ECPR SGOC NEWSLETTER VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3,

DECEMBER 2011, PAGES: 1-14

ECPR SGOC eNewsletter

Editorial Note

3rd 2011 ECPR SGOC Summer School on Organized Crime: Another Success Story
The Standing Group on Organised Crime (SGOC) with the financial support of European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) and the European Commission, for already three years has been organizing prestigious, international Summer Schools on organized Crime and terrorism. The schools have been taking place in different European cities and have been hosted by higher education institutions. So far the ECPR SGOC has organized three successful schools and the aim of each school was to bring together 20-25 bright students with senior scholars and specialized practitioners working in the field of organized crime and terrorism. The idea has been to encourage in-depth discussion across disciplines and nationalities. The main goal was to produce new research projects about the fight against organized crime and terrorism and to expand a concrete network/ community working in this area. In this issue we bring you original articles and research notes by researchers and practitioners from different countries and with different perspectives. Almir Kolari discusses Montenegro's role in international drug trade. Paolo Campana, Research Fellow at the Extra Legal Governance Institute, University of Oxford, reconstructs the activities of the Camorra group across European borders, based on data from telephone conversations. Requena Espada, L., Gimnez-Salinas Framis, A., and De la Corte Ibez, L., from the Institute of Forensic and Security Sciences (ICFS), University Autonoma of Madrid, conceptualize a new research methodology appropriate for studying organised crime in the Spanish context. Julie Mugford who is the Director of Research and National Coordination, Organized Crime Division, Law Enforcement and Policing Branch, Public Safety Canada, examines the sensitive topic of witness protection programs from a Canadian perspective. Finally, in this issue we are publishing an interview with Stelios Mainas of Europol's Analysis and Knowledge Unit. The editorial team would like to thank the all contributors and the members of the SGOC for their long lasting support.

VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3
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Page 1 EDITORIAL NOTE Page 2 ALMIR KOLARI Drug Trafcking: A Case Study of Montenegro Page 3 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE & OC REPORTS Pages 4 PAOLO CAMPANA Against the Concept of Transnational Organised Crime: A New Taxonomy for Assessing Maa Operations Across Territories. Pages 5 REQUENA ESPADA, GIMNEZSALINAS FRAMIS, A. & DE LA CORTE IBEZ, L. New methodology for the research on organized crime: the Spanish experience. Pages 7 JULIE MUGFORD Witness Protection as a Response to Gang Activity: A Canadian Perspective. Page 9 JANA ARSOVSKA - REPORT 3rd 2011 ECPR SGOC Summer School on Organized Crime held in Ohrid, Macedonia: Another Success Story Pages 10-11 ANOUNCMENTS Pages 12 PANOS KOSTAKOS INTERVIEW WITH: STATHIS MAINAS Inside Europols Analysis and Knowledge Unit

The Editors Panos Kostakos Helena Carrapio Jana Arsovska Bill Tupman

Mail the editors at: oceditor@lycos.co.uk Visit the SGOC blog at: http://www.sgoc.blogspot.com Join our Facebook group https://www.facebook.com/groups/ 132657503483995/

The SGOC is a standing group of the European Consortium for Political Research. http://www.essex.ac.uk/ECPR

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Montenegro, as a whole, stands out from other countries of former Yugoslavia, because war did not take place in that region, and since Yugoslavia was under sanctions, Montenegro was used as a breadbasket where through illicit activities wars were nanced. Today, Montenegro is a candidate for a spot in the EU bloc; however it faces many obstacles with the major one being organized crime. Almir Kolari

Almir Kolari

Drug Trafcking: A Case Study of Montenegro

Drug trafficking has emerged as one of the most lucrative activities in the criminal underworld. Montenegros strategic location combined with the Diaspora of formerYugoslavs in Latin America, bonded by a common language, enabled the trafficking of drugs to reach unprecedented levels for that region. Montenegro, as a whole, stands out from other countries of former Yugoslavia, because war did not take place in that region, and since Yugoslavia was under sanctions, Montenegro was used as a breadbasket where through illicit activities wars were financed. Today, Montenegro is a candidate for a spot in the EU bloc; however it faces many obstacles with the major one being organized crime. In this paper we will discuss efforts of Montenegro into combating and stopping the spreading of one of the illicit goods most demanded by the market.

36). Globalization has aided in the further refinement of black market schemes, making the Balkans a laboratory (for the study) of illegal markets (Antonopoulos, 2008, p. 315). Montenegro constitutes a special case in this context because of its geographical location and because of the fact that it has not been dragged into ethnic conflicts and civil war. The coast line of Montenegro, spanning 293.5 kilometers between Croatia and Albania along the northeastern shore of the Adriatic Sea, has proven highly valuable for smugglers moving illicit goods from and into Montenegro en route to other countries of former Yugoslavia and eventually Central and Western Europe. During the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Montenegro, even though being aligned with Serbia, claimed neutrality. At the same time Montenegro supported and aided the Serbian war effort (Pavlovic, n/d). When UN sanctions limited relations and trade with the outside world (Antonopoulos, 2008, p. 320) smuggling channels became the new lifeline for the Serbian economy (Gallaher, 2003; Hajdinjak, 2002, p.15).

Organized crime in Montenegro

The Balkan region has historically been fertile grounds for illegal markets, emerging in defiance of the various tariff systems established by the Ottoman Empire or in response to the international sanctions imposed during the Yugoslav civil war of the 1990s (Hozic, 2004, p.

Drug trafcking
Since the end of Yugoslav wars, Montenegro has become an important transshipment center for the international drug trade. Although there is hardly any research specifically directed at drug trafficking in Montenegro, scholars do not fail to mention Montenegro when

d i s c u s s i n g t h e We s t e r n B a l k a n Route (Arsovska, 2010, p. 242; See also: Hajdinjak, 2002, p.42). Due to its strategic geographic location, Montenegro is used as a transit country, whose routes make their way from Turkey through Greece Albania Montenegro and Croatia to markets in Western Europe. The drugs cross Montenegro either through land routes, or through sea ones, with smugglers taking a two hour commute in calm waters across the Adriatic Sea to Italy. Despite Montenegros role as a transit country and a reputation as a safehaven for criminal organizations, which allegedly can operate with impunity, the notion of illicit drugs such as heroin, ecstasy and opiates for Montenegrins seems strange and does not fit into their culture (Montenegro Police, personal communication, 2010). Drug trafficking through Montenegro is aided by a vast Diaspora of former Yugoslav nationals who have migrated to Latin America during WWII and the 1990s (Glenny, 2008, p.28). Former Yugoslav criminals have established links with terrorist organizations such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN), Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) in Peru, and the Revolutionary Labor M ov e m e n t ( M ov i m i e n t o O b r e r o Revolucionario MOR) in Bolivia. Yugoslav criminals have even managed to own and operate their own coca plantations and to traffic their drugs

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throughout the Americas and Europe (Markovic Subota, 2010). Montenegros role in the international trade was highlighted in 2010 when the American Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), with the help of Uruguayan and Argentinean authorities, intercepted 2,200 kilos of cocaine en route across the Atlantic. The estimated value of the shipment exceeded 100 million Euros (Markovic-Subota, 2010; See also: D. Z & M.V 2010). After months of surveillance, .R, wiretapping and evidence and information gathering, under the code-name Balkan Warrior, the Serbian Security Agency (Bezbednosno Informativna Agencija, BIA) in cooperation with the DEA seized over two tons of cocaine (Boskovic, 2010). The DEA had received a tip that two Serbian nationals carrying 260,000 Euros would buy a yacht in the port of Santa Lucia in Uruguay to transport the cocaine. The original plan had been to load the cocaine onto another boat out at sea which would then bring the drugs to Montenegro (D. Z & M.V 2010). As the investigation later .R, revealed, the same criminal group had previously succeeded in bringing two similar shipments to Europe (Markovic Subota, 2010). Montenegro, in its bid for EU membership, is under pressure from the EU Commission to take decisive steps against organized crime, which is believed to be the biggest threat to Montenegros national security. Although significant efforts have been made, such as the adoption of the Resolution on the fight against corruption and organized crime and an increase in staff in the areas of expertise in the judicial branch, the EU Commission has demanded further action (Montenegro Progress Report, 2008, p.47). In addition to organized crime, corruption is an area of concern where Montenegro appears to have made some progress. Transparency International (2009) lists Montenegro among those countries which have made the most progress. As a sign of good faith, and in recognition of the strict adherence to EU guidelines, the European Commission has placed Montenegro in the Schengen Zone, so that citizens of Montenegro are allowed to travel freely throughout Europe for a certain period of time. It remains to be

JULY 2011, VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3 seen how this will affect Montenegros role in the international drug trade. While free movement can facilitate transnational crime, the enhanced international law enforcement cooperation that comes with Montenegros integration into the Schengen system constitutes a considerable counterweight.

GLOBAL GOVERNANCE & REPORTS

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UNODC REPORT (MAY 2011)

The Role of Organized Crime in the Smuggling of Migrants from West Africa to theEU
US PRESIDENTIAL NATIONAL SECURITY STAFF REPORT (JULY 2011)

Acknowledgments The author wishes to thank Klaus Von Lampe for his feedback and support.

Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime: Addressing Converging Threats to National Security
REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS (FEBRUARY 2011)

References
Antonopoulos,

A reporters without border loot at organized crime: "Muscling in on the Media"

UNODC ISSUE PAPER (2011)

Transnational Organized rime in the Fishing Industry. Focus on: Trafcking in Persons Smuggling of Migrants Illicit Drugs Trafcking
UNODC ISSUE PAPER (2011)

Organized crime involvement in trafcking in persons and smuggling of migrants

UNODC TRAINING MANUAL

Basic training manual on investigating and prosecuting the smuggling of migrants

EUROPOL PUBLICATIONS (2011)

Annual Publications, Crime Reports, Brochures and other

G. A. (2008). The Balkans as laboratory (for the study) of illegal markets: introduction to the special issue on Illegal Markets in the Balkans. Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008. Arsovska, J. (2010). The Rise of Balkan Organized Crime. International Crime and Justice, Cambridge University Press. Boskovic, M. (2010). Balkan prednjaci. Monitor Crnogorski Nezavisni Nedeljnik, Nr. 1031. D. Z., M. V R. (2010). Radan Adamovic, . Jedan od optuzenih za sverc dvije tona kokaine, postao svjedok saradnik: Propjevao o Saricevim poslovima. Dan Online 2010-09-16. Gallaher T. (2003). Identity in Flux, Destination Uncertain: Montenegro during and after the Yugoslav Wars. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 17 No. 1, Studies in the Social History of Destruction: The Case of Yugoslavia pp. 53-71. Glenny, M. (2008). McMafia Alfred Knopf, New York, 2008. Hajdinjak, M. (2002). Smuggling in Southeast Europe: The Yugoslav Wars and the Development of Regional Criminal Networks in the Balkans. Center for Study of Democracy 2002 Hozic, A. A. (2004). Between the Cracks: Balkan Cigarette Smuggling. Problems of Post Communism, Vol. 53 (3). Markovic Subota, T. (2010). Saric,drug dealing-dealing boss has cocaine plantation in South-America. Blic, 15.02.2010. Pavlovic, S. (n/d). Reckoning: The 1991 Siege of Dubrovnik and the 3

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Consequences of the Wa r f o r Peace. Extracted January 12, 2011 from http://www.yorku.ca/soi/_Vol_5_1/ _HTML/Pavlovic.html. Personal Communication (2010). Montenegro Police. European Union - Commission of the European Communities: Montenegro 2008 Progress Report accompanying the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Extracted January 2010 from http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/ press_cor ner/key-documents/ r e p o r t s _ n o v _ 2 0 0 8 / montenegro_progress_report_en.pdf Image: Idea go / FreeDigitalPhotos.net

JULY 2011, VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3 Relying on a wide set of phone conversations wiretapped by the police, and included in two les that were prepared by the Italian Carabinieri for the Prosecution Ofce to be used as evidence in court, I have empirically reconstructed the activities of the Camorra group whose reach stretched to Aberdeen (as well as Amsterdam). Paolo Campana,

Paolo Campana

Against the Concept of Transnational Organised Crime: A New Taxonomy for Assessing Maa Operations Across Territories
The seafood risotto was the favourite dish amongst the clientele of a small and refined Italian restaurant located right in the heart of Aberdeen, Scotland. The restaurant, named after a world-famous Italian tenor, received glowing reviews and the favour of customers. According to the authorities, it was owned by a full-fledged member of a Neapolitan Mafia clan: the man, son of the groups founder, allegedly took the reins of the organisation when his brother was sentenced to 22 years in prison. Another Italian Mafia group is behind the shooting that took place outside a restaurant in Duisburg, Germany. On the 15th of August 2007, in the middle of the night, six people were ambushed and shot dead from a short distance, just outside the restaurants premises. The authorities soon claimed that the dead persons were members of the Ndrangheta, including the owner. In the wake of the Duisburg s h o o t i n g, t h e I t a l i a n A n t i - M a f i a Commission depicted the Ndrangheta as a fluid organisation able to spread all over the world following a strategy of criminal colonisation (CPA 2008: 17-18). At first glance, both Aberdeen and Duisburg may appear to be clear examples of colonisation

by truly transnational criminal groups, but a closer look reveals a quite different story. Relying on a wide set of phone conversations wiretapped by the police, and included in two files that were prepared by the Italian Carabinieri for the Prosecution Office to be used as evidence in court, I have empirically reconstructed the activities of the Camorra group whose reach stretched to Aberdeen (as well as Amsterdam). The content of the wiretapped conversations has been assessed both in a qualitative and quantitative way. As for the quantitative side, I have manually extracted a unique dataset of 1,824 contacts between 202 actors (including the boss) during a seven-month period, following a new approach to the analysis of organised crime groups that Federico Varese and I have recently developed, which combines systematic content analysis, correspondence analysis and social network analysis (Campana and Varese 2011; Varese 2011: Ch. 3). The Camorra group under scrutiny was indeed involved in illegal activities across borders, including money laundering, drug trafficking and the trafficking of counterfeit goods. Some of the clans members had been living and conducting business both in Aberdeen and Amsterdam for more than a decade, and the clan even managed to recruit a British tough guy (Campana 2011: 4-5). There is therefore little doubt that this specific Camorra clan can be classified as truly transnational. However, this classification is rather unsatisfactory, and unable to grasp the actual modus operandi of a Mafia-like organisation in carrying out its operations across territories. 4

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Functional Diversication of the Groups Activities

An in-depth analysis of the groups activities reveals that, at the time of the police investigation, the clan was still deeply entrenched and highly dependent on its territory of origin, where more than 80 percent of its members were living and operating. Furthermore, the group never managed to expand or move abroad its core business, namely, the protection racket (Campana 2011: 9). Instead, the group followed a strategy of diversification, setting up branches overseas: each of them was devoted to a set of specific functions (see Campana 2011: 7). Aberdeen, for instance, was the location where the clan was laundering its money through legal ventures (including two restaurants), whilst Amsterdam was the hub devoted to illegal businesses (mainly drug trafficking and the trafficking of counterfeit money). The modus operandi of the group varied greatly across territories, also in terms of the likelihood of resorting to violence and the attempt to monopolise the markets in which it operates vis--vis simply trading on them (Campana 2011: 9-11). Diversification is not the only possible strategy. As Varese (2011) has compellingly shown, Mafia groups may move or expand their protection racket into new locales in specific circumstances. Following Varese, one may refer to those instances as cases of transplantation. It can be argued that the broad concept of transnational organised crime does not fully grasp how Mafia-like organisations operate in a globalised world. From an analytical perspective, it is little more than an empty, if not misleading, label. One crucial aspect missing is whether the core business of a given Mafia group the protection racket has been moved into the new locale. When it comes to Mafia organisations, this is a substantive distinction, and important policy implications follow from it. Therefore, I would suggest to replace the concept of transnational organised crime with a more powerful taxonomy that better accounts for the way in which Mafia groups operate across territories: (i) transplantation, when a Mafia group manages to move or expand its core business into the new locale (see

Varese 2011), and (ii) diversification, when a Mafia group expands its activities outside its territory of origin, but not the core business (Campana 2011). Preliminary findings about the Duisburg case show that the Ndrangheta members based in Duisburg were mainly involved in money laundering through legitimate ventures and drug trafficking (Gratteri 2011: 103-104), but the core business remained firmly located in Calabria. Although mentioning colonisation may help to grab headlines, thinking in terms of diversification should lead to a better understanding of the actual phenomenon.

Requena Espada, Gimnez-Salinas Framis, A. & De la Corte Ibez, L.

New methodology for the research on organized crime: the Spanish experience

Acknowledgments I wish to thank Felia Allum, Helena Carrapio, Letizia Paoli, Federico Varese, Frank Verbruggen and the participants to the ECPR Summer School on Organized Crime for their valuable comments on my work. References
Campana

P. (2011). Eavesdropping on the Mob: the functional diversification of Mafia activities across territories, European Journal of Criminology, 8:3, pp. 1-16. Campana P. and Varese F. (2011). Listening to the Wire: Criteria and techniques for the quantitative analysis of phone intercepts, Trends in Organized Crime, Online first, DOI: 10.1007/ s12117-011-9131-3. CPA 2008. Commissione Parlamentare Antimafia [Anti-Mafia Parliamentary Commission]. Relazione finale [Final Report], Rome. Gratteri N. (2011, 2nd ed.). La malapianta. Milan: Mondadori, pp. 103-104. Varese, F. (2011). Mafias on the Move. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Image: Salvatore Vuono / FreeDigitalPhotos.net

The significance of Spain in the transnational organized crime context has been repeatedly highlighted by different international reports. Europols annual reports depict our country as one of the main criminal hubs of European organized crime, especially concerning drug trafficking markets (cocaine and hashish, mainly), offences against property, illegal immigration and money laundering (Europol, 2009). At a national level, the data published by the Ministry of Interior shows that between 2000 and 2009, organized crime detention has increased from 5778 offenders to 16539. Concerning criminal organizations detected, reports reveal an increase of 35,42%, from 415 groups detected in 2007 to 562 in 20091. It is well known that official data offer limited information in relation to crimes effectively committed, but this is even more remarkable when we study organized crime (Van Dijk, 2008; Gimnez-Salinas et al, 2009). In addition, European and Spanish official reports are designed under the framework of Europol parameters. The reality of organised crime is very different from that which is presented in the formal criteria established by Europol, and there is a need to be sensitive to the changes that take place throughout time and that have an impact on illicit activities and criminal formations (Albanese, 2000). As we know, the Europol criteria do not consider the range of possibilities in which this phenomenon can appear. For instance, currently more and more organized crime organizations are networks of individuals and the hierarchical structure identified by

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Europol does not represent the prevailing configuration of the criminal groups. As a consequence, the results presented in those reports are consequently biased by the reference framework, being impossible to extract evidence-based features or trends which can be premises of new and alternative political policies and regulations. The difficulties encountered in finding reliable data concerning organized crime lead us to explore new research methods, more capable of providing us with better knowledge about this type of crime. In the following section, we will present the methodology proposed by the research team of the ICFS, which aims at having a better understanding of the characteristics of Spanish organized crime developed. When the questionnaire was designed, it was sent for revision to the Spanish national police forces (Civil Guard and National Police) in order to collect their feedback and recommendations, which were included in the final version. The following figure (see Figure 1) shows the steps taken to design the final questionnaire. The questionnaire was used to gather data from 65 police operations conducted between 1999 and 2010, by the Operative Central Unit of the Civil Guard. This sample was augmented in 2011 with 5 operations developed by other units of the same police force, conducting their activity at the local level. The operations were selected taking into account several criteria: a) we wanted to gather information from the wide range of illegal activities under the organized crime frame, b) we seek to include a variety of nationalities and the modus operandi executed by organized crime groups, c) finally, we wanted to have a wide range of groups from low to high level of threat. In addition it is necessary to clarify that in order to carry out the analysis of police files, the research team has adopted a neutral position in order to avoid being contaminated by the need to adjust the content of those documents to the legislative criteria which are already conditioned by the established guidelines of the European Police Office.

JULY 2011, VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3 regular analysis of the wide range of variables. The latter anticipate trends or changes which can be materialized in preventive and repressive lines of action against organized crime (strategic intelligence), which is the ultimate objective of the development of research methods for crime issues. ` Requena Espada, L., Gimnez-Salinas Framis, A. & De la Corte Ibez, L. Institute of Forensic and Security Sciences (ICFS), University Autonoma of Madrid (Spain).

References J. S. (2000). The causes of Organized Crime. Do criminals Organize Around Opportunities for Crime or Do Criminal Opportunites Create New Offenders? Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 16 (4): 409-423. De la Corte, L. & Gimnez-Salinas, A. (2010). Crimen.org. Barcelona: Ariel. EUROPOL (2009). European organised crime threat assessment ( O C TA ) o f 2 0 0 9 . T h e H a g u e : EUROPOL. Gimnez-Salinas, A., de la Corte, L., Requena, L, & de Juan, M. (2009). La medicin y evaluacin de la criminalidad org anizada en Espaa: misin imposible? Revista espaola de investigacin criminolgica. 9, 7. Savona, E., Lewis, C., & Vettori, B. (2004). EUSTOC: Developing a Statistical Apparatus for organised crime measurement, assessing its risk and evaluating organised crime policies, EU Directorate General of Justice and Home Affairs, Brussels, 2004. United Nations. Office on Drugs and Crime (2002). Results of pilot survey of forty selected organized criminal groups in sixteen countries. Available at the website: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/ crime/publications/Pilot_survey.pdf Van Dijk, J. (2008). The World of Crime. Breaking the Silence on Problems of Security, Justice and Development Across the World. Reino Unido: Sage.
Albanese,

New methodology for research on organized crime Spain

Considering that the main goal of the research was to have an overview of organized crime in Spain and to further explore organized crime groups and markets, we decided that police files offered the most accessible and reliable data for the purpose of the study. Spanish police files about organized crime investigations gather a large amount of information stemming from investigative actions carried out by the police. As a consequence, it constitutes a useful source of information about the organized crime group and the subjects investigated. After receiving official authorization, police files information was collected by means of a questionnaire designed to gather qualitative and quantitative data. The questionnaire is structured along four different areas of study: a) features of organizations, b) illegal markets exploited by the organized crime groups, c) instrumental activities conducted by the groups (mainly money laundering, violence and corruption), and d) profile of individual members of each group. Table 1 shows some examples of variables collected in each area. In order to design the questionnaire, an extensive revision of the literature was carried out, taking into account national and international official reports and academic studies.

Conclusion
The methodology developed by the ICFS constitutes a useful approach to understand and learn more about organized crime groups. Firstly, it improves the information regarding organized crime from a qualitative and quantitative point of view. This ensures a better understanding of the organized crime groups whose explanation is mainly dependent on police data. In this same direction, it will allow us to have an empirically based definition of current organized crime, that could better guide us in developing more accurate legal and judicial policies ag ainst the phenomenon. On the other hand, concerning the intelligence process, it is a positive tool to search and collect data having a secondary impact in the police investigation. The analysis of the gathered data allows for

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An obstacle to effective witness protection is that most key witnesses are criminals themselves, especially (former) gang members, and are unwilling to testify to avoid the criminal justice system. The ability of a witness to testify or cooperate with investigations without fear of intimidation is essential to maintaining the rule of law. Julie Mugford

Julie Mugford

Witness Protection as a Response to Gang Activity: A Canadian Perspective

Gangs are a complex, growing and dynamic social phenomenon, challenging governments to respond. Gang violence is being directed at rival gangs, the general public, and members of the criminal justice system, including police, prosecutors and judges (Wormith 2009), often impeding the justice system and resulting in withdrawn charges or reduced sentences (Kinnear 2009). There is no consensus on who is a gang member, what constitutes a gang, or what comprises gang activity, and the meanings of different types of gangs (e.g., street, youth, criminal) overlap. While some gangs are informal, loosely structured, and unorganized, others are sophisticated, with clear hierarchies and members around the world. The relationship between street gangs and organized crime groups is increasingly blurred and gangs are becoming more involved with organized crime groups (Caputo and Kelly 2005). Gangs can provide a street-level distribution

network for organized crime groups. Gangs tend to remain more visible to police and unable to implicate organized crime groups in criminal proceedings as they know little about their connections to them. Witness protection, a proven cornerstone in the fight against organized crime, involves protecting witnesses before, during and/or after a trial. An obstacle to effective witness protection is that most key witnesses are criminals themselves, especially (former) gang members, and are unwilling to testify to avoid the criminal justice system. The ability of a witness to testify or cooperate with investigations without fear of intimidation is essential to maintaining the rule of law. However, as stated by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC 2008, p 62), ideal witnesses do not exist, there are only witnesses who need to be managed differently. The most demanding group is gang members, especially females. There is no specific UN instrument in binding or non-binding form that deals exclusively with witness protection. The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) and its Protocols, as well as the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), call on States Parties to take appropriate

measures in accordance with their domestic legal system and within their means to provide effective protection for witnesses providing testimony. Under article 24 of the UNTOC, States Parties are to provide effective protection from retaliation or intimidation for witnesses who give testimony in cases involving transnational organized crime. Under article 26, they are to take appropriate measures to encourage persons who participate in organized criminal groups to cooperate with law enforcement authorities for investigative and evidentiary purposes and, pursuant to paragraph 4, provide protection. T h e C o u n c i l o f E u r o p e, i n Re c o m m e n d a t i o n ( 1 9 9 7 ) 1 3 o n intimidation of witnesses and rights of the defence, and Recommendation (2005) 9 on protection of witnesses and collaborators of justice, provides clear guidelines that Members States are to ensure suitable protection for victims and families where there is a serious risk of reprisal. Many European countries have enacted their own witness protection legislation, listing eligibility criteria and offering a range of protection services on a case-by-case basis. Within Canada, although the administration of justice is constitutionally a provincial responsibility, leadership on 7

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serious and organized crime is the responsibility of the federal government. The federal Witness Protection Program, enshrined in the Witness Protection P ro g r a m A c t ( W P PA ) ( 1 9 9 6 ) , i s administered by Canadas national police, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). The Act defines a witness and allows for a range of services to be offered on a case by case basis, ranging from alternate methods of protection (e.g. temporary protection), health services (e.g. psychological counselling), legal counselling, financial support, employment assistance, education/retraining, and relocation, to a secure identity change. Although considered to be in the program for life, the protectee does not receive benefits indefinitely. Wi t n e s s p r o t e c t i o n i s b e i n g increasingly considered as a response to gangs. Kinnear (2009) found that gang members generally do not retaliate against a witness who has already testified because they do not want to be arrested, charged or convicted; short term protection is often all that is seen to be required for many gang members. Many witness protection programs share procedures and incorporate similar elements, such as eligibility criteria, admission process, protection offered, duration of protection, termination criteria, and reference to a fair trial. After a review of the federal Canadian witness protection program, it is clear that many identified international practices have already been implemented in Canada. Like in other countries, innovative courtroom procedures are also used in Canada. The Criminal Code of Canada contains provisions to enable witnesses to present their views in criminal proceedings, including the use of testimonial aids (e.g., screens, support persons, closed-circuit television). A publication ban can also be ordered, as can the exclusion of the public from the court room. Another practice frequently employed in Europe and also used in Canada is rehousing gang members from one social housing unit to another. Although some social housing units work together to rehouse people, this practice is not employed across different cities or provinces; doing so would facilitate protecting gang members who are serving as witnesses or trying to exit a gang. All countries recognize that witness protection cannot be delivered in a cookiecutter fashion. Sound practices can, and have been, shared across jurisdictions with very positive results. Although using witness protection as a response to gang activity is a viable option in Canada, more awareness of its application is required among law enforcement and those administering the program. Employing alternative measures that do not involve a full, secure identity change, such as rehousing witnesses or using innovative courtroom measures, are practices that should be further explored. Through these measures, it is anticipated that (ex)gang members would feel more secure in testifying, strengthening the criminal justice system and enhancing public safety. Disclaimer The views expressed in this paper represent the views solely of Julie Mugford and do not, in any way, represent those of the Department of Public Safety or the Government of Canada

JULY 2011, VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3 Experience, Journal of Gang Research, Volume 13, Number 1, Fall 2005. Carlie, Michael, PhD, Professor of Sociology and Criminology, Missouri State University, Why Gangs Form, Law Enforcement Executive Forum, 2008. Chettleburgh, Michael, Street Gangs in Canada: The Shape of Things to Come, The RCMP Gazette, vol. 70, no 2, 2008. Commission of the European Communities, Commission working document on the feasibility of EU legislation in the area of protection of witnesses and collaborators with Justice, Brussels, 13.11.2007 693 final. Dandurand, Yvon, University of the Fraser Valley. A Review of Selected Witness Protection Programs, prepared for Public Safety Canada, Ottawa, Canada, 2010. Decker, Scott, Kimberly KempfLeonard, University of Missouri-St. Louis, Constructing Gangs: The Social Definition of Youth Activities, Criminal Journal of Policy Review, Vol 5, No 4/91, 1991. Eniko, Felfoldi. The Rising Importance on the Protection of Witnesses in the European Union, Revue internationale de droit penal, 2006/1-2, volume 77. Finn, Peter and Kerry Murphy Healey, Preventing Gang and DrugRelated Witness Intimidation, US Department of Justice - National Institute of Justice, November 1996. Fyfe, Nicholas and James Sheptycki, International Trends in the Facilitation of Witness Co-operation in Organized Crime Cases, European Journal of Criminology, Vol 3 (3), 2006. Home Office, Tackling Gangs: A Practical Guide for Local Authorities, DCRPS and Other Local Partners, 2008. Kinnear, Karen, Gangs 2nd Edition, Contemporary World Issues, 2009. Lafontaine, Tania, Myles Ferguson, Stephen Wormith, Street Gangs: A Review of the Empirical Literature on Community and Corrections-Based Prevention, Intervention and Suppression Strategies, University of Saskatchewan, June 2005.

Bibliography
Allum, Felia and Nicholas Fyfe, Developments in State Witness Protection Programmes: The Italian Experience in an Inter national Comparative Perspective, Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, Oxford Journals, Volume 2, No 1, 2008, Oxford University Press. Brenner, Susan, Organized Crime? How Cyberspace May Affect the Structure of Criminal Relationships, North Carolina Journal of Law and Technology, Volume 4, Issue 1, Fall 2002. CISC, 2006 Report on Organized Crime, Government of Canada, Ottawa, 2006. CISC, 2009 Report on Organized Crime, Government of Canada, Ottawa, 2009. CISC, 2010 Report on Organized Crime, Government of Canada, Ottawa, 2010. Caputo, Tullio and Katharine Kelly, The Linkages Between Street Gangs and Organized Crime: The Canadian

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Jean Marie, T he Organizational Structure of Street Gangs in Newark New Jersey: A Network Analysis Methodology, Journal of Gang Research, Volume 15, Number One, 2007. Totten, Mark, Promising Practices for Addressing Youth Involvement in Gangs, 2008. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Issue Paper: Organized Crime Involvement in trafficking in persons and smuggling of migrants, 2010. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, The Threat of Transnational Organized Crime, 2010. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Good Practices for the Protection of Witnesses in Criminal Proceedings Involving Organized Crime, 2008. Vermeulen, Gert, Institute for International Research on Criminal Policy, Ghent University, EU Standards in Witness Protection and Collaboration with Justice, European Commission, 2004. Whitman, Julie and Robert Davis, Snitches Get Stitches: Youth, Gangs, and Witness Intimidation in Massachusetts, The National Center for Victims of Crime, 2007. Wormith, Stephen, Fostering InterAgency Collaboration to Address Street Gang Proliferation and Activity, presented at Breaking it Down: Beyond Gangs, Groups and Cliques, Toronto, March 3-4, 2009.
McGloin,

JULY 2011, VOLUME 9, ISSUE 3 MODULE 2: TECHNOLOGY, O RG A N I Z E D C R I M E A N D TERRORISM MODULE 3: THE ROLE OF FEMALES IN ORGANIZED CRIME MODULE 4: MONEY LAUNDERING, FINANCIAL CRIME AND WHITE-COLLAR CRIMINALS More than twenty renowned scholars and high-ranking practitioners gave cuttingedge lectures. Among the present lecturers were: Professor Michael Levi from Cardiff University, Professor Federico Varese from Oxford University, Professor Henk van de Bunt from Erasmus University, Professor Dina Siegel from Utrecht University, Dr. Tamara Makarenko, the founding Partner at West Sands Advisory LLP, Professor Jana Arsovska from John Jay College of Criminal Justice, Professor Alexis A. Aronowitz, from University of Utrecht, Professor Bill Tupman from Exeter University, Dr. Philip Gounev from the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, Mr. Nikos Zarkadoulas from Europol, Professor Gordan Kalajdziev from the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University of Macedonia, Mr. Herman Vercoutter, the Chief Advisor to the Professional Standards Directorate (PSD) in Pristina at the Eulex Police (European Union Police Mission in Kosovo), Ms. Ivona Z. Todorovska, the Counter Trafficking Focal point within the office of the International Organization for Migration in Skopje, Mr. Chris Deliso, the director of www.balkanalysis.com, and others. Students had a chance to learn from international experts in the field of organized crime, financial crime and terrorism about new security threats and challenges in a global world. What are some new forms of organized crime? What are some recent developments in the area of money laundering, financial crimes and white-collar crime? What is new about the organized crime-terrorism continuum and the role of female offenders in transnational organized crime and terrorist networks? How technological advancements lead to new forms of organized crime, and how technology is used by both organized crime and terrorist networks? How effective are national and international criminal policy

Jana Arsovska

3rd 2011 ECPR SGOC Summer School on Organized Crime held in Ohrid, Macedonia: Another Success Story
The ECPR SGOC with the financial support of European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) and the European Commission, for already three years has been organizing prestigious, inter national Summer Schools on organized Crime and terrorism. The schools have been taking place in different European cities and have been hosted by higher education institutions. So far the ECPR SGOC has organized three successful schools and the aim of each school was to bring together 20-25 bright students with senior scholars and specialized practitioners working in the field of organized crime and terrorism. The idea has been to encourage in-depth discussion across disciplines and nationalities in order to produce new research projects about the fight against organized crime and terrorism and to expand a concrete network/ community working in this area. This summer the 3rd ECPR SGOC summer school on organized crime took place in the beautiful city of Ohrid in Republic of Macedonia. It was held on 3-16 July 2011, and it was entitled Organized Crime and New Security Threats. The school consisted of four modules and each module of four to six presentations: MODULE 1: THE CRIMETERROR NEXUS

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responses, aiming to combat organized crime and terrorism? The school was attended by eighteen highly qualified students. Most of them were Ph.D. researchers from renowned institutions such as Oxford University, Essex University, Cardiff University, Trento University, Amsterdam University, John Jay College of Criminal Justice and others. This year the summer school also hosted five participants from the University of South Africa professors and lecturers working on transnational crime. The school was attended by NYPD crime analysts and other practitioners, as well as by professors and PhD researchers from the USA, Canada, Eastern Europe and Mexico. A truly international event! The students had a chance to explore the city of Ohrid and socialize for two weeks. Ohrid is a city on the eastern shore of the old Lake Ohrid and has about 42,000 inhabitants. Ohrid is notable for having 365 churches, one for each day of the year and has been referred to as the second Jerusalem. This touristic city is rich in picturesque houses and monuments. In 1979-80, Ohrid and Lake Ohrid were accepted as a Cultural and Natural World Heritage Sites by UNESCO. Ohrid is one of only 28 sites that are part of UNESCOs World Heritage that are both Cultural and Natural sites. At the end of the summer schools the students received their diplomas and in the next issue of the SGOC newsletter the best student papers will be published. We thank everyone who took part at this international and educational event.

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ANNOUNCEMENT

Athens Security Forum

WWW.ATHENS-SECURITYFORUM.ORG

WHAT IS IT?
In the 1990s the Balkans became synonymous with ruthlessness. The images transmitted through the media seemed alien to the western norms and way of life. Political pressure to control the spread of criminality in Europe become at the top of EUs political agenda. The institutionalization of crime-ghting in the EU created an international pool of experts, academics, journalists and professionals who study closely this problem. The current economic and political crisis is a new challenge for the stability and prosperity of our region. Europe Athens Security Forum is an online forum seeking to connect and empower those who have an interest in Balkan crime and politics.
THE GOALS OF THE ATHENS SECURITY FORUM

Taking advantage of both worlds online and traditional Hold workshops and conferences Cooperate closely with existing academic and professional studying groups on organized crime Participate in International conferences Provide mobility grants and other nancial assistant to young and prominent scholars Maintain an active mailing list to disseminate information to the members of the study group Publish three times per year the Balkan Organized Crime Bulletin Publish two e-books per year Publish news digest

Organizing committee: Dr. Jana Arsovska, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, USA Dr. Felia Allum, University of Bath, UK Dr. Francesca Longo, Catania University, Italy Dr. Daniela Irrera, Catania University, Italy Dr. Panos Kostakos, University of Bath, UK Ms. Lile Zileska, University of Macedonia, Republic of Macedonia

We are looking for motivated and dynamic scholars and professionals to join the advisory board of the forum and responsibilities within the network.

Contact the Conveners: Panos Kostakos, panos.kostakos@gmail.com John Nomikos, rieasinfo@gmail.com

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Global Crime

Special Issue: Spatial Mobility and Organised Crime

VOLUME 12, ISSUE 3, 2011 Editor: Federico Varese, Oxford University, UK Associate Editors: Feila Allum, University of Bath, UK and Carlo Morselli, University of Montreal, Canada Global Crime is a social science journal devoted to the study of crime broadly conceived. Its focus is deliberately broad and multi-disciplinary and its rst aim is to make the best scholarship on crime available to specialists and non-specialists alike. It endorses no particular orthodoxy and draws on authors from a variety of disciplines, including history, sociology, criminology, economics, political science, anthropology and area studies.

Articles
CAMERON N. MCINTOSH & AUSTIN LAWRENCE Spatial mobility and organised crime pages 161-164 Abstract CARLO MORSELLI, MATHILDE TURCOTTE & VALENTINA TENTI The mobility of criminal groups pages 165-188 Abstract DANIEL SILVERSTONE A response to: Morselli, C., Turcotte, M. and Tenti,V. (2010) The Mobility of Criminal Groups pages 189-206 Abstract PAOLO CAMPANA Assessing the movement of criminal groups: some analytical remarks pages 207-217 Abstract FEDERICO VARESE Maa movements: a framework for understanding the mobility of maa groups pages 218-231 Abstract

Book Reviews
FELIA S. ALLUM La Voce del padrino. Maa, cultura, politica, by Marco Santoro Verona, Ombre Corte, 2007, 223 pp. First Page Preview HELENA CARRAPICO Organized crime legislation in the European Union. Harmonization and approximation of criminal law, national legislations and the EU framework decision on the ght against organised crime, by Francesco Calderoni Heidelberg, Dordrecht, London, and New York, Springer, 2010, 189 pp., First Page Preview JOSEPH WHEATLEY Transnational organised crime in international law, by Tom Obokata Portland, OR, Hart Publishing, 2010, 246 pp. First Page Preview ARARAT L. OSIPIAN The KGB campaign against corruption in Moscow, 19821987, by Luc Duhamel Pittsburgh, PA, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010, 312 pp. pages 236-238 First Page Preview

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Interview
2. What is Social Network Analysis?

with Stelios Mainas

Inside Europols Analysis & Knowledge Unit

1. What is your current position in Europol and for how long have you being working in this organisation? I have been working with Europol since 2003. Currently I am a senior analyst for the Analysis & Knowledge Unit of the Operations Department. In the past, I worked as investigator for the Greek coastguard. I joined the coastguard in 1991 and retired in 2007 with the rank of lieutenant commander.

The term social network is increasingly used these days. Popular books, professional and social networking websites point to the important role social networks play in our lives. We understand that the activities of political, scientific and business networks, among others, greatly affect us. We have however a vague idea of society, of its networks and of our role as network actors due to the complexity and hidden properties of networks. Ask yourself, for example, how well do you know your network of friends? Where do their connections lead to? Do you know your friends friends and their friends? What is your position in the whole friendship network and how does that affect you? It turns out that beyond our direct contacts we know very little because we are lacking detailed information about the wider networks. As Harvard Professor Nicholas Christakis puts it: to know who we are, we must understand how we are connected. In a sense, the power of networks is hidden in plain view. To find out about a network of interest we must engage in research; that is, collect and analyse relational and attributional data about its link structure. Then we can map and measure the network and, eventually, see whats hidden. Network science is a relatively new discipline rich in concepts, tools and techniques that has led to innovative applications across the spectrum of science (e.g., biology, mathematics, physics, management, criminal justice). Social scientists, among others, use mathematical algorithms to make sense of the social world. Network analysts believe that positions and relations matter and that structure influences behaviour. Social Network Analysis (SNA) therefore is the measurement and visualisation of social network structures to understand their nature, properties and functioning. This scientific way of analysing relational and attributional data was relatively neglected as traditional statistics had obscured its use. This is no longer the case. The last years an explosive growth in network analyses and applications has been noticed. Nowadays it makes perfect sense to employ network thinking and techniques as networks are everywhere and network data are abundant in our increasingly interconnected world. Various SNA techniques (i.e., topological, group detection, centrality, brokerage, and equivalence) facilitate hypothesis generation and understanding of hidden structural patterns. SNA can be used to analyse any type of network. Only research imagination and problems with access to accurate and complete data can limit an investigator. Europol has adopted SNA as an innovative way to conduct intelligence analysis and support major investigations against criminal and terrorist networks. Intelligence analysts are now able to deal with complex and large volumes of data to quickly identify key players, groups of suspect targets and other patterns that otherwise would remain unnoticed. Pattern detection helps to generate insights into the hidden structure of criminal and terrorist groups. SNA generates leads and helps expand the scope of criminal investigations. SNA is a valuable approach that complements other types of analysis, improves the quality of intelligence reporting and helps in prioritising investigative work. In essence, SNA gives the power to know criminal networks. Centrality Degree Betweenness Closeness Eigenvector A measure of individual power or importance. The sum of direct connections of an individual (shows how active an individual is). High in-degree (many receiving ties) indicates prestige. High out-degree (many sending ties) indicates influence. The extent to which an individual acts as a go-between or broker in a network. The extent to which an individual is close to (or can quickly reach) all others in a network. The extent to which an individual is connected to other well-connected individuals.

Human capital The individual qualities (attributes) of an actor. Social capital The social connections of an individual and the benefits derived from those connections (e.g., access to information or other resources available in a network).

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The core of a criminal communication network 3 When and how was SNA rst introduced in Europol's workow and what was your role in all this? I can trace my interest in SNA back in 2006. I became interested in SNA because I was dissatisfied with conventional analysis and wanted to do better. I realized the limitations of tools and techniques criminal intelligence analysts use to conduct link analysis. Link analysis is a manual, analyst-driven, and graphics-based approach. Moreover, it is largely atheoretical and this means that analysts lack proper knowledge discovery, hypothesis generation frameworks. Following a period of experimentation that involved academic and operational work, I launched in 2009 a SNA programme that consists of academic/workplace research, academic outreach, development of specialized training courses, and use of SNA tools and techniques in operational work. I am responsible for this programme ever since. A major part of this work was (and still is) to test and validate network techniques. In other words, to see what works and what doesnt. This cross-disciplinary work eventually resulted in the importation of social scientific knowledge in our field. It is a quite successful business change. Despite the inherent difficulties in changing an existing paradigm, SNA has been accepted and established as a principal approach for the analysis of crime data within Europol. Our EU partners see the benefits of this and want more of what we give them (i.e., operational SNA results) they also request SNA training. Due to the pioneering work done at Europol, I believe SNA will go mainstream within European law enforcement in a few years. 4. Where do you draw your inuence from? My network knowledge and thinking have been influenced most by Steve Borgatti and his colleagues at the LINKS Center of the University of Kentucky. But there are many other network researchers whose work helped me identify and appreciate the importance of security applications of network analysis. I find the concept of criminal/terrorist network very useful and relevant in practice. I agree, for example, with the thinking of Arquilla & Ronfeldt in their book Networks and Netwars; Carlo Morselli in his book Inside Criminal Networks; and, Michael Kenney in his book From Pablo to Osama. We are dealing with criminal and terrorist networks and this, in my opinion, suggests the need for a paradigm shift. Network science offers numerous concepts, tools and techniques to understand the dark networks of crime and terrorism. Future ECPR STANDING GROUP ON ORGANISED CRIME - NEWSLETTER 9(3):1-18 13

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research may benefit a lot from empirical analyses on crime and terrorism using SNA. This would be an excellent way to further criminological knowledge. 5 How does OC in Europe looks through the glasses of SNA? My first reaction to this question is that no one really knows how OC in Europe looks as we all have partial knowledge of criminal phenomena. Both practitioner and academic inferences are based on relatively small samples or numbers of cases. It may be useful though to think of OC as a giant network of networks and get to know it gradually through SNA. Analysis of empirical data pertaining to major panEuropean investigations using SNA shows how increasingly relational OC is becoming. The detection of cellular OC structures is the norm and their communications provide evidence of dense cooperation, which looks like a hairball of links (see attached visual). Criminal networks are not closed systems however; bridges connect these networks. Identifying the weak links that bring together networks and atypical patterns of activity is also important because this is how criminal networks innovate and change. Europol is ideally placed to perform this kind of empirical analysis and provide a picture of OC in Europe using the theory, tools and techniques of SNA. To draw truly valuable insights on OC we have to combine practitioner knowledge with the kind of knowledge derived from proper deployment of scientific concepts/methodologies and thorough analysis of data. If both practitioners and academics start making greater use of SNA, our knowledge will increase substantially. I believe SNA can be of great help in the conduct of empirical investigations and in testing criminological theories. 6 Are there any noteworthy patterns in the way OC evolves through time? The results of my previous research showed two important patterns the core/periphery and the multiple cores. The former characterizes mainly OC structures and the latter terrorist structures. Empirical findings largely confirm those of Carlo Morselli and Jennifer Xu & Hsinchun Chen respectively. This is very useful, but criminal networks are dynamically evolving and theres a lot to learn. The multiple cores, for instance, are not a characteristic of terrorist networks only. Certain people smuggling groups have had cellular structures that resembled those of terrorist groups. Persistent law enforcement action and the level of criminal sophistication may also have an impact on the social organisation, link structure and evolution of OC groups. I think theres variation in criminal network structures (see attached visual for example) and I want to investigate this in the framework of my doctoral project in criminal justice. It would be very interesting to conduct SNA on empirical data and create a classification (taxonomy) of OC structures. This could explain how structural variation relates to different operating concepts and objectives of OC networks. 7 What is your estimate on how OC will evolve in the medium and long run? This question requires book-length treatment. In the medium and long term, criminal groups may become more organised and dangerous by becoming more network-savvy. OC groups would make great profits by harnessing network power. That is, by further developing their social capital and network knowledge. Increased awareness and sophistication would make criminal networks better in identifying diverse business opportunities and getting access to network resources. There is a danger that OC groups would become more decentralised, yet better connected. By design, multiple cell structures would make criminal groups more resilient and difficult for the police to tackle. In addition, they may focus on the exploitation of social media/communication technologies and pursue cybercrime activities. OC presence in the Web may increase significantly since Internet-based coordination and networking can facilitate any criminal activity. From a network perspective, I am afraid OC in the future will enjoy more freedom than ever before, positioned in the local and global and able to travel through the social (physical and virtual) space across jurisdictions. Left unchecked, OC may have a lasting, albeit elusive, presence and pervasive influence on societies.

Thank you for taking the time to answer our questions.

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