a more permanent body. For implementation of the GCLME, the GCLME Strategic Action Program (SAP) has been developed by the steering Committee of the Interim Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystems (GCLME) in annual meetings between 2005 and 2011. The SAPs are currently translated into National Action Programs (NAPs) in each of the 16 member countries. In Ghana, this process is coordinated by the Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology and supported by consultancy reports and monitoring activities from Ghana Water Research Institute (WRI) and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR). As a pilot project, a Waste Stock Exchange Management System is being designed, exploring the options for solid waste recycling and promoting public-private partnerships, scientific research and awarenessraising campaigns (IGCC/UNIDO 2010). 49
Increasing the potential for environmentally just urbanisation in Old Fadama through urban agriculture and community led waste management
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KATE BARRY MARTIN CALISTO NAUSICA CASTANAS ZACHARY COLE VILIANO FASSINI MEIJE GERNEZ CLAIRE TUNNACLIFFE
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Table of contents
2.1 Acknowledgments 2.2 Abbreviations 2.3 List of Figures and Tables 2.3 Executive Summary 2.4 Background 2.5 Methodology
Limitations
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2.6 Conceptual Framework Hypothesis 2.7 Key Findings: Case Studies 2.8 Scenarios Spatial Stagnation Spatial Negotiation Spatial Transformation Strategies 2.9 Conclusion Future Research 2.10 Epilogue 2.11 Works Cited 2.12 Appendices
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
irst and foremost, we would like to thank our two local facilitators, Albassan Baba Fuseini of GHAFUP and Lawrence Dickson-Cobblah of MoFA. We are extremely grateful for their time, translation, support and excellent facilitation of our research in Ghana. We would also like to extend our gratitude to our UCL facilitators, Adriana Allen and Matthew Wood-Hill, as well as the rest of the DPU team that travelled to Ghana with us, Rita Lambert, Alexandre Apsan Frediani and Etienne Von Bertrab, for their valuable insight and feedback.
We greatly appreciated all lectures and seminars both in London and in Accra as they were extremely enriching for our project and our understanding of UA and land issues in our area. Last but not least, we thank everyone who agreed to talk to us on the field with a special mention to the members of OFADA, as our research would not have been possible without them.
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ABBREVIATIONS
AMA AWGUPA Accra Metropolitan Assembly Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-urban Agriculture Civil Society Coalition on Land Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions Development Planning Unit Environmental Justice Environmentally Just Urbanisation Environmentally Unjust Urbanisation Greater Accra Metropolitan Area Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor Ghana Cedi Ghana Water Company Ltd. Institute of Local Government Studies Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research International Water Management Institute KLERP LAP LC LfL MCI MDGs MLG MoFA OFADA PDG Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project Land Administration Project Lands Commission Land for Life Millennium City Initiative Millennium Development Goals Ministry of Local Government Ministry of Food & Agriculture Old Fadama Development Association Peoples Dialogue on Human Settlements Ghana Right to the City Shack/Slum Dwellers International Town and Country Planning Urban Agriculture University College London
CICOL COHRE DPU EJ EJU EUU GAMA GHAFUP GHC GWCL ILGS ISSER
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IWMI
Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating the OFADA Waste Management Scenario? 26 Spatial Transformation Scenario Map: Synergy Without Walls Synergy Without Walls Timeline Synergy Without Walls: Linking Actors to Actions 27 28 30
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
his report is the product of a four month long study of Old Fadama, the largest informal settlement in Accra, Ghana. This community of over 80,000 people situated on the shores of the Korle Lagoon is the centre of a heated political debate. While the local government seeks to evict the settlement in order to carry out a restoration project on the Korle Lagoon, residents are fighting for their right to remain in a place that they have called home for over two decades. Moreover, Old Fadama is situated in a flood prone zone which is commonly used as an informal deposit for solid waste that the government has refused to provide with any basic service such as waste collection, sanitation and education. In this difficult political situation and these precarious living conditions, our study seeks to examine what role UA could contribute towards achieving a greater level of EJU. We have centred our research around Old Fadamas ties to the surrounding area by examining three categories of flows in and out of the community: food, waste, and livelihoods. We argue that the flows identified display the settlements importance within Accra and challenge its perception as an isolated pocket of poverty that hinders the development of the city. Rather, the data collected reveals the extent to which Old Fadama is an integral part of the city and a crucial element in the metabolism of West Accra. This conclusion will be demonstrated through detailed descriptions of the role of key actors, institutions, and places in West Accra, including kaya yeis (head porters), kaya bolas (waste collectors), and livestock farmers, chop bars (local canteens), a slaughter slab (informal abattoir), and the Abossey Okai farm. Additionally, four different possible scenarios for Old Fadama will be analysed with the aim of exploring the current situation and possible opportunities for EJU in Old Fadama with the use of UA and community-led
waste management as tools. While the three first scenarios demonstrate less than optimum situations, our fourth scenario contains our main recommendations and strategies that would bring about a greater level of EJU in West Accra. In short, we recommend a spatial transformation approach combining a community-led waste management system and UA coupled with an awareness campaign to challenge the negative perception of the settlement. Through this strategy we hope that citizens of Old Fadama will be able to reclaim their right to the city and generate a greater level of environmental justice.
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BACKGROUND
hroughout the developing world, cities are being transformed by the dual processes of rapid and unplanned urbanisation, and internal migration, as economic pressures push people from rural areas to seek opportunity in the city. The emergence of Old Fadama is a consequence of these changes: with an influx of citizens from Northern Ghana, increasing competition for land and rising land prices, Accra cannot accommodate all newcomers. Informal settlements thus serve as an affordable solution to housing and provision of livelihoods in the informal sector.
has promoted the city as a model for sustainable development for West Africa. However, the drive to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has translated into a number of regeneration projects being fast-tracked throughout the city, generally overlooking notions of sustainability and environmental justice (EJ) in favour of economic growth and touristic appeal. In West Accra, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) has been promoting the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project (KLERP), which would require the communitys relocation.
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Old Fadama exists in a permanent state of transiency, with infrastructure1 and housing being organised, built and maintained by the community at their own cost. The issue of the settlements location has continuously been contentious. Popularly referred to as Sodom and Gomorrah2 the settlement has always been perceived by authorities as a temporary arrangement. Claimed to be dangerous and the residents violent people, armed robbers, crooks, prostitutes and the unemployed (Galeta, 2011), Old Fadama is viewed as a virtual pocket of bads, a cancer that needs to be removed for Accra to develop. Additionally, the community borders the Korle Lagoon, currently used as an illegal landfill for both local waste and international e-waste.
The declaration of Accra as a Millennium City by the Millennium City Initiative (MCI) in 2001
1 The community has no formal sanitation, waste collection or basic infrastructure amenities, due to its informality. 2 A biblical reference to two cities that were so ridden with sin that God destroyed them without offering a chance to repent.
Through our research we attempt to understand the potential for urban agriculture (UA) a commonplace practice in open spaces all over Accra in Old Fadama and how it could contribute towards a more environmentally just process of urbanisation. One of the peculiarities of our area is its sheer concentration of people. Because of the density and growing population, competition for land is at its highest, leaving little room for open spaces. As a consequence, we have assumed a broad definition of UA, extending
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beyond vegetable farming to include livestock rearing, and the flow of raw and processed foods in and out of the settlement. Generally, UA has been under-studied in these areas, providing little to build our research around.
In what ways could UA contribute to a more environmentally just pattern of urbanisation for Old Fadama? Can the settlement be considered in isolation from the rest of the city, and the Agbogbloshie market? Can UA contribute to improve the relations between Old Fadama and AMA? How can waste management promote UA practices and thus contribute to environmentally just urbanisation (EJU)?
Since waste management is an evident issue for the community, we decided early on to analyse its relation with UA with a particular focus on the synergies that could exist between UA and a community-led waste management system. We therefore developed several important questions exploring the role of UA in Old Fadama: What are the existing UA practices in Old Fadama? What is the potential for expanding these?
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Abossey Okai:
Active UA plot since the 1940s Institutional land, owned by AMA UA site reduced due to plans to build parking lot by International Central Gospel Church 10 farmers, all men Currently 10 beds per farmer Water source for irrigation: drain water Market women from Agbogbloshie and Makola buy vegetables directly on site In the process of relocating
Old Fadama:
Largest informal settlement in Accra Estimated to have approximately 80,000 dwellers1 Covers 31 hectares of institutional land, owned by AMA Emerged in 1981 Mostly populated by citizens from Northern Ghana Commonly referred to as Sodom and Gomorrah Fadama in the Hausa dialect means irrigable land ie. land that is prone to flooding, wetlands Old Fadama experiences frequent flooding Livelihoods dependent on Agbogbloshie market
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1 The population estimates vary between 40,000 and 80,000. This is due both to the difference between day and night populations, frequently missed in official data, and to the strategic interests of the government in refuting the size of the settlement.
Korle Bu1:
1
11 hectares of private land, owned by Korle Bu Teaching Hospital MoFA best farm award in 2011 Association and savings group since 2010 120 permanent farmers (1 woman), 50 day workers 120 beds per farmer Water sources for irrigation: drain, tab and dugout Market women from Agbogbloshie, Kasoa and central region buy directly on site
See Appendix 1 for Korle Bu case study.
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Agbogbloshie Market:
Previously a destination for people from rural areas to sell their produce, became a market in the 1980s when AMA built permanent structures Largest wholesale market in Accra, attracting customers from all over the city Products competitively priced
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Korle Lagoon:
Previous place of worship of Ga tribe, now used as dumpsite At the centre of the KLERP KLERP: 90 million dollar project, backed by international investors KLERP aim: preserve the lagoon and its surroundings as an ecological park for recreational activities a tourist attraction KLERP: requires the relocation of Old Fadama
METHODOLOGY
ur research methods differed with respect to each stage of the project. Starting with a comprehensive background study on both the area and current UA practices in Accra, we went on to develop our hypotheses and research questions, which guided our fieldwork. We then spent two weeks in the field using a variety of participatory research tools1. At the end of our stay, 1 For a detailed daily plan of our fieldwork, refer to appendix 2.
we processed our data and presented it orally, opening a dialogue between different stakeholders and giving us the opportunity to hand over the results of our mapping exercise as a tool for local organisations. The final stage of this project was to compile this document as a catalyst for further discussions around UA and EJU in Accra.
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LIMITATIONS
Lack of prior research on urban agriculture in Old Fadama limited the precision of our initial fieldwork plan Conflicting views the topic of Old Fadama is controversial, and our sources had varying agendas and differing biases Conflicting data interviewees sometimes had different information on the same issues. The time constraint of our fieldwork did not allow us to examine these inconsistencies in more depth Time frame three weeks of fieldwork does inhibit certain levels of data collection i.e. seasonality and consistency
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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
o conduct our research, a working definition of EJU was developed through the merging of debates on what EJ and the right to the city (RtC) entail. This was applied to the examination of the current and potential practice of UA in Old Fadama. EJ, at its core, is recognised as the just distribution of environmental goods and bads, as well as the equal participation and recognition of the populations most affected by environmental degradation (Agyeman, 2005). The concept of RtC identifies the collective Environmentally Just rights of citizens to shape Urbanisation the environment they live in as a basic human right. Just distribution of environIt transcends notions of mental goods and bads resource allocation to give Equal participation and recogthe urban poor, tradinition of urban poor tionally excluded from this Horizontal platform of RtC (MacPherson and communication enabling Ziervogel), an active role voice for most affected in urban planning (Harvey, Ensured inclusive, active role 2008).EJU is hence the in planning of the city meeting point of EJ and Combines rights-based RtC.
approach with justice-based approach to development
We therefore had a twofold mission during our fieldwork: To investigate existing practices and relationships of UA within current environmentally unjust patterns of urbanisation with a focus on waste management To assert the importance of Old Fadama within Accra, and challenge its perception as an isolated pocket of poverty rather than an integral part of the city through the analysis of flows in and out of the settlement
HYPOTHESIS
Our mission was informed by our hypotheses. In particular, based on our desk research, we deduced that UA has the potential to bring about EJU in the Korle Lagoon area and strengthen the links that already exist between Accra and Old Fadama. Specifically, linking UA with a community based waste management would encourage environmental stewardship, ultimately promoting EJ in and around Old Fadama and the Korle Lagoon. Linking UA and community based waste management systems would allow for: Shorter food chains and improved food security Promote social organisation and greater participation in Accras food system for the residents of Old Fadama Reduce environmental degradation
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The current pattern of urbanisation in Accra has systematically excluded the urban poor in particular the residents of Old Fadama from the planning process, leaving them voiceless and turning their living environment into a landfill. This propagates a model of environmentally unjust urbanisation (EUU) both for Old Fadama and the Korle Lagoon.
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FOUR Hypothesis
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transport, and disposal practices of the area. The first four could be described as physical transaction points in our flows within the city - they are key places for production, processing, and sale. The last two could be considered vehicles, transporting the produce - live, cut, cooked, waste to another destination. To ignore these different profiles, and their role, is to ignore their right to the city by ignoring their contribution to its workings, thus perpetuating environmental injustices inflicted upon them. farmers family. Production is small, due to the difficulty of building capital and the density of living spaces, in comparison with farmers outside of the community. Therefore, farming is not the only source of household income. Livestock feeds on organic waste from the Agbogbloshie market (watermelon peels, plantain, cassava, etc.) provided free of charge, sometimes supplemented by hay bought outside of Old Fadama. As the livestock is reared freely, they also feed on organic and inorganic matter found in the community. Customers come to Old Fadama to purchase the livestock live. The livestock is either immediately taken outside of the community to be processed elsewhere, or processed at a slaughter slab within the community. Waste produced by the livestock is thrown in the back of the community, on the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
LIVESTOCK FARMERS1
Animal Rearers 66
Livestock was identified as the main form of UA production in Old Fadama. Young livestock is brought into the community from outside and raised for sale. They are typically reproduced, but new livestock is bought to maintain a specific male-to-female ratio and breed. None of the livestock is consumed within the livestock
1 See Appendix 3 for additional background information..
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SLAUGHTER SLAB1 S
An informal abattoir where livestock is killed for consumption
Men own and operate 100% of livestock from Old Fadama is slaughtered here Over 50% of livestock slaughtered brought from outside of Old Fadama
There is one SIX Mapping the Flows: Slaughter Slab slaughter slab in Old Fadama. Since livestock production is not large enough to satisfy demand, livestock is bought from outside Old Fadama once every week or two, by the slab owners. Most of the meat is then taken outside of the community to be further processed through flows such as butchers, chop bars and restaurants. Meat is then predominantly brought back into the community through chop bars that purchase at Agbogbloshie market. The wastewater used to clean the slab and unwanted organs are dumped on the shores of the Korle Lagoon by slaughterers.
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CHOP BAR1
A Local Canteen
Women run and own chop bars Main source of household income
Old Fadama 1200 chop bars in Old Fadama, 530 work during the day, the rest work at night 100% of food used is from Agbogbloshie market 95% of food is consumed in Old Fadama, while 5% is sold outside of community
Agbogbloshie
1 See Appendix 5 for additional background information.
there is not enough time to cook on weekdays. As a result, most people eat in chop bars five times a week. Livestock is produced in Old Fadama, processed in the communitys slaughter slab, sold in Agbogbloshie Market and bought by the Old Fadama chop bars to then be cooked and sold in the community. The chop bars use the kaya bolas to remove their waste, which is dumped on the Korle Lagoon. Agbogbloshie SEVEN Mapping the Flows: Chop Bar Old Fadama Chop bars get all their produce from the Agbogbloshie market. Old Fadama is a community of traders and labourers, with two or more jobs. The entire household works, which means that Agbogbloshie has a Chop Bar Association. All the produce processed and consumed by the chop bars in Agbogbloshie is bought from the market. Waste is collected by the market kaya bolas for a fee and taken to the containers around the market. There is no formal sorting or recycling system set in place for the waste. partially owned by AMA. Because the church is now developing a portion of the land, the farmers are being relocated. This case study is considered within our profiling because while it is close to Old Fadama, there is no contact with the community. The majority of the crop is sold to market women from Makola and Agbogbloshie, who come directly to the farm. The farmers buy all the inputs for the farm (seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides) instead of cycling in available inputs from surrounding areas (i.e. manure from livestock in Old Fadama). Over the years, Abossey Okai has become known as a networking point between the farmers and market women.
ABOSSEY OKAI1
68 An area of land being farmed west of Old Fadama and Agbogbloshie market.
Men 90% of crop sold to market women 10% for household consumption No association but recognised due to long-standing presence
Abossey Okai has existed since the 1940s. The land is partially owned by a resident church, and
1 See Appendix 6 for more information
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KAYA YEI1
Head Porters Kaya yeis act as a vehicle to transport goods. They depend on the market, just as the market depends on them. They play a vital role within the flows of the city, linking Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market. Originally from the North, they are sent by their families to earn extra household income. They come to Accra during the periods of low harvest season and return when they are needed on their families farms. In addition, the kaya yeis pay a daily tax to AMAs inspectors. While they work in the market, they sleep in Old Fadama. In Agbogbloshie, the Kaya Yei Youth Association counts more than 488 members. These girls are being given skills training by the Association in anticipation of the markets relocation, which would force them to go back North, or seek other, often unstable, means of income. 69
Girls, between the ages of 6 - 18 Average daily income: 5 - 8 GHC/day Accommodation: 2 GHC/week Food: 2-3 GHC/day
See Appendix 9 for additional information on gender roles and saving groups in Old Fadama. NINE Mapping the Flows: Kaya Yei
KAYA BOLA1
A rubbish collector
Men Old Fadama 70 150 kaya bolas No association 30 - 40 clients 10 - 15 bags collected/day
TEN Mapping the Flows: Kaya Bola Instead, dumping occurs on the shores of the lagoon. Some waste separation takes place, as the kaya bola remove bits of copper, aluminium and plastic at collection for resale. This separation process constitutes a significant component of their livelihood. Agbogbloshie Some kaya bolas are in charge of manning the containers owned by Maxwell, managed by Zoomlion, while others collect the waste from vendors in the market. The latter are critical to the vendors livelihood, ensuring that the stalls remain in compliance with the health certificate authorised under AMAs Environmental Health and Sanitation Office. This certificate grants a permit to sell, provided that their stalls uphold a certain level of hygiene. In contrast to Old Fadama, their role is a recognised part of the flows in the area. The kaya bolas manning the containers collect a dumping fee from other kaya bolas who bring the waste from the market. Once the container is full, it is collected and taken to a landfill outside of Accra. Collection may take a week or more, so the kaya bolas have to stop dumping on the containers. As a result, waste is dumped directly into the roads and drains, as well as on the lagoon.
Agbogbloshie Operating around 6 waste containers The kaya bolas manning the container charge 30 pesewas - 1 GHC The kaya bolas collecting directly from the vendors charge between 50 pesewas - 1 GHC, then pay a smaller fee to the kaya bolas in charge of containers
As Old Fadama has no formal waste management system, kaya bolas have emerged in response to waste issues. While their roles are informal, they play an important part in the waste management system of the area, collecting waste from one place and dumping it on predetermined sites, both legal and illegal. Kaya bolas work across Old Fadama and Agbogbloshie market, though their roles may differ. Old Fadama Not all kaya bolas operating in the community live there. Kaya bolas have a regular customer base. There are no containers in Old Fadama.
1 See appendix 8 for more information
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SCENARIOS
B
y navigating through different scenarios, we explored the current situation in Old Fadama as well as the potential for the future development of UA and the benefits that would entail.
Logistics: Waste management remains informal and disconnected from the rest of Accra dependent on the kaya bolas working individually Solid waste form the settlement, the markets and parts of the city and liquid waste from Old Fadama reach the Korle Lagoon No space for expanding UA practices Persistence of tense relations between OFADA and AMA
Identified flows continue to be unacknowledged by AMA and invisible to much of the city
SPATIAL NEGOTIATION:
Our fieldwork revealed that there are negotiations underway between AMA and PDG. These follow two very different tangents: The relocation of Old Fadama to make way for the KLERP The possibility of rehabilitation in situ with an improved solid waste management system organised by OFADA
As previously mentioned, AMA has vested interests in Old Fadamas relocation: going forward with the KLERP has the potential to yield significant profit for the local government. A relocation site has already been identified outside the city, yet OFADA has found it to be unsuitable due to its location and size. Most importantly, it would break all ties with the markets and destroy the livelihoods of Old Fadamas residents, while negatively impacting the areas economy . Relocation would move away from EJU and RtC, and arguably even reverse all positive developments.
Logistics: 20,000 residents would be compensated Relocation would open way to KLERP Waste management for the Korle Lagoon would be under the stewardship of AMA No space for UA in the area Flows of livelihoods and food would be permanently severed and the Agbogbloshie market would suffer (affecting the community and the Agbogbloshie market) Open channel for negotiation between AMA and PDG Why are OFADA and PDG negotiating for this scenario with AMA? By agreeing to the relocation, OFADA and PDG are allowing for some room for manoeuvre. Instead of opposing the prospect of relocation, thus guaranteeing their exclusion from the table of negotiations, they are complying with the political pressures of AMA in an attempt to acquire an active role in this decisionmaking, and place-making, process.
RELOCATION SCENARIO
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Logistics: Encompasses the mediation of the communitys boundaries and the use of the shores of the Korle Lagoon; in compliance with AMAs agenda Erection of wall along the lagoons shores to prevent illegal dumping
Inside the wall Containers for the community to place their waste Waste sorting areas for kaya bola
Outside the wall Access routes access road for rubbish trucks and footpath for community Community recreational space i.e. football fields, social areas all maintained by Old Fadama Beautification of the shores with trees and flowers Solid waste management organised by OFADA:
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1. Kaya bola collect waste from households then sort waste into specialised containers different container for different waste (plastics, glass, organic, etc.) 2. Waste collected from containers by private waste collection companies i.e. Zoomlion 3. Partially funded by SDI1
See Appendix 10 for roles and responsibilities for the transformation of the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
1 Grant pending.
is a citywide problem of waste management, the shores of the lagoon might still get polluted with There are inherent weaknesses in this scenario. waste from other parts of Accra. Moreover, the Solid waste management would still depend on wall would cause the already overcrowded Old companies like Zoomlion, which are ineffective Fadama to surrender additional space. Most in other areas such as the Agbogbloshie market importantly, the perception of the community while liquid waste, arguably the biggest issues will not change, but will rather be enforced in Accra, would continue to pollute. Since there through the creation of a physical barrier separating it from the rest of Accra this Why are OFADA and PDG negotiating for this scenario with AMA? promotes the idea of Old Fadama as a pocket of bads and further isolates Wall the community - Prevention of future dumping on the shores - Protection of the community from tourist industry - Security posts 74 Improve relationship between Old Fadama and AMA through physical manifestation of spatial compromise Demonstrate communitys capacity through maintenance of aforementioned infrastructure (wall, access roads, containers, etc.) By agreeing to the wall, OFADA is allowing for some room for manoeuvre. By actively negotiating and compromising the use of space on the shores of the Korle Lagoon, OFADA ensures its participation in the planning of the space Old Fadama currently occupies, opening a dialogue between themselves and the government. OFADA is activating its potential to have a voice in the development of the Korle Lagoon area.
Critiques:
SIXTEEN Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating the OFADA Waste Management Scenario?
In both of the aforementioned scenarios, the potential for transformative change is minimal. The issues are not reframed: the perception of Old Fadama remains that of a problem that needs to either be removed or contained and isolated. While OFADAs waste management scenario opens new channels of negotiations with AMA, the ensuing transformation would only perpetuate existing patterns of EUU. While it could be argued that there would be more
EJ since the distribution of environmental bads to this community would be reduced, AMA still dictates the acceptable outcomes and the community is forced into undesirable compromises regarding their use of space.
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Logistics: Recognition and facilitation of ties between Old Fadama and surrounding areas with an emphasis on markets through the flows of food related livelihoods Clean and healthy environment supported by a (sustainable) community-led waste management system Productive use of the flood buffer zones on the shores of the Korle Lagoon through
UA Recognition and facilitation of Old Fadama as a productive part of Accra, leading to a change in discourse and greater EJU a change in Accras planning discourse is achieved, AMA incorporates the community in the development of the city
Rid the shores of the Korle Lagoon of waste by sorting and recycling, and profiting where possible from existing rubbish Temporary security posts on the shores of the Korle Lagoon to limit further illegal dumping Provision of infrastructure for system containers, access roads, sorting areas, kaya bola maintenance areas and cooperation with outside waste collected for minimal nonreusable/recyclable material
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and organic waste from farms and markets serve as feed for animals and composting materials Adopt a truly community run system by enabling all voices to be heard in the planning, ultimately further mobilising the community and displaying the settlements capacities to AMA
Strategy 3: Raising awareness of Old Fadamas ties to Accra Create a community managed city-wide awareness campaign, through differing platforms of media from posters to YouTube to counteract negative press Use connections with outside organisations (i.e. SDI) to disseminate information at a global level While the actors involved in the flows are inevitably linked through livelihoods and UA processes, there is little or no communication about these ties between them. Uniting them and their associations in order to open communication is the first step in raising awareness of Old Fadamas strong ties to the surrounding areas. These actors are highly dependent on one another, but these connections are not elaborated or utilised. The dissemination campaign should begin by creating links between organisations spanning across the settlement-market divide
Strategy 2: Implementing and promoting UA in Old Fadama Identify existing flood buffer zone on shores of Korle Lagoon as UA production area both farming and livestock rearing Utilise the communitys wealthy knowledge of agriculture and their enthusiasm to develop UA in Old Fadama Adopt a multi-stakeholder approach to managing the newly available land enabling an equal say, benefit from new livelihood, and additional mobilisation Initiate support from MoFA for training for UA producers (hygiene, veterinary support) Develop UA production on shores of Korle Lagoon as replacement to previously needed security posts to prevent illegal dumping on site Create links with organic waste from community-led waste management Create links with existing UA processing systems chop bars, slaughter slab Use newly created links to strengthen the community ties within Old Fadama and amongst its surroundings to increase the communitys resilience by shortening the food chains, encouraging better preservation of the lagoon, generating alternative employment, and improving livelihoods and living conditions
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Strategy 4: Improve Old Fadama-AMA relations through OFADA and PDG Achieve better cooperation communication and
Display community initiatives in provision of infrastructure - sanitation, waste management, UA - to alter AMAs perception of Old Fadama Open dialogues on the impacts of and alternatives to present planning discourses in the area; instead of being excluded, the voice of OFADA and the residents of Old Fadama holds credibility and value
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CONCLUSION
O
ld Fadama can serve as either an example or a cautionary tale. The settlements formation is representative of the process of rapid and unplanned urbanisation in a framework of intense land competition. It is also a testimony to urban planning in much of the global South, where the urban poor are invisible in national and city statistics, and thus excluded from development programmes. At the same time, these marginalised populations are blamed for environmental degradation and constrained to live in less than desirable conditions. In this sense, Old Fadama can be seen as a cautionary tale for the perils of unplanned urbanisation. On the other hand, however, the community of Old Fadama has proven to be resilient in the face of minimal state intervention and insufficient resources. As examined in this report, the settlements ties to Accra through flows of food, livelihood, and waste are strong and critical . The communitys relocation would thus have considerable repercussions to the economic life of West Accra. Throughout our research, the community has time and again voiced their interest in both UA and having a role in waste management. By building on its internal organisation and demonstrating its willingness to improve its environment, Old Fadama can implement a truly community-led waste management system to then facilitate the promotion of UA within and throughout West Accra. There is therefore great potential, which can and needs to to be utilised in Old Fadama. The settlement can serve as an example of how to achieve EJU through community organisation and UA.
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FUTURE RESEARCH
Future research that would inform our scenario includes the collection and analysis of quantitative data. Specifically, what the real contribution of UA could be for the residents of Old Fadama based on the available space and the actual quantity of waste produced by Old Fadama in comparison with that of Accra. The composition of Old Fadamas waste would also be needed to examine the proportion of organic waste. Moreover, consultation would be needed on time frames to achieve the goals that would permit UA. These are: soil rehabilitation and clearing of waste from the lagoon. One final strand would be to explore the potential for Old Fadamas residents to secure land tenure.
EPILOGUE
U
pon our return to London, we received distressing news from our local contacts in Accra. On Monday 21 May 2012, a fire ravaged Old Fadama. The Ghana National Fire Service responded swiftly - yet the fire spread across the wooden structures, consuming more than 1,000 dwellings. With no alternative housing options, the 3,500 people rendered homeless were left without shelter at the beginning of the fourmonth long rainy season. The local authorities did little to assist with destruction mitigation, while the amount of aid the community was eligible to receive was uncertain and unreliable. The Ghanaian media severely downplayed the dimensions of the fire and blamed the dwellers for causing the tragedy instead of promoting a campaign to help them cope. With little external help, rebuilding efforts started merely days after the fire, under the stewardship of OFADA and using funding from saving groups. Moreover, the new structures were made of concrete, proving once again the communitys resilience.
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Fires are a too-often neglected peril for informal settlements, threatening hundreds of people around the world; in fact, another fire broke out in Old Fadama on the 29 May 2012. Despite the commonality of these events, there has been little research on fires at a global level. Yet urban dwellers continue to loose their homes and livelihoods. While community organisations can play a key role in dealing with, and preventing, fire outbreaks, research and further involvement of governments could be crucial for achieving environmental justice in informal settlements, including Old Fadama.
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WORKS CITED
Geleta, A. (2011) From Sodom to Old Fadama, Journalists for Human Rights [online] http://www.jhr.ca/blog/2011/03/from-sodomto-old-fadama/ (accessed 22 May 2012) MacPherson, A. K. and C. Ziervogel (n/a) Settlements Under Siege: Securing Rights to the City SDI - The Global Network of the Urban Poor [online] http://www.sdinet.org/blog/2011/09/2/ settlements-under-siege-securing-right-city/ (accessed 5 March 2012)
MCI. (n/a) Millennium Cities Initiative [online]. Available from: http://mci.ei.columbia. edu/ (accessed 22 May 2012)
Agyeman, J. (2005) Sustainable Communities and the Challenge of Environmental Justice. New York and London: New York University Press
Grant, R. (2009) Globalizing from below in Grant, R. (eds.) Globalizing city : the urban and economic transformation of Accra, Ghana, pp.111-135. New York: Syracuse University Press
81 Harvey, D. (2008) The Right to the City, The New Left Review (53) [online] http:// newleftreview.org/II/53/david-harvey-the-rightto-the-city (accessed 5 March 2012)
APPENDICES
APPENDIX 1: KORLE BU
Korle Bu: A Success Story in the City he Korle Bu farm is spread across 11 hectares of land, owned by the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital in Accra. MoFA awarded it the Best Farm award in 2011. This award recognises the essential role farmers play in the socioeconomic development of Ghana. While the farms have been long-standing at the hospital, they have insecure land tenure. As the hospital expands, the farmers have to adapt, the hospital pushes us, so we push the bush (farmer). Currently, there are 120 farmers, one of which is a woman. The average farmer has 120 soil beds; this is more than the minimum 70 beds needed to make a living. Farmers stay as long as possible (30 or more years), and live in the Korle Bu area. As of 2010, there is a strong Farmers Association and savings group, with 70 of the 120 farmers being active members. The Korle Bu farm supplies the Koala Supermarket, market women coming from Agbogbloshie, Makola, Kasoa and central region buying directly on site, and other farmers who run out of produce but want to retain their customer base. More than 70% of Korle Bus customers buy to resell. There are differences between Old Fadama and Korle Bu; land tenure, recognition & Associations, etc. However, this case study demonstrates the extent and reach of flows in the city. As a result from these flows, production, processing, sale, etc. is never an isolated part of the food chain. In this example, Korle Bu is not isolated from Agbogbloshie market and the market from the farmers; women buy produce from the farmers, to resell in the market.
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When?
What?
Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
Who?
Guided by residents
Why?
Guided by facilitators
First impressions of the area Understand structure of community Identify major concerns: waste management and sanitation, lack of infrastructure Unpack relations with AMA
Semi-structured 1 woman [chairman] and interview with 5 men [secretary, organiser, Exotic Vegetable treasurer, members] Market Association
Understand relations between the Agbogbloshie market and Old Fadama Examine current waste management system both in market and settlement
Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of the Agbogbloshie market Investigate the relation between the market and Old Fadama Analyse the perception of UA grown vegetables Understand key problems in Old Fadama Discuss what OFADA is doing to remediate these Investigate the current plans for waste management Unpack relations with AMA
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Semi-structured interview with goat and sheep farmers Semi-structured interview with cattle farmers
4 men
Uncover current sanitation facilities: toilet blocks, drain pipes, etc. Pinpoint open spaces in Old Fadama Delve into future plans for community-led waste management system Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old Fadama Investigate the current practices of UA in Old Fadama Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old Fadama Investigate the current practices of UA in Old Fadama
2 men
3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Abossey Okai 3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Abossey Okai farmers
Identify organisational power of community Examine motivation for savings Analyse potential for UA in Old Fadama Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old Fadama Examine existing UA practices and how they have been changing
Understand the potential for UA at the shores of the Korle Lagoon Explore the flows of food in Accra Examine existing UA practices and how they have been changing Explore the flows of food in Accra Analyse role of UA in Accra Understand the potential for UA in Accra and how it can be applied to Old Fadama
3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Korle Bu 3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Korle Bu Farmers Association 3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Ablekuma South Sub-Metro Director
Guided by MoFA extension officer and farmers 15 men [chairman, organiser, members]
1 man
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3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping around the shores of the Korle Lagoon 5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with the Kaya Yei Youth Association
Guided by facilitators
Unpack the relation of Old Fadama with AMA Explore the implications of the KLERP Investigate the current plans for waste management and sanitation in Accra Analyse the perception of UA in Accra
Understand the KLERP and explore its implications Investigate failure to implement KLERP so far Delve into existing UA practices: pig farm, livestock distribution point Explore the flows of food in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Explore the flows of livelihoods Identify linkages between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
5 women
Map flows of food and livelihoods Identify living spaces and areas of work
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5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Kaya Bola from the Agbogbloshie market
3 men
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with AMA Environmental Health and Sanitation Director 5th May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market 5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with a Kaya Bola from Old Fadama
1 man
Explore the flows of waste in and out of the Agbogbloshie market and the Korle Lagoon Understand the current waste management system of Accra Uncover illegal dumping practices Analyse the reliability of private waste companies like Zoomlion Delve into the potential of improvement of waste management practices Investigate the role UA could play in waste management Explore actual waste management system around Agbogbloshie market Investigate illegal dumping practices Analyse potential of UA in Old Fadama with respect to health regulations
1 man
Examine physical flows of food, waste and livelihoods linking Old Fadama to the Agbogbloshie market Analyse current waste management system of Old Fadama and dumping practices around the Korle Lagoon Explore the flows of waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Korle Lagoon Understand the current waste management system of Old Fadama Delve into the potential of a community-led waste management system Explore current waste management system of Old Fadama Delve into the potential of a community-led waste management system 85
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with a Kaya Bola from Old Fadama 5th May 2012 Structured interview with OFADA
1 man
3 men [chairman, secretary, Investigate the current plans for organiser] waste management Unpack relations with AMA Deepen understanding or current waste management system and relations with AMA Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old Fadama
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with OFADA 5th May 2012 Structured interview with goat and sheep farmers
4 men
2 men
Current open spaces in Old Fadama Plans for future open spaces Cleared buffer zone around Old Fadama Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Analyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestock Analyse potential consequences of relocation Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old Fadama Profiling of customers (both from within and outside Old Fadama Profiling of farmers Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Analyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestock Analyse potential consequences of relocation Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola Profiling of customers (both from within and outside Old Fadama Profiling of farmers Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Analyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestock Analyse potential consequences of relocation Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old Fadama Profiling of customers (both from within and outside Old Fadama Profiling of chop bars
2 men
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5th May 2012 Structured interview with chop bar in Old Fadama
5 women
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3 men
2 x 1 man 1 woman
Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Analyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to meat Analyse potential consequences of relocation Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old Fadama Profiling of customers (both from within and outside Old Fadama)
8th May 2012 Structured interview with the Agbogbloshie Market Chop Bars Association 9th May 2012 Focus group with Tungteeye Savings Group
3 men [chairman, secretary, Visioning exercise to test: organiser] The details of a community-led waste management system The potential of UA in Old Fadama The potential of UA as part of a community-led waste management system The future of relations with AMA 4 women [market queens]
Hone understanding of sanitation in Old Fadama Analyse flows of water: where it comes from, where it goes, etc.
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Explore the flows of food in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market Understand the relation between the market and Old Fadama Analyse potential of strengthening ties with Old Fadama Visioning exercise to test: The potential of UA in Old Fadama The potential of UA as part of a community-led waste management system
During Ramadan, 30 to 50 sheep and/or goats are slaughtered per day. Slaughtering animals at the slaughter slab is cheaper than more formal abattoirs. The animals are brought from the road to the slaughter slab by carts, the customer pays for the slaughtering and kaya yeis to transport the meat out of the community. This is the main source of household income for the slaughter slab owners.
RESEARCH GAP: Where is the livestock coming from outside Old Fadama? Accra? The North? Who brings the livestock to the slaughter slab from outside of Old Fadama? Farmers? A middle man?
RESEARCH GAP: Where does young livestock come from: The market? Accra? Beyond? Who are the primary customers who buy the live livestock? Is there a middle-man between the farmer and the slaughter slab? How many customers come to the farmer directly? Could there be a market for selling animal manure for compost to other farmers?
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Agbogbloshie market Who are their customers? Do kaya bolas take waste from chop bars to the containers?
During the dry season, a kaya bola will carry the waste on his head, but during the rainy season dumping becomes dangerous because of rising flood levels, and a cart is used to move across the community. More recently, certain people in the community have started charging the kaya bolas for dumping on the lagoon. These were identified as area champions. Dumping charges range between 20 to 50 pesewas.These additional charges are bad for the kaya bolas business as they have to bargain for higher prices to rid the customers of waste. Most of the waste is organic, and it was identified that separation at the household level was a possibility with some basic infrastrucure. Kaya bolas already receive additional income from some minimal waste sorting then sold to scraps: copper (1 lbs= 3.150 GHC), plastic (1kg= 50p), and aluminium (1lbs= 1GHC). There is a wish to create an association, but they are constrained by time and a lack of organisation. In Agbogbloshie, with regard to the relocation of the market, the kaya bolas have little information or voice. From their understanding only the scarp, yam, tomato and onion markets are relocating. The relocation of the market should have no direct effect on the kaya bolas of Old Fadama. RESEARCH GAPS: Is it possible to form a kaya bola association in Old Fadama? Will they be affected by the relocation of the market? What are the initiatives undertaken by AMA for sorting the waste from the market? How many kaya bolas are there in the Agbogbloshie market?
Women Vehicles for produce (kaya yei) Processing and selling of food (chop bars) Harvesting season farmers in Northern Ghana (members of savings groups) Owners and operators of shops (i.e. clothing,local medicine)
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UA could span the existing gender divide. While men are the traditional urban agriculturalists in Accra, during our meetings and focus groups with savings groups, women voiced a clear interest in undertaking UA on the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
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Chapter 3 RETHINKING SPACE THROUGH THE LENS OF SOCIAL RELATIONS: New dimensions of urban agriculture
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ALLA BERBERYAN GAGANDEEP BAINS FRANCESCA CALISESI JOYCE WONG JULIA OEVERAAS KYELA GADI MARIANGELA VERONESI
NIMA MARKET PHOTO BY: J. OEVERAAS PREVIOUS PAGE: PLANT POOL FARMER PHOTO BY: J. OEVERAAS
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Table of contents
3.1 Acknowledgements 3.2 Abbreviations 3.3 Executive Summary 3.4 Background
3.4.1 Assignment 3.4.2 Research objectives 3.4.3 Introduction to our area 3.4.4 Nima and Maamobi
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3.7.1.2 Urban agriculture and gender relations 3.7.1.3 Relations with authorities 3.7.1.4 Conclusion Area 1
3.8 Scenarios and recommendations 3.9 Conclusion 4.0 References 5.0 Appendix
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3.1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
e would like to express our deepest gratitude to our facilitators Baba Musa Pachaka - Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor, and Sowah Ababio - Ministry of Food and Agriculture and our guide Charles Sablah, CEO of Ghana Nima Tours for their invaluable support and advice throughout our work. We are very grateful to all the farmers, livestock keepers and market traders in Alajo, Nima, Maamobi, Kotobabi and Accra New Town who kindly shared details of their occupation and personal lives with us, in particular: Sadat, Tahiru, Rabiu, Ibrahim Davis, Victoria, Abdulahi Musa, Ibrahim Bisa, Said Abubakar and Sule. We would like to thank Plant Pool Farmers Association in particular: Chairman Malamawudu, Yazid Muktair, David, Idirizu, and Kujo and all those who showed us around and kindly granted us their time. We would also like to extend our gratitude to CityVeg - Dzorwulu, Plant Pool and Roman Ridge Farmers Cooperatives, Berenice - Chairwoman of Novotel Market Association in Odowna, Evelyn Dadzie - Novotel Market Association in Odowna and all other association members, Charlotte Matti - Nima Market Queen, Chairman of the Butcher Youth Association in Nima Market, Bilkisu - Vegetable Trader at Mallam Atta Market, Helen - owner of the Kotobabi pig processing plant. Our special thanks to all the local authorities, particularly Mallam Baba Isa - Chief of Wangara, Hon. Hafiz Abubakar - Maamobi East Assemblyman, Hon. Umar Sanda Mohammed Nima West Assemblyman, Abdul Aziz Sununu - Alajo Assemblyman, Haji Ibrahim Abulai Baro - Chief of the Kardor Tribe. Our thanks also to Imam Shuaibu Ali - Head of a Nima Mosque and Yusuf Abdel Rahman Ali - Imam of Nima Mosque. We would also like to thank representatives
of LC, TCPD, GWRC, MLGRD, MCI, Nima and Maamobi Associations and Representatives of Social Groups. Our special gratitude to representatives from Peoples Dialogue, IWMI, ILGS, Land for Life, and AWGUPA. Thank you to Amadu Ibrahim Jebkle Chairman of Nima Fun Club, Miriam Saif President of the Mothers Club Nima/Maamobi, and all other club members, Friends Rest Society, Nsuwa Womens Group. Our warmest gratitude to all DPU staff: Adriana Allen, Alex Apsan Frediani, Rita Lambert, Etienne von Bertrab, Vanesa CastanBroto, Caren Levy and Matthew A. Wood-Hill. 99
3.2 ABBREVIATIONS
AMA AWGUPA DPU FSTT GAMA GIS GRIDCo GWRC ILGS IWMI
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Accra Metropolitan Assembly Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-urban Agriculture Development Planning Unit From Seed to Table Greater Accra Metropolitan Area Geographic Information Systems The Ghana Grid Company Limited Ghana Water Resource Commission Institute for Local Government Studies International Water Management Institute Land Administration Project Lands Commission Land for life Millennium City Initiative Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development Ministry of Food and Agriculture Peoples Dialogue Plant Pool Resource Centre on Urban Agriculture and Food Security Town and Country Planning Department Urban Market Gardens Volta River Authority
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3.0 BACKGROUND
3.1 ASSIGNMENT
he objective of this assignment is to uncover the potentials of environmentally just urbanization through the lens of urban and peri-urban agriculture in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA). Our aim was to expand on the research carried out by DPU students from 2008 to 2011; moving away from a site-specific analysis of urban and peri-urban agriculture to encompass wider study areas.This has allowed us to uncover the dynamics of urban agriculture in a more integrated manner, assess the current and future contribution of urban agriculture to the functioning of the city and to provide recommendations accordingly. 102
ur study area consisted of several neighbourhoods within GAMA; Nima, Maamobi, Kotobabi, Abelemkpe, Alajo, Accra New Town, and Kokomlemle, which span across the following Sub-Metro districts: Ayawaso East, Ayawaso Central, Ayawaso West (c.f. Map 1).
ima was our main area of focus because of its particular characteristics as a densely populated low-income area with a widespread presence of urban agriculture in the form of livestock-keeping. Additionally we traveled to areas beyond the designated boundaries to explore the agricultural linkages between Nima and other important sites of urban agriculture related to our research goals. These will be presented in detail later in our report.
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3.4 NIMA
Located just outside Accra city center, Nima is a dense, vibrant and ethnically diverse area populated predominantly by Muslim migrants from northern Ghana and neighbouring countries. It is often referred to as place of despair because of overcrowding, poor environmental conditions, land scarcity and reputedly a crime-ridden area. These issues have led to a stigmatization of Nima and its residents. External perceptions have also created prejudice and cultural barriers. Nima has therefore evolved into a city within a city largely possessing its own rules, authorities and policing,
and has undergone its own development, driven and enforced by its inhabitants. It serves as home to multiple generations of earlier settlers and newcomers, and is a place of opportunity and acceptance. Nima boasts strong networks of support, drawing many new residents into the area. The affordability and formal/ informal economic opportunities make Nima an attractive area composed of small businesses, street vendors, markets and financial services. Nimas historical progression underwent several distinct phases with different implications for urban planning:
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3.5.2 DEFINITIONS
Urban agriculture is the production of food in the city through livestock rearing, cultivation, and the linking of producers and consumers through the market. Environmentally just urbanisation is the process through which people have the opportunity to influence and take part in fair decision-making that impacts their lives. It is the right to income and livelihood opportunities that meet basic needs, and the right to a fair distribution of environmental goods and services.
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GRAPH 2: SOCIAL RELATIONS FRAMEWORK. SOURCE: ADAPTED FROM PERNILLE DUE, BJORN HOLSTEIN, RIKKE LUND, JENS MODVIG, KIRSTEN AVLUN, 1999
These functions serve as our analytical framework. In our areas of study we will: a Describe the area and its spatial characteristics b. Describe social relations and access to assets; detail the dynamics between actors when it comes to access to assets needed to pursue agricultural activities (land, water, skills, markets, start-up capital, economic viability) and describe the nature of these realtions (cooperation, conflict, reciprocity, solidarity) c. Detail relationships with local and city level authorities d. Relate social relations to spatial issues through defining the role of social relations in urban agriculture in specific geographical areas with distinct characteristics Furthermore, we examine gender relations because to only observe those already engaged in urban agriculture (primarily men) will not give a complete picture of the situation. We also need to look at whether women do not engage in urban agriculture because of gender related issues.
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This analysis inserts itself within the framework of environmentally just urbanization because it emphasizes the issue of production of space. It highlights how governance impacts on flows of urban life and raises the question of who are the drivers behind the production and reshaping of urban space. The analysis of flows of social relations reveals power structures on multiple levels and tells us more about how these structures shape the distribution of environmental goods and services. This deconstruction of social relations allows us to identify entry points for action where networks that could challenge the current power structure exist, but have not yet been developed to their full potential.
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3.5.5 HYPOTHESIS
Social relations shape the dynamics of urban agriculture practices of livestock-rearing in Nima. They also dictate how interactions occur in relation to other practices of urban agriculture, such as cultivation and food trade through the city. Our study reveals how social relations have shaped the development of urban agriculture within three different spaces: livestock rearing in Nima, cattle-grazing along drains, and cultivation in Plant Pool.
STAGE 3: POST-FIELDWORK The data gathered was analysed and strategic recommendations were prepared. A video was produced to communicate findings to all research stakeholders.
3.6.2 LIMITATIONS
Time constraints limited the number of interviews conducted with farmers, livestock owners, community leaders and community groups, hindering the process of unpacking of social arrangements within the community. Our research was focused on specific geographical areas, hence we were unable to comprehensively explore the linkages with other urban agricultural practices in the city. Language barriers made communication difficult and some relevant elements could have been lost in translation. Issues with language also limited full participation during focus groups. Our initial research focus was slightly modified during the fieldwork, resulting in last minute alterations of plans and change of methodology for data collection.
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MAP 2: IDENTIFIED LIVESTOCK KEEPERS DURING TRANSECTS
Livestock-rearing is a distinguishing characteristic of Nima. Dating back to the areas origins, urban agriculture has been shaped by social relations developed through common identities and solidarity. When the Fulani bought the land from the Ga tribe in the early 1900s, they brought with them their traditions of livestock-rearing, which still exist today. The main types of livestock are poultry, goats, sheep and occasionally cattle. In some instances, livestock rearing takes place within domestic spaces such as courtyards and housing compounds, where food is brought directly to the animals. In other cases, livestock roam in open spaces such as streets, roads, waste-dumping sites and drains (c.f. Maps 2, 3, 4).
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Economic Viability: Although some livestock keepers are happy to pass their trade on to their children or to friends, many are concerned with its future economic viability due to high investment costs and uncertain revenues. Still, livestock-rearing can be a profitable activity, as in the example of Sadat, (c.f. Appendix 6.5), who inherited both the trade and the land from his father. Since it was already an established family business, it was easier for Sadat to gain access to markets, customers, food for his animals and to maintain community support. The economic viability of livestock-keeping depends on good relations with its main market: the community. This can be further secured through strengthening mutually beneficial relations; for instance giving favorable prices as a token of support during hardships. If a seller donates animals to community members in difficult times, he is more likely to have the favour returned in future purchases. Social relations can also improve economic viability through reciprocal arrangements; livestock keepers can obtain cheap food for their animals by collecting organic waste from restaurants and markets, thus improving the environmental and hygeinic situation by disposing food waste.
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However, because only one association member decides which farmer the Legon middleman should buy vegetables from -as the middleman then purchases vegetables from Plant Pool twice a week at a favorable price - this kind of partnership does not bring equal benefits to all farmers. Economic Viability: Continuous cultivation requires adequate access to inputs such as seeds and fertilizers. Through a collaborative agreement with MOFA, farmers receive subsidized seeds and fertilizers for three months every year. In addition, farmers engage in specific social arrangements based on trust and reciprocity by exchanging seedlings and sometimes they rotate crops in order to enrich the soil. Access to funds through the Associations savings group is another key to economic viability, making it easier for farmers to obtain a loan from the bank for the purchase of farming inputs. However, to qualify for a loan also needs some level of collaboration as members have to demonstrate a certain level of commitment to the association and follow its requirements. Favorable environmental conditions: There are favorable environmental conditions for farming in Plant Pool because of sufficient amounts of rainfall. However, annual floods usually spoil the crops. Plant Pool farmers manage the waste produced at the farming site collectively by designating a spot where waste is piled up and burnt. Additionally, waste is reused as manure to improve soil fertility.
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RECOMMENDATIONS:
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Key issue: Insecure land tenure Although Plant Pool farmers have used this land for many years and their prospects of an immediate eviction are unlikely, their position is in a perpetual state of insecurity with the lack of protection necessary to work under the high tension wires and the authority needed to ward off encroachers. Land Administration Project (LAP) should recognise, scale-up and address the existing forms of informal agreements in order to solve the issue of land insecurity and threats to the agricultural activity. Objective: Improve land security to ensure productive use of cultivation fields
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If followed, these recommendations for action could close an ecological loop, where waste outputs are transformed into inputs; providing important environmental services and improving urban sustainability through the flows and exchange of food, foodscraps, animal waste and fertiliser within the system through mutually beneficient arrangements. This is important in areas with poor infrastructure, and echoes the idea of urban metabolism where urban dynamics are optimized by mimicking natural systems where energy flows are constantly transformed, so that waste is recycled into new inputs (Girardet, 2008). Furthermore, this would promote environmentally just urbanisation where people themselves could have the power to shape and improve their local environment based on their traditions, social ties and lifestyles.
MAP 9: ECOLOGICAL LOOP
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Key issue: Restructuring of drains could disrupt grazing. Objective: Restructuring drains while enabling practices of urban agriculture
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3.10 CONCLUSION
he aim of our project was to investigate the practice of urban agriculture in Nima and its surroundings in order to identify entry points for strategic action that can improve the livelihoods of the urban poor.
Through our analysis of the conditions that enable urban agriculture, we conclude that social capital is effectively an integral part of urban agriculture and a precondition for its well-functioning. Social capital provides anchorage in areas where the cultural identity centers to a high degree around urban agriculture. It is exactly the social arrangements that allow farming and rearing to exist in areas that do not necessarily have the physical preconditions in place for the development of such activities. Although it may at times lead to conflict, social capital can also allow for the resolution of such tensions and several studies have highlighted that urban agriculture is itself a vehicle for social cohesion (Mougeot, 2005). If favorable conditions are in place, social relations and urban agriculture could reinforce each other and further the potential for mobilisation around common social and environmental issues. This scenario is not necessarily location specific and can have value outside of our own research areas. The creation of networks can improve farmers opportunities to engage with stakeholders that influence the future of their livelihoods. In addition, social organization can lay a foundation for the provision of ecological services, as explained in the ecological loop.
studies are area-specific, the nature of our analysis should serve to inform the conception of space for urban development beyond the boundaries of our area. Furthermore, it is important for planning to acknowledge social structures; although different places might share similar geographical or infrastructural characteristics, the social composition and relations with authorities might differ, resulting in different results.
Understanding the complex and multi-faceted dimensions of social relations, norms and traditions can help development planners and city authorities to elaborate strategies based on peoples real needs. When working for transformative change, one needs to understand both internal and external drivers and pressures shaping urban agriculture. Urban planners can devise policies that promote environmentally just urbanisation, not just in Nima, but in the city as a whole. In Nima, the various functions of social realtions have been an important part of creating identity and possibilities for people to engage in urban agriculture. Over the years, the social dynamics have created functioning communities, through cooperative, conflicting and reciprocal relations. These internal factors are important in supporting and activating livelihood opportunities for the urban poor of Accra.
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Through evaluating current and future scenarios, we deepened our understanding of how urban agriculture is subject to urbanisation trends, and how these interact with long-standing traditions and social networks. Even though our case
REFERENCES
Annorbah-Sarpei A.J., (1998), Urban market gardens Accra, Ghana [WWW] Mega Cities Projects, Available from http://www.megacitiesproject.org/pdf/publications_pdf_mcp018c.pdf [Accessed 22/5/12] Due P, Holstein B, Lund R, Modvig J, Avlund K.1999, Social relations: network, support and relational strain, Social Science & Medicine, Vol 48, Issue 5, March 1999, pp. 661673,, URL: http://www. sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953698003815 Field Trip 2011 to Accra: Plant Pool Group, 2011, A Case Study for Analyzing Well-being through Sustainable Urban Agriculture, University College London, Development Planning Unit, London. Girardet, H., 2008. Cities, People, Planet: Urban Development and Climate Change 2nd ed., Chichester: John Wiley. International Water Management Institute (IWMI), 2010, Promoting Sustainable Urban Agriculture in Accra, Ghana, Case Study: Plant Pool and Roman Ridge, Development Planning Unit, Accra, Ghana. 128 Mougeot, L, 2005, Agropolis: The Social, Political and Environmental Dimensions of Urban Agriculture. Canada: International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Owusu G., Agyei-Mensah S. and Lund R., (2008), Slums of hope and slums of despair: Mobility and livelihoods in Nima, Accra, Norwegian Journal of Geography, (September), pp. 180-190, URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00291950802335798 Verlet, M., 2005, Grandir Nima (Ghana): les figures du travail dans un faubourg populaire dAccra, Paris: Karthala: IRD
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APPENDIX
1. Abbreviations
2. Field trip schedule 3. Stakeholder information 4. Stakeholder analysis for livestock keeping 5. Information to underpin findings 5.1 Detailed Nima historical evolution 5.2 Scenarios 5.2.1 Nima-Maamobi 5.2.2 Grazing land 5.2.3 Plant pool 6. Selected interview results 6.1 The story about Nima Market: Interview with Charlotte Matti, the Market Queen 6.2 Interview with Friends Rest Society Youth Association 6.3 Interview with Bilkisu, a female trader in Mallam Atta Market 6.4 Interview with Evelyn Dadzie, a member of the Novotel Market Association/Odowna Market 6.5 Interview with Sadat, young livestock rearer 6.6 Interview with Helen, pig farm owner 6.7 Interview with Ann, female livestock rearer 6.8 Interview with Ibrahim Davis, poultry keeper 7. Interview outline 7.1 Semi-structured interview 7.1.1 Interviewees: Livestock keeper 7.1.2 Interviewees: Traders (market traders, street vendors) 7.1.3 Interviewees: Plant Pool farmers 7.1.4 Interviewees: Nima/Maamobi Mothers Club 7.1.5 Interviewee: Assemblymen (Nima West/Maamobi East/Alajo) 7.1.6 Interviewee: Head Chief 7.2 Focus Groups 7.2.1 Focus group: Nima/Maamobi Mothers Club 7.2.2 Focus group: Friends Rest Society Acknowledgements
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3.2 ABBREVIATIONS
CICOL CFF CS CSIR GHAFUP GWCL ISSER MLG NGO Civil Society Coalition on Land City Farming for the Future Civil Society Council for Scientific and Industrial Research Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor Ghana Water Company Limited Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research Ministry for Local Government Non-Governmental Organisation
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ince the early settlement, the area been characterised by agricultural activities. When cattle was banned from the city in 1908, after the bovine plague, the cattle-owning Fulani had to find new lands outside central Accra. After obtaining the consent of the Osu Ga to occupy vacant lands, they moved from Hausa Zongo, Zongo Lane and Cow Lane to a settlement called Ruga. The new Fulani settlement was formally established in 1931 when the area was bought by Alhadji Futa, a respected Fulani from Mali. The community grew as more newcomers from the North settled, creating a village on the outskirts of the city. The settlers used the area as pasture in addition to cultivating maize and cassava. The majority of the migrants were men from rural areas who settled temporarily in order to gain additional income during the low agricultural season, and would return to their village in times of abundance. As time passed, people were settling down more permanently, marriages were arranged with women from the North, and the area gradually became a community with families.
could feel protected from the vigilance of authorities and missionary groups. Nima became a safe haven in a city where Muslims felt alienated, and separated them from the temptations of the city. Nima has been termed the Anti-City, the Strangers City, the Urban Village; a place in opposition to Accras main Ga identity with its own norms and rules.
THE SLUM 1940-1981 Urbanization: With the outbreak of war, the area underwent important transformations. Agricultural activities were outnumbered by unskilled and semi-skilled labour that served the new emerging economy of the nearby military camp. The area offered numerous job opportunities in building, construction, domestic work, security guards and even prostitution. The following densification of the area combined with no planning or infrastructure turned Nima into a slum. The densification and rising population continued in the post-war period when soliders settled down to become semi-skilled workers. They took up professions as drivers, mechanics, topographers or started their own business; contributing to the growth of the informal economy. Some attempted to build more sturdy houses, but most remained in poor shacks. In 1951, Nima was included in the city boundaries.
THE BLESSED LAND'' The name Nima means the blessed land for the Muslim communities of Fulani, Dogon, Zabarima, Hausa, Wangara. The community is predominantely Muslim, while the rest of Accra has a Christian majority. In Nima, the Muslims
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ETHNIC DIVERSIFICATION Eventually, the area became more ethnically diverse; with populations originating from Builsa, Kasena, Grunsi, Konkomba and Frafra. Others arrived from the East and from the Volta region. This diversification resulted in a fragmentation of job occupation along ethnic lines.
local development and collective infrastructure. Although achievements were limited, this initiative did ignite social and political mobilization; like the creation of the Committee for the Development and Welfare of Nima-Mamoobi and Nima-Mamoobi Housing Corporation.
REDEVELOPMENT After independence in 1964, Nima was radically reshaped by government planning and policies. Ruga was destroyed, despite the strong Fulani and Hausa opposition. In 1968, a plan was drafted to restructure and integrate Nima into the city center. This was done by prolonging commercial routes and building residential areas for wealthier citizens, thus expelling 60 % of the original population. Furthermore, the 1969 Alien Compliance Act lead to decimation of the area and many foreigners were forced out of the country, in particular the Zabarima (Niger), Gao (Mali) and Yoruba (Nigeria), although many returned in the following years. However, the Hausa were not expelled because of their religious status, and Dogons and Mossi were too important for the local economy in terms of labour supply. Nevertheless, the area was bulldozed in 1977 by the Accra Slum Clearance Committee. The population was partially resettled in Madina, but the arrangement proved to be inadequate and many moved back. Many cattle-owners found their way to Ashaiman slum, which became the main market for cattle. The restructuring of Nima was a step towards imposing the imprint of the modern, metropolitan city onto an underdeveloped and traditional area; symbolized by the construction of Nima Highway which runs right through Nima and connects the area to the rest of Accra. Operation Help Nima was founded in the sixties by middle class students to fight against displacement of Nimas inhabitants, and to create
ECONOMIC IMPROVEMENT The economy improved from year 2000, but Nima remains scarred by the hits to the economic and social structure of the area.
5.2.1 NIMA-MAAMOBI: SCENARIO 2: STATUS QUO REMAINS Key Issue: Waste management and sanitation. Strengthening community-based initiatives. Since the 1980s, government plans for Nima have been limited, leaving the area to its own development. This has lead to the creation of different community initiatives such as the community-based waste management. Livestock rearing remains a livelihood strategy for some residents in Nima, but disorder, disease and waste from animals has lead to a negative perception of urban agriculture among neighbours as well as authorities. Research shows that reinforcing laws on hygiene and sanitation is not an easy or straightforward process because of different interests and complex social relations. Therefore, community-based waste management should be recognized as an alternative solution to official waste collection. This could better the sanitary and hygienic conditions in the community, improve the image of livestock keeping and inspire collective action and cooperation. Strategy: Local authorities can organise awareness campaigns and train local residents in hygiene and sanitation. Furthermore, waste collection points for organic waste should be designated in proximity to markets, which are natural gathering spaces, so that food waste can be used as animal feed, and the manure can be composted and reused as fertilizer for crop cultivation. Objective: Closing the loop and scaling-up waste management in Nima, and in the city as a whole. 146 RECOMMENDATIONS
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5.2.2 GRAZING LAND Key issue: Lack of communication between herders and farmers Strategy: Establish a common point of contact between the parties Our social relation analysis highlighted that the main cause behind poor communication is linked to the absence of a common identity. This is determined by the geographic separation of their area of residence. It is therefore important to establish a point of contact that could breach the gap between these two groups in order to identify solutions. Objective: Create opportunity for negotiation RECOMMENDATIONS
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5.2.3 PLANT POOL: SCENARIO 2: REDEVELOPMENT AND DISPLACEMENT OF FARMERS Key Issue: Loss of cultivation land In the future, there might be a reason for the VRA to effectively reclaim the lands, for example if cables are moved underground. In addition, according to the Accra Railway and Drain Project, the railway is to be re-activated, which could mean the displacement of farmers along the train tracks. If reactivated, high tension wires become underground cables, or AMA simply decides to enforce eviction Strategy: Negotiate terms of relocation through UMG initiative Objective: Resume cultivation on currently unproductive lands
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6.1 THE NIMA MARKET: INTERVIEW WITH CHARLOTTE MATTI, THE MARKET QUEEN Location: Nima market The market of Nima was established by the mother of Charlotte Matti (from Ga), the Market Queen of Nima. She has been a queen for 4 years. There are currently about 1000 people selling in the market. According to Charlotte, the whole land of Nima and the Nima market belongs to the Ni Odukwa family. Ni Odukwa family gave the market land to the mother of the market queen, Kamansa who lives in Nima. The latter established the Nima market. According to Charlotte, the family of Odukwa lives in Osu and has close relations with the family of the market queen and the latter meets the family every day. The Odukwa wants to give the land to the government to rebuild the market. Then the government will give money and other benefits to the market queen and the Odukwa family. Kamansa is old now and she has transferred her work to her daughter. The market queen does not trade herself but her children do. If someone wants to sell in the market they have to rent a place there. She is there just to resolve any issues arising in the market. Most of the people in Nima market are from Nima but also from other places. There is no source of water in Nima and the sellers bring water from the nearby houses. Nima market has a market association but it does not do much. The waste-pickers come individually and collect the waste from the market. Representatives from AMA as well as the mayor have given many promises to rebuild the market, build a toilet, etc. but they have not done anything. Because there is lack of space inside the market people appropriate other spaces around it to sell their products. Often they sell on the floor and the quality of products is not good on the roadside. Customers prefer to buy from the roadside. 149
6.2 INTERVIEW CONDUCTED WITH FRIENDS REST SOCIETY YOUTH ASSOCIATION Location: Nima, office of Friends Rest Society The youth association called Friends Rest Society is in the process of re-registering and re-naming itself into Friends Welfare Society. The society has overall 25 members with 7 members overseas. The largest number of members that the group has ever had is 32. Fund-raising is always an issue and that is the reason why the Society keeps the number of members to 25. The society has 42 ideal places in Nima where they meet for their activities as well as for advocating governmental plans. The youth group has a welfare fund which all members should join and each gives 10 GHC a month. Every month the youth group spends 30 GHC for a certain purpose. The meetings of the group are based on the groups constitution. The executive committee meets, makes decisions, and the secretary informs the members about it. Several members of the group now live far from Nima but before they used to live here. Those who want to become part of the society must first submit an application in a written form, pay 24 GHC for processing the forms, the cards and the pictures. After that they are given a 6 months of probation. Thereafter, they qualify for any benefit given to other members. Elections take place every 3 years. Normally issues discussed concern the youth of the community. Previously they had women members but the latter would impede the work of the group. For instance, during the meeting a womans family member would call and ask for something. Thus, the women members quitted and currently the group is dominated merely by men. 150 The Relation of Friends Rest Society towards UA: At the end of the Islamic calendar, the Society slaughters cows and gives meat to the recognized underprivileged members. Mostly the cows are bought from outside of the community. There are cases when community members seek assistance from the group regarding livestock issues, but this is usually beyond the financial reach of the group. They have only assisted two members of their own group in getting livestock but not anyone outside the community. The members of the Friends Rest Society had a negative opinion about livestock rearing and urban agriculture in general. However, they prefer livestock rearing to cultivation. The constraints they mentioned were the following: 1. Livestock defecation is always an issue. Neither the tenant nor the landlord are willing to do the cleaning as the former is paying rent and the latter might live somewhere else and might not undertake anything. 2. There is no land available in Accra for UA and the community does not have extra space for it either. They would like to have land for UA outside the city. 3. Cultivation is a tedious work and the young people are more attracted to livestock keeping as it can provide quick income. They can just sell the livestock and get the money. Whereas in terms of cultivation, growing vegetables requires hard labor and is not profitable. Even if they had enough space in Nima they would rather use it for livestock rearing than cultivation.
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6.3 INTERVIEW CONDUCTED WITH BILKISU, A FEMALE TRADER IN MALLAM ATTA MARKET Location: Mallam Atta Market Bilkisu sells vegetables at the market. But as an additional activity she is also engaged in selling jewelry. She mentioned that if she got another business, e.g. selling in a grocery shop, she would leave the market trade. The land is given for trade by AMA, but she has to pay 20 pesos for it each day. Once the trader does not come to sell in the market she does not have to pay for the specific day. She sells carrots, potatoes, onion, green pepper, cucumber, green beans, cauliflower, green leaves, green beans, amarantos, cabbage, lettuce at the market. Among these vegetables, green pepper, lettuce, spring onion, cucumber, green leaves, cauliflower come from Plant Pool. The other crops come from Kumasi, Togo, Agbogbloshie markets. She usually sells on Monday and Thursday. She brings the crops from the farm to the market, sells some of them to other female traders and the rest sells herself. She cuts the vegetables into pieces as it increases the value and sale. There is no one checking the quality of the vegetables. To ensure security of the place, the traders used to pay 50 pesos to someone to guard it but then they stopped as theft still went on. However, she mentioned that the main factors impeding the trade can be the rain and flood. The mud does not let the customers come inside the market. Thus, many customers park near the roadside and buy goods from there, and therefore the sellers near the roadside make more profit. She mentioned that a better parking space for the customers, market restoration and a market association defending their interests would largely improve the market trade. To the question of what they do with the compost, Bilkisu responded that the compost is given to the people for free for the livestock such as sheep, goat and cattle. As far as the water is concerned, the sellers use piped water in the market having several pipe points. 151
6.4 INTERVIEW WITH EVELYN DADZIE, MEMBER OF THE NOVOTEL MARKET ASSOCIATION Location: Odowna Market Evelyn is a member of the Novotel Market Association/Odowna Market and is the Onion Leader for the market. She primarily sells onions and tilapia, and has been a market seller for over 15 years. She joined the association six years ago through a friend before Odawna Market, Evelyn was selling at Tana station until she was kicked out. Her friend invited her to sell at the market and join the association she has been at Odowna since. There are 10 leaders in the association in charge of various produce. As Onion Leader, Evelyn works with the Onion Leaders at other markets and organizes all the traders selling onions in the market; they bring their problems to her and those problems are then brought to the association. There are more than 1000 members in the association. The association provides support, but not monetary support. The association received a 7-day training workshop in the past on how to trade, invest and sell to customers (conducted by Busa organization). Evelyn said they would like more training on business issues and how to meet customers. AMA owns the land, and Evelyn paid 50 GHC to the association for the space, which AMA gave her. But the association has problems with AMA. They refuse to pay the tax to AMA (a tax that Evelyn says continuously changes) until they address the issue of the roadside sellers who compete with the sellers inside the market. Because of the strength of the association, AMA has been unable to do anything. 152 The Odowna market is a central market where other community markets come to buy and sell. There are no male sellers, and men act as just monitors. If Evelyn had more money she would expand her business and sell other types of produce or open her own shop to sell non-produce items. She is educated but wants to sell at the market because it is a profitable business. She has relationships with customers from Agbogbloshie market who give her a good price and also give her credit, which helps her financially, since she mentioned that obtaining loans are difficult. She has three children one girl and two boys. Her daughter is the eldest and goes to school in Italy. Her boys, both teenagers, are in school. She pays their tuition out of her own pocket.
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6.5 INTERVIEW WITH SADAT, A YOUNG LIVESTOCK REARER Location: Maamobi, residential area Sadat is a 23 year old livestock keeper in Maamobi. He started his business 5 years ago thanks to his family -- he acquired the land and rearing skills from his father. He believes he is the only young livestock farmer of the area. This activity is quite profitable for him since he created a good network: he sells animals to the community members and some markets, though he keeps some for personal consumption. He buys food mainly from Plant Pool and Agbogbloshie Market, and farmers from Plant Pool, Roman Ridge and Dzorwulu come to collect animal manure to use as fertiliser. However, profit is not the only reason why he practices livestock-rearing, it is also because he loves animals and sees this activity as a blessing. Because of increasing livestock numbers he might need to relocate the activity and move outside the city, but he would prefer not to because he can obtain different kind of food for his animals here. Additionally, he also has access to veterinary services such as vaccinations in the city, which are sometimes free.
6.6 INTERVIEW WITH HELEN, PIG FARM OWNER Location: Kotobabi Helen is the owner of the pig farm and has had the business for over 40 years. It was a family business that was passed down to her from her grandmother. She runs the pig farm on her own and doesnt belong to any association. They also have their own pig-rearing farms they used to have one on the property but it had to be relocated because of development part of it has now been moved to Ashaiman, the other part to Bukwasi. It has been more than 20 years since the farm had to be relocated, and no compensation was received for the forced relocation. In addition to their own pig farms, the slaughterhouse gets their animals from various places. And though men are the ones who buy the animals, women are the ones who do all the slaughtering and cooking at the farm. The farm mostly sells and slaughters about 4 or 5 of their own pigs a day. Before slaughter, an AMA health officer comes and inspects the animals on the premises, and permits are required to accompany the animals stating where they have been bought to certify them for slaughtering. Customers come from within and outside the community, from Osu and Tema markets, and also from food joints. The farm sells cooked food on site, and Helens daughters also sell cooked meat at the road junction. The pig farm has relationships with many of these customers, and as the only slaughterhouse in the area, people come with their own pigs for the farm to slaughter, especially during special occasions. There was another slaughterhouse in the area but it closed 5 years ago and the only other one that exists is far away in Ashaiman. Linkages: The farm buys animal feed from Tema, and workers in both pig farms have used the manure from the farm for cultivation purposes. The farm gets their seasoning and cooking ingredients from Nima market. 153
6.7 INTERVIEW WITH ANN, FEMALE LIVESTOCK REARER Location: Alajo Ann is a female livestock rearer. She keeps the animals in a shelter which is located on institutional land, under the electrical cables next to some urban agriculture plots. Her house, which she owns, is just next to it. She started the rearing activity 12 years ago thanks to financial support of her husband who got for her the land and provided the money to buy the first animals. He helps Ann also now buying the food for the animals, mainly from Alajo Market, and transporting it to the shelter. She does not have any problems in running her activity. In fact she usually sells the animals during special occasions to the neighbourhood and community and she disposes the animals manure burning it or giving it to the neighbour farmers with whom she has now a good relationship. In the past she had some complaints from the farmers because her animals used to eat their crops, but she solved the problem hiring a boy who watches the animals when they graze. This usually happens during the late afternoon because AMA advised to not let animals roam during the day.
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6.8 INTERVIEW WITH IBRAHIM DAVIS, POULTRY KEEPER Location: Maamobi Ibrahim has been a poultry keeper for the last four years. He has about 70 chickens. He raises them for meat and not to lay eggs. He does not own the land which he is on, but has an agreement with the landlord whereby he receives some hens in exchange for the permission to keep the animals on his property. Instead of rearing animals for sale or solely for self-consumption, his main objective is to have something valuable to give to the community because of his religious beliefs. In fact, this is a way for him to make a good deed and offer charity to the less fortunate, which is part of the principles of the Muslim faith. For example, he donated a chicken to a woman that had recently become a widow. When she told him the chicken had been stolen, he gave her two more. Ibrahim is illiterate, but he says God has given him another gift: that of being able to do things: to repair, to build, to transport just about anything. For example, he built the henhouse with a friend. Through these activities, Ibrahim is able to finance his poultry keeping activities. He spends a lot of money in taken care of the hens, and doesnt get revenue in return. For example, he is very concern about not disturbing the neighbours. He therefore preferred purchasing the exotic chicken which are more expensive to purchase and to maintain as they need special food, but generate less noise and can be kept in the their henhouse. The exotic types are generally more profitable as they are larger, but Ibrahim does not reap these benefits as they are not sold. He generally gets the food from Nima or Mallam Atta market (maize, fried fish, grinded millet), and occasionally buys prepared food from Labadi when he has sufficient income. Ibrahim strongly encourages other people to take up this activity, as he thinks it is gratifying and useful. In fact, he offers help and training to others who want to start up their own hen houses. Nonetheless, he believes there is little future for livestock keeping in Nima because of space scarcity. He claimed that if he had the opportunity, he would happily relocate to a more spacious area beyond the boundaries of Nima. There he would have the opportunity to have many more chicken, and as he said, to help many more people.
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7. Interview outline
7.1 Semi-Structured Interview: 7.1.1 Interviewees: Livestock Keeper 1. How long have you been in the livestock-rearing business? 2. How did you get into the business? 3. Is it a family business? 4. Do you own the land? 5. Do you raise animals for personal consumption or to sell? 6. Is livestock-rearing your main source of income? 7. Who are your main customers and where do they come from? 8. Are they regular customers? 9. Where do you source water? 10. Where do you get your animal feed? 11. What do you do with the animal manure? 12. Do you face any problems with livestock-rearing as a business? 13. Do you have any support from the government? 14. What do you think of urban agriculture in general? 15. Do you think urban agriculture has a future? 16. Would you pass this business down to your kids? 155
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Chapter 4 SECURING LIVELIHOODS AND GREEN OPEN SPACES: The potential of urban agriculture towards an environmentally just urbanisation
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SILVIYA BANCHEVA FERNANDA BRANDT CHRIS CRAWSHAY JONES NICOLA DORIA PAMELA FERRO ALEJANDRO ORDEZ CLARISA SEGURA
DZORWULU
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Table of contents
4.1 Aknowledgements 4.2 Abbreviations 4.3 Executive Summary 4.4 Background 4.5 Methodology 4.6 Hypotheses and Analytical Framework
Research Questions
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4.7 Key Findings 4.8 Strategies 4.9 Conclusions 4.10 References 4.11 Appendices
Appendix
Appendix 1. Strategy 1. Enhancing collective practices
Appendix 1.1 Formal organisation and community-led mapping and enumeration Appendix 1.2 Initiate farmers savings groups at CSIR and GAEC locations and strengthen existing savings groups across all sites Appendix 1.3 Promote knowledge exchanges
Appendix 3. Web of Institutionalization Appendix 4. Research Sites Profile Appendix 5. Research methods used in each site Appendix 6. Final Time Table Appendix 7. Interviews Appendix 8. Maps
Appendix 8.1 Preliminary map after participatory mapping in CSIR Appendix 8.2 GIS layers of preliminary map of plots in CSIR Appendix 8.3 GIS preliminary map of plots in CSIR Appendix 8.4 GIS final map of farmers plots in CSIR
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4.1 Acknowledgements
Our team would like to pay special thanks to Charles and Charity, whose encouragement, experience and support in the field enabled us to carry out the research presented in this report. We would also like to express our gratitude to all those that participated in our research study, especially the farmers of Legon who were a pleasure to work with and enormously generous in donating so much of their time. Lastly to our teaching staff at the DPU. We are most grateful for the continued support that you provided throughout the months leading up to our study, during our time in Ghana and on returning to the UK.
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AMA App. CSIR DPU DZ ESD FA FStT GAEC GAFA GAMA GHAFUP GHS GRIDCO IWMI LAP MoFA MoLF MoLGRD NBI NGO PD PP RTTC RUAF SDI TCP UA
Accra Metropolitan Assembly Appendix Council for Scientific and Industrial Research Development Planning Unit Dzorwulu Farming Site MSc Environment and Sustainable Development Farmers Association From Seed to Table programme Ghana Atomic Energy Commission Ghana Atomic Energy FarmersAssosiation Greater Accra Metropolitan Area Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor Ghana Cedi Ghana Grid Company Limited International Water Management Institute Ghana Land Administration Project Ministry of Food and Agriculture Ministry of Land and Forestry Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development National Bureau of Investigation Non-governmental Organisation Peoples Dialogue Plant Pool Farming Site Right to the City Resource Centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security Slum Dwellers International Town and Country Planning Urban Agriculture
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ccra is a fast-growing city that is currently facing an unplanned and uncontrolled urbanisation process. As a result, urban agriculture (UA) is being pushed outside the boundaries of the city towards the peri-urban. Current urbanisation trends show that this situation is likely to continue, therefore threatening its sustainability in the future. However, many farmers still practice UA within the city, showing a high level of resilience to such changes. The aim of this research is to explore the actual and potential contribution of UA towards an environmentally just urbanisation process in Accra, as well as to assess the benefits that could be triggered by UA both in terms of providing secure livelihoods to people and preserving green areas within the city. The report focuses on the Legon area, situated in the Northern part of Accra Metropolitan Area (AMA), and its surroundings. Five sites where UA is taking place have been selected and they provide an opportunity to understand how agricultural practices operate under different situations in the urban realm. The research focuses on one area of Accra. However strategies have been identified that are relevant for and have the potential to benefit the
whole city. Above all they aim to strengthen the voice of farmers whilst at the same time advocating for the recognition of farmers and the formalisation of their practices in the city. The strategies presented go beyond the scope of solely UA. By linking the successes and struggles of urban farmers to the way the city is conceived, perceived and lived, this report questions the present and future urbanisation process in Accra from an environmental justice perspective.
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4.4 Background
hana is currently undergoing rapid urbanisation. More than half of the Ghanaian population resides in urban areas and the capital, Accra, is one of the fastest growing cities in the whole West African region with a population expected to double by 2017. Projections show that the urbanisation process in Accra is unlikely to slow down until after 2030, when approximately two thirds of the Ghanaian population will live in urban centres (ESD, 2012). The recent discovery of offshore oil in Ghana will also open up many economic opportunities in the city, thus further increasing the rate of rural to urban migration, especially in the two largest cities, Accra and Kumasi. Government institutions are currently facing enormous difficulties in coping with these rapid changes. It is widely recognised that the urbanisation process in Accra is taking place in an unplanned and uncontrolled fashion. Although the Land Use Planning Bill is in the process of being ratified by Parliament1, Ghana lacks a comprehensive urban policy which guides the growth and development of its urban centres. Moreover, city planning authorities are over-stretched financially and lack the resources, personnel and capacity to enforce legislative procedures. Such agencies also lack institutional coordination and harmonisation of development initiatives, thus further compounding the unplanned and uncontrolled nature of urbanisation in Accra (MoLGRD, 2010). Accra is considered the centre of economic growth in Ghana. Urban development and land use have been influenced by neo-liberal trends that promote economic activities within the city and encourage foreign investment, the benefits of which reach only a minority of the urban population. Furthermore, these trends have considerably increased the already high competition for land in Accra. Market forces determine the use of
1 On May 22, a land use planning bill has been presented to Parliament by the Ministry of Environment and Science and Technology. It seeks to harmonise all laws and Acts that had been in existence in Ghana to ensure effective planning and construction of towns and cities.
available space and real estate development seems to be by far the most profitable land use activity. It is evident that the city is changing rapidly. Such change is caused by various factors, including urbanisation, globalisation and the notion that cities need to focus exclusively on economic growth. In this context, UA is viewed both by policy makers and planners as a practice that does not belong to the urban sphere but rather to the peri-urban and rural areas. It is considered as an obstacle to economic growth as it occupies large areas of land that could be used to generate larger profits from other activities. The value that UA holds for a city that is rapidly growing without considering the mal-effects of excess development and impending threats of climate change is underappreciated. Nevertheless, UA has been practiced for many decades and continues to exist, supporting the livelihoods of around 1,000 farmers, granting them a reliable source of income, enabling them to provide education for their children, health care for their families and a higher standard of living than that of the urban poor (Cofie et al., 2005). These changes were particularly evident in the research area for this study, namely Legon and its surroundings, which is located in the Northern part of AMA. The region consists of large areas of institutional land, high-value real estate as well as dense low-income settlements, protected sites such as the Achimota Forest and many locations where open areas have been developed and built upon in recent years. Amongst this struggle for competing land use, numerous sites of UA continue to operate in Legon. They have been subjected to the changing nature of urbanisation in Accra and have had to develop ways of coping with these pressures in order for UA to remain in the city. This relationship forms the basis of our research, which aims to explore the actual and potential role of UA in contributing towards an environmentally just urbanisation process in Accra.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVES:
This report builds upon research produced by ESD students in the previous three years and fits into an ongoing city-wide initiative supported by Cities Alliance and led by Slum Dwellers International (SDI) and Peoples Dialogue. The aim of the research is to explore the actual/ potential role of UA for environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. The goal is not only to produce a comprehensive analysis of the current urbanisation process in Accra, but also to provide strategic recommendations on how to strengthen the voice of the urban poor in negotiating for environmental justice and over their role in the future development of the city. To address this task, the research focused on one area of the city Legon and the surroundings. Within this area, five case studies have been chosen to draw lessons and contribute to a better understanding of how to promote transformative change for the Accra Metropolictan Area (AMA). 172 1. Dzorwulu and Roman Ridge 2. Centre for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) agricultural site 3. Ghana Atomic Energy Commission (GAEC) agricultural site 4. The University of Ghana 5. Christian Village and the surroundings
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MAP 1. SOURCE: ACCRA, GHANA. 53749.05 N AND 01214.49 W. GOOGLE EARTH. DECEMBER 1ST, 2010. MAY 17, 2012.
that the use of semi-structured interviews was particularly successful across all five sites as farmers were happy to engage with us under such informal conditions. Unfortunately, due to the size of GAEC and the University locations, participatory mapping proved difficult and transect walks provided only limited benefits.
LIMITATIONS
he Field Trip stage was limited to a period of two weeks. This restricted the amount of time that we had to prepare a fieldwork plan and collect data across all five sites. We had to make trade-offs between what was desirable and what was feasible given not only the time we had but also the size of our research area. Legon is significantly large and this occasionally presented us with logistical complications. In the original Time Table, the plan was to map the boundaries to the University of Ghana and GAEC. However, due to the time constraints mentioned, the size of these plots and the resources at our disposal, it was decided that this was unrealistic and our plan was adjusted. Furthermore, technology constraints presented certain limitations. During the participatory mapping, a GPS camera was used to collect plot coordinates. Due to poor signal in the area, the GPS device proved to be unreliable. A GPS smartphone application was used instead, however the new technology functioned at a considerably slower rate thus reducing the amount of time that could be spent collecting other data in the field.
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is a critique of the capitalist model of accumulation, which transforms the relationship between the state, the private sector and civil society, and prioritizes profit-driven initiatives rather than a collective usufruct of space and just distribution of environmental goods. Scholars agree that the notion of RTTC is crucial to achieve social and environmental justice in a context of urbanisation in the Global South and thus it is essential to be considered in the future development of Accra. 175
ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
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n order to test the hypothesis, the field research focuses on five case studies in the Legon area (see appendix 4 for description of each case study) so as to draw out certain themes and provide a better understanding of how UA can contribute to environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. The research aims to analyse and compare the different coping strategies of UA practices related to their knowledge systems, organizational capacity and land use, in order to identify which elements contribute to the resilience of urban farmers to the negative processes of urbanisation, modernisation and globalisation (as explained in the Background section).
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capacity is a key determinant in increasing farmers resilience to the environmentally unjust process of urbanisation in Accra. Strong farmer associations enhance the recognition of farmers, strengthen their collective voice to engage with other groups and institutions, acquire land, receive training, access loans and improve and scale up their farming practices. The field research has demonstrated that resilience increases alongside the organisational capacity of farmers. This is reflected by an increase in the their capacity to demand their rights to the city and the preservation of their livelihoods and cultural identity. Thus, it is not only about resisting the negative forces of urbanisation but also being empowered within a group and as an individual. Furthermore, knowledge systems of UA in the Legon area and Accra as a whole hold great potential for improving the sustainability of the practice. Inherited knowledge and innovation of farming practices, despite limited external training and support, has helped farmers to adapt to the decreasing availability of land and water for farming practices and enabled them still to
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contribute to the provision of fresh vegetables in the city. However, the research has identified a gap between research/science institutions and UA farmers with regards to knowledge sharing and access to training. Knowledge is often produced in a top-down fashion and is transferred in a one-way flow from the institution to the farmer. There is also a lack of communication and coordination between institutions. Therefore, enhancing linkages and reframing existing knowledge exchange channels is necessary to achieve a more robust and resilient UA in Accra. Lastly, a key finding of our research showed that resilience of farmers is greater when there is a higher security of land tenure. What is particularly important is that UA systems have evolved and adapted over time to a very uncontrolled and competitive land use system. Moreover, farmers have managed to find a gap in this system and adopt a new role as guardians of the land where they protect the land from encroachment in return for being able to use it for farming. However, such arrangements with institutions or private owners have been rather informal, therefore putting the farmers in an insecure and vulnerable position as they may be evicted at any time without receiving notice or compensation. The GAEC case study demonstrates an unprecedented case where these issues have been addressed through a registration of land use and farming practices. This can be considered as a first step towards a formal and legal arrangement between institutions and farmers that will lead not only to registering their land use, but also to recongising their practice and resolving one of the greater challenges for farmers in Accra - security of land tenure. An illustrative description of these findings can be found in the infography in appendix 9.
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CSIR
University of Ghana
GAEC
Christian Village
Organisational Capacity
5 Dzowrulu: Strong organisational capacity Ability to negotiate with various institutions Well-established structure of the group Savings group Access to small loans
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Knowledge Systems 3 Provides Training Generates knowledge and new technologies X Lacks dissemination to small farmers due to lack of finances X Lack of gov. funds leads to a business-oriented approach X Research may become mainly export-oriented X Farming practices may become heavily controlled by GAEC 3 Provides Training Generates knowledge and new technologies Two-way knowledge transfer: GAEC uses farmers to test new technologies; Farmers receive training and are first to benefit from innovations
Roman Ridge: Strong organisational capacity Ability to contest and not to participate in interventions Well-established structure of the group Savings group 5 Within the group: Inherited knowledge Detailed spatial collective knowledge Innovation of farming practices (e.g. on site water purification systems)
1 X UA is for own consumption and therefore practiced individually (limited knowledge transfer) X Lack of data of production and spatial distribution
Between groups: Knowledge sharing between Roman RIdge, Dzorwulu and CSIR
Between farmers and institutions: Training and technology transfer (primarily at Dzorwulu)
Land use 2 Seasonal farming is tolerated to protect the land from encroachment Large open spaces and clear ownership of the land (University of Ghana) X Informal land use arrangements: farmers are in an insecure and vulnerable position X Lack of formal recognition of their land use X Lack of Institutional support X University is not willing to designate vacant open space for farming purposes
X Lack of awareness by farmers of new technologies X Limited access to training for small farmers due to high costs 2 Dzorwulu: Farming near high tension electricity poles has given relative security to farmers Farmers as guardians of institutional land Clear ownership of the land (GRIDCO electricity company)
2 Farmers as guardians of private land X Informal land use arrangements: farmers are in an insecure and vulnerable position X Very transient and short-term arrangements X Very rapid and uncontrolled residential development leads to decrease in green spaces and land for farming
X Informal land use arrangements: farmers are in an insecure and vulnerable position X Lack of formal recognition of their land use X Lack of Institutional support
4 Large open spaces and clear ownership of the land (GAEC) Farmers as guardians of institutional land Registration of land use for famers including one-year rolling membership and three moths eviction notice Farmers feel more secure and are able to invest in better practices X There are no clear terms and conditions X No compensation offered in case of terminating the contract
X Hazards due to the proximity to electricity poles X Informal land use arrangements: farmers are in an insecure and vulnerable position X Experiencing encroachment X Lack of formal recognition of their land use X Lack of Institutional support
X Land ownership is not clear for farmers (owned by Lands Commission and Ghana Railway Company) X Informal land use arrangements: farmers are in an insecure and vulnerable position X Experiencing encroachment X Lack of formal recognition of their land use X Lack of Institutional support
TABLE 1. KEY FINDINGS IN THE FIVE CASE STUDIES KEY: FA: FARMER ASSOCIATION SCORING SYSTEM: 1 (LOWEST) TO 5 (HIGHEST); ANALYSIS BASED ON INTERVIEWS (SEE APP.) VALUES WERE ASSIGNED BASED ON A SUBJECTIVE EVALUATION OF THE POSITIVE VS NEGATIVE ATTRIBUTES DISCOVERED AT EACH SITE.
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bring actual transformative change for the farmers and the city of Accra (see diagram 5)
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CASE STUDY
A participatory mapping exercise was carried out with the farmers at CSIR. This proved to be a particularly powerful activity that generated a
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lot of engagement and enthusiasm among the farmers. It demonstrated the potential that mapping possesses as a tool to trigger collective action and it supported the claim that farmers are spatially aware of their surroundings.
GPS coordinates were taken to mark out individual plot boundaries and the output map was presented to the farmers with the aim of it being their information to be used as a tool to engage more formally with the CSIR institute and ultimately assist them in their mission to form an association. The outputs of this exercise are displayed in Figures 8, 9 and also in appendix 8.
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Open spaces University Land Encroachment Irrigated land Protected area Golf Club Real estate, private land and embassies Reduction of open spaces
CULTIVATING CHANGE
Ghana Atomic Energy Commission SITE (GAEC) CHRISTIAN CHRISTIAN H S VI AGE VILLAGE GE
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA
CSIR FARMERS
Urban expansion
Ordez Gonzlez, Alejandro; Bancheva, Silviya; Brandt, Fernanda; Crawshay Jones, Chris; Doria, Nicola; Ferro, Pamela; Segura, Clarisa.
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PERIURBAN
Un-controlled growth
INSTITUTIONAL LAND
The city is undergoing an accelerated process of urbanisation overtaking open spaces and rapidly consuming the green areas and natural resources while turning farming land into informal settlements and real estate developments; thus, the potential of urban agriculture for an environmentally just process of urbanisation is undermined.
Resource depletion
The pressure of the city growth is pushing farm-lands outside of the city without a delimited green belt.
Farmers are allowed to farm on institutional land to avoid encroachment but they are not entitled with rights of property and compensation after resettlement.
ENCROACHMENT
CITY PLANNING
ACHIMOTA FOREST RESERVE
WAY OTORWA T TEMA-M ACCRA
Urban expansion
In the urban planning agenda, unattended land issues and environmental problems reveal the lack of focus on the needs of the citys metabolism and the balance between the natural and the built environment.
CONTEXT CONTEXT
Environmental degradation
AC HIM
OT A
RD
CASE STUDY
The surrounding institutional land of the CSIR has been used for farming in the last 40 years keeping the site from encroachment. A group of 21 senior farmers representing more than 120 farmers are willing to create an association to recognise their practice which might help them to contest displacement and empower their voice to claim their individual and community rights. Researching the potential of urban agriculture in social and environmentally just planning of the city, a group of UCL students carried out a participatory mapping exercise with the farmers and a member of Peoples Dialogue to enhance the collective rituals of the group by producing their own information as a step towards the association.
Finally, the farmers guided the research group along the whole site to take GPS coordinates and mark out individual plot boundaries and reference points such as natural and built streams, water ponds, and electricity poles. The results revealed that even though the plots sizes varied significantly from the first abstract representation, their locations, neighbouring and boundaries were accurate. The output map was presented in public to the farmers with the aim of it being their information under constant update to be used as a tool to engage more formally with the CSIR institute and ultimately to recognise their willingness to form an association.
RESEARCH UCL RESEARC UCL RESEARCH GROUP Development Pl Planning Unit students lanning performing mapping techniques and analysis of power relations embedded on the processes of representation.
TIONS TIONS
CHARLES NGO facilitator from Peoples Dialogue on Human Settlements-Ghana with experience on savings groups, collection of data and community-led ennumerations.
LIB LIBER
Deforestation
Pressure on open-spaces
ATIO
DZORWULU DZ DZORWUL ULU ROMAN AND ROM ROMAN RIDGE FARM RS FARMERS ARME RMERS
N RD
With the collected data, the students delivered livered and abstract map to the group supported by the mation importance of producing their own information and self-organising towards common goals ement: explained by the facilitator under the statement: information is power. As mapping served as a tool lized that triggered collective action, farmers realized they were spatially aware of their surroundings, the land they use, its landscape and its physical and agreed boundaries, who is farming each plot, the number of beds they have on their sites, and the products they are growing.
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Abstract representation of community-led mapping exercise
AMADU Senior, leader farmer with high spatial awareness of the land and relational location of the members plots and boundaries.
AGENTS OF CHANGE
Using the same dynamic, the students replicated the map and began documenting each plot by interviewing the identified owners of the plots. Farmers showed to have a precise knowledge of the number of beds they own on each plot the specific type of crops they grow, its productivity and places at risk of flooding or contestation.
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Data collection and enumeration per farmers plot and transect walks guided by farmers
IBRAHIM Farmer and senior member with deep knowledge of farmers background, group history, dynamics and profile.
MAPPING
Through the facilitators experience on collecting people, the group self-organised and one of the seniors with the best spatial awareness stood up and led the sketching of the boundaries. With their names written on paper, each farmer located his plot omplete and neighbours, one by one, in complete order, silence and profound attention. After an hour, all esult the farmers were satisfied with the result and unanimously approved the sketched map.
CSIR FARMERS GROUP Organisational capacity and collective knowledge expressed among the rituals and bonds of the group.
Following a discussion with the senior members regarding the groups needs, the farmers gathered at the customary meeting point under a big tree. Once the goal to trace the plots on the ground was explained, the power of mapping manifested. Farmers were mobilised by the exercise revealing the nature of their social dynamics. Soon, more farmers surrounded the sketches on the soil as everyone wanted to be part of and be represented on it. The process ran chaotic with everyone speaking at the same time disagreeing on locations an sizes; arguments even heated between seniors and junior farmers, especially with those who just wanted to be acknowledge in the map but have never attended the group meetings.
CONCLUSION
The project showed how strong collective knowledge and organisational capacity could be even when no formal organisation exists. By documenting their own information through community-led mapping and enumeration, farmers reinforced their collective practices when they were brought together to determine their needs and to make decisions. Through this participative process, each individual found its own needs reflected by the needs of the group on issues such as eviction, climate change hazards and misrecognition. Despite the challenges of linking rituals and collective practice to city planning to promote social and environmental justice in the city are present, information stands as the key tool to negotiate. Therefore, it has to be asked what kind information is being collected when mapping and who will be responsible for using it to leverage change? In sum, it is the actual process and not the output of mapping the one that can reveal valuable information when engaging with communities. Thus, mapping can trigger transformative change as it is a powerful tool to interfere the trend of planning and to demand justice for the most vulnerable.
INFORMATION
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IS POWER
FIGURE 9. CULTIVATING CHANGE, ACCRA (LEGON AREA), GHANA. CSIR FARMERS (POSTER)
COMMUNITY PROFILE
Qualitative information can provide data of the history and identity of the group as a community that shares values, norms, experiences and rituals. This creates a profile which defines them and could help them to find similar problems to forecast and prevent hazards, and to avoid mal-practices. On the other hand, the accuracy that quantitative data from the enumeration can achieve provides precise knowledge of the communitys assets to trace the trends, fluctuations and changes in its activities. Overall, both data sets will help the farmers to identify the needs they have as a group, their problems and their opportunities. Plus, through this participative process, each individual finds his own needs reflected by the needs of the group and often individual needs can be satisfied through collective action (Muller and Mbanga, 2012).
Accra, emphasized their willingness to organise and to own their own data. The act of receiving in public the printed GIS maps, enhanced and legitimised the voice of the group and was a positive step towards forming an association.
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LEGITIMISATION OF INFORMATION
The process considers partnerships with NGOs such as Peoples Dialogue that may participate in the digitalisation of the information in order to legitimise the collected data. This can serve as a tool for advocacy when scholars, NGOs and external institutions could use the information led by the community instead of more formal, official data (Muller and Mbanga, 2012). With data regarding organic farming techniques, information on UAS contribution to the
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environment and the natural cycles that they maintain; the amount of waste that is absorbed and the natural resources that are being optimised (e.g. water) becomes available. Furthermore, if NGOs participate by supporting the compilation of data, the process becomes more transparent and accountable to the community, the partners and the authorities that could also derive observations to interpret the data (Livengood and Kunte, 2012).
charge particularly high interest rates, thus leading to vicious cycles of debt and self-perpetuating poverty (SDI, 2012). Savings groups offering cheap credit are therefore critical for urban poor farmers and offer an important entry point into building united communities.
STRATEGY 1.2: INITIATE FARMERS SAVINGS GROUPS AT CSIR AND GAEC LOCATIONS AND STRENGTHEN EXISTING SAVINGS GROUPS ACROSS ALL SITES
armers at the CSIR and GAEC sites currently do not save as a collective group. Conversely, the farmers associations at DZ and RR have well established and well organised savings groups that are run by the farmers themselves. This collective practice has benefited them financially, but also strengthened social bonds, generated perceptions of collective identity and increased their ability to defend their right to practice UA in the city. Following the formation of associations as suggested under Strategy 1.1, the second component of the strategy outlines how savings groups at CSIR and GAEC might be formed and how the position of savings groups in Legon might be strengthened overall.
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nowledge exchange is a collective practice that already exists. This is particularly true between individual farmers. The research demonstrated that farmers share knowledge about all elements of their farming practices; their crop types, their plot locations, their farming techniques and so on. Research revealed that knowledge exchange even takes place between farmer groups. For example DZ farmers have met with CSIR farmers to advise them on organising themselves into an association. The problem is that these trends in knowledge transfer are rather intangible and fragmented. Hence Strategy 1.3 aims to address this problematic by not only strengthening and uniting knowledge exchange practices but also redefining the way that knowledge is produced and transferred between actors at all levels.
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ince 2010 Accra has been part of the MCI which aims at addressing the citys most pressing issues including flooding, water security, sanitation, rapid population growth, unplanned settlements and pollution (Earth Institute and Columbia University, 2010). However, the city has not been successful in dealing with these challenges. Therefore, it becomes evident that a change in the view of planners regarding urban development is required. UA could potentially play a crucial role in solving such challenges. For example, green spaces destined for UA could reduce water run-off in the city and thereby reduce the risk of flooding which is likely to increase with climate change. Moreover, by using organic, solid and liquid waste as a fertilizer UA practices could close the nutrient cycle and reduce considerably the quantity of waste produced, thus improving sanitation in the city (ESD, 2012). Another important role for UA in Accra is that food is produced close to where it is consumed, therefore considerably reducing the food footprint of the city (DPU, 2012). Furthermore, UA can preserve the production of local vegetables and fruits and hence help protect biodiversity. Finally, climate scenarios have indicated that average temperatures in Accra are expected to increase in years to come (Ayensu, 2004). For this reason, UA can play a key role in regulating temperature and reducing the heat island effect that may occur if current urbanization trends continue. Nevertheless, our research has shown that government officials often lack awareness of these benefits and thus have failed to exploit the potential that UA holds for the city of Accra. The 1992 Constitution of Ghana, maintains that the State shall take all necessary action to () provide adequate means of livelihood and suitable
employment (...) to the needy (Government of Ghana, 1992). Moreover, Ghanas National Land Policy (Section 1.0) states that land () is the basis of [Ghanas] wealth () and the source of its sustainable livelihood and very survival (Chapter Six, Section 36.1, MoLF, 1999). Accordingly, land plays a fundamental role in providing a means of livelihood and its use through UA practices in Accra should be recognised. In fact, UA provides a source of livelihood and employment, partly contributing to food security in Accra, and therefore it can be argued that UA could help in fulfilling the duties mentioned above. These legal statements, however, are broad and in practice there is a lack of specific legislation that sets out the procedures for the recognition of UA in Accra. It is a common view among planners that in order to protect green areas, the State should acquire land to preserve them. In areas of private and customary land ownership, green areas are rapidly being sold off for real estate development. However, according to the Mayor of AMA, Hon. Alfred Vanderpuije, between 23% and 30% of land in Accra is institutional land owned by the government (Al Khalifa et al., 2010). This challenges the common perception that land in Accra is no longer available. From an UA perspective, land is available. Open green spaces on institutional land present a very real opportunity for UA to take place. As the findings have shown, there is a general lack of awareness of the benefits of UA as well as a formal recognition of UA practices in Accra. Therefore, Strategy 2 builds upon the benefits of UA mentioned above and aims to respond to the current requirements of the Millennium City Initiative for Accra.
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Propose a by-law in order to register the land use and establish a contractual agreement between institutions and farmers The purpose of the Registry is to publicly recognize current farming practices. The Registry should be managed by a governmental authority (e.g. the Lands Commission). The obligation of having a contract will allow farmers to establish mutually agreed terms and conditions with the institution regarding their practices and use of the land (including its renewal). Specifically, the contract will allow them to set up any compensation that they should receive in case the land owner decides to use the land for different purposes. In this way, the strategy aims to recognize formally the practice of UA on institutional land in Accra and develop a standard for contracts to secure compensation when required. This strategy may promote transformative change in two ways: 1) Current farming practices would go from being misrecognised to formally recognised 2) Compensation for farmers in case of eviction will be established in a binding document.
RAISE AWARENESS
MoFA Extension Officers should raise awareness among different farmers associations about the innovative agreement between GAEC and the farmers using their land for UA. The objective is to facilitate more voluntary contractual agreements in the short term. This could be aided by introducing incentives for institutions that cooperate with farmers. For example, an incentive based on positive reputation at the city scale an image that communicates their willingness to support environmental justice in Accra, support of local livelihoods etc. Another incentive might be tax or council tax reductions (or other fiscal measures). However this would require a more in depth research into fiscal policy and budget allocations in Accra. Budgets are already overstretched so identifying a suitable way of allocating funds would require a more in depth study.
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Conclusion
he findings of the research have revealed the ways in which farmers have adapted their practices to resist the uncontrolled and unplanned nature of urbanisation that has continuously threatened their livelihoods and rights to exist as farmers in Accra. There is strong evidence to suggest that certain UA systems have been more successful than others at developing resilience to negative drivers operating at the city scale. One significant finding is the fact that the perception that land is no longer available in the city for UA is widespread. However our research demonstrated that this is arguably a misconception. The considerable amount of institutional land present in Legon which contains open green spaces sheds optimistic light on the future of UAs continued existence. Institutional land holds potential for UA to be recognised. However this depends on the ability of farmers to organise themselves and formalise their practices with institutions. GAEC provides an unprecedented example in this regard. According to the research UA might succeed only where farmers are able to secure their tenure and be part of an association. Without a strong organisational capacity and insecure land tenure and given the current urbanisation trends, the risk for farmers of being overwhelmed by the pressures of the city and pushed to the peri-urban is high. By enhancing collective practices, farmers will be able to contest and shape the process of urbanisation. Moreover, securing their land tenure will assert their right to the city. Only in this way, UA can continue providing fresh food and livelihoods for the people of Accra and play a crucial role in protecting open spaces for a greener urban environment. 191
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4.10 References
Al-Khalifa, A., Brinenberg, S., Chi, X., Exborge, E., Jeffery, T., Nwogu, A., Solomon, V., Song, J., Tao, Y., 2010, Case Study: Plant Pool and Roman Ridge, Accra, Ghana, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London Allen, A., 30th of May 2012, Interview at DPU, London Ayensu, A., 2004, Assessment of Climate Change and Vulnerability of Coastal Zone of Ghana Using Trends in Temperature and Rainfall, Journal of Applied Science and Technology, Vol.9, No.1&2, pp.21-27 Braimah, F.R., 2012, Report of SDI Visit to Accra, Ghana, SDI Link: http://www.sdinet.org/media/upload/countries/documents/south_african_exchange_to_ghan a_ farouk_braimah_accra.pdf [accessed: 24/05/2012] Cofie, O. Larbi, T., Danso,G. Abraham,E. Kufogbe, S.K., Henseler, M., Schuetz, T., and ObiriOpareh, N., 2005, A Narrative on Urban Agriculture in Accra Metropolis, IWMI DPU, 2012, Cultivating Change in Accra, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London Link: http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/news/28-05-2012 [accessed: 28/05/2012] Earth Institute and University of Columbia, 2010, Millennium City Initiative: Accra, Ghana ESD, 2012, Terms of Reference: Environmentally Just Urbanisation through the Lens of Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture in Accra Metropolitan Area (AMA), Ghana, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London Government of Ghana, 1992, The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana Link: http://www.politicsresources.net/docs/ghanaconst.pdf [accessed: 27/05/2012] Farouk, B. and Owusu, M., 2012, If in Doubt, Count: The Role of Community-Driven Enumerations in Blocking Eviction in Old Fadama, Accra, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 47-58. Livengood, A. and Kunte, K., 2012, Enabling Participatory Planning with GIS: A Case Study of Settlement Mapping in Cuttack, India, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 77-98. MoLF, 1999, National Land Policy Link: http://www.uneca.org/fssdd/lpi/land_policies/ghana_national_land_policy.pdf [accessed: 28/05/2012] MoLGRD, 2010, National Urban Policy: Action Plan, Government of Ghana Muller, A. and Mbanga, E., 2012, Participatory Enumerations at the National Level in Namibia: The Community Land Information Programme (CLIP), Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 67-76. Patel, S. and Baptist, C., 2012, Documenting by the Undocumented, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24 No.1, pp. 3-12 Patel, S., Baptist, C., dCruz, C., 2012. Knowledge is power informal communities assert their right to the city through SDI and community-led enumerations. Environment & Urbanisation, 24 (1), pp. 13-26. SDI Netherlands, n.d., Its about Collecting People Link: http://www.sdinetherlands.org/component/content/article/13.html [accessed: 24/05/2012] UNESCO, 2011, Urban Policies and the Right to the City in India Link: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0021/002146/214602e.pdf [accessed: 29/052012] UNISDR, 2009, Terminology on Disaster Risk Reduction, UNISDR, Geneva
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Appendix 1. Strategy 1. Enhancing collective practices Appendix 1. 1 Formal organisation and community-led mapping and enumeration
Strategic action 1.1.1 Group organisation Activity a. Organising to acquire internal structure Specific objectives Method -Workshop to trace the origin and transformation of the group, its particular needs and concerns (individual and collective). -Dividing into groups by site to build matrix of activities and responsibilities of every member in the group. Actors Involved Time 3 days. One for each specific objective Link to Transformativ e Change A more structured body can protect their individual and collective rights along with a strong identity definition for the group The process will identify the members of the group to include the most vulnerable and to empower and build capacities on them. Farmers will understand the importance of their rituals to enhance their collective capacity as well as how the needs of the group underlie its own concerns Risks and limitations
-To Create a participatory time-line. -To Build the history of the farmers group: tracing its origin and transformation over time. -To locate hierarchic roles -To identify trough focus group how power is being shared (who is included, who is excluded) -To identify rituals where knowledge is share and where information is collected
-Peoples Dialogue and GHAFUP (facilitators) -Farmers representatives from each site. -Guests from external federations or associations (local and international)
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-Dividing into mixed groups to identify preexisting rituals, activities, communication strategies, problem solving procedures and methods of participation and sharing of rituals
Unjust conditions of exclusion must not be replicated during the process of empowering the group. The interests of women and men needs to be fairly represented In GAEC and CSIR the lack of member registration could compromise the allocation of responsibilities Cultural differences may compromise the identification of rituals
3 day workshop
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-To understand the process each group has been through to become an Association -To find out the challenges and constraints they share Forum of shared experiences -Farmers association -Other groups of farmers -SDI -Peoples Dialogue -GHAFUP -External NGOs and Federations 1 day -The community of farmers acquire the basic tools to perform their own process of mapping and enumeration 1 week per site -To understand the potential of mapping and enumeration to claim rights, protect from eviction and negotiate with government -To learn the basic tools for performing community-led mapping and enumeration Workshop -Resources that will be needed -Spare roles and procedures for the process of mapping -Tools needed -Information preservation -Survey -Survey and enumeration -Participatory mapping -GIS mapping Work meetings Work meetings Presentation and public event -Farmer associations -Farmer groups -Facilitators (Peoples Dialogue, SDI) -To create a profile for the group of farmers i. -To perform c Enumeration and survey -To develop Mapping Groups that took part on the project working with NGOs and Federations -Community of farmers -Farmers association -Other groups of farmers Community documents their own information with accuracy 4 days 1 day Information can be co-opted or misused 1 day Coordination and involvement of the associations require incentives and require high level of coordination Commitment and will must be assured
Stakeholder approach -Dividing into groups by site and identifying the main steps to associate -To explore the goals in common, shared challenges and opportunities
-MOFA representative -Farmers association -Other groups of farmers -SDI -Peoples Dialogue -GHAFUP
-Common challenges and opportunities will be identified to find the commonalities towards a federation -Official recognition of their rights and practices could be obtained -Lessons can be learnt from the experiences of other groups that can inspire them
Differences and current issues between the groups could undermine the efforts to consolidate a common voice that could represent them equally
Technology for GIS and GPS can have bias Will and commitment of the NGOs 1 day NGOs participate as observers and supporters for the compilation of data, the process becomes more transparent and accountable to the community
-To digitalise and tabulate data -To verify the accountability and transparency -To share results and experiences -To let the community verify the
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results
Appendix 1. 2 Initiate farmers savings groups at CSIR and GAEC locations and strengthen existing savings groups across all sites
1.2.1 Create saving groups at CSIR and GAEC Inclusion of all farmers at CSIR & GAEC Representative from institution (CSIR/GAEC) Members from Dzorwulu and Roman Ridge (DZ & RR) farmers association Representatives from DZ & RR who have experience with savings groups PD 1-2 days
Strategic action
Focus group discussions held with farmers and facilitators at both CSIR and GAEC
Activity
Peoples Dialogue (PD), To start immediately
Engage with farmers to highlight shared practices, raise awareness and introduce the issue of savings groups
- To assess the current state of collective action or if individual farmers are already saving
Specific objectives
Method
- To bring those that already save together in order to encourage other farmers to contribute savings also.
Knowledge and ideas about collective saving circulate at the community level until the philosophy behind the ritual become grounded in the community itself.
Risks/limitations
* It is presumed that associations at CSIR & GAEC have already been formed as a result of Strategic Action 1 - Initiated though voluntary action, farmers putting themselves forward for various roles - Voting - Assigning roles - Assessment of farmers skill level to ensure capability
- To identify individuals and leaders within famers associations* that are willing/have the skills to fill organisational roles e.g. treasurer, secretary of savings group, book keeper
1-2 days
- Empowerment: It ensures that farmer-based savings groups are run and maintained by the farmers - Breaks the cycle of loans being available only from informal and expensive external channels e.g. moneylenders
- Navigation of internal social hierarchies - More influential members perhaps overshadowing more submissive (but perhaps more suitable) candidates for organisational roles. - Abuse of power for personal gain - Farmers must be motivated to organise the savings themselves
Explore how other savings schemes put in place in Accra, eg in Old Fadama relate to the conditions and requirements at CSIR/GAEC.
- To define the nature of how and why savings groups function in different situations so that lessons can be transferred.
- Workshops between farmers associations and stakeholders involved in previous savings groups. - Research - Sharing of knowledge
- PD - Ghana Federation for the Urban Poor - Old Fadama Development association, (OFADA) - DZ,RR,CSIR, GAEC farmers associations.
Avoids a one size fits all approach to replicating savings groups and instead encourages savings groups that are grounded in local practices and local needs by farmers themselves.
- Links between styles of saving practices may be tenuous and hard to identify - It may be presumed that certain approaches are transferrable when in fact they are not
Train farmers with the skills needed to manage savings group, knowledge of practices (saving schemes, credit, exchange, repayments etc.)
- To learn from successes of SDI in Accra: How do people save in Old Fadama compared to DZ & RR? - What are the needs of farmers compared to residents saving in urban settlements and how should CSIR/GAEC adapt these lessons when forming their own savings groups? To establish a selfsustaining savings group run by knowledgeable farmers that are capable of fulfilling their responsibilities within the group - Collective workshops - Scenario/role playing - Interim period where a facilitator is available to assist and resolve problems. - Exchange of experiences/lessons learnt with DZ and RR farmers - Assistance/training from MOFA - Agree on structure of saving: amount to be added by each member, what they can afford depending on time of year/time left to next harvest - Assign date when farmers meet to contribute savings - Collect funds in public with all farmers present so as to ensure accountability/trust in early stages - Chairman of savings group and treasurer for CSIR & GAEC associations 1 day (per month) - CSIR/GAEC representatives - PD - Senior members of DZ and RR savings group - MOFA 2-5 days (immediately after previous stages) - Repeated periods of training/kno wledge exchange (i.e. an ongoing process) - Provides trust and commonality amongst farmers they are saving together and savings are organised by trained friends and co-workers. - Farmers are empowered and equipped with the capacity to mobilise themselves and save without being dependent on high-interest moneylenders
- Inadequate/ad hoc training that is forgotten in the long term - Quality assurance
- Farmers must demonstrate an adequate level of willingness, literacy, education, numeracy - Breaks cycle of debt incurred from borrowing from highinterest money lenders - Decisions are made internally, debates are settled by the farmers: These actions encourage organisation and mobilisation important characteristics for negotiating rights, challenging evictions and resisting aforementioned patterns of urbanisation at the city scale. - Farmers devise their own safety net thus increasing their resilience to shocks and stresses. - Reduces the poverty level of urban farmers as a collective - Misuse of savings by individuals and group as a whole - Going into debt is still a risk despite low interest repayments. - Inequalities in repayment conditions (e.g. through favouritism/nepotism) - Ensuring consistent book keeping (of high quality) - Deciding who should be entitled to loans when savings are low
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Collect money
To collect savings from farmers so that cheap credit is available, thus enabling access to crisis, consumption and income generation loans.
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Collect people - Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor - MOFA - OFADA - PD - Meeting location could rotate between each location (CSIR/GAEC/ DZ/RR) - 1 day meetings (BUT regularly e.g. bi-monthly)
- Encourage famers to talk about savings with their co-workers, spread the incentive to join. - Hold community/farmer-based meetings to promote social benefits. - Facilitate a joint meeting between all associations so as to demonstrate the power/size of UA and farmers in Legon. - Meeting would allow for knowledge exchange, development of relationships between associations, strengthening of bonds.
- Continuous process
group, thus changing public perception of UA - Strengthens the role of UA as a business model and not merely a subsistence activity - Continues the federating process and will assist in forming a Federation of Urban Farmers - Provides a collective voice for farmers by uniting them through a collective practice - Collecting people from collecting money (as shown by advances made by SDI) can increase political voice, power to negotiate with policy makers, contest evictions, receive compensation etc - The preservation of collective rituals provides an entry point to challenge the processes of urbanisation and land use that have marginalised UA thus far. - Maintaining momentum and inspiring farmers to join. - Socio-cultural barriers preventing farmers from joining together (Interview with MOFA revealed differences in ethnicity, religion, language were preventative characteristics among associations)
1.2.2 Strengthen savings groups - PD & MOFA could assist and use the space to communicate their mandates with farmers associations
1. To attract more and more farmers into the savings group by collecting money and sharing a common cause. 2. To maximise the contact that farmers have with each other. 3. To enable strong bonds to form around their collective identity. 4. To encourage shared expressions of solidarity, commonality and communication through sustaining the ritual of saving money. 5. To collect people in a way that unites savings groups with savings groups, associations with associations; thus driving the federating process (the end goal of which is the creation of a Federation of Urban Farmers 1. For CSIR/GAEC farmers to benefit from the savings group experiences of DZ and RR (both are mature in terms of strength of savings groups) - CSIR, GAEC, DZ and RR farmers associations - Hold a workshop where representatives from all new and emerging associations can come and meet wit DZ and RR farmers for Q&A. - DZ & RR farmers can share their experiences on forming and running savings groups and highlight the challenges and pitfalls that must be navigated around. - Training camp/day to disseminate knowledge, skills and techniques that improve efficiency of University of Ghana Cooperative Credit Union Regularly during early stages (e.g. once every week/ fortnight) - Language barriers Less regularly once savings groups at CSIR & GAEC have developed
- Incentivising DZ and RR farmers to give up their time and share their experiences
- Organising and initiating the workshops and encouraging all actors to take part A series of training days (amount and frequency to - Incentivising the University to assist in training and knowledge sharing
- To learn from lessons of large scale, advanced cooperative savings group - To determine if a similar
- Provides a unique space that doesnt currently exist, for all associations, new and emerging, to meet and strengthen not only their knowledge and skill base, but also develop another platform from which to strengthen their collective presence. - Provides a channel for MOFA to also engage with associations collectively and integrate them with their official mandate of strengthening and promoting farmer associations. - Forms linkages and relationships between research bodies, government institutions and farmer associations
saving practices - Focus group with the university and nonuniversity farmers where they can discuss the possibility of farming on university land, attempt to enter into a mutual agreement, discuss terms and conditions CSIR, GAEC, DZ and RR farmers associations PD Network of all existing farmers associations Long term - Brings together all the strengths developed though harnessing collective practices. - Uniting farmers as a collective group led by representatives from each association (as a Federation) maximises their ability to defend their right to the city and challenge the city system that has progressively marginalised UA thus far. - Develop a system whereby farmers can contact PD if they are in need of advice or support e.g. informal application procedure - Appoint representatives for each association and engage them collectively with PD and SDI and their channels of support College of Agriculture and Consumer Science
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be determined by stakeholders )
- Demonstrates that there is potential for institutions and those involved in UA to cooperate and negotiate thus strengthening the image of UA in Accra and its right to be practiced.
- Getting the University to consider the possibility of allowing external farmers to farm on their land
savings scheme to the university (which includes salaried employees of the institution as well as farmers) could be replicated at GAEC, and if there would be additional benefits in doing so. - To negotiate the possibility of allowing organised farmers (not employed by the university) to be allowed to farm on university land. Create channel for - To ensure that there is a cooperation between platform for continued Peoples Dialogue dialoguing and and farmer communicating into the associations future ii.- To provide a support mechanism that continues to assist and advise emerging and growing farmer associations - To create a network of farmers associations that communicate with each other and use (when necessary) PD to assist them in their mobilisation - To establish a Federation
- Encouraging farmers associations to organise themselves and not rely on assistance from PD
- The next challenge is how the Federation attempts to engage with policy makers at the city scale and encourage them to include their rights/practices in the future plan for the city.
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Activity
- To maximise both the quantity and quality of food produced at each site
Specific objectives
- Farmer meetings held at communal points at each site designed to facilitate the sharing of knowledge with regards to farming techniques, seed varieties, best practices, pesticides, irrigation, yield maximisation etc.
- To ensure that farmers are able to share their own innovations in farming practices
- Efficiency of social interaction and transfer of knowledge is difficult to measure - Language barriers between farmers - Differing ethnicities and religions may present social barriers
Risks /limitations
- Exchange knowledge about business and market approaches CSIR, GAEC, DZ and RR farmers associations PD Continuous process
- Internal hierarchies and social structures might result in certain farmers influencing the transfer of knowledge more than others - Language, ethnic and religious differences
- Hold regular meetings and social occasions where representatives from each famers association are able to attend and exchange knowledge on behalf of their group
- Contributes significantly in the Federating process - Exchanging knowledge between associations becomes a mutually beneficial ritual that instils trust and collective action. These become key characteristics in developing resistance to the negative drivers at the city scale that are threatening the practice of UA. - CSIR, GAEC, University of Ghana Continuous process - CSIR, GAEC, DZ - Reaching a stage where farmers are engaged in two-way exchanges of knowledge with the (research) institutions that own their farmland not only improves
- Internal hierarchies and social structures might result in certain farmers influencing the transfer of knowledge more than others
- Promote cases where institutions have cooperated with farmers e.g. GAEC - Encourage
- To ensure that skills and experience gained by individuals that have undertaken training/ events/workshops led by research institutes are disseminated amongst the group - To increase capacity to negotiate prices and maximise profits at market - For farmers to become aware of who the most reliable buyers are - To strengthen the bonds between associations - To ensure that knowledge transfer takes place across a large area, benefiting from techniques at different UA locations with different UA systems - To share knowledge between associations in a way that strengthens the notion of collective identity - To scale-up the benefits of farmers talking to farmers through associations talking to associations. - To identify and promote the mutual benefits that can be achieved through mutual knowledge sharing - To strengthen the rights of - Establish channels of communication between each association - Hold regular meetings at each site location with representatives from each association present for the specific purpose of exchanging knowledge - Rotate the location of each meeting so that all associations visit each other, see their fellow farmers practices first hand and develop close ties. - Present the case of GAEC (their knowledge sharing/contractual agreements) with other farmers associations and
- Making the step between sharing knowledge between associations and influencing policy
- Research institutions might be willing to share their knowledge regarding innovative farming practices only with the
and farmers - Some farmers might not be able to afford training programmes offered by the research institutions
institutions, especially research institutions, to share and receive knowledge with farmers
farmers by encouraging the (research) institutions that own the land they farm on to share knowledge and recognise them - To maximise the quality/quantity of food and efficiency of food production - To channel knowledge from research institutions to all farmers associations
institutions. - Inform farmers of their ability to negotiate with institutions - Hold focus group meetings at GAEC and the University where farmers from any association can come and engage in knowledge sharing discussions. - The exchange of knowledge between research institutions and farmers might become top-down
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1.3.4 Enhance linkages between MOFA and the research institutions - Consultation with farmers associations - Identify the gaps and barriers that prevent knowledge transfer from the top down. - PD (key role in the process of training and transferring skills) - CSIR, GAEC, DZ and RR farmers associations Continuous process - CSIR, GAEC, DZ and RR farmers associations - MOFA - GAEC - CSIR - University of Ghana
- Facilitate a formal meeting between MOFA and the main research institutes (GAEC, University of Ghana)
- MOFA
Continuous process
farming techniques but also improves the level of recognition that farmers receive recognition of their right to practice UA and rights to be included in decision making. - More formalised arrangements between institutions and farmers can emerge due to case studies such as GAEC setting the precedent. - Engaging all farmers associations with knowledge transferral from research institutions will increase the productivity of UA, thus benefiting the city as a whole. It also provides another collective practice that strengthens the bargaining power of associations and their organisational capacity. - Linking the rights, practices, skills and knowledge of farmers associations into the higher structures of the city (such as MOFA, institutions, research bodies) will attempt to fill a gap that currently exists.
- Create a more mutual system of knowledge production and exchange across all levels.
- For MOFA to communicate their mandate for research/training/knowled ge transfer with institutions so that synergies can be identified and promoted together - Also, to consider how farmers can receive the information that is generated by topdown/centralised research institutes - Link MOFAs Agricultural Extension Services to training carried out at university and GAEC - To create alternate avenues of knowledge production and exchange - For farmers to be able to transfer their knowledge experiences to - For farmers to own the information they produce and for them to use it to engage more deeply with institutions, MOFA, policy makers, city planning - Training farmers to carry out their own data collection on-site e.g. mapping of plots, enumerating beds, locating water points, recording how land, water etc is used (See strategy 1.1) - Workshops for training
- By exchanging knowledge between MOFA and research institutions, UA can be advanced and farmers can defend the right to continue practicing it as it becomes more formalised and its links to the city and its processes of urbanisation become better understood. - The way that knowledge is produced can act as a tool to challenge the current mode of knowledge/information delivery which is typically very top-down.
- Financing the training and workshops - The needs of the farmers can be expressed from their own data collection and through transferring this knowledge between themselves, the associations and the city
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authorities
authorities. Together with a strengthened collective presence, farmers are able to demand certain rights and challenge the urbanisation process that is forcing them out of the city by disrupting the status quo and delivering a new narrative.
Appendix 2.
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Strategic action
Focus group discussions held with farmers - Farmers - Farmers become aware of the formal land use arrangement at GAEC - MOFA extension officer Start immediately (short-term) GAEC experience can set a precendent that can be replicated and scaled up
Activity
Engage with farmers to introduce, raise awareness and share practices of the GAEC experience
Risks/limitations
MOFA is not willing to engage
2.2 Change land use as farming on passive land - Town and Country Planning
Farmers Associations apply for registering the land they farm on as passive land Apply to Town and Country Planning through the land use planning mechanism - Farmers Associations
- Encourage the farmers to engage in advocating for land use registartion The land is registered as passive and it cannot be built upon Start immediately (medium/longterm)
Provides farmers with increased security and usufruct rights over the land
- Recognising land as passive does not guarantee that land will be used for UA purposes - Little awareness about the land use planning mechanism
- Set up a Registry for land use of farmers on - Recognise formally the practice of UA on
- Lands Commission
Long-term
- Might be a long and complex process - Lack of political will to propose or ratify the by- law
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institutional land institutional land in Accra - Develop a standard for contracts with mutually agreed terms and conditions on use of land, renewal and compensation - Institutions owning the land - The right to receive compensation in case of eviction - - Risk of by-law being put on stand-by, if pressure by farmings associations is not constantly exercised - Might be a long and complex process - Farmer Associations
Strategic Action 1
MoFA Extension Officers should raise farmers awareness of the GAEC experience
(short-term strategy)
Strategic Action 2
Farmers associations can apply for registering their land use as farming on passive land through the land use planning mechanism (short/mediumterm)
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By-law in order to register the land use and establishing a contractual agreement between institutions and farmers
Actions Create a knowledge sharing platform: Workshops with farmers associations to share GAECs experience Farmers associations apply for designation of the land they use as passive to the TCP Draft of the by-law prepared by MoFA and sent to the Parliament of Ghana
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Appendix 4. Research Sites Profile Description Irrigated vegetable agriculture site located near high-tension Dzorwulu electricity poles. 40 farmers, most of them men (37 men, 3 women). Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers have been farming for more than 40 years. Farmers are well-organised, and thus the site has been the focus of many projects (e.g. by IWMI, RUAF and MOFA) for improving their farming practices. Farmers use a mix of piped water and irrigated water from the nearby stream. There is an on-site water purification system (i.e. boreholes) The land is institutional (owned by GRIDCO electricity company), however in recent years there has been some encroachment of land as customary owners have claimed the land back. Irrigated vegetable agriculture site. 43 farmers, all of which are Roman Ridge men from the North of Ghana. Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers are well-organised, but have received less support from government officials or research institutions. Farmers use piped and irrigated water from the nearby stream. They use boreholes to store the water. The land is institutional, owned by Lands Commission and Ghana Railway Authority (leased from the Osu traditional authority). In recent years the farmers have experiences significant encroachment by illegal residential building near the railway tracks. Irrigated vegetable agriculture site. 18 farmers, all of which are CSIR men from North of Ghana. Some farmers have been farming on the site for more the 30 years. Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers are in the process of establishing a formal association. Farmers use piped and irrigated water from the nearby stream. They use boreholes to store the water. The land is institutional, owned by CSIR and NBI (National Bureau of Investigation) The university has a College of Agriculture. Farmers at the University of Ghana university land are employed workers. Farming is done for research and demonstration purposes. The agricultural research focuses on new technologies to improve farming. The University also offers training but it lack finances, thus training is accessible to large farmers who can afford the costs. The University has large amount of land, including open and green spaces. Seasonal farming on the boundaries of the land is tolerated as it protects the land from encroachment. Ghana Atomic Energy GAEC is involved in biotech and nuclear agricultural research. Site
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Commission (GAEC)
Christian Village
It focuses on new technologies including duplication of seeds and improving farming practices. 200 farmers are registered to farm on its land (although 1000 applied). They participate in research and apply new technology. GAEC offers the first of its kind formal registration of the land use for farming. However, due to lack of finances (90% of its budget has been recently cut by the government), it is starting to implement a business-oriented approach. At the moment farming is under the control of farmers and they receive all the profit. However, GAEC may gain more control if they opt for an export-oriented approach. An area that was previously part of the Achimota Forest. The land is owned by the Achimota Primary School, however in recent years it has undergone a fast and uncontrolled development for residential purposes. It is a wealthy and desirable area, still small pockets of UA can be found. UA is in the form of backyard farming for own consumption of poor families. They are mostly caretakers of the land and protect it from encroachment. UA is very dispersed and transient, and families are in a very insecure and vulnerable position.
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Source: Based on interviews during the field work in Accra - May 2012 (see appendix )
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CSIR
Structured and semi-structured interviews: 20 farmers Transect walks: 2 Participatory mapping: boundaries of the farmers' plots, coordinates of water sources and the encroached land.
University of Ghana
GAEC
Semi-structured interviews: 1 meeting and 2 more interviews with farmers and employees. Transect walks: 1
Christian Village
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20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 1
Literature review
Stakeholder analysis
D/RR Interviews
CSIR visits
CSIR Interviews
UG Transect walk
UG Interviews
GAEC visits
GAEC Interviews
CV Transect walk
CV Interviews
IWMI
Peoples' Dialogue
Land Commission
CICOL
World Bank
ISSER
Lands Commission
MOFA
Peoples' Dialogue
Data collection
Data analysis
Strategy development
Literature review
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Stakeholder analysis
D/RR Interviews
CSIR visits
CSIR Interviews
UG Transect walk
UG Interviews
GAEC visits
GAEC Interviews
CV Transect walk
CV Interviews
IWMI
Peoples' Dialogue
Land Commission
CICOL
World Bank
ISSER
Lands Commission
MOFA
Peoples' Dialogue
Data collection
Data analysis
Strategy development
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Do you keep records of what you produce? What kind of pesticides do you use? What are the main problems that you have to face?
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7 What are the sources of water used to grow the crops?
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Are you organised in an association? Have you been a farmer your whole life?
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How do you improve your farming practices? How are the prices of the crops you sell established? Who are you regular buyers/clients? Do you have access to loans? Do you have a saving group? Do you manage
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money collectively? For what purposes? Have you been involved in projects with NGOs, governmental agencies or other institutions?
In 2000, RUAF started some projects and the first thing we worked on was building our organizational capacity. In 2009, the Seed to Table project aimed to revive the group through a programme called Group Dynamics. (E.g. providing small infrastructure like benches for meetings).
Interviews in Roman Ridge: 1 Questions to farmers Who owns the land you are farming on? Answers Different governmental institutions, Lands Commission and MoFA, have claimed the land. The people from Osu have also claimed this land. We do not know the actual owner of this land, but we know the government owns it. This is institutional land, but we do not know which department owns it. No, we have not tried to find who is the owner of the land. There has been an improvement, since we have come together.
2 3
As a group, have you tried to find out who is the owner of the land? How have farming practices changed as a result of organisational capacity and the establishment of farmers associations? Have you seen improvements in the amount of food produced? Do you negotiate better prices? Where is the land that has been encroached? Do you know who is building in that area? What is the main water source for irrigation? How many ponds are in the area?
In terms of marketing and prices we have not become stronger because we are not dealing with an o2rganized market. The customer decides the price. In terms of food produced there has been an improvement, but the market represents the problem. Is next to the river and the railway line. A man that works in a water company has taken one part of the land to build his house. We dont know who is building in the other part but it has been used for residential purposes too. The river and also the ponds. More than 20 ponds distributed in the middle and in the sides.
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Interviews in CSIR: 1 Questions to farmers How many farmers are in the site? Who is the owner of the land? What kind of crops is grown here? Answers There are 18 farmers. Some of them have farmed here for more than 30 years. The land is owned by CSIR and the NBI (National Bureau of Investigation), so it is an institutional land. Spring onions Lettuce Spinach Sweet pepper Cauliflower Cucumber
2 3
Cabbage 4 5 What are the main problems that you have to face? What are the sources of water used to grow the crops? The soil in the CSIR is too sandy which makes it hard to grow the crops. Also, there are pest problems. We use water from the stream and piped water. We also store water in boreholes.
No, but we have plans to do it in the near future. We have already spoken to the farmers in Dzorwulu to know about their experience. We hope the association facilitates the access to loans and deal with land tenure issues. It is good to come together to have a voice. No, unless they know someone here. In this case, we would give the new farmer some beds so that he can start farming. Yes. Most of us started farming at a very early age and learned from our fathers. Most of the farmers here come from the Northern areas of Ghana. No, farming is the only source of income we have. Also, it is difficult to get additional plots since it is expensive and negotiating for land becomes very difficult. If we could go somewhere else to farm (e.g. the peri urban areas) we would go. We dont have a fixed price. The price is market led. We sell directly, through women resellers and in local markets.
7 8
Is the area open for newcomers? Have you been a farmer your whole life? Do you have another source of income? How are the prices of the crops you sell established? Who are you regular buyers/clients? Do you have a saving group? Would you like your children to be farmers as well?
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Yes. We try to manage common problems through this mechanism. Yes. Farming has been a tradition for generations in our families so we would like our children receive our knowledge and continue doing it.
Interviews in GAEC: Questions: Meeting with the Executive Board of GAEC How does the allocation of plots work on your land? Are there any requirements and rules that farmers have to follow when farming on your land? How do you connect farmers to the market? What is the role of GAFA and when was it set up? Answers GAEC has allocated the plots to the farmers. Farmers prepare the plots for themselves, they manage the land themselves. We do not control what they plant, unless we have some crops we want to experiment. They are free to plant what they want. We also do not control what pesticides they use. We give farmers the options to farm organically or use chemicals. 90 percent of farmers in GAEC have decided to farm organically. Locally, their food goes to hotels and embassies because they are impressed by the freshness of the produce. Local buyers often do not pay the farmers regularly, that is when we come in. We establish a contact between farmers and exporters and the price of the product is agreed before the selling. For this reason the income of farmers is secured. GAFA was set up in 2010. It tries to bring farmers together and it is independent from GAEC. The participants are all farmers from
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If a farmer does not have the means to cultivate the land, what happens? How much land available for agriculture do you have? Is the land able to satisfy the demand of the 1000 farmers that are part of GAFA and that have applied to farm on your land? What are the conditions that are unique to this place that have attracted farmers?
different areas in Accra. We want to bring farmers together and increase their number farming on our land to improve the transfer of technology from us to them. The farmer simply loses his land; he cannot occupy land without farming anything. If a farmer is sick, he can call a relative or a friend to farm on his land. By so doing he would avoid losing his plot. The food production of farmers should be monitored; GAEC does not want to waste training. The land available for farmers is already taken. There is no more land left. Farmers who are part of GAFA but have no plots can attend training sessions, since every member of GAFA pays an annual membership fee of around $15.
How long has farming taken place on land owned by GAEC? Questions to an employee of GAEC What is GAEC?
GAEC is a technology transfer institute. Farmers can benefit directly from our training activities. There is a river, which provides a large supply of water to farmers. A formal agreement between us and the farmers is signed with a three months eviction notice. No development is planned in this area, so that we believe that farmers are likely to use the land for the next 20 years, or even more. There is a buffer zone around the nuclear site and every type of development is strictly forbidden. Farmers enjoy a secure land tenure. The site was established in 1964. Farming was practiced already at that point. Answers It is an institute dedicated to research where farmers are trained. We give them the knowledge and train them in agriculture, including organic agriculture, in any particular crop they want to be dedicated. We transfer the technology. 200 farmers are allocated to this land. The vegetables are sold in the local market and some are exported to international market. This institution owns the land. This river is a buffer zone. Samples are taken from the buffer zone area and they are analysed each year to see if there is an impact. Even in dry season there is a limited quantity of water fluing here. It doesn't dry completely so farmers take advantage of this to produce their crops. Right now the farmers are doing their own crop activities and most of the time there are engaged in the market. The market pays the prices assigned by the farmer. GAEC links the farmers with investors. The investors prefer to invest in urban agriculture rather than peri urban agriculture because they think is less risky. Urban agriculture represents an opportunity for them so they collaborate with the farmers. Sometimes they bring particular crops they want to produce and bring the technology. The farmers are registered under one umbrella, an association called Ghana Atomic Energy Farmers The ginger is from India and the buyer is in Germany. The investor wants a large quantity so he brought the ginger to multiply it. In terms of cost, urban agriculture takes away transportation costs and other risks such as breakdown of vehicle on the road. Also, the product is closer to the consumer, which decreases the price too. The price of the product is cheaper within the city in general. Yes, we have. Many times we have people that want to develop
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2 3 4
How many farmers are in GAEC? Who owns the land? Do you have any buffer zones?
How do you aim to articulate partnership between the farmers and the investors?
6 7 8
Are the farmers registered as an association? Could you explain an example of an imported crop? What is the benefit of urban agriculture for the city of Accra? Do you have issues of
encroachment?
10 11
What is the role of the farmers in this encroachment? What else do farmers do for GAEC? Interview with Fusini, Farmer at GAEC and Dzorwulu Is there a difference between Dzorwulu and GAEC? What are the challenges for UA? What are the benefits of UA? What do you about exporting the production?
buildings or houses. The organization, together with the institute and the government of Ghana, we try to prevent the encroachment. Sometimes we have to destroy some constructions but we try to educate people on why is important to preserve the land. With the buffer zone we prevent encroachment too. The farmers inform the institution if there is any other activity in the land. They are our eyes for the land. GAEC wants to promote sustainable agricultural activities. We work with farmers to identify problems and to address them. When we have new research findings we transfer to them. The farmers are the first to benefit from research and the know-how. Answers In Dzorwulu, farming is less secure. GAEC is more secure but there must be some monitoring. That can be difficult for the farmers. For example, if you fail with the organic farming you can lose your crops. Urbanisation is taking the land for UA. Moving to other land is difficult (related also to quality of the water). Also, the media and the general public perception might be bad if irrigated water is used. It supports the food production and he creation of jobs. We are willing to produce food for export, as it can be beneficial. We are able to ask higher price for a better product.
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Interviews in the University of Ghana: Questions to farmer of the university Who owns the land? What is the main use of this garden? How is the land provided to the farmers? How do the farmers know what to grow? Is this a fair deal? Answers The University of Ghana is the owner of the land. It is institutional land. This is a demonstration garden where we conduct research on post harvest technology. For example for botanicals to control insects. Land is provided free to farmers at the university but they have to be salaried employees of the university. They get paid less than 500 per month but the university takes the produced crops. These are sold through CitiVeg and the profits go back to the university. The university tells the farmers what to do, what to grow and which seeds to use. The farmers get paid a fixed rate for their service. The farmers are happy, as they dont have a choice to farm in another location. They are not rich enough to buy their own farmland elsewhere and they are happy to be given land free to farm on. Answers
1 2 3
4 5
Questions to William Anang Axhirifie, a worker and member of the University of Ghana Cooperative Credit Union Who can join the University of Ghana Cooperative Credit Union and how? What is the main
All employees of the university can join, including farmers. They pay a monthly fee, which is deducted from their salary. They also pay a joining fee but once they start adding to the fund, they can apply for a loan. For example, for covering school fees. The repayment is then taken from their salary, deducted bit by bit per month. This functions very well as a system. Farmers at the university can benefit from access to a credit.
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advantage for farmers? Questions to Ampah Joseph: Professor at University of Ghana College of Agriculture What is you objective in the university? Does the University provide training to farmers? Can you give us some examples on how you train them? Is agriculture practiced on land owned by the University of Ghana? Are farmers that receive training from the university more qualified than farmers that use inherited traditional practices? Is the training you provide only related to improving farming techniques, or also related to improving the organizational capacity of farmers, for example forming farmers associations?
Answers
I am Senior Research Assistant of the Department Of Crop Science. My objective is teaching research and providing advice We provide training to farmers. Farmers come to us. For example, we provide information on which chemicals to use, how to use pesticides correctly If farmers overuse pesticides, insects become resistant to pesticides, which could potentially be a huge problem for farmers. We train them to avoid these problems. We have a demonstration garden and a research garden. They are used for teaching purposes, not to make money out of them, but rather to produce knowledge about positive farming practices. Definitely yes. Farmers that receive training from us improve their farming practices, the quantity and quality of food they produce increases.
The Agricultural extension department focuses on this aspect, it adds an element of sociology to agriculture.
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Interviews in Christian Village: Questions to a farmer in Christian Village Why is backyard gardening good for the area? Are you saving money to buy a place where you can grow crops on your own? Questions to a pastor According to planning regulations, the Achimota Forest is a protected area and no development should take place in this area. How is it possible that the forest has decreased so rapidly in the last few years because of real estate development? Do you see it as a problem a city that has no green spaces? Do you know how many people practice backyard Answers At night the area is very dark and dangerous. But also, it is a good business and people in the neighborhood buy the crops. Yes, I am saving money. Answers The Achimota Primary School owns the forest. The school divided the forest and decided to sell parts of it to private developers. The land here is quite expensive. That is the reason why the forest has decreased.
1 2
2 3
Ghana is a fast-growing country. We need more space to build houses. This is our main concern. There is great potential in this area. More than ten families practice backyard gardening in the area around the church. It helps them a lot and the land is fertile, too.
4 5
gardening in this area? How do you see this place in fifteen-twenty years? A construction has stop, is it because of lack of money or a dispute?
I see it as a hotspot of Accra. They just want to wait. But the area is still growing and there are more constructions.
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Appendix 8. Maps Appendix 8.1 Preliminary map after participatory mapping in CSIR
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CULTIVATING CHANGE
LEGON AREA
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE
Provides training Generates knowledge Lacks dissemination of information
GAEC SITE
ACCRA, GHANA
Set a precedent for farmers recognition Provides training Provides opportunity to use land A business-oriented approach may lead to export oriented practices
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ACCR
AC
HI
MO
TA
CSIR FARMERS
RD
Will to achieve formal organisation Detailed knowledge of terrain Gap exists between institution and farmers (co-operation, information sharing)
Open spaces University Land Previously open Irrigated land Protected area Golf Club Real State, private land and embassies Reduction of open spaces
RESEARCHERS
Innovative technologies for UA Link theory to practice for policy makers Limited disclosure of information Relies on resources being sufficient
POLICY MAKER
Ability to integrate environmental and social issues into the policy agenda Insitutional gap often exists which does not recognise the rights and practices of the urban farmer
MARKET
Added-value programmes show potential Demand for food is greater than supply Limited information to push demand for food produced under new techniques Value of vacant land cannot compete with the value of residential land
LOOKING AHEAD...
The current urbanisation process in Accra poses great challenges to UA. However, urban farmers have proved to be resilient to pressures and changes and at the same time adapt and improve their practices. This gives us hope that by strengthening their organisations to negotiate land, participate in knowledge production and improve their practices, urban farmers will continue to provide fresh food and livelihoods for the people of Accra. Urban Agriculture will continue protecting open spaces and contributing to a greener urban environment.
LIBER
ATIO
N RD
The potential of urban agriculture to support a just distribution of land, cultural recognition and meaningful participation
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FABIO CARADONNA JOLLY CHENG DALIA EL-AAMA BELLO HAFIZ JOSLIN ISAACSON MIRELLA PRETELL MAGS REINIG
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Table of contents
5.1 Acknowledgements 5.2 Executive Summary 5.3 Abbreviations 5.4 Maps, Diagrams & Tables 5.5 Introduction
The Case of La Okra City: Whose City?
5.7 Methodologies
Limitations
5.14 Monitoring & Evaluation 5.15 Conclusion 5.16 Bibliography 5.17 Appendix
5.1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
his study would not have been possible without the tremendous support and continuous involvement of the La farmers and the women at La Market, and their generous sharing of information and knowledge. We would like to thank Enoch Mensah, Emmanuel Odoi Mensah, Emmanuel Ashirifie Namoale, Elisabeth Mensah, Patince Laryea, Bernice Laryea, Mary A. Sowah, Mr. Oko, Daina Nunoo, Ebernezer Tawiah Lamptey, Tawiah Lavysteu, Ama Quala, Ms. Dora, Berrukuso Maehatey, Esther Manyeyoo, Dora Anyeley Nai, Dora Akeyaa, Heko Kor Kor, Ciquety Anyorkor Adams, Florence Yemorkor Yemoh, Aye Tegoe, Faustina Yemorkor Yemoh, Esther Sowah, Okaikor Laryea, Rita A. Tetteh, Christiania Laree (La Market Queen Mother), the La Market retailers including Fofo Odor and Ajoko Sua and everyone else who supported us. We would also like to express our gratitude to Deborah, the MoFA Agricultural Extension Officer for La and Robert Adjetey, Chairman of the La Tebu Association (part of the Ghana
Federation for the Urban Poor) for having been such invaluable facilitators in the field. Thank you for having shared information with us and taken care of the logistics and the translations. Special thanks also to everyone else who gave their time to support this research study: Hon. Nii Amarh Ashitey - Chairman of La-Sub Metro of AMA; Alexander Ashirifi, Boadu - Chairman of La Farmers Association; Nii Yemo Yemofio La Citizens Network; Daniel Hammond - La Development Association; Nii Mensah NyekpeaEnehu - Secretary of the Trust, EDDT, Hon. Abdul Rashid Boi-Nai Finally, a very special thanks to Adriana Allen and Etienne von Bertrab for their academic supervision and continued valuable advice and support. Thanks, also to the extended DPU staff, Alexandre Apsan Frediani, Rita Lambert and Matthew Wood-Hill.
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5.3 ABBREVIATIONS
AMA - Accra Metropolitan Assembly AWGUPA - Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture CFF - Cities Farming for the Future CICOL - Civil Society Coalition on Land Development Planning CSIR-STEPRI - Science and Technology Policy Research Institute EDDT - East Dadekotopon DevelopmentTrust EJU - Environmentally Just Urbanization EPA - Environmental Protection Agency FA - Farmers Association FEDUP - Federation of the Urban Poor GAMA - Greater Accra Metropolitan Area GHAFEDUP - Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor GID - Ghana Irrigation Development Authority IFPRI - International Food Policy Research Institute ILGS - Institute of Local Government Studies ISSER - Institute for Statistical Social and Economic Research IWMI - International Water Management Institute LACNET - La Citizens Network LAP - Land Administration Project LaTA - La Tebu Association LC - Land Commission LDA - La Development Authority LM - La Municipality MCI - Millenium City Initiative MDG - Millenium Development Goals MoFA - Ministry of Food and Agriculture MoLG - Ministry of Local Government MPC - Municipal Planning Committee NDPC - National Development Planning Commission NLP - National Land Policy PD - Peoples Dialogue RUAF - Resource centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security SAPs - Structural Adjustment Programmes SD - Survey Department SDI - Shack and Slum Dwellers International TCP - Town and Country Planning UA - Urban Agriculture UoG - University of Ghana WRC - Water Resource Commission
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5.5 INTRODUCTION
U
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rban Agriculture (UA) in Accra is nearing the brink of extinction. Despite the multiple social, economic and ecological benefits offered by UA, capitalistic development trends are threatening its existence as the value of and demand for land continues to rise. This report attempts to examine the consequences of such trends by understanding how urban agriculture does and can contribute to the environmentally just urbanization (EJU) of Accra.
The contributions of UA set forth by the Resource Centre on Urban Agriculture and Food Security (RUAF) are used as a starting point to assess the contributions of UA to EJU in La, one of the last large UA sites in Accra. With La as a case study, the report then looks at how these benefits could be better collectively captured and shared throughout Accra.
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KOTOKA AIRPORT
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MAP 1: UA SITES IN LA
MAP 2: UA IN ACCRA
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TITLE OF THE IMAGE FOTO BY OJFREOIJF REOI JFEORIJJ DESCRIPTION OF THE IMAGE OIFREJ IFOJEO
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rfaoije rfoija erfoija eoifj aoeirjfa ieofjaio ejrfioa jefioajefiaerjfioaejrfiaoejrfioaejrf oiaejrfaiojre fioajer fiaojer faoijfoaijerf oiajrf oaijref aoijref aoijeuf aiej fioajfu aoijerf iaojerf iaoejf oiarjf iaoerjf aoiejrf aioejrf iajuf oaj erfoai ejf aevraevarevarevarevav faieojf oiajr foiajufoiaje rfaoije rfoija erfoija eoifj aoeirjfa ieofjaio ejrfioa jefioajefiaerjfioaejrfiaoejrfioaejrf oiaejrfaiojre fioajer fiaojer faoijfoaijerf oiajrf oaijref aoijre
ENVIRONTALLY JUST URBANIZATION IN ORDER TO ACHIEVE ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URNAIZATION IN ACCRA, EQUITABLE RECOGNITION, PARTICIPATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF GOODS FOR ALL GROUPS WITHIN THE PROCESSES OF URBANIZATION IS REQUIRED.
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SCENARIOS
In the scenarios, we explored the different possible futures we see for UA, from the do-nothing scenario to the complete integration of UA into policies and planning (see diagram 3). Do nothing is also acting by allowing open spaces for the citizens to disappear to individual use. The urbanisation process in La is happening through the total privatization of the area, Mongonno being the best worse example. The recognition and integration of UA as a land use may start a change towards the valorization of the place which, once recognized, may be captured in the form of conditioned permits for planning permissions, founding in turn the creation of further open spaces as in a chain reaction. Mainstreaming UA into the planning system will transform La from a specialized space
for residential which benefits (in their view at least) a few into a multifunctional space capable of supporting various social activities to the benefit of all citizens. The following chapters set to demonstrate how this may be achieved either by reforming the current systems or by transforming them. For each scenario, we examined the extent to which it makes use of the actual and potential contributions of UA to environmentally just urbanization.
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5.7 METHODOLOGY
5.7.1 METHODOLOGY
he research needs were identified based on the scenarios. Qualitative methods were developed with the purpose to assess these scenarios and to help us to quantify the consequences/implications. The research design was built on qualitative participant observations of the case of La, Accra, with a particular focus on the relationship between drivers, practices and patterns. A reflexive research attitude and a post-positivist and constructivist epistemology were adopted. Through literature survey and archival research, analysis of documents and materials (documentary reality), discourse analysis of existing legislation, and in-depth interviews (structured and semi-structured) the post-positivist observation of the La case was developed. Qualitative techniques, such as focus groups, questionnaires and transect walks were used. Although we couldnt talk to every single member of the farming community, the farmers involved in this research represent the four main areas, including two families in Kpeletsos who own their land and engaged for the first time in the ongoing research of La. Visioning exercises and data collection produced slightly different results on the same items when conducted by separating women and men. The fact that the existing farming association hasnt convened for the last two years was reflected by the farmers engagement at a more individual level then as a category. Lastly our understanding of the place rapidly improved with each visit so that this study is to be considered as a still frame in a dynamic learning process.
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5.7.2 LIMITATIONS
The main limitations of working in the field didnt solely come from the obvious risk of language barriers but also from the appreciation of a landscape which changes with seasons and the timely shifting of the latter. Climate change was first mentioned by the farmers to explain why we couldnt see, unusually, much okra at the beginning of May. The lack of rain this year made our identification of urban agriculture more difficult as some plots werent cleared for use yet and easily confused with simple open spaces. The rain we brought literally the same evening we first met the farmers - triggered a process of change in the landscape we could witness for the following two weeks.
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The disappearance of UA in La, and thus the farmers land use right for farming would have a huge impact on the livelihood of women farmers. Interviews with 35 women and 21 men have made clear that women would be more effected than men due to their different coping capacities. Whereas farming for men is either a part-time or full-time livelihood, it is a primary source of income and activity for women (table 3) It was noted that men have various other sources of income apart from farming. They include driving, mechanic, electrician, tailor, radio mechanic or carpenter, which could also constitute an alternative for them if their land use right for farming will disappear. Yet, women have only rarely an alternative. For those with trading skills and social relations to the market, seller alternatives include trading and commerce in the market. TABLE 1: AVERAGE LOSS OF LAND
Through interviews with traders at the La market and the Queen mother of the La market it was furthermore noted that 60% of all the vegetables that are sold at the market are locally produced vegetables. The reduction of UA in Accra has already lead to the need for traders to import more vegetables from outside the city and the country, such as from Nigeria or Burkina Faso. That again makes them really vulnerable to the price fluctuation of the global market. As La market consumers are locals from La and the surroundings, imports from elsewhere will finally hit them, as imports inevitably mean higher prices for market traders, which again means higher prices for the consumers. If UA in Accra disappears, food insecurity will in first place affect the most vulnerable to price fluctuations, such as the urban poor.
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FOOD
The city of Accra is relying on food production imported from the Forest and Transnational zones as well as from the Savannah area. However, UA in the city is also contributing to feed Accra. Through data gathered from the MoFA and through interviews with different stakeholders across the value chain, we established that La is in particular important for the production of four vegetables, namely okra, tomato, pepper and maize (see Diagram 6) Here, okra plays an important role, as it is one of the few remaining indigenous vegetables and constitutes one of the Ghanaians daily bread and one major source of subsistence. Compared to all other UA sites, La is the only farming area that produces okra. As the production of okra in the whole of Ghana has dramatically declined over the last years, it does even more emphasise the importance of La as an okra producing farming site.
ECOLOGICAL WELLBEING
Open green spaces are meant to provide ecosystem services. Here, urban agriculture could protect and preserve these spaces. Through research is was possible to establish that due to climate change some areas in La are very much prone to floods Although there is no evidence, it can be said that UA absorbs and regulates these urban shocks and functions as a drainage area during floods for the surrounding built up areas. The disappearance of UA will possibly not only lead to the loss of biodiversity, a higher risk of contaminated air and water flows but could also make Accras residents vulnerable to floods, and thus to epidemics and homelessness.
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Hypothesis 2: Urban
agriculture in La is a placemaking practice that manifests the cultural identity of the Ga community. By recognizing the importance of collective and sharing farming cultures, an interethnic relationship between local and migrant farmers is fostered, collective voice would be thus raised and meaningful involvement in the development process can be achieved. Research Questions:
1.What are the particular collective and sharing farming practices taking place in La? 2.What is the social implication and cultural significance of practicing and preserving the collective and sharing farming culture in La and Accra? 3.How does it contribute to the relationship and integration between the local and migrant farmers? 4.What role does UA play in the placemaking process and cultural identity of the Ga community? 5.Is cultural recognition of UA being considered and prioritized in the planning process?
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ur a priori knowledge of the UA practices in Accra, particularly within the La jurisdiction, brought us to the field believing that UA practices in La might play a significant role in the place-making of the Ga community, reinforcing their local cultural identity. Its recognition would enhance the capacity of current and future farmers to participate and express their wills and needs (preserving and respecting their farming culture and practices) in the development process, which is indispensable to a just urbanization. Accordingly, we elaborated the following:
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The mutual support and sharing practices create positive interactions, networks, and interethnic relationships in the farming communities which connect people (local and migrant farmers) and the place together. Regarding the issues of their identities, some farmers respond in a way that they feel a strong sense of belonging to La, they regard themselves as real farmers, they preferred farming other than other activities, and farming means everything to their lives. In this sense, we can see farming culture in La has cultivated a unique cultural identity among the farmersfarming makes what La is and who they are.
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political realms is the foundation of distributional injustice and the decline of peoples participation in the society , and in the case of La it undermines the possibility and ability of the farmers to participate and express their wills and needs (preserve
and respect farming culture and practice) in planning process ( EDDT master plan). In the strategy section, more details of how to embed cultural recognition in the planning process will be examined.
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various stakeholders we interviewed (farmers, La Citizens Network, Chairman La Submetro). The issue is indeed how customary land systems can meet the widespread demands on space in an economy predominantly driven by global fluxes (Grant, 2009). Significant portions of customary land in La have been commodified (See Map 10) and the trend is to continue, as suggested by the EDDT and Dr. Larbi (Lands Commission). By looking at the modus operandi of current local institutional arrangements vis-a-vis the complexities of customary land tenure dynamics, the challenges for a just land management that meets the needs of current and future generations were assessed. We considered particularly the customary institutional framework for land delivery within the decentralization urge coming from above- that could potentially exacerbate the urbanization trends and thus perpetuate the patterns of inequality in the city, if not implemented in an equitable and participatory manner. 250
Hypothesis 3: Local
institutional change that prioritizes land use for farming could set a precedent for an environmentally just urbanization, if implemented in an equitable and participatory manner.
1. What is the scope for local institutional change in La with regards to land use planning? 2. What are the opportunities and challenges for prioritizing UA within the land use planning processes/development plans in La? 3.How have power relations among the actors involved in the development plans changed since 2011? 4.Given the complexity of land tenure in La, what are the possibilities to deal with land ownership issues at the local level? 5. Are there alternative spaces for farming? Of which nature would these arrangements be?
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RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE LA TEBU ASSOCIATION (PART OF GFUP) AND THE SUB-METRO
An existing relationship between the La Tebu Association, which is the local-based representation of the GFUP, and the La Sub-Metro Chairman was appreciated and further confirmed by both parties. They affirmed that there is a
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5.12 Visioning
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ased on scenario thinking strategic tools to make flexible long-term plans, the visioning exercise was carried out through a focus group. This method helped us to learn about the future by understanding the nature and impact of the most uncertain and important driving forces affecting the farmers in La. After identifying the main certainties related to the three major issues they were facing (land, water and money) the participants placed themselves in four different scenarios. This is how they see the future: Most likely scenario: (1) Relocation to Amanfro and Dodowa; (2) Change activity (work in the market as traders) Most desired scenario: Ownership of the land - title registration Departing from this, the participants were encouraged to think outside the box by designing a future how they would like it to be. They explored the means by which the most desirable scenarios (3) (4) can become possible, as well as they ways in which the most likely scenarios (1) (2) are to be confronted. Which key actors could be involved? (See appendix).
This exercise helped us to assess the capacities of the farmers when facing the future. Among other things, the farmers expressed their will to work collectively rather than individually in order to make the most desirable scenarios possible. However hypothetical, as both scenarios refer to an ideal land reform and an effective land administration, what is to be rescued here is the strong collectiveness observed specially among women, regardless of the progressive weakening of their collective capacities triggered by the EDDT and the chiefs during the last years in their campaign for the control over land.
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5.13 Strategies
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rom the scenario thinking analysis we moved forward to the design of strategic actions. Our scenario planning was based on the following rationale, however not specifically centered on the upcoming La Municipality. That is, the Okra City serving as the representation of what we consider an EJU where the contributions of UA would be better collectively captured and shared.
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5.13.1 STRATEGY 1
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5.13.3 STRATEGY 3
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5.15 CONCLUSION
he findings of this report demonstrate that by creating a propitious environment for change, a driver such as the existence of urban agriculture may bring about a sense of place even in the degraded urban environment of La, Accra. The inhabitants of Accra, especially these residents of La are experiencing a planned and nonplanned urbanization process, that follows the logic of greed of individuals who pursue profit for themselves and, unaware, achieve alienation for all. Eventually disparities in terms of access and distribution of environmental goods would become prominent. Ultimately, an environmentally just urbanization will be one that incorporates the natural morphology of the area as well as the rights of people that live the spaces to collectively change and reinvent the city according to their desire. Thankfully UA is still practiced but its implementation requires the contribution of the people that retain the necessary knowledge. They are currently threatened with relocation of the farmers. This study has found value in UA sites and people widely considered the cause of the problem. It has made this discovery circulate within the actors of the urbanization process and has already identified common threads such as the importance of UA for an environmentally just urbanization. Such ideas are presented as the basis for a shared learning process among all actors so that the dialogue that they already entertain with each other may turn into an exchange among equals and an action for environmental change. This study demonstrates the importance of cultural traditions and the potential of visionary planning to obtain just urbanization. It drafts potential directions towards it by elaborating
strategies for action both along the existing institutional alleys and through the unknowns of more structural transformation. We conclude with a call for participation to assert citizens rights in this crucial time in which new planning instruments are brought in by the government together with administrative decentralization. These must be used as opportunities rather then constraints and the job of a practitioner is to point it out to every single citizen.
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5.16 Bibliography
Adank,M. et al, 2011. Towards Integrated urban water management in Greater Accra Metropolitan Area-Current status and strategic direction for the future, SWITCH / RCN Ghana. Arko-adjei Anthony et al., 2009. Customary Land Tenure Dynamics at Peri-urban Ghana: Implications for Land Administration System Modeling, available from http://www.fig.net/ pub/fig2009/papers/ts02a/ts02a_arkoadjei_ etal_3311.pdf [accessed 22 March 2012]. Armar-Klemesu, Margeret, n.d. Accra, Ghana: Growing cities - growing food., available from http://www.ruaf.org/sites/default/files/ poster(accra).pdf [accessed 07 May 2012]. 264 Asomani-Boateng R., 2002. Urban cultivation in Accra: an examination of the nature, practices, problems, potentials and urban planning implications, Habitat International, 26 (4): 591-601. Abiyeva, N., Cerdas-Calvo, D., Espinoza, E., Gogol, D., Holford, L., Jaffer, A., Njinga, J., Palos, B., Sanduh, N., Viale, L., 2010. Sustaining Urban Agriculture in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area: Case study of La, Accra, Ghana for the DPU and IWMI, University College London, ESD Field Trip Final Report. Bitlegma, Naadi, n.d. Urban gardening, a threat to human health, e.tv Ghana, n.d., available from http://www.etvghana.com/index.php/ primenews-articles/879-urban-gardening-athreat-to-human-health [accessed 24 March 2012]. Daljeet Kaur, Florent Charrasse, Jessica Gulhane, Katie Francis, Nazli Ece Isbasaran, Rozina Kanchwala, Rodrigo Matabuena, Rosalind Bacon, Weiwei Sun., 2011. Farmers, not gardeners: Urban & Peri-Urban Agriculture in La, Accra for the DPU, University College London, ESD Field Trip Final Report. Environmental Protection Agency, 1993. Local Government Act, available from http://www.epa. gov.gh/ghanalex/acts/Acts/, [accessed 28 May]. Fernandes, Edsio, 2007. Constructing the right to the city in Brazil. Social &Legal Studies, 16 (2): 201-219. Foucault, Michel, 1980. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 19721977, edited by Colin Gordon, New York: Pantheon Books. Fraser, Nancy, 1998. Social Justice in the Age of Identity Politics: Redistribution, recognition and participation. The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, 19: 167. International Institute for Environment and Development, 2009. Profiles of Tools and Tactics for Environmental Mainstreaming. No. 9 Scenario Planning. A product of the Environmental Mainstreaming Initiative. Judicial Service of Ghana, 2011. The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana 1992, available from http://www.judicial.gov.gh/constitution/home. htm, [accessed 28 May]. King, Gary et al., 1994. Designing Social Inquiry. Scientific inference in Qualitative Research. Princeton, NJ: University University Press. Harvey, David, 1996. Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Harvey, David, 2003. The New Imperialism, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Harvey, David, 2012. Rebel Cities: From the right to the city to the urban revolution, London: Verso. Lefebvre, Henri, 1968. Le Droit la ville. Paris: Anthropos (2nd ed.). Lefebvre Henri, 1991. The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell. Marshall, Catherine & Gretchen Rossman, 1995. Designing qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications ( 2nd ed.). Maxwell, Daniel & Keith Wiebe, 1999. Land Tenure and Food Security: Exploring Dynamic Linkages. Development and Change, 30 (4): 825-849. Modern Ghana, 2009. Urban Sprawl: A New Epidemic in Accra, available from http://www. modernghana.com/blogs/244663/31/urbansprawl-a-new-epidemic-in-accra.html, [accessed 28 May 2012]. Obuobie, Emmanuel et al, 2006. Chapter 11: Institutional aspects of urban vegetable farming and wastewater irrigation, In: Irrigated urban vegetable production in Ghana: Characteristics, Benefits and Risks. IWMI-RUAF-CPWF: Accra, Ghana, 118-132. Obuobie, E. et al., 2003. Access to land and water for urban vegetable farming in Accra. Urban Agriculture Magazine, 11:15-17. Quoon, Soonya, 1999. Planning for Urban Agriculture: A Review of Tools and Strategies for Urban Planners. Cities Feeding People Series. Report 28. International Development Research Centre. RUAF, 2009. Cities Farming for the Future, 2009, available from: http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/FCIT/24-25_Sept_ppt_presentations/RUAF_Rome_sept_2009_final.pdf [Accessed: 26 May 2012]. Sarfo, 2012, Interview May 4.
Silverman, D., 2004. Qualitative Research. Theory, Method and Practice.,London: Sage. Schoemaker, Paul, 1995. Scenario Planning: A tool for Strategic Thinking. Sloan Management Review, Winter: 25-40. Mbiba, Beacon et al, 2011. The Integration of Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture into Planning, Urban Agriculture Magazine, 4: 1-4. Mends, Theodora & J. De Meijere, 2006. A Study of the Institution of the Customary Land Tenure System in the Supply of Property Rights for Urban Development an Example of Accra, Ghana, paper presented at 5th FIG Regional Conference on Promoting Land Administration and Good Governance, Accra, Ghana. Ministry of Food and Agriculture (MoFA). Republic of Ghana, available from http://mofa. gov.gh/site/?page_id=1561 [accessed 10 March 2012]. Town & Country Planning, 2012. Seminar, May 4. UN Habitat, 2009. Ghana: Accra Urban Profile, Nairobi: UNON Publishing Services: Nairobi. UN Habitat, 2006. The Global Land Tool Network, available from http://www.unhabitat. org/categories.asp?catid=503, [accessed 28 May 2012]. Young, M., 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference, Princeton. NJ: Princeton University Press. Young, Marion, 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference, Princeton. NJ: Princeton University Press. 265
TRAJECTORIES OF CHANGE: LAND, URBANISATION AND URBAN AGRICULTURE IN ACCRA This film is an output of a collaborative research project carried out by students and staff of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development (DPU, UCL), IWMI and other partners. It explores the potential of urban agriculture to remain a living practice given the current trends of urbanisation in Accra, Ghana, through the lens of land and planning. Youtube URL: http://youtu.be/m-6EURne8RU
www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu