Who are Dalits? Introduction India's caste system assigns individuals a certain hierarchical status according to Hindu beliefs.

Traditionally, there are four principal castes (divided into many sub-categories) and one category of people who fall outside the caste systemthe Dalits. As members of the lowest rank of Indian society, Dalits face discrimination at almost every level: from access to education and medical facilities to restrictions on where they can live and what jobs they can have. The discrimination against the Dalits is especially significant because of the number of people affected; there are approximately 167 million Dalits in India, constituting over 16 percent of the total population. Within the Dalit community, there are many divisions into sub-castes. Dalits are divided into leather workers, street sweepers, cobblers, agricultural workers, and manual "scavengers". The latter group, considered the lowest of the low and officially estimated at one million, traditionally are responsible for digging village graves, disposing of dead animals, and cleaning human excreta. Approximately three-quarters of the Dalit workforce are in the agricultural sector of the economy. A majority of the countrys forty million people who are bonded laborers are Dalits. These jobs rarely provide enough income for Dalits to feed their families or to send their children to school. As a result, many Dalits are impoverished, uneducated, and illiterate. Dalits have been oppressed, culturally subjugated, and politically marginalized. The principals of untouchability and purity and pollution dictate what Dalits are and are not allowed to do; where they are and are not allowed to live, go, or sit; who they can and cannot give water to, eat with, or marry; extending into the minutia of all aspects of daily life. Moreover, discrimination for Dalits does not end if they convert from Hinduism to another religion. In India, Islam, Sikhism, and Christianity (among other religions) maintain some form of caste despite the fact that this contradicts their religious precepts. As a result, dominant castes maintain leadership positions while Dalit members of these religions are often marginalized and flagrantly discriminated against. For example, Dalit Christains are provided seperate burial areas from non-Dalit Christains. The origins of the caste system The word Dalitliterally translating to oppressed or brokenis generally used to refer to people who were once known as untouchables, those belonging to castes outside the fourfold Hindu Varna system. According to the 2001 census, there are some 167 million Dalits (referred to in the census as Scheduled Castes) in India alone, though there are tens of millions in other South Asian countries, as well. The caste system finds its origin in functional groupings, called varnas, which have their origins in the Aryan society of ancient northern India. In their creation myth, four varnas are said to have emanated from the Primeval Being. The Creators mouth became the Brahman priests, his two arms formed the Rajanya warriors and kings, his two thighs formed the Vaishya landowners and

merchants, and from his feet were born the Shudra artisans and servants. Later, there developed a so-called fifth varna: the Untouchables. This caste system became fixed and hereditary with the emergence of Hinduism and its beliefs of pollution and rebirth. The Laws of Manu (Manusmitri), which date roughly to the 3rd century A.D.and parts of which form the Sanskrit syllabus of graduation studies in Gujarat even todaypreach the sanctity of the varnas and uphold the principles of gradation and rank. They refer to the impurity and servility of the outcastes, while affirming the dominance and total impunity of Brahmins. Those from the lowest castes are told that their place in the caste hierarchy is due to their sins in a past life. Vivid punishments of torture and death are assigned for crimes such as gaining literacy or insulting a member of a dominant caste. Among the writings of Hindu religious texts, the Manusmitri is undoubtedly the most authoritative one, legitimizing social exclusion and introducing absolute inequality as the guiding principle of social relations. Forced exclusion and constant oppression Today, Dalits make up 16.2% of the total Indian population, but their control over resources of the country is marginalless than 5%. Close to half of the Dalit population lives under the Poverty Line, and even more (62%) are illiterate. Among the Dalits, most of those engaged in agricultural work are landless or nearly landless agricultural laborers. The average household income for Dalits was of Rs. 17,465 in 1998, just 68% of the national average. Less than 10% of Dalit households can afford safe drinking water, electricity and toilets, which is indicative of their deplorable social condition. Moreover, Dalits are daily victims of the worst crimes and atrocities, far outnumbering other sections of society in that respect as well. The vast majority of these crimes remain unreported due to omnipresent fear, and those that are reported are often ignored by police or end up languishing in the backlogged court system. Between 1992 and 2000, a total of 334,459 cases were registered nation wide with the police as cognisable crimes against SCs. More than 60 years after gaining Independence, India is still very much afflicted by the cancer of the caste system. Dalits remain the most vulnerable, marginalized and brutalised community in the country.

Dalits in Gujarat If compared to states like Punjab, Himachal Pradesh or West Bengal where Dalits constitute more than 20 per cent of the population, Gujarat counts a fairly low proportion of Dalits. According to the 2001 Census, there are approximately 3.6 million members of Scheduled Castes in Gujarat, which represents 7.1% of the states total population. This

relatively low figure is, however, inversely indicative of their miserable condition. More than 80 per cent of the Dalits in Gujarat are daily labourers, the majority of which are in the agricultural sector. Half of the SC population is landless or owns less than one acre of land, which forces them to work on dominant castes land in order to survive. Because of this dependence and the quasi-inexistence of labour welfare in Gujarat, Dalits are subject to immense pressure and utter discrimination. Atrocities committed against them are a daily reality, with more than 4,000 cases reported in the span of 3 years in just 14 districts. Manual scavenging is still very much prevalent also, the States institutions in Gujarat themselves employing Dalits to clean dry latrines. For a State that likes to depict itself as a modern and thriving region in India, Gujarat is still a far cry away from ensuring social justice to all of its citizens. In reality, Gujarat has a poor human rights record and must extend and focus its attention to its minorities if it is to be worthy of the kind of image it likes to give itself. The government of Gujarat has implemented certain policies designed to uplift those belonging to the Scheduled Castes into higher positions. The most prominent is the reservation system, where certain seats in the government are set aside only for Dalits. In Gujarat, 7% of seats in the government and education sectors are reserved for Dalits (as opposed to 14% set aside on the national level). This amounts to 2 of the 26 Members of Parliament (MP) and 13 of the 182 Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLA) currently held by members of the SC. There are also established reservation systems in place at the district, block, and village levels throughout the state. Even with this promise of upliftment through reservation, Dalits continue to be discriminated against throughout Gujarat. The number of atrocity cases against Dalits and the practice of untouchability continue to occur at alarming rates throughout the state, especially when compared to other Indian states. Dalits in other South Asian Countries Indias caste system finds corollaries in other parts of the sub-continent, including Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. Indeed, as Hinduism spread from northern India to the southern part of the peninsula establishing itself as the dominant religion by the pre-Christian era, so spread the caste system and its ideology justifying the superior standing of the systems aristocracy. Caste even migrated with the South Asian diaspora to firmly take root in East and South Africa, Mauritius, Fiji, Suriname, the Middle East, Malaysia, the Caribbean, the United Kingdom, and North America. Nevertheless, Asia remains the continent with the largest share of Dalits. There are today in Asia well over 200 million men, women and children enduring near complete social ostracism on the grounds of their descent. In both Bangladesh and Nepal, the types of discrimination faced by Dalits are very similar to those existing in India. Notions of purity and pollution are prevalent within society, social

restrictions, and discrimination in access to public places or jobs are therefore commonplace. Nepals situation is noteworthy as not even a fringe of the 4.5 million Dalits (over 20% of the Nepalese population) has been able to significantly emancipate itself. With no affirmative action measures, there are practically no Dalits in Nepals legislative assemblies. The literacy rate of Nepalese Dalits is only around 10%, while that of Nepalese Dalit women is even lower. Over 80% of Nepals Dalits find themselves below the official poverty line; their life expectancy is not higher than 50 years. In Pakistan, as well as in Sri Lanka (except Tamil regions), the caste system is somewhat less rigid in the sense that it does not hold any ritual pollution concepts. However, features such as social distance and restricted access to land are still very much a reality. Moreover, the Swat region in northern Pakistan also practices extreme forms of humiliation against Dalits, and especially Dalit women.

Literature Review Analysis - I The problem of not lodging the complaint by police officials is discussed in this link. Manjula pradeep, senior activists had signed a representation to NCSC chairman P.L Puniya stating that still officials refuse to jot the complaints from dalits. the link then states what was written in the representation. In many serious cases they dont lodge an FIR against anyone, but simply file the victim under incidental death in murder cases, missing in kidnapping cases and accident in cases of serious injury. In more than 90% of the cases we have found that the police registers the crime only under section 3(1)10 (intentionally insults or intimidates with intent to humiliate a member of a SC or a ST in any place within public view) and neglects the other sections specific to the crime. This clearly shows the lack of knowledge of police authorities about the act. Only 10 of the 26 districts in Gujarat have established Special Courts in order to solve their problems. In a letter from the DGP to the State Ministry of Home dated 25th November, 2005 (G2/1997/Atrocity Prone Dist), the DGP has requested to announce the majority of the districts as atrocity-prone areas. (http://counterview.org/2012/04/18/police -refusing-to-take-proper-cognizance-ofdalit-tribal-atrocity-cases-in-gujarat-says-representation-to-ncsc/)

Analysis - II The article basically Talks about Clashes between two communities the one of Dalits and other Muslims from Rajkot. Where In the clash dalit leader Gunavant Rathod was killed. after that people had gone furious about the death so they had And a rally had been taken out by this group of people from Ambedkarnagar For Protest against baseless killing And in Rajkot there is this Specific Law 'Prevention of Atrocity Act' for the alleged police action in Rajkot on June 25. And In this Protest Rally The Police as too harsh to ge people under control that they had gone a step ahead Like Assaulting people, including women and children

And there is Rupa Sondarva (16) sustained spinal injuries and is now facing disability for life. and on this basis high court has ordered a suo moto which means with own experience taking decisions and So A bench of Chief Justice Bhaskar Bhattacharya and Justice J B Pardiwala took suo motu cognizance of the Issue and to sought a reply from the concerned officials in two weeks.As the situation In Rajkot is still heated.

(http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012 -0810/ahmedabad/33136744_1_dalit-women-police-action-police-atrocities)

Analysis - III

The case talks about atrocity on dalit in shahpur,ahmedabad where five persons accused went to high court for anticipatory bail. Any person, accused of committing atrocity against people belonging to scheduled castes/tribes, shall not get anticipatory bail, the Gujarat high court has ruled.The court was deciding on crucial question whether stringent provisions contained in special law - the Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 - have specific bar on a person's right to anticipatory bail as per CrPC. Five persons were booked for beating and abusing a dalit.When feared of getting arrested they went to high court to demand anticipatory bail from high court which will protect them from getting arrested under atrocity case filed on them.To which Justice Anant Dave found this as something not in the law according to the provisions.Where as order delivered from Rajasthan and Madhya pradesh high courts was totally different.There were no provisions of anticipatory bail in rajasthan-mp and gujarat high court went un-noticed about the issue and use to grant anticipatory bail. Justice A L Dave and Justice Bankim Mehta came to its notice and decided on the judgement were the accused argued for anticipatory bail under provisions of freedom granted in Article21 of the constitution. In a rebuttal, advocate general Kamal Trivedi cited a Supreme Court order in this regard and contended that the provisions of special act are meant for denial of relief in dalit atrocity related cases and came to the above conclusion of not granting anticipatory bail. (http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011 -1207/ahmedabad/30485596_1_atrocities-act-justice-dave-bench)

Analysis - IV

Only a minority, just one-third women dalit sarpanches, said they were able to act with independence to win panchayat elections. Proxy-politics is the biggest factor plaguing dalit elected representatives. Around 85% dalit women said they were pushed into panchayat politics by members of the dominant caste or their husbands, the former mostly working through the women's husbands. Dominant castes also in most cases sought to directly engineer elections by concensus, making reservation policy redundant.
Gangaben

in Anand is one such case who was declared the consensus candidate by a man of dominant caste without her knowledge for panchayat president post and making his wife vice-president. The night before, the man announced the news to her and threatened that they would stop her husband's work if she did not allow him to proxy control the panchayat administration.

Analysis - V The outcome of only 101 cases (26.6 per cent) was known to have been decided when the data was analysed in the beginning of 2011. A total of 117 cases (30.9 per cent) remained pending in the courts and the status of 161 cases (42.5 per cent) was unknown. After 1995, the percentage of case registration was low. It dropped further after 2000. The atrocity happening with women is much more higher. The women are either raped or gang raped and they also face gender discrimination and violence at their home. they are asked to compromise, and they do so. they compromise so to have atleast a peaceful environment at their home. the caste implications affect a lot on women. the upper caste men pressurise them. they

are black-mailed. so they don't even register their complaints. the complaints are low now as a result of them being silent against their violence.

Analysis - VI SURENDRANAGAR KILLINGS Pankaj Amarsinh (age = 17yrs) Mehul (age = 16yrs) Prakash (age = 24yrs) the two minors and a person who got killed in the brutal work of the policemen. its now a curfew like situation there. few districts hav declared "Bandh" against these killings. the CBI hav registered 4 police men behind these killings. more investigation is being formulated.

Analysis - VII Only 17% of atrocity on dalit women cases have reached court settlement or judgment. Being a woman is in itself a crime n being a dalit women is an add-on on the problems. there are many cases being happening with women in dalit community but the power suppresses it. the police stations constructed to solve people's miseries instead work in favor of the criminals. the fact that the law enforcers themselves being in the same upper clan,support the evil works of their counterparts. Of 889 registered cases 185 cases of violence by non-Dalits and 704 cases of violence by Dalits, only 6 cases (or 0.7% of the total) resulted in conviction of the accused. 41% of police stations for non-Dalit on Dalit crime, 44% of police stations for Dalit on Dalit crime, and 49% of police stations submitted Accidental/Unnatural Deaths data.(This data is of bhavnagar, kutch and rajkot) (http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_atrocities -on-dalit-women-go-unpunishedgujarat-ngo_1628588) Analysis - VIII Rajasthan tops the list of atrocity cases. does dat mean it has highest no. of violators of law..?? no its not the truth..but the main fact is the people in rajastan r more aware of their rights.

33,426 cases in 2009 to 32,569 in 2010, Kerala, Haryana and West Bengal recorded a rise. Himachal and Punjab also saw a marginal increase in 2010 over 2009. Of the 5,880 cases registered, 60% (3,505 cases) were from these states. In eight states, the percentage is above the national average 90% in Gujarat and 88.2% in West Bengal. At the same time, the conviction rate in SC-related cases during 2008-10 was only 32.3%, with Karnataka registering as low as 3.3%, Gujarat 6.4%, Maharashtra 6.6%, and West Bengal 6.7%.

(http://www.hindustantimes.com/India -news/Rajasthan/Rajasthan-tops-list-ofatrocities-against-Dalits/Article1-849755.aspx)

Analysis - IX Even the owner of one of the biggest firms violated the rights. the case highlights that the owner had sent his accomplices to illegally capture the land of a dalit couple. her had send his men and made them tell that they were police n when asked about proofs they harassed the woman. the couple then filed a complaint and necessary actions were taken. this case tells how people with high authority usually take the wrong advantage of their power just to criticize them and their clan.. (http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_samrat -namkin-owner-in-atrocitycase_1739909) Analysis - X The girls are harrased so much that they are forced to change their name,surname,religion,etc. the dalit people are not capable enough that they can keep seaons out of their houses..they are not so financially blessed that they can buy a house and keep themselves safe. they dnt have adequate facilities ...dey are unable to get proper food like allied people. the girls dnt have proper knowledge becoz when they try to apply make up to hide their identity they are caught. Even the language they speak is clearly identified. (Poem: College Shabri ni vyatha

Analysis - XI the story of bhikabhai is same as of many of the other dalits. bhikabhai a farmer by occupation has never shook hands with a non-dalit. for him his tea is served in another cup also called "ram patra". the same untouchability is practiced while selling vegetables to dalits. the vegetables are thrown in the hollow of their saree. this still prevails in many rural areas. even when dalits go opposite to this practice they feel they are hurting their dignity. This practice is seen not only in tea-cups nut also in utensils. these Mal-practices have led to low social standard of dalit in this country.

The only change is that earlier there used to be cups made of clay and now they are made of steel. (http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009 -12-08/india/28089526_1_dalitsnavsarjan-trust-martin-macwan)

Analysis XII

99 forms of untouchability are still practised in villages. There are 12,500 villages in Gujarat where Dalits live. In 1,655 of these villages there is around 11 per cent of the total Dalit population. The untouchability is practised in the places of devotions also. 97% of dalits have had the experience of "no-entry" in such places. when mahatma gandhi started standing against these practices,people began to ignore his initiatives and sponsors had developed cold feet and funds started to reduce.At these religious events, not being able to sit on a cot/chair with other upper castes, has been clearly established as a sign of untouchability. during the research by navsarajan they founf out that there was no such village were such malpractices was not at all executed. this gave a bad impression about the condition of dalit in our country in especially in gujarat. (http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-12-07/india/28073890_1_untouchabilitynavsarjan-trust-dalits)

Analysis - XIII 53.78% Dalit children studying in primary schools are discriminated against in mid-day meals. The children of dalit community are made to sit separately from the general caste children. the other backward class children still interact and have food from dalit children but the higher caste children all-together ignore them as they are not supposed to share food with them. students learn lessons in untouchability in practice. All Dalit students are forbidden from participating in cultural events. Valmikis have to also clean up school toilets. The temples of learning keep such prejudices at such an early age. "Sadly, the very tools to eradicate discrimination have become carriers. They are helping sustain age-old caste systems," says Martin Macwan not only the elderly but also the children are also forced to practice such differentiation between each other. this leads to even more wide-spread of untouchability. (http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009 -12-09/india/28103856_1_mid-daymeals-dalit-students-dalit-children) Analysis - XIV A good aspect towards dalits from government. The police were recruited at 17 villages for protection of dalits from non-dalits. Police teams deputed for protection of members of Scheduled Castes are still there. Dalits have been killed, assaulted, threatened and socially boycotted for raising their voice against the forward castes. The cruelly treated dalits had to seek police protection just to be able live in own villages. some dalit families had been provided police security since 1997 and it was still continuing. the police kept protection for them still the crimes persisited. then where has the advantage of keeping them has gone..? the people hav to become aware about their rights themselves and stop being silent. the only remedy is raising voice against the injustice. (http://daily.bhaskar.com/article/GUJ -AHD-police-teams-protect-dalits-in-17gujarat-villages-3496427.html) Analysis - XV STANZA 1: The poem illustrates the agony of so called lower casts people , how they are looked down upon even though our surroundings are kept well cleaned by them by the acts of cleaning sewage , garbage and all other stuff that make us feel too much clumsy. STANZA 2:

This stanza further says how they are mentally tortured and even not allowed to go in to the rain water because mere touch with the gift of Mother Nature makes others offended and make them think that they have lowered their casts. Moreover it also shows hatred for them, and hence are stabbed and killed. Stanza 3 and Stanza 4: Both the parts says the frustration they have already gone through, and they now want the equality and relief / subsidy given by the father of our law maker, Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. (Poem from movie India Untouched)

What is "Untouchability"? Untouchability is a direct product of the caste system. It is not merely the inability to touch a human being of a certain caste or sub-caste. It is an attitude on the part of a whole group of people that relates to a deeper psychological process of thought and belief, invisible to the naked eye, translated into various physical acts and behaviours, norms and practices. Untouchability is prompted by the spirit of social aggression and the belief in purity and pollution that characterises casteism. It is generally taken for granted that Dalits are considered polluted people at the lowest end of the caste order. The jobs considered polluting and impure are reserved for Dalits, and in many cases Dalits are prevented from engaging in any other work. These jobs include removing human waste (known as manual scavenging), dragging away and skinning animal carcasses, tanning leather, making and fixing shoes, and washing clothes.They are supposed to reside outside the village so that their physical presence does not pollute the real village. Not only are they restricted in terms of space, but their houses are also supposed to be inferior in quality and devoid of any facilities like water and electricity. Untouchability is present in nearly every sphere of life and practiced in an infinite number of forms. At the village level Dalits are barred from using wells used by non-Dalits, forbidden from going to the barber shop and entering temples, while at the level of job recruitment and employment Dalits are systematically paid less, ordered to do the most menial work, and rarely promoted. Even at school, Dalit children may be asked to clean toilets and to eat separately. As an instrument of casteism, Untouchability also serves to instill caste status to Dalit children from the moment they are born. Kachro (filth), Melo (dirty), Dhudiyo (dusty), Gandy (mad), Ghelo (stupid), Punjo (waste) are just some of the names given to Dalit boys in Gujarat. Of course, names with similar meanings are given to Dalit girls too. This shows the debilitating effect of Untouchability, as it becomes a conscious act of cooperation between two individuals of distinct caste or sub-caste identity. The person treated as untouchable submits himself or herself to untouchability practices because of a generational integrated belief that it is right, justified, religious and natural. Untouchability is in this sense a corollary of the caste system, and the only way to get rid of it seems to be to get rid of the caste system itself. Focusing on Untouchability ignores the root cause of the problem, all the more so as Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, which bans Untouchability, confines its definition to individual discrimination against certain classes of persons not easily identifiable. The 1950 national constitution of India legally abolishes the practice of "untouchability," and there are constitutional reservations in both educational institutions and public services for Dalits. Unfortunately, these measures have not changed the reality of daily life for most Dalits, as the Indian government frequently tolerates oppression and open discrimination aimed at this group. As the former Indian President K.R. Narayanan, himself a Dalit, noted in his public

address to the nation on the eve of Republic Day, January 25, 2000, "these [Constitutional] provisions remain unfulfilled through bureaucratic and administrative deformation or by narrow interpretations of these special provisions." Dalits usually live in separate areas away from the caste Hindu communities, and they are often forbidden to access public wells. In many areas, when Dalits eat in public restaurants or patronize street vendors, they must use a special glass for drinking tea or coffee to prevent sharing between Dalits and caste Hindus. Dalits in different parts of India cannot enter Hindu temples or Christian churches, and many religious and caste leaders forbid inter-caste marriages. Should a Dalit break one of these rules, frequently the entire Dalit community will be punished for the perceived individual transgression. Punishment often takes the form of denial of access to land or employment, physical attacks on Dalit women, and the burning down of Dalit homes. Despite a clear record of violence against the Dalits, there are numerous reports that police officials have refused to register complaints about violations of the law or to prosecute those responsible for the abuses. With little knowledge of their rights, limited access to attorneys, and no money for hearings or bail, Dalits are easy targets for human rights violations.

Atrocities and Interventions Introduction 3000 years of caste oppression have left the Dalit community socially, economically and psychologically marginalized. Dalits are constantly subjected to egregious violence, dehumanizing labor (such as manual scavenging), and a pervasive system of social exclusion. Though protections exist in Indian law, they are seldom enforced as caste hierarchy is mirrored in the bureaucratic, police and court systems. Acts of atrocity against Dalits, particularly when they begin to assert their rights, are commonplace. Practices of untouchability are rampant, both between non-Dalits and Dalits, and amongst Dalit sub-castes. The poor rarely unite due to caste and community divisions, making the achievement of laborer unity, and therefore the implementation of minimum wages, extremely challenging. Land redistribution laws have been passed, but the government and the dominant caste landlords fight unceasingly to prevent Dalits from actually gaining control over land that is legally theirs. Caste practices are even replicated within the education system, preventing Dalit children from full participation in their classrooms, thereby barring them from accessing the most important tool for social mobility. Moreover, violence against women is on the rise and patriarchal attitudes toward the role of women prevail. Violence is frequently what describes best the nature of interactions between the Dalits and the non-Dalits in India. Untouchability, for a fact, is such an acute expression of psychological violence that right from childhood, a Dalit is made to feel that he or she is an inferior being, a person of low intelligence and a person whose life is worth only the service and the betterment of the dominant caste men and women. Physical violence and atrocities unleashed on the Dalits are the logical and cruel outcome of the caste system. The magnitude and the depth of these atrocities are horrifying. Between 1990 and 1993, over 4,300 cases of atrocities committed against Dalits were reported in Gujarat, and this in only 14 Districts. During that same period, atrocities increased by an astonishing 90%. This increase is, nevertheless, indicative of the Dalits assertion and reaction to injustice. While traditional caste-based practices still constitute the major cause of atrocities, a growing number of atrocities are triggered by the protest and the political organising of the Dalits. Refusing to accept any challenge to their hegemony, non-Dalits engage in violent repressive measures to silence any form of dissent among the Dalits. These measures range from brutal murders, such as burning individuals alive or stabbing them to death, to gang rape, arson, and grievous injuries. Significantly it is not upper castes alone who abuse the Dalits, but the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) too engage in oppression and physical violence. On a sample of 3083 offences in 13 Districts of Gujarat, it came out that Patels (Patidar and Koli Patels) were the accused in 34% of the cases, the Kshatriyas in 32%, and the Brahmins only in 7% of the cases. Violence is further aggravated as guilty persons are rarely immediately arrested, and by the time they are punished people generally have forgotten the crime. The unbearably slow legal

procedures and the lengthy and costly processes only add insult to injury; victims and their relatives often live in proximity to the culprits, who often threaten them further. Despite the 1989 Schedule Caste and Schedule Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, which provides for appointments of Special Courts and Government Prosecutors for expediting proceedings, these situations have not changed. In practice, the Act is often not properly implemented by the Police. In 11 surveyed Districts of Gujarat, it was found that the percentage of application of the Atrocity Act by the Police was only slightly more than 60%. Moreover, because the Police often prefer certain sections of the Act to others, and because, at other times, only a very vague reference to the Act is made, there has been a growing general impression that Dalits have been abusing this Act. The truth is that the Police constables are generally not familiar with the provisions of the Atrocity Act, and are also susceptible to both caste allegiance and bribery. Atrocities against Dalits The term "atrocity" is a legal one. Atrocity cases against Dalits vary in severity and form, including the following: 1. Causing injury, insult, or annoynance to a Dalit; 2. Assaulting, raping, or using force of any kind against a Dalit woman or a Dalit girl; 3. Physically injuring or murdering a Dalit; 4. Occupying or cultivating any land owned by or alloted to a Dalit; 5. Forcing a Dalit to leave his/her house, village, or other place of residence; 6. Interfering with a Dalits legal rights to land, premises, or water; 7. Compelling or enticing a Dalit to do begar or similar forms of forced or bonded labour; 8. Intentionally insulting or intimidating a Dalit with the intent to humiliate him. Acts of atrocity against Dalits continue to occur at alarming rates in Gujarat. In 1998, Gujarat ranked second highest among all Indian states in the volume of crimes committed against the Scheduled Castes, at 62 cases per one lakh of population. While this is high, it is important to note that underreporting is very common; thus this number conceals the extent to which these atrocities occur. A recent study conducted by Navsarjan demonstrated that of all of the atrocity cases that occurred across four districts in Gujarat, 36.6% were not registered under the Atrocity Act and that of the cases where the Act was applied, 84.4% were registered under the wrong provisions, thus concealing the intensity of the violence in the cases. The police and the legal system are also often very slow in responding to cases filed under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act: 1989. In 2000, in Gujarat, there were 13,293 cases registered in courts under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act: 1989, all of which remained pending at the courts at the end of the year; none of them ended in convictions or in acquittals. In terms of police response to registered cases, in cases of murder, an average of 121.2 hours lapsed between the registration of the case and police action, while for cases of rape, the gap was at 532.9 hours.

The Practice of Untouchability The practice of untouchability is also still very common in Gujarat. The following are some of the forms in which untouchability is practiced: 1. In rural areas, Dalits are often not allowed to engage in cultural and social activities with the rest of the community, including entering temples, sitting in the main spaces of villages, taking part in religious programs, and eating with the rest of the community during village ceremonies. 2. Dalits are also not allowed to use the same items as non-Dalits in the communities; they are not allowed to rent or even enter homes of non-Dalits, use the same wells, eat and drink from the same dishes, 3. In schools, Dalit children are often forced to sit separately from the rest of the students during the midday meal and are the only ones asked to clean latrines in the schools. 4. As a result of this caste-based discrimination in schools, Dalits are often less educated than the rest of the community. 5. Due to these low levels of education, the majority (78%) of Dalits are labour workers. They have limited opportunities for upward mobility and remain economically backward. 6. Attempts to set up stores in villages by Dalits are often unsuccessful. Due to untouchability practices, the rest of the villagers refuse to purchase things from their shops. 7. Dalits are forced to do some of the dirtiest jobs in Gujarat. For instance, manual scavening is still widely practiced almost entirely by women belonging to the Valmiki sub-caste, even though the government denies its existance. 8. Government authorities often deny basic needs such as electricity, and water to Dalit families, while they provide them for non-Dalits. When Dalits petition the government to provide these facilities , their requests are often ignored. 9. When Dalits do try to stand up for their legal rights, members of the dominant castes often assault them and/or practice social boycotts against the community. 10. The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act: 1989 is often not implemented properly (i.e., cases are either not registered under the Act when they should be, or are not registered under the relevant provisions) due to discriminatory practices by government officials. 11. Dalits are often landless, as non-Dalits often own the majority of land in the villages, and government officials often do not enforce laws and policies to allocate land for the Dalits. In those cases where the government does allocate land for the Dalits, they are often denied access to that land because of the practice of caste-based discrimination in the villages.

The Dalit Movement Today The term Dalit The term Dalit has different meanings for different people. The most common use of the term is to define people who were once known as untouchables, seperated from the rest of society by the caste system. Navsarjan redefines the ideological context of the word to mean three things. Someone who believes in equaliy, practices equality in his or her life, and protests inequality wherever he or she sees it. This redefinition challenges Dalits to be more egalitarian in their own lives, both in terms of inter sub-caste discrimination and sexism; allows for the inclusion of Dalits from different religious backgrounds (Dalits who have converted to a different religion, but still suffer discrimination); and allows for the inclusion of people who are not from the "untouchable" castes, but still believe in values of equality. A past passive participle of the Sanskrit root dal that means to crack or split, the word Dalit is today common across most Indian languages, meaning poor and oppressed people. As it refers to those who have been broken, ground down by those above them in a deliberate way, there is also clearly an inherent denial of pollution, karma and justified caste hierarchy to the word itself. Though use of the term Dalit in public discourse is of relatively recent origin the 1960s it is supposed to have been used first by Jotirao Phule (1827-1890) in his attempt to work for dalituthan, that is, the uplifting of the exploited sections of society. While Dr. Ambedkar did not popularize the word Dalit, his philosophy has remained a key source in its emergence and popularity. Marathi literary figures and neo-Buddhists began to use the word in their writings and contributed to the literary initiatives in replacing Harijan (man of God) and achchuta (untouchable) with Dalit, in the 1970s. They expressed their anger, protest and aspiration through this new word, rejecting the Hindu caste system and objecting to Gandhis belief that caste Hindus charitable spirit would be enough to overcome Untouchability. While the word Dalit stems from opposition to terms bestowed upon Dalits by the nonDalitsterms that legitimised their discrimination and deprivationit has today essentially emerged as a political category. Dalits in legal parlance are called Scheduled Castes (SCs), and are identified as such by the President of India under Article 341 of the Constitution. This constitutional identity, however, is exclusive and fails to capture the true picture. Dalits who have converted from Hinduism to another religion no longer qualify as SCs, although their status in society often remains the same. Moreover, Dalit movements in contemporary India are not uniform and each articulates a particular identity, be they Christian Dalits, Neo-Buddhists or Muslim Dalits. Hence, Dalit should not be seen as a term just describing a caste community.

Rather, it should be viewed as a symbol of change and liberation, as a progressive ideology, helping the Dalit movement to achieve its end results. Increasingly used as a suffix, Dalit is a part of the identity of a person that holds certain valuesthose pertaining to equality and humanism. Dalit is one who believes in equality, who practices equality and who combats inequality.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Objectives Primary objectives 1.) The study the effectiveness of the atrocity act. 2.) To study the atrocities faced by dalits and to study the effectiveness of the involvement of the judicial system. 3.) To study the awareness of the atrocity prevention act among the dalits.

Secondary Objective 1.) To study the level of inter-caste atrocities among dalits.

4.) Identification of the Topic: The group was aware about the various atrocities faced by the backward class of the country. The group having known some facts wanted to know the situation of dalits of Gujarat and particularly Kheda and Anand where they are found most in number.The discussions with the faculty in charge made the group was inclined to take this research topic.

5.) Defining the Research Objectives: After identifying the topic it became imperative for the group to narrow down on the actual topic to be focused on through this research oriented project. The objectives that we have laid down have been primarily been thought of after having meetings with the faculty in charge. We have also kept in mind the possibility factor of actually being able to complete our research task while deciding the objectives. 6.) Deciding the Type of Research:

The research that our group is conducting would fall under the following categories. Survey Analysis: Survey Analysis is concerned with getting out the results related to the objectives of our research from the dalits facing the atrocities. Exploratory Research: Exploratory Research is concerned with taking Personal Interviews which we have taken from experts and enthusiasts in the field of work. Conclusive Research: Conclusive Research is concerned with deriving some concrete conclusions based on the research objectives which are on the basis of the related field work done.

Deciding the Research Approach: There are two types of research approaches. Quantitative Research Quantitative approach involves generation of data in quantitative form which can be subjected to rigorous quantitative analysis in a formal and rigid fashion. This approach can further be classified into inferential, experimental and simulation approaches to research. The purpose of inferential approach is to form a database from which to infer characteristics or relationship of population. Experimental approach is characterized by much greater control over the research environment and in this case some variables are manipulated to observe their effect on other variables. Simulation approach involves the construction of an artificial environment within which relevant information and data can be generated. Qualitative Research: This approach to research is concern with subjective assessment of attitudes, opinion and Behavior. Research in such a situation is a function of a researchers insights and impressions. Such an approach to research generates results either in non-quantitative form or in the form that is not subjective to rigorous quantitative analysis. Generally, the techniques of focus group interviews, projective techniques and depth interviews are used.

Interview of Dalits 1. Pankaj Chotubhai Aahir Pankaj Chotubhai Aahir is a resident of Nadiad for the past 9 years.He belongs to Vankarsubcaste in the Dalits.He lives along with his mother here in Nadiad with his big brother living separately.His father stays aloof from all of them too. The atrocity faced by Pankaj and his mother was severe harassment and torturing.Kiranbhai,the elder brother who stays separately from them for past 12 years married a non dalit girl in Patel caste.The marriage was love marriage which was not accepted by the girls family because of Vankar-Dalit tag of Kiran.The girls family was strictly against the marriage.However the couple still got married against the family and ran away.After few initial days,family members of the girl registered the presence of Pankajbhai and his mother residing in Nadiad.The incident occurred in the year 2009. The girls family members started to intervene Pankaj and his mother at their home on 30/11/2009.Having found that Pankaj has no relations with his elder brother Kiran for the past few years,they threatened him to help find the couple and give their information of stay.The girls family member did this for a few days and later getting no support in finding the couple started to heavily torture Pankaj and his mother.They came with revolver guns,knifes at their house and demanded to find the couple and if not co-operated they would not allow both to live peacefully.They again came to meet Pankaj on 1st dec,and revisited on 2nd Dec. night to torture them.They uttered bad words on their caste and took him to nagar palika were a group of 15-20 people started beating him in public.Later took him to Muslim Crematories and again beated him there.Pankaj was then taken to Waghasi where he was again beaten up by 5 people. They left him at his place and asked him to give the details of the couple by 12noon i.e. on 3 rd Dec.They threatened him not to run away or go to police.Further adding,police will not listen him because of they bribing the police.If Pankaj would not give the details,they would kidnap his sister in lieu.Pankaj went to Rajkot and then returned on 4th Dec.The family approached him with 2 members waiting for him at his house.They came with revolver guns and knifes and started beating him and his mother.They shouted for help from neighbours who were feared of weapons and were of no help.They took them in a car and started heading towards a unknown place.Pankaj however,could manage a leak from the car and ran away to SRP camp near Kheda.Nearby the camp out of torture he consumed poison.He started to drowse and the SRP guards could locate him and informed IG-inspector at the camp.The news got forwarded to Nadiad police and later was hospitalised in Ahemdabad civil hospital.Police was influenced by the family members who took his abrupt statement and managed to get his sign in alone. The complaint was then easily changed to Pankaj consuming poison because of his elder brother doing love marriage and this news came as a shock to him and therefore he consumed poison.Later after the treatment he came back to DYSP inspector at Nadiad allotted for ST/SC

where he found the main accused discussing and merrily chatting with the inspector.He requested to take his complaint and file FIR for the case.The police ignored him and asked him to re-think over the matter again before complaining clearly showing the influence to Pankaj.Pankaj also filed a case on PSI/PI inspector at Nadiad of taking bribe from the family members and not thouroughly investigating into the matter.Later Pankaj went to IG inspector and requested to make the investigation more effective and efficient.Pankaj came in touch with Navsarjan-NGO for dalits where Mr.Ashok,an activist plunged into the matter and detailed complaints were submitted.The investigation process was loose from police and main accused were not arrested by police. Pankaj had no information on the Atrocity Act and was guided by Navsarjan.The investigation reported to have political influence as well.The family members started asking Pankaj to negotiate in the case after the investigation got stronger and chargesheet was filed.But Pankaj was not ready to negotiate in lieu of 5 lacs offered by the family because of fear of investigation then.The case in presently running into the court with decision pending till date. Analysis: Police investigation was found weak and influencing.Police wrote simple statements instead of FIR and got Pankaj signatures which was later changed.The investigation was backed with political influence from the family members which made the investigation further weak. The main accused along with police wanted Pankaj to negotiate in the case whereas there is no provision for negotiating in the Atrocity Act.

2. Murjibhai Khanabhai Murjibhai Khanabhai is a resident of Dethli village under Kheda District.He falls under Rohitsubcaste in Dalits.Murjibhai is Farmer by profession and stays in joint-family along with younger brother.His age is 63 years. The atrocity case faced by Murjibhai under Atrocity act is illegal confiscation of his land by Ramanbhai Bhala who belongs to Non dalit Thakur Family.On 28/8/2012 Murjibhai and his younger brother were in their land for farming when Ramanbhai and few others entered the land with tractor and started to harvest the crop sown.On reacting to the situation Ramanbhai was attacked with knife and got injuries on hand and chest.His son and other family members came to rescue form this situation and were taken to hospital. Ramanbhai and his brother later went to DYSP Limbasi police station to lodge the complaint on atrocity where they found no police authority to register their complaint.After recovering from the injury they went to Matar Police station-kheda district,to file FIR with help of JagdishbhaiNavsarjan activist.FIR was then accepted but it still took 2-3 days for police to investigate the matter.DYSP inspector-Anand who falls under the same caste of accused influenced Murjibhai to negotiate the matter which is not the provision in Atrocity case. The investigation was not upto the expectations and Murjibhai wrote various letters and complaints to Gandhinagar for further investigation.After many efforts chargesheet has been filed and accused are court committed.The court case is on with regular court dates for trial. Police ignorance in investigation process.Biased behaviour of authorities and influence for negotiation in the matter.The accused were granted anticipatory bail which is not a provision in Atrocity Act.Police investigation process was slow and in efficient in the matter.There are no provision for negotiation in atrocity act.Dalits generally have low awareness for Atrocity Act.

3. Manubhai Shiva Harijan Manubhai is a resident of Limbasi village and owns a garage.His age is 38 years and belongs to Harijan caste in Dalits. The atrocity was faced by Manubhai in April 2010 during Ganesh Utsav in the village.A mob attacked the setup of the Utsav which included Darbar-Non dalits caste.Manubhai was present at the situation and was beaten up by the mob because of casteism issue.The incident took place at around 1.30 in the night. Manubhai later went to Limbasi police station to file case on atrocity where the authorities were not accepting his complaint.He then went to Nadiad and met DYSP ST/SC cell and narrated the incident.The complaint was then registered with police and FIR and chargesheet was filed against the accused. On further police actions,the case was negotiated in the village with influence of Elders and family members.The case was therefore influenced by the non dalits in the village to negotiate the matter.Manubhai had no awareness regarding the atrocity act and Navsarjan-NGO was of much help for him.Mr. Vijay was the Navsarjan activist who helped into the matter.

4. Interview with Sonal Chandanbhai Bariya : It was an interview of a 15 year old girl who studied in 9th standard in Sardar Patel School of Karamsad, a village nearby Anand. She, with her family resided in an industrial area of Vidhyanagar in Anand whose father worked as a labourer in the nearby factories, the family resided and worked there since 22 years but they were not give the wages for their labour since 22 years as the owner said that the labour work is compensated against allowing them to live there. Once when sonal was alone at her home as she was sick and was not able to go to school 3 of the workers of the factory named imran, iqbal and sattar called the girl with the reason to sweep the area but on her way to the place they got hold of her by two men holding her hands and one tried to assault her and threatened her not to say about this to anyone. The next time when the girl was sleep in the morning and when she got up and went to the toilet imran who was one of the accused dragged her inhumanly and tried to assault her and the third time on the day of eid sattar came to the girls home when the girl was doing her homely chores and with the reason to wish the girl a happy eid sattar 5embraced her and expressed his wish to assault her, when the girls tried to defend herself by the stick she saw lying near her houses gate, sattar used the same stick to beat the girl and then tore her clothes and injured the girl. After this incident on 23/08/2012 the victim girl and her sister being the only educated member in the house went to file a police complaint in the vidhyanagar police station but the police didnt file the complain, and on the following night the 3 accused came to her home with the police and thrown their luggage out of the house and pressurised them not to file the complaint and threatened the girl that they would kill any of the member of the family if she files a complaint against them. Then after 5 days of trying to file a complaint at the vidhyanagar police station and not getting a response they made an application to the DYSP of the SC/ST cell of the police department and thus the DYSP of the SC/ST cell Mr. Nayak ordered the vidhyanagar police station to file the case but then to the police took the signature of the girl on a blank paper and then changed the statement. The accused tried to pacify the matter by providing Rs. 4000 to the girl, which she refused to take. The activist of Navsarjan organisation Mukeshbhai came to know about the case from a reporter friend Sureshbhai and then Navsarjan pressurised the police official to file and FIR against the 3 muslim community people who tried to have a sexual assault on the girl and thus these people as per the IPC act code 376 and atrocity act were arrested. As a result of the assault that the girl faced, the girl and her family were made aloof from the society and even the behaviour of the teachers and the students in the school which she studied became strange and unfriendly towards the girl and as a result she had to drop out from the school. This has also restricted the visit of the girl to any public place due to the strange behaviour that the people do with her.

From the interview the group got to understand because of the social backwardness of the perceived lower caste people those who are considered as superior caste tend to take undue advantage of the perceived lower caste people, the case also clearly mentions the inefficiency of the police and also that the act of the police are also influenced with the difference of upper and lower caste and the dominance of bureaucracy in the Indian judicial system. 5. Interview with Kiran Parmar : Kiranbhai Parmar is a resident of the Anand and is of the Valmiki community. Kiranbhai Parmar has been in the business of music band and is also been working as a social worker for sensitizing the perceived lower caste people regarding their rights. Kiranbhai Parmar has also been serving as a leader and representative of the sanitary worker in the Anand Municipal Corporation, in his tenure as the leader of the sanitary workers Kiranbhai was accused by the chief sanitary inspector Rajeshbhai Maganbhai Brhambhatt for encouraging the sanitary workers to throw stones at the sanitary officials and the sanitary department office during a strike of the workers. This complain was registered against him on 9th march , 2009 and thus Kiranbhai Parmar was called at the police station and was asked the provide a statement on the case and the compliant that was registered against him and thus he provided with the necessary information and then the case went to the court. On 5th February, 2011 the court passed the judgement that Kiranbhai Parmer who was accused for criminal proceed code 235(1) and I.P.C. code 143, 337, 504, 186 and Bombay Police Act code 135 is found innocent and has been thereby released. Kiranbhai Parmar was aware that the complaint that was filed against him was wrong and was made up because the sanitary inspector had a grudge against him because of his caste and thus on 9th March, 2011 he filed an complaint against Rajeshbhai Brhambhatt under the Atrocity Act code 318, but the day i.e. 7/3/2011 when Kiranbhai went to file a complaint against the Rajeshbhai in the police station the police refused to take the complaint and thus he had to request DGP and the control room at Gandhinagar to accept his complaint and thus finally on 9/3/2011 his complaint got registered, during these three days he had constant pressure from the police to take the complaint back. From the following case our group got to observe that even developed cities like Anand are not free from the difference between the upper caste and the perceived lower caste people and the group also observed that the police do not support such atrocity case and try to avoid it as such difference is also prevalent in the police department.

6. Interview of Poonambhai Harijan :

Poonambhai is a Harijan from Napanvata village, near Anand. Poonambhai had agreed to purchase tractors on rent at Rs. 1500 per month from ELICON Company Limited. He bought this tractor from Rahim Khan who is from Rajasthan. Rahim Khan agreed to provide the tractors after investigating Poonambhais credibility.

When Poonambhai went to the village to finally purchase the tractor after 2 days, he was told that the tractors had disappeared and been sold. Poonambhai checked records from village sources and found Rahim Khan to be a fraud.

Rahim Khan told that the tractors were sold. Poonambhai searched for the tractors for about a month, but nothing came up. Poonbhai complained to the Sojitra Police Station to PSI Mr. Gujjar, but the police did not listen to him.

On 12th December, 2011, an FIR was registered, prior to which there had not been any complain registered by police officially. Mr. Solanki, a Dalit who worked for the Safai Kam Dam Nigam supported Poonambhai in filing of FIR.

Police arrested Rahim Khan in January. Out of 10 tractors, only 2 were recovered in January and Rahim Khan was released on bail. Poonambhai also claims that other momedians who were involved in a link to sell these tractors from Rajasthan. Mehsana and Napanvata were either not investigated by the police and if arrested, then were granted bail in a short period.

Poonambhai is regularly coming to DSPs office, but the matter is not taken further and Poonbhai told that he had to incur a loss of Rs. 50 lakhs for 10 tractors. In addition, Poonambhai also had to bear expenditure of 40000 Rs. in travelling to Rajasthan often for investigation, which also included the expenditure of police by Poonambhai. On 24th August, 2012 Poonambhai again visited police and was asked to come down 10 days after. It has been more

than a month, but the police have not taken the matter further. FIR was registered last year and after almost a year, a charge sheet has not been prepared yet.

7. Interview of Rameshbhai Hirabhai Rohit : Rameshbhai, a 40-year-old Rohit, stood for election of Panchayat as an Umedvar from Kaasur village of Sojitra taluka of Anand district in 2011, but was beaten and stoned by hr Bharwad community who supported the opposite Umedwar, who was a Bharwad himself. Rameshbhai filed an FIR with Atrocity Act on 1st January, 2012 but the charge sheet is still spending. Rameshbhai claims that he is living under the threat of being murdered by the Bharwad community. When asked about his opinion on discrimination or atrocity faced by him, he clearly answers that it is very much prevalent and the non-Dalits still oppress the Dalit caste. The police is also to be blamed for ignoring complains of Dalits, who face such kinds of atrocities. 8. Pravinbhai Rohit : Pravinbhai, a resident of Kaasur village of Anand district, a Dalit from Rohit caste told that he or his family do not face any kind of discrimination or atrocities from non-Dalits. Similar were responses by few youth from Kothavi village of Sojitra taluka, Anand district who are Vankars by caste, that they have equal rights and do not face any kind of atrocities. (*Kaasur and Kothavi villages are comparatively more developed, economically and socially, and hence the Vankars and Rohit caste of these villages say that they do not face any kind of atrocities and enjoy as equal rights as a non-Dalit.)

Interviews of Experts 1. Interview with Dr. Gaurang Jani Dr. Gaurang Jani is a lecturer of psychology in Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. When he was asked about the scenario of the dalits facing atrocity in Gujarat he responded that the atrocities that the dalits face have social and legal aspect to it , he responded that the these atrocity cases are more prominent in villages and the reason behind dalits facing such atrocity cases is the minority population of the dalits, according to him out of the total population of Gujarat 8% are dalits and thus such minority leads to cases of atrocity. He also added saying that dalits are not only socially backwards but they are also economically backwards, in village dalits are landless farm labourers and again the occupation of the dalits is caste bound like the valmikis are mostly scavengers and vankars are mostly weavers, again the dalits are mostly are tortured in the name of religion and the age old mindset that has not yet changed after 6 decades of independence. Dr. Gaurang Jani also said that the atrocity act that the government has implemented in order to change the mindset prevailing among the non dalits is again inefficient and the atrocity act has many loop holes and thus this lead to ineffective implementation of the act and thus the dalits are still facing the atrocities, in the villages where the person from the dominant caste of the village becomes the police inspector and thus this leads to the contradictory situation of the exploiter becoming the safe guarder and thus the dalits do not even get support from the police. He mentioned about the impact that the dalits have when they face any atrocity where he said that the dalits are made to feel that they are the lowest in the society and thus due to these atrocity the lose their self confidence and develop an inferiority complex. From the interview of Dr. Gaurang Jani the group observed that the inequality that the dalits faced are still prevalent but the form of the inequalities have changed, today the dalits are not treated as untouchables but they are treated in an inferior manner and among this the dalit women suffer the most.

2. Interview with Mr. Neerav Patel

Perceptions of humans is very typical when it comes to differences amongst people of different caste and some times social conditioning leads to casteism. if we try to understand roots of casteism we would understand is mentality of people More than 160 million people in India are considered "Untouchable"people tainted by their birth into a caste system that deems them impure, less than human. There Is no loopholes in the Atrocity act.Atrocity act was to save people not to segregate them .

People Dont Survive on Bread Alone they need love care and respect of people. And that is the basic mindset every Indians should have. God created Humans and man Created Castes and for those few men the whole society is facing troubles. If proper love care and respect would have been given then the problems of casteism or Dalits wouldnt have been arised. Dalits expect the Youger Generation to be Broadminded.

Dalits are uncivilized as they havent been given the basic amenity of Studies they go to Municpal School and when the get discriminated they leave school and 15% of whole Indian populations is Dalit i.e.one out of every 6 people is Dalits or faces caste discrimination.

Indian have a specific Mentality Cultural Streotypes in our constitution we have his word as fraternity it means brotherly Behaviour if this is followed by all. Rather then just reading social science physical science student should start implementing. It is mandatory to us to all to believe in equality. As even people of US dont act for racism now but even Indians who have gone to US carry out practices of casteism that is hampering the progress of indian at some point of time. Psychological upbringing of people also matters a lot if we belive in equality rather than just telling it or writing about it we should follow it all Solutions of this Problems are with us only its only us who can solve it aand Eradicate the cruel Dalit system we should remove the and Differences and treat us all with the same belief of brotherhood care for people will solve the problem completely with a person helping society and this will result into end of casteism.

INTERVIEW With Mr Hiren Gandhi and Ms Swaroop.

Dalit moments are considered as Identity Moments. But the drawback is that these moments dont sustain for a long time with the ageing time there has been somewhat eradications of Dalit Andolan. NGOs also help whole Heartedly but till an specific extent they work with specific Purposes like Dalit Education, Upliftment of Dalit Women, Providing proper job opportunities, better health facility of Dalit people. They (NGOs) go till only help of helping Dalit with social issues very few people or NGOs go for fighting for the Rights of Dalit. Some NGOs even get suppressed by the government or the people who provide the NGOs with Economic Aids. Police Dont have Sensitization as they should act unbiased to any caste but Indians have Specific mentality so even the person if he is working as Police officer authorized with specific powers still thinks narrow and follow the Cruel practice of Casteism Dalit Andolan was primarily used to be very strong In 1980s when all Dalit together against discriminations that moment had a great impact on everyone. But with changing time now a days Dalits only think of themselves and only of their own benefit it is agreed but somehow it weakens the moment for their own rights

Two of the major things after 1980 that were helpful for all where that of (one): that they had Land which is very essential for survival everywhere but they had it in very small proportions and second thing that helped was Dr babasaheb ambedkar had helped a lot for Employments of Dalits. In Gujarat, Kheda and Anand Have been trapped in the viscious circle of Casteism. For the past 150 years almost 2-3 Generations have suffered from Casteism One of the complex issue is that of Anamat. Certain group of Dalits with the help of Anamat certificate found jobs as teachers in various school for years it had been following same system but the recent issue arise was that certain school in which the applied for job showed Birth Certificate of Dalit and then Anamat Certificate that helped them in getting job but in current status they have been removed for being of Lower caste. Nearly as many Dalits go to Police for help and the get their case issued in the police station only 15% of such cases have been solved and rest have remained to be unsolved. And other lot of remaing cases are either widrawn or the Dalit who writes the case in police station has Accidently Lost his Life. Harsh but its true still prevailing in our rural India Casteism is so deep that there have been many unsolved myths such as Dalits of Sikh community have Different Gurudwara ,or Dalits of muslim community have different Mosque and these myths are still prevailing in the villages of Kheda, Anand.

There have been many Inter Dalit Conflicts one aims to being Higher than the Other like motherin-law and Daughter-in-law when the mother-in-law acts rude to daughter-in-law and then when the daughter-in-law becomes mother-in-law she acts rude to her Daughter-in-law When the ones with Power came to politics they just thought of Personal benefit and for that they dont mind being cruel or rude to other people. Dalits are just Vote Banks to big Politicians and if there were no reservations for Dalits one could have never seen Dalits to be part of out rajyasabha and loksabha. Wankars, Rohits, Valmikis, they are itself fighting internally for rights which should be given to all since the time our constitution was made. There or no loopholes in our Law but there are many loopholes in its Implementation But there is a Huge irony in Indian Constitution that India had got Modern Constitution when it was not even Developed. And above that Indian constitution itself has made different rights for Dalits that have resulted in Cultural imbalances we are entangled in or constitution until we dont Evoke the General Youth of Today From Kings rule to our Rajya Sabha. Casteisim will only end when there is change in peoples mindset for this we have to make your coming generations of youth well educated and who stand with all against castesism that is the only solution we as human beings can help for Upliftment of Dalit Community

Findings from interview and overall Interview Analysis: The findings from Interviews of various experts, NGO activists and Dalits show a clear pointer towards the inefficiency of police department in resolving the matter of atrocity, and the inefficient legal framework of atrocity act, which has many loopholes and escape routes for the guilty. All the cases studied shows that either the Dalit being illiterate and poor, is not aware about the atrocity act and the judicial support by government in providing justice; or if the Dalit has some knowledge and goes to police for filing complaint, the police do not register the complaints of Dalits; or they register a simple complain and not an FIR; or if they register an FIR then they do not further investigate and eventually the matter closes down. In most of the atrocity cases, after the FIR is filed by the police; no further investigation has been done. And when the police come up with evidence and a charge sheet is prepared, the matter is taken to court which is a very slow and delayed process. Again, if the non-Dalit who is at guilt, but has political contacts and influence, he can have an easy bail after being arrested and even when all the evidences are at place. Police also get involved in threatening the Dalit victim to end the matter; or to make a settlements outside the court. Here, the lawyers also have a significant role in settling matters outside the court. Settlements can never bring a justice to the victim and a punishment to the guilty, but an interesting finding is, that even these settlements are extremely underpaid, in comparison to the intensity of the crime. For example, for a rape victim, Sonalben (15-year-old), the amount that was offered by opposite parties was a mere Rs. 4000. These settlement figures vary as per the economical power of a guilty, as per the police influence, as per the literacy of Dalit victim (and also the family and relatives), and as per the negotiations by lawyers. There are rare cases where a guilty is convicted and punished in comparison to the forms and numbers of atrocity cases taking place every day. The atrocity act, although, tries to improve the conditions of Dalits marginally, it cannot remove the mental block that people perceive towards Dalits (which comes from more than 2000 years old caste or varna system). For example, the deep rooted issue of Untouchability has taken a different form of discrimination. Many of the Non-Dalits who have business with Dalits, do involve in touching Dalits (handshake, hug, tap, etc) and claim that they do not believe in

untouchability, but actually they refrain themselves from eating food from same plate shared by Dalit. Here comes the mental block of Untouchability, which is not apparent in formal behaviours. The escapist argument to this could be reasons like the non-Dalit do not share the food because of his private property or pretend to believe that he/she does not eat from others plates, etc. These outcomes are very much apparent in Dalit v/s non-Dalit behaviours, but there cannot be a legal foundation like atrocity act or reservation quotas, which could bring a solution to this.