Women and the Veil: The Wrongful Association of the Veil to Female Oppression Monique Quinn Student Number:

6396232 Social Meaning of Gender Differences

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Women and the Veil Islam as a religion as well as a culture has been under heavy scrutiny since the late 90s, being perceived as the Other, or, the opposite of both the reality and the ideal of the West since colonial times. Partially in response to this recent scrutiny many Muslims are beginning to participate in what has been termed by the media as Re-Islamisation, which is manifested in greater religious piety, and community feeling, and in a growing adoption of Islamic culture, dress, terminology, separation of the sexes, and values by Muslims, (Lapidus, 823). In Western society, the veil has come to be considered as one of the most visible manifestations of this increasing religious identification. It has also become inextricably linked to female oppression by Islam within Western perception. Due to the prevalence the Middle East currently has in international agendas and politics, the negative focus on the veil has certain repercussions. As a tangible, visible symbol particular to Islam, the veil is now used as a symbol of not only female oppression but as shorthand for all the horrors of Islam (now called Islamic fundamentalism), taking on a projection of the threat Islam poses to Western nations identity and safety (Bullock, 123). The claim that many people unwittingly make in attaching the veil to Islam is that the only logical solution for emancipation of Muslim women is the renunciation of Islam. This serves no purpose, however, other than further ingraining a dichotomy that pits the West against the East, for it negates all roles of tradition, culture, and the personal sentiments of Muslim women that play into their choice to wear this conspicuous religious dress. It is therefore essential to understand the hijab in its natural use and religious context in order to move away from wrongfully associating it with political and (anti-)feminist platforms in the name of womens rights.

Many people in debates refer collectively to the veil, as if there was just one. This is inaccurate and leads to confusion for many people, as well as misconceptions about the prevalence of certain veiling styles in Western societies today. Simplifying the issue into just the veil serves to encompass a broader range of victims as well as augmenting the stereotype, (Bullock, 1). Therefore, the use of the term veil being discussed will be in reference to the hijab, which is also synonymous with headscarf. This type of veiling covers

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the hair and neck of a woman, leaving her face free. It is often confused with the niqab, which is the semi-transparent face veil that leaves their eyes uncovered, or the burqa, which is the head-to-toe dress that has a mesh screen to look through. In this paper, the words veil, hijab, and headscarf will be used synonymously to refer to the most popular style of head covering.

The main inferences made about the veil as a religiously mandated phenomenon, both by Muslims and non-Muslims, cite the Quran as their source. Most historical scholars in Western society today consider both the Quran and the Sunna similar to the Gospels of the Bible, as more of a salvational history than literal history. However, Muslims believe that the Quran is the literal word of God brought to Mohammed by the arch angel Gabriel. Mohammed is the most perfect Muslim, the best and final prophet, and Muslims believe that you can see God in his acts. The Sunna, as the life of the prophet, is therefore read as very real history or else it would not be allowed by God to follow it. Due to the vagueness and versatility of the rich text, many interpretations have been established, and can therefore account for the diverse and sometimes contradictory conclusions from the same verses within Islam.

Today, both sides find the Sunna relevant to their argument as the rich versatile text provides ample evidence for almost any case.1 The same can be said for the Quran. Due to its vagueness and the need for interpretation, there are many different readings of the same verse. The most popularly cited Quran reference to required head covering is Surah 24, verse 31: And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modest; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty (Yusufali translation, 24:31). Most of the different Islamic schools of thought agree in their interpretation of bosom to be understood to include the neck and hair, thus the recommendation to cover their hair in order to protect their virtue. Later in that same verse it is stipulated that they may be uncovered in
1

Jawad, Haifaa A. The Rights of Women in Islam: An Authentic Approach, pg. 41

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front of all relatives and slaves, as well as small children who have no sense of the shame of sex (24:31), alluding to an additional reason for covering as to protect the woman from unnecessary attention in the public sphere. This is also supported by Surah 24, verse 60 which states, Such elderly women as are past the prospect of marriage, - there is no blame on them if they lay aside their (outer) garments indicating that Muslim women should veil themselves before marriage so as to prove their virtuousness and virginity (Yusufali, 24:60). However, and this is where the Qurans ambiguity can be seen, people who use verse 31 to show that Islam requires women to veil rarely include the preceding verse which says, Say to the believing men that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty: that will make for greater purity for them (Yusufali translation, 24:30). Most interpretations by Muslim muftis, or religious scholars, believe this verse to mean men should cover up as well, making it not as sexually biased.

Other commonly quoted passages from the Quran include Surah 33, verse 59: O Prophet! Tell thy wives and daughters, and the believing women, that they should cast their outer garments over their persons (when abroad): that is most convenient, that they should be known (as such) and not molested (Yusufali, 33:59). The context of this passage is just as important as the words themselves. In pre-colonial times, there were serious problems regarding the harassment of women on the streets of cities. Mohammed stipulated that women should cover their heads so that Muslim men would recognize them as believing women and not harass them. It served to elevate and separate them from unbelievers spare them from sexual indiscretions. Using clothing to separate the believers from the non-believers is a common theme, also demonstrated in Surah 7, verse 26: O ye Children of Adam! We have bestowed raiment upon you to cover your shame the raiment of righteousness, - that is the best. Such are among the Signs of Allah (Yusufali, 7:26). These verses of the Quran remains as the more popularly quoted by the media and scholars in order to show that veiling is required by Islam for women. However, when looking at them in their historical context, as well as Quranic context, we see that it is much more ambiguous than we are led to believe. On the one hand, men are also required to cover themselves when outside, it is not specific to women.

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In addition, the verses explicitly state that the reasoning behind veiling is a matter of protection of women, not their subordination.

Another commonly seen argument is that while the veil itself may not originally be meant as oppressive, it has come to play an oppressive role due to the adherence to the rest of the Quran, which clearly subordinates women. This is also slightly biased, for it ignores that Christianity, as well as Judaism, are both patriarchal religions as well, and that all three begin as slight variations of the same thing. In fact, the argument exists that the Quran is actually more women-friendly than its Christian or Judaic counterpart. This argument is usually made in reference to the story of how God made man. Many people in Western countries are familiar with the Christian version of creation, where God made Eve out of a rib of Adam. The Quran version is milder, for it does not explicitly say that women was created from man. It is He Who created you from a single person, and made his mate of like nature, in order that he might dwell with her (in love), (Yusufali, 7:189). The story of their banishment from the Garden of Eden because they fell to sin is also different. The Bible lays the blame almost totally on Eve, which later caused women to be viewed as easily corruptible by The Church, and therefore not allowed to participate in priesthood or any other authoritative position within the Church. The Quran states that, Then did Satan make them slip from the (garden), and get them out of the state (of felicity) in which they had been, laying the blame in Satan rather than either Adam or Eve (Yusufali, 2:36). By asserting that women and men were created from the same being, and by not blaming Eve for the Fall of Man, the Quran creates a foundation upon which men and women can theoretically enjoy more equality than possible in Christianity or Judaism. The Quran considers both the sexes as having originated from one living being and hence they enjoy the same status, (Jawad, 41).

The equality between men and women can also be seen in Surah 4, verse 19: live with them on a footing of kindness and equity (Yusufali, 4:19). That being said, there is evidence in the Quran of a separation of spheres: The domain of male and female was clearly demarcated: the street was mens territory; womens place was in the home (El-Solh,

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86). Surah 4, verse 34, is most often used to show the separation of spheres in a negative light. It says, Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because Allah has given the one more (strength) than the other Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, and guard in (the husbands) absence what Allah would have them guard (Yusufali, 4:34). Although many use the verse to justify the established subordination of women in Islam, it is still subject to interpretation. One Muslim reading offers that it, must be seen in its proper social context it simply says that men are qawwam (maintainers or managers of family affairs) and does not say that they should be, (El-Solh, 89). Following this line of thinking, one could conclude that this passage of the Quran may no longer be applicable, as it applies to a social context which no longer exists. The contrasting arguments illustrate once again the complexity in using the Quran to qualify arguments in the veiling debate. Even in the Muslim world, the multiple schools of thought depict the plurality of Islam. There is no unanimous agreement that the Quran, even if taken only in its social context, endorses female subordination and so it would be a mistake to take it one step further and make the claim that the veil is just visible evidence of said subordination.

Sharia law is also an important source used in the veiling debate, as it is considered to be the code of conduct in Islam. Developed over the centuries by Islamic scholars, it can be seen as the bridge between the religion and its social manifestation. Some of the main criticisms of female subordination in Islam are based on Sharia law. In it, female testimony in court can only account for one half of a mans testimony. Additionally, in pre-colonial societies women were unable to divorce unilaterally while men could (though often did not due to financial implications instead resorting to a contractual bipartisan dissolution of marriage). But although in practice Muslim women were confined to a separate sphere than men, they still maintained legal and religious rights. In comparison with most of the West, who did not recognize women as full legal citizens until the twentieth century, Sharia has recognized womens full rights since the tenth century.2 Muslim women had full access to the Muslim courts, the right to sue any man (including their husband), and extensive property rights. A
2

Hallaq, Wael B., An Introduction to Islamic Law, pg. 71

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womans dowry and birth inheritance that she brought with her into marriage was her own and was not subject to the chipping effect of expenditure, (Hallaq, 67). Thus, women often built up significant capital, and it was not uncommon for husbands to borrow money from them.3 When colonialists from Europe arrived and proceeded to implement their court system and laws in the Middle East, it consequently often resulted in the loss of rights for women. The new centralized system also introduced new institutions derived from Europe that militated against women. Banks, stock exchanges, etc. in Europe did not recognize the legal existence of women, (Marsot, 45-46). Once again, contradictions posed by the different sources of Islam draw attention to the difficulty in qualifying the debate about whether or not Islam is intrinsically oppressive towards women. Just as in Christianity and Judaism, the original holy texts have been interpreted and applied in various ways that have manifested in social behaviors and moral codes. Misconceptions of female subordination can be undermined by looking at their social context in addition to individual interpretation of female empowerment, which could be considered visibly progressive when compared to western, Christian, female counterparts. It remains essential therefore to understand that Islam, and therefore Muslims and their dress, cannot be reduced as a direct product of Islamic texts. Rather, the diversity of the veil is reflected in the diversity of not only the interpretations of Islam, but also its cultural manifestations.

The interpretations of the Islamic texts limited to purely religious debate were transformed after the Colonial period. Colonialism and Orientalism are often used simultaneously in reference to the Middle East, for they worked together to have an enormous effect on the representation of not only the Middle East in Western society, but also the representation of women and the veil. To say simply that Orientalism was a rationalization of colonial rule is to ignore the extent to which colonial rule was justified in advance by Orientalism (Said, 39). It is important to note that this colonization of the Middle East was pursued by dominantly Christian societies, and there had been a long-standing dichotomy between Christianity and Islam due to property wars predating, and extending through, the
3

Hallaq, pg. 66

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Crusades. A pre-established bias against a culture leaves little room for open interpretation. Orientalism was thus the cultural enterprise started by colonial Europeans in which an Orient East is portrayed in contrast to an Occident West. The East was portrayed as traditional, monolithic, static, backward and Other, while the West was progressive, modern, dynamic and ideal. This duality erased all areas of similarity between the East and the West. As analyzed by Muslim scholar Edward Said, Orientalism has viewed Muslims through the prism of religion to the benefit of the imperialistic aims of Europe.4

Through images and words, colonialists focused on the veil in order to portray the cultural differences for it was seen as mysterious and exotic. As early as the 18th century, the veil was already taken by Europeans to be an oppressive custom unique to Islam, and colonialists utilized that new focus on the status of women in part to justify invasion and colonialization of the Middle East, (Bullock, 1). The veil, being the most conspicuous sign of this Other woman, came to represent not only the entire degraded status of women but also the degeneracy of the whole Middle East as viewed by the Orientalist even though the intrusive presence of Westerners appears to have helped produce the phenomenon *widespread veiling+ that they observed, (Cole, 24). The status of women became the benchmark of the rank a civilization had in the hierarchy *of civilizations+ (Bullock, 18). By focusing on rehabilitating the women, colonialists believed they could reform the Middle East to their Western ideals, and therefore gain control over those societies. Capturing their minds was also a way to capture their bodies, and capturing the body was done by attacking the local customs and manners that prevented colonial control and access: the veil, (Bullock, 25). It came to symbolize either the progress or the regress of a nation depending on their stance of the veil. Thus, the notion that the veil is oppressive is an idea born out of domination, or, at least, the will to dominate, (Bullock, 3). The reformation and colonialization of the East became the social project of the West because the media had successfully ingrained an idea of Western superiority in Europe. The Neo-Orientalist approach, developed from Orientalism after

Bullock, Katherine, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil: Challenging Historical and Modern Stereotypes, pg. XXVIII

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World War II, analyzes the Middle East with the assumption that in order to have progress, a nation-state should evolve into Western style institutions.

By focusing only on Islam as a religious cause, and not taking culture, tradition, political and economic forces, and personal beliefs into consideration, Orientalists successfully ignore specificity to claim Muslim backwardness and create anti-Islamic sentiments in many Western circles, including feminist ones. This analysis of the Middle East through the prism of Islam by colonialists actually forced committed Muslims to respond in a similar manner, assuming religion to be the determinate force in peoples lives, [as] they discuss an ahistorical Islam that liberates women, (Bullock, XXXI). Both Muslims and non-Muslims then are at fault for perpetuating this simplifying cycle. Orientalists ignore specificity to claim Muslim regression while Muslims do the same to claim progression, both ignoring external causal factors.

Even today, this act of simplification serves Western imperial powers purposes and helps maintain Western global hegemony. Scholar Annelies Moors claims that this became especially prevalent after the fall of the Berlin Wall when, islam replaced communism as a major global threat in the eyes of the Western powers, disregarding the fact that communism is a form of government while Islam is a religion (Moors, 395). Western powers believe that Muslim governments that support Sharia and Islamic law will interfere with Western interests, and so they seek to destabilize Islam using mass media, among other things. The veils association with the Islamist movements is thus the link between Western power politics and an anti-veil discourse in the West (Bullock, XVII). Colonialisms influence can therefore still be seen in todays rhetoric about the veil, and its enduring legacy in manipulating Western public opinion.

Several different prevalent approaches today should be looked at regarding women in Islam, and more specifically, their relationship to the veil. The most popular being the mainstream view previously spoken of, highly influenced by Orientalism, and declaring that women are completely and utterly subjugated by men, and the veil is a symbol of that,

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(Bullock, XXV). This view is most popularly supported by Western politicians in order to justify their interests in the Muslim world, and it is reproduced in the media so that people who consume mainstream news as their only source of information about Islam cannot know anything but the negative perspective on the veil, (Bullock, XVII). Contributing to this perception fo the veil are liberal feminists. Although they acknowledge the females agency in deciding to wear the veil, as well as its social and historical context, they remain convinced that veiling is an oppressive practice that hinders womens liberation in the name of patriarchal Islam.

The feminist ideals of the West are abandoned by a more recent group of scholars who seek to create a new model of feminism that can be found within Islam. The veil is explored through a more contextual approach, hoping to understand the meaning of the practice within the Muslim community. It becomes an expression of the females agency and her position, which is different, but not necessarily inferior, to the position of women in Western society. Divisions within this approach reflect its legitimacy and popularity among Muslim women. Scholar Katherin Bullock claims that Muslim women have hidden power and authority within the society while others, such as Camillia Fawzi El-Solh, assert that Muslim women do not perceive themselves as oppressed in most instances; an opinion which should therefore be respected. In addition, there is a great debate within the Muslim community itself, most prevalently maintaining that women oppression does exist in Muslim societies, but it is extrinsic to Islam and the product of a patriarchal society that exists throughout the world. Reverting back to the argument of culture and tradition, they emphasize that restrictions on women are based on a local communitys way of being Muslim, that has little reference to the Quran, the Sunnah, or juristic teachings (Bullock, XXXVI). Therefore the veil is purely a social practice that has nothing to do with Islam. This turns the debate from one of religious sentiment to one of cultural differences. These different arguments and their implications are being laid out across parliamentary tables across Europe and the West as they respond to a growing concern about the veil.

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A case in point is the Netherlands, and the current discourses regarding the banning of face-veils in public arenas. According to an article by Annelies Moors which explores the politics of the face-veil debate in the Netherlands, there is an estimated 400 women in the entire country (population of over 16 million at the time this article was written) who wear the faceveil .002% of the entire population. The amount of publicity this issue has received is therefore disproportionate to its actual prevalence. According to Moors, this is due to Islam being scrutinized as a global threat as well as incompatible with European values. Anti-Islamic parties who preached that the Netherlands societys way of life was being endangered by these Other ideals rapidly gained support. In the Netherlands, this nationalist movement is most popularly attributed to politician Geert Wilders. After several highly public school bannings of face-veils due to its impeding of communication, Wilders brought a resolution to Parliament requesting that the Cabinet take steps to prohibit the public use of the burqa in the Netherlands, (Moors, 398). Some of the arguments he used to justify this resolution included the burqa being a symbol of women oppression, national security and national identity. The term burqa came to be synonymous with niqab even though they are different. This was useful to Wilders and his agenda, for the term burqa evokes an imaginary f the Taliban regime, which has *+ come to be seen as the most repressive regime for women ever, (Moors, 402). The drafts for a law to ban the face veil explicitly pitted the face-veil as the opposite of modernity, labeling it as a symbol of the oppression of women, irrespective of whether the *veil+ is worn by force or by choice (Parliamentary document TK 31108, nr. 3). Attributing the veil to being solely a religious identification, and consequently labeling that religion as oppressive towards women in order seek action against it, as seen here, is precisely what reinforces negative stereotypes and sentiments that play into the uneducated mainstream view. Such arguments are variants of the colonial trope of the oppressed Muslim woman who needs to be saved by an enlightened Western government, (Moors, 402). By consistently and constantly linking the face-veil to radical, violent Islam, the media elicits feelings of fear in the Dutch population, in spite of the fact that wearing a burqa or face-veil in a country such as the Netherlands produces heightened visibility rather than invisibility, (Moors, 404). By Moors analysis, one of the main advantages to shifting a focus onto Muslim

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women and the face-veil and creating sentiments of fear, is that it functions as a strong technique of national bonding, especially if expressed in a parliamentary setting, (Moors, 406). These right-wing parties have gained increased support all over Europe, including in France where, in 2004, the government passed a law banning all head-scarves and other conspicuous religious symbols from schools; as well as England, whose Prime Minister called for Muslim women to refrain from wearing the niqab in public just last year.5 This recent momentum gained by blatant cultural fundamentalism in political rhetoric asserts that differential racism, in which the indisputable cultural differences of non-European immigrants form a threat to the host countrys national identity, has been increasingly accepted by the public. 6

All of this negative attention being brought to Islam and more specifically the veil has caused a re-veiling movement to surface within the Muslim community, being termed as Islamization by Western media. The re-veiling movement is a growing movement, first seen in the 1970s amongst young Muslim women, across the world, to adopt a modern form of religious dress. The hijab, in its proper Muslim context, is a symbol of purity of intentions and behavior. But re-veiling today has taken on multiple other meanings, and it is most often seen as a response to modernization; a response to the amount of criticism that the veil has elicited, and a way of defying the Western idea that the veil is oppressive. The most dramatic recovering phenomena have been those associated with anti-colonial *+ struggles to don a headscarf was to demonstrate that one was against colonialism or against the Western sympathetic elite regimes and all that it stood for, (Bullock, 94). While this is the most prevalent re-veiling movement in Western society today, other reasons for re-covering, especially in Muslim-majority countries, include religious re-identification, a matter of respect, combating male harassment, safety in countries of turmoil, expression of personal identity, social status, and also custom. As can be seen, the reasons are diverse. However, they all have in common that they are making an active depoliticized response to forces of change, modernity and cross-cultural communication, (Watson, 156). Muslim women across the globe
5 6

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1562873,00.html#ixzz17bOgBykM Ardizzoni, Michela. Unveiling the Veil: Gendered Discourses and the (In)visibility of the Female Body in France, Womens Studies 33 (2004), pg. 637

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seem to be attempting to disprove the now-popular belief that the veil is a sign of captivity or an extension of the walls of the harem when the woman is outside, (Bullock, 8). And while this is a just cause, there are several problems with this method of rebuttal. Firstly, an increase in the donning of the hijab has seen a correlating increase in sentiments of fear of Islam from the Western public. It once again stresses the areas of difference between the East and the West, rather than the similarities. Another negative repercussion is that Muslim reformers, who are attempting to fight very real oppression in Muslim majority societies, have to walk a very thin line. Betterment has often been linked with colonization and or westernization, (Bullock, 1). The consequences of this attribution to Westernization as negative have led to regression of womens rights in some areas.

The oppression of women in Islamic majority countries is beyond the scope of this paper. The center of my argument is instead focused on the position the veil plays in Islam and if it can, or should, be considered as oppressive in-of-itself. A legitimate concern for the welfare of Muslim women has turned into an Orientalist idea that Islam is oppressive, and women should be saved from it, and therefore liberating the female from the veil is one step towards winning the fight. The Judeo-Christian foundations of Western society and its colonial history has fermented a sense of cultural superiority over the Other that obliges it to spread democracy and capitalism in the name of progress. Politicians today take advantage of this ingrained morality to justify their interference in the Middle East, with its reproduction and development further legitimizing such stereotypes. The veil, as the most visible and versatile manifestation of the East, Islam, and the Other, has therefore become the main target of reformation. Under such scrutiny, the Muslim world has responded by defiantly re-veiling, which has sadly only elicited more fear of the unknown and widened the gap between the West and the East. After an in depth look at both the arguments of the West as to how the veil is oppressive to women, as well as the Muslim counterarguments, a conclusion can be reached that the Western train of thought wrongfully attributes the veil as a complete byproduct of religious mandate with no consideration to external factors. Suppression should not be generalized to either Islam or the veil, for current laws that implement the veil as a means of

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oppression do so under an interpretation of Sharia law, of which there are many. Therefore, a move should be made away from demonizing the veil as anti-feminist when talking about women liberation movements in Islam. By doing so, the capacity to work with Muslim women rather than ostracizing them will enable a better understanding of Islam and challenge the disparity between the Occident and the Other.

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Bibliography Lapidus, Ira Marvin, A History of Islamic Societies, Cambridge University Press; 2 edition (August 26, 2002) Yusufali. Translation of the Quran. Surah 2:36, 4:19, 4:34, 7:26, 7:189, 24:30-31, 24:60, 33:59 Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1978. Print. Hallaq, Wael B. An Introduction to Islamic Law. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Print. Moors, Annelies (2009) The Dutch and the face-veil: The politics of discomfort. Social Anthropology/Anthropologie Sociale (2009) 17 (4) El-Solh, Camillia Fawzi. Muslim Women's Choices: Religious Belief and Social Reality (Cross Cultural Perspectives on Women). First. New York, NY: Berg Publishers, 1994. Print. Jawad, Haifaa A. The Rights of Women in Islam: An Authentic Approach. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998. Print. Bullock, Katherine. Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil: Challenging Historical and Modern Stereotypes. London, England: International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2002. Print. Afaf Lut al-Sayyid Marsot, Women and Modernization: A Reevaluation, in Amira El Azhary Sonbol (ed.), Women, the Family, and Divorce Laws in Islamic History (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996). Helen Watson, Women and the Veil: Personal Responses to Global Process, in Islam, Globalization and Postmodernity, (eds.), Akbar S. Ahmed and Hastings Donnan (London: Routledge, 1994)