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YOUNG HUNGARIANS

RESEARCH REPORT

Edited by Bla Bauer, Bence Sgvri, Andrea Szab

ISBN 963 -8677 -45 -7

9 799638 677456

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The original Hungarian version of the report was written by Bla Bauer Klmn Gbor Ferenc Gazs Lszl Laki Mikls Pter Mder Szilrd Molnr Zsuzsanna Molnr dm Nagy Istvn Nemeskri Pter Pillk Gergely Rosta Andrea Szab Tmea Tibori

Editor of the English version Bence Sgvri The report was translated by Dniel Nagy English collaborator Etienne Lain

The publication of this report was sponsored by the Ministry of Youth, Social and Family Affairs and Equal Opportunities

Publisher: Director of Mobilitas Office of Youth Research

Bla Bauer, Klmn Gbor, Ferenc Gazs, Lszl Laki, Mikls Pter Mder, Szilrd Molnr, Zsuzsanna Molnr, dm Nagy, Istvn Nemeskri, Pter Pillk, Gergely Rosta, Andrea Szab, Tmea Tibori Bla Bauer, Bence Sgvri, Andrea Szab editors, 2005 Mobilits Office of Youth Research, 2005

ISBN 963 8677 45 7

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Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Demography and family relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10


Family status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Childbearing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Expansion of education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Educational inequalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

Economic activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Entering work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Unemployment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

Material, financial, income and housing situation . . . . . . . . . . . . 22


Family situation, self-dependents and dependents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Income relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Housing situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Information society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Use and access to computers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Internet access and use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Lifestyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Smoking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Alcohol consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Experimenting with drugs and drug abuse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Cultural consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Reading habits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Scenes of cultural consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Spending free time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

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Values and social perspectives of young people . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39


Life principles, importance of values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Public opinion on the transition and the future of Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Political activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

Problems facing todays youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Index of figures and tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

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INTRODUCTION

Hungarian society has been undergoing the lengthy process of transition for (already) one and a half decades. The effects of the transition have had an undeniable impact on public opinion in ways which come to shape Hungarys budding civil society and political democracy. Paying special attention to societal change and the opinion structures of youth, the snapshot we hereby provide attempts to offer insight into the processes of the past 15 years and in particular into the changes which occurred over the last four years. Since the transition began, Ifjsg2004 is the second social scientific and sociological study to attempt a description of the generational changes that resulted from the social and economic transformations of a changing regime. One of the aims of reproducing the 2000 youth study, and acquiring comparable longitudinal data, was to record the extent and ways in which social factors effecting education, employment, career, becoming self-sustaining and acceding to financial opportunities have changed. Furthermore, the study seeks to record how these changes have impacted on the lifestyles, leisure activities and cultural consumption of young people. Recent sociological research on youth indicates that youth itself, as a period in ones life, has lengthened. For example, young people spend more and more time in education. Data from the eighties and even from the early nineties reveal that in the case of skilled workers, as well as in the case of workers who partake in routine white collar activities (especially those with secondary school degrees), leaving school, beginning work, starting a family, and having children are closely correlated. Young people irrespective of their qualifications usually get married after entering work and have their first child in the following two years. However, one third of young people holding vocational certificates enter the labor market at the age of 18, and another third at the age of 19 or later. Similar tendencies can be described in the case of young people doing the kind of intellectual work that does not require a degree. Up until 1993-1995, entering the world of work usually coincided with obtaining ones secondary school degree. Already by 2000 more than two fifths of our sample entered the labor

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market for the first time at the age of 20, or later. Similar tendencies can be observed in 2004. The question can be raised whether postponing entry into the world of work bears relation to the integration of young individuals in society and their acceptance of traditions and norms. The prolongation of youth as a stage of life is further indicated by the fact that while young people want children, in the last 10 years having ones first child has been delayed by a couple of years. This can partly be explained along with the increased time spent in education by a change in commitment to permanent relationships by men and women in the second half of their twenties. While in 1990, 20.3% of the whole population was unmarried, in 2001 and 2002 the figures were 27.1% and 28% respectively. The Ifjsg2004 data on young people between 15 and 29 shows that this trend is on the increase. Although it is undeniable that the period following the political transition assertively introduced cohabitation as the new form of permanent relationship, Ifjsg2000 called attention to the fact that even in 2000 the intention to have children was tied to marriage. This traditional inclination remains essentially unchanged as the data indicates that young people tend to marry around the same time as they have their first child. The prolongation of the youth stage promotes other roles, such as the single, or even the pre-single stage. Within this age groups life strategies we can observe new dynamics of dependency and independency in relation to the parental home. This results from the fact that the time spent living with ones parents overlaps with becoming independent. Leaving the parental home mostly coincides with marriage or cohabitation with a partner, and is no longer simply correlated with finishing ones studies or entering work. In the nineties, sociological studies on youth cherished the hope that qualification levels would rise, thereby maintaining the illusion that the gates of higher education would also open for those lower down the social ladder (e.g. children of rural families with low educational attainments). However, a study conducted in 2002 among freshman students of higher education indicates that this hope was unfounded. Though higher education holds certain opportunities for the children of parents with secondary or higher educational qualifications, for the better part of society education remains only a theoretical possibility of social advancement. In the year 2000, the unequivocal beneficiaries of the expansion of higher education seemed to be young people belonging to the most educated familial and social environments. Nonetheless, for children of fathers holding secondary educational qualifications, the prospect of pursuing higher education has appreciably improved in the past four years. The proportion of children of parents holding no more than secondary school degrees significantly increased both among university and college students. Consequently, it seems that from the point of view of pursuing higher education, only the fathers secondary education qualifications may be regarded as a caesura for the time being. Nevertheless, this de-

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Introduction

velopment seems to have had no beneficial effect for those two groups of young people belonging to familial and social environments having even lower qualifications (that is, children of fathers having vocational high school or elementary school qualifications). What is more, the likelihood of young people from disadvantageous familial and social environments to enter further education seems to have, if anything, decreased. Therefore, it appears that differences in social background have an incommensurable impact on educational opportunity and result in perpetuating inequality. Furthermore, we observed that the number, as well as the kind, of cultural activities which young people participate in, would surely disappoint the expectations of recent studies in cultural sociology. The few leisure activities young people report doing out of impulse rather than conscious thought reflect actions and decisions which, for the most part, involve only the individual him/herself. In other words, the demand for companionship and communal spirit rarely appears. In fact, the desire for ambitious social activity has almost disappeared from the cultural activities of young people. Compared to previous years, values relating to a sense of security (peaceful world, prosperity, social order) have fallen behind on the ranking of values, while (more) transcendent ideas or values (creativity, respect of traditions, world of beauty) have come to play an increasingly central role in the life of young people. The fact that material principles are coming to play a less and less significant role in young peoples value systems may be explained by the countrys economic improvement and a further increase in social stability. In parallel, values regarding ones individual life, notions of self-realization, and values which directly impact on everyday actions appear to have taken the front stage of young peoples value systems. It is our opinion that the above-mentioned facts are sufficient to justify conducting a study whose focus would be to survey the changes and processes which are affecting the youths situation. Subsequently, for the better part of the year 2004 we conducted the so-called Ifjsg2004 study. The research program was financed by the Ministry of Youth, Social and Family Affairs and Equal Opportunities; and by the Prime Ministers Office. We hope that the Ifjsg2004 study, which follows from the Ifjsg2000 study, may provide sufficient fundamental information to make it possible to a have systematic and extensive youth research program in Hungary. This reports purpose is to provide a basic insight into the most important preliminary results of the research. At present, we have neither any pretensions pertaining to a profound interpretation of the existing data, nor will we seek to explore and explain any of the correlations which may emerge.

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DEMOGRAPHY AND FAMILY RELATIONS

FAMILY STATUS
The Ifjsg2000 study reiterated some of what may already have been evident for demographers and sociologists: one of the feature characteristics of todays youth is the lengthening of time spent in education and postponed entry into the world of work. In turn, this impacts on youth by delaying the forming of permanent partnerships and the founding of a family. Also, marriages are less common, while common-law marriages (i.e. the cohabitation of a couple even when it does not constitute a legal marriage), which involve fewer restrictions while supposedly retaining equal emotional intensity, have become more frequent. Four years later, we observe that this trend has strengthened. In 2004, nearly seven tenths of the 15-29 age group remain unmarried, 17% live in common-law marriages, and 14 % are married. Compared to the data of the Ifjsg2000 study, its 2004 counterpart revealed no significant changes relating to the proportion of unmarried young men and women. However, the composition of those living in permanent partnerships changed significantly: the proportion of married young people decreased by 5%, Figure 1: Distribution of young people by marital status (in percentages)

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Demography and family relations

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in parallel with an increase of 7% of those married under common-law. Even though the proportion of marriages has undoubtedly diminished, this does not result in a lack of permanent partnerships. Rather, there appears to be a change in the form of permanent relationships of those living together outside contractual obligations. Within the youngest (15-19) age category studied we found but rare examples of permanent partnerships. Naturally, as our subjects get older, changes occur: 9% of 20 to 24 year olds, and 36% of those between 25-29 are married. Respectively, one fifth and one sixth are married under common-law. Nearly 16% of the 20-24 age group married under common-law follow this legally more lax relationship by a formal marriage, while as far as young people between 25 and 29 are concerned every third common-law marriage results in marriage. As expected, discrepancies between the marital status of men and women are consistent with the previous study. Today, 76% of men, and 61% of women are unmarried. 17% of women are married under common-law, and 22% of them are formally married. In the case of men, differences between these two types of permanent partnerships are not as substantial: 11 and 12% live in marriages or cohabitations respectively. Figure 2: Distribution of mens marital status by age category (in percentages)

In the case of the oldest segment of men, we noticed significant changes with regards to the data of the Ifjsg2000 study. Four years ago, 51% of men between 25 and 29 were unmarried, 35% of them were married, and 11% of them lived in common-law marriages. In the latter category, the increase is of 7%, while there are 7% less marriages amongst men. As far as women are concerned, the change is even more evident. Compared to 2000, there is a 9% decrease in the proportion of married women even in the

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Figure 3: Distribution of womens marital status according to age category (in percentages)

20-24 age group, and an increase of 12% in the case of common-law marriages. The change in the marital status of women between 20 and 29 can be regarded as dramatic. Indeed, four years ago every fourth women between 15 and 29 (55%) was married as opposed to the present figure of 43%. In parallel, the proportion of unmarried women increased from 27% to 35%. To conclude, changes in lifestyle and the prolongation of education as a phase of life mainly affects women aged between 25 and 29.

CHILDBEARING
One fifth of the samples subjects already have children, thereby indicating a 3% decrease in comparison to 2000. Reasons for this decrease derive from the fact that, though the proportion of young people having three or more children remains essentially unchanged, fewer decide to have one or two children. Two thirds of children are raised by married parents; one quarter are brought up by parents married under common-law, and 11% are raised by single parents. Though we observed a low number of children in the study, these numbers could easily rise were the young people in our sample to decide they wanted children. Around 18% of respondents in the 15-29 age group decisively declare having no intention to have a/another child; 4% intend to decide according to circumstances; and over three fourths plan to have children. Among young parents, more than half plan on having another child, and less than a fifth of parents with two children claim to want another. Compared to the average, the proportion of those intending to have children depending on circumstances is higher in

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Figure 4: How many children do you have? In 2000 and in 2004 (in percentages)

both groups. A total of 9% of those without children intend never to have any. The low level of intent to childbearing is further illustrated by some of the results in the chapter on the values of youth. In line with the data presented so far, young people with a university degree comprise the highest proportion (around 90%) of those wanting children. However, they are also the group with the lowest number of children. 82% of young people with secondary school degrees, seven tenths of skilled workers, and slightly more than three-quarters of those with no more than primary educational qualifications would like to have children. As far as young people with no more than a primary education and those with vocational certificates are concerned, the intent to have children is lower since they are the group with the highest proportion of young parents amongst them (17% of young people with no more than a primary education, and 37% of skilled workers already have children.)

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EDUCATION

EXPANSION OF EDUCATION
With regards to young people aged between 15 and 29, a significant development is that of the expansion of education: schooling begins earlier and proceeds further in life. Young people partake in growing numbers and higher proportions in education. In the past four years, the 15-29 age groups participation in education increased by approximately 6%. According to the results of this survey, we notice that in recent years this expansion has, above all, affected the 25-29 age group. In 2000 34%, and in 2004 40% of the whole population was pursuing some kind of educational program. Table 1: Participation in education in 2000 and in 2004 respectively by age groups (in percentages)

In the youngest age category, among secondary school students, the proportion of those in education has not increased in recent years. Data indicates that the increase in secondary education has already come to a halt. In the midst of altered demographic conditions, the problem facing a young person leaving elementary school is no longer that of a choice between continuing studies and staying at home, but in which secondary school to pursue ones studies. In this respect, opportunities to secondary education vary substantially according to settlement type (i.e. whether one lives in a village, a town, a city), as well as according to social status. However, data also indicates an undisputable and robust increase in participation in higher education. This impulse is clearly illustrated by the fact that between 2000 and 2004, the proportion of 20-24 year olds attending classes has increased by 14%. Of this group, 75% study in higher education; 7% attends technical training subsequently to vocational secondary schooling, and the remainder undergo further vocational training in a variety of professions in high

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demand on the labor market. As far as the oldest age group of the sample (25-29 year olds) is concerned, the proportion of those partaking in education has grown from 4% to 12% in the last four years. This is an especially significant change. On one hand, it can be explained by the fact that entry into higher education occurs later in life. On the other hand, university or college curricula are lengthier. In turn, this can help us understand why more and more young people combine work alongside their studies. Indeed, combining work and studies seems to have become the configuration characterizing this age group. Two thirds of students combine learning with some kind of paid activity. Further, this configuration is also becoming widespread amongst the 20-24 age group, and characterizes 10% of students in higher education. On the basis of the Ifjsg2004 study, we may infer some conclusions pertaining to whether the structure of secondary and higher education has changed. Data indicates that no significant change can be observed in the structure of secondary education. Due to an increase in demand for skilled labor, it seems that the long-expected decrease in the proportion of students undertaking apprenticeship training has come to a halt. However, the increase in percentage is too low to indicate a change of trend, yet. Although the proportion of students continuing their studies in secondary schools has slightly decreased, vocationaltechnical education remains an attractive option. Table 2: Distribution of students in education by type of school in 2000, and in 2004 (in percentages)

The tables data indicates that the rise in participation in higher education has come about mainly through a significant increase in the number of students going to college. As far as university education is concerned, there are no significant changes in the proportions of students.

EDUCATIONAL INEQUALITIES
As opposed to earlier studies, we drew a more accurate and differentiated picture of the social makeup of secondary and higher education on the basis of a large scale sample drawn both in 2000 and 2004. More precisely, we determined

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the proportions of various socio-cultural groups in secondary education, and how the structural makeup they draw to see has changed within the context of a rapidly expanding higher education system. Table 3: Participation in education of 15 to 29 year olds according to fathers educational level (in percentages)

The data reflects an unchanged picture. Based on the concordant results of the 2000 and 2004 studies sampling, it is unequivocal that educational discrepancies resulting from disparities in social background are especially high, and have not diminished in spite of the expansion of the educational system. Invariably, for the group whose parents hold low qualifications, only apprenticeship training provides a viable opportunity for pursuing education. Disadvantages stemming from social class are unequivocal in comparing apprenticeship training and vocational/technical schools with other schools. Only 3% of the children of parents with elementary qualifications partake in higher education. While seven tenths of young people belonging to the most educated familial and social environments take part in some kind of secondary or higher education, this figure is only 19% for the group whose parents only hold elementary qualifications or less. In this respect, the past four years have not brought about any changes. However, some transformations are noticeable, especially in higher education. If we look through the distribution of university and college students in relation to their fathers qualifications, we might notice the following. Table 4: Distribution of university and college students by the fathers qualifications in 2000 and 2004 (in percentages)

In 2000, the unequivocal beneficiaries of the expansion of higher education seemed to be young people belonging to the most educated familial and social

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environments. In the past four years, prospects to pursue studies in higher education mostly improved for children of fathers holding secondary education degrees. The proportion of children with parents holding secondary school degrees significantly increased both among university and college students. Thus, it seems that in relation to prospects of higher education, it is only the fathers secondary education qualifications that should be regarded as caesura. Concerning those two groups of youth belonging to familial and social environments with even lower qualifications (that is, children of fathers holding no more than vocational certificates or primary educational qualifications), the expansion has had virtually no beneficial effect on their situation. What is more, for young people from disadvantageous domestic and social environments, the prospects for further education seem even gloomier than before. Therefore, educational inequalities resulting from differences in social backgrounds invariably impact on the youths opportunities to acquire knowledge.

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ECONOMIC ACTIVITY

ENTERING WORK
Two-fifths (39%) of young people between 15 and 29 have been employed at some point during the course of their studies, and a further 5% of them have combined studies and work. Of course, number of young people have already completed their studies to enter the labor market, but sooner or latter left their jobs (e.g. decided to further their studies) or were contrived to leave (e.g. became unemployed). The employed are roughly distributed along the two older age categories, meaning that two thirds belong to the 25-29 age group; nearly one third are between 20-24 years of age; and only 2% belong to the 15-19 group. In 2000, roughly two thirds (38%) of these occupations were manual jobs. By 2004 this number increased to 58%, denoting a significant and tendency-like shift. White Figure 5: Occupational structure of working young people between 15 and 29 (gender-specific distribution)

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collar jobs occupy over a third of the occupational distribution. A tenth of white collar workers are entrepreneurs working mainly in the fields of commerce, industry or services. Only one per cent of the youth works in the agricultural sector. The types of occupations held by men and women differ significantly. The overwhelming majority over two thirds of men do manual work, mostly as skilled workers (44%). In contrast, there is a low proportion of semi-skilled (17%) and especially unskilled (5%) workers, indicating a low demand for this kind of work. The proportion of male employees doing white collar work is only around one quarter. In contrast, half of the women work in white collar jobs, above all as office employees (26%). It is important to note that the proportion of female professionals (19%) highly surpasses that of male professionals (8%). Also, there is a low percentage of women in manual jobs, and the majority of them work as skilled workers (27%). The occupational distribution shows similar differences along the lines of settlement types. Figure 6: Occupational distribution of working young people between 15 and 29 by settlement type (in percentages)

In the capital, the proportion of young people performing white collar work is of 50%, whereas the rest of the country sees a higher proportion of manual workers (47%) rather than white collar employees (42%). In the countrys other towns, the proportion of manual workers revolves around three fifths (63%), and this figure rises to nearly seven-tenths (68%) in villages.

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Contrasting with earlier decades, the distribution of employees by educational qualifications provides us with an encouraging picture, since there are near to no workers without elementary qualifications and the proportion of those holding only primary educational qualifications is but a tenth. Further, vocational certificates do not predominate and are to be found in equal proportion to secondary school degrees (37%). Finally, if we account for college (11%) and university (4%) graduates, we witness the predominance of higher education amongst todays youth. (Of course, the data does not reveal a significant improvement in qualifications, but displays the fact that those with low educational qualifications do not even enter the labor market.)

UNEMPLOYMENT
Unemployment remains one of the youths main problems. One third of respondents claimed having already been unemployed during their rather brief working lives. The overwhelming majority (28%) of those concerned has already been registered as unemployed, a minority (3%) has not, or and another minority (3%) claims having been both registered and unregistered as unemployed. Although there are higher education students who are affected by unemployment (5-10%), this problem mainly impacts those who could not, or did not want to, remain in education. Accordingly, one third of those doing non-remunerated housework, and two fifths of those on maternity leave report having been unemployed. Among the employed, the incidence of those affected by unemployment is even higher: nearly fifty per cent reported having known such a state of affairs.

Figure 7: Have you ever been unemployed? (by group, in percentages within a given group)

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In this respect, significant differences can be found as far as occupational groupings are concerned: while around seventy per cent (69%) of unskilled and nearly sixty per cent (59%) of semi-skilled workers claimed having been unemployed, only a rough forty per cent of office workers and professionals (44% and 37% respectively) made such claims. Although a majority (69%) has been unemployed only once, 30% of 15-29 year olds have known such a state of affairs twice or more. The seriousness of this situation is further indicated by the fact that while for three tenths of our sample the length of unemployment did not exceed three months; the majority of young people suffer from extended periods of joblessness. Taking into account the high proportion of young people affected by unemployment, and the widespread negative social experience it induces, it comes as no surprise that a significant part of the youth (42%) lives in dread of joblessness. Three themes recur: fear of being unable to enter the world of work, loosing ones job, or being incapable of re-entering the labor market once having left school.

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MATERIAL, FINANCIAL, INCOME AND HOUSING SITUATION

FAMILY SITUATION, SELF-DEPENDENTS AND DEPENDENTS


36% of young people between 15 and 29 are independent, live alone or with a family of their own. They form a category which is more or less financially responsible for their everyday life and that of their familys. From the material point of view, this group contrasts with young people who live with their parents and have not started a family of their own. Young people defined as independent, whether living alone, or with a family of their own, are on average significantly older (they average at 25.6 years of age) than the so-called dependents (who average at 20.6 years of age). Partially resulting from their age difference, and partially from the pressure of being financially responsible for themselves and their families, 62% of the independent youth work (even while studying), whereas this holds true of only 34% of those living with their parents.

INCOME RELATIONS
To calculate the per capita income of each household, we will use the equivalence method of calculation. Households monthly net income per consumer unit averages at 63.753 Forints. As far as income per capita is concerned, there is practically no difference between the households of dependent or independent youths. However, differences in households average income per consumer unit can be observed at the regional level: the average income per consumer unit in Central Hungary is 79.119 Forints, and decreases to 51.465 Forints in Northern Hungary. We find even larger differences if we compare households according to settlement types. In Budapest, the average income per consumer unit in a household housing a 15-29-year old is of 85.005 Forints, whereas in villages the numbers drop to 53.594 Forints. We divided the income per consumer unit into five parts in order to approximately infer the income situation of young peoples households.

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Table 5: Average income of households per consumer unit, by region

Figure 8: Average income of households per consumer unit by settlement type (in HUF)

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HOUSING SITUATION
Two thirds of respondents live at their parents place. For the better part of the year, one fifth of them live in their own flat/house or the flat/house of their life/matrimonial partner, and the remaining 14% live in rented flats, dormitory, or at a friends place. Table 6: Where do you live most of the year? (in percentages)

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INFORMATION SOCIETY

By the end of 2004, a newborn divide appeared in Hungarian society regarding the possession of modern information and communication technology (ICT). While national data sources reveal that by 2004 the development of the information society has come to a halt in Hungary, we observed significant changes in some of our samples age groups. These appeared as outstanding even when compared to other EU countries. An ambivalent process is being introduced in Hungary. While there are no significant changes in the number of new internet and computers users (older generations seem unable to embark), the digital culture and literacy of old users (i.e. young people socialized in a digital environment) has experienced a qualitative shift. Technological changes (e.g. the use of broadband at home and in schools) and the growing utilization of internet services and applications (e.g. online banking) have expanded individuals digital resources. We would hereby like to call to attention to both specialists and decision-makers in considering the fact that Hungarys digital divide is deepening rather than declining. According to World Internet Projects (WIP) 2004 data, the proportion of Hungarian households owning personal computers has increased by only one percent (from 31% to 32%) between 2003 and 2004, and the use of internet at home has increased by 2% (from 12% to 14%). By contrast, the results of the youth-specific Ifjsg2004 study reveal that 57% of households own a PC, while approximately 24% of these households are able to connect to the internet. During the Ifjsg2000 study, emphasis was placed on surveying the habits of computer users, whereas in the Ifjsg2004 study, the main focus pertained to patterns of internet usage and differences in the experiences of home internet use.

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USE AND ACCESS TO COMPUTERS


Today, more than half (57%) of young peoples households are equipped with personal computers. Particularly significant changes can be observed when comparing data with the Ifjsg2000 study which uncovered only 29% of households to be equipped with PCs. In four years time, computer ownership has almost doubled. Access to PCs at home is far above average in Central-Hungary (66%) and in West Transdanubia (63%). The lowest scores are once again characteristic of Northern Hungary (50%), and the North Great Plain (49%). Such regional variations are consistent with those reported in the 2000 study. Figure 9: Possession of PCs in young peoples households in 2000 and 2004 (in percentages of respondents)

Pertaining to households access to computers, the well-known urban trickledown is once more apparent: computer ownership in young peoples households varies from 71% for Budapest to 46% in villages. Also, there are notable discrepancies amongst age categories. The older groups households seem less likely to have a computer: while 67% of the 15-19 year olds households are equipped with personal computers, this proportion drops to 49% in the case of older age groups. We also observed a spectacular increase in young peoples use of PCs. In 2000, 46% of young people between 15 and 29 used a PC, while in 2004 the total number rose to 70%.

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Figure 10: Do you use a PC? (in percentages of respondents, in 2000 and 2004)

INTERNET ACCESS AND USE


59% of young people use the Internet at least once a month. The highest proportion of internet-users is to be found in Central Hungary (70%), and the lowest in the northeast part of the country in the regions of Northern Hungary (51%) and the North Great Plain (49%). Examining settlement types, we witness that 74% of young people living in Budapest use the Internet, compared to only 47% in villages. 77% of 15 to 19-year-olds use the internet, however, as we approach the older age groups the proportion of users decreases. Only 45% of young people in the oldest age group use the internet at least once a month. 24% of households have Internet access, which can be regarded as a strong increase, since only 9% of young people had internet at home in 2000. 38% of households in the region of Central Hungary, and 25% of young people in the region of West Transdanubia have access to the Internet at home. The region of the North Great Plain, where only 16% of households have internet access, has to be regarded as lagging behind. Proportionally, the rate at which Budapest households are gaining internet access is three times superior to that of village households. The proportion of households with internet access is 45% in the capital, and contrasts with a mere

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Figure 11: Does your household have internet access? (in percentages of respondents, in 2000 and 2004)

14% in villages. 27% of the youngest age group has Internet access at home, in contrast with 21% of the oldest age group. The proportion of young internet users who use internet from schools or universities rests at 55%. A third of the latter use these locations above any others. We witnessed that in the case of the oldest age group, the dominance of the workplace as a location for browsing has severely declined given the increase in internet use at home. Schools, though their importance is in decline, remain the primary location for internet browsing.

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LIFESTYLE

SMOKING
Around four tenth of the studied age groups entire population claims to smoke at least occasionally. Around a third of the respondents have never smoked and 27% are currently non-smokers. The overwhelming majority of young smokers smoke every day, 12% of them smoke at least once a week, while 8% can be regarded as occasional smokers. Consequently, projected onto the whole of the 1529 age group, the proportion of active smokers is located around 37%. Compared to 2000, no significant or fundamental change has taken place in the smoking habits of young people. However, the proportion of daily smokers has undoubtedly increased in parallel to the proportion of non-smokers decreasing. First smoking experiences habitually occur during the last years of primary, or the first years of secondary school. More than half of the respondents tried out smoking at ages as young as between 14 and 16 years old. Data indicates that a person who does not smoke, even if only to experiment, until he/she turns 20 is unlikely to become an active smoker. Those who smoke regularly usually smoke 13-14 cigarettes a day. Figure 12: Do you smoke? (in percentages)

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Four years later similarly to 2000 the category of daily smokers is dominated by male respondents. 37% of 15-29 year old men smoke on a daily basis in contrast to slightly over a quarter of young women. By their own account, 55% of men and more than two thirds of women do not smoke. Compared to the data compiled four years ago, we can register a change of 2-3% in the number of smokers. The proportion of young women smoking daily has increased by 3%, and by 2% in the case of young men.

ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION
59% of the 15-29 age group claims not having, or only rarely, drunk alcohol in the past year. Similarly to smoking, the drinking habits of male and female respondents differ. According to their own accounts, nearly a quarter of men, and six per cent of women drink alcohol on a weekly basis. Analyzing the demographic variables, we can make several important statements. The negative long-term consequences of alcohol consumption primarily manifest themselves on weekly or daily drinkers. Once again, the most endangered category of young people are those holding vocational certificates. Indeed, nearly a fifth of them drink alcohol at least, but more often than not several, times a week. As opposed to smoking, professionals can be regarded as primary consumers of alcohol, since 18% of them consume alcoholic beverages on a weekly basis. Similar contrasts to those above can be drawn concerning the characteristic differences of the youth living in villages or in the capital. More then a tenth of 15 to 29 year olds living in villages, and nearly two tenths of the Budapest youth drink alcohol on a weekly basis. In our opinion, the data above indicates that Figure 13: How often have you drunk alcohol in the past year? (in percentages)

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the difference does not lie in the frequency of alcohol consumption, but in the quality of the consumed product.

EXPERIMENTING WITH DRUGS AND DRUG ABUSE


Answering a written and confidential questionnaire, around one fifth of the 4000 young interviewees indicated having tried or used some kind of drug. Within this sample, the proportion of those who tried drugs is of 11%, while the proportion of users is of 12%. This constitutes a serious social problem given that 43% of respondents claimed having an acquaintance or friend who has tried, or simply uses, some kind of narcotic drug. Among those who had tried drugs, men again constitute a greater proportion, though we witnessed a proportional harmonization with womens drug experiences. This indicates that young women are emancipated as far as drug use is concerned. Among young people who, according to their own account, have tried, or use drugs, the proportion of Budapest youth is higher than the national average. We recorded a superior average rate of experimentation and drug use among technical, college and university students. This data seems to indicate that, as opposed to smoking and alcohol, the experimenting with and using of drugs is tied to higher social status. The higher educational qualifications a respondents father has, the more likely it is that he/she has already tried some kind of drug. AccordFigure 14: Have you ever tried drugs? (in percentages of people answering to the question)

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ingly, the higher the respondents qualifications, the more likely it is that he/she has tried, or uses, some kind of drug. Those who have tried, or use, drugs are commonly found within the 20-24 age group. The proportion of drug users decreases both under and above this dividing line. Among those who have tried, or use, drugs marijuana and prescription sleeping pills or tranquillizers are the most popular substances.

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CULTURAL CONSUMPTION

The Ifjsg2004 study, as the Ifjsg2000 study before it, sought to analyze young peoples relationship to culture and cultural consumption by means of several questions. We will not herein present a comprehensive overview of our results, but rather focus on reading habits and cultural activities.

READING HABITS
In line with the Ifjsg2000 study, we asked young people how many, excluding course books, books they read a year. The results remain unchanged: young people read an average of 8.9 books in 2000, and an average of 8.7 books in 2004. Young people reading books de facto read three times as many books in 2000 as in 2004. Figure 15: Apart from course books, the number of books read in the past year, in 2000 and 2004

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There are 344 books on average in each household. However, 4% of young people assert not being in possession of any book to call their own. Although those living with their parents possess 90 books on average, 10% of them have no books at all. As far as gender is concerned, the picture drawn is strongly differentiated. Men own an average of 78 books, while women own an average of 105 books. In respect to printed press, the superiority of tabloids and local or regional media is determinant. Among daily political newspapers, Npszabadsg is most popular with 12% of the samples readers, while Magyar Nemzet is read by 5% of respondents. Tabloids are popular in every settlement type. There are, however, daily papers that are typical among readers from Budapest (e.g. Metro). The primary audience for daily political papers is once more the Budapest youth.

SCENES OF CULTURAL CONSUMPTION


As far as cultural consumption is concerned, we can assert an increase in the societal divide since 2000. A group of young people has emerged, which relishes in the consumption of products associated with cultural elitism. In contrast, others are denied the means to cultural consumption. The discrepancies between Budapest and villages are especially striking in this regard. Young people between 15 and 29 years old are divided in both the quality and the quantity of their cultural consumption according to where they reside. Similarly to the data of the Ifjsg2000 study, the Budapest youth ranks first in terms of the consumption of high culture (e.g. theatre, concert, library, museum, exhibition), while 15-29 year olds from villages prefer going to community centers, local discos, dances or dinner parties. Presumably, this can be related both to access to such institutions, as well as to education. This striking disproportion coincides with differences in the frequency of visits to cultural institutions. In 2000, nearly a quarter of the Budapest youth, but less than a tenth of villagers, went out to theatres within a two month period. In 2004, 15% of the Capitals young people went to theatres within a one-month period, while the same holds true for only 6% of young people from villages. Concerning cinemas, a twofold difference was registered in 2000: within a two months period, nearly three quarters of Budapests youth, and only a third of those living in villages went to cinemas; in 2004, with the spread of multiplexes, this gap increased. In the month preceding our study, cinemas were frequented three times as much by the capitals youth than by young people living in villages. To conclude, the cultural gap is widening, and in turn may come to strengthen the inequality of opportunities for young people. We found numbers of young respondents who had never visited certain cultural institutions. The less frequented of cultural events were those seen belonging to the cultural elite. Irrespective of age groups, above 70% of young people

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Figure 16: Institutions visited within a month (by age groups, in 2004)

have never been to art-cinemas, operas, or classical music concerts. Around 20% of young people do not even go to multiplex cinemas. We can easily account for the fact that both the village youth, and the 25-29 age group are those which frequent multiplex cinemas the less. Youths choices of cultural activities the data brought to light did not reflect our expectations. We found that leisure activities which young people choose on impulse, reflect primarily individual activities and decision-making and display a lack of sense of companionship and community spirit. In other words, the demand for companionship and community spirit rarely appears in our sample, and there is, in our view a low desire for ambitious social activity.

SPENDING FREE TIME


Having projected the data of the Ifjsg2004 study onto an average weekday, we observe that around 12% of 15 to 29 year olds have no more than one hour of free time, 47% of them have 1-3 hours, 27% of them have 4-6 hours, and 8% have over six hours of free time per day. Around 5% of the 15-29 age group claims not having any free time. Taking into account the age dimension, it becomes apparent that the older the respondent, the more his/her free time decreases dramatically. 2% of young people between 15 and 29, around 5% of those between 20 and 24, and 8% of young people between 25 and 29 belong to the group whose activities on an average weekday does not allow them any free time. Data indicates that settlement type is important in respect to spending ones free time. 15% of Budapest youth, 10% of county towns youth, 13% of young people from other towns, and around 12% of young people from villages have no more

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than one hour of free time. Among those having more than six hours of free time, the proportion of young people from Budapest revolves around 5%, while the proportion of young people living in county towns, towns and villages is around 9%. It can be asserted that the differences of free time in an average weekday are primarily correlated with the dimensions of economic activity and age category. In comparison to weekdays, the way in which free time is spent on weekends shows significant variations. 23% of young people have only a few hours of free time on weekends, while 24% dispose of half a day. 25% of young people have a whole day of free time, 23% dispose of the entire weekend, and 3% of the youth have no free time. Similarly to weekdays, age fundamentally affects the extent of free time disposed of on weekends: the younger the age group, the more free time they have. The proportion of young people having a whole weekend free is of one third among 15 to 19 year olds; one fourth among 20 to 24 year olds, and only 17% among 25 to 29 year olds. Furthermore, the proportion of young people with a completely free weekend decreases according to settlement types: 30% among the capitals youth, 24% among those in county towns, 23% among those living in towns and 22% of those living in villages dispose of such a luxury. The high free time surplus in Budapest can be ascribed to several factors, which will need to be examined in the later stages of the study. To sum up, concerning both weekdays and weekends, the amount of free time a youth disposes of depends on his/her social status. The question remains: where do young people spend their free time on weekdays? Figure 17: Where do you spend your free time on weekdays? (most often mentioned places, in percentages)

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Results show that, on weekdays, an overwhelming majority of young people simply stay at home (around 73%), or at their friends place. Only an insignificant minority of young people go out (to pubs or cafs) or to cultural institutions (1.5%.). In our preliminary hypothesis, we conjectured that young people would have a higher demand for social activities on the weekends. Our hypothesis, however, cannot be verified based on the present data. Figure 18: Where do you spend your free time on weekends? (most often mentioned places, in percentages)

Over half of young people (57%) spend even their weekends at home. Nonetheless, it is worth noticing that around a tenth of young people spend their free time in nature. The locations where free time is spent are correlated to the age and settlement type of young people. Every third young person belonging to the youngest age group spends his/her weekday free time at a friends place; 70% of 15 to 19 year olds stay at home or in their dormitory. Only 5% mention going to sportsgrounds and the same number of them hangs out in the streets. The ways in which free time is spent on weekdays in regards to settlement types is the following: 68% of young people from Budapest, and 76% of young people living in villages stay at home or dormitories. 28% of young people living in Budapest and 19% of those living in villages spend their time at a friends place. On the weekends, 44% of young people aged between 15 and 19 spend their free time at a friends place, 56% spend it in dormitories or at home, while 60% of young people between 25 and 29 stay at home and 25% spend it at a friends place. In different settlement types, figures are the following: 44% of young people living in the capital stay at home or in dormitories, while the same is true for about 64% of those living in villages. 42% of young people from Budapest spend their time with friends, while this hold true for 31% of young people living in villages.

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Figure 19: Young people without a circle of friends by settlement type (in percentages)

The existence of a circle of friends is both fundamental and determinant. Our data shows that the younger the age category, the more likely the individual is to spend time with friends. Once more, whether a youth has a circle of friends, or not, seems to be correlated to settlement type. It is thought-provoking to observe the lack of closeness existing in villages. There, the number of friendless young people is at its highest. Perhaps, this might result from the fact that spending ones free time is mainly restricted to the family environment.

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VALUES AND SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG PEOPLE

LIFE PRINCIPLES, IMPORTANCE OF VALUES


We register (with one exception) a relative decrease in the importance of those values that can be termed as material, and register an increase in the importance of those values that can be termed as post-material. (Following Inglehart, various material goods, increase in income, and careers can be regarded as material Table 7: How important are these values to you? (mean value of answers, where totally unimportant= 1, very important=5)

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values, while intimate and close human relationships, cultural values, independence, and freedom can be regarded as post-material values). Compared to previous years, values representing security (peaceful world, prosperity, social order) lagged behind on the ranking of values, while in comparison more transcendent ideas or values (creativity, respect of traditions, world of beauty, true friendship) have, in recent years, taken on an increasingly central role in the lives of young people. The only exception concerns values pertaining to the nations role, which has come to play a less important role in young peoples value systems. Despite the fact that since 2000, Europe, and thus Hungary, has seen its prospective for peace and security significantly threatened, such values have lost some of their relative importance. The relative decline of material principles can surely be explained by the (further) improvement of the countrys economic situation and by the (further) increase in its social stability. This presumption is supported by the positive shift in judgment concerning the transition which is to be discussed in the next chapter. In parallel, principles and values pertaining to self-realization and ones individual life have come to the front of the stage and have a greater direct impact on everyday actions.

PUBLIC OPINION ON THE TRANSITION AND THE FUTURE OF HUNGARY


Though developments in the general economic situation are judged less negatively, they are still regarded unfavorably. According to exactly half of respondents, the countrys economic situation has deteriorated since the transition. One fifth of them think of the situation as unchanged, and around a further fifth perceive some improvement. This data corresponds with the results of the Ifjsg2000 study. On the contrary, there is stagnation rather than deterioration in the case of generally interpreted personal situations. 40% of respondents see no change. According to slightly over one third of them, personal (or familial) situations have deteriorated, while a fourth of them indicated definite improvement. In this regard, compared to the 2000 results we can talk of an 11% change, mostly for the benefit of improvement. It can be generally stated that the youngest age category (15-19 year olds), the children of highly qualified parents, and young people from cities perceive a positive effect on their living standards since the transition. The answers show a high level of consistency with a question further in the questionnaire. According to their own account, 12% of young people consider their family as winners of the 1989-90 transition, while one fourth see themselves as losers. Every second young person gave an evasive answer, and almost 14% remain uncertain regarding their opinion on the matter. As we have seen

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Figure 20: Taking everything into account, how has ... developed since the transition? (in percentages)

above, young people defining themselves as winners are from cities, are highly educated and come from families of good social standing. In relation to future, public opinion is characterized by optimism. As far as questions relating to the future are concerned, the majority of respondents expect improvement, or see themselves as rather satisfied. Nearly four tenths of young people having answered this question expect positive changes in the economy and living standards, and 45% expect favorable changes in their own personal Figure 21: Taking everything into account and on the basis of your own experience, in which category would you classify your family into? (in percentages, by educational level)

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situation. In all three cases, the proportion of ambivalent young people stands at 35%, and the proportion of those forecasting deterioration is no more than 30% (20% in the case of personal life strategies). Compared to 2000, our data have improved favorably along two dimensions. Young people are at their most optimistic regarding both living standards, and their personal situations. Figure 22: If you think about the future, how will change? (in percentages)

POLITICAL ACTIVITY
The Ifjsg2000 study revealed that less than one sixth of young people are members of a civil organization. This data has not changed much in four years time. Now 15% of respondents indicate being members of a civil, social, political, religious, charity, sport, or cultural organization, community, club, or circle. Similarly to the previous survey we noted a preference for organizations such as sport societies or clubs, and church organizations. In 2000, data concerning party or political youth organization membership was not interpretable since only 32 out of 8000 young people indicated affiliation. By 2004, there have been no significant changes in this respect. 38 young people reported being members of a party or a youth political organization, and an additional 22 claimed being members of civil associations. Membership to political organizations is altogether below one per cent. The division in organizational membership can be registered with an aboveaverage frequency of youth belonging to younger age categories, men, the better educated or secondary school students of highly qualified fathers in good social

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positions, and the Budapest youth. These groups can be regarded as the winners of the transition, and it is their members who have the best opportunities to lead successful carriers and lives. However it is worth noting that these are the groups disposing of the most free time, and thus, which can most easily accommodate the time restrictions required by organizational membership. Examining the question from the viewpoint of public life, there is no doubt that the more interested a young person is in politics, the more likely he/she will be a member of an organization. 32% of very interested young people and 11% of completely uninterested young people are members in such organizations. Subsequently, we observe that young people standing in the middle of the ideological spectrum have a lower than average rate of participation in political organizations. This figure is above 20% among right-wing 15-29 year olds, and 18% among their left-wing counterparts. Similar tendencies can be observed along the liberal-conservative axis. Young people with rather conservative principles have greater organizational potential. Young members of such organizations seem to have, in the first place, joined because of their friends or community (38%). The second most popular reason for joining is having the opportunity to represent ones interests (14%), and the third relates to the influence of school (influence of fellow students and teachers: 10%). Also, both tackling important issues and the possibility of doing something good for the community was mentioned by 7% of respondents. The majority of young people who have no membership to any organization explained having a lack of either interest or time (39 and 36 percent respectively). Concerning direct political activity and protest potential, around one third of the 4000 questioned young people (replying to a written and confidential questionnaire) indicated that they had already taken part in one or more acts of protest. Young people aged 15-29 prefer non-violent and legal acts, political protests, civil initiatives, and petition signing, which require a relatively small amount of time or energy to be invested in. Hardly 1% of respondents would participate in a non-permitted form of protest and another percent would partake in a violent form of protest. The protest potential is much higher than the actual level of participation. In light of an important issue or an unusual situation, 56% would sign a petition, 38% would take part in a permitted strike, 35% would take part in civil initiative, 27% would participate in an allowed political protest, and 21% would join a half lane road blocking.

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PROBLEMS FACING TODAYS YOUTH

Significant change has occurred over the past four years concerning how we may perceive youths problems. Nowadays, the spread of drugs undoubtedly is the most important source of concern for young people aged between 15 and 29. Previously, the drug issue ranked fifth. There have also been important changes in other forms of deviant behavior: alcohol has become one of the four most important issues. Those basic problems which formerly had absolute priority, such as unemployment, destitution, or housing issues have lagged behind. The frequency of unemployment being mentioned has halved. Destitution and housing issues have slipped back to the seventh and ninth place on the list. Their role has been overtaken by factors that are, after all, directly or indirectly connected to fundamental social problems, and can be regarded as ways of responding to them. It is hopelessness, aimlessness and uncertainty which feeds the birth and growth of these forms of deviant behavior. As far as the youngest age category, 15-19 year olds, is concerned, the spread of drugs and alcohol is a problem to be valued more so than in the case of other age groups. Unemployment mainly affects young people aged 20-24 who are beginning their careers in the labor market. In comparison, it is for the oldest group that problems relating to their future, hopelessness and aimlessness become proportionally central. It is surprising to note that, while it is young people living in villages who suffer the most from alcohol problems, the spread of drugs is not distributed along settlement types. In our opinion, this can be accounted for by the fact that drug use is valued as a serious problem by all social groups. Similarly to the 2000 study, the Budapest youth reports becoming independent and housing difficulties as major problems in much higher proportions than the national average. In villages, the significance of unemployment and destitution is dominant. The problem map of young people currently in the educational system shows important differences in respect to types of school. Vocational training school students and vocational secondary school students are mostly concerned by the spread of drugs and alcohol. In comparison to others, young people attending university or college are concerned to a larger extent by immaterial or emotional

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problems, such as aimlessness, hopelessness, moral deterioration, lack of culture and family crises. Figure 23: What do you consider the most vital problem of youth? (cumulative percentage distribution of the two most important answers)

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Index of figures and tables

Figure 1: Distribution of young people by marital status (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Figure 2: Distribution of mens marital status by age category (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . 11 Figure 3: Distribution of womens marital status according to age category (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Figure 4: How many children do you have? In 2000 and in 2004 (in percentages) . . . . . . 13 Figure 5: Occupational structure of working young people between 15 and 29 (gender-specific distribution) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 6: Occupational distribution of working young people between 15 and 29 by settlement type (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 7: Have you ever been unemployed? (by group, in percentages within a given group) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Figure 8: Average income of households per consumer unit by settlement type (in HUF) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Figure 9: Possession of PCs in young peoples households in 2000 and 2004 (in percentages of respondents) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Figure 10: Do you use a PC? (in percentages of respondents, in 2000 and 2004) . . . . . . . . 27 Figure 11: Does your household have internet access? (in percentages of respondents, in 2000 and 2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Figure 12: Do you smoke? (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 13: How often have you drunk alcohol in the past year? (in percentages) . . . . . . . 30 Figure 14: Have you ever tried drugs? (in percentages of people answering to the question) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Figure 15: Apart from course books, the number of books read in the past year, in 2000 and 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Figure 16: Institutions visited within a month (by age groups, in 2000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Figure 17: Where do you spend your free time on weekdays? (most often mentioned places, in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Figure 18: Where do you spend your free time on weekends? (most often mentioned places, in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Figure 19: Young people without a circle of friends by settlement type (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Figure 20: Taking everything into account, how has developed since the transition? (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Figure 21: Taking everything into account and on the basis of your own experience, in which category would you classify your family into? (in percentages, by educational level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Figure 22: If you think about the future, how will change? (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . 42 Figure 23: What do you consider the most vital problem of youth? (cumulative percentage distribution of the two most important answers) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

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Table 1: Participation in education in 2000 and in 2004 respectively by age groups (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Table 2: Distribution of students in education by type of school in 2000, and in 2004 (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Table 3: Participation in education of 15 to 29 year olds according to fathers educational level (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Table 4: Distribution of university and college students by the fathers qualifications in 2000 and 2004 (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Table 5: Average income of households per consumer unit, by region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Table 6: Where do you live most of the year? (in percentages) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Table 7: How important are these values to you? (mean value of answers, where totally unimportant= 1, very important=5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

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