Notre Dame University

. Gity
Research Monograph No. 27 J j i
.. - ,I
The Case of the Teduray Peo.,le
In eight barangays of
Upl, Magulndanao
This Research Monograph Series presents the
researches conducted by the University Research Center,
Notre Da111.e UIIiversity, Cotabato City
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Socio-Economic Research Center May 2005
I
: 1 ' 1
Research Monograph No. 27
I I . .
The ~ a s e of the Teduray People
In eight barangeys of
Upi, Magulndanao
A research conducted by the NDU Research Center (NDURC) in cooperation
with Accion Contra EI Hambre (ACH)
INTRODUCTION
In physical appearance, the T eduray [he looks of the
Malay. T edurays are traditionally engaged in slash-and
burn farming and practiced animistic form of religion.
They have their own language which is structurally related
to the Malayo-Polynesian family (Schlegel, 1994). Their
traditional clolhing is "bahag" or G-string but is rarely used
this time except for ceremonial or ritual purposes.
According to their attachment to traditional practices,
Teduray may be classified into acculturated and traditional.
The former are those who live in the northernmost portions
of the territory, and who have dose contact with the
lowland settlers, while the latter are those who have
survived deep in the tropical forest region of the Cotabato
cordillera and have retained a traditional mode of
production and value system (de Leon, 2002).
Almost all barangays occupied by the T eduray are hilly and
roiling with limited. scanered plains. The common IlloJe of
transportation in going to the T eduray communities is a
four-wheel drive and double-tire vehicle that could traverse
the rough and rugged terrain. Internal transportation
modes are sine:le motor vehicles, locally known as "skv-Iah".
'-J / / .
and horses. Many of the T eduray depend primarily on
agciculture-based economy with rice and corn as the main
crops. Rain-fed rice and corn farming is the most common
practice in the area. The T eduray thriving in such a
subsistence economy suggests their highly vulnerable
character. Being part of t..h.e mainstream culture, the
farming T edurays have now become fully integrated into
the market economy. Anthropologist Schlegel sees an
intensification of the trend of acculturation of the T eduray
. peoples and considers this tradsformation as
inevitable and irreversible.
Accion Contra El Hambre (ACH) is an non
government organization that addresses hunger, disease,
and other crises that threaten the lives of helpless men,
women, and children. Its program interventions in the
areas of water and sanitation, health, nutrition, and food
security aim to benefit to marginalized and vulnerable
communities. For its program services in this area of
Central Mindanao, it becomes necessary for the ACH to
understand the forms of vulnerability and capacity of the
communities they serve such as those ofTedurays.
It is in this light that Accion Contra El Hambre launched
.I-.F M; i"1I1' lI'a'" \11111 ner , .},; 1
1
-t-v Pro;err Th'"
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project aimed to facilitate the implementation of more
effective and cost efficient programs that could have better
impact on the local communities. Guided by this principle,
data generation through the Mindanao Vulnerability
Observatory became imperative.
OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY
The MVO is a tool for data generation aimed to
understand the local context of the T eduray community
and to examine the community's vulnerability and risks.
More specifically, it sought to:
1. describe the characteristics of the T eduray
communi ty and households;
1 2
2. determine the nrCilS of vulnerability among the
Tcdnrays and the factors chat explain their
vulnerability; and
3. determine their capnclLJes and COpIng
mechanisms to address their
The study employed both the quantitative and qualitative
techniques of data collection. The quantitative data were
collected from the household survey and community profile
assessment. Secondary data and facts and figures on health,
education, water and sanitation, agricultural production on
rice and corn, income, and other related socio-economic
variables were collected from relevant agencies such as
Department of Health, Region XlI; Department of
Agriculture XlI; Bureau of Agricultural Statistics
Maguindanao, ARMM; National Statistical Coordination
Board XII; National Statistics Office - ARMM; and
Department of Education XII.
TEDURAY COMMUNITY AND LIFEWAYS
Topography and Community
Teduray home is in the municipality of Upi. Upi is
located in the southwestern coast of Maguindanao
province. It is typically mountainous, with scattered hills
and very limited plains. It has also a coastal portion on the
west side facing the vast waters of Illana Bay and Celebes
Sea. It is home to the T eduray people, of the major
I Upi should be taken contextually as homeland ofthe Teduray. Thus, it refers
collectively to the municipalities of Upi referring to the northern halfand
South Upi where the Tedurays predominate in number.
3
ethnolinguistic groups scattered all over Mindanao. These
people are also called highlanders on account of the
physical environment they inhabit. This study covered a
total of 8 barangays, 6 in North Upi (Renede, Rifao, Kiga,
Nalkan, Kibukay and Tambak) and 2 in South Upi
(Pandan and Kuya).
There are also a number of rivers, creeks, lakes, and springs
crisscrossing their homeland. These bodies of water serve
as important sources of water for drinking as well as for
domestic uses. Moreover, among the upland dwellers
where fish is a rarity, these waterways are a boon because of
the fish that abound in them. Water coming from these
sources is also used to irrigate their land.

i
The eight barangays considered in this study recorded an
aggregate population of 23,730 comprising a LOlal of 5,010
households based on the Participatory Rapid Appraisal
(PRA) conducted in 2002. Of these households, the
majority is the Teduray, accounting for 87 percent.
Christian households constitute 9 percent .of the total while
Maguindanaons
constitute 4 percent. Table 1. Percentage Distribution of Households
Table 1 presents the
population composition
of the eight study
barangays.
The eight study
covered about
25,62S hectares. The
ratio of household to
4
land area is 1:5 hectares. There: is one household found
within five hectares of land. ()11 the average, 626 people
inhabited a barangay, indicaring its sparse population.
Taking the 2003 household that involved 119
Teduray households as reference, each household is
estimated to comprise an average of 6 members. This
figure was arrived at based on the total of 716 members
that make up the 119 households covered by the survey.
The male members predominate in number as they make
up 54 percent of the total. Household population is
typically young considering that those who are within the
age range of 0 - 14 years make up (he biggest number
which is 54.37 percent of the total.
Social Organization
Traditionally Teduray commUnIties were organized in
settlements of five to ten families that consrituted dispersed
hamlets, spread out over an area. However presently many
of the T eduray families are living in more concentrated
settlements in the barangays where they are present,
although some of those traditional dispersed hamlets can. be
found as well in inner zones. The basic residential unit is a
nu<;;lear family, composed of father, mother, and the
children. In some cases, unmarried and dependent elders
would form part of the household. The T eduray word for
family is kemureng, which means "pot", that is, a family is
deemed as a group of persons livirig together and earing
from the same pot.
Four overlapping social groups may be identified among
T eduray: the neighborhood, the settlement, the
5
'household, and the nuclear family. The family is
determined by kin ties, the household and settlement are
spatially established, and the neighborhood is a function of
ongoing social ties related to cooperation in day-to-day
subsistence work (Schlegel 1979:6).
Every swidden farmer must associate his family with others
in a neighborhood to be part of the needed cooperative
work group, but he need not live in company of other
families in a settlement. In general, any family is free to
its residence in any settlement it wishes, but very
often, some relationships, either consanguineal or affinal,
link the families that settle together in the same hamlet.
Much sharing goes on among the households of a
settlement. The meat of '.Alild pig 0 1' dtet, or fisll ca.ught in
the river is shared through the entire neighborhood. This
symbolizes the cooperative unity among the members of
the community.
The largest social unit is the inged (neighborhood), which
usually comprises several settlements. The householps
belonging to the inged render mutual assistance among
themselves in all swidden-related activities as well as in all
community rituals. Ordinarily, almost all members of the
inged are linked to one another either by blood or through
marrIage ties.
Socialization for the children starts at an early age. They
are suckled by their mothers up to the age of two or three,
or as long as no new baby has arrived. Bur once .they are
able to walk, they are allowed to play around thevillagc,
without any supervision from the elders. When they reach
the age of six they become helpers in the swidden fields. In
6
working, the Teduray children learn all there is to know
about surviving in their society, so rhat by the time they are
adolescents they do the same work as thei r parents and have
absorbed the skills they need to fun(.oon as Tcduray adults
(Schlegel 1970:21).
Courtship and Marriage
As he turns 16, the Teduray boy's parents and his paternal
grandparents look for a bride in a nearby community.
When they find one, they arrange and make preparations
for the wedding. They thrust a spear thrust in front of the
house of the girl symbolizing that they will be asking for
her hand.
Only in eighth weeks' time will the boy find himself
married. Four weeks after the hand of the girl has been
asked, the dowry for the bride is set, and after another four
weeks, the wedding is celebrated. The wedding, the
r 1 1 1 tIl' 1 :" ,..
preparatIOn or Wnlcn IS aone Dj' tne Dnce-elect s relatives, is
held in the house of the bride-to-be and is officiated by the
oldest member of the group. The hride and the groom
meet for the first time on their wedding day.
In search of a bride, the boy's folks have in mind these basic
considerations: She must (a) be beautiful; (b) possess a
sterfing character; (c) belong to the same social level as the
groom-to-be; (d) be industrious and a good cook; and (e)
be kind to all her in-Jaws and to her husband-to-be.
Inrermarriage is unacceptable to the Teduray; hence,
whoever marries a non-T eduray is banished from the tribe.
Although a girl may have a lover before she gets married,
she is expected to practice faithfulness once she is married.
The T eduray tie procreation to marriage and try to regulate
extra-marital sex not because they want to put sex
per se, but because they are concerned with social stability
and an enduring relationship for childbearing.
Religious Beliefs
The T eduray believe in the existence of gods and spirits for
which they put up altars and shrines. They ask Cadnan or
Tutus, their supreme god, for blessings, while they ask lesser
gods and goddesses for favors: Menowu- T uduk, the god of
forest and mountains for gold; Menowu- Wayeg, goddesss of
fishing and streams and Nabi, the god of sea and sea-life ,for
fish; Cadnan, the Almighty, and the gods of four directions
Tegenon (North), Sibangan (East), Dtidiggan (South):
Fledl)11. ('X'est) t')r safe trayel ; and Tftzki, the , angel 9f
goodwill and Kukum, the god of justice for justice. The
Beliyan (religious leader) naked except for a loincloth prays
for favors through his songs and q,ances. The Tedur,ay
believe that heaven is for them and hell is ,for the non
Teduray.
Rituals.
As the T eduray forage for food, they perform a ritual,
either the betel nut offering or the burning of incense. In
the betel nut offering, the betel nut is placed on top of
bamboo stakes, either in front of one's house or on the
field of palay or corn that one wishes to be' blessed. The
Beliyan or the old woman prays aloud . the
betel nut offering. In the burning of incense, the same
method is used as in the betel nut offedng, ,except that
instead of the betel nut, incense or duka is burned. The
Beliyan prays first before doing either of the rituals.
__________________ ,8 7
Livelihood.
for a long time. the T eduray practiced a suhsistence system
mainly based on traditional swidden agriculture.
Supplemental food supplies were procured rhrough hunting
and fishing. Other necessities of life. such as iron tools for
slash and burn agriculture. were obtained through trade
with the Maguindanaon. Cotton material only came in
through trade activities since weaving was unknown to the
T eduray. These articles were obtained by exchanging their
rattan, almaciga, beeswax. and tobacco.
The T eduray who have turned to plow farming have been
integrated into the cash, credit, and market economy to
follow agricultural techniques and crop selection entailed
by a peasant type of economic production. Majority of
them are small land cultivators.
Since ancient times, the Teduray have been known as
skillful hunters and trappers. Aside from their skili at
setting traps and snares, T eduray hunters are experts in
using the blowgun. the bow and arrow, and the homemade
shotgun.
In recent years, the classification of T eduray society into the
traditional and acculturated has been most pronounced in
the differentiation of their subsistence systems. Schlegel, an
anthropologist who has done intensive studies on dle
Teduray, saw this in the two settlements he observed: Figel
and Kakaba-kaba. Schlegel describes Figel as a system
adapted to the tropical rainforest, consisting of slash and
;burn andshifling cultivation. It is augmented by hunting,
fishing, and food-gathering activities and only marginally
dependent on trading wi th the coastal economy. Kakaba
kaba is described as consisting of plow farming in areas that
have virtually lost the old forest cover. It is no longer
dependent on forest resources; instead, it is involved
extensively with the market economy of a rural, lowland
society (Schlegel, 1979: 164).
Schlegel, in his studies among the T eduray, has determined
that trade relations existed between the T eduray and the
Maguindanaon in fairly recent times. Prior to the coming
of the American rule, the Maguindanaon were seldom
allowed to penetrate the hill country of the T eduray. This
was partly because the Maguindanaon were known to be
slave takers, and partly because the T eduray were in general
suspicious of people of different customs other than their
own. The only exception to this was in the case of certain
ritually approved rraders and peddlers.
The trade that went on between rhe Teduray and the
Maguindanaon was essential to both parties. From the,
Maguindanao'n the T eduray got their cloth for clothing,
iron tools for swidden agriculture, salt, and the various
goods used by the T eduray for brideprice and legal
settlements: krises, necklaces, brass boxes, gongs, spears,
and the like. In return, the Maguindauaon gOi their rattan,
tobacco, bees wax, almaciga (Agathis philippinensis Warb),
and gutta percha (sap of the tree which the T eduray call
tefedus (Palaquium ahernanum Merr).
The livelihood activities of the Teduray are made distinct
by the type of topography they are situated in. Most of the
households are engaged in farming activities apparently
because population is concentrated in the highlands. Those
residing in the coastal barangays of Nalkan, T ambak, and
part of Rifao have fishing as the major source of livelihood.
___________________________________ 10 .
9
----------------------------------
Corn is the dominant crop raised. Upland and lowland
rice farming are likewise engaged in by some of the
residents although the annual volume of production is
typically held at the minimum. Other crops raised include
coffee, mongo, peanuts, vegetables, cassava, and other
perennials like fruit trees.
t
Teduray Inged
1
The political organization of the T eduray society IS not
hierarchical but rather fundamentally egalitarian. Each
inged of subsistence groups may have a leader who sees to
the clearing of the swidden, the planting and harvesting of
crops, and the equal sharing of the rice or any other food
produced from the land. The leader or head also
determines, in consultation with the shaman (beliyan) when
10 move next and clear another swidden settlement.
T eduray society is governed and kept together by their adat
or custom law, and by an indigenous legal and justice
system designed to uphold the adat. As an acknowledged
expert in custom law, a kefeduwan exercises the legal and
moral authority. The expert presides over the tiyawan, the
formal adjudicatory discussion before which is brought
cases involving members of the community for deliberation
and settlement.
i
The kefeduwan sposition is not based on wealth. It is not a
separate position or profession, because he continues to
carry on the usual economic activities of the other menfolk
in the community. The one who is most learned in
I
T eduray customs and laws, possessing a skill in reasoning, a
remarkable memory, and an aptitude for calmness in
debate, and who learns to speak in the highly metaphorical
rl
11
rhetoric of a tiyawan is apt to be acknowledged as a
kefeduwan. It is possible for one inged to have more than
one kefeduwan.
: : J
The main responsibility of a kefeduwan in T eduray society
is to see to il that the respective rights and the feelings of all
the people involved in the case up for settlement are
respected and satisfied.
Among the acculturated T eduray, the role of the traditional
legal authority is almost entirely diminished, and peasant
Teduray are constituents of the normal representatives of
municipal Philippine law and politics, mostly non-Teduray.
The second major leader of traditional T eduray sociely is
t..h.c shaman (belryan). This person may either be a man or a
woman, who has the gift from the spirit world of being able
to see and talk to spirits. He or she has a special kind of
legal authority to settle disputes between spirits and
humans. Aside from his or her healing functions, the
shaman is also the ritual leader at a series of communal
sacred meals (kandulz) which are observed by traditional
T eduray four times each year, marking off significant
points in the swidden cycle. The kanduli is a powerful
ritual statement of the interdependence and cooperation
which exists between neighbor and neighbor, and berw.een
humans and spirits in all aspects of life. .
Among acculturated peasant Teduray, the role of the
shaman, like that of the traditional authority, has greatly
decreased through the transformation of the subsistence
system and the general acceptance of Christianity. In 1926,
the Philippine Episcopal Church was invited by Capt.
Edwards to do extensive missionary work among the
12
Teduray. After the Second World War, the Roman
Catholic Church and other Protestant denominations
entered Teduray areas. As a result, many Teduray families
took on Christianity as a part of their new peasant Filipino
way of life. They adopted the Western manner of dressing,
began using the national language, and sent their children
to public and parochial schools. Various government and
religious-sponsored clinics have been established and are
used by many of the acculturated Teduray, although belief
in the spirits rather than germs as the cause of disease
remains strong and folk healers continue to play a major
role among the T eduray as they do among many rural
Filipinos.
Most T eduray view the profound changes their society is
undergoing with certain sadness, and with a deep sense of
pride in the culture of their forebears. But according to
Schlegel (1994), the transformation of their way of life
seems inevitable and irreversible now. As the older
religious and iegai authorities fade from importance, their
place is being taken over by a new set of educated leaders
Teduray lawyers, school tcachers, government officials,
agricultural experts, and the like. It is these people who
will lead the T eduray as they dravI ever farther away from
their traditional forest isolation and into the new ways,
l
r
opportunities, and challenges of participation in the
mainstream of Philippine life.
LF L- , .
o

s
Ancestral Domain Claim rADC).
The barangays covered in the study are in an area claimed
t '"' I th 'T' 1 M c 11 . C
as Ancestral l.)omam oy e 1 euutay. lallY. 11 not al , 01
the Tedurays share the sentiment expressed in one of the .
FGD:
" ... (Our) ancestral domain claim is important to us
because this is the way we can reclaim the land
14
13
----------------------------------------------
owned by ancestors ... Our ancestors gave it to us
but because of poverty, we mortgaged it in order
for us to eat. Many are not able to redeem these
mortgages as they have no money to pay for it.
Odlers left and stayed with relatives in other
places". (MVO- FGD Feb 2004)
Presently Teduray communmes are coordinating with
T eduray leaders who know the process of the claim though,
as far as they know, there is no clear process and
implementation of the Ancestral Domain Claim. The
administrative competencies under which they have to
submit their daim belong to ARMM, which has not
implemented the procedure contemplated under the
Indigenous Peoples' Right Act (IPRA, 1997) and still has to
define its own legislation about Indigenous Peoples and
Ancestral Domain Claims. They also recognize that a
major problem with ancestral domain claim is boundary
conflicts and the presence of other ethnic communities that
migrated several decades ago in their lands.
ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
Like most other indigenous tribes in the country, Teduray
present a high exposure to vulnerability factors, derived
mainly from their geographical isolation, loss of traditional
soy.rces of subsistence, loss of cultural identity and
marginality of the mainstrearn society. The causes and
manifestations of their vulnerability have multiplied
profoundly over the years. The T eduray strongly oppose
the . loss of natural resources and biodiversity due to
environmental degradation through their political struggle
to have access and control over lands that they consider as
their Ancestral Domain which were used by T eduray
communities since immemorial time. , They are also
fighting for the recognition of their traditional government
practices and way of life.
1. Loss of natural resources and biodiversity.
The T eduray' s dependence on swidden farming indicates
the subsistence economy of its people. Relying heavily on
production from rainfed agriculture, the T eduray suffer low
productivity from their corn and rice crops. For
generations, the slash and burn practice in upland farming
contributed much to the destruction of their land resource
resulting in poorer productivity and income.
In addition, the forest reserves in their topography attracted
the logging concessionaires of the region. Many
mountainous and hilly barangays, primarily barangay Rifao,
have been exposed to iilegal logging activities stripping
them of their once thick and lush forest resources. Armed
groups of the concessionaires caused peace and order
problems in the community as they attempted to quell the
rpc-;s""nrp "f ..he
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The local residents oppose loggers because they know that
deforestation will have adverse effect on them because it
will lead to soil erosion and the depletion of soil fertility
that will [utlher aggravate the poor productivity of their
farms. During heavy rains, many barangays are prone to
flash floods. In such times, the Teduray suffer not only
from poor harvest but from displacement as well.
Environmental degradation has adversely affected their
fishing resources also, which has traditionally been art
important complementary source of food and income for
many T eduray families. . l'eduray fishing com m uni ties ,
noted the decreasing variety and volume of the fish
available in their coastlines, springs and rivers. The fishing
waters have become polluted and have greatly diminished
15 16
the fishing communities' fish catches for food consumption
and family income.
2. Loss of cultural identity
Through generations, the influx of logging conce:ssion(lires
and the construction of basic infrastructures such as roads
and bridges facilitated the coming of peoples and
technology from the dominant society. As more roads and
bridges were built, people of different cultures came lured
by the community's resources. The T eduray were
introduced to new farm practices, farm implements and
equipment, and prevailing farm technoEogy. Traditional
customs and practices were slowly modified through their
imeracrions with other cultural groups such as Visayan
settlers (Ilongos, Cebuanos... ) and Muslim settlers
(Maguindanaon), coming to their communities. Their
Iifeways , language, clothing and
spared from the cultural infl
jntenningling of the tribes.
food patterns were
uences caused by
not
the
3. Famine.
The Teduray's low farm production has been compounded
by the increasing impact of the logging activities to their
farms. Their physical resources continue to deteriorate as a
result ,of flash floods and soil erosion. The T eduray are
exposed as well to long periods of drought that make them
vulnerable to food scarcity. Upland families suffer the most
risk of famine, as the dry season gives them poor harvest
and even prevents them from engaging in vegetable and
livestock raising activities. They have very limited access to
farm inputs that would have enabled them to make their
land productive. Other forms of livelihood are likewise
hard to come by; consequently, they resort to borrowing
food or money to buy food for the family. At times, when
borrowing is not available, families resort to hunting and
collecting wild crops and fruits, but as years go by they have
become more and more scarce and sometimes they may
not be suitable for food consumption.
4. Illness and Death.
Several factors such as unbalanced nutrition and diet, poor
housing condition, unsafe water sources, and poor
sanitation make them susceptible to diseases and illnesses. A
high prevalence of contagious diseases like diarrhea,
malaria, and slcin diseases affect many T eduray, both young
and old.
The T eduray also registered high mortality among infants
and the under-five children group. They have very low
access to medical health professionals orner than the basic
medical health services in the barangay heath station, which
at most times, runs short of medicines and health
eqUIpment.
5. Loweduc..liun leveL
Many adult members of T eduray households in the study
area are illiterate or have low level of education/no formal
schooling. This characteristic makes them more vulnerable
to social and economic injustices imposed by external forces
(owners of productive resources) present in their
communities. It also hinders their capacity to Lranslate the
non-human resources such as land and other materials into
outputs that contribute to the local economy. This low
level of literacy among the T eduray in the survey areas is
further aggravated by the inadequacy of educational
facilities and services needed to develop their productive
skills.
17 18
----------------------------------------------
6. Other hazards.
Displacements either due to natural of man-made
calamities are potential hazards to the T eduray. The
possibility of flash floods during the rainy season and the
long drought during t..h.e dry season are rish that
T eduray are always exposed to.
In addition, the intermittent peace and order problem and
lawlessness in the T eduray community owing to the
logging issue continues to bring anxiety to the upland
families. The functionality of their traditional T eduray
Justice and Governance in resolving Teduray conflicts is a
source of comfort and protection in the community.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The recommendations made here are offered to alleviate
the vulnerabilities of the T eduray as a community.
Strategies that require community, government, and private
sectors' intervention to respond more systematically and
eff(::ctively to the plight of this marginalized and vulnerable
tribe deserve serious consideration.
1. Access and control to lands
The local government agency (DAR/MARO) could help
the T eduray people through the implementation of
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, particularly on
the issuance of the Certificate of Land Occupancy
Agreement (CLOA) if there is a need! to improve the land
tenure condition among the T eduray households who are
share tenants and settlement cultivators.
Another instrument that will increase access and control of
lands among the T eduray people is the implementation of
the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), which aims at
protecting the lives and heritage and advancing the interest
of the indigenous peoples in the Philippines. The issuance
of a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC)/
Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADn will ensure
access and control among the Teduray people over their
ancestral domain. This piece of document will give them
the power to decide on the utilization of their lands. The
official recognition of their lands would eventually expedite
the Delivery of agriculrural services/support &om the
government and private sector.
Increased access to land and the introduction of programs
on appropriate farm technology may eventually improve
the farm practices among T eduray farmers.
Comprehensive agricultural support from Department of
Agriculture may be sourced out for this purpose.
The loss of natural resources and biodiversity may be
reversed through reforestation and the preservation of the
",-" rem'lining
.&,\"J
f"rp
1
.-he
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l..e
t.!.!. ... .a. ... u. .......... .L....... '-'JL..'l
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proper techniques of cultivating rolling/hilly lands can
prevent soil erosion. The Department of Environment and
Natural Resources (DENR) can extend assistance to this
concern.
Coastal marine resources need to be assessed so that
necessary intervention can be introduced. A participatory
approach may be employed in order to involve the fisher
folks in the protection of coastal resources.
2. Education Program
The low iiteracy ievel and formal! education level among the
T eduray in the study areas is primarily due to the lack of
appropriate education services in their barangays, worsened .
by their distance from the urban centers and to their
19 20
economic poverty. A package of educational programs that
will address specific needs of different sectors of the
community (such as: day care centers below five (5) years
old children, elementary/secondary education, vocational
and technical education for the young adults,' and
ftmctional literacy progra...rn for adults) may be developed
and implemented for the empowerment of Teduray people.
Non-government organizations or Academic Institutions
may consider any of these programs as part of their
extension programs or functional literacy programs.
Preservation of T eduray culture may be included in the
curriculum/program. This will help revive and enrich the
indigenous tradition and practices especially among the
T eduray youth.
3. Program
To address the health needs of children, mothers, and
women in the area, there is a need to imroduce training
programs for health workers in the community. A well
designed training program that will address issues on
malnutrition, importance of immunization, birth delivery
and childbearing, and childcare is imperative.
TraditionaJ healing practices must be a component of the
health program. The promotion of herbal gardens in every
backyard will help to ' address the households' health
problems that could be treated . by herbal medicine.
Training for Traditional Healers and Traditional Birth
Attendants can contribute to improve their practices.
4: Water and Sanitation
There is a need (0 address the problem on the water sources
of the people in the area. There are springs and open wells
that need to be developed irito sources of potable water.
Sanitary toilets are also needed in the area. The education
of the people on proper environmental sanitation and
hygiene practices should be included as component of any
program in this field.
5. Community Organization and Participation
Organization of farmers, youth and women in the
barangays is important to the empowerment of the
community with respect to addressing their specific needs.
This will also help them to protect their interest as a
people. There is a need to introduce activities that will help
enhance their collective bargaining with external forces
affecting the marketing of their products. Alternative
sources of livelihood like backyard gardening may be
introduced through organized groups of families.
Partnership among stakeholders - GOs and NGOs and the
community people must be forged so that proper synergy
among them may be achieved. This can be done through
conduct of orientations, trainings and other similar
ac
:-;,l !t!F, Thp,F i, <::.), a ;-,-, c: -" .:; l--.lich t'li' __ . ___ _. _._ ___ v ..
networking and delineation of functions among partners.
6. Peace programs
There is need to organize a peace and development councii
that will be instrumental in the conduct of training and
advocacy for the promotion of a culture of peace. A
T raining Program for the council members may also be
designed for this purpose. Through this program the
Council membersllocal leaders will be equipped
app '"t" A. ..1. .......... ........

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rnnri'1t-r'
_
knnu,ledge
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sl,.;I1
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...
,
'In
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I
their own communiry. Any Peace Program should integrate
the Teduray Traditional Governance and Justice System
that is used by T eduray in dealing with and resolving their
conflicts. Seminars and workshops with government
officials should be held in order to make them aware of
22 21
traditional practices of T eduray on settling their conflicts
and for them to identify mechanisms to integrate these
practices as alternative/complementary t() the Philippine
judicial system.
7. Monitoring and evaluation
A system of monitoring and evaluation must be defined at
the barangay council levels at the outset of any intervention
that will be introduced in the Teduray communities.
Community people must be involved in all the steps of the
project cycle, from the initial identification and definition
of the intervention and its implementation, to tlle
monitoring and evaluation phase in order to promote their
feeling of ownership. Community involvement will help
ensure better impact and facilitate the future sustainability
of (he interventions.
;
The Final Report of this research abstr<K:t is available at the University Research Center.
23
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http://www.nduJap('nctorg/urcdb/
Notre/Dame Unive"fsity
, Cotabato :tity
Research Monograph No, 27 . i - .. ..
The Case of the Teduray People
"
In eight barangays of
Upl, Magulndanao.
This Research Monograph Series presents the
researches conducted by the University Research CenteL;
Notre Dame UniversifJ; Cotabato City