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PJR DECEMBER 1991

6Enterpris
By MELINDA QUINTOS DE JESUS with reports from the PJR staff
N recent monthsomedia circleshave beenrocked by a wave of reports on cornrption among their ranks. The story aboutbribe moneybeingpassed on to journalists attending a press conference held in the National Press Club itself prompted NPC ofticials to create an independent body journalists to probe deeper composed well-respected of into the allegation. But becauseone of NPC's leading members, Jesus Antiporda, a reporter of the tabloid People's Joumal and a current NPC director, was implicated, the case overshadowedother developmentsin the beats, specifically in the Department of Justice and the House of Representatives. A division ofranks into rival and adversarial factions heightens the crisis raised by the questions on journalistic competence and cormption in these two beats. trna seriesofround-table discussions with someyoung alists organized by the Center for Media Freedom nd Responsibility, the issue of cormption has emergedas senous ano consumt serious and constant concern. 'l'herr own experiencein Their expenencern eir respective beats brings them close enough to the scene. There, they seehow offersare made and money change hands. Some accept. Others refuse, or turn over these to their editors as prescribed by certain newsroom policy. But they consider what they themselves seeor hear about as the tip of the iceberg. They are barely scratching the surface. And when they are identified as resistant to payoffs, they may be marginalized from the circles or frnd themselves excluded from certain activities involving the beat or both. The concernfor corruption seemslinked to the other issues of competenceand integdty. There are reporters who crib their stories from other journalists' copies and those who habitually file stories without actually covering the event. Any effort to probe and investigate these casesare fraught with danger. No less than threats-to-life-andphysical-welfare confront and intimidate the enterprise. It is clear that the brave souls who speak out breaking ranks with their colleagues and going public with their disenchantment and frustration - risk much more than just the cold shoulder treatment of those who

PJR DECEMBER 1e91 I 21

Journalism
feel singled out by the growing agitation for journalists to clean up their act. The signs are strong, however, that such agitation will not wane or be allowed to wither on the vine. The resolve demonstrated by the NPC to go after the bad eggs, as shown in the probe on the charges made public March last year by then Philippine Daily Inquirer reporter Beth Pango of bribe money distributed to reporters during a congressional hearing (seerelated story, page43) and the Antipordabribery attempt casewas seen as a good sign by certain quarters. It signals the turn of a new leaf in the way the press confronts those charges.But the problem remains as to the sanctions on errrns newsmen because only the publisherscanimpose thes?. Columnist Renato Constantino, who heads the NPC probe team on the Antiporda case,said the team could also look into the alleged casesof cornrption in the justice and congress beats and has appealedto anyonewho could shed light into the allegations. Both the unsigned "white papet'' in the justice beat and the "BAIrITAYMEDIA" editionl in Congress(see succeedingstories) should be evaluated for leads. Interestingly enough, the NPC has never had to deal with the issue of cormption until the Pango story broke out. But an old-timer recalls for the benefit of younger journalists the one instance in memory when the NPC had to check on its reportedly erring members. The casewas vintage pre.Martial Law. Four members of the NPC, three reporters and a photographer, went on a trip to Hong Kong,to cover a politician. On their return they were asked to carry with their own baggageadditional suitcasesas a favor. Apparently the plane to Manila was full so the extra luggage were sent on a following flight. When opened by customs, the suitcases were revealed to hold BanJon shirts. which were in vogue and expensive in the 60s. The coveragein the newspapers occasionedan investigation. But even before the investigation could clear their names, two choseto resign. Which is not to say that media corruption is a feature only of our more recent and deeply troubled times. Quite clearly, the expectation runs high that in a period of democratic recovery, the media institutions themselves must fulfill the people's expectation for moral recovery and professional reform.

The concernfor corruption seems linked ta the other issuesof competence and, integrity. There are reparters who crib their stories from other journalists' copiesand those who habitually fiIe stories without actually couering the euent

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1991 Prn DEcEMBER weekly House Forum, which was heid every Friday, wouldbe expandedinto a weeklyTV show. However,the ideacausedaripple of discomfort with a certain group of young reporters. Some argued that the proposed rnove would defeat the purpose of the forum which was originally designed to generate news on a schedday when there were no sessions uled. Others thought that the production and marketing of such a program would involve journalists in con{lictof-interest situations, since they and not the television station would have to tap sponsors and secure commercials for the prograrn. The program could also be subjectto indirect political manipulation by politicians, and therefore entrap journalists in a form of news management. In all this, this group argued, the CPC'sname would be used and therefore individual representations - of any kind - would carry with it the names of all CPC members. But the argument on the other side openly presentedthe advantagesto be

HE controversy thathas shaken up the Congressional Press Corps may have more to it than the typical competition for turf which in the Philippines tends to erode many organtzations. In this case,factionalism may have emerged simply as a matter of course. After 1986, the rnix of old and new brought together unlikely elements represented by the veteran reporters who covered the old Batasan Pambansa and the younger generation of journalists, some of them veritable neophytes in the profession, starting off to explore the newly liberated democratic space. At the start of this yeals congressionalsessionsin July, there were at least 50 names accreditd with the CPC.

remained under the surface. Last year, Philippine Daily Inquiner reporter Beth Pango nnade public charges about rnoney paid out by an aide ofthen Secretary ofTrade and IndustryJose Concepcionto journalists covering a Househearing where Concepciontestified (see PJR, April 1990 issue). Journalists in the ltrouse Media Center reacted with anger and chagin. The charge, after all, had it that the aide was distributing 10 hundred-pesobills "to each reporter." The charge caused Pango's ostracism by someCPC members. It didn't actually last long, and the CPC retained its facade of harmony. But Pangohas sinceleft the country to live in Australia. The sourceof a more serious cleavage was found in the idea of the television show aired on People's Televi' sion 4, the "Congress Forum." The intention of that enterprise seemed innocent enough, which was to reach FACADE OF IHRTVIONY a larger audience - bringing the isreser- suescloserto themasa who constitute There were differences and vations within the group on a number the greater base of the Filipino televiof issues,but for the most part, these sion audience. The then ongoing

IN FUROR THE CONGRESSIONA

Photos bv GEORGE GASCON

PJR DECEMBER 1e91 | 23

gained from the earnings of the program. The income could build up an emergency fund for the benefit of the reporters. The decisionto incorporate the group into a Securities and Exchange Commission-registered foundation addressed those misgivings about anyone taking control of the earnings of the show. The leading proponentsofthe project patiently approachedindividual reporters, including those opposedto the move, to assure them that original incorporators of the foundation would continue to avail of the benefits like loans and scholarships for a reportey's children even if he has transferred beats. In a telephone interview with the PJR, senior House reporter and former CPC president Miguel Genovea stated that all ofthe books ofthe foundation are open to examination as required by the rules of its SEC-registered charter. In the midst of the rising tension, the project was put to a vote. Only eight totally rejectedthe proposal. The "anti" group stuck to their bottomline: its a money-making venture that

separate and distinct from the CPC. But all in all, a semblance ofharmony held the group together. It took a year for the cracks to show. On September 4, 1991,members of the group presentedtheir letter ofresignation from the CPC. Signed by 14 reporters - two from radio, one from TV, three from the tabloids, two from the same business paper and six from different national dailies (two ofwhom resigned, as noted, in supporting capacities, they being new to the beat) RESIGNATIONS it was presented at a CPC general The passageleft the CPC shaken. meeting, thefirst sincelastyeafs elecllrose who objected to the Congress tions, which the group requestedto be Forum began to converge from that convened. commoncaus. It was the samegroup Attached to the letter was a notice that clamored for an election, noting informing congressmen of the move that Genovea, who reports for the which, the group stated, it took "due to Philippine Daily Globe, had been irreconcilable differences." The notice holding the post since the corps was read: "Whili: our decision to resign is formed in 1987. largely an intemal matter to the CPC, They decidedto contest the leader- we deem it necessaryto inform you to ship of Genovea in elections held in dispel any notion that might be unfair September 1990but lost to the latter's to all parties concerned. ticket, with only one of their candi"Hereafter, we disassociate ourdateselectedto the Board ofDirectors. selvesfrom any official activity of the The experience forged an identity, CPC. The use of our names for any

leaves too much room for questionable transactions. The same meeting witnessedthe heated but briefexchange of opinions, followed by the resignation ofSonoraOcampo ofThe Manila Times, then CPC treasurer, who was identified with the "antio group. On June 7,1990, CongressForutn aired its first telecast with Speaker Ramon Mitra as guest.

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PJR DECEMBERleel
representation by any group is therefore unauthorized." The declarationwas pror:nptlycountered by a resolution from those who remained with the CPC, "commendingl the leadership of Genovea for steering the club, signed by 29 trimedia reporters. The declaration clearly reflected the will of majority of the House reporters. The September9 resolution minced no words in accusing those who resigned of denigrating the CPC leadership. "Some former members who tried but failed to wrest'the CPC leadership, and new reporters who are not even members of the CPC, are now tryrng to denigrate the CPC leadership and the CPC itself." An "official" listing of CPC members,numbering at least 35 as of September9,1991 and the newly electedoffrcerswas attached to the resolution, as a matter ofrecord. In the election of 1991,the reins of the CPC passed on to Angel Gonong, a reporter from the tabloid People's Joumal and a National Press Club director. Genoveasaid he personally understands the right ofany group to break away from the CPC. In the context of these developments,he said, the CPC continues to go about the business of 'TVe covering the news in the House. responsible only to our are after all editors and to no oneelse. The CPC is only a socialassociation,a socialclub." Only those who wish to join should be part of it, he added. But the letter of resignation would stir yet another ripple of controversy, enough to attract the attention of media as well as others in Congress. Soon. after September 9, an announcement proclaiming support for the resigned reporters was furnished House reporters, national dailies and major radio stations. It was actually a notice issuedby membersof the lfutipunan Para sa Bagong Demokraqya, a grouping of so-called "progressivebloc" congressmen, about the resigned group. It was signed by Congressman Enrico Dayanghirang, Katipunan chairman. Tthe already palpable animosity between the two groups was intensified by the wording of Dayanghirangfs statement, which took the group resignation to mean "an attempt to preserve the integrity of media coverage in the flouse in view of adverse perceptionsby many." the to It proceeded "commend.' group resignation 'as an important contribution to the promotion of erediblereporting especially in the House of Representives." Predictably, the CPC took exception with the lfutipunon statement. BA}iTAY MEDIA

The growing schism betweentwo groups of reporters couering the Lower House threatens to engulf euenthe lawmakers the j ournalists couer

To compound matters further, an unsigned "white paper," circulated under the name BAI{TAYI\4EDIA, with its accompanying sloganFight to Purify Press,was released at around the time. The first edition was dated September 15,1991.TWo more have been released since then. BAI{TAYMEDIA detailed alleged cormpt practices, the amounts and sources of largesse enjoyed by the press, with individual House reporters named. It described the domination ofthe CPC by a "Media Gand'and proceededto questionable raising of funds for a Christmas party, as well as a land deal proposedby a certain CPC member who is now identified with the 'break-awa/ group. The releaseofthe BAITIIAYMEDIA may have had something to do with the physical threats received by certain reporters. The lVlanila Chronicle reporter Redempto Anda recalled receiving a letter mailed to the House Media Center about a week after the release ofthe frst"House edition" ofthe BANTAYMEDIA It said, "Anda and company, don't use innocent people to promote your Marxist ideal." It was signed by a certain Cris I. Aragon, "C.I.A" for short, and with a bullet enclosed. "It (mail) didn't say anything about the bullet, it just contained the bullet. It wasjust a small, .22 calibre regular bullet I pasted the letter and the bullet on the bulletin board for everybody to see,"related Anda. "I immediately suspected that some people must have thought that I was part of the BAIIIAYIVIEDIA thing. Of course,I talked to someofficials of the CPC and I think I was able to convince them that I have no part in any way in creating a stir among the reporters. I just wanted to resign, that was all." His cartires, saidAnda, werepunc-

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 25 tured twice. "Unfortunately, I could not accuseanybody. No nails or anything. It was apparently a sabotage. It happenednot only to me but to some reporters who have cars." RE.IOINDER On October10,nearly amonth since the receipt of Dayanghirangfs notice, CPC members wrote a stingingrejoinder, protesting the "utter, unseemly and childish disregard for the rights of those you denounce." The CPC lamented that the commendation given the resigned group was "a slap on the reporters who did not join the childish act." In its view, the CPC saw the resignation as a "spectacle...with an ulterior, selfish motive," noting how the group lost in last year's elections. "Actually, your greatest sin as a man and as a congressmanis thatyou did notbother to talk to us members of the club to get our side on an issuethat you must know has many sides,"the CPC wrote Dayanghirang. 'Itr/hy you seek to divide newsmen who cover the House of Representatives is beyond us. You, as a congressman supposedlyrespectedby reporters as a Progressive, should instead have been or should be providing wise counsel,specially to the young among us who seemto labor under the Holier thanThou syndromeor who think they have discovered an everlasting truth about cornrption in the media." The CPC demandedno less than a public retraction and a letter ofapolory to the members of the club as the notice "libels us." In a telephoneinterview with PJR, however,Dayanghirang reiterated the position taken, sayrng the l(atipunan was convinced there was much room for improvement in the coverageof the legislative process and the members found no reason to change the statement. IIISTBLOWS On October 11, barely a day after the rejoinder was sent, two separate slugging incidents in the media room broke out. The first involved senior reporter Efren Danao of The Philippine Star and Ed Lingao of Times. Later in the day, Danao would again figure in an exchange of dares and blows with another veteran, Ros Sta. Cruz of the tabioid Bagong Araw. Lingao was a signatory to the "breakaway" letter while Sta. Crua was cited in one of the BAI{IAYMEDIAreports as a complainanton the proposed"land deal." On October13,the fi mes published a story on the incidents, the only newspaper to do so.The CPC expressedits regret over the incident in a published statement on October 26. Lingao related how, a few dayslater, he voluntarily explained to a ranking CPC offrcial that he was not in any way responsible for the fimes' story (headlined "Newsmen in Mitra payroll?"), which expectedly courted the ire of someCPC members. He quoted the answer given him, "Mabuti na lang sinabi mo sa amin." (It's a good thing you told us). The exchangeof reactions, written and -un, ensued against the backdrop of yet another BANTAYMEDIA edition, still unsigned, and released around the same time it was dated, October 1,1991, this time detailing alleged corru.pt practices of members of the resigned group. Portions of the document were also devoted to personal attacks. Six of the 14 who originally signed the letter of resignation were mentioned, six were spared of the attacks, and two tabloid reporters have since "rejoined" the CPC. The unfolding events compelled at least one newspaper to editorialize on cormption but not without casting doubts on BAITITAYMEDIA which, it said, 'tras identified some of (the) crooks,although its list seemstainted with personal agendas." On November 4, a columnist went on to write how the BANTAYMEDIAgToup is "believed to be mainly composed ofyoung reporters who had resigned from the Housepresseorps." Speculation continues on the authorship and source of the BANTAYMEDIA's different editions. While it does not satisfr the requirements of investigative reporting, the material provides enough food for thought. Most of those who have read even just one ofthese unsigned reports feel that the press must get at the truth of the charges,onceand for all.
h

Factionalism may haue emergedsimply as a matter of course. After 1986,the mix of old and neu) brought together unlikely elements represented by the ueteran reporters and the younger generation of idealistic journalists

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PJRDEcEMBERleel

FOR JUSTIO LOOI(INO BNAT TIII IN JUSTIOI

.CfT the justice beat, the ruCRA (Justice and Court ReportersAssociation)has been torn by threats and counter-threats of so-calledrival groups. P.IR gathers from a number of sources that, for some time now, the beat, like others, has been cormp^tionand afilicted by factionaiism in its ranks. Are the ghalggso-f the so-calied"cartelization" the causeor result of the factions? The question is made even more critical in the Iight of a Supreme Court resolution issued last October approving a formal report of a three-man court body where six newsmen were named among those who benefitted from the "inegular" fund releases by the Integrated Bar of the Philippines under the term of its former president Eugene Tan. T\vo of these newsmen have been covering the justice beat for a long time. The findings, though, only stemmed from what was mainly a by probe of Tan conducted by three associatejustices commission-ed Itre High Court, a probe which took nearly a year. The SupremeCourt, in an en bonc session,approved the recommendation to severely censure Tan for malpractice. Still, the findings on the newsmen are as equally significant in that they may provide leads for other investigation. NEWS CAR1EL In the JUCRA cartelization of the news coverageof the courts and its caseshas been cited as a contentious issue. cartelization is understood to mean the controlled coverageof the beat, with the slant and scopeand, sometimes,even actual text of the stories dictated by the cartel. Those who do not follow the cartel tc:it may end up cut off from the sourcesofthe story. Becauseofthe ongoingrivalry, one or the other faction can always claim having better sourcesthat allow them to establish their leads and write their scoopson a story. The nature of judicial coverage,however, requires formal releasesof documentsby the proper court official, at least on decisionsof and proceedingsin court. But while this is specifiedunder court rules,

PJR DECEMBER 1es1 | 27

it has somehowbeen circumvented. On at least three separateoccasions, representations were made with then ChiefJustice Marcelo Feman by somereporterswho wanted to personally air their grievancesabout leaks. To establish the rules, Fernan himself had called JUCRA members to a dialogue, the first such gathering which saw the two factions facing up to the issue. But the effort has apparently failed to forge a satisfactory resolution ofthe conflicts wracking JUCRA's ranks. Despite the formal agreement that court decisionswill be made public only when a final copyis officially releasedby the ChiefJustice's office, court decisions were continually leaked to certain groups of reporters by justices of the court themselves. One such instance is the premature leakage of the Supreme Court ruling upholding the appointment of Commission on Elections chairman Christian Monsod. The September4, 1991 story was written only by a group of five reporters. A perusal of the papers shows how, at a certain period or another, this faction had come out with the greater number of the socalled exclusives. By the same token, the other group, though loosely organized, has had its own exclusive stories, allhough some of its members had initiated the appeal for the intercession of Supreme Court officials regarding the alleged cartelization. Predictably, the enterprising and expanding coverageofcourt casesis severely limited by the principle of sub-judi.ce. Indeed, as the leaks continue to plague the coverageof the courts, some questions should be answered - do these selectiveleaks serve any other agenda than public information? Are the "exclusives" legitimate scoopsor news management by certain parties? The Monsod story prompted Roy de Guzman, a Philippine Darly Inquiner reporter, to send a memo to Fernan to remind him of the agreement and "to protest the premature release - for the nth time - of another importafit decisionof the High Court." "One ofyour assistants has suggestedthaf we file a complaint for contempt of court against the five newspaperreporters from the justice cartel who wrote on the Monsod case. I and other reporters believe that this would be tantamount to supporting the possiblesuppression of pressfreedom. we "Besides, believethe probiem shoulf,be tackled not by us but _ by your kind office. After all, it was suggestedthat a Supreme Court

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PrR DEcEMBERleel justice was responsiblefor the leak." Such "unauthorized'releases Oeaks)has intensified the rivalry between the two factions. It has cometo mean' at times, literally grabbing a story, as in cornering one which is otherwise meant for all reporters. WIITIE PAPER Amid all this speculation,a "white paper" on the justice beat was circulated almost simultaneously with its counterpart (BANTAYMEDIA) in the House of Representativesbeat. The justice white paper pointed t4 a certain reporter as leading a cartel. All in all, it contained 14 serious allegations, among them celebrated caseswhere coveragewas imposed or non-coveragedictated. The cartel allegedly takes its guidancefrom parties involved in the stories, their associatesand PR persons who handle the press for these purposes. The white paper also reported on a range ofbenefits enjoyedby certain journalists, from "retainers' fees" or "protection money'' or "goodwill mone/ rangtng from about P2000 to be shared with the pack, to P100,000 in contracted fees for the production of souvenir programs. It related how two justice reporters received monthly retainels fees and other cash inflows from a certain businessman who wanted a temporary restraining order from the court to save his house from being demolishedto give way to a public works project. It claimed that thesereporters''services" were terminated after the "deal" fell through. It named two reporters from other major newspaperswho were offered the same but who refused. In the white paper, referencesto what was claimed to be wellknown "liasons" - personal and otherwise - betweenjournalists, reporters and members of the justice staff sugest an alarming level of entrenchment of the system being condemned. Unfortunately, by itself, the white paper does not mount the necessaryevidence. The white paper - an unsourced document and the cases it cites are nrlnerable to being dismissed as pure hearsay. But interviews with journalists in and out of the beat reveal a consensusthat the charges should not be dismissed outright and that somebody or individuals should probe for the kind of "proof'that will make the charges stick. According to JUCRA president Brando Merrera, a group of reporbers is working on evidenciary materials to beef their case against the alleged cartel. Given the pmper venue' Merrera vows, the evidence would be presented. NAIVIINGNAIVIES On November 27, L99L, the story naming frve lVlanila Bulletin staffers and a reporter of The Manila Chronicle as beneficiaries of the IBP fund releasesbroke out. With this in the open,the accusations in the beat gained ground. Named in the Supreme Court-approved formal report censuring Tan were Bulletin's editor-in-chief Ben Rodriguez, associate editor ' Vicente Foz, news editor Crispulo lcban, justice reporter Rey Panaligan and correspondentIsidro Roman "who did press releasework" for the IBP. Vic Foz is a lawyer and a member of the IBP. The findings stated that Tan disbursed the funds "with extravagance and irregularrty," thereby making a "milking cow" out of the national lawyers' association. The 23-page report listed under "questionable expenses" the IBFs "publicity/honorarium" fund. Such fund was increased from

In the JUCRA, so-called "cartelization" of the neu)s couerageof the courts has beencited as a contentious issue

1991 | 29 PJR DECEMBER

P50,000 (covering July 1989 to June 1990) to P90,000 under Tan's term the following year. According to the formal report, the expenselist was corroborated by IBP auditor Zenatda Farcon who had testified she issued seven checksfor all five Bulletin newsmen. On the other hand, Eva de los confirmed Reyes,hired by Tan as IBPs press and media liaison of;ficer, that Lamberto Castro, the Chronicle justice reporter and currently chairman of the National Press Club Ethics committee, received a P3,000check. Castro is a lawyer and a member of the IBP as well. Castro, however, already admitted in an Inquir:er report of his receipt of the checkbut qualifiedthathe did so'for servingin the Board of Editors of the IBP Joumal." In the samenewspaperreport, Castro said 'tre refused Tan's offer to pay for his services several times, but was prevailed upon to acceptthe check after Tan said it camefrom his 'personal funds'." Associate Justices Teodoro Padilla, Abraham Sarmiento (now retired) and Carolina Grino-Aquino noted in their report that with Tan's resignation, disciplinary action had become "moot and academic," adding no further sanctions c,ruldbe imposed. 'The fact that Atty. Tan The formal report concluded in part: never profited financially from his acts is not the issue here. In more ways than one,the IBP was made a'miiking cow'for certain favorites of Atty. Tan and his administration." Foz and Castro have since consislently stated that they received their honorarium in their capacity as IBP members, specifically for helping the IBP with the preparation of press releases. Meanwhile, the Bulletin issued a short front page clarification the day a{ter the story came out in the other papers. VARIATIONS OF A'SCOOP' The manner in which the IBP fund mess story was releasedby the justice reporters themselves is a story in itself. The approval of the formal report was endorsedby the associate justices to the Supreme Court on October 4. The High Court approved it on October 15. On October 20, at least one national daily carried the story, filed by a reporter identified with the faction of frve. The story led offwith Tan's censure but did not mention a thing about newsmen being named in the formal report. It took more than a month before the copy of the formal report and the High Court resolution was made available to members of JUCRA On November 27, at least four national dailies carried the story which, this time, included the findings on the six newsmen. Another news report which came out on the same day quoted As'is not sociate Justice Padilla as saying the three-man court body accusinganybody in the media of any inegularity,f: perhaps to elarifr that the investigation focusedon the lawyers and their activities. Obviously, the cartel system was easier to maintain during the period of Martial Law. Collusion between officials and journalists was not likely to be questioned during that time. The white paper takes care to report efforts within JUCRA ilself to break away from the practices instituted, but the cormption has persisted. In time, the charge of cormption has been leveled on both old and new members of JUCRA The formal report of the court body, as approvedby the Supreme Court resolution of October 15, where six editors and reporters were named,has laid down the grounds from where an industry probe could commence.

The problem of "leo,ks" continues to plague the c\uerage of the courts. The critical question rernains, whoseagenda do theseselectiueleaks
SCTUE?

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PIR DEcEMBER1gg1

THEEVILS OFA

I{ElryS
By BERT CASTRO

CARTE

Reprfntedfiom Dfiar|stq offlclal publlcatlon of the Unlon ot Journallsts of the Phlllpplnes.

cartel reeks of monopoly, and sometimes of shadowy transanctions, whether in business or in the practice of profession or vocation. But cartel in news production sounds new to the public. T\:rith is, it has been there in some beats but has remained unnoticed. But this kind of monopoly in news gathering is rare. It arises out of expedienry, out of a collectivedesire ofpress peopleto keep the news flowing smoothly. It assures one amd all in the beat that news wiil b available the next day. Scoopsare accidental, ifany. But such arrangementcouldbe converted into a money-making racket by some journalists who know how to manipulate the naive, the unconcerned, the poorly-paid, and the news-harassedmedia practitioners. In Malacafiang, before and during the martial law regime of the late President Marcos, news cartelization was institutionalized by presidential press aides and palace insiders for various justifiable and vicious reasons topmost of which was the rarity of presidential press conferences. One interview alone with President Marcos assured the reporters of one good story a day for the entire week. They have other sources of news though during those days: the press releases being churned out by the Department of Public Information (DPI) and the abhorrent scripted interviews with the President. In thosemanagedpalacepressconferences, DPI sycophant a would hand a strip of paper containing prepared questions to the reporters. Under that dictated arrangement, no reporter could shoot questions which had not been included among those distributed. There are some who violated the rules but their questions were followup ones and not only harmless but unimportant as well. Mr. Marcos, of course,had ready and witty answers for all of them. There are some benefits in news cartels besidesthe assuranceof news stories. The largest prize, of course, goes to the cartel operator who cunningly operateseither directly or indirectly.

His cohorts in the racket, get the next biger slieescompared to those of the neophytes, and those representing small papers. The sourcesof the benefits couldbe the public officials in the beatr PR agencies doing business in the same beat; and outsiders of clients asking favors from the reporters. First among those easily hoodwinked into joining the cartel are reporters -with so-called "multi-beats." they usually have a hard time going the rounds of the offices assigned to them to cover. Some of these reporters cover as much as three major beats a day. They usually can't siay long enough to look for news in each beat. And the peril of being "scooped" in other beats which get their scant attention is always ominous. This predicament drives them, unwittingly too, to surrender their precious independence to the cartel operator who in most caseshas better aocessto traditional sourcesbecause he has been in the beat for so long. Second are the congenitally nonperforming journalists who appear at the press office or coverthe beat in the last few minutes before their deadline. They wait for handouts and scroungefor press releaseslike hungry beavers. As a result, they got scoopedleft and right for their vanishing acts after getting the news doleouts. Instead of covering events and news sources, they cover their fellow newsmen, the wires and the PROs. They would sell their soul to the cartel operator in exchangefor news. The third are the scumsin the beat mostly of the racketeers,the composed extortionists, and the schemingnewsmen in the payroll of bigtime PROS. They are few but the damage they wreak on the reputation of professional journalists is incalculable. They corner the printing contracts of associationsattachedto the government offrcethey cover. They pressure private persons and entities doing business with the government agencies they cover to toss their PR programs for a fee to their money-making rackets. They are not easily recognizable. The cartel operator often comes from a major newspaper, and has the

-l

19S1 | 31 PrR DECEMBER *"rya,mer.-<acstlair to help others to {.i*! rrelr patronage. He leads his i:-l:,'is,ers dangling financial assisfo--u::ig arC a *ad) supply of news, =6::m.a:e or otherwise. He is welltr":x-: ln press circles as the self-pro: J-+: g::ofather. fiie sou]d ignore self respect to :,iase ur,e major sourcesof news in ;le :*ai rr exchange for recognition i: *-: leaier of the presscoveringthe beaL :anr;h: -: :s d:.rs recognition which gives :.-* :r::ei :prator the badge of a de '::; raj=r who can get specialfavors ; -:i- .a.enploynent for paying client, r 1i.", -i. donations for ghost parties, for i l:,:'r,ir--butions newsmen going "-":-:;i.. cr for those in dire need of - -:,:', fir apartment rental. 3 ::rurn. the cartel operator stops ;-" :-:b,ication of unfavorable news *-'::eip-:. distorts the news to please ; n ;:"*ernment officials and his :*=:.;s- anC acts as the unofficial PR :*- .;'i::;l of the department or office. " C-{RTEX-PRONE BEATS 5:: ail beatsare susceptibleto news *::e-ization. $; nne peculiarly inevitable incii.n:s and press operations combine :.: gri'e rise to that sinister practice. -l:i-"orsare intricately laid down as a :r:; ior newsmen,to pull them down :,: *-e net of cormption. ,;irat factors need the cartel? Tie head of offiie. n-ieadsof departments, bureaus, : :::,::rissions and offices prefer a press. :r:ul ,e-free S: me would even bargain with the ;:..s peoplein terms of press confer=:.:es. privileges, payolas and in al::-:.: everybhingto ensure their irn:i-..:r:late image to the publii. -\ potential of seasonedcartel opnra:or would always seizethis opporwith l,;:riry to strike a dirty concession rhe equally scheming public official. AJways with financial or equivalent considerations. Oncethe cartel is in place,the operator would function as the de facto FRO, the moolah dispenser,the news ccordinator between the different in soruces the beat and the press. This was the situation in Malacariangduring the martial law regirne ;f ]Iarcos. --r*eu's in boitlenece tht hegt" There are beats which are most vulnerable to cartelization. One of them is the justice beat due to its wide territorial range of coverage. Each subdivision of the beat such as the Supreme Court, the Sandiganbayan, the Office of the Solicitor General, the Offrce of the Ombudsman, the Office of the Special Prosecutor (formerly the Tanodbayan), and the Court of .{ppeals, is considereda major sourceof news. On a busy day like Thursday or Fliday, the Supreme Court usually issues L5 decisions,five or six of the potential page one material. Added to this are petitions and motions being filed by parties in a lawsuit. Besides,the possibility of press conferencesby and press statements from the Justice Secretary and the Solicitor General would make the life of reporters not only busy but miserable on that day. When this happens, collective agreernentthat each one servesas the ponente(writer) for onepotential news will be an inevitable consequence.A copy of oneponentewill be xeroxedfor distribution to other porrcnte for mutual convenience. firis peculiar situation is fertile ground for spawning news cariels. A reporter-manipulator could grab such opportunity to introduce his racket. In the justicebeat,there were times when the news cartel was almost irretrievably institutionalized to the extent that an exclusive or scoopwould be collectively and outrightly condemned. The writer would be ostracizedas if his resourcefulnessis a cardinal violation of the code of cartel. That's why that unwritten law in the press room kills initiative and the growth ofyoung journalists in the profession. Dirty manipulator. Senior newsmen with unquenchable lust for money and speeialprivileges would ignore delicadzza and tradition to perpetuate themselves in the position of power and to ensure the unchallenged continuity of the news cartel. Once eleeted as president of the press association, they would resist any attempt to call for a free yearly election that may topple them. A purebred.in this dirty practice had even suceededin forrning a core gr"ou"f-! *llf,anatieal newsmen who, like Pavlot's dogs, would wag their tails at his biddingbecause the prize for their loyalty is always a steady supply of stories and money. He elowns to sell his story to those suspiciousof his antics. "This is the story I like to write," followed by "I'll give P500 for those who would write this" and "this is page (paid) one,' are his favorite pitches to one and all in the press room. He either writcs his clients press releases or distributes the ones prepared by his clienf,s agency for consumption of the press (including those who refuse to accept the payola). In return, he acts as the moneybag of the PR company. But he also solicits potential clients for the outfit which is well known in press circles. One time, a cartel operator demonstrated his exceptional skill before the top officials in a major beat The former presidency had to unseat the incumbent of his press association who destroyed the cartel. Only the timely discovery of the wicked plotby one of the naive public officials and a doubting newsman aborted the coup. But he succeded once in putting in good publicity for one top public offrcial who was on the verge of public condemnation,if not extinction, in the public service by providing him to suppress a legitimate news story inimical to his office. The cartel master was afraid he might be scoopedthat suppressing the news was the only way to prevent it. Had the writer of the story complained to "cause-oriented' press associations, the concerned public officia.l could have suffered a shattered public image. There are still many cartel operators pounding the beat and destroying the image of the press. Watch them closely before they totally ruin the name of the press. (Beft Castro is a Justice Department reporter of The fuIaniloChronicle. He is a form.er presidnnt of JUCRA and is also a director af the Natinnal PressClub and chairman of the legal comissinn of the Uninn of Journalists of the Philippines. Castro is a practicing lewyer and kos taught pressetlzicsand. libet laws in usri,aus sc&u,/s.l

32 I

PJR DECEMBER 1991

1991 I 33 PJR DEcEMBER

street atwo.way between the and Politicians Press

Z By LTJ DEL ROSARIO-RIMBAN
.an the Philippine setting,journalists are known to count a politician as a godfather or godmother. Patterns involve approachinga news sourcefor favors like securing employmentfor a jo6lesssibling, son or daughter;solicitingfunds for a for sportsactivity, or even recommendations a US visa. If there a.e.tewsmen who don't fit the bill, then they're probably too young or too new to the professionor are otherwise unwillingto use the ;'connlection." the eyesof someof their peers,this translates as a In waste of opportunity. Journaiists know they need to nurbure their news connections. Newspapermenrely heavily on the relationships they build with their who may either be the politicians themselvesor their soorces sorrrces, closeaides. And asjournalists agein their beats and in the profession, the reporte.-soorce relationship can evolve from the purely professional to the highly personal. It is this relationship that the joumalist will turn to for easy access to stories, affording him the occasionalscoophe would not have gotten had he chosento stick to the official or regular sourcesof news. Unfortunately, in a cultural milieu driven by patronage, the powerful news *o"ce iends to dominate the exchange. Politicians in the to Philippines are so used to doling out favors, a practice that se-ems co-e *ith the job. Somepoliticiins readily admit that this is what the politico is known for: to hilp constituents get a jo!,brinS-tlreir children io tft" hospital for treatment, or bury their dead. And knowing the sorry financial state most journalists are in, the politician readily turns on the samekind of politics toward them. A politician recently told a group of young and idealistic -reporters, 'Normal lang sa arnin ang rnogbigay ng pera so press. Bal.e wala sa amin ang P1000- Kung knilangan ninyo, eh, di rnagbibigay hamL Para sa amin tulnng yon dahil alnm namin kailnngan ninyo." (ltls normal for us to give money to the press. P1000 is nothing to us so if you need money we will always be willing to grvg--We look at it as someform of aJsistancebecausewe know you need the money). Is it any wonder then that in major political beats like the House of

CORRUPTION

34 |

PJn DEcEMBERlsel
Illustration by DENGCOY MIEL

Representatives or the Senate, some reporters use their connectionswhen in need, to get, for instance, a sick child or a pregnant wife to a hospital or to pay for the children's tuition fees? In the same manner, it would come naturally for a politician to grve a travelling reporter some pocketmoney or help a reportefs relative get appointed to a desired government post Rarely does a politician turn down journalists, specially legitimate reporters who come seekingfavors. PoliticianB thrive on publicity and media exposure and are only too aware of the immense returns they could get from investing on a good "working" relationship with members of the fourth estate. But, of course, some of them know only too well that when the time comesto collect, as when elections draw near or when these politicians suddenly find themselves in hot water, then they know whom to turn to, banking on the very Filipino trait: utang na lmbThe set-up inevitably raises the touchy ethical issues that face Filipino newsmen. The more open-minded among journalists would tell you that cash given by a congressmanor a senator as assistance for a sick wife would not constitute grounds for the breach of journalistic ethics. Others would take it a step further, sayrng,"If,s alright to receive as long as you don't ask for it." The more cynical would shrug offethical apprehensions, saying, "We journalisLs are doing these politicians a big favor and if,s only natural that the favor is returned." Still others would regard with dismay reporters who dare raise ethical issues. Thesejournalists point to lunches or dinners given by sources or the provision of facilities such as typewriters, fax machines or even paper by government offices. Then there are others who scoffat their colleagueswho come on as "squeaky clean," citing instances when the 'clean boys and girls' don't hesitate to avail of free plane rides or hotel accommodationsduring out-of-town coveragessponsoredby politicians. The question invariably asked is - when should the ethics question be raised and when should it not? Most journalists will agreethat as a rule, as long as you dont sell your stories or let your sources dictate what comesout in your article and maintain an objectivestance, then your conscienceis clear. But then again, in most cases,it would be hard to prove this point - once more underscoring the many gray areas that coverthe question of journalistic ethics. A veteran newscaster who once headed the news departrnent of a major television network likes to say, 1As long as there are politicians who are willing to give, then there will alwaysbe takers amongthe newsmen who cover their activities." It is a sad fact that when it comesto witch-hunting on newsmen allegedly on the take, blame is pinned mostly on the "takers," while the "givers" are left, out of the touchy ethical question. Many recall the caseof then Trade and Industry Secretary Jose Concepcion whose aide was accusedof giving Jr. out one thousand pesos each to newsmen covering a congressional hearing where Concepcionhimself was testify-

ing. The reporter who had been accusedofacting as the conduit and handing out the cash himself has since been grilled by the National Press Club and action has been taken against hinn. But the giver himself frorn whom the cash emanated got away scot-free. So where doesthis leave mediamen and their so-called crusade for a clean, independent profession? lrlewspaper outfits continue to pay low salaries, leaving the door wide open for the occasional"envelope,' if not for the monthly payola. Media outfits continue to rely on sourcesand politicians forthe provision of out-of-town coveragerequirements like transportation and hotel abcommodation as if it is the sources'obligation to do so, grving reporters and their media outfits and illusion of self-importance. In a societywhere the elite - politicians and other such well-placed personalities - give out cash and favors to media as a matter of course, any attempt at cleansing ranks or imposing a code of ethics could end up as mere bitter personal confrontations between the takers and their accusers. Gray areasaboundin the journalisrn profession, wrought as it is with the many pressures its practitioners have to deal with. Editors, publishers and reporters have to sit down and draw up a eodeof ethics relevant to the Philippine setting to deal once and for all with the ethics question as an important part of the profession and not as a mere document to be dug out of the files when media practitioners are charged with breach of the code. This involves costs and commitment at the very highest levels of the professional industry. (Luz Rimban is a reporter of GMA Heodline News of Chanrwl T. She couersthe House of Represefiatiues.)
Ga

PJR DECEMBER 1es1 I 35

N* afew reporters arrogantly wear their press cards like somepolicemen do their badges. At the very leasl a PRESS card brings someform of entitlement to, for instance, an erning motoristreporLerwho is caught by a highway _policeman, thus, Boss, pness ito eh. Fasensiya na- Naghahabol lamg ng deadl.ine"'even if, he or she'snot" Thaf,s pretty basic as presscard owner'sconductaccording rnany who hold ttrese to cards. But the arrogant rnay Lnast: {This is the press!) "pl&95",9'?"O"P And in cer[ain otkrerirrcidents ou{.side minor traiTra of violatrons sorncnewsmenwho have the audacity,if not the gall, to brandish pless cards to the facesof the'disr"espectful' e able to get away with ar the act neat,and quick. Enter, indeed,the omnipresent and ornnipotent press IDs - yes, rnake that plural. Haven't you at one time or another bumped into a newsrnanwith a stringof old, fading press cards and newly laminated onesdanglingfrorn his neck'l Is it stating in that fashion that entitlementsare not askedas much as they are, and should be, readily given to the press? More often,a single,new press ID sufficesto make it do as what its owner/s may deemit will and it must. We at the PJft, know about this "l?eeiancer'non-joumal i st who, in neefloI extra rncomer oncesuccessfully fed a state intelligence bureau with some information br:t not without first borrowing and skiiifuily i;ampering with the press card ofa duly accreditedyoung repori;er. The card was returned all right after the neededinformation

was secured. 'Access to inforrnation is, of course, one of the privileges you get fum being a duly-credited media practi, tioner,' saysVic Tuason of the International PressCenter. 'You can for instance have access to government officesand military estabiishrnerrts providedthey are nonprohibitive areas. F^ndof course,the iPC IDs are the only onesrecognized by IVtralacaflang." $ti11, there are goverffnent men who securesuchlDs for their own but who.T'uason hastensto add, are "immediatelyrefusedby us." *Theyhave their offrceXDsand that would suffice. Well, unlessof,course are you from the state-ownedFhilippine l{ews Agency." The IPC, he says,issuesout the cardsstrictly to working newslnen duly accreditedby their respective news agencies, freelaneers, too, to who,however,must submitfive bvlined articlespublishedby a nationally or internationally recognized and professionalnews agency,with an accompanyingeertification from its chief editor. The National Fress Club, as a private organization, issuesout their own. The general rule is that any workingjournalist is eligibleto become NPC card ownersunless affi I iated with "questionable"pubications or one'sa blocktimerin radio. These are stated guidelines but a certain Alfredo G" Reyesfrom Calapan, Oriental Mindoro would want rnore hard and fast rules over oress card issuan'ces. In our files of The Manila fimes is Reyes'May 2?, 1991 published letter where he fumed. "governmentpublic relations officers (PROs)should not be allowedto paradewith their press

cards as members of the Iegitimate press.' Reyescited the caseofa corres, pondent of a Manila-based daily who, on the side, works as the PRO of a provincial official and who, on top of receiving P6,000,is entitled to reimburse transport, representation and other incidentalexpenses. Reyes'letter, in part: 'T.lewspapers or magazinesand other pubtrications general circuof lation should not allow government PROs to serve &s news correspondents. "While they have the audacity to dispiay their tradge of power'in order to gain access private to affairs and records;to coerce, intimidate and trarass people, including public officiais, Chey have been known to correct crime syndicates,warlords, gambling opeiators and corrupt governmentofficials. *They are even good at inventing news stories. For instance,ifyou record the nurnber ofNPAs in the so-called'encounters' over the last five years, Mindoro's population would have been reducedbv half. fiere in Mindoro, we are unfortunate to have a corresDondent ofa Manila daily who worki on the side as the PRO of a government official. '...He is in the payroll of the ADB-World Bank-funded reforestation project of the office of the provincial official. *This feliow has been threatening to exposeteachershere for not givinghis child a high gradeand nonor rn scnool. "I think itis time for the Manilabasedpress to stop accrediting socallednewsmenwho use theiinress cards for selfish and unlawful dnds. Otherwise, eventhe killine of Iegitirrratejoumalists will noTeven bother the conscience ofour people."

36 I

PJRDECEMBER1gg1

HOIryI

POI/NDTD THf,plr,UCF, BfiAT

By DIANA G. MENDOZA

I.tOWto deal with cornrption in media was one of the most important topics occasionallydiscussedin journalism school,side by side with the basics in news gathering and newswriting and dealingwith the ever-presentdanger that goeswith the glamorized trade - libel. During lectures inside classrooms or in fora with invited guestjournalists who have distinguished themselvesin the industry, students would raise the most expected questions. Examples: if a journalistbelongs to a press corpswhose members have virtual control over the management of news stories (which story should be written today, which is to be embargoed,etc.) and who openly accept bribe money and gifts, how will he handle the situation? How can he distance himself from the practice without being ostracized? Or, how will a new (or young) journalist distinguish a "token of appreciation" given by news sources whom he has "incidentall/written favorably about, from %ribe money or gift,s"from a news sourcewanting to have an article written about himself? Someteachersbrief journalism students about widespread corruption in the industry and the students in turn ask how they can battle cormption, or avoid it, when majority of newsmen are apparently party to the practice. If I remember it right, the answers camein self-righteousdenunciations of the practice coupledwith an invocation of the journalist's codeof ethics. Journalism schoolwas very helpful. Why? It told me to be straight, to side with the good and to always know which is right for a journalist to do in the most critical and uncompromising of times. It gave me the basics. It was also fun. Why? It taught me to separate the campus from reality. The warm comfort of the campus was always there, but not until I started calling myself a neophyte, almost five years ago. The IVfunila Chnonicle was myhighlyesteemedteacher after school.

rr

With eagerness and the jitters, I was assigned to what editorial superiors call the place for a reporter to be hardy -the police beat Not everyone started out in the police beat. But it has been the trend since 1986 when editors were surprised at the number ofhalf-baked collegegraduates sprouting everywhere longingfor attention on their resumds and very eager to be called "journalists." One could cover politics all right or that assignment he favors for himself, but he or she should be "tried and bludgeoned"first in the police beat. The editors would not field innocent-looking youths to the political arena or to the presidency or to any other beat unless their faces would show the grit characteristic of a hardened, well-rounded reporter. And indeed, I was "bludgeoned"in the police beat for nearly two years - my first two years in the coverage. There was fun and pain at the same time. It was not only my first assignment. It was also rny first encounter with cornrption - as far as I know of it - in all its forms. The only thing worth wondering about in the police beat is whether it was the appropriate beginning for a freshman journalist to learn the ropes. It seemedmore a proper field to complete one'straining in police coverageand its acknowledgedtwin, media cormption. Luckily, I came out of it resolute and learned. I could not boast of making the rounds of all the four police districts of the metropolis. I was first assigned to the Southern Police District but only for a week. There,pusoy (Russian poker) and casesofbeer waiting to be consumedat a comer of the press office is the order of the day, that is, if there's no reasonfor reporters to join ihe policemenin undercover work. uTsong,walang purnapasok dito lwng hindi u.mihwn," ("Pal, no one can enter this place without having a drink first") egged a former college senior who coversfor a tabloid when she saw me pounding the typewriter on my first day. I could tell how fast she has learned the ropes. "Batako

----_l
PJR DECEMBER 1ee1 ha rw ngayon. ("Yorr're now one of the boys"). "Now I know what IVe got to be," I told her. She followed this up with, "/t hindilang iyon, dapat marunong ha ring mag-pusoy." ("Not only that, you also must know how to play Russian poker.") In almost all police beats, members ofthe press corps are supposed to get acquainted not only with the policemenbut even more so with the officers. In that beat, I found it surprising that somereporters coveringthe Southern Police District have to be "acquainted" with a newly-appointed police offrcial almost everyday. I learned that the *courtesy calls" meant that the reporters were getting acquainted with the officer becauseof a "Iisf,'that police officerstraditionally keep. This "list" is actually a "payroll" from where members of the press corps draw "salaries." In an atternpt to have the payroll retained and upon learning that the new officer was also cormpt (becausehe also provides cash),the reporters had to make the customary "courtesy call." There, I rarely saw reporters play upusoy" or sleep on the couch. But somemale reporters smell of marijuana, liquor and cigarette while somefemale reporters spout gutter talk. Goodthing I had sturdy insides. In every respect, the press office stinks. But at the prime police beat, everybody's eveqrwhere looking for stories, somedo it independently, others go in packs. nTYopa,' ("TYoops") they called the packs. I as can easily recall one faction that was made up of the "tropang" oldies, a term coinedby the freshmen reporters. lhe older newsmen (someare still there and will seem to be there for the rest of their lives) are the fastest to latch on to sourcesof news. Some ofthem are also quicker to spot prospective"sponsors"for a drinking sessionor sleazynight with bar girls. Surprisingly, the sponsorsturn out to be anybody from the roster of division chiefs who would make just one phone call to the best nightspot in the bar district of the city. If I could not boast of raking in ample experiencein all the police beats, I could not also boast ofhaving been on the front seat or in the seats | 3?

themselves, of all the headlinehoggrng and perverted crimes ever committed and were placed under investigation by the best policemen. I was not given the privilege to make the rounds of all the beats. I'm not sure if police reporters still refer to the WPD as the "prime police beat" becauseofthe current celebrated crimes still unsolved in various parts of Metro Manila. But then, the idea of where the real action is, which is the WPD, still remains. Becausealong with it comesthe National Bureau of Investigation. l'or the rest of my assignment, I was sent to the then Norbhern Police District which coveredthe cities of Quezon and Kalookan, and the towns of Malabon, Navotas and Valenzuela. The beat was considereddead by my colleagues, until ambuscades stagedby various assassination sq"radsgave us reporbersour daily fare. If there was no daring ambush stagedbefore noontime, the iest of the day's coveragewas ealled run-ofthe-rnill. Aside from the daily police stories, the area has story possibilities such as the labor movement, environmental problems, petty politics, commerceand development,all of which my paper saw fit to print. And then the other part of the training came sirnultaneously. But why did I say "police and media corruption" earlier? Becausethere were willing mediamen who connived\{rith crookedand equally willing policemen. And this doesnot exclude politicians, ordinary peopleand even junkies. The willing mediamen included one tabloid editor who scoldedhis young correspondentfor asking that he be transferred to another beat becausehe disliked the area. "trt stinks. My colleaguesostracizeme becauseI don t want to receive money from the payola (payroll) and I think, Sir, I'm just doing the right thing," the still unnerved reporter said. But tlie editor retorted, "[fngas ha pala, eh. Kaya nga kita inilagay diyan dahil nny pera diyan." ("You're stupid, the reason why I put you in that beat was becausethere's money to be made"). The editor was oncea police reporter in the area, who, after

becoming a deskman and later on editor of the tabloid, was still included in the payroll of the anti-vice unit of the five Northern Police District stations. Ttre anti-vice unit gives out P200 to P500 a week to reporters whose names appear on the payroll. Come Christmas time and the amount is anted up to P1,000 in the spirit of the season. I know. I learned only later that my name was on the payroll but I wasn't receiving anything. I shuddered at the thought of my editors finding it out first without my knowledge. "Nabubukulan ka hind.i mn alam,o ("They're putting one over you'), sneeredone reporter. I was not the only one. There were five of us. I asked the press corps president to removeme from the list. "But you are a mernber of the presscorps, ponnn yon?"he asked and then confided that he did not know who was getting the money that was supposedlymeant for the five of us. I resigned from the press corpsbut the president never honored my resignation. That started what other reporters branded as a parting of ntropas." The organization of the press corps was one thing that police reporters busied themselves with. Everybody, including those masquerading as reporters and photographers offlyby-night media groups, wanted to becomea member of the district press corps. In the police beat, there are a lot of perks a member can enjoy. When he is included in the list the reporter is 'rnka-timbre tur, may ayoska na," meaninghe is entitled to the weekly "payroll" and whatever money is to be divided between crookedpolicemen and reporters on the take. This, according to a veteran newsman covering the Southern Police District. When I was pulled out of the police beat, I coveredwhat others consider the'better" beats, but which, I would learn later were only slightly different from the one I left behind.

(Diana G. Mendoza is afreelance journalist formeriy with The M* nila, Chroniale.) h

The Antiporda Case

MEDIAONTRIAL
Bv DIANA G. MENDOZA
Tn""" was a certain vagueness about the reactions which greeted reports on the alleged October 1Z bribery incident that took place at the very hub of the Philippine press - the National Press Club (NPC). But the response of journalists sharpened as a special ethics committee began public hearing sessions several days after. The hearings failed to hold the sustained attention ofnewsmen,savefor reporters of three newspaperswho added the bearings to their current beats and provided their eolleaguesand the public news of the proceedings. The fact-finding committee headed by Dr. Renato Constantino included larqyer-journalist Luis Mauricio, Philippine Daily fnquirer associate publisher Isagani Yambot, Malou Mangahas of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism and freelancejournalist Monica Feria who replaced Malaya news editor Yvonne Chua. The Constantino committee was formed mainly to investigate the Antiporda case. But as soonas the committee buckled down to work, somejournalists frowned at the sight of their colleagues, some of whom are offrcers of the club, hurling attacks at each other. The charges ranged from misuse of NPC funds, receiving money from gambling lords, questionable solicitationi for trips abroad and shabu sessionsright at the NPC premrses. Testimonies of reporters and photographers called to the hearing revealedthe view among mCdiathat the incidents of corruption are as the Constantino committee's 12-p3gereport,said, "ordinary, commonplace,daily realities." Scorn was haped on yoqng reporters Catherine Canares(Manila fimes) and JinlqyJorgio (Daily Globe) / for exposingtheincident. Philipine journalism's newcomers should at first be *sanny', or get used, tn such practices,they said. Butthere were newsmenwho denounced Antiporda and gaveCanaresand Jorgio a pat on the back. On the whole, the media community welcomedthe committeeand pinned their hopesthat its work would set aprecedent. Others haited the sharp editorials mounted by two papers that called for a change in the entire NPC leadership and challenged the club to look at itself and start cleaning up its ranks. The Constantino committee itself reinforced the editorialsby statingin its reportthat the NPC has cast doubt on its own integrity and competence with the way it behavesandviolates itsbylaws. "Delicadezadictates that they take appropriate action in order to salvagewhatever is left of the reputation of the club," the report said. Julius Fortuna, NPC secretary, said he was awed by the aftendant publicity that accompaniedthe case,but acknowledgedthe recommendations ofthe committee. "It was good and bad in a sensethat the casegenerated wide publicity. It has gotten public attention but it has destroyed a lot of names and is still about to destroy names," he said in an interview prior to the committee's findings. Fortuna recognized the need to assess media even prior to the Antiporda case. "I think that afler this," he said, 'we have a lot of work to do.' In its findings and recommendations, the committee did not center on the Antiporda case,saying the time had cometo bring forth casesof media corruption "with a view to contributing to the restoration of the integrity and reputation of legitimate journalists." Mangahas, in answer to questions from reporters during the presentation ofthe committee's findings, said
NPCethics committee:From left, MalouMan gahas,Luis Mauricio,Renato Gonstantino, MonicaFeria,and lsagani Yambot.

&

PJR DECEMBER 1ee1 | 39

this is a caseof the c-ommittee "journalists trying their of - " fellow journalists, of the club trvi-ng the club." fimes reporter Raul Daneej shlred the committee's view. "Antiporda was nailed to the wall long before the Constantino committee began investigating the case. rronng hrm wrong was a secondaryconcern,"he said. What was more important, Dancel said. was that the case"placedthe issue of media ethics on center stage." It prompted media "to examine itself, to re-assess iole in its a graft-ridden political structure. "Tarna lanp ba na yyma.bays-a -ago! ng habulukan ng lipunan an! media. ppluhan.bang banggain ng media ang a[os?" ("Is !.fay it right for media to ride with thotide in a rotten societv or shouldmedia stem the tide instead?"),he asked. Dancelfurther stressed that the issuesdiscussed in the investigation w_ere_ much more than seeingto it that Antip.ordabe punished for what he allegedly did. It was not his trial but media's. But the committee's work is not yet over. Junex Doronio,political reporberof the philipine Time!;o"rnal, asserted,saying the sick media thi countrv has rieht now is reflectiveof the sick societythat it belongsto.-

" "*ii bq ng incident of investigation-, may mababagi bo, iuy, after 10 years?"_ Doronio said that for as l6ng as tlie "unwritten law"that-"th ere is nothing wrong" if ajournalist does. gonot after dole-outsbut insiead ac"cepts without hesitation grft_so-r offers from news sources o, poblic relations peoplefor whatever these presentsmean, the problem stays. Those_whoadhere to the widespread practice that perverts the Code of Ethics, according to Doronio, a reporter .for nearly 10 years now, arJ the underpaid Journahsts-eto yung mga kapit sa patalim"_ who are the easyprey ofcorruption. Gascon,Newsday's chief of photographers ,George_ a3d.on-eof the committee'switnesses,obre*IA:'.Arrt tingin kasi ng maraming reporters at photograpAe.s si ganyan, wala namang rnasarna. N{inian, pdmpalubaplooh, pamasahe lang, Minsan, ftind,i mo iataippihari." he said. "Hitd,i na_ngadapat pinag-uusapanly"an,,'he ("Many acl{e$. repciE's andph'otud-p[;; r#ffih; r;1;

"Ar1g ko is 1agot diyaneh,whateise

nifiiiopor

r#':#r#,?,":4&:i:;:JTr*"-r:x't.$i:rywidiv
Photo by BEN AVESTR(Z

nothing wrong with the praciice. It's just fare rnonevfor them. liometimesyou can't say no.") - Doronio opined that publishers and editors are the th thiscase, NPC cease be the will ro jusr best people to initiate -a "radical change" by upgrading l"ri:Lli?lf compensatron standardsand cleaningup their papersof But mostjournalists are thankful because case the rncompetentand corrupt journalist.s. surfaced.The Globe's NliguelGenovea said it will,,not l\farvic Cagurangan-Munar, Congressreporter of only separatethe rotten apples in a basket but will the Phiiippine Daily Globe said sheihares t-he the ideals institutions that -present media as a part of society's of her feliow young journalists, that is, .honestv and has its own ills." credibility rnust be the order of our business."b,rt vie*s An instanceof public attention was Canares'hav_ ingbeeninvited to speakaboutmediacorruptionbefore with regret the "firmly-established root of corruntion" t\3,t;s low compensation the University of the Philippines' Journalism Club. and laxity of publisheis and eclttorsin hiring reporters. where,as a journalism student,she was oncethe oresi_ dent.'"The sf.r.r "Even if we eventualiy get, rid of Antiporda and dentsh ad a lot of questions. At ieast,th ey know how it is to be here at this tirne," Canare"s Tany others of his kind, the root will breed the same fruits'g the future. Alarn nating lahat kung paano ttyo ;;filO

People's Joumal man aging editor Alex Allan said there are a lot of factorsthat push newsmento succumb to the practice. The editorial board ofthe paper. said Allan, felt bad about their reporter Antipord-a's'case. but said the board gave all-its trust to the ethicj commlttee. 'You cannot simply judge the integrity of people sometimes. But of course,as his (Antiporda's) editor. I felt bad about it," he said. "It was ttre paper's name that Antiporda carried when he did thb act. ttre WpC leadershipwas another,"he said. Allan, a former policeand defensereporter and was the paper'schief of policereporters beforeassurninehis presentpost,pointedout that "thereindeedis a thin line between morality and practicality" among journalists being confronted with corruption. 'I was always telling my reporters that whenever they are given such envelopes, they should know what it's for. But if they are after it, that's another thing," he said. Bribe-takers, he said, abound in the beats he covered. Pegple's_Journal and People's Tonight rep-orte-r Raul Beltran noted that a no-nonsenseprobe should also be conductedon editors and columnisis (he said two of them write about policeand military affairs and "receive money by the thousands daily,,)-who do such things but whoseacts are coveredby riewsmenof the same league as theirs. the -. - Allan acknowledged need for editors and publishers to sit down and talk to their staffabout "easorrable.and humane remunerationsand better working conditions. Lynette Ordofrez,day editor of the Manila Chronicle, said the work does not end at the committee,s handing out its decision, because NpC has to,,Drove the that it is notjust the merc socialclub that,it is riehi now for it has always established itself seemingly For that purpose alone, "Aft-er this case, whathappensnext? Of course. we can't call a s-pade spade.We just don't stop wlren-the a parties in_vo!_ve-d proven guill,y," shesaid. Ordonez w91e saidthe NFC shouldnbthesitatet-o discinlineits rank.q_ "Has it. ever func^tione_d a jury which prosecutei as errlng Journatrstsr' I have never heard of the club perfbrmi ng i ts s',-rpposed sponsibi ities,' she said, but re I

40 |
I

PJR DECEMBER1gg1

THE ANITIPORDACASE

66O.tou"

press r L7,t2p.m.

A bribe attempt at the Press Club

Special Ethics Committee probes allegations of bribery by an NPC director. Here is a full account of the hearings.
By JINICY JORGIO

conferenceby lawyer of murder suspect Rolito Go at VIP Room, NPC," I hastily jotted down on my diary to remind me about my assignment that day. Mr. Antonio Antonio, president of the National Press Club (NPC), invited me to attend the press conferenceto which I had also been assigned by my editor, Angge Goloy of the Manila fimes. Cathy Canares of the Philippine Daily Globe was also assignedto cover the event. October 17, Thursday. From the National Bureau of Investigation which was also my beat, I hitched a ride with ABS-CBN reporter Gus Abelgas who was covering the NFC press conferencecalled by lawyer Raymundo Armovit. The NPC restaurant was fillecl with newsrnenhaving their lunch VIF Roqrm first"to and I cheekedf.l're had atrready seeifthe conferenee started. I then proceeded the to NPC secretary's office to deposit my bag. As I left the room, NPC secretary Fely Santos told me jestingly, "Pag may nagbigay sa iyo ng enuelope, hatian mo ako." ("If someone hands you an envelope, don't forget to give me my share.") As we sat down to lunch which was prepared for the press conference,Santos asked us to sign a sheet ofyellow pad paper. Canares sarcastically muttered : nArlo'to, payroll?" ('What's this, our payroll?") Antonio then introduced Armovit, explaining he was the one who suggestedto the lawyer that the press conferencel:e held in the ciub to generate business. Antonio further said the club is not taking sidesby allowing Armovit to hold the press conferencein the club's premises. Go, a businessman,was accused of shooting to death De La Salle University graduate Eldon Maguan during an altercation over a traffrc incident in Greenhills, San Juan

-l

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 41 last July 2. After the conference, I went to the NPC secretary's office to make somephone calls. I saw Jess Antiporda, People's Joumal reporter and NPC director, accompanied by two Chinese-lookingmen approach NPC secretary Nena Delfin. Delfin then handed Antiporda two NPC car stickers. I then saw Delfin write down'Vic Lim" in the log book. I rushed to my other beats where I reeeiveda messagefrom Oathy saying "Pleasecall fimes offrce. Urgent." I immediately returned to the NPC where I felt tension in the air. Fhilippine Newsday reporter Efren Dayauoun led me to the billiards room and told me: 'Nakita ka nang nagbibilangan sila ng per&. Nagh,abigayankanina, Hindi ka pa nakakuha?" ("I saw them eounting money. Money was handed out. Were you not given any?") When I called up Cathy at the Globe, she said: "Jinky, kasi nabigyan ako.".nakatanggap ba?" ("I was ka given money...did yorrget any?") I told her that I only receiveda Tshirt and nothing else. She then told rne that Antiporda gave her an envelopecontaining five F100 bills and that she will include the incident in her story. Just then Antiporda called me inside the NPC president's office and in the presenceof Antonio asked me about my recent Olongapo ecvrage. "Na-aalala mo ba na tnay pera si Alden?" ("Do you remember if Alden had money then?") (referring to Alden AIag, a reporter of the Fhilippine Star). I replied, "No." Antiporda tlien said: "Alam kong per& siya. Kasi binigyan niya rn&,y aho, nalaman ko galing pala sa ganr.bl,ing lord,s iyon kayri bitmbalik ho. trbapala ang naintindihan ni Cathy sa pag-abot_kong pera." ("I knew he had money becausehe gave me sorne. It, was only later that I learnedhe got it from garnh:linglords that's rvhy I wanted to return the rnoney. tr tirink Cathy {Canares)misinterpreted my Lrandingher the envelope.") I then tolti Antipord,a: "Jess,yung trip sa Olongapo last June pa iyon. Kung gusto mo talagang ibslik bakit ngayon rno lang ibabalik after fiue months?" He replied: *Kasi ngayon ko lang nakita si Cathy, kaya ibinabalik ko para kay Alden." ("It was only now that I saw Cathy that's why I was trying to return the money to Alden through her.") Goloy then called me up to check on my story. I told her everything that transpired including the grving of envelopes as confirmed by Canares. The Globe story the following morning was a surprise since I was not expectingthe paper to name the people involved. After the story broke, NPC officials decidedto form a special ethics committee to investigate the bribery attempt. Named to the committee were veteran andlifetime IrIPCmember Renato Constantino as chairman. Other committee rnemberswere lawyer-j ournalist Luis Mauricio, Isagani Yambot, associatepublisher of the Fhilippine Daily Inquirer, Ma. Iourdes Mangahas of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism and Yvonne Chua, Malaya news editor. Chua was later replacedby freelancejournalist Monica Feria. During the first meeting of the committee October30, Antiporda wrote Antonio protesting the composition of the cornmittee,saying most of the members belong to papers which reported and even editorialized on the incident. He also clairnedhe was being framed becausehe tried to question the dealings of someNPC offrcers. Antiporda was asked by the committee to attend all the hearings which were o.pened the to 'public. Canares was the first one called to testify. She stuck to her elaim that Antiporda gave her an enveiopecontaining five P100 bills and told her, "pasensiyaka na, napakiusapan lang ako dito." ("Sorry, I was just askedto do this.") I was next to testifv. NPC secretariesFely Santos and Nena Deifin corroboratedmv testixnony. Santos said she was joking when she asked me about the "envelope thing." She denied any knowledge about the handing out ofenvelopes.However, she told the com'yung pera

In its findings and recommendations,the committeedid not just focus on the Antiporda co,se, saying the time had cometo bring forth ca.ses of media corruption "with a uiew to contribwting to the restora,tion of the integrity end reputation of legitimate j ournalists.

42 I

PJR DECEMBER 1991

mittee that she was asked by Antiporda to get the attendance of the reporters and photographers who attended the press conference. Delfin, on the other hand, admitted she was given P50 by one of the men in Armovitjs party to buy white, letter-size envelopes, adding that she gave the men two NPC car stickers on orders ofAntiporda. Photographers Romy Florante of the Globe, and George Gascon of Newsday, said they each reccived a white envelopecontaining money. Florante said he receivedfour P50 bills while he was in the NPC president's offrce. He said he surrendered the money to his editor who in turn donated it to the union. Gascontestified that Antiporda gave him five P50 bills inside a white envelope. He said he also turned it over to his editor. Florante and Gasconsaid thev thought the envelopescontained pressreleasessincethey had been asking for one to help them in writing their captions. Vergel Santos, assistant editor of the Chronicle, testified that he was having lunch at the restaurant that day with another journalist, Rolando Fadul, when he noticed peoplegoing in and out of the president's offrce. Philippine Star reporter Mayen Jaymalin said she did not receive anything since she was on her way to another assignment and did not cover the whole press conference. Jaymalin also testified that Antiporda later on visited her at her City Hall beat to ask to her to sign an affidavit saying she did not receive any money from him. Another reporter covering City Hall, Jaymalin said, was also asked by Antiporda to sign the same affrdavit. In his testimony November 8 Newsday reporter Efren Dayauoun said he saw two Chinese-looking men counting crisp P100 bills at the restaurant. Dayauoun also said he saw the men conferring with Antiporda. Fadul testified that he was surprised to seepeople during the October 17 press conference*na nagiikutan ng nag-iikutan." ("People were milling around.") Fadul said he saw peoplegoing in

and out of the president's office and then at the VIP room, adding that he saw one of two Chinese-looking men clutching a folded brown envelopewhich he describedas "rnapintog na mapintog at tila mahalaga ang laman na hindi mabitawan " (*Ihe man was clutching a bulging brown envelope which he wouldn't put down.") When asked by the committee what crossedhis mind when he saw that, envelope, Fadul said'Pera ang laman niyon." ("It contained money.") Philip Reyes,an NPC waiter, said he servedfour cups ofcoffee inside the president's office where he saw Antonio, two Chinesetrnen,a pregnant lady of Chinese extraction and another unidentified man who he said was not a reporter because he knows the journalists who come to the club. Alag of the Star testified that he saw Antiporda earlier that day at Camp Crame where they chatted for some time. "Kung gusto niyang ibalik sa akin noong araw na iyon, sana ibinigay na niya agad dmn pa lang sa Crame dahil rnatagal ding haming naghuwentuhan." ("If he really wanted to return the rnoney he said I gave him, he could have done so at Crame.") Ten more media personswere later called to testify including Globe news editor Angelina Goloy, Times news editor Criselda Cerdena,Times photographer Romy Homillada, NPC president Antonio, NPC vice-presidentBobby Capcoand other reporters from the print and broadcastmedia.

2L,I990 for exposing for the first time specific for the first time a snecificcaseof enen velopmental journalism. (see PJR August 1990 issuc). The casewas certainly not the first, but it surfaced among the many instances of cormption in rnedia becauseit also becamethe first "majof caseto be investigated by the ethics body of the National Press Club. That was after it merited a front page story in the Inquirer about what took place one day while Pango was covering the congressionalhearing of the Petroscam caseinvolving former Ttade and Industry Secretary Jose Concepcionas alleged by former Executive Secretary Joker Arroyo. Pango wrote in her story that while Concepcion was testifying,his aideswere distributing P100bills to each reporter covering the investigation. The DTI public relations office and the CongressionalFress Copps leadership both denied the points raised by the story of Pango. The DTI PR office said it did not and will never engage in such acts and claimed that nobody from their office was hired to do such act. PressCorpspresident Miguel Genoveacondemned reportedact the a'brazen" one, if true, and said that other reporters were not aware of any Concepcion aidesmoving around while the hearing was going on. He pressedPangoto name narnes. Pango said she would do so in the proper forum and added that, as SOP, she has turned over L0 pieces of P100-bills to the Inquirer union and a receipt would be mailed to the parties concerned. The Philippine Press Institute singled out the incident, if true, as a pay offor a bribe, saying it could "not be dismissed lightly and must be investigated to iLs logical conclusionno matter who gets hurt." The group claimed that charges such as this keep cropping up so oft,enthat a probe would lead to the reduction, if not elimination, of "this blot on Phil-

PJR DECEMBER 1991 I 4iT

The NPC Ethics Committee

NEXT CA$E, PLEA$H

ippinejournalism." Then NPC president Butch del Castillo ordered an investigation and directed Julius Fortuna, tlien cochairman of the ethics committee. to lead in conducting the inquiry. Fortuna even when re-electedto beeomethe current NPC secretary, handled the investigation with Roy Acosta, editor of the Inquirer, and Bert Castro, NPC officer and senior reporter of The Manila Chroncile. Fortuna said the investigation which started in June 1989 lasted for eight months. The fact-finding body handed its decision to the NPC board immediately after it concludedits investigation on January 18, 1990. He said it took the committee a longtime to comeup with a decision becausePango left the country when the probe was ongoing. (At the same time, a congressionalreporter who was implicated in the casewas asking for time to confront Pango when ordered by the committee. Several times the reporter, too, failed to appear.) The decision suspendeda congressional reporter for one year after the committee established that he indeed was the'bagman." But Fortuna said that the repodet's suspensionwas meted only last year. Fortuna explained that the NPC' board "shelved. the case"and did not make any decision after the fact-frnding committee tumed over its findi4gs. No reason was provided although he recalled that by the time the former NPC board started its deliberation, it was already election seasonin the NPC. Sevenmonths aft,er,as NPC board secretar;r,Fortuna passedthe case on to the new NPC board, again, for deliberations. Afifirming the factfinding bod-y's decision seeking to suspendthe reporter for a year, the NPC board handed its decisionlast July.

DRUGABUSEINMunIA
Early this year, members of the Eastern Police District Press Corps, Ied by their president Gina Tabonares of The Philippine Star, filed complaint! of drug abuse againstfrve of their colleagues before the National Fress Club ethics committee. - Tabonares charged that a group of five newsmen amongthe EPDPC members have been using"shabu'' and have began using their own press offrceat the EPD headquarters in Pasig for their "shabu" ses$isns. Former NPC president Butih del Cactillo was pmmpted to direet an investigation, with Julius Fortuna of the NPC ethics committee again handling the case. There were six, not only five, as stated in the complaint, who were called to shed light on the allegations of their colleagues. All denied the charges,Fortuna said. But Fortuna said the committee''s "most lethal" evidencewas a photo taken by the complaining reporters of what they claimed was an actual 'shabu" sessionin their press ofiice. The photo was published in the cover of the May 199Lissue of The Filipino Jouraalist, the NFC's official ' i ,,' publication. The investigation was eonducted for about four or five months, aft,erwhich a decisionwas handed last June. Two of the six reporters were expelled from the NPC but their cases,Fortuna said, are being reviewed periodically The four others were not punished, according to Fortuna, because there was little evidenceof their participation. They were only grounded (from their work) while attending the investigation. Fortuna said the NPC is in toueh with the editors of the two expelled reporters and said the two are exhibiting goodbehavior. _ DGM