“No regular troops cou’d behave with more zeal & alacrity …”

Mercer’s Grenadier Militia

Drew Gruber

The recreated Grenadiers during the October, 2013 reenactment. This reconstruction
was based on extensive research by Andrew De Lisle and Paul Zelesnikar of the Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation and Neal Hurst of the Museum of the American Revolution.
 When we think about American militia during the Revolutionary War, the image of an
untrained rifle-toting citizen turned soldier comes to mind. This stereotype of the
American soldier, popularized by movies like The Patriot is not completely false but such
generalizations should give us pause and inspire us to investigate the roll of American
militia, independent companies, and ‘irregular’ troops a bit closer. For example, how was
it that on October 3, 1781 a group of Virginia militiamen defeated an elite British force?
The story of Lieutenant Colonel John Mercer’s Grenadier Militia during the battle at
Seawell’s Ordinary has been told and retold since 1781, however the formation of this
illustrious group is often ignored and deserves a closer look.
Since the Siege of Charleston, South Carolina resulted in the capture of the majority of
the Virginia Line, the former colony had been trying in vain to mobilize what man power
it could to secure its bid for independence. On July 18, 1780 George Washington wrote to
General Horatio Gates informing him that the Virginia legislature was considering a bill
to raise 5,000 men to serve for eighteen months.[1] In addition to the municipal militias
these new levies or draftees were sent south into North Carolina as well as to places like
Virginia’s Chesterfield Courthouse and Point of Fork Arsenal to be further trained and
equipped into effective martial organizations. [2] Ten months later, despite General
Nathanael Greene’s patriot successes at Kings Mountain and Daniel Morgan’s victory at
Cowpens, recruitment numbers in Virginia still lagged. On May 28, 1781 the Baron
Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben reported that the results of recruiting did “not exceed 450
men…” which was a far cry from the almost 6,000 men required by Congress to be
furnished by the state.[3]
By midsummer the pleas of Virginia Governor Thomas Jefferson, followed by his
successor Thomas Nelson and the Marquis De Lafayette finally resulted in the
mobilization of sizable forces.[4] These draftees and militiamen added significant
strength to Washington’s combined French and American army which had arrived in
Virginia, intent on capturing or destroying General Lord Cornwallis’ army at Yorktown.
Charles Bettisworth, a resident of Virginia’s northern peninsula had already served
several terms of service when in August of 1781, “he was drafted into the Virginia Militia
to go against Cornwallis’s army.”[5] While it is hard to determine how many men
answered this call, Charles was not the only veteran who would square off against the
seasoned British, German, and Loyalist soldiers in the coming months.
To support his main thrust on the British defenses at Yorktown, General George
Washington ordered General George Weedon to besiege the crown forces entrenched at
Gloucester Point. The distance across the York River between Yorktown to Gloucester
Point is less than one mile which provided Cornwallis with a viable escape route. In the
late summer and early fall of 1781 Weedon’s small army began mustering at Ware
Church near Gloucester County Courthouse, several miles north of the British defenses.
To make better use of the militia and various draftees or “levies” assigned to him,
Weedon asked Lieutenant Colonel John Mercer to better organize them. Mercer began
culling through the various companies, battalion, and detachments gathered around the
church and courthouse.

Agreeably to Gen’l Weedon’s order, I had selected from the militia such old soldiers as I
cou’d find, who having retir’d from the army after the expiration of their term of service,
were now performing their tours of duty with the militia as other citizens; to these I added
the most likely young men that volunteer’d their services & such young gentlemen as
 officer as appear’d most promising…Of such materials I collected a corp consisting of
200 rank & rifle … as a distinction that appear’d best calculated to create an esprit du
corps, they were terms the Grenadier reg’t.[6]

These “old soldiers” were men who had already served in the Continental Line or their
respective militias, because Virginia still required men to fill their county quotas when
called upon despite their prior service record. Irvine Hyde, a resident of Virginia’s
Piedmont had stood service on several occasions since 1776 with each tour lasting
several weeks or months. By 1781, Hyde was called up again and upon “…the arrival of
this Army there was selected out of it for special service one hundred fifty Grenadiers of
which affiant (Hyde) was chosen one and fifty well built men for light infantry…”[7]
Pensioner Robert Anderson mentioned being “drafted” five times between 1777 and
1781. It was on his fifth deployment that he saw action at the brutal battle of Green
Spring before being sent over the York River and attached to Mercer’s Grenadiers at
Gloucester. [8]
Throughout September 1781, Virginia militia near Gloucester Point had already
skirmished with several British expeditions which were aimed at gathering both
intelligence and forage. Since Gloucester offered an escape route for the main British
army dug in at Yorktown and Weedon was taking no chances in creating a viable force to
keep crown forces bottled up. As one pensioner reported after the war, “Colonel John F
Mercer called for volunteers out of Wedon’s brigade, to form what was called a

Ware Church. C. 1715.

(Courtesy Google Image Bank)
Regiment of Grenadiers, he (the applicant) joined Colonel Mercer … sometime before
this, the time for which he had enlisted had expired, but as the siege of York was about
commencing, they refused to discharge us, or we agreed to serve longer, he does not
remember which…”[9]
John Hungerford had also served several tours of duty since 1777, eventually rising to
the rank of Lieutenant. In his pension he further elaborated on the culling of the militia
and drafted “levies” for the company he would command during the battle on October 3,
1781.[10]

Colonel John F Mercer, who came on with General Weedon, and who had been in the
Continental service, it was thought proper to give a command and to effect this object, a
company from each Regiment was selected, which gave him the Command of between 3
and 400 men which were distinguished by the Grenadier Regiment, or Battalion. In
selecting the Company from the regiments I was then in, General Weeden asked me the
rank I bore, I told him a Lieutenant – he then observed to me, that if I could raise a
Company of Volunteers, I should commanded, which I soon accomplish, and the
Regiment being formed, we marched the same evening on the lines.[11]

On September 24, reinforcements finally arrived when Armand Louis de Gontaunt,

Duc de Lauzun arrived with his legion. Weedon wrote Governor Nelson on September
27, commenting that this force, which totaled 1134, now included both French cavalry
and infantry which added “countenance to our little Army on this side.”[12]
During the waning days of September Mercer moved his Grenadiers south from Ware
Church south to connect with and French cavalry under Duc de Lauzun who were posted
at Seawell’s Ordinary only a few miles north of the British fortifications at Gloucester
Point. [13]
On October 1 Claude Gabriel, Marquis de Choisy, landed additional French
infantrymen near Gloucester and assumed overall command of the coalition troops there.

John Francis Mercer, by Robert Field, circa 1803.

(Courtesy of Maryland State Archives Collection)
 On the morning of October 3, 1781, British Colonels Tarleton and Thomas Dundas led
another expedition north towards Gloucester Courthouse and away from the protection of
their fortifications at Gloucester Point. Their command that day included some of the
most renowned fighting men then in service. Cavalry and mounted infantry from
Tarleton’s own British Legion, combined with a detachment of Colonel Simcoe’s
Queen’s Rangers, elements of the 17th Dragoons, men from the 23rd Regiment (Royal
Welch Fusiliers), German Jaegers and part of the 80th Regiment of Foot provided an
impressive host for their American and French adversaries. Captain Johann Ewald,
commander of the Jaegers commented after the war that he was sent out with “one
hundred horse of Simcoe’s and the remainder of the jagers and rangers, which amounted
to only sixty man in order to take a position between Seawell’s planatation and Seawall’s
Ordinary. I was to form a chain there to protect a foraging of Indian corn.”[14]
Tarleton and Ewald commented that sometime after 10am, with the foraging complete,
the rearguard under Ewald was pressed closely by hostile horsemen.[15] Ewald intended
to retire and form an ambush but was too closely pursued by Lauzun. The French
troopers had outpaced the American and French infantry, gaining the vital road
intersection near Seawell’s Ordinary and had pressed the British too closely causing their
mounted troops to turn and confront Lauzun’s men. It was across Seawell’s fields that
the French, British, and Loyalist troopers, perhaps near 600 in number, met utilizing
lances, pistols, carbines, and sabers in a deadly melee. Seeing Tarleton knocked from his
horse nearer the French troopers than their own the “…English rear guard set out full
speed from its distant situation, and arrived in such disorder, that its charge was unable to
make impression up on the Duke of Lauzun’s hussars…”[16] While disorganized, this
determined counter-attack enabled Tarleton to remount and begin coordinating a stronger
response to the French push.
According to several sources it was during this brief lull that Weedon’s infantry began
to arrive on the field. Lauzun’s troopers were attempting to reform their ranks as British
and loyalist forces began another push forward in an attempt to regain the initiative.
Mercer’s men were well ahead of the remainder of Weedon’s column, having apparently
ran towards the sound of the battle. Passing the vital intersection and through the farm
lane they charged into the field surrounding Seawell’s Ordinary. It was the opportune
moment. The Grenadiers must have kept up a hot fire, holding their own for several
minutes if not longer. Pensioner John White recalled that “he was in an engagement with
the enemy at Seawell’s in which he fired thirteen rounds and his officers thought that he
killed one of the British officers…”17 Henry Lee recounted in his Memoirs of the
War that Mercer’s men “had expended nearly all its cartridges.”[18]
 The recreated Grenadiers at the position of ‘Trail Arms’ during the October, 2013
reenactment. This reconstruction was based on extensive research by Andrew De
Lisle and Paul Zelesnikar of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation and Neal Hurst
of the Museum of the American Revolution. (Courtesy of Drifting Focus
Photography. http://photography.driftingfocus.com/)

The arrival and deployment of Mercer’s men on the field, especially with such alacrity
and apparent firepower was enough to rebuff the British efforts. Although his description
of the battle on October 3, 1781 is rather scant, Tarleton comments that after receiving
fire from “numerous militia” who were behind a rail he “again ordered the retreat to be
sounded.”[19] Charles Bettisworth, a flugleman in Weedon’s brigade observed the
conduct of Mercer’s men that morning: “Mercers Corps of Grenadiers who dashed
forward in advance of the army encountered them and put them to flight killing their
colonel &c & taking 2 of the Queens Rangers prisoner before Weedens brigade got near
enough to take part in the engagement.”[20]
Mercer recounted this engagement in a letter to a friend over twenty years later:
“The horse of the enemy had approach’d within 250 yards & the infantry were not at
more than 150 yards distance, when the firing began. No regular troops cou’d behave
with more zeal & alacrity than this corps of Militia; their sprits had been rais’d by
running them up, and being hurried into action without time to reflect on their danger,
they discovered as much gallantry & order as any regular corps that I ever saw in
action.”[21]
 The battle which began just after 10am was over within a few hours. Writing to
Washington at 3pm that day, the General Marquis de Choisy reported that, “… grenadier
Americains who were the only Infantry advanced enough to have part in the affair and
who have behaved exceedingly well have Killed one officer who was at the head of the
Infantry of the ennemi…”[22]

(Photo courtesy of Bryant White)

Environs de Gloucester
 This short, rather sharp fight produced some significant casualties. Tarleton reported
that of the entire command one officer and eleven men were killed or wounded and that
the French had two officers and fourteen hussars killed and wounded. [23] Ewald reports
similar numbers stating that one officer and four men were killed with nine men being
wounded by lances.[24] The following day St. George Tucker noted that, “…our loss was
three hussars kill’d, eleven and an officer wounded- the Enemy lost fift men in kill’d and
wounded- the officer commanding the Infanrty was kill’d & Tarliton himself badly
wounded.” [25] Although Tarleton was not wounded as Tucker reported, both Tarleton
and Mercer commented about the loss of Lieutenant Mair (Moir) of the famed Royal
Welch Fusiliers who fell within 10 paces of the Virginians.[26]
By early afternoon on October 3, 1781 the remainder of Weedon’s brigade as well as
Choisy’s French infantry had arrived on the field. Taking advantage of the situation the
coalition army pushed closer to Gloucester Point, effectively bottling up the crown forces
in Gloucester. After closing off Cornwallis’ route of escape, Washington’s army would
begin tightening their grip at Yorktown and within two week’s time on October 17, the
guns would fall silent. Arguably, the French and American victory at Yorktown would
have not been possible without the victory at Seawell’s Ordinary- thanks in large part to
Mercer’s Grenadiers.

Seawell’s Ordinary C.1757 The building has been moved from its original location. It is now
home to an Auto Max, car retail lot.
(Courtesy of Google Images)
 While many people have looked into the Battle of Seawall’s Ordinary (often referred
to as the Battle of the Hook) few have looked closely into the larger context, including
the issues of manpower and materials which resulted in events on October 3, 1781. After
six long years, including the disaster which befell Virginians at Charleston there was a
decided dearth in both the number of recruits and zeal for the continued conflict.
However, this prolonged struggle meant that the Virginia militiamen and draftees who
met the British host during the Yorktown campaign were in a large part, no strangers to
the rigors of active campaign and the expectations on the battlefield. Moreover, it should
be noted the culling of specific troops such as Mercer’s Grenadiers is not an isolated or
unique experience but is rather commonplace by 1781 as the evolutions of warfare in
North America continued to push martial boundaries.[27]
Mercer’s Grenadiers have always made for a great story when taken out of context; the
proverbial rifle-toting, citizen soldier, David who armed with righteousness and good
old(e) American patriotism slayed the mighty, numerous ranks of the oppressive,
oligarchic Goliath. In reality Mercer’s “old soldiers” had met and defeated their equals in
Seawell’s fields- having kept up with and adapted to the changing pace of modern
warfare.

Sources

[1] George Washington, letter to Horatio Gates, 18 July 1780. The Papers of George
Washington, Founders Early Access, Rotunda, University of Virginia.
[2] Despite the efforts equipping these additional troops was almost, if not more difficult
than raising them leaving many units without necessary gear or provisions. See papers of
Jefferson, Steuben, David Ross and William and Davies for more details.
[3] “Representation of the State of the Virginia Line.” The Papers of Thomas Jefferson,
Volume 6, Page 30. Founders Early Access, Rotunda, University of Virginia
[4] “List of Revolutionary Soldiers of Virginia, Part 2.” Special Report of the Department
of Archives and History for 1912. Page 7. Virginia State Library.
[5] Pension application, Charles Bettisworth. S32117. Southern Campaign American
Revolution Pension Statements & Rosters. < http://revwarapps.org/s32117.pdf&gt;
[6] John F. Mercer, letter to Col. Simms. Fragments of Revolutionary History; Being
Hitherto Unpublished. Edited by Gaillard Hunt, 1892. Pages, 55-56.
[7] Pension application, Irvine Hyde. R5464. Southern Campaign American Revolution
Pension Statements & Rosters. <http://revwarapps.org/r5464.pdf&gt;
[8] Pension application, Robert Anderson. W28. Southern Campaign American
Revolution Pension Statements & Rosters. <http://revwarapps.org/w28.pdf&gt;
[9] Pension application, George Morris. W27804. Southern Campaign American
Revolution Pension Statements & Rosters. <http://revwarapps.org/w27804.pdf&gt;
[10] Other veterans list a Captain (possibly Stephen) Mabry as company the company of
‘Grenadiers.’
[11] Pension application, John P. Hungerford. S5586. Southern Campaign American
Revolution Pension Statements & Rosters. < http://revwarapps.org/s5586.pdf&gt;
[12] George Weedon, letter to Governor Nelson, 27 September, 1781. Calendar of
Virginia State Papers, April 1, 1781 to December 31, 1781. Richmond, Virginia, 1881.
Page, 497
[13] The numbers of this select “Grenadier” group vary. Pension Charles White says
there were 80, while others describe 150, 200, 300 to 400, or describe it as a regiment,
battalion or company.
[14] Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War, a Hessian Journal, trans. Joseph P.
Tustin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979). Pages, 329, 330
[15] Banister Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern
Provinces of North America. (New York: Arno Press, 1969). Pages, 376-377.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Pension application, John White. W6476. Southern Campaign American Revolution
Pension Statements & Rosters. < http://revwarapps.org/w6476.pdf&gt;
[18] Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department. Volume 2. (New York:
Arno Press, 1969). Page 498.
[19] Banister Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern
Provinces of North America. (New York: Arno Press, 1969). Page, 378
[20] Pension application, Charles Bettisworth. S32117. Southern Campaign American
Revolution Pension Statements & Rosters. < http://revwarapps.org/s32117.pdf&gt;
A fugel or fugleman during the American Revolution is typically a veteran soldier who
acts as a guide for the rest of the body in both the figurative and literal sense providing
guidance as well as a point of reference during drills, etc.
[21] John F. Mercer, letter to Col. Simms. Fragments of Revolutionary History; Being
Hitherto Unpublished. Edited by Gaillard Hunt, 1892. Pages, 55-56.
[22] Marquis de Choisy, letter to George Washington, 3 October, 1781. The Papers of
George Washington, Founders Early Access, Rotunda, University of Virginia.
[23] Banister Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern
Provinces of North America. (New York: Arno Press, 1969). Page, 378
[24] Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War, a Hessian Journal, trans. Joseph P.
Tustin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979). Page, 330.
[25] St. George Tucker, Journal of the Siege of Yorktown. Entry on October 4, 1781.
Transcribed by Edward M. Riley. Encyclopedia Virginia.
<http://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/_Journal_of_the_Siege_of_Yorktown_by_St_Geo
rge_Tucker_1781&gt;
[26] John F. Mercer, letter to Col. Simms. Fragments of Revolutionary History; Being
Hitherto Unpublished. Edited by Gaillard Hunt, 1892. Pages, 55-56.
[27] Matthew H. Spring, With Zeal and With Bayonets Only: The British Army on
Campaign in North America, 1775-1781. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2010)