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EDWARD CRANZ Reviewed work(s): Source: Traditio, Vol. 34 (1978), pp. 157-192 Published by: Fordham University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27831043 . Accessed: 12/04/2012 01:24
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and thinkers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were widely in the reception and transmission of a variety of earlier works, and engaged recent scholarship has perhaps concentrated too much on the special case of the reception and transmission of the Greek and Latin classics. A study of the publishing history of the Aristotle commentaries of Thomas Aquinas may Writers throw light on a different phase of the same general process, the Renaissance an ancient author.* a fortuna of medieval rather than of Thomas Aquinas did not produce a complete set of commentaries on Aris
Thomas expounded Aristotle through what are known as literal commen taries, in contrast not only to the paraphrases of his teacher Albert the Great, but also to the question commentaries which became dominant in the four teenth and fifteenth centuries. While Thomas does not deliberately conceal concern is with what Aristotle intended,
reportatio of his lectures, by Reginald of Piperno), and two books of the Parva naturalia In moral philo (De sensu et sensato, De memoria et reminiscentia). Thomas commented on the Ethica Nicomachea and the Politica sophy (Books I and II and Book III through Lectio VI). he wrote on Books I-XII of Finally, the Metaphysica.
In the field of natural philosophy he wrote on the Physica, the De coelo (Books III through Lectio VIII), and Book the De generatane et corruptione I through Lectio XVII theMeteora (Book I through Lectio Vili orX), ), (Book are written commentaries of Thomas; Book I is a the De anima (Books II-III I?II
totle, but he commented on a very considerable portion of the Aristotelian left a commentary on the De interpre corpus.1 Of the logical canon, Thomas I and Book II through Lectio II) and on the Analitica tation (Book posteriora.
and 1 For
to the New England earlier version of this paper was presented Renaissance Confer at the University of New Hampshire, October 1974. Numbers enclosed in parentheses of Editions to this article. preceded by ? refer to the items in the Check-list appended a basic statement on of Thomas, zur Geschichte C. H. see M. Grabmann, the authenticity Die of the Aristotle com probable dating des hl. Thomas von Aquin (3rd ed.; und Theologie des Mittelalters XXII 1-2; M?nster Latin Aristotle Commentaries: Authors Robertus Werke and
272-85;
Lohr,
at 159-72 For a general (with full bibliographies). ' Die Aristoteleskommentare des heiligen Grabmann, in his Mittelalterliches I (Munich Geistesleben 1926) 266-313.
158
the intentio Aristotelis.
TRADITIO
the context of the 'Latin Aristotle/ and it does not seem that he was actively interested in getting back of the Latin translation to the Greek original.2 In the area of the literal commentary, Thomas was unexcelled. He gained ' ' the title among the Latins of the Expositor, and his own followers thought his commentaries so essential to an understanding of Aristotle that there was an adage in the schools to the effect that where Thomas was silent, Aristotle remained mute. Thomas also won praise from philosophers of other schools, and Agostino Nifo.3 such as Pico della Mirandola ' It is still uncertain how many of the commentaries we possess were pub ' lished by Thomas himself. In the lateMiddle Ages, the standard way of making
He first divides the text in scrupulous detail. He then goes on to summarize and explain what Aristotle has said, with particular attention to difficult passages and to possible contradictions. Thomas bases his analysis on the medieval Latin translations of Aristotle; he remains with
a work public was to provide it with a personal dedication, and only the De Curiously, the De interpretatione was interpretatione has such a dedication. never completed by Thomas, and we must assume that the dedication in ques tion was
simply a letter to accompany a first installment of the commentary. In any case, the commentaries were surely 'public' in the first part of the fourteenth century, and most of them are listed among the official texts avail of Paris in 1304.4
in the early
fourteenth
all Aristotle's
works
of Moerbeke trans century we find the story that William and natural recent scholars have philosophy; supposed with William about in the Leonine points of the translation. of the Opera edition omnia and William between Thomas is does not but seem to have been older par ones, often cites obscure
that he profited by direct editors of the Ethica however, shown the that
consultation
of the Politica
have, not
evidence
story of the collaboration and further that Thomas of the most rather than recent
in making
use
translation,
See Thomas
1 (Sententia libri Ethicorum) 1882 ff.) XLVII *232-34*; (Rome Aquinas, A 63, note 1. See also the Appendix to the edition libri Politicorum) ibid. XLVIII (Sententia ' et l'?thique Saint Thomas R.-A. ? Nicomaque,' libri Politicorum, of the Sententia Gauthier, at pp. xviii-xx. 3 Sixtus Medices, tione tacuerit mann, (?57) 'Die writes: Thomas, to in the preface to the 1530 iam per fuisse.' edition The 'Sine of the commentary vulgatissimum statements of Nifo Grabmann Thoma also mutus Sententia dans 'Une on the De are esset gener a
Scholas
dictetur cites
a remark
comparable
of these Revue
see J. Destrez,
les manuscrits
universi du monde
m?di?vale:
Philosophique
184-243.
AQUINAS*
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
159
In tracing the later history of the commentaries, it will be convenient to consider the manuscript story first and then that of the printed editions, though we shall find that the invention of printing led to no sudden break in the tradition. First of all, in the period after Thomas' death, the incomplete commentaries were mostly 'completed/ many of them by Peter of Auvergne, perhaps a a It is clear that the booksellers as pupil of Thomas even if not Dominican.5 as the students wanted
commentaries on entire works of Aristotle, not on portions of them. Once the commentaries had been completed, the merely continued whole was usually attributed to Thomas, though some manuscripts to indicate where Thomas stopped and where the continuator began. For the well most were taken over into the printed editions, part these early completions some new ones were added later, such as that of Thomas de Vio on the though It is only in the present century that scholars such as De inierpretatione. Pierre Mandonnet truly Thomas Secondly, selves, were
is and notably Martin Grabmann have separated what in the commentaries fromwhat is later addition.6 like the Aristotelian works them the commentaries of Thomas,
soon accompanied by a host of study-tools, such as abbreviations, indexes to authors appear to be a concordances, and indexes. Alphabetical invention which became common only in the thirteenth cen post-Carolingian In the middle of the fourteenth century Hervaeus de Cauda compiled an tury. and the Englishman William index to the whole of Thomas, alphabetical the Aristotle commentaries, that on Sudbery did another around 1400.7 Of the Ethica was the most widely studied, and for it we have the largest number of summaries, indexes, and so on.8 It does not seem possible in the present state of knowledge to estimate how in the commentaries were available many manuscript copies of the Thomas
still survive, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As to how many manuscripts we shall have accurate figures when the Repert?rium of Thomas manuscripts has been completed.9 However, we already have excellent information on the in the exemplary editions manuscripts of the Ethica and Politica commentaries
5 On Peter of see G. H. Lohr, 'Medieval Auvergne, - Richardus' at 28 (1972) 281-396 Traditio Narcissus 6 See . . . Die Werke Grabmann, 7 M. des Thomasstudiums 'Hilfsmittel Grabmann, One might at 482-84. leben II (Munich 1936) 424-89 the study of Aristotle; see M. Grabmann, 'Methoden Latin Aristotle Commentaries: Authors
334-46. aus also alter Zeit,' Mittelalterliches compare the similar tools Geistes used for
und Hilfsmittel
des Aristotelesstudiums
Sb. Akad. Munich im Mittelalter,' (1939) Heft 5. 8 See and 259-63*. 37-50* libri Ethicorum Sententia Thomas, 9 Codices de Aquino Sancti Thomae Thomae operum (Editores operum manuscripti so far appeared, the libraries have Two volumes Rome covering 1967?). 2?; Aquino cities through M?nster.
de in
160
which have
TRADITIO
old catalogues, but can no longer be located.12 These figures can help us to determine the comparative popularity of Thomas' commentaries in relation to other works during the same period; they indicate, for example, that the Ethica commentary was widely read and studied. It is still probably too early to attempt to extrapolate from these figures to any simple contrast between the number of manuscript copies as against the later printed book copies. What we have noted so far has been a largely typical story of an established and important author. The crisis in the manuscript history of Thomas' Aris totle commentaries comes only with the humanists and their new translations of Aristotle. Leonardo The call to war Bruni's new translation
recently appeared.10 For the Ethica commentary, the editors list 86 complete or nearly complete manuscripts, 40 which are fragmentary, and 43 which are known to have existed, but which are now lost.11 For the Politica seven others are mentioned in commentary, there are 27 extant manuscripts;
is found in the opening sentence of the preface to of the Ethica, completed in 1417-18:
Aristotelis Ethicorum libros facer? Latinos nuper institu?, non quia prius traducti non essent, sed quia sic traducti erant, ut barbari magis quam La
tini effecti viderentur ?eque .... Constat enim illius traductionis auctorem ?eque Graecas Latinas litteras satis scivisse.
. . .
Bruni
antea
concludes his preface: Illud assecutum me puto ut hos libros nunc primum Latinos
non essent.13
fecerim, cum
specifically, in Thomas and the other commentators, to the older translations. If the translations are changed as fundamentally as they were in the case of Bruni's Ethica, the whole corpus of Latin commentary is left, as it were, in mid-air. Even more important, scholastic thought had built up its own phi losophic terminology in heavy dependence on the language of the medieval It might well prove im versions, and it had its home in this terminology. after two or more centuries of such thought, to learn to possible, 'philosophize' or even to think in the new and different terminology of Renaissance Latin.14
10 Thomas 1-2 and XLVIII. Aquinas, Opera omnia XVII 11 libri Ethicorum Sententia 19-37*. Thomas, 12 libri Politicorum Sententia A 10-14. Thomas, 13 Leonardo Bruni Aretino, Humanistisch-philosophische zur Geistesgeschichte und der Renaissance des Mittelalters 14 On this see the remarks of the author in problem De anima/ XVIe International de Tours: Platon Colloque 1976) 359-76.
The challenge is a clear one, and it ismore extensive than one might suspect at first glance; far more than a mere change in translations is involved. In the first place the vast commentary literature on Aristotle had been directed
Schriften
(ed. H.
Baron; 76-77.
Reading la Renaissance
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
161
Even printed
in the short period between Bruni's translation and the appearance of editions of the Thomas commentaries, we find two very different
responses to the humanist challenge. On the traditionalist side, a Spanish on Bruni's of Cartagena, launched a sharp counter-attack bishop, Alonso version and defended the old translation.15 In the exchange which followed Alonso's position was weakened by the fact that he was ignorant of Greek. Alonso's simple solution was to reject the new translation of Bruni and to use the traditional medieval version. only A very different solution, however, is suggested in a number of fifteenth of Thomas on the Ethica. Sometimes we find the com century manuscripts reader to the medie there are Ethica
mentary of Thomas, but the old catchwords, referring the val translation, have been omitted, and in their place catchwords to the Bruni translation or even the entire times, on the other hand, we findmanuscripts of the Bruni Thomas commentary, or parts of it, have been added
translation.16
to which the
in the margins.17
15 On Bruni
the debate,
see A. Birkenmajer, Vermischte zur Geschichte to the Liber of letters with Grabmann, I (Munich the der
'Der
Streit
des Alonso
von Cartagena XX
mit
Aretino/ (Beitr?ge
in his
Untersuchungen Philosophie
against
of Alonso, Birkenmajer prints Bruni's preface to the Ethica For a later defense Alonso. of the medieval translation ' Eine ungedruckte der scholastischen Verteidigungsschrift Ethik 1926) gegen?ber 440-48. listed in the Sententia libri Ethicorum translation as in manuscripts Here the 9.E.I. dem Humanisten Lionardo Bruni/ Mit
?bersetzung
der nikomachischen
telalterliches Geistesleben 16 For see examples, l*f.: No. have No. 16. Cambridge, been omitted; 34. London, manuscript,
following 208. we
Museum, it appears
same
is followed
the above
produced
in the same
scriptorium. 17 For examples, No. tains not 79. Citt? the Ethica
3003.
The
con added
late fifteenth
from the Thomas since these do commentary, though often omitting his 'divisions' translation. to the Bruni correspond 92. Cambridge, The No. of Thomas Library, Hh.1.6 has University (1620). commentary of the Bruni in the margins the lemmata been added of the Grosseteste translation; transla selections tion have No. been replaced Escorial, by those Real of Bruni. 93. El Biblioteca
del Monasterio de San Lorenzo, f.II.3. The manu In the margins translation. the Bruni there is a commentary script contains consisting from Albertus de Saxonia but also from Thomas of excerpts mainly and other writers. It so as to correspond that these excerpts have been 'revised' is noteworthy to the text of the 'liber... commentario instructus Bruni translation: est, e plurium commentariis scriptorum
162
solution
TRADITIO
implied is as simple as that of Alonso of Cartagena, but directly op we may throw away the medieval version and assume that Thomas posite; commented on the new translation of Bruni. Such was shall later have occasion the troubled state of affairs when printing was invented, and we to note the continuation and broadening of the same
dispute in the printed editions. First, however, let us look at the printed edi tions more generally. As far as the chronological spread of the editions is concerned, there were 140 editions of the commentaries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; one more
appeared in the first decade of the seventeenth century, and nine in the 1640s (in all of these calculations, the Opera omnia are counted as single editions, even though they contain all the commentaries). After 1649, none twentieth century. The commentaries of the commentaries were ever reprinted apart from the Opera omnia until the
first began to appear in the 1470s. They are absent from the earliest period of printing, of the incunabula incunabulorum, from 1450 to 1470. Indeed only one work of Aristotle himself was printed during this first period: Bruni's translations of the Et?lica, Politica, and Oeconomica, published at Strasbourg before April 10, 1469.18 Ifwe group the editions by decades, there is a steady increase from four in the 1470s up to sixteen in the 1500s and fourteen in the 1510s. The 1520s see an abrupt decline with only three editions; the decline in Thomas commentaries is paralleled by a comparable decline in all Aristotelian publications, and one assumes
that the storms of the beginning Reformation were at least in part In the 1530s and the 1540s publication resumes; a second high responsible. is reached with eighteen editions in the 1550s and seventeen in the point 1560s. The Thomas
increase of publication is clearly associated with the support of the Council of Trent and by the Jesuits. Beginning in the 1570s, by there is a gradual decline, and after 1600 publication of the commentaries almost ceases, apart from the burst of publication at Paris in the 1640s.
'
tarnen
verba
verbis
Libri
Ethicorum
a Leonardo
translati
ac
120. 1526.
In both
Biblioteca del Vaticano, Apostolica, Chigi E. VII.224, in the Bruni cases the Liber Ethicorum translation Politica 14:
of Thomas. excerpts from the commentary of the Thomas I know of only one case among the manuscripts A libri Politicorum See the Sententia similar occurs. something Firenze, Biblioteca of Thomas, Medicea and Book Laurenziana, Gadd. Plut. Prologue taken from the Thomas commentary. 18 Hain 1762; GW 2367; Goff A-983. I of the Politica
glosses
co
20 CO CO OCO 0 IM CD ? ?5 "
16
"24"
"
150
"
00 0
CO 0 2 0
"
" ~
~ ~ " 0 ~ " " o To"
?"
"
o 00 o
V. De generatione De IV. III. Ethica coelo II. anima De Opera I. VI. Metaphysica VII. Meteora
164
TRADITIO
and Agostino Nif o; like them Thomas may have seemed d'?taples of the times to represent a compromise between scholasticism and Ciceronianism. Finally, Thomas is unique among medieval authors in having as Lef?vre to the men so strong a revival after the middle of the sixteenth century. is concerned, the story of the Thomas As far as the place of publication commentaries is an overwhelmingly Italian one; of the 150 known editions, 128 were printed in Italy. The Italian printings are primarily Venetian, with
that his works continued to be published in the period from the 1520s through the 1540s. His fortuna during this period is associated with such Aristotelians
commentaries with those If one compares the publication of the Thomas ofAristotelian works in general, Thomas moves with most medieval commenta tors in the period up to the 1520s. He is unusual among medieval authors in
119 editions printed there. Finally inVenice itself the bulk of the editions were put out by the two great publishing houses of the Scotti, with 56 editions,19 and of the Giunti with 38 (or 39 ifwe count the Lyons editions with which they were associated: of the commentaries, ? 56).20 Both families did at least two editions of each and it is clear that after the first quarter of the sixteenth I am not sure whether their dominance century, they dominated the market. in Italy; it seems more likely that the reflected a greater study of Thomas two families had won control of the international trade in the Aristotle com
mentaries
of Thomas and that the sale of their publications was by no means to Italy. confined Of the editions in Italy outside Venice, all but one were printed before 1510. in the 1480s (?? 6, 24, 25, and 67), two at There were four editions at Pavia in 1493 and 1506 (?? 93 and 124), one at Genoa in the period 1470-80 Padua (? 118), and one at Vicenza in 1482 (?43). Rome produced the 1492 edition of the Politica
Of the editions printed outside Italy, the largest number appeared inFrance. There were two small editions of the logical commentaries in 1534 (?? 86 and 90); four commentaries on natural philosophy were printed by J. Kerver from 1535 to 1537, as the beginning of a larger plan which never came to
completion (?? 13A, 30, 58, and 130); finally there were nine Paris editions in the 1640s by Dionysius Moreau and his heirs (?? 3,41,50, 78, 85, 109, 117, 142, and 150). It is surprising that the Lyons presses, which were active in the of other works of Thomas as well as of the Aristotle commentaries
publication
19 On
the Scotti,
' see G. Volpati, Gli Scotti 365-82. 59 (1932) see the short notice, with 331-33, and P. with Venice.
di Monza,
tipografi-editori
in Venezia/
Archivio
Camerini,
in the Enciclopedia bibliography, by G. Avanzi dei Giunti Annali 1962 ff.). Voi. (Florence
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
165
should have published only one Thomas commentary and that in connection with the Giunti of Venice (? 56). In Spain one can group together the two Barcelona editions of 1478, of the Ethica and the Politica (?? 42 and of Averroes, de Henares editions of the De 143), and the three Alcal? interpretatione from 1553 through 1570 (?? 86, 87, and 89). Finally to complete the non-Italian in 1496 editions, there was a 1496 edition of the De generatione at Salamanca Opera omnia edition of Antwerp in 1612 (? 3). Questions about the number of copies printed are hard to answer specifically. The preface to the Rome 1492 edition of the commentary on the Politica
(? 52), a 1509 editionof theDe anima atWittenberg in 1509 (? 10), and the
states that 1,500 copies were being printed; the reprint in 1500 was of only 800 copies.21 The usual figure for sixteenth-century editions is somewhere between a thousand and two thousand, and there is no indication that the
Thomas
commentaries were exceptional in this respect. In any case, there can no doubt that there were farmore printed books of the commentaries than be there had ever been manuscripts. The
early editions of the Thomas commentaries reflect the typical develop ments associated with the history of printing. In the beginning, the editions differ little from manuscripts. There is no title page and no dedication;
every bit of space is utilized. There are regularly only catch-words or very short lemmata of the Aristotelian text. But in a comparatively short time, the and new material is added. Fulsome title pages become stand space opens up ard; there are dedicatory letters and dedicatory poems. At least one Latin translation regularly accompanies the commentary, and by the sixteenth it is usual to have two translations, sometimes even three, century printed in their entirety along with the commentary. In the fifteenth century the medie val work of indexing was continued. The Tabula aurea to complete works of Thomas by Petrus de Bergamo was first published in 1475; it was frequently reprinted, and it is found in all the Opera omnia editions of Thomas.22 Once indexes attached printing had been well established, we also find alphabetical to the individual commentaries. These become standard in the great Venetian editions and were often remarkable achievements; one can excuse the enthu siasm of an indexer as he exclaims that everything not only in the work of
(? 144)
is found
in the
letter of Nimireus
Ar
imprimenda
tradidisti
changed:
incunabular
diligentia expresserunt. . . . . expresserunt.' volumina. octingenta see Goff P-448 On the editions, through P-454. 'qui. . . .' 483.
Grabmann,
'Die Hilfsmittel
166
TRADITIO
clusively Latin. An Italian translation of what claims to be Thomas on the Meteora appeared in 1554, but in fact it derives from Albert the Great rather into account, there were than from Thomas.24 Indeed, ifwe take manuscripts more translations of Thomas commentaries into either Greek or apparently Hebrew than into any of the modern European vernaculars.25 Along with the absence of vernacular translations goes the absence of scarcely any but folio in 'portable' editions, editions. Even Averroes was occasionally available but it seems that only the learned folio was appropriate forThomas. commentaries are only rarely brought into direct Finally, the Thomas of Cremona in his important connection with the Greek text. Theophilus edition of the Physica commentary in 1492 (?120) wanted the Grecisms of the
Aristotle, but also in the Thomas commentary can now be seen 'with one '23 glance of the eye. The publishing tradition of the Thomas commentaries remains almost ex
medieval
Latin translation printed in Greek letters in the margin, but his was to prevent those ignorant of Greek from further corrupting the purpose transliterated terms. The 1530 edition of the commentary on the De genera tione (? 57) and some later editions contain a page dealing with the orthography and interpretation of the same transliterations. But both these instances are in the context exceptional, and by and large Thomas commentaries remained of the Latin translations of Aristotle. within which they had been written, that The basic reason was doubtless the fact that most of the philosophers concerned with Thomas were the De
edition of ignorant of Greek. Thus in a preface to the 1536 faces the objection of those who coelo (? 30) Antonius Demochares that since Aristotle prefer the Greek commentators to Thomas and who argue than a Greek. His reply wrote in Greek, no one can understand him better in which the milieu hardly meets the objection, but it surely illuminates commentaries were read: Thomas' Objiciunt
nomine,
interpretes Thomae
scripserit, nec
telligi posse.
Verum
graece
melius
quot
isti mihi
philosophiae
dabunt,
qui
et notabilia nec non doctoris sancti quaesita faciat ad omnia dicta philosophi quantum Quod ' erit iudicium. uno intuitu perspicienda, tuum, optime Pater, 24 d'Aristotile la Metaura naturale chiamata la quale tratta della filosofia nuova, Opera On the work, see G. Comin da Trino, da San Thomaso 1554). chiosata per (Vinegia: d'Aquino at 123-58. 5 (1917) 123-236 'Di alcuni volgarizzamenti Toscani/ Studj Romanzi Marchesi, 25 For Hebrew on the Metaphysica, commentaries of Thomas translations and/or Greek Physica, Meteora, with and the De anima, see Lohr, Traditio 29 manuscripts a translation of the Meteora commentary, (1973) 165-67. see ibid., 167. For two Italian
23 See the to the 1517 edition of the commentary Contarenus letter of Antonius dedicatory fidius mirabile sed m?dius 'Postremo on the Metaphysica alphabeticum compendiosum (? 71): menses elaboravi. circiter assiduos in quo elucubrando per duos contexui, repert?rium
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
167
graecas litteras calluerunt ? Item, ubi commentarli graeci in totum Aristo telem? Ubi chalcographi graece philosophiae? Demochares goes on to admit Agostino Nif o as a possible exceplion, but he is not suitable for beginners because of his difficulty and because of the unat tractive mass of varying opinions which he reports. As has already been noted, the first editions lacked prefaces, but in the late fifteenth and
valuable
all familiar with the topos of rescuing an ancient author from the dust and the grave; the early humanists used itmainly in connection with the discovery of of lost works, and printers such as Aldus Manutius manuscripts applied it to editiones principes. The topos was also applied to new translations of their ancient authors. Thus Giovanni Argiropulo is praised in the preface to an edition of his translations Erat
decor et norma
early sixteenth centuries, prefaces become standard and offer evidence on the context of the new editions. Perhaps the strongest impression left by these prefaces is a sense of how powerfully a first edition or an improved edition served as a symbol of new life and of rebirth. We are
of Aristotle printed in 1496: iam tot elapsis annorum curriculis apud Latinos
comitatis non solum barbaras et
tuos Aristoteles
verum
ipse
adeo
sive interpretis illius antiqui ignavia sive falsus, in tantum depravatus scriptorum inscitia ut non solum parum utilis sed et laboriosus nimium fastidiique plenus omnibus appararet. But Argiropulo ut Aristoteles
Latinus
incomptus,
has
reversus
elegantiam
comitatemque
find the same topos in the prefaces to the editions of the Thomas com mentaries on Aristotle, but with the significant difference that it is no longer an ancient author who is rescued and restored to light and life. Here is being Eugenius Brutus in the preface to an edition of the Ethica commentary of We
in Expositoris
contaminatos, illud poetae
commentarios, quos
et dicere quos ausim: ex nigris 'Pectus
edide
exivisse ser
habebant.'27
Brutus wishes to restore them to their former countenance28 in contrast to the previous bad editions, and he writes that the reader may now accept the
et Gregorius de Gregoriis] Aristoteles, for Octavianus Opera Scotus (Venice: [Johannes The letter of dedication is found on folio 2a. 1495-96). 27 Gf. IX 648. Ovid, Metamorphoses 28 Here and below the references to 'former countenances' echo Ovid, Metamorphoses I 738-9: Ut lenita dea est, vultus ante fuit. capit illa priores 26
Fitque
quod
168
TRADITIO
commentaries which by his labor he has rescued from neglect and dust. Some earlier, in his preface to the 1498 edition of the commentary on the De alione (? 53), Brutus had told a similar story: when he found the com gener 'erat enim liber adeo squalidus ac incultus, ut desperarem eum in mentary, ' vultus priores reparare. In other prefaces, the notion of rebirth is made more explicit. Thus in an edition of the commentary on the De generalione of 1505 (? 54), we find a short poem, 'The Book to the Reader,' which states: what
Non sum
Pristina
qui
fueram:
mutilus,
mendosus,
et asper
The commentary on the De generatione was published again in 1530 (?57), with a new translation. Even at this late date we again find the story of the rescue: Tertiumque
corruptione
iniuncto, libros De
expositione quibusdam
generatione et
condisci
pulis interpretarer, offendi codicem illum, Dii boni! adeo squalidum, cerum, ineffigiatum, et incultum, et ipsum legere desperarem. There with is a different poem 'The Book to the Reader,' the notions of generation and corruption: Nam livore olim poteras me dicere, Lector Corruptum; dicas nunc genitum, Medice.29
la
commentary of 1532 (? 79), we begin with the usual account of the difficult discovery of the neglected work: In theMeteora Inveni commentarla
essent, iacebant tarnen
divi Thomae
in ?ngulo
corrosa quam filiis. Quae ubi ego primum de situ substuli, licet pulvere tarnen in eis haud dubie Thomas velut in sui partus facie erant, visus est
collucere.
extra
The
editor is praised for having now presented the commentary 'emaculata et florentis quasi adolescentiae vultui restituta.' He prints the medieval translation, though he attacks it violently. He ' vivum nobis Aristotelem et also prints the new translation of Vatablus, who ' ore loquentem exhibuit. But the strongest statement on rebirth is found suo in the editor's own evaluation of his work: Vide quantum mihi tribuam. Mea quidem sententia non multo mihi minus hic liber d?bet quam genitori Thomae, quod ille eum mortalem genuit;
ego de coeno eductum immortalem fere regeneravi.
And
in his as a last example of the rebirth of Thomas, Antonius Demochares of the Physica commentary (? 129) speaks to his patron of Thom 1535 edition ' ' as, quern vides tuis auspiciis doctorem renatum.
29 The Medice of the last line, with a play on the name, is the editor Sixtus Medices.
AQUINAS*
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
169
medieval
should be prepared to find not only ancient but also authors being 'reborn* in the Renaissance. As a final variant on the notion of rebirth, one might again cite Eugenius Brutus from the preface to the Ethica commentary of 1505 (? 44). He is writing about the disgraceful neglect of Thomas: Indignatus sum tanti viri casum, quin potius miseram fortunam nostram qui in his libris eo doctore carebamus, qui primus apud Latinos sepultam philosophiam in lucem revocavit. Optabam eos in vultus priores reparare. The statement of Brutus we
Verum ut
citations have all been chosen from a comparatively small number of I believe that they could easily be commentaries; prefaces to the Thomas editions of medieval authors. paralleled from other prefaces to Renaissance They suggest that we should not give too narrow an application to the concept These of rebirth and that we
is not isolated,
ueritatem sua
gyric of Thomas
read:
pane
e tenebrie excitaret, ut sua industria eloquentiae temque philosophiam campi lugentes fun?reas pullasque vestes abigerent, et explosis erroribus expulsaque barbaria [sic] repubesceret philosophia.30 If the earlier quotations from the prefaces suggested that Thomas and the Middle Ages were reborn in the Renaissance, we now find that antiquity was reborn in the Middle Ages. It is not clear what all this finally means for our sense of renascence. We should surely not understanding of the Renaissance discard all our old notions, but it does seem that we must make room for a
few new ones.
caligantem
senescen
commentaries of Thomas also publishing history of the Aristotelian throws light on another central problem of Renaissance thought: how the me dieval philosophic tradition could adjust to the demands of the humanists and
The
version and combine the commentary of Thomas with the translation ofBruni. The general debate continued past the invention of printing into the sixteenth for century, though we cannot here notice the details. Ermolao Barbaro, example, embodied a simple humanist position which condemned not only the medieval versions but also the scholastics themselves for their bad Latin and for their lack of eloquence. By contrast Pico della Mirandola defended Thomas
specifically to the new translations of Aristotle. As we have seen, the question had already been raised in the manuscript period by Brunfs translations of the Ethica and the Politica, and two opposed positions had emerged; on the one hand, Alonso of Cartagena had simply rejected the new translations as inferior, and on the other a number of scribes drop the medieval
30 Cited Quarterly
Renaissance
Panegyrics
of Aquinas,'
Renaissance
170
TRADITIO
manist
and the scholastics with the argument that philosophy calls for a different, and sometimes more difficult, Latin than does oratory.31 In the printed editions of Thomas, as in the manuscripts, the quarrel starts with the moral works, partly because both the Ethica and the Politica, as well as the Oeconomica, had been translated by Bruni into good humanist Latin and partly because these works, particularly the Ethica, lay at the center of hu interest.
Furthermore, the humanists seem to have been active in editions of the Bruni Ethica, and before 1480 it was printed eight promoting times in the Bruni translation and only twice in the medieval version.32 It is in this context that we must place the editions of the Thomas com in 1478 on the Ethica and the Politica mentaries published at Barcelona
of (?? 42 and 143). Both were edited by Johannes Ferrarius (Juan Ferrer), whom we know nothing except what we learn from the colophons where he is described as 'most loving of the studies of humanity' (studiorum humanitatis But this is enough to tell us where his interests lay and what amantissimum). his procedure will be. He wished to make the new and elegant translation of Bruni more accessible to those reading Thomas, and he has no doubt that the new translation Hence those seen serve
and the old commentary can be harmoniously combined. he has added many catchwords of the Bruni translation in addition to the approach referring to the medieval version. Ferrarius is continuing can explain Bruni, and Bruni can Thomas earlier in the manuscripts; as a base for the Thomas commentary.33
see Q. Breen, ' Giovan
of the main documents, a general account, with translations and Rhetoric, on the Conflict of Philosophy della Mirandola 13 (1952) 384-412 and 'Melanchthon's Reply to G. Pico
'
Bruni
translation
is found
translations
c. 1479 (GW 2372). antiqua (GW 2360); Oxford 1479 (GW 2373; GoffA-987); Barcelona
The (GW translatio 2360), antiqua is found in editions of Louvain It might Acciaiolus, 1476, with the translation the 1470s of Bruni saw and Paris c. 1476 (GW 2375). of Donatus be noted actually that an also the of expanded Reportatio of the Ethica (Florence
before April 10, in the following editions: Strasbourg, Rome and Oeconomica (GW 2367; Goff A-983); not after 1474 (GW 1473? Valencia, (GW 2371; Goff A-984); Louvain c. 1475 (GW 2369; Goff A-986); 1476, with the tr. of the Politica
on his own new translation of Giovanni Argiropulo, = GW 140; Goff 1478 A-17). 'Commen 33 The on the Ethica to the commentary (?42) reads in part as follows: colophon libros foeli Ethicorum in Aristotelis fratris sacri ordinis praedicatorum tum Sancti Thomae amantissi humanitatis studiorum civem Barchinone, Ferrarium citer explicit, per Ioannem ad novam commentum huiusmodi ille idem uti legentibus sedulo emendatimi, mum, atque traductionem utique aditus, A similar virum textui eorundem in latinam etiam librorum Aristotelis cum summa Aretinum graeci per Leonardum suavitate dicendi factam, nuper facilior
of the commentary
statement
linguam cura vit...' novae huius textum traductionis subiungere antiquae on the Politica edited by Ferrarius (? 143). is found in the commentary
elegantem sit
aquinas*
aristotle
commentaries
171
But
enough simply to put the Thomas side by side, and other solutions were find the composition of new commentaries which make translation but which also work with the Bruni translations.
itwas
is Ferdinandus Rhoensis explaining why he had written the commentary on the Politica published in 1502:
. . . non
pretationes non scripserunt, sed quod illi in antiqua illa difficillima tra duzione laborantes multa dixerunt quibus nova Leonardi traductio (quam nos assumpsimus) minime indiget, nonnulla quoque hic aliter versa aliam
omnino aucuparer nostra expostulant. expositionem hunc laborem molitus diversitate studiosi ac Non sum, ad itaque sed ut manus ut quae ex aliorum illi non eorum non dictis tetigerunt, gloriam aut ea
quod
multi
et
quidem
praeclarissimi
viri
in
eosdem
libros
inter
traductionis opera
novitate
venerunt,
So Agostino sends this manuscript to Ludovicus de Valentia in the ' that he will edit it and that he will purify and expurgate whatever has hope been added or taken away by the scribe and whatever lacks harmony of style or is barbarous and uncouth.' At the same time Agostino urges that the commentary of Thomas be joined to the Bruni translation
... ut eum
first is from the young Agostino Piccolomineo to his teacher Ludo o.p. Agostino had found a very unsatisfactory vicus de Valentia, manuscript of the commentary in Tuscany, but neither there nor at Rome had he been able to locate a better one; he apparently knows nothing of the 1478 Barcelona ters.35 The edition.
' ' Perhaps the most radical and most successful attempt to humanize Thomas is found in the edition of his commentary on the Politica published in 1492 and the rationale of the edition is clearly stated in the attached let (? 144),
perciperent.34
quam
maxime
horridum
in eo quod
a scriptore additum
legatur .... ut
immundumque,
quod
diminutumve
eos [sc. confuse
confidimus,
ex
sit
im
si forte
com
verbum in
vacuum
divumque
Thomam
velimus,
in
The
young Agostino,
34 Ferdinandus
de Valentia and is addressed to his uncle the Cardinal Francesco. but Ludovicus
Commentarli in Politicorum other short works of Rhoensis, libros, with Ferdinandus and Bruni's translation of the Oeconomica 1502) fol. IIa. (Salamanca 35 On this Harvard edition, see the author's dissertation, 1938, with summary University, in Harvard ...1938 C. Martin, 'The University, Summary of Theses 133-36; (Cambridge 1940) Text of Aquinas's on Aristotle's Studies Dominican 5 (1952) Vulgate Politics,' Commentary 'Le Super Politicam de saint Thomas: 35-64; H.-F. tradition manuscrite Dondaine, Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Th?ologiques 48 (1964) 585-602; prim?e,' Thomas libri Politicorum A 15-18. nas, Sententia et im Aqui
172
assignment Bruni: Hoc
veterem non neum telis
TRADITIO
comments
on the proposal
to join Thomas
with
sentiri Aristoteli
censent. Verum
quam
temere iudicare. intelligunt esse potest et coaptatum translatio. Nam videtur. etsi Divus Thomas
veterem planam
exposuerit,
interpretan
reveals that the humanist critics of the old transla follows, Ludovicus firstmain tion were also critics of Thomas and of scholasticism. Ludovicus tains that these critics should be treated gently because of their ignorance of philosophy; they are content with verbal charm, and they have not been taught to penetrate to the nature of things. These critics should recognize their limi
tations; let them learn philosophy, and thus armed, let them go ahead to is in sympathy with their aim, and he correct the errors they find. Ludovicus He praises the that 'philosophy may be made Latin.' vehemently hopes work of Leonardo
. . . cum valeat tatio,
Gaza
in this program. He
et instruere Aquinatis et gratam Thomae
concludes:
oblectare
quae
videlicet omnibus
et
consentanea facturum
arbitratus
interpre commodam
cum Thomae
expositione
imprimendam Augustino
tuo
committere.
has not only defended in theory the program of 'making ' in his editing of the Thomas philosophy Latin, he also carried it out in practice commentary. How he did this is explained in the third letter of the 1492 But Nimireus con from his pupil M. Nimireus Arbensis. edition, to Ludovicus the editor on his work; he has not only restored the translation gratulates revised and of Bruni, but he has also added the commentaries of Thomas, put into proper style (reconcinnata).
. . . commentarla dem servato disti. verbis etiam Divi Aretini Thomae Aquinatis doctoris necessarium ipsa Aristotelis tui se
peregregia
addidisti. commutatisque
translationem illa commentarla
paucis qui
erat, ser
traduction! coaptata
lies in the phrase de Valentia The key to the editorial work of Ludovicus did first of all was to 'the change of a very few words.' What Ludovicus delete from the Thomas commentary all the explanations of the transliterated Grecisms of the medieval version, since none of these remained in the transla tion of Bruni. purging Thomas' As if this were own discussion also went far toward not enough, Ludovicus of the Grecisms inherited from the medieval
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
173
versions.
Thus, for example, politia is usually replaced by respublica, oligar chia by paucorum status, and democratia by popularis status. but In short, Thomas has been indeed been 'reborn' in the Renaissance, as an urbane humanist, and his editor has made Thomas' philosophy this time ' ' is the more amazing into what Ludovicus de Valentia believes is Latin. What is that all later editions of the Politica
minor
commentary through 1971, except for this heavily revised text of the 1492 edition; later edi changes, reprint tors, ?ke Ludovicus, ignored the edition of 1478. Not until 1558 was the translatio antiqua even printed, in an appendix, with the Thomas commentary. The 1558 editor observes that he is printing it, first because itmay help with 4 the emendation of the Greek text, and second, because it is the translation on which Thomas commented'36 (though one could hardly guess this from the revised text of Ludovicus de Valentia). But in 1971 the Leonine edition of the has at last provided us with a model of proper scholarly commentary form. editing; here Thomas is reborn in his true medieval as was other commentary of Thomas was so successfully 'humanized' No
Politica
commentary in the edition of 1492. A somewhat comparable at revision may, however, be found in the edition or adaptation of the attempt the Politica
de Graeco
Divi
in
commentariolis
Thomae
dinarium
Aquinatis
processum
castigatis
et revisis iuxta or
Wittenburgensis.
Much
candidissime lector, tres libros De anima Aristotelis in politiorem Habes, Latinitatem nuper traductos cum commentariolis Divae [sic] Thomae Aqui natis per Chilianum Reutherum revisis ac rhetorica claritudine illustratis uber quibus philosophiae alumni magnum profectum eloquiique Romani
tatem sequestrata barbarie valeant ingenue adipisci.
of material with
In his letter of dedication, Reuther explains that what he offers is a collection and opinions from Thomas and others such as Themistius. He that he has tried to write in polished language and he quotes emphasizes approval the position of Ermolao Barbaro on the need for good style in
philosophy.37
of the 1558 edition the title-page 'Aristotelis Politicorum (? 147): Compare Stagiritae libri octo Leonardo Aretino sive De rep?blica interprete, cum D. Thomae Aquinatis explana . . . quibus eorundem adiecta est quae tion Politi (ut se habebat) antiqua delitescebat, 36
olim exponendo secutus est . . corum interpretatio, See also the letter quam Divus Thomas fol. 133v. to the Reader, Rota of Julius Martinus 37 Reuther and goes on to say that they are wrong, Barbarus mentions 'qui liberalium sordi dis ex intima plebei artium studia aut docere aut scribere ingressi, vocabulis sermonis
174
The De
TRADITIO
little attention, and, except in the the attempt to detach Thomas completely commentary, translation and the medieval from the medieval vocabulary was a failure. the best and most influential statement of the reasons for continuing Perhaps case of the Politica to associate Thomas with the medieval translations preface ofTheophilus of Cremona to the 1492 edition of thePhysica is found in the important commentary
Theophilus planned a complete edition of all the Aristotle commentaries of Thomas, and the preface is not specifically to the Physica commentary, but to the whole corpus.38 It is addressed to Domenico Grimani, later Cardinal, who appears as the driving force behind the plan for such a complete edition Grimani played a long and active role in encouraging and publication of the Averroes commentaries on Aristotle, and it is interesting to find him here attempting to do the same forThomas.39 begins with the praise of all those who have proclaimed truth Theophilus of the commentaries. the translation
(? 120).
'istius siquidem profundissimi doctoris singularis and in particular of Thomas' ' in dies magis atque magis revirescit ac floret. But Theophilus doctrina, quae has been shocked by the inadequacy of the editions of the Aristotle commen hence he has finally yielded to the requests of Grimani and of others that he edit them himself. and earlier editions, Grimani in part In his criticism of the manuscripts the usual complaints of additions, subtractions, and distortions. More repeats significant for our purposes is his point that the Aristotle texts printed with taries of Thomas; are often not in accord with thinking of the combination
translation. In hac enim emendatione operae pretium non minus textu est a commentariis divo ipsis commentariis doctore Nonnumquam textus video, etiam
Thomas
of a Thomas
the commentary;
Grimani
commentary with
is clearly a Renaissance
Aristot?licos
textus ipsi tanta laborant mendositate, ut quod a fidissimo commentatore Thoma quam accurate expositum extat in plerisque latinis codicibus mini
me reperiatur.
mendosos collocatum.
in commentariis
commenta
in mendoso
verborum et contaminant, ruditate tot praeclara foedant qui barbara a philosophis ea quae traduntur rhetorico fuco ingenia, arbitrantes corrumpant entium rationis notiones.' intricatas non posse propter calls itself: '. . . pro singulari Grimani letter to Domenico dedicatory impressione divi Thomae in Aristotelis libros Aquinatis . . . prooemialis epis
commentariorum interest
of Averroes, Oskar
the Commentaries
' see the author's Editions of the ' and Human Philosophy Kristeller Leiden (ed. E. P. Mahoney; of Averroes,
1976)116-28
AQUINAS* . . . textus
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
175
et inter se discrepan
Aristotelis
tes atque multis in locis commentationi divi doctoris, et si non in sensu etiam sententiis orationis, in dictionibus tarnen repugnantes, aliquibus
truncatos, quae in ipsis commentariis expositae reperiuntur.
quos
haud
modicum
vitiatos
insists that the commentaries But Theophilus from the text: be separated Habent enim hoc
barbara
of Thomas commentarla,
ita enim
fluitate abstinere curavit ut quod alii longo protrahunt sermone, is paucis simis gravissimisque verbis lucidius sit complexus. x\t si commentationi textum ipsum coniunxerimus, nihil apertius nihil clarius nihil suavius com
mentatione ipsa reperietur.
conferantur,
videantur,
carefully (he is always speaking of versions), and he has even compared them with the Greek in order to present a good text. He has not only left in the transliterations of the Greek, but he hopes that these will be written in Greek letters in the margins. His explanation for doing this again throws light on what one may term the 'Latin context' in which the commentaries of Thomas were studied: Theophilus the medieval
Graecas vero dictiones
has examined
the versions
quas
latinus dictionum
collocandas
interpres
mutare
noluit
graece
transcrip
graecarum
logiae et philosophiae professoribus graecarum litterarum ignaris inconside ratae fiunt, hac fida conscriptione visa corrigendae sint. Neque dubito quod si
sine hac graeca
bum multis
bus
transcriptione
tanquam
fido veritatis
testimonio
graecum
ver
ampliorem
praestitissent.
Finally Theophilus defends the Thomas commentaries against two opposing forms. First he praises the literal commentary as against the wide-ranging in which all manner of extraneous and theological question commentaries questions are introduced: Nec nos commentatorem ilium laudabimus, qui cum Aristotelicum sensum lectoribus exponere promittat, modo theologicas contorquet quaestiones,
a remotis calculatorum advocat altercation
modo
marginem Theophilus
impleat medicinarum
em,
modo
importune
ut
also notices
the humanist
modum
Impetitur etiam divinus Thomas nonnullorum morsibus, qui profecto nec nomen quidem (ut ita dixerim) philosophiae audierunt, et ipsum veluti hominem indoctum arbitrantur, tanquam qui primus extiterit qui in ex ponendo Aristotelem elocutionem contempserit eumque sit secutus dicendi
qui intellectum non aures demulcere possit.
He
replies with an account of the Aristotelian definition of rhetoric and of Aristotle's insistence that the language be adapted to the subject.
176
TRADITIO
Sic itaque divinus doctor, Aristotelica disciplina monitus, talem sibi sump sit scribendi modum, qui summ?m prae se ferat gravitatem, nec expolitione
verborum aliquam obscuritatis notam incurrat.
Thus Theophilus hopes that in his revised edition Thomas will be accepted \ . . et ab omnibus veluti fidissimus interpres ac praeceptor in intelhgendo sensum eligatur.' Aristotelicum Thus
is to medieval translations, but also from the medieval vocabulary; Thomas ' ' On the other hand there is the careful argument of Theophilus be humanized. of Cremona that Thomas' commentary has its value only when read in close conjunction with error who would the medieval translations, and that the rhetoricians criticize his use of the medieval vocabulary which is ap
the year 1492 saw the publication both of Thomas' Politica commen de Valentia and of his Physica commentary tary in the edition of Ludovicus of Cremona. The two alternatives which had in the edition of Theophilus era are both still present and have been in the manuscript appeared given one hand there is the position of Ludovicus programmatic statements. On the de Valentia that Thomas' commentaries are to be detached not only from the
are in
Indeed, it was not unusual to print three, as for example in the 1519 edition of the Ethica commentary (? 45), where we find in addition to the medieval version the translations both ofBruni and of Argiropulo. Many of the editors version very grudgingly and sometimes they are un include the medieval of it, but they include it nevertheless. When both sparing in their criticism translations are praised, the translatio antiqua is credited with fidelity and the version with elegance. Thus we read in the preface to the De Renaissance
propriate It does not seem that the sixteenth century was ever able to make a clear choice between these two alternatives, or even to find any very satisfactory as to what translation to print with Thomas' compromise. On the question what happened was that with the greater resources available commentary, in printed books, it became the practice to publish two translations, both the version, in every edition of Thomas. translatio antiqua and a Renaissance
for philosophy.
traductionem
elegantem,
tibi dedimus,
tarnen.
iucundissime
ut ne
lector, veterem
in hoc
illam
volu
fidelem
Verum
desiderare won
posses, Argiropyli
quoque
translationem
elegantiam
adiecimus.
version to use. All in all about which Renaissance far the widest support as a compromise acceptable both by Argiropulo He retained much of the medieval ter to philosophers and to humanists. itwithin a good Latin style; he was felt to have avoided minology, but placed both medieval barbarisms and unphilosophic rhetoric. some debate
The table of contents of the great Opera omnia edition of 1570 (?1) may serve to illustrate the rough consensus which had emerged by the second half
AQUINAS*
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
177
were
of the sixteenth century. For every commentary of Thomas, two translations included. The first was always the translatio antiqua; the following Renaissance versions were included in the respective volumes: I. II. De interpretatione,Argiropulo Posteriora, Argiropulo Physica, Argiropulo De coelo et mundo, Argiropulo De yeneratione et corruptione, Argiropulo
Meteora, Franciscus Vicomercatus
III.
De
anima, Michael
naturalia,
Sophianus
Leonicenus
Parva
Nicolaus
But Sophianus found the translatio antiqua so bad that a mere revision struck him as out of the question, and he was forced to attempt a new version of his own. But even here he felt himself under restraint and could not entirely extricate philosophic Latinity: ... itame temperavi, ut non ita longe me a ratione veteris interpretationis et usitatis scholarum vocabulis removerim, quin illius vestigia inmea con
relinquantur. . . . Necesse habui, quoad eius facer? possem, verba
the translation in the early 1560s in connection with the great edi tion of the Latin Opera omnia of Aristotle with the commentaries of Averroes. He had first been asked to revise and correct the medieval version, and such revision had been tried before as a compromise between the old and the new.
is the most recent of the of the De anima by Sophianus included in the edition of 1570, and it can illustrate the difficulties still attached to the choice between 'philosophic' or humanist Latin. Sophia The translation
himself
from scholastic
and
versione
et genera loquendi, quae ab hoc eodem auctore [i.e. William of Moerbeke] et Averrois locutione iam inde ab initio in Scholas irrepserant, quamvis h?rrida parumque Latina reti?ere, ac veteris huius auctoris interpretatio nem corrigere, qui quamvis incultus nec admodum fidelis, tamen nescio quo modo, quod perquam religiose ad verbum omnia de Graeco exprim?t, ab omnibus habetur inmanibus, et ad hoc tempus publice legitur.40 decision on translating the De anima may be taken to reflect Sophianus' the dominant position among philosophic students of Thomas, and ofAristotle, In addition to the translatio in the second half of the sixteenth century. a more 'modern' version. At the same time, as Thomists antiqua, they wanted
40 De anima His libri tres cum Averrois eorundem usum is found accommodata, at commentants Michaele et antiqua nova tralatio,
Aristoteles, restitu?a.
tralatione ad Graeci
suae
in
accessit
exem
et scholarum
letter of Sophianus
178
TRADITIO
and philosophers, they could not break away entirely from the terminology of the medieval translations, nor could they accept any purely humanist or Ciceronian version. incompatability ofwhat one may call the philosophic and the Ciceronian traditions may be illustrated by the new translation of the De anima published The
by Joachim P?rion in 1549. This translation did indeed break completely with the medieval tradition; it was titled De animo and the text is replete It was used only once, so far as I know, as the sole basis with Ciceronianisms. for a philosophic commentary, and on that occasion the author felt compelled to provide a glossary so that one could translate the Ciceronian Latin of P?
rion back into the philosophic Latin of the old translation, the Latin that men still had to use for philosophic thinking.41 On another occasion, in 1575, it was used along with the medieval version for a super-commentary on Thomas' De anima.*2 But P?rion's De berg in 1509, appears animo, like the De anima published at Witten to have had no influence on the general philosophic
development. It is worth noting, however, that P?rion translated not only the De anima, but also the bulk of the Aristotelian corpus into this same Ciceronian Latin.43 His translations, particularly in the revisions of Nicolas Grouchy, were con
defeat.
stantly reprinted in the second half of the sixteenth century, and it is my educated reading public preferred them impression that the humanistically to any of the earlier translations. In the end the humanists had won a partial victory and suffered a partial It may be agreed that P?rion and Grouchy had indeed 'made Aris in so far as Aristotle was a classical author read by educated men.
totle Latin'
was
regularly Argiropulo, not P?rion. At the end of the century Giacomo still lectured on the De anima in the medieval Zabarella translation, while used the version of Argiropulo. Su?rez
41 Augustinus 42 Vincentius qui De anima
in they had not succeeded in 'making philosophy Latin' or of P?rion. Thomas de Valentia continued to be the sense of Ludovicus printed with the translatio antiqua always present, and the second translation
Faba
Saviliensis, Brixiensis
In
tres
libros De
anima
commentarli trium
Quintianus
(Patinas),
Dilucidationes
S. Doct. Aquinatis inscribuntur, necnon commentariorum et Joachini sc. antiquae [sie] Perionii (Bologna: typis A. Benacii, 1575). of Pennsylvania in the BN and in the University Library. Copies 43 On sur Aristote du b?n?dictin 'Les observations see A. Stegmann, J. P?rion,' P?rion, et Aristote ? la Renaissance Platon de Tours: International XVIe (Paris 1976) Colloque duplici, translations 377-89. and Editions, For some indication number with an of the extent of editions Introduction of P?rion and of the tremendous 1501-1600, Aureliana of their works, and 1971) Indexes ss.vv. activities Grouchy's translating see A Bibliography of Aristotle Cranz by F. Edward (Bibliotheca and Grouchius.
Bibliographica
38; Baden-Baden
Perionius
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
179
known, Thomas and Thomism stood in high repute in the second half of the sixteenth century. His doctrine had won a large measure of approval at the Council of Trent; even more important, the Jesuits had accepted him as their
primary theologian and as their primary expositor of Aristotle. The importance of Thomas in this period is reflected in the large number of commentary editions during this period, and also in the impressive Opera omnia edition published at Rome in 1570 (? 1), where the first five volumes contain the Aristotle commentaries. But itwill be remembered that there was last decades
though not so influential, set of Aristotle commentaries was put out by the Carmelites in the Collegium Complutense at Alcal? de Henares in the Discalced ' 1620s and 1630s; all the Aristotle commentaries are here titled: Iuxta miram '45 Angelici Doctoris D. Thomae et scholae eius doctrinam. So the question remains why the commentaries of Thomas were not used by this revived contemporary First of all, the commentaries of Thomas still had their close connection with the decline of Ciceronianism translations. With the old medieval this may have caused less trouble to theologians and philosophers, but it must have been a real drawback in schools where education in good Latin was a central goal. More and vigorous Thomistic Aristotelianism. I have found no and what follows is only a tentative hypothesis. explanations,
explanation will not work. The Jesuits continued to use Aristotle as the basis of their educational program, and already in the last years of the sixteenth century the Jesuit College at of their famous and often reprinted series Coimbra had begun publication And a comparable, of Aristotle commentaries, the Cursus Conimbricensis.u
a rapid decline in commentary editions during the and an almost total cessation, apart from the Opera One might be tempted to explain the decline of the alleged collapse of Aristotelianism, but the
important, I believe, is the fact that in a long development the a whole new superstructure had developed sixteenth-century Aristotelians of terms and ideas through which to discuss Aristotle. These terms and ideas had made it possible to modernize Aristotle and in some cases to move to new non-Aristotelian
44 On II (1958) the
or even anti-Aristotelian
see
positions.
the short note
But
this meant
F.
that to
LThK
Commentarli G. H.
by
Stegm?ller,
Renaissance Commentaries,' For a list of the editions, see A. de Backer, 28 (1975) at 717-19 with bibliography. Quarterly de J?sus (nouv. ed. by C. Sommervogel, de la Compagnie 12 vols.; Brussels and Biblioth?que 1890-1932 Paris ) II cols. 1273-78. 45 On the Cursus see O. Norl, Lexikon und Kirche III (1959) f?r Theologie Complutensis, Latin Aristotle 'Renaissance Renaissance 28 Commentaries,' 29; C. H. Lohr, Quarterly 1251-52;
Latin
Aristotle
(1975) at 716 f.
180
start with
traditio
and it too had permitted the adaptation ofAristotle to contemporary problems. During the period of humanism and of the Reformation, the literal commen
approach through a short paraphrase followed by questions, as in the Cursus Conimbricensis. Indeed, it will be remembered that during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the question-commentary had been the dominant form,
a strictly literal commentary like those of Thomas would leave a long journey still to be traversed before one reached the contemporary issues; as educators the Jesuits may well have found this less satisfactory than the
as rapidly developing as Aristotelianism. Hence the courses of Coimbra and were better able to incorporate and communicate the living Aristote Alcal? lianism of their time than any merely literal commentary, even though itmust be remembered Aristotle Thomas the time. Connecticut in Latin,
taries may well have been in better tune with the general program of 'back to the authors' and 'back to the texts/ But by the end of the sixteenth cen tury such a procedure was no longer practicable for a tradition as vital and
that the courses of Coimbra regularly added the full text of and often Greek as well. So the Aristotle commentaries of disappeared from the educational and philosophic life of
gradually
College
Check-list Aristotle
of
the
editions
before of Thomas
1650
of
the
commentaries
Aquinas
The following list presents in short-title form all the editions of Thomas' Aristotle commentaries known to me. The listmay be presumed to be virtually libraries complete for incunabula; my impression is that a search of European
might
For each edition I have, where possible, indicated the Latin translation or custom in translations associated with it. I have followed the Renaissance calling a medieval version the translatio antiqua, without attempting any more precise identification; in most cases it is what the Aristoteles Latinus calls the trans latio nova, or a variant of it. I have examined, or seen photos, of all the editions listed, except where the number is followed by an asterisk. I have not tried to include editions found only in bibliographies and which are almost certainly ghosts. Two of these are, however, of sufficient importance
to deserve special mention here.
uncover
a good
many
more
sixteenth-century
editions.
a) 1471, Venice. The edition is said to contain all the Aristotle commentaries of Thomas. Qu?tif-Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum I 286 cite what is allegedly from the Preface of Theophilus of Cremona to the edition, but the citation is from the Preface to his edition of the commentary on the Physica to Domenico Grimani (1461 published in 1492 (? 120). This preface is addressed and is dated 'ex Venetiis nono kalendas Februarias. M. CCCCLXXXXII'; 1523) further, it refers to the legation to the Emperor Frederick III undertaken when Grimani was twenty-seven, as well as to his being named Apostolic Notary by
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
181
It appears that Qu?tif-Echard and all later citations from Pope Innocent VIII. the alleged edition of 1471 go back to Pedro d'Alva y Astorga, Radii solis zeli seraphici coeli ueritatis (Louvain 1666) 83 col. 838, where the erroneous date appears. Since the preface of Theophilus of Cremona is a general preface to all the commentaries of Thomas, itwas assumed that a 1471 preface implied a 1471 A6, complete edition of the commentaries. See Thomas, Opera omnia XLVIII note 1 and A 16, note 2. lists this second edition allegedly b) 1496, Venice. Under Nr. 1492 Hain containing all the commentaries of Thomas. No trace of such an edition has been found; itmay be that Hain was misled by a Sammelband of some kind, perhaps one containing the commentaries of the Organon of 1496 (? 95). The editions are grouped chronologically under the following headings: I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. Vili. Thomas, Opera omnia ?? 1-3 De anima ?? 4-23 De coelo ?? 24-41 Etilica ?? 42-50 De generatione et corruptione ?? 51-66 Metaphysica ?? 67-78 Meteora ?? 79-85 Organon ?? 86-109 a) The commentary on the De interpretatione alone ?? 86-89 b) The commentary on the Analytica posteriora alone ? 90 c) The commentaries on the De inter pretatione and the Analytica teriora ?? 91-109 Parva naturalia ?? 110-17 Physica ?? 118-42 Politica ?? 143-50.
used through in Check-list 1500 of Books I-IX; Printed London in the XVth Century now in the British Museum
pos
IX. X. XI.
Catalogue (Parts
1908-62) toHain's Copinger, W. A., Supplement Repert?rium (2 vols.; London in American Libraries Goff, F. R., Incunabula (New York 1964) Gesamtkatalog HHain, Ludwig, R D., Reichling, (6 vols, Vindel, F., El der Wiegendrucke Repert?rium (Leipzig 1925 ff.) (2 vols.; bibliographicum Stuttgart ad Hainii-Copingeri Appendices Repert?rium and index; Munich 1905-11) Arte tipogr?fico en Espa?a durante el siglo XV
1895-1902)
Vindel
1945-51) 2. For books printed Adams, Col. Biblioteca after 1500 H. on the Continent M., Catalogue of Books Printed of Europe, in Cambridge Libraries (2 vols.; Cambridge 1968) de sus libros impresos Seville Colombina, Catalogo (7 vols.; 1501 1888
Adams Bibl. BM BN
1600,
Madrid 1948)
British Museum, General Catalogue of Printed Books (263 vols.; London 1965-66) Nationale, Biblioth?que Catalogue g?n?ral des livres imprim?s (Paris 1897 ff.). The is found in vol. 187, and the items are numbered section on Thomas
182
Camerini Camerini, Venice Catalogo Chandler Cranz Primo Paolo, Annali
TRADITIO
dei Giunti
(Florence
1962
I, Parts
I and
II:
collettivo delle biblioteche Italiane (Rome catalogo and Philosophical Portions Catalogue of the Aristotelian late Henry William Chandler (Oxford 1891) A Bibliography with Editions, 1501-1600, of Aristotle Indexes by F. Edward 1971) der preussischen Mass?na, Bibliotheken Les Livres (6 vols.; Berlin Cranz (Bibliotheca Baden-Baden
an
Bibliographica
Victor
? figures Books
v?nitiens
in the British
II, MDI-MDXX.
Section
III: a
(London 1938)
Junta Filosof?a Legrand, Short-title Abroad, Marshall; Mostra NUC Palau Manoscritti presso The National Palau Su?rez; Legrand Marshall Espa?ola Madrid y Portuguesa 1948) (4 vols.; in Italy 1885-1906) of Books in Italian Libraries Printed (ed. R. G. 1500 (Junta Centenario
E.,
Catalog
in Selected 1970)
North
American
e stampe Union
di mostra
la Biblioteca
Catalog,
y Dulcet,
1948 ff.)
Panzer Renouard Panzer, Renouard, G. W., A. A.,
ed.; Barcelona
typographici
de l'imprimerie Texts
des Aldez
in fine. and Commentaries 1961) und Materialien 1467 zur Geschichte der I to 1700 in the University of
Aristotelian Library
Pennsylvania
(Philadelphia logica
Bibliographia Le Livre
(Studien
I; Hildesheim ? figures
Thomas,
omnia
1. 1570, Rome, apud heredes An tonii Bladii et Ioannem Osmarinum Li liotum socios (apud Julium Accoltum).
18 vols. The Aristotle commentaries are
are The Aristotle commentaries found in vols. I-V (Adams A-1397; Andover-Harvard BM). Theological
Library. 3*. 1612, bergium. The Antwerp, 18 vols. apud commentaries J. Keer are
Aristotle
found in vols. I-V; they are described below under the listings of the separate . 1, works (Adams A-1394; BM; BN with full description). New York Pub lic Library.
2. 1592-94, Venice, 18 vols. cum Nicolinum. apud Domini
. 4).
4.
1481, Venice,
with
per Raynaldum
catch-words
de
antiqua
1485, Venice,
de Plano
per Antonellum
et Gu of tr.
de Barasconibus
pour
Commentary
de
of tr.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli, recognita ab Antonio De mochare Ressoneo (Renouard 510). 14*. 1543, Venice, expensis heredum
Luce Antonii Juntae. with tr. antiqua and tr.
antiqua
7.
c.
1496,
Bevilaquam, nius.
de Flandria, Argyropyli; Dominicus . 491). Quaestiones (Camerini 15. 1549, Venice, apud Iuntas.
Commentary with
Commentary
tres librosDe anima (H 1517 = 7124,1 = ? C 2520; BMC V 521). 8. 1501, Venice, per Magistrum Pe
trum de Quarengis. tr. antiqua; Do (Pan Quaestiones
antiqua; Recollecta
Flandria, Argyropyli; . 549; Catalogo Quaestiones (Camerini 6.5934). University of Southern Cali
fornia, San
Dominicus
tr. antiqua
and
tr.
de
16.
mum
Diego.
1550,
Scotum.
Venice,
apud
Hierony
nen!
tr. Argyropyli (Isaac 12976; BM). BL. 10. 1509, Wittenberg, per Joan
The Gronenberg. title reads: Liber de anima . . .
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. de Flandria, Argyropyli; Dominicus Quaestiones (Riley n. 59; Catalogo 6.5936). 17. 1559 ( ? in the one copy known to me, the last digit of the date appears to have been inked in), Venice, apud
Hieronymum Commentary Scotum. with
cum commentario lis divi Thomae Aqui natis, but it is actually a separate tr. Argyropyli (Panzer others. With . 141). IX 67 n. 11; Legrand III 167 Universit?tsbibliothek. Leipzig, 11. 1518, March 9, Venice, sumptu
ac expensis Commentary heredum with Octaviani tr. antiqua Scoti. and tr. commentary based on Thomas and
Dominicus
tr. antiqua
and
tr.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. de Flandria, Argyropyli; Dominicus Quaestiones (BM; Catalogo 6.5950). BL.
19*. 1565, Venice, with de BL.
Argyropyli (not identified); Dominicus de Flandria, Recollecta (Panzer XI 525 . 893c; Isaac 12493; BM). BL. 12*. 1518, July 24, Venice, per Lu
cantonium Commentary de Giunta. with tr.
Commentary,
apud tr.
Sophiani; IV 116
(BM; Chandler ?
628).
Flandria,
p. 7; Legrand
1570.
(Camerini
Venice, Octaviani with Dominicus
de Flandria, . 211).
ac expen
antiqua
and
20*. 1570,
Scotum. Commentary,
Venice,
with
apud
tr.
Hierony
and
sumptu Scoti.
Commentary Argyropyli;
collecta
(Marshall
I 99).
New York
antiqua
184
TRADITIO de Giunta. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Savonarola, De divisione omnium scientiarum (Bibl. Col. VII 44). Munich, Staatsbibliothek. Jacobum 30. 1536, Paris, apud Lueantonium
er ver.
21. 1587 (1586), Venice, apud here dem Hieronymi Scoti. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. de Flandria, Argyropyli; Dominicus Quaestiones (Adams A-1457; Riley n. 62). ? 1593. See ? 2, above, vol. III.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr.
apud
heredem
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. de Flandria, Argyropyli; Dominicus Quaestiones (Adams A-1458; Catalogo 6.5960). ? 1612. See ? 3, above., vol. III. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. 23. 1649, Paris,
Commentary with
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. . 334; Legrand III Argyropyli (BN . 2616). . 252; Panzer Vili 201 362 University of Cincinnati; University of Illinois. 31. 1537, Venice, apud Iuntas. Argyropyli; Savonarola, De divisione omnium scientiarum (reported by Pro fessor C. B. Schmitt, The Warburg Institute). Oxford, Bodleian Library;
Salamanca, Biblioteca Iuntae. Universitaria. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr.
apud D. Moreau.
tr. antiqua and tr.
32.
Argyropyli; Quaestiones
1543, Venice,
expensis heredum
Flandria,
Luceantonii
24.
1486,
de
[Pavia],
Carchano.
per magistrum
Antonium
Commentary with catch-words of tr. antiqua ( 1530; Goff T-240). 25. 1495, August 18, Venice, sump tibus Octaviani Scoti. Commentary with tr. antiqua (GW 1689 = 1531; Goff A-978). 2355; 26. 1495, October 31, Venice, per Gregorium et Johannem de Gregoriis
fratres.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Savonarola, De divisione . 489). omnium scientiarum (Camerini Harvard College Library. 33. 1545, Venice, apud Hierony
mum Scotum.
Commentary with tr. antiqua (GW 2356; HC 1532; Goff A-979). 27. 1506, Venice, per Simonem de Alexandri Calcedonii. Luere, impensu Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Savonarola, De divisione omnium scientiarum (Isaac 12951; Ri ley n. 67). im 28. 1516, January 9, Venice, heredum Octaviani Scoti. pensu
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr.
Commentary with tr. antiqua (Cranz . 69). Munich, Staats 108.080; Riley bibliothek. 34. 1551, Venice, apud Juntas. with tr. antiqua and tr. Commentary . 569; Catalogo Argyropyli (Camerini 6.5989). Catholic University ofAmerica. 35. 1555, Venice, apud Hierony
mum
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. Harvard College Library.
36. 1562, Venice, with Commentary apud tr. antiqua . Scotum. and tr.
Scotum.
Argyropyli (BM; Legrand University of Illinois. 37*. 1564, Venice, per Dominicum
Nicolinum, tonii Iuntae. expensis heredum Lucean
IV 86
. 611).
De
Commentary with tr. antiqua and . 685). tr. Argyropyli (Camerini ? See ? 1, above, vol. II. 1570. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli.
29.
1516, December
4, Venice,
AQUINAS'
ARISTOTLE
COMMENTARIES
185
38*. 1572, Venice, ap?d Iuntas. with tr. antiqua and Commentary . 748). tr. Argyropyli (Camerini 39. 1575, Venice, apud heredem Scoti. Hieronymi Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli (Adams A-1459; Cata logo 6.6000). Harvard College Library. 40*. 1590, Venice, apud heredem H.
Scoti.
1 56*). 101; Thomas, Opera XLVII, 47*. 1539, Venice, apud heredes Lu
ceantonii Juntae. with tr. antiqua, tr.
Argyropyli, and tr. Bruni (Thomas, 1 52*). Paris, Bibl. Maza Opera XLVII,
rine.
Commentary
48.
des
1563
(1562), Venice,
Iunctae. with tr.
apud here
antiqua, tr.
Luceantonii
Commentary with tr. antiqua and . 335). tr. Argyropyli (BN ? 1593. See ? 2, above, vol. II.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and
tr.
Argyropyli, and tr. Johannis Bernardi Feliciani (Adams A-1460; Catalogo . 660). Yale Uni 6.6135; Camerini
versity.
Commentary
Argyropyli. ? 1612.
Commentary
apud
viduam
D. and
1570. See ? 1, above, vol. V. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. ? 1593. See ? 2, above, vol. V. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. apud
tr.
heredem
tr.
nus et Nicolaus
Commentary
Barcelona, with
Bru of tr.
Spindeler.
Argyropyli, and tr. Johannis Bernardi Feliciani (Thomas, Opera XLVII,1 53*). Duke University.
? 1612. See
antiqua,
antiqua and tr. Bruni (H 1514a; Goff T-241; Vindel I 26-28). 43. c. 1482, [Vicenza], per magis
trum Jacobum de Dusa.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. 50. 1644, Paris, apud Dionysium
Moreau.
? 3, above,
vol.
V.
Commentary with catch-words of tr. antiqua ( 6522 = 6403; CR 3334; Goff T-242). 44. 1505, Venice, per Bonetum Lo catellum, expensis heredum Octaviani
Scoti.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. . 338; Thomas, Argyropyli (BM; BN Opera XLVII,1 54*).
V. De generatione et corruptione
51.
valle].
Commentary with tr. antiqua (Pan zer XI 514 n. 299c; Thomas, Opera XLVII,1 55*). Poznan, University Li brary. University of Illinois. 45. 1519, Venice, per Lucantonium
de Giunta. Commentary with tr. antiqua, tr.
1488, Pavia,
[Martinus de La
of Commentary with catch-words the tr. antiqua (HR 1534; Goff T-243).
52*. 1496, Salamanca,
dum Alemanum
Navarrum
et
socios.
fratrem Lupum
per
Leonar
dum Octaviani
Commentary Argyropyli,
1531,
Venice,
Scoti.
here tr. n.
with and
tr. Bruni.
(Riley
tr. antiqua
(HR
186 54.
Luere,
TRADITIO de Thomas, De mistione (re Professor C. B. Schmitt, The ported by Warburg Institute). Madrid, Bibliote tr. Vatabli;
ca Nacional.
1505, Venice,
expensis
per Simonem
Galcedonii,
Alexandri
Commentary with tr. antiqua (Bibi. Col. VII 43). Dublin, Trinity College; Leipzig, Universit?tsbibliothek.
55*. Octaviani n. 1519, Venice, Scoti. impensa heredum
1570. See ? 1, above, Vol. II. Commentary with tr. antiqua and
tr. Vatabli.
Commentary.
956).
(Panzer
VIII
453
56. 1520, Lyons, in aedibus Jacobi Myt, impensis honorati viri Jacobi q. et Francisci de Giunti et sociorum. Commentary with tr. antiqua (Ca Indiana University. talogo 6.6014). 57. 1530, Venice, apud heredes Oc
taviani Scoti. with tr. antiqua and tr. Commentary
65*. 1584, Venice, apud heredem Hieronymi Scoti. Commentary with tr. antiqua and De mistione tr. Vatabli; Thomas, 6.6040). (Catalogo
? 1593. See
Commentary with
tr. Vatabli. 66*. 1609, Venice.
?2,
tr. antiqua
above,
vol.
II.
and
Petri Alcyonii.
lege. 58. ver. 1537, Paris,
Dublin,
apud
Trinity
Jacobum
Col
Ker
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Vatabli (Chandler pp. 7 and 12). ? 1612. See ? 3, above, vol. II. Commentary with tr. antiqua and
tr. Vatabli. VI. Metaphysica
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Francisci Vatabli; Aristoteles, De colo . 340). University of Cin ribus (BN cinnati; University of Illinois.
59*. tum. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. 1539, Venice, per B. et O. Sco
per Franciscum
catch-words
de
of tr.
antiqua (HC 1508; Goff T-245). 68. 1493, Venice, per Simonem Be
vilaquam donii. impensa Alexandri Calce
Octavia
and tr.
filium.
Alcyonii Illinois.
61. 1551,
(Riley n. 80).
Venice, with De
tr. antiqua
University
of
Commentary with tr. antiqua (HC 1509; Goff T-246). 69. 1502, Venice, per Petrum Ber gonensem [sic], impensa Alexandri Cal
cedoni!.
Hierony
and
Commentary with tr. antiqua (Pan zer VIII 357 n. 150; 150; Adams A 461). Yale University. 70. 1503, Venice, per Bonetum Lo
catellum viani mandato Scoti. et impensis Octa
mum
antiqua
(Bibi.
tr. Vatabli;
64.
Commentary
De mistione
apud Juntas.
(Ca and
tr. antiqua
de Spina, Argyropyli; Bartholomaeus Defensiones (Catalogo 6.6199). Dublin, Trinity College; Leipzig, Universit?ts bibliothek.
Commentary
tr. antiqua
impensa he
Vatabli 6.6246).
Bethesda.
Commentary with tr. antiqua and de Spi tr. Argyropyli; Bartholomaeus na, Defensiones (Catalogo 6.6200). 73. 1548, Venice, apud Juntas. de Spina, Argyropyli; Bartholomaeus Defensiones (Catalogo 6.6207; Came rini . 542). Princeton University. 74. 1552 (1551), Venice, apud Hie
ronymum Scotum. with tr. antiqua and tr. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr.
80.
1537, Venice,
Juntae.
ceantonii
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Vatabli (Camerini n. 402; Riley n. 131).
81. 1547, Venice, with
Commentary
mum
. 534; Catalogo tr. Vatabli (Camerini 6.6255). Catholic University ofAmerica. 82. 1561, Venice, apud Hierony
Scotum. with tr. antiqua and tr. Commentary
Commentary
and
Commentary with
tr. Bessarionis;
1560,
Venice,
apud
Iuntas.
Vatabli
tr. antiqua
de
and
Spi
Bartholomaeus
mum
na, Defensiones; Aristoteles, Metaphy sica XIII-XIV (Adams A-1462; Cata logo 6.6214). University of Virginia. 76. 1562, Venice, apud Hierony
Scotum. tr. antiqua Bartholomaeus de with and tr. Commentary
(BM; Catalogo 5.6266). Uni versity of Illinois. 83. 1565, Venice, apud Iuntas.
Commentary and with tr. Francisci tr. antiqua, Vicomercati tr.
Vatabli,
1570.
See
? 1, above, vol.
tr. antiqua
Bessarionis;
Spina,
Commentary Vicomercati.
with
and
1593.
See
? 1,
above,
vol.
IV.
Commentary Vicomercati.
with
? 2, above, vol.
tr. antiqua
III.
tr.
and
1588, Venice, apud heredem Hieronymi Scoti. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Bessarionis (Adams A-1463; BM).
? 1593. See Commentary Bessarionis. ? 1612. Commentary tr. Bessarionis. 78*. 1647, ? 2, above, tr. antiqua with ? 3, with vol. and IV. tr. IV. and
77.
84*. 1595, Venice, apud heredem Hieronymi Scoti. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr.Vatabli (Adams A-1858). University of Illinois. ? 1612. See ? 3, above, vol. III.
Commentary Vicomercati. with tr. antiqua and tr.
See
85.
Moreau
1649, Paris,
et D. Moreau with
apud
viduam
and
D.
tr.
Paris,
Dionysius Thomas,
Moreau.
Vatabli
Commentary
(BN
Vili.
. 343).
on the De causis; Thomas, De ente et essentia (A. Michelitsch, Thomasschrif ten I [Graz-Vienna 1913) 243]).
VII. Venice, 1532, ceantonii Iuntae. Commentary with 79. Meteora in aedibus and Lu tr. 86.
Commentary;
commentary
Organon
in
Commentary,
*107.942).
87. apud
Munich,
Staatsbibliothek.
de Henares,
tr. antiqua
(Cranz
tr. antiqua
1553, Ioannem
188 TRADITIO
Commentary with tr. antiqua and
tr. Argyropyli; Fallaciae Thomas, (Junta n. 1097; Risse 64; Palau XX . 300340). 47
88. nes 1555, Brocar. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Alcal? de Henares, Ioan
Thomas, Fallaciae (HC 1494; Goff T 255). 95. 1496, Venice, per Otinum de Luna Papiensem, impensa Alexandri
Calcedonii. Commentaries with Thomae Thomas,
minicus
teriorum; cus,
de Flandria,
tr. antiquae;
Do
Quaestiones
super libris Fallaciarum Pos Domini
in
commentarla
Fallaciae; in Opus
89.
Ioannem tierrez
1570, Alcal?
a Villanova, with bibliopolae.
de Henares,
expensis tr. antiqua
apud
Gu and
+ (HC [ Add] 1495; Goff T-256). 96. 1507, Venice, [S. de Luere].
Commentaries with
Quaestiones
tr.Argyropyli; Thomas, Fallaciae (Jun . 676; ta n. 1099; Legrand IV 169 . 300341; Risse 79). Palau XX 47 Biblioteca Nacional. Madrid, b) The
teriora
Commentary
tr. antiquae
and
90.
Calvarin.
1534, Paris,
with et
rium (Catalogo 6.6330; Risse 31). Mu nich, Staatsbibliothek. 97. 1514, Venice, iussu ac impensis
de Giunta. with tr. antiquae and Commentaries
apud
tr.
Prigentium
Tho *107.
Lucantonii
antiqua; (Cranz
essentia
941).
Munich,
Staatsbibliothek.
tr. Argyropyli; other works as in ? 96, . 708; Bibi. above (Panzer Vili 423 Col. VII 45). Leipzig, Universit?ts bibliothek.
98. Octaviani 1517, Venice, Scoti. with tr. antiquae and impensa heredum
Commentaries
nis de Colonia
de Manthen. Commentaries
sociique
with
eius Johannis
of
tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Fallaciae (Ca talogo 6.6333). Harvard College Library.
99*. 1526, Venice, Juntae. with tr. antiquae and iussu ac impensis Luceantonii Commentaries
catch-words
tr. antiquae; Thomas, Fallaciae (HC 1497 + HC 1496; Goff T-252). 92. 1481, Venice, impensis Ray naldi de Novimagio.
Commentaries tr. antiquae; with Thomas, catch-words Fallaciae of (C
Fallaciae tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, 497 n. 1343; Camerini (Panzer Vili n. 309; Catalogo 6.6335).
100. dum 1548, Venice, Lucantonii Juntae. with expensis tr. antiquae here and
Commentaries
per Guilelmum
tr. antiquae;
de Monteferato. with
minicus
Do
in
Thomas,
T-254). 94. 1495,
Fallaciae
Venice,
(HR
per
1493a;
Bonetum
Goff
Lo
(Camerini Venice,
with
mandato
et expensis
Octavi
Commentaries
Commentaries
with
tr.
antiquae;
tr. antiquae
(Ca
apud
Iuntas.
and
tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Summa totius . 595; Catalogo logicae (BM; Camerini College Library. 6.6341). Harvard 103. 1557 Venice, apud (1555),
Hieronymum Commentaries Scotum. with tr. antiquae and
tr. antiquae
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tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Summa totius logicae (Catalogo 6.6346 and [ ?] 6.6344; . 196). Trier, Stadtbibliothek; Mostra University of Virginia. 104. 1562, Venice, apud Hierony
mum Scotum. with tr. antiquae and Commentaries
Grabmann, 110.
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are
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to
1493, Padua,
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the De sensu The and vol
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attributes
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tr. antiquae.
to Thomas
the
commentaries
tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Summa totius logicae (BM; Risse 73). University of Chicago; University of Illinois.
105. Venice, 1568, with Commentaries
naturalia
Thomas,
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Parva causis.
bona fortuna; Lo
Oc
111.
1507, Venice,
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per Bonetum
sumptibusque
tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Summa totius . 714; Catalogo logicae (Camerini of California at 6.6347). University
Berkeley. ? 1570. See vol. I. ? 1, above, tr. antiquae with
Commentaries on the De sensu and De memoria with tr. antiquae. The volume attributes to Thomas the com mentary on the De somno and to Petrus
de Alvernia the
and
106.
1570,
Scotum.
Venice,
with
mum
apud
Hierony
and
on De turalia; Aegidius Romanus, bona fortuna; Thomas, Commentary on the De causis (DK 6.6020). Indiana
University.
remaining
Parva
na
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tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Summa totius Staats logicae (Risse 79). Munich, bibliothek. 107. 1583, Venice, apud heredem Hieronymi Scoti. Commentaries with tr. antiquae and tr. Argyropyli (Adams A-1872; Cata logo 6.6349). Princeton University.
? 1593. Commentaries tr. Argyropyli. See vol. ? 2, above, tr. antiquae with I. and
tr. antiquae
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1525, Venice,
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1594,
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with See
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in ? 111, above (Cata Harvard College Library. logo 6.6518). 113. 1551, Venice, apud Iuntas. Commentaries on the De sensu and the De memoria with tr. antiquae and tr. Nicolai Leonici. The volume also attributes to Thomas commentaries on the De somno, De somniis, De divina tione,Pars libriDe motu animalium, as well as two opuscula: De motu cordis and De lumine. The remainder of the Contents
commentaries on
as
Commentaries
tr. Argyropyli
? 1612. Commentaries tr. Argyropyli. 109. 1646, Commentaries
tr. antiquae
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?3, with
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Contents as in ? 111, above (Catalogo 6.6525). Venice, Biblioteca Marciana. 115. 1566, Venice, apud Luc?m An
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116.
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Commentary with tr. antiqua (Ad ams A-1464; Isaac 13836). Dublin, Trinity College. 125. 1506, December 23, Venice, per
Simonem cedonii. Commentary with tr. antiqua and Summa tr. de Luere, aere Alexandri Cal
See
with
? 2, above,
vol.
III.
and
tr. antiquae
Argyropyli;
formis;
Thomas,
Quaestiones
de
tr. Leonici.
Robertus
1612.
Commentaries
See
with
? 3, above, vol.
tr. antiquae D.
III.
and
Paris,
apud
Moreau.
(BN
heredum
(DK 6.7024; NUC NA 0402937). G?t Uni tingen, Universit?tsbibliothek; versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 126. 1517, July 14, Venice, impensis
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Genoa,
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Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Quaestiones de formis;Robertus Linconiensis, Sum ma 524 n. 833d; Isaac (Panzer XI . 194). 12485; Legrand III 231
127. 1517, November de 21, Venice, Giunta. im
of tr.
antiqua (HC 1527; Goff T-248). 120. 1492, Venice, per Johannem
Gregorium de Gregoriis fratres.
et
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Quaestiones de formis;Robertus Linconiensis, Sum . 204; Legrand III 231 ma (Camerini
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Lucantonii
Commentary with tr. antiqua (HC 1528; Goff T-249). de 121. 1500, Venice, per Petrum Calcedo [for Alexander Quarengis
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128*. 1518,
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Venice,
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Lu
Commentary with
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Summa super li
bertas
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Petrus
10110;
Goff
Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Quaestiones de formis;Robertus Linconiensis, Sum ma (Sander n. 7281). 129. 1535, Paris, Iacobum apud
Kerver. Commentary with tr. antiqua and Summa tr.
Argyropyli;
formis;
Thomas,
Quaestiones
de
Robertus
tr. antiqua
Argyropyli;
formis;
Thomas,
Quaestiones
de of
Lo
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Linconiensis,
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blioteca Marciana. dum Luceantonii Juntae.
132.
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1545
(1535), Venice,
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Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Quaestiones de formis;Robertus Linconiensis, Sum ma (Camerini n. 504; Catalogo 6.6554). 133. 1551, Venice, apud heredes L.
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Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Robertus Linconiensis, Argyropyli; Summa; Thomas, De principiis natu
rae, De natura materiae, De loco, De
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versity ofWisconsin. 139*. 1586, Venice, apud heredem Scoti. Hieronymi Contents as in ? 133, above (Cata logo 6.6581). ? 1593. See ? 2, above, vol. II. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. heredem 140. 1595, Venice, apud Scoti. Hieronymi Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli; Thomas, Quaestiones de formis;Robertus Linconiensis, Sum C. B. ma (reported by Professor Schmitt, The Warburg Institute). Ox ford, Merton College Library. heredem 141. 1608, Venice, apud Hieronymi Scoti, Contents as in ? 133, above (BN 1612. See ?3, above, vol. II. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. 142. 1649, Paris, apud viduam D.
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350).
tempore, De aeternitate mundi; Tho mas de Vio Cajetanus, Quaestiones duo (BM; Camerini n. 561; Catalogo 6.6561). Harvard College Library. 134. 1552 (1551), Venice, apud Hie Contents as in ? 133, above (Cata Indiana University ; logo 6.6566). of Illinois. University 135. 1557 (1558), Venice, apud Hie Contents as in ? 133, above (Catalogo . 197). 6.6568; Marshall I 120; Mostra Harvard College Library. 136. 1564, Venice, apud Hierony
mum ronymum Scotum. ronymum Scotum.
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nus et Nicolaus
Contents as in ? 133, above (Cata of Illinois. logo 6.6576). University 137. 1566, Venice, apud Iuntas. Contents as in ? 133, above (Came . 695). Folger Shakespeare Li rini 1570. See ? 1, above, vol. II. Commentary with tr. antiqua and tr. Argyropyli. 138. 1573, Venice, apud Hierony
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