Zed Titles on Forestry

As part of our wide-ranging Development and the Environment list, we

Forests for the Future
have published extensively on forestry issues - covering not only the
threats to and destruction of the world's forests, but also the traditional and Local Strategies for Forest Protection,
innovative practices oriented towards their sustainable management and Economic Welfare and Social Justice
use. Titlesinclude:

KojoAmanor John Overton and

The New Frontier: Farmers' Responses Regina Scheyvens (eds)
to Land Degradation Strategies for Sustainable Development:
Experiences from the Pacific
Tariq Banuri and
Peter Read
Frederique Atffel-Marglin (eds)
Who Will Save the Forests? Responding to Global Warming: The editedby
Knowledge, Power and Environmental Destruction Technology, Economics and Politics
Paul Wolvekamp
of Sustainable Energy
Riccardo Carrere and !.any Lohmann
Pulping the South Peter Stone (ed.) in collaboration with
Industrial Tree Plantations and the World Paper The State of the World's Mountains:
Economy Ann DanaiyaUsher
A Global Report
VijayParanjpye
Marcus Colchester and
Bill Weinberg Madhu Ramnath
!.any Lohmann (eds)
War on the Land: Ecology and Politics
The Struggle for Land and the in Central America
Fate of the Forests
Paul Wolvekamp (ed.)
Bertus Haverkort and Wim Hiemstra
in collaboration with

.
Food for Thought Ann Danaiya Usher,Vijay Paranjpyeand
Ancient Visionsand New Experiments of Rural
Madhu Ramnath:
People
Forests for the Future: Local Strategies
Kgathi, Hall, Hategeka and Sekhwela, for Forest Protection, Economic
Biomass Energy Policy in Africa Welfare and SocialJustice
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H ENDs

Preface
violence and culture shock; and they confront internal probl ems about
It is estimated that the worlds forests are vital for the daily survival of more
than 300 million indigenous and peasant people who depend on forest
ecosystems (World Bank Forest Policy 1990). These communities have
devised sophisticated norm s for managing watersheds, catchment areas and
fragile forest ecosystems, and possess a wealth of knowledge about rational
land use and environmen tal pro tection. Man y such rural communities are
important forest stakeholders. Yet the expertise and interests of these local
people are rarely recognised by national forest policies and management
systems . They are often accused of being the main agents of forest des­
tru ction , and their position is furth er marginalised. Instead, government
institutions tend to be viewed as the prin cipal actors in forest conservation
and restorati on .
In many count ries cent ral govern ment claims control over forest
resources, largely ignorin g the customary rights of forest communities and
thus eroding tradit ions, respo nsibilities and decision-making structures at
the local level. Western 'scientific' forestry, introduced world-wide in the
course of the twenti eth century, has been very influential in this respect.
This brand of forestry usually neglects and often unde rmines local forestry
systems . Forced resettlement , for examp le, is perceived as a prerequisite for
watershed and park protection . Concessions for commercial logging are
provided witho ut pro per consultation . Tree plantations that fulfil national
reforestation goals replace farmland and some times even natural forest,
threatening local biological diversity.
Much of the interna tional discussion of forests - tropical forests, in par­
ticular - has focused on the biological diversity crisis. Yet the spectre of
massive global deforestation also represents a grave threat to hum an com­
muniti es. Many forest-depend ent com munities - wheth er forest-dwelling
ethnic minorities or farm ers who rely on a patch of secondary forest for
subsistence - lack both land securi ty and political representation. These
xvi
PREFACE xvii
Ie are, so to speak, at the front line . They face pressure from outsiders
peop h h d . . id .
who seek land , timber or ot er resources; t ey are expose to mnrru anon,
balancing forest exploitation and conservation. They . are often torn
between maintaining a forest area as a watershed for their fields and market
pressure to cut timber for profit. Consequently, forest communities are
blamed for deforestation and ecological degradation of forest areas, and are
regularly accused of being incapable of managing their own forest lands.
local non -governmental and grassroots organisations can rarely devote
time and resources to analysing and documenting their experiences and
point of view for larger aud iences . Existing studies on community forest
management seldom lead to policy conclusions , or benefit local stake­
holders and their causes. Conscio us of these realities, Both ENDS and
Gram Vardhini embarked on a collaborative surv ey project in 1992. The
objective was to enable forest communities to brin g to pu blic attentio n
their own perceptions and experiences. They would describe in their own
words how they are striving to balance cultura l and economic survival with
sustenance of the ecosystems on which they depend , und er pressure from a
growing population , increasing demand s for cash, and a range of outside
forces.
The initiators of the sur vey had been concerned about the tendency to
locate the problems of deforestation and biological diversity depletion
exclusively in Southern countries, even though forest-depend ent commu­
nities in the industrialised world are also at risk. It was therefore important
that organisations from the temp erate and boreal regions joined the survey.
This book is th us a collection of case studies undertaken in man y corne rs of
the world , under a variety of ecological and socio-economic circums tances.
The case studi es show how community control and involvement can
allow for more detailed assessments of forest resources and management
needs than cent ralised forest management. Local communities often have a
very long history of using forest produce and regulating access to forest
resources. There still exists at the local level an enorm ous variety of stru c­
tured ownership arrangements , incentives and sanctions that work to ensure
~ompliance . Given the impasse in interna tional forest negotiations and the
inertia of most govern ments, it is important to conside r the alternatives.
Better und erstand ing will provide greater su pport for local citizens' initia­
uves to sustain forest resources.
Through the compilation of document ed evide nce, the studies reveal
tha~ at times local forest management has benefited from moral, techni cal,
pohllcal and llnanctal suppo rt from outsiders - NGOs scientists , consu l­
~n ' . '
ts, Journalists and govern ment or donor agencies. Often, however, local
groups work in isolation . The case studies describe concrete situations that
embody what the authors and their constituencies observe, believe and
 xviii FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE

strive for. Th e essays ch allenge the notion that forest communities are Prologue

problems, wh ile state bodies deliver solutions. Unavoidably, some texts are
unpolished . Using their political and social instin cts, the authors go to the
heart of the matter, avoiding scienti fic or wordy speculations.
These testim onies may help to underline the need for outsiders to be
more sensitive to local interests and perspectives. We will be encouraged if
this collection of essays motivates other local organisation s to put their ideas
on pap er in the cause of sustaine d local forest management. And we hope it
will help national govern ments and int ern ation al don or agenc ies to appre­
ciate local peoples' capacities and views on forest man agem ent, stimulating
greater collabo ration with local organisa tions and their support groups.

Paul \Volvehamp When the ruler's trust is wanting,

there will be no trust in him.

Cautious,

he values his words.

When his work is completed and his affairs finished,

the common people say,

We are like this by ourselves.

Lao Tzu'

The objective of this boo k is to enable local people to document and

present their own views and experiences of local forest management to a
wider world. The book is a result of a j oint project, a survey of forest
management by indi gen ou s people and other local populations in tropical,
temper ate and boreal' countries. It was preceded by a lon g pro cess of
IIII collaboratio n between a great man y indi vidu als and organisations. The sum
of evidence from these different case studies sho uld gene rate more recog­
nition of local forest management systems and their potential to sus tain
III local econo mies and to pr eserve mu ch of the world's remaining forests.
areover, the local organisations that parti cipated believe that their own
work on the ground will benefit from such action research.
All ths case studies therefore address the same key question: how can
local/indigenous communities maintain the balance between their societies and
roe.5t environments when faced with rising populations, growing demands for
basIc needs andcash, andincreasingly stronger external pressures?
Virtually all the case stud ies witness deforestation , economic blunders
nd social injustice. Local forest management practices in most parts of the
,w orl~ are clearly under increasing physical and psychological pressure.
Despite very differen t ecological, political and econo mic circumstances, it is
l'asy to estab lish common causes of forest destruction and the loss of local
tvclihoods and culture. Unequal access to forest resources is the most
mpOna nt of these. Forest areas world-wide host major reservoirs of minerals,
 2 FOREST S FOR T HE FUTU RE
metals , biomass, land for agricultural expansion and oth er resourc es. Most
case studies report conflicts over these resources since their national politieal
and economic elites are unwilling to forgo the opportunity to tap these
reservoirs, notwithstanding the often dramatic social and environmental
consequences. The case studies also confirm that lack of security of land
rights and user rights is a major cause of declin e in local systems of forest
management, result ing in social hardship and forest destruction. It is also
clear that few democratically elected governments in Northern or Southern
countries are enthusiastic about sharing control an d rights over forests with
local communities. In man y instances, there is overt collusion between
government agencies and dominant economi c interest groups. One observes,
for example, the grant ing of extensi ve privileges - such as mining or
logging concessions , subsidies and tax exemptions - to a small number of
industrial conglomerates.
Yetthe real life experiences compiled in this book also help us to identify
a number of unique responses, perceptions and practices by local people
and other concerned parties. And it is also possible to translate some of
these special insights into more general conclusions and policy recom­
mendations. This book has the purpose of communicating these findings to
those parties who se policies and actions have a dir ect impact on local forest
management: decision makers, donor agencies, corp orations, researchers,
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the media and the public at
large. It indicates how they could open mor e spa ce for the enhancement of
prudent and undisturbed management of forests by local people.
,.1 This chapter is organised in three sections . The first section deals with
I the potential of local forest management systems, probing their social and
institutional strengths and weaknesses. It also responds to prevailing
! scepti cism about these systems . The second section identifies the main
causes of their collap se. The third section present s the key lessons to be
learn ed from the case studies. It draws some general con clusion s and has
specific recommend ations for policy makers, don ors , researchers and other
groups of players
.Local Forest Management under Scrutiny
Predictably and invariably, forest industries and othe r commercial interestS
have opposed the legitimisation of forest management by local communi­
ties. But government authorities, med ia an d acad emic institutions have also
questioned the ability of local people to man age their resources pru dently.
Critics express their scepti cism by pointing ou t that :
I Local forest users are not capable of coping with changing socio­
demographic and econo mic circumstances, or with the new demands
on forest man agement;
PROLO GU E 3
2 Local forest management does not safeguard conservation interests
adequately;
3 Local forest users are unable to resist external sources of degrad ation
and fail to restore degraded forest land ;
4 Local com munities feature social and economic inequalities and
institutional weaknesses which frustr ate sustainable forest manage­
ment (Car rere and Lohmann 1996 ; Colch ester 1992; .]epm a 1995).
It is imposs ible to generalise about the commitment and capacity of
local people to preserve forest and biodiv ersity. Among the hundreds of
millions of villagers who live in close connection with their local forests, it
is often the ind igenous peoples who maint ain a relatively non-agricultural,
non-market relationship with the forest. Hunt ers and gath erers suc h as the
Durva in central India - whose custom it is to pass their lands on , unharmed,
to the generations that follow them - manage their resources cautiously in
order to ensure a sustained yield. Shifting cultivation- practices by indi ge­
nous communities, for instance, reveal not only the extreme variability and
complexity of these traditional technologies, but also the enormous reserve
of vernacular knowledge of practices to restore soil fertilit y and to preserve
biodiversity (Perpongsacharoen and Lohmann 1989; Colchester 1992 ; see
also Colfer and Dudley 1993 ). The Durv a songs about pollination illustrate
this point well.'
Not all forest-dependent people are memb ers of ethnic minorities. In the
most frequent case a patch of secondary forest is part of the sub sistence
guarantee for the poorer section of the village. The forest provides fodd er,
cropland, prot ein. medicine , firewood , mu shro oms , vegetables, building
materials or any number of other produ cts . Not unlike the indigen ous
roups, many peasant peoples - even those who se main econ omi c activity
IS permanent agriculture - have a very long history of using forest produce
and regulating access to forest resources. 'There exists an enormous variety
f structured ownership arrangement s within which management rul es are
developed , group size is known and enforced , incentives are in place for co­
wners to follow the accepted institutional arrangements, and sanctions
rk to ensure compliance' (Cernea 1989 in Colchester 1992 : 120). It
must be acknowledged , however, that local man agement in varying degrees
ampulates the forest to satisfy local needs and hence it affects the pristin e
11Ilje of the forest's ecology (Hildyard et al. 1997 ).
The case studies give evidenc e that environmental declin e in forest areas
nh~bi ted by or adjacent to local commun ities often occur s where local
ial institutions and the environment are Simultaneously under heavy
ressure from the outside. Many of these peopl e share a lack of both land
1> u n ty and political inlluence. They live, so to speak, at the 'front line'.
o~ ny and population growth _ and the corresponding local demand for
and other basic needs - certainly increased pressure on the local forest
4 FO RE ST S FOR TH E FUT U RE
environment in many regions. And yet, in man y areas , 'overpopulation' is a
misleading concept if one take s land distribution into account. Areas whi ch
are deem ed 'overpopulated' are often the marginal land s whi ch peasants
have been forced to occupy following their displ acement from land taken
over by intensive, export-orient ed agriculture, mining ope rations and so
forth (Hildyard et aL1997).
As the case study from Bastar illustrates, taxation , the need to 'satisfy'
govern ment officials with bribes and fee,s , scho oling, lab our-saving techn o­
logy, new fashions and consumerism have generated a demand for cash
without the corresponding growth of a market for traditional produce (see
also Colchester 1992 ). In other words, in situa tions where governments
leave local people empty-handed - legally, technically, financ ially and
politi cally - one can expect that soone r or later they will yield to outside
forces beyond their control. With no othe r options before them , sooner or
later they are likely to succumb to the pr essures of logging firms and oth er
commercial int erests, and to lose their resources or tr ade them for very
meagre and short-term retu rn s.
Precisely because their own survival and cultura l values are at risk , local
forest-dependent communities have the stron gest motivation to check the
influx of illegal loggers, min ers , poache rs and colonists. The case studies
also contribute overwhelming evidence that official efforts to restore and
manage forest environments are often non-existent or both costly and inef­
fective. Local people - unlike the staff of govern ment dep artments, int erna­
tion al agencies or corpo rations - have an immediate and lon g-term stake in
defending and evolving pra ctices that conserve some level of biodiversity
and self-reliance (Hildyard et aL 1997).
The majority of the case stud ies describ e the watchd og role of local
communities in resp onse to externa l pressures on th eir forests. Yet in only a
few instances d o the studies mention govern ment acceptance of the impor­
tance of local communities in cont rolling external use of the forest. (In a
number of other countries, however, govern ment s have ackn owled ged this
role very explicitly. Th e Colombian govern ment, for example, has handed
over 20 million hectares of forest to indigeno us communities in the
Amazon. ) Although 'the argument of local peoples' ina bility is used to take
and maintain contro l over forest lands' (Colchester 1992: 16-17) , cauti on is
ne cessary against a rom antic view of local forest management. It is unwise
to portray local forest-dependent communities as homogeneou s, whether
they are indi gen ous communities in Ind ia or wood work ers and their
families in Canada . Local commo n- management regimes are seldom free
from 'internal inequ alities (particular gende r ineq uities), back-b iting, social
inju stices or enviro nmenta lly destructive practices' (Hildya rd et aL 1997:
13). It must be recogn ised , however, th at , comm unal grazing grounds.
forests and irrigation or fishing terri tories are an everyday reality for the
PROLO G UE 5
t majority of rural people. More often than not , local forest users are
bound closely to each other by mutual de pendence and shared values
ut treatment and access to th e forest and other common resources,
bJ,n::ked by social cont rol. As Susan George em phasises, such common
property regimes are managed sustainably 'so lon g as group members
rain the power to define the group and to manage their own resources'
George in Goldman 1998 : xii).
However, these communities regularl y expe rience 'hit and run' intru­
ns by outsiders - such as timb er merchants , trad ers , poachers and
rru pt government officials - wh o roam the forest in search of quick
profit. They also witness the conversion of forest by forest departments ,
mpanies or migrant colonists to establish monocultural plant ations of
teak, oil palm and other marketable species. These and other cultural,
economic and political interventi on s undermine local authorit y, norms and
values, and exacerbate inequalities. At the same time, indi genous and
peasant communities often perceive such outside rs with a great sense of
irony and hum our, conducive to feelings of their own self-worth and
dignity. The Durva people from Bastar refer to the pest Eupatorium as sahib
'(ltd (sahib in th is context = townspeople and govern ment officers; lata =
weed) , explainin g that 'it spreads just as fast and is equa lly useless'. And a
villager from Karnataka , on India 's west coast, wh en confront ed with cor­
ruption in the Forest Department, smilingly laments: 'When the fence is
eating the grass , what can one do? '
The studies emphasise that
where communities have a long and still vital tradit ion of com mu nity manage­
ment, the need for the rapid re-establishment of com munity control over forest
land is clear. However, where such tradit ions have long been lost d ue to accu l­
turalisau on and the destruction of tradit ional instit uti ons, " the mere tran sition
back to communal ten ure an d man agement might also prove to be destabilising
md disruptive. (Colch ester 199 2: 21)
ny communities thus face th e challenge to reassert values and to devel op
new methods to administer their forest land s.
rnrnon Problems
often the causes of deforestation lie outside the forest an d beyond the
main of the community, the distri ct or even the nation- state. As Jeffrey
. . er notes : 'The globalisation of econo mies and the emergence of a strong
l'l'ii:I1Snational corpo rate sector result s in Significant shifts in th e geograph ic
d rion, type and int ensity of forest use' (Sayer 1997). Most case studies
('~ nbe how local people and NGOs must con front interventions by tran s­
lie nal companies that their own govern ments have done nothing to
• g i Q 11l1lIT rn
6 FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE
If
restrain. Thus a limit ed number of transnational corporations Cont rol an
....---- doch
i increasingly large share of logging, processing and marketing ope rations. In
1992 onl y 10 com panies produced 27 per cent of the world's paper and
paperboard (FOE-US 1997). The World Resources Institute calculates that
commercial logging poses the sin gle largest threat to the world 's last
remaining large tracts of undisturbed 'front ier' forests (no tably in Canada
Brazil and Russia). The same research ers note that mining and energ):
development are a greater threat to thes e forests than agricultural expan­
sion (Bryant et al. 1997: 15).
For a number of reasons , transnational com panies playa m ajor pan in
forest destruction and, con sequently, in local socio -economic imp overish­
ment. In the first place, th ey operate on a mu ch larger scale than local
companies, having th e technological capacity and capital resources to open
up remote and hitherto inaccessibl e tract s of forest. This initi al pen etration
often sets in train further forest destruction by agricultural exp ansion (large
monocultural cash crop plantations , colonist pioneer farmin g or cattle
ranging). Second, the transnational impact is sharpened by globalisation,
which enab les world market demand for wood and pap er products and
other raw mat erials to out weigh local peoples ' needs and forest cons erva­
tion in determining the fate of forests . Third , foreign companies tend to
take profits from forest exploitation out of th e host country, inst ead of
letting such profits benefit local peopl e and the host econo my th rough
taxati on or reinve stm ent (FO E-US 1997) . Fina lly, many transnati onal
companies sh ow no interest in the future of the forest and allow the capital
equipment of the industry (roads , mills , etc.) to deteriorate on ce th e timber
or mineral resources are exhausted . The company moves on to other
regions , leavin g local populations to make wha t the y can of a devast ated
environment.
Privatisation of biodivrrsity
Some case studies, in particular th e study from Brazil, also refer to the on­
I' going privatisation of the world's food and medi cin al raw mat erials, notably
by th e agri-business and pharm aceutical industri es. Th ese industries con­
stitute a less visible but increasingly stron g lobby wh ich m on op olises ­
both legally and technically - an expanding share of th e plan et's cultural
and natural d omain , mainly through intellectual property prote ction,
including pat ents'? Whereas th ese propert y systems reward human
ingenuity, th ey ign ore nat ure's intrinsic value s and the kn owledge and
(informal) contribution of indigenous peoples and farmers to the mainte­
nance and de velopment of genetic diversity through generati ons of use and
observation, cultivation and husbandry (Glo wka et al. 1994) . More vulner­
able th an th e ecosystem itself, it now seems clear , is th e accumulated
knowledge of forest ecology held by forest-dependent peoples (DensloW
PRO LOGU E 7
1988). More and more forest-d ependent commumttes are
n encing interferenc e by outside comme rcial forces in their local­
eno systems of knowledge of, access to and control over forest
us
l~ces . Governments should respond urgentl y to the need to acknow­
• protect and reward the traditional kn owledge of forest-dep endent
les, in the cause of the latt er's economic and cultural survival and the
st of forest con servation.
tingforestry sacnee
I recently, global concern abou t deforestation has focused on th e
[wpits and virtually excluded temperate and boreal forest issues . Th e case
rudies from Canada and the United States call into qu estion th e wi.dely
ted belief that forestry pra ctices in the industrialised countries are
- <llnable. Hence, the y also qu estion the th eoreti cal foundations of both
rng and tree-planting operations in tropical countries , whi ch for th e
most part are based on temperate forestry prin ciples (Danaiya Usher 1992).
be case studies em phasise that the prevailing monetary-economic bias in
twent ional scienti fic forest resource management is in conflict with th e
[ective of cultural and ecologi cal diversit y. Such a bias is a denial of the
that many peo ple are dependent for their well-being on non-monetary,
logical and soclo-cultural conditions. Forest-dependent communities,
which once enjoye d the comparative advantage of their skills and know­
ledge of a rich ecosystem , lose their culture and get pushed to th e mar gins
of society once the forest is destroyed or access to it is denied to th em.
the role ofgovernments
hese developments occur at a time when governments are being encour ­
ed 1O scale dow n and to deregulate in orde r to attract foreign investm ent
I' 1997). Moreover, the case studies illustrate that some transnational
un panies take ad vantage of the political vacuu m prevailing in host
uutries weakened by civil war, corru ption or state repression ." One
reason is that econ omic Iiberalisation is often not accompanied by political
lfberalisation . Whilst industry ente rs the hinterland in search of biomass,
mine rals, cheap electricity and land , local econo mically disadvantaged
oups generally lack the formal and legal support to claim and protect
Lbch access to natu ral resources.
Not surprisingly, forests are unable 1O attract th e scale of investment and
. tent ion which government s spend, for example , on roads , energy genera ­
tion or the aviation industry. The situation in Indi a illustrates this point
well. While subseq uent five-year plan s repeat th e ambitious promis e to
I' 33 per cent of India's land base in forest, th e Forest Dep artment is
ned less than 1 per cent of the state budget ." The sad iron y is that th e
l'lnt ry's forest cover has dwindled to an estimated 12 per cent, a figure
8 FORES TS FOR THE FUTURE
that is declining every year. Foresters and polit icians seem to share the vie\'"
:l'rft.been to blam e environment alists or local-indi genous comm unities for
that trees bring no electora l gains (Wolvekamp 1989). Like their peer
organisations in most other count ries in the South and in th e Nort h, th
Indian Forest Service is by and large too pr eoccupied with gene rating
revenu e for public and private gain to forge an alliance with the tens of
millio ns of villagers for whom the forest is their basis of survi val , or to make
the social need for forest pro tection a political issue.
Th e case stu dies thus con firm that nat ional govern ments playa major
role in the creation of these problems. In addi tion to legal sho rtcom ings,
govern ments are poor per formers when it com es to auditing an d contro].
ling natural resource use. In many cases corrup tion perm eates all levels of
govern ment involvement in forest management and land -use plannin g
Th e case studies qu estion the view of m any governme nts that forestry can
generate revenu es and raw materia l to trigger nation al econo mic develop.
ment (taking monetary-e conomi c pe rformance as the mai n benc hmark).
These concerns were summed up long ago by Jack Westoby, forme r head of
the forestry departm ent of the Food and Agriculture Organ isation (FAO):
The growing inte rest in forestry projects had little to do with the idea thai
forestry and forest industries have a significant and ma ny-sided corun bu uon to
make to overall economic and social developm ent... . Of th e new revenues
generated, woefully little has been ploughed back into forestry, and the much
more import ant role which forestry cou ld play in supporting agriculture and
raising rural welfare has been either badly neglected or completely ignored.
(Westoby 1989)
Westoby spoke these words nearly 20 years ago during the Eighth Forestry
Congress. Had he prepared his spee ch tod ay, he might have d roppe d the
distinc tion he made then between developing and industrialised countries,
since in mo st respects his spee ch ap plies equally well to the state of affairs
in man y Northe rn count ries .
Forests are under-appreciated , bo th for their immeasurable social and
environmen tal services to society and for the ir int rinsic value . Case studies
from No rth and South demon strate how governments legitimise cen­
tralised large-scale forest management and int ensive comme rcial exploita­
tion , citing the need to protec t jobs and revenu es in the forest industrY­
Various case stu dies em phasise , on the contra ry, that millions of people lose
their jobs or sources of livelih ood when access to forest sources is denied to
them or as a result of ongo ing mechanisation an d the depl etion of forest
resources. Between 1990 an d 1992 , for example , Canada's forest industry
eliminated 62 ,600 jobs, shedd ing some 28 per cen t of th e direct workforce
(Carre re and Lohmann 1996). Notab ly in count ries like Malaysia, swe de ~,
Canada and the United States, a conven ient way of drawin g the publicS
atten tion away from these facts, and of redirecti ng its concerns and anger,
PROLOG UE 9
ng the industry access to much-needed woo d resources , and in this
hold them responsibl e for jo b losses in this sector.'?
m lC liberalisation
..&... ...reat present need for national a n d int ernational regulati on of invest­
by tran snational compa n ies IS made more glan ng by international
ments evolved over the last decade which are designed to facilitate
Tude' _ most manifestly represent ed by the eme rgence of the World
. rganisation an d the recent negotiation of a ne w Multilateral
nent on Investment (MAl). These agreeme nts, which have been
ted most ardentl y by OECD countries , curtail th e freedom of nation ­
ro regulate foreign investment an d corporate con duc t an d to protect
~l social, cultural and envi ronmental inte rests. For example, if the
t draft of the MAl is ap proved , it is likely to overru le nat ional as well
nt-cm ational envi.ronmental legislation (suc h as the Conve ntion on
Hversity) as well as the much weaker agreements whi ch deal with
oman rights, min orities and indi genous peoples (such as the Intern ation al
u r Organi sation's Conventi on No. 169 an d the draft Universal
duration on the Right s of Indi gen ous Peoples). The MAl will pr event
nal governments imp osin g specific socio-e nvironmen tal conditions on
ign investors. National governme nts are also restra ined from reserving
st land or other national resources for local economic use, since foreign
mpanies are given equal rights to bid for concessions. Whilst sustaina ble
management demand s lon g-term planning , the MAl forces govern ­
ts to accept the imm ediate and unhindered withd rawal of foreign
une nts and profits. Transnation al companies can sue national govern­
ors and dema nd com pen sation for any reduction in value of their invest­
as a result of social or environment al restrictions imp osed by the
untrys govern ment . As a publi cation by Frien ds of the Earth-US
'The MAl will throw up barri ers to the types of po licies need ed to
deforestation ' (FO E-US 1997).
master plans
.v);ploitation or destru ction of forest is enhance d in countries , notably
South anel in Cent ral and Eastern Euro pe , which have to deal wi th
reign debts, econo mic depr ession or a process of economic transi­
T~e ir government s negotiat e with multilateral fina ncial and trade
llt'lons avenu es to ope n up and adjust their econo mies. Th is p rocess
irectly on dom estic lan d and forest policies. Many government s are
d to 'rationalise' the forestry secto r. AsJack Westob y has em phas ised,
ver, such advice generally serves foreign industry an d trade int erests
than the health of forests an d local or na tional econ om ies.
 I,
-­
10 F OR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE
I
The intern ational financing agencies kne w what foreign investors wanted, and
the multilateral and bilateral agen cies fell in line. They helped the under.
" developed countries to bear the expense and drudgery of resource data col.
lection , the reby relieving potential investo rs of these tasks and charges Because
nearly all the forest and forest ry indus try develo pment which has taken place in
the und erd eveloped world in the last decades has been externally oriented
aiming at satisfying the rocketing demands of the rich, ind ustrialised nations'
the basic forest products needs ofthe peoples of the und erdeveloped world ar~
further from being satisfied than ever. (Westoby 1989 )
In the face of problems of forest loss and other environmental threats.
the preferred response of man y head s of industry, government agencies and
multilater al inst ituti on s lies in increasingly global forms of management
(see also Goldm an 1998 ). As Hildyard et al. not e, 'if one accepts current
patterns of econo mic developm ent an d the instituti ons and premi ses on
which they rely, the logic of "global environment al management" is
impeccable' (Hildyard et al. 1997 : 5). Sustaining this process through
damage control requires an equ ivalen t level of top -down surveillance and
intervention . The physical environment becomes a terrain to be reordered
zoned , parcelled up , while people are rem oved or cajoled into 'collabora­
tion ' according to some prec onceived master plan (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5)
Through channels of aid and trade, funds are made available under the
banners of development and environmental restorati on (C0 2 sequestration,
for example). Yet suc h programmes often affect forests and forest­
dependent peopl e adversely. As a number of case studies illustrate, often
such fund s are used to invade the countryside with in frastructural works
industrial zones or monocultural plantations.
Legal biases againstforest-dependent and local people
The case studie s emphasise that nation al laws deny millions of people access
to natural resources, while most of the land is claimed by the state or
engrossed by a small political and economic elite. As human and environ'
mental rights lawyer Owen Lynch writes: 'National laws concerning the u~
and management of forest resources in at least six Asian countries (Indonesia,
II Thailand, the Philippines, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka), for example, hal'"
I
. 1'
II II actually becom e more hostile toward local people and communities than w
the case during the colonial era' (Lynch 1997: 22 ). National laws and the I\'al'
they are implemented often remain an obstacle to sustainable forest manag
men t. In many instances they reflect a lack of civil freedom to express dissenl­
ing opinions and the states repression of other essenti al human rights. L}l1Ch
shares a conclu sion reached by the case studies , namely that 'communitld
based forest man agement systems and user rights derive their legitimacyan
strength from the community in which they operate , rather than from th
nation-state in which they are located ' (Lynch 1997: 24).
P ROL O GU E 11
us case studies describe how the centralisation of forest man age­
,ilIIlfl1t wt altt ned - or even abolished - local man agement in stituti ons . This
l tangible where land tenure is concerned. 'Tenur e system s are
nd specify un der what circumstances and to what extent certain
.._ ~" lt',eS are available to individuals and communities to inhabit , to harvest,
.til, to hunt and gather on, etc.', writes Lynch . Most case studies report ,
Qi.~ler, that governments deny the recognition of community-based rights
a~lQrtSt. Whereas in some cases the government grant s certain tenurial
'they are vulnerable to arbitrary cancellati on' (Lynch, 1997 : 26) and
.'S1lCb dIscourage local people from investing in careful, long-term use
r.mgement .
l ~ni n a context of conflict , the case studies confirm that security of
Itma .,Pgh ts and user rights is the basis of forest preservation and the well­
local forest-dependent people - especially so under condi tions of
~l pressure. This requires awareness of their legal rights in local com­
in order to defen d themselves in the contex t of national and
~gl y also international law. Better understanding of legal rights and
lso offers increased oppo rtunities for inte racting with policy
r example with regard to forest and land-use planning. NGOs,
m ed lawyers and professional consultants often provide crucial sup­
ridge the gap between local aspirations and the form al language
vern ments.
~l plantation programm es are probably the most popular and best­
JAI environmental solutions, sin ce, it is claimed , the y 'coun ter the
:~ t\use effect either by serving as carbon sink s, or by alleviating
n native forests, helping to preserve them as carbon depots' (Shell
~r1 on !l 1 and World Wildlife Fund 1996: 10). Although this claim has
mnce, 'it has enough sup erficial plausibility to distract uninformed
Tom the more interesting top ic of how to find altern atives to a
hose logic dictates a never-ending spiral in which ever-greater
Issions necessitate an ever more desperate search for carbon sinks '
rd Lohmann 1996: 10). As some of the case studies emphasise,
, instead of relieving pressure on existing natural forest, add
Iy to deforestation since much forest is cleared to make space for
ral tree plantations (such as teak , gmelina, eucalyptus and
rld-wide, logging and plantation development go hand in
lOgging of natu ral forest often provides the necessary funding for
menr of industrial tree plantations. The plantation ind ustry
esto-, also fail to disclose that tree planta tions offer only a
he carbon sequestration potential of natural forests. Moreover,
 12 FORE STS FOR TH E F UT URE
IIII!II
I' since these plantations are grown in short rotation cycles - and the WOod
processed in short-lived products such as paper - they perform this n
only temporarily
Carr ere and Lohmann give a clear definition of what a commercial pl
ration is and what it is no t:
Plant ations, like forests , are full of trees. But the two are usually radica
differen t. A forest is a com plex, self-generating system, enco mpassing soil, wat
!ectorate by endorsin g the encroachmen t on public forest land ,
micro-climat e, ene rgy, and a wide variety of plants an d animals in
mutu in d the adage that 'trees don't vote for you' (Wolvekamp 198 9).
relation. A com mercial plant ation , on -the other hand, is a cultiv ated area wh,
spec ies and struc ture have been simplifi ed dramatically to pro d uce only a [,
goods, whe ther lum ber, fuel, resin , oil or fruit. A planta tion's trees, unlike th(
of a forest , tend to be of a small range of species and ages, and require imensi
and continuing hu ma n interven tion. (Carrere and Loh ma nn 1997: 3)
Carrere and Lohmann cont rast such industrial plant ation s with 'attempts I
plant trees in ways respon sive to a wide variety of interlocked 10<
concerns . In some agroforestry systems ,JJ for examp le, a diversity of tre
are chosen and plant ed to pro vide protection, shade and food for livestoc
fruit and wo od for hu mans, and prot ection, nutrients and water for crop
thu s helping to keep production diverse and in harmon y with local land.
scapes and needs' (Carre re and Lohmann , 199 7: 10).
The case stu dies explicitly con firm th at major causes of forest desirue
no n are intersectoral in nature. Some case studies refer to the conversion
forest to other non-forest uses - for exam ple, mon ocultural cash crop plan
ration s such as citrus fruit and oil palm 12 - and th ey record the displao
ment of occupants of forest, farmland and commu nal grazing land as a co
sequence . Nevertheless, governme nts and institut ions like the World Ba
and the Internation al Monet ary Fund (lMF) cont inue to promote lafgi
scale cash crop plant ation s, such as oil palm, as foreign exchange eame
This is probably best illustrated by th e IMF's recent stru ctural adjusime
package for Ind on esia. Notwithstanding the fact that the development
oil palm plant ation s is th e Single largest cause of forest fires in Indones
and despit e increasing public concern about the scale of this social a
environmenta l tragedy, the IMF exp licitly pushes for the expansion of t
oil palm sector in this country. Since the announ cement of Indonesi
agreement with th e IMF in January 1998, it is rep orted that plantati
companies have continued to move into and seize the forested territories
ind igen ous peopl es and starte d clearfellin g and burning.
The interface with agriculture
Whe n it comes to expl aining the occurrenc e of high rates of deforestati
in th e tropics, landl ess farmers and traditional shifting cultivators are oft
t meroon's forestry law illustrates this point well, defin ing a
scapegoated by governments , by represent atives of the logging indus
PR OL OG UE 13
- ientists and the medi a. The case studies brin g out four
~I ~S for viewing the int erface betw een fore.sts and agriculture.
,u thorised conversion of forest land to agn cultural use Inde ed
msibility for much deforestation, as the case study from the
Republic of Congo illustrates . Case studies from , for example,
nd India remin d us of the role of politicians who endeavour to
u dies question, however, the commo n practice of blaming local
IS. people and peasants in order to veil forest destruction due to
-sanctioned logging and cash crop plantations. As Jeffrey Sayer
. _ffld al govern ment-registered programmes of forest conver­
ant agricultu re and large-scale commercial cash crop plantations
ter cause of deforest ation (Sayer 199 7). Henc e th ere is a need
le maps and data on actu al land use and planning to bett er
,tic debate.
more and more fertile land is claimed for growing expo rt
ral population is pu shed to marginal lands and forced to clear
ng forest cover in order to eke out a living. Thi s is a strong
favour of better land distribution and land-use planning: 'eco­
on forest land would be better relieved by reclaiming "high
~b~9.s " for peasant agriculture' (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5).
the case stu d y from Bastar vivid ly illustrates, the great con­
WIding terms like 'shifting culti vation' and 'forest' is the cause
unsophisticated assessments of the effects of shifting cultiva­
rn ments and influe ntial int ernational organisations' (Sun derlin
i1\iam Sunderlin notes that 'A major positive development in
bate on the role of shifting cultiv ation has been th at influenti al
the forest situa tion are no lon ger willing to accept at face value
t shifting cultivation is uniiorml v bad for forest conservation
n ent' (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . Th~re is, for examp le, grow ing
f the need to distinguish , roughly, between 'shifting cultiva­
I pioneer' fanning systems . J ] Th ose who argue th at sh ifting
a threat to forests are actually referring to forest-pionee r
hon -fallow shifting cultivation (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) .
the case studies from Cameroon and Bastar dem onstr ate that
t ry science separated forest management strictly from agricul­
issed almost exclusively on production of uniform quant ities
f timber' (Carrere and Lohmann 199 7: 10), while 'conven ­
is al~o firmly based on legal noti on s which diverge strongly
peoples own frame of thinking' (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji
land covered by vegetation with a predominanc e of trees,
 14 FORESTS FOR THE FUT URE
shru bs and othe r species capa ble of providing produ cts othe r than agIicu
tur al produ cts' (Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries Regulations, Law No. 94/0
of20 Ja nuary 1994 , in Brocklesby and Ambrose -Oj i 1997: 17). Thisdefi
tion has its roots in a policy dichotom y, found th roughout the Warl,
between agriculture and forest. 'W hilst this (defi nition) may sUPpOTt fa
plant ation s and prod uct ion forests, it ignores the farm/ forest interfa
1111 (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji 1997: IS). This means that in Cameroon
in so many other countries, 'legally agreed man agement plans (which Ic
the basis upon which a community can estab lish a com munity foreSl
canno t by law includ e regulation s govern ing shifting agriculture plots a
fallow use, since these practices are not recognised ' (Brocklesby a
Ambrose -Oji 1997: IS). The case studies offer concrete examples of viab
sym biosis between agricul tu re and forest conservation throu gh
man agement of non -timber forest produ cts." agro-forestry systems such
Analog Forestry,' >and other approac hes.
Transport
The prom otion of dom estic and cross-border traffic, which is part an
parcel of the dri ve toward s region al econo mic int egrat ion - the Europea
Union, for examp le, or the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFt
- is ano the r major cause of forest destruction . Transna tional corporati
lobb y groups the world over are successful in persu ading govern ments a
multilateral agencies to spe nd huge amo unts of taxpayers' money on inf
struct ural proje cts - as when the Euro pean Round Table of lndustriah
prevailed on the Euro pea n Commissio n to ado pt its prop osals for t
Trans- Euro pea n Netwo rk, the largest tran sport infras truc ture plan I
history. Th e Commission present ed its plan for the development in Easte
Europe of some 3S,000 kilom etres of new moto rways, high speed railwa
new h arbours an d airports: 90 per cent of a total cost of US$ I 00 billion
to be paid by the Eastern European count ries themselves (De Volksllrant,
J une 1995; see also Corporate Europ e Ob servatory 1997). A potent
disas ter in the mak ing is the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Developm ent a
Pipeline project , primarily spo nso red by an oil conso rtium consisting
Exxon , She ll and Elf Aquitane. The project plans to develop three oil fie]
in sout hern Chad usin g an expo rt system including a I ,OSO-kilome
pipelin e, most of which passes th rou gh Cameroo n, and an off-sho
loadin g facility for crude oil on Cameroo n's densely forested southe
coas t. Th e World Bank is cons idering loans to the govern ments of Ch
and Cameroon to help finance their respective portions of equity (amounll
to abo u t 15 per cent ) in two pipelin e com pan ies in which the maJo~
share (SO per cent or mo re) will be owne d by the oil conso rtium. Th ~rt
growi ng concern that the' projec t will lead to escalating civil \riolen
notably in southern Chad , and brin g social and enviro nme ntal dest tU Cll
PROLO GUE 15
II spills, for exampl e - to th e people living downstream in Chad
y communities near Kribi on Cameroon's south coast. Othe r
re the Trans-Amazoni an highw ay - built to give Asian mark ets,
'1y. access to the Amazo ns timb er and minerals - and the Hidrovia
lisation project of th e Mercosur count ries, which will dry out
anal (earth's largest wetland, containing its highest diversity of
. These and oth er new transport ation routes will ope n up some
lds last frontier forest areas to logging, cattle-ranc hing , mining,
nd poaching - and will expose local populations to the inevitable
these incursi ons and to increased pollut ion (Goldsmith 1997).
opposition
udies also show that the state-sanctioned, 'legal' usu rpation of
ources to the detriment of forest-dependent rur al people often
,nterru pted because man y local commu nities do not fully under­
pttl.I:Ull:ir legal rights and op tions . ( L~nch 1997) Moreover, many local
~~n ties wishing to vor ce their Interests o r seek legal redress face
i. ,.:p."
..metical and cultural obstacles - logistic, financial, techni cal, lin­
J: - when approa ching decision makers or the judiciary in the nation al
.; .\'O'IIncial capitals.
'· this respect, the case studies also poi nt to th e ambi valen ce of govern ­
~. industry and inte rnational developm ent agenci es toward s local
d their organisati on s. On one hand , these institution s tend to
ny the important skills, kn owledge and vision of local people
upporters . On the othe r hand , often local people and NGOs are
to 'participate' in orde r to lend legitimacy to the process of
M . a project - a hydroelectric dam , a social forest ry projec t or a
. As the case studies illustrate, genuine public participa tion has
.1 the result of local mobilisation against an unwant ed develop­
ty. It often goes unnoticed , however, that local communities and
NGOs, from both South and North ," have mo unted their
:1.0 11 in the face of violen ce, land deprivation and recurrent intimida­
11997).
the period covered by the case studies, no fewer than seven
:ng organisations faced severe hard ship du e to civil war, crimi na l
!eI!.a l battles and conflicts with govern ment authorit ies. Five staff
re killed, property was destroyed and peopl e were arrested .
tons and Recommend ation s
tes andchallenges
L the POlitical and econo mic root causes of deforestation , there is
wonder whether ther e is scope to dir ect society, and in particular
16 FOREST S FOR THE FUTURE
the powers that be, in a more sus tainable direction . But a choice for apatn
or cynicism wo uld mean abando n ing tho se who wo rk at the 'front line' al
attempt to change things for the better. Th e case stu d ies reveal heartenin
resp on ses by local peopl es to problems encounte red . O ften th eir vigilan
has been rewarded by new cha nces for forest conservation and local beneh
from forest managem ent .
The failure of most govern ments to recognise th e role of local fa
management has not necessarily terminated local managem ent of and tern,
over fore st resources. As Owe n lynch obse rves , 'Despite expansive clai
of ownership, man y nation al gove rn me nts exe rcise relatively little cant
over large areas o f forest .. . [since] few gove rn me nts have the staff neede
and the com mitment , to survey, patro l and effectively manage vast are
classified as state-owned' (l ynch 199 7: 24). Under such circumstan
many government s me rely tolerate th e pre sen ce of local peoples in tl
forest , while the ir systems of natural resource managem ent are oft
branded backwa rd and un sustain able, or as encroac hme nt .
More positively, the case stud ies also refer to a growing range of initi
tives and opportunities to foster collaboration between local people, sta
au tho rities an d oth er parties in su ppo rt of local , sus tainable forest managi
men t. local forest-dep endent co mmunities an d their su pporters face a du
challenge : first, th ey mu st counte r extern al forces which th reaten lac
access to forest; seco nd , the y mu st prove that th eir local system of fore
managem ent is pot entially viab le.
We have listed some gene ral lesson s and suggestions for political a
pr actical action th at em erge from the empirica l find ings of the ca
studies. Inevitably, measures are required in different fields - including t
econo my, th e envi ronme nt, cultu re, governance and law - and at varia
levels.
The role oj research
local forest managem ent practices often rem ain invisible , only coming
light when there is a clash of int erests within or between local communll
and the ou tside world. Most case studies narr ate what can be su mmati
as local attem pts to manage a 'na tur al resource conflict situation' (Dan
and Walker 1997). The stu dies describe strategies and expe riences of I .
peop le and their allies in attem pting to cha nge political co ndi tions. open
space for local forest man agem ent and imp roving their position on
ground. The pa rticipating organisations used th e case stud ies compiled
thi s volume as tools for developing self-assess ment, policy dialogue :'
concrete managem ent. Actio n research , u nd ertaken by local people or
partnership with th em , is essent ial in breaking the cycle of isolation
anonymity."
S~ient i fic resea rch, notably envi ronme ntal analysis and information
PROLOGU E 17
msable for land-use planning and p.oli~ y form ulation. To ens ure
olicies take into account th e aspirations and needs of people
. ch areas, much more insight int o local forest use and manage­
ulred. Research can be instrument al in gaining recognition for
c and perceptions of local peopl e, in disclosin g con flicts of
n negotiating solutions. In doin g so , it may help prepare
und where local people and outsid ers - such as forest
rsonnel or conservati onists - can meet , negotiate and even
ill!l.bora te. l ~
ring the complex linkage between forest and agriculture in the
nportant that futur e research offers more insight into the con­
sed on sma llholder farmers by othe r competing land uses
r mining, for example) and mark et distortion s, such as the
f foodgrains in Southern count ries by th e European Union , as
des to mo re symbiotic relationships between local farm ing
:1 the forest en vironment . Another research challenge is th e
n and development of traditional shifting cultivation, thu s
o playa posit ive role in forest co nservation . Priority attent ion
to be given to alternative farm system s and to non -farming
bsistence and income that can alleviate pressur e from pioneer
n forests (Sund erlin 199 7).
arcn should be undertaken by local peop le th em selves or in
with them. There is still a vast sto rehouse o f local-indigen ous,
d culture and ex perience whi ch needs to be doc umente d sys­
ly. This will create wid er appreciation of th e value of forests to
tles, in particular to men , women and children at th e hous ehold
will generate greater recognition of th e potenti al cons traints and
local forest management systems .
l¢gal biases
focal land rights and user rights is th e basis of forest preserva­
well-being of forest-dep endent people. It calls both for the
r Customary land titles and for greater collabo ration between
;fJ t'S and local people , wh o sho uld be ent rus ted with th e manage­
:blk (forest) lands on co ndition of sustaina ble use. At th e same
~angeme nts need to be mad e to achieve genuine land reform,
[IVe to the politically more convenie nt practice of handing out
~ land for agricultural purposes. Reform at both nation al and
J levels is requ ired to address th e legal bias agains t forest pro­
the CUstoms and rights of local peopl e. legislators and legal
should assume responsibtlny for establishing a traditi on of
~t .environme ntal law, through training and th e adj ustme nt of
1\11 law. Moreover, NGOs, lawyers and legal expe rts have a
18 FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE
responsibility to popularise nati onal and int ernational law, important to
with which citizens can kee p th eir govern me nts accountable and achi
recognition and prot ection of th eir human right s and of em'ironmen
values. It is essential that more atte nt ion and su ppo rt sho uld be given
initiatives which explore and propagate existing legal prO\'isions
community for estry and th e recognition and restor ation of ancestral terrir
rial rights. Government s are urged to endorse ILO Convent ion No . 1691'
recognition of th e rights of indigenous peopl es. However, we should n
look onl y to legislatures, courts and oth er govern me ntal institutions
introduce suc h legal reform . On th e contrary, as Owe n Lynch cond uct,
'We are all law makers, and it beh oves us to work togeth er to develop bel
legal strategies and tools ...' (Lynch 1997: 28).
The case studies make a strong plea tha t politi cian s and civil servan
notably th ose from OECD count ries, should start realising the ad\,c
social, ecol ogical and eco nomic implications o f ongoing privausanon a
monopolisation of food and medicinal raw materials, and that laws sho
be passed which put a halt to th e 'selling OUl' of biodiversity and indi
nous local knowledge." It is recommended tha t gove rn me nts declare hi
diversity to be part of the public domain in each country in order to st
further pri vatisation .
EnhanCing self-organisation
The case studies sho w that effort s to protect or rep air th e interests of I
peopl e and th eir forest environment have invariably starte d with a g
investment of tim e and commitme nt to foster uni ty and a comm
dir ection wit hin the community. Actions to prevent outsiders from
ploiting local forest wea lth, for exam ple, have started with efforts
strengthen the local soc ial fabri c and legal position . Systems of dectsi
making, local know ledge, th e improvement of local man agem ent practie
and enhanced bargain ing power are vital pans of successful local rcspo
to external pr essures.
The current economic crisis in Indonesia shows th at millions of n
people , no lon ger abl e to obtain th eir basic needs from th e market, cann
fall back up on tradi tion al subsistence pra ctices because mu ch of the nan
environme nt has been destro yed by govern ment -spo nso red timber eslat
oil palm plant ation s and fore st fires. To avoid su ch risks, gO\·er nme
sh ould seek to ensure th at the power and mean s to achieve econl'
survival and development are located as close to the peo ple as pOSSI
Greater economic self-su ffi ciency and self-dete rminatio n should
supported , without the assum ption that local co mmunities can supply
their need s (Daly and Cobb 198 9). As Hild yard et al. co nclude , 'only W
all those th at have to live with a decisi on have a voice in making I
· ' Iw l
decision can t he checks and balan ces on power th at are so cn tlca
PROLOGUE 19
I ommons be ensured' (Hildyard et al. 1997). Govern me nts
mise that most forests on which communities rely - in the
'I .. in the Nort h - must be considered as commons. Hen ce,
donor agencies and NGOs need to support t he building 0 f
, II:>
ble institutions that con solidate or restore th e authority of
rnes.
ing of their land" and resource use helps local communities
r land from out side incursions and thereby lessen s dem o­
i res on fragile ecosystem s' (Lync h , 1997: 15). It thu s cons ti­
merit within th e pro cess of self-organisation and articula tion
smmcmnes come together to map their lands and discuss
lopment, local people can acquire a broader persp ective of
pressures in the region , and a sense of how these will affect
ften essential to include representatives of neighb ouring
_ and , if opportune, other forest users - in th eir d iscussi on s,
id, or mit igate, conflicts of interest. Moreover, th e wh ole
ess and its legal underpinnings may encour age collaboration
I communities and conservation authorities or othe r man age­
lions (Lynch 1997). It is recommended that NGOs, don ors ,
nd scientists support the process of mapping by local co m­
a tool for information sha ring , negoti ation and land-use
l .u
self-organisation further, policy ma kers and forest autho ri­
upport full recognition of local use and managem ent of non ­
t products (NTFPs). These products are of sign ificant
tn rural areas , especially am ong disadv anta ged groups suc h as
poor who have access to few resources. Furthermore, NTFPs
irect and potentiall y positive connection between forest con ­
d forest use. If farming com mun ities living on the fringes of the
rive value from the sustaina ble exploitation of NTFPs, this
n incentive to protect the forest (de Beer and MacDerm ott
ps most sign ificantly, NTFPs can help create or restore a posi­
between agriculture and forest conservation." Don ors,
,c ncies, NGOs and scientists must assist the managem ent of
.al people through legal provision s and su ppo rt for local
lng. More particular assistance is required in th e followin g
ng legal obstacles which hinder local peopl e who seek to
and benefi t from NTFPs '
I and institutional stren~then ing (in areas such as ad m inis­
nd marketing) ;
b le extra ction of NTFPs from the wild and cultivation of
When appropriate;
~ ii' m
20 FO RESTS FO R THE FUTU RE
4 Strengthe ning the position of women , notably those who belon ,
marginal groups ; g Donors , scientists and governments should link up with
5 In formation sharing and capaci ty bu ild ing th rou gh exchange
experience s among local communities."
Alliancesfor thef uture
Local forest-dependent com mu nities and the ir suppo rt organisations oil
experience a vicious circle of isolation an d th e inaccessibility of Conta
inform ation , financial mean s, recognition and political support. Unless
circle is bro ken , local forest management practices will not have an op
tunit y to p rove their potenti al as a more sustainable alternative to domin
systems of forest exploitation . This is an area in which don ors, NGOs, C
sultants and govern ments have most to offer in terms of redistribution
the regulation of access to natur al resourc es. They sho uld aim at enhanc
possibilities for marginal groups to claim and protect their access to su
resources. This requires a new sensitivity to the needs and priorities
fo rest-d ependent peopl e and their local resource management systems.1
case studies offer convincing experiences of how suc h collaboration c
lead to an increased capacity to manage con flicts over forest. When
recognition of tenurial rights is essent ial, in itself it is not sufhcie
Govern me nts and donors need to ens ure tha t the pr ovision of techni
assistan ce, along with credit and hea lth programmes, responds to the ne
and percep tions of local commu nities. Notably in the interface betw
agriculture and forest , local peopl e, NGOs, scient ists, govern ments J
donors face the challenge of supporting approaches wh ich balance
objec tives of food security, econo mic welfare, self-determina tion and C(
servation. Faced with deteriorating environment s and poverty, local pea
require an o pportunity to develop internal cohe rence based on alternati
sources of inco me and livelihood if they are to prevent forest destrucuo
Those who wish to collabo rate with local stakeho lders should also
prep ared to make a long-term commitment to bu ild ing trust and part
ship. This plunges one into a reality which differs from the reality of th
officials, bankers and consultants who keep their distance from the fie!
yet it is often these more distant groups which make far-reachin g decisi
abo ut the future of forests and forest peop le, withou t witnessing the co
qu ences. Development agencies and other externa l agents thus have
make clear cho ices when it comes to collaboration (Hildyard et al. 19
As Larry Lohm ann argues, 'Blaming client governments or their de
merits when a project stifles part icipation of local peo ple in forest n~J nd
me rit , for example, should have no place in agencies that are co rnrnllte
fostering genuine participation and local cont rol. It should be
responsibility of agency staff to evalua te in advance whether or n
partner govern ment is likely to support local part icipation and not
PROLOGUE 21
if this evaluation is negative' (Lo hmann 1993 , in Hildyard
5 and give primacy to the need s and poli tical deman ds of
nd oppressed groups . This may require them to take
tlt:tively disem power dominant groups - for exam ple, by
nan rdorm and by enh ancing the position of women
1. 1997).
I mechanisms of flexible fundin g, especially small grants
I to be developed in suppo rt of the work of local communi­
individuals in the field of forest pres ervation and manage­
mphasis shoul d be placed on makin g such fund s available for
be temperate and bor eal forest region s as well, thus including
ntries. Donors should give priority attention to strengthe n­
n of politicall y marginalised grou ps. Bilateral donors and
nciers are urged to make com munity forestry and non ­
i of local people conditional up on their funding, since thi s may
xternal fundin g add ing to a down ward spiral of povert y and
1 degradation. Moreove r, NGOs and don ors sho uld make
cipation in programm es led by inte rna tional agencies, the
r or govern ments25 dependent upon th e degree to which
mbod y a gen uine commitment to stru ctur al change and
lineal demands of marginal groups.
t causes of d~rores ta tion
ICS point out that any attempt at consolida ting or restorin g
I': of forest mana gement requires, in the first place, that under­
forest destru ction sho uld be add ressed . These causes are to
Ide rather than inside the forest. The studies em phasise the
linkages: for example, the politics of energy, agriculture and
directly on forests and forest-dep endent economies and
rticipating organisation s from Costa Rica, the Philippines and
h in that IMF and World Bank struc tural adj ustments pro­
.1~s) accelerated forest destru ction in their respective count ries.
d on of poverty and furthe r environmental destruction
t- of all, that societies in the West and in eme rging econo mies
bandon increa singly un sustainable levels of consumption and
'he re is the cha llenge to design and ado pt socially and eco­
avenu es towards need s satisfaction an d fulfilment. The
lion , it appears, is that forests, and natu re in general, are a
of the economy, instead of vice versa. The case stud ies
rests and the Survival of forest-dep end ent peop le are sacri­
WIsh to call a 'free rider econo my'. There is, in the words of
n, The problem ... that when wealth is defined in pu rely

22 FORE ST S FOR THE FUTURE
economid quanti ta tive terms, m ost social labour, eco logical processes
cultural world VIews become devalued ... [and] remain outside an econ0
calculus . That is, with out the unpaid labour from th e commons
hou seh old and the community, and with out tapping ecological proc~ s
th ere could not be any surplus-valu e production for capitalist indus
(Goldm an , 199 8:16) .
The refo re, govern men ts, donors and int ernational economic institutl
(th e IMF, th e European Union and the OECD, for exam ple) need to pre
I
an an swer to th e fact that the current wave of un checked economic Ii
isation is rapidly undermining the ecological and cultur al basis oflivelihi
I merce should ad dress with pri orit y the problem of 'free
of milli on s of vuln erable groups and of th e econo my in general. This
first of all, for fiscal reforms, adapted trad e agreeme nts and formal in
ment policies and regulations. politi cians, scientists, citizen groups
';;11
I civil servants, from both North and South, are encouraged to collabora
dem anding a public debat e on th e proposed Multilateral Agreeme
I I these measures is to ena ble consumers, investor s and
Investm ent and related negotiation s.
The primary goal of forest managem ent and reforestation progra
should be to enable forests to perform th eir man y vital ecological func
and to benefit people who depend on forests as a source of income an
th eir shelte r, food, firewood, fodder, medi cin e and other basic needs
calls, for exam ple, for governments and don ors to cho ose enhanced na
regeneration of secondary forest and agro-forestry systems as 0
pr eferr ed to m on ocultural industrial plant ations . Likewise, greater pI
should be given to maint ain ing the carb on store in existing natural and
grow th forests, a course of action which in th e end is of greater social:
ecological benefit to society than th e introduction of plantations .
The case studies confirm th at com me rcialisation of forest re
sho uld only be pursued if, and to th e extent th at , this does not comp
th e well-being of people and ecosystem int egrity (Colfer et al. 1995).
sho uld assist local-indigenous communities, NGO s and governments
odit
South with technical and financial support to prevent the comm
and expropria tion of biodiversity and traditi on al knowledge.
Commercial en terp rises (mining and logging com panies, for e
whi ch do not accept the primacy oflocal comm unities' needs and wh
not respect th em as their equal partners in development and conSC
activi ties, should not be permitted to ope rate in su ch areas. This
more transparen cy about the aim s , motives and meth od s of forest U
to enable th e gene ral public to increase th eir parti cipation in the
and protection of the nation's forest wealth . Hence, investors and cO
sho uld face closer scrutiny th an before from governments, sharel~
th
NGOs , th e media and - inc reasin gly - th eir own staff. Nor -­
collabo ration an d information sharing is essent ial in ensuring that C .
cial activities in one part of the world help to detennine a coI1'
111
' 11
III
I
1II I 1
PR O LO G UE 23
rontability - in count ries and regions thousands of miles
"..d governments are urged to explore the possibiliries of
dorm - a trib unal or an ombudsman , perhaps - wh ere
nd other conce rned parti es (such as NGOs and scienti sts)
til j udgement , prot ection and means of redress. An in de­
l man , both at the national and international levels,
ntion as a last resort for facilitating the access of citizens
e. public opin ion and arbitration;"
n d international institutions like the International
which continue to enjoy the benefits of market access
international standards." Investors and corporations
to alert an d c ritical observation backed by visible and
J:Uloring; they sho uld also be expo sed to positive ince n-
to recognise and distinguish between good corporate
those businesses whi ch fall short of the standards seL28
nd to the growing scope for independent public int er­
,which inform the public in general, and market partners
nnd investors in particular, abo ut corp orate performance
It.. In addition, NGOs and govern me nt s should expl ore
i roducing the principle of 'imm obilising capital'." This
issuing of licences , concessions or permission s to
rces (by mining or logging, for example) by (foreign)
nal on the cornpanys lodging a suitable secunty.>
cal forest users should be enco ur aged and ena bled to
x penenos and pri oriti es in ord er to inform public
a well-informed and enfranchised public will be
see the flaws in the present system and demand
pter 13, p. 203).
ltet remains between local cont rol over forest resources
. Local peop le, how ever, have most to lose from forest
ny instances the responsibility for the long-term pro­
With them . This is why th e case studies make th eir
f.I linuous investm ent in local peo ple: to consolidate o r
bflf
,t y to defen d and sustain the forest for their own
cl for society at large.
Paul \Volvekamp
, W¥iiJ .1111
24 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
N O TES
I With thanks to Eline Meyer.
2 The boreal forests, known as the taiga in Russian, are one of the world's three gre t
ecosystems The taiga covers approximately 920 million hectares and can be a.
green belt encircling the northern hemisphere, stretching from Alaska in th~n
north ern Russia in the east. The boreal forests are characterised by coniferous tree
SI
such as spru ce, pine and fir and broadleaved species such as alder, birch and pOPlar ('
thanks to Ann j anssen.)
3 Different forms of 'shifting cultivation' are explained in the next paragraph, und
heading 'The interface with agriculture'. l"J'
4 Thanks to Kaki Buti from Palob village, Bastar and Madhu Rarnnath.
5 For example, grazing lands, village forests, fishing grounds are local commons, Whit
communally owned and/or used and looked after.
6 Such institutions encompass, amongst others , the regulations, norms, values, san,
and rewards which determ ine leadership, division of tasks and the rights and respo
ties of all men , women and children concerning the maintenan ce, protection and dl
non of land, water, nora and fauna, cond uct vis-a-vis the spirits and deities, and
religious and cultura l aspects of their lives.
7 An international agreement - Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (T
- was Signed in early 1994 as a result of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreerne
Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Following extensive pressu re from Organisation for ECOI
Cooperation and Development (OECD) count ries, TRIPs introduced rnechanis
recognise, claim and enforce intellectual prope rty rights .
8 Othe r noteworthy examples are to be found in countries such as Cambodia, "
Liberia, Indonesia and Nigeria.
9 The ministries of irrigation and power, by contrast, somet imes receive over 20 perc
the budget.
10 The former Repub lican US vice-presiden t, Dan Quayle, was a major champion
approach in his campaign against conservation measures meant to save the remaini
growth forests of Oregon - the region considered in the case study of the Conle;
Tribes of Warm Springs.
11 A form of land use whereby the growing of trees is deliberately integrated with CN :
animals on the same land management unit, either at the same time or in sequent
each othe r (Interna tional Centre for Research in Agroforestry, annual report. 1993).
12 Other crops which need to be mentioned are tobacco (according to Golds
estimated forest area of 12,000 square kilometres is felled every year to fuel tobacco
barns (Goldsmith 1997), rubbe r, coffee and soya. And prawn cultivation for ex:
major reason why about half of the world's mangrove forests have been cut dow
catastrophic consequences for local fishing communities. . .
13 Sometimes referred to as 'swidden agriculture' or 'slash-and-burn agriculture'. Shlfu
tivators could be defined as people who practise a form of rotational ag ricu ltu ~
fallow period longer than the period of cultivation , whereas forest pioneers may s
ll
bum existing vegetation but have the primary intent ion of establishing pem
a
semi-permanent agricultural production. The planting of cash crops is the pnm
of attention. (J. A. Weinstock and S. Sunito, 'Review of Shifting Cultivation in Ind
Sunderlin 1997: 4). I
14 'The term non-timber forest produc ts encompasses all biological materials ot
timber which are extracted from forests for human use. These include foods, me
spices, resins, gums, latexes....' (Jenne H. de Beer and Melanic J. McDermott, The
Value oj Non-Timber Forest Products in Southeast Asia, second revi sed edition, N~6 )
Corniuee of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (lUCN), 19
PROLOGUE 25
. Arbofilia, Costa Rica, for an elaborate explanation of the Analog
he participating organisations from Canada themselves experienced ­
In Non h America offers corporations wishing to break the opposition
ssrootS acti\; sts and endronmentalists the opportunity to use
~ ~ll1s t Public Participation' (or SLA PP suits) 'to sue them for de larna­
- jnsC)' etc., in order to br ing vicums to the point where they are no longer
I
ltlncial emotional and mental wherewithal to sustain their defence'
uue formulaung a forest management plan ; convincing the govern­
\ 't a particular forest a protected status and to recognise the land
people; stimulating debate on legislative amend ments : launching an
; developing working relations with donor organisations and relevant
local experiences and views 10 international institutions and fora; and ,
xchanging expe riences with other local organisations.
IK!l.nous people appreciate the idea of 'living' in the forest - which implies
,perspective- more readily than the concept of 'managing' the forest,
d . exclusive pe rspective. A more profound understanding of local
_ their potentials, requirements and con st rain ts - may facilitate an
conventional forest management and indigenous forest-use practices.
ntribute to a critical examination of the conventional approaches.
n affirms that 'The righ ts of ownership and possession of the peoples
lands which they tradi tionally occupy shall be recognised' (Article
rights of the peoples concerne d to the natural resources penaining to
pecially safeguarded' (Article 15.1).
Preamble and articles 15 and 16 of the Convention on Biodiversity.
encouraged to make constitutional provisions or other legal mechanisms
rty rights which incorporate relevant principles of the Biodiversity
.1Cular articles 15 and 16).
oflen prefer the term 'territory' when referring to an cestral land .
rt by lnstuut o del Bien Cornun , Local Ean h Observation and Center
auve Lands, Geomatics and Indigenous Territories, Hacienda San j ose,
29 June 1998.
res the importance of traditional knowledge of the complexity of the
of NTFPs in particular as agents of seed dispersal and pollination , and
lood chams
P Exchange Programme for Southeast Asia - a joint endeavour by
th~ Dutch consultancy firm ProFound in collaboration with the
eration NATR1PAL (United Tribes of Palawan) with the suppo n of
UlnJmJltee of IUCN - aims at local capacity bu ildin g by facilitating
. I und regional meetings and the production of a modest newsletter
racUC.:lJ mformauon on matters such as sustainable NTFP harvesting,
lellure.
ht for naturc swaps', 'joint implementation', Joint forest manage­
th the industry Global Envi ronment Facility projects and 'green
a perfomlthe followmg roles: (l ) act as a watchdog; (2) give impa nia l
lence to relevarn laws and regulations, national or international
nerally accepted norms of good conduc t; (3) offer a platform for
In form pUhlic opmion.
de, for example, the UN Declaration of Human Rights and the gutde­
rest Stewardsillp Council.

26 FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE
28 Poor perfonners treat social and environ mental values as extern alities which can be shifted
to the political and economic fringes, or to followin g generations.
29 I am grateful to Didier Babin and colleagues of Centre de Cooperation In tern ational en
Recherch es Agrono miques pour Ie Developpement (ClRAD) , Franc e, for th is inform ation.
30 When the contract run s out , the securit y can be claimed if the company's operations have
led to damag e to the environment, affected local commu nities adversely or injured the
nationa l treasury _ by evadin g taxes , for example, or not pa>~ng royalties. Companies are
thu s subje cted to th e widely accepted custo m that tenants renting a furn ished room pay
key mone y as a guarantee. It is suggested that the ad min istration of securiti es should be
dealt with by indep endent institu tion s
B IBLlO GRAP HY
Beer, J . H. de and MacDermott , M. J . ( 1997) The Economic Value of Non-Timber Forest Producls
in Southeast Asia, Nethe rlands Com mittee of the International Union for the Conservation
of Nature (lUC N) , Amsterdam.
Brocklesby, M. A. and Ambrose-Oji , B. (19 97) 'Neither the Forest nor the Farm
Livelihoods in the Forest Zon e ­ the Role of Shifting Agricultu re on Mount Came roon'.
or» Network Paper 21D .
Bryant , D., Nielsen , D. and Tangley, L (1997) The Last Frontier: Forests, Ecosystemsand Economitl
on the Edge, World Resour ces Institute.
Carrere , R. and Lohmann , L (1996) Pulping theSouth: Industti al Tree Plan tations and the World
Paper Eco nomy, Zed Books , London .
Cha mbers, R. (198 3) Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Wiley, New York.
Colchester, M. (1992 ) 'Sustaining the Forests Community-based App roaches in Southcas
Asia', United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) research paper
Colche ster, M. (1997) 'National Sovereignty, Free Trade and Forest Peoples' Rights.
Interg overnmental Forum on Forests, positi on pape r.
Colfer, C J. P and Dudl ey, R. G. (1993 ) Shi[tingCultivators of Indonesia' Maraud ers or Manag m
of the Forest? Comm unity Forestry Case Study Series 6 , FAa , Rome.
Colfer, C J. P , in collaboration with Prabhu , R. and Wollenberger, E. (1995) Principles, Criteria
and Indicators: Applying Ochham's Razor to the People- Fmf stry Linh, Centre for Interna tio(1i\
Forestry Research (CIFOR) Working Paper No .8 . i
Corpo rate Europe Observatory (1997) Europe Inc. Dangerous Liaison5 between EU Institul ,
andIndllstry, Amsterd am .
Daly, H. E. and Cobb , J. B, Jr (1989 ) For the Comman Good, Redirecting the Economy wwarJ
Community, the Environment anda Sustainable Future, Beacon Press, Bosto n .
Danaiya Usher, A. (1992 ) Taiga News, No, 4 (Decembe r), editori aL ou
Daniels, S. E. and Walke r, G. B. (199 7) 'Rethi nking Public Participation in Natural Res
Mana gement: Concepts [rom Plur alism and Five Emerging App roaches' , paper present<l
to the Worksho p on Pluralis m , Sustainable Forestry and Rural Development, FAa , Rom
Denslow, J. S and Padoch, C (198 8) Pe ople of the Tropical Rainforest, University o[ Cali[of/1'
Press.
Edwards, D. (19 97) 'Old Wine, New Bottles', book review of Sharon Beder, Global Spin: I
Corpo rate Assault on Environmentalism (Green Books ), in The Ecol ogist, Vol. 27 , No.
(NovemberlDecembe r).
Falconer, J. (199 1) Nature et Fauna , Vol. 2.
Friend s of the Earth- US (FOE- US) (199 7) 'The MAl and Global Deforestat ion' , draft , Ocl"
1997 ,
Fisiy, C P (1989) 'The Death of a Myth System and Land Coloni sation on the Slopes of ~ Io~
Oku _ Northwest Province of Cameroon', unpublished paper
PROLOGU E 27
Glowka, L , Burhenne-Guilmin , F, Synge, H . et al. (19 94) 'A Guide to the Convention on
Biological Diversity', Environment al Policy and Law Paper No. 30, International Union [or
the Conservation of Nature (lUCN).
Goldman , M. (ed .) (1998) Plivatizing Nature: PoliticalStrugglesf or the Global Commons, Pluto
Press in associati on with the Transnational Institute , London.
Goldsmith, E. (19 97) 'Can the Environment Survive the Global Economy?', The Ecologist, Vol.
27, No 6.
Hildyard , N., Hegde, P, Wolvekamp, P and ST Somasekhare Redd y (1997) 'Same Platform,
Different Train: Power, Politics and Participation' , paper [or the Work sop on Pluralism ,
Sustamable Forestry and Rural Development, FAa , Rome,
Jepma, C J. (19 95) Tropical Deforestation: a Socio-Economic Approach, Eart hscan Publications,
London,
Lynch, O. (1992) 'Securing Community-based Tenurial Rights in the Tropi cal Forests of Asia:
an Overview o[ Current and Prospec tive Strategies', briefing , World Resources Institu te
Lynch, O . (1997) 'Legal Aspects of Plura lism and Community-based Forest Management :
Contrasts between and Lessons Learned from the Philippines and Ind onesia', Centre for
tmernauonal Environmental Law, paper for the Worksop on Pluralism, Sustainable
Forestry and Rural Development, FAa , Rome.
, ~tt i ng , R. McC(1 997) 'Unequa l Commone rs and Uncomm on Equ ity: Propeny and
Community amo ng Sharehold er Farmers', The Ecologist, Vol. 27, No. 1.
Olssen, R (ed.) (199 5) The Taiga Trade: a Report on the Production , Consumption and Trade of
Boreal'Wood Produ cts, Taiga Rescue Netwo rk.
Perpongsacharoen , Wand Lohman n, L (1989) 'Some Thoughts on Action on the Tropical
Forest Crises', position pap er for NGO distribu tion networks.
I5e Y, D. A. (1996) Traditi onal ResOlme Rights: International Instrumen ts for Prak ction and
Compensation for Il!digenous Peoples and Local CommlUlities, International Union for the
Conservation of Natu re (IUCN) .
tbergen, S, (ed. ) (] 993 ) The Earthscan Reader in Tropical Forestry, Eanhscan Publication s
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!iIldts, W, Loske, R., Linz, M. ft al. (19 98) Greening the North: a Post-industrial Blu eprintfor
~(tdogy and Equity , a study for the Wuppenal Institute for Climat e, Environment and
nerg}; Zed Books, London .
r, J. (1997 ) 'Changing Roles in Forest Research', keynot e address at the Tropcnbos
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k, J A. and Suni to, S. (] 989) Review of Shifting Cultiva tion in Indone sia, Directorate
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rta.
J, (1987) The Pwpasr: of Forests: Follies of Development, Basil Blackwell , Oxford
ip p. S.(] 989) 'Trees Don't Vote for You . Het Functioneren van het Karnaraka State
Department', MSc th esis, University of Leiden .

4 Local Forest Management on the Frontier
Ind igenouS Communities Restor e Th eir Forest
in the Cordillera Mountains
MON TANO SA RE SEARCH AN D DEVE LO PMEN T C ENTRE
Philli pines
Altho ugh th e int erplay of in d igen ouS socio-po litical systems and th e local
communities' int imate un derstanding of the ecosys tem has contributed to
th e m aint en ance of richl y diverse forests in the Cordille ra of th e Philippines,
the government conti nues to deny people's righ ts to th e land and ignores
th eir crucial role in th e cons ervation and management of forests. The state
has m on opolised respons ibility for pro tecti ng, man aging and 'developing'
th e lan d as it pu rsues a dream of reaching in du stri alisation by allowing
foreign entities to exploit th e natural reso urce s it has sworn to pro tec t.
The Cordillera communities have to contend with d eepen ing po \'erty
and weakened local structures as well as foreign mining, loggin g, an d infra­
stru ctural projects. Though th oroughly undermine d by state forest laws.
the indigen ous systems still fun ction today This case study do cuments
indi gen ou s forest managemen t systems in five mo untain forest comm uni­
ties th in are stru ggling to p rotect their forests and th eir customar y land
laws. A list of major region al 110ra and fauna is p rovid ed in Ap pendix 1
The Five Stu dy Areas
Th ree of th e forest stu dy areas _ Demang, Bu gan g and Sisipitan - are in
Sagada, one of the ten munici palities of Mountain p rovin ce in th e central
part of the Cordillera Adm inistrative Region on Luzon Islan d . It is ISOkilo­
metres away from Baguio City and can be reach ed by road . Sagada haS
total land area of 8,568 hectares, 99 .3 pe r cent of wh ich is classified by III
govern ment as forest reserve. The clima te is generall y sub tropical with 1\'
disti n ct season s - th e wet and th e dry.
Bugang and Dem an g are between 1,500 and 1,700 metres ula"') ab.O \~~~
.
level , WIth forests domi nated by the Ben guet pine (Pinus ms uS s 1
spersed .With broad-leaved sh ru bs an d small tree s of van o kInd
d ,ri,'(lJl
. ~1I"orne -generating opport unities. The resp ondents are from Beew sitio
grou nc IS covered b y grasses such as Imperata cylindJica, Theme a,~ D
I
80
LOCA L FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MO UNTAIN S 81
and Miscanthus luzonensis. The forests of Bugan g an d Demang sh ow th e
results of tree-plant ing efforts by clans and families after th e Second World
War. Mou nt Sisipitan - the third area of study in Sagada - is still in a
health y state. Its vast forests serve as a watershe d and provide hunting
grou nds for th e Bontok , Kankanaey, Tingguian an d Maeng tribes who
dwell on the bo rders of Abr a and Mountain provinces. The Sisipitan Forest
has a wide r range o f elevation , from 1,400 to 2,200 metres above sea level.
A large part of the middle portion is cha racterised by moss forest with
patch es of rain forest. There is pin e on th e Mountai n Provin ce side and
dipteroca rp on th e Abra side . Rivers from Mount Sisipitan join the two
maj or rivers in the Co rdillera - the Chic o and th e Abra .
Accordi ng to our surveys with loca l peo ple, Sagada registered a po pula­
tion of 10,353 in 1990. These people belon g to the Aplay trib e , a su b-group
of th e Kankanaeys , one of several eth nolinguistic groups in th e region. Th e
majority of th e local population engage in rice farm ing and com mercia l
vegetable pro duc tion , raise poultry and livestock on a sma ll sca le, and
work as seaso na l wage earn ers. A few are em ployed by government an d
private agencies. Like othe r areas of the Co rd illera , Sagad a has retaine d
many aspe cts of its indigen ou s socio-political system suc h as th e dap-ay , a
centre where commu nity conc erns and issue s are actively disc ussed and
resolved .
Th e other two forests th at were studied are in Tu bo municipa lity of Ab ra
Province, wh ich is on th e wes te rn side o f th e Co rdillera some 408 kilo­
metres north of Manil a and 197 kilometres northwest of Baguio City. Tubo
is composed of ten barangays (the sma llest ad ministrative unit of th e
hilippine state) with a lan d area of 41,500 he ctares, making it the seco n d­
rgest muni cipality of Abra . The clima te is mo derately warm . The dry
son extends from Ja nuary to May, and the rain y seaso n from Ju ne to
ecember, Studies were carri ed out in Ban a and Beew forests , located along
e bord ers with !locos Sur and Mounta in provin ces. These are predomi­
ntly secondary rain forests with scattered stands of pine trees. The elevation
both areas ran ges from 700 to 1,500 meters above sea level. In Beew,
rests are found in 16 di fferent locations in the northern, northeastern ,
tern and southeastern parts of the village. They tend to be do mina ted by
or dipterocarp trees, although sometimes combina tions are fou nd .
:In 1990 Tubo registered a popu lation of 4,589, distributed among 829
holds. The m ajority of in hab itants are from th e Tingguian linguistic
p, and members of th e Maeng an d Kan kanaey lin guistic grou ps are a
, rity. The study sites are inhabited by th e Maeng tri be who, like th e
ijans, are governe d th rough th e dap-ay . Local pe ople farm , fish , hunt
ther forest products. A genera l state of pove rty is aggravated by th e
I basic social services such as roads, health and edu cational facilitie s,
 LO CAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN TH E CO RDILLERA MO UNTAINS 83
82 FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE
their fuel needs, alth ough Demang derives only a third of its fuel from the
(a 'settlement' or subdivision of a barangay ) in Alangtin barangay and Bana forest as residents can afford the cost of liquified petroleum gas. People in
sitio in Kili barangay. Both sitios are relatively new settlements; Beew w as Bana and Beew rely mo re on herbal medicines, while the resident s of Bugang
founded in 194 3 and Bana in 1990. Both settlement populations h ad and Deman g. who have easier access to hospitals and other health facilities,
migrated into the area followin g disasters, Bana after the 1990 earthquake rely on Western medicines. Women parti cipat e in uma or haingin farming,
and Beew after a measles epidemic. These areas can only be reached on fo ot. assisting in the hauling of lumber, and gathe r food and medicinal herbs.
Of the five areas, th e ecosystem of Mount Sisipitan is the most diverse ,
followed by Bana and Beew. Even as a seco ndary forest Bana retains its bi o­
Table 4 .2 Uses of the forest
diversity because of the minimal impact of people in the new settlem ent,
but portions of the Beew forest are being reduced to grassland by Uses of th e forest Sisip itan Beew Bana Demang Bugang
intensified kaingin (swidden) farming. Because they are dom inated by Sourc e of fuel X X X X X
plantE;d pines , Bugan g and Demang forests have low diversity le vels Source of med icinal plants X X X X X
Nevertheless, numerou s plant and anima l species tha t are of impo rtan ce to Pasture land X X X X
local people were ident ified within the five areas of research: 33 timber and Hunting grounds X X X X X
fuel species; nine water-bearing plants; 36 medicinal plants; 20 game Shifting cu ltivat ion X X X
animals; and 15 mushrooms. Docum entation of edible fruits and species Source of timb er X X X X X
used for fibre, pesticides and honey production is still in progress. Watcrshedlwatersource X X X X X
Tourism X X
Sacred tree site X X
Ownership and Land Use Honey gath ering X X
The forests of Mount Sisipi ta n, Bana and Beew are com munally owned, Source of food (seaso nal) X X X X X
shared by villages and tribes - five subgroups of the Kanka naeys and two Agricultural land expansion X
sub-groups of the Tingguians - living in the foothills of these mountains. Source of rattan x X X
Th e resident s of Beew an d Bana figured pr ominently in the pro tests against
the tran snational logging company Cellophill Resources Corpo ration during
the 1970s and 1980s - Deman g and Bugan g forests, on the other hand, are Forest util isation by gende r and age
parcelled into family and clan properti es (Table 4 .1) Wome n Ch ildren
Men
uel gathering X X
Table 4 .1 System of ownershi p in the five study areas unting X X
Site System of forest man agem ent ney gath ering X X
Pri vate rna farming X X X
Communal Cla n
'formance of ritu al X
Beew
x bering X Help in hauling
X d gathering X X X
Bana
Mount Sisipitan X
X
x rb collection X X
Demang X
x
Bugang
:d igenous Forest Management Systems
indigen ous conce pt of forest owne rship recognises three tenurial
While the forests are mainly used for subsistence pur poses, cultural and
ngements . In the saguday or private system, forests are privatised if one
1- the
religious aspects are also importan t. Table 4 .2 shows uses of the forest in
, ~a de perm anent improvem ent s such as planting regular crops or
each of the areas covered by the study, whil e Table 43 app les f
i: hng ston e walls. Owne rs might be members of a nuclear family who
perspectives of gender and age. All comm unities depend on the forest or
 -
84 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
have the respon sibility of protectin g and maintaining the forest. Similarl .
clan owne rshi p is acquired thr ou gh labour invested by the collective effor~~
of clan memb ers. For the day-to -day man agement of the forest, a caretaker
usually a ma le clan memb er, is appo inte d by consensus. He has the
respon sibilit ies of mobil isin g clan memb ers for tree-planti ng actiVities
deciding what types and qu ant ities of timb er can be cut by clan member~
at what times, and convening clan meetin gs to d~scu ss matters pertaining
to forest management. With such respon sibilities , the caretake r receives
privileges such as a larger sha re in forest products and priority access to
resources - bu t he is not perm itted to sell these. Both the privately owned
and clan-o wned forests are shared with community resident s to the extent
that peopl e may gathe r food and branches for fuel and , with permi ssion of
the owne r or caretake r, cu t thr ee to five trees for lumber free of charge.
A third system of owne rshi p is communal, with elders deliberating on
policies that are approved by consensus . In communally owne d forests,
watersheds are off-limits for farming and logging . Resident s may only fell
trees to build hou ses within the iii, or village area , or on special occasions
such as the performance of ritu als, weddi ngs and funerals. Hunters must
sha re the meat of four-legged animals with villagers who, in tum , are res­
pon sible for the hunter in case of an accident. (Traditionally, hunters used
bitu, or pit traps, and most of the meat was shared with the community.
These days, rifles and guns are used and there is less sharing, with port ions
of meat occas iona lly set aside for sale.) Forest burning is prohibit ed
because it has been observe d that rats, insects, and other agricultura l pests
increased whenever forests were burned . Th e damage cau sed was often
Significant eno ugh to cause a food sho rtage. Moreover, as hou ses are
construc ted with woo d and cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica ) , forest fires
depri ved peo ple of building materials.
Whe ther saguday, clan-o wne d or communa l, forests in Sagada and Tubo
are used for a multitude of purposes. Village-based, small -scale logging is
usuall y governe d by the rule of selective cutting and limited qu antit y This
meth od has not yet reach ed a destru ctive stage, with axes and chainsaws
being the main tools. Ironically, this indi genous mod e of forest use is con­
sidered illegal by govern ment agencies like the Department of Environment
and Natura l Resources. Ano the r commo n use of the forest in Bana and
Beew is seaso nal hon ey gathe ring to suppleme nt income. Hon ey gatherers
smoke out the bees from the ir hives and then harvest the hon ey and other
by-p rodu cts. They have specialise d knowle dge of plants that emit smoke
with no deleteriou s effects on the bees. As a measure to pro mote sustain­
ability, flowering trees which are vital for hone y production are protected
and the use of petrochemi cals on agricultur al crops is discouraged or even
prohibited . Altho ugh forest burning has been banned by comm unities in
some areas, the practice continues as a way of creating grasslands for cattle
LOCAL FO REST MANAGHIENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MOUNTAINS 85
Zl
ing . This can kill or hamper the growth of trees, and can be even more
tructive if the fire spre ads . As a prevent ive measure, there is a need to
.velop an alternative technology for pastur eland develop ment. Finally,
ngin farnling is a traditional agricultura l system still wide ly practised by
13Ma and Bcew residents. Whil e haingin may have been ap pro priate in the
st, the pressure of the cash economy rend ers it inapp ropri ate tod ay.
The svstern of knowledge and techn ologies in the Cordillera, like tho se
f other indigenous peoples around the wo rld , are interwoven with beliefs
nd practices that are frequ entl y dismissed as unscient ific. The cont inued
bser:ance of these beliefs and practices, however - despite the int rusion
f Western culture through religion , educa tion , and med ia - distinguishes
rhe Cord illera people from the rest of the Filipinos . Practices that may seem
irrational are sometimes easily ex plicable in eco logical terms. For exam ple,
it is not permitted to pasture in the vicinity of a sp ring as this would dis­
please the spirits dwelling there. This has, of course , a di rect impli cation
for maintaining the quality of drin king water. The taboos against cutting
trees when one hears the croaking of a frog might reflect conce rn about
protecting the watershed , as frogs indi cate the presen ce of water. The
common practice of sacrificing a ch icken in the forest stems from the belief
that forests are inhabited by spirits. Such a practice has been very effective
in imparting the message that forests have to be respected and that people
may not burn the forest or dump garbage near springs . Other beliefs and
practices need to be studied furth er to un cover their underlying logic.
A Comparison of Customary and State Legal Systems
land is a major national issue. It can be traced to the failure of the Philip­
pine govern ment to reform oppressive land laws enac ted by the colonisers,
and their perpetuation down to the present day. Taken together, these laws
and decrees serve to entrenc h the states owne rship of most forest land and
its power to exploit forest resources, at the same time diminishing the
usufruct rights of tho se who have mana ged the forests since before the
creation of the Philippine state. Inhabit ant s of the Cordillera are now per­
ceived as squatters on the land which their ancestors have occu pied,
defended and nurtured from time imm emorial.
The onl y land right s recogni sed by the national government are those
legally sanctioned by the state with docum ent ation sign ifying privat e
ownership. Any land that lacks this title automa tically belon gs to the state.
The problem is intractable because indi genou s peopl e have not acquired
titles or other proo f of owne rship. Traditionally, the labour they invested in
the land and the recognition of their neighbours was su ffic ient proof. Th e
land, forests, rivers and other natural resou rces were looked up on as being
owned in common by the trib e or by the ind igeno us inh abitant s. Th e
86 FO RESTS FOR THE FUTU RE

----
LOCAL FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CO RDILLERA MOUNTAINS 87
people practised a form of communal land stewardship, viewing them­
selves as stewards or caretakers of the land, which was considered free to Meanwhile, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources,
anyone who was willing to develop or till it. The indigenous system whose mandate it is to protect and enhance the qualit y of the COUntrys
explicitly discourages the privatisation of forest lands to ensure that the environment, has nume rous well-financed programmes for forest develop­
majority retain access to forest resources. When permission is granted to a ment. But none of these has been implemented in the five areas stUdied by
private individual or company to use the forest for personal profit, people's the Montanosa Cent re. Though communities are badly in need of financial
and technical assistance, their willingness to be involved in these pro­
access is limited and the forest is usually degraded. But the government
treats the Cordillera as its own resource base, awarding concessions and grammes is certain to be construed as recognition that the land is OWned by
permits to outsid ers who exploit the natural resources with no concern for the state. This would imply that the state can decide how land is to be used
even when this goes against the people's wishes, as when the govern ment
the inhab itants.
has favoured mining companies and dam projects in the past.
Traditional and offi cial mechanisms of conflict resolution are equally at
Table 4.4 Acomparison ofofficial and customary views of land tenure
odds. Among the Maeng and Pidlisan tribes, confli cts Ove r tribal bOUndaries
Issues Governme nt system/ Indigenous system! are resolved through the bodong system, or peace pact, that governs relations
State laws Customary laws between the two tribes. Land disputes are resolved through a series of
discussions and negotiations until a decision favourable to all is achieved.
Ownership/tenure • Forests are owned by • Recognises private, clan
A similar process is used in Sagada, although negotiations are conducted
the government (Public and communal
through the dap-ay system. Conflicts between individuals, including
Land Act, PO 705, others). ownership.
disputes over inheritance, are effectively resolved through the dap-ay . By
• Recognises and • Discourages private
contrast , the current legal system resolves confli cts through the COUrts.
encourages priva te forest ownership,
This system favours those who possess documents, sometimes obtained by
ownership, allows an access of people to deceitful means , and can afford the best legal counsel.
individual to own large resourcesis open.
For several generations now, the forests of Beew, Bana and Sisipitan have

tracts (depriving others of • La nd is not considered

provided for the needs of the people. In tum , the communities have

the resources). a commodity.

developed a system of conservation and management. In other words, the

• Can be transferred
forests of Demang and Bugang are the concrete manifestations of people's

easily through selling

efforts to improve their environment. While at present they may nor be

replanting trees actively, they claim that natural regrowth takes place as

Tenurial recognition • Only land titles are • Shared knowledge of

long as the forests are protected from fire For decades, the interplayof the

recognised as proof of elders and community.

indigenous socio-political systems and the values and wisdom of local

land owne rship.

people resulted in the protection of forests that are today considered to be
among the last frontiers of the count ry. Unfortunately, modern develop_
Acquisition of land • Through land titling. • Labour investment and
ments have taken their toll on people and the forests. Several factors are
inheritance. contributing to the erosion of indigenous forest management systems
State forest laws continue to undermine indigenous concepts of natural
Formulation of • Imposed from national • Discussed by elders and
resources management . As local systems and leadership are weakened, the
policies/laws policies. approved through
honesty, justice and culture of sharing also starts to disintegrate Local
consensus.
eople find it hard to cope with the intrusi on of the cash economy into the
rraditional subSistence economy. There is also a lack of developrnental
Process ofsolving • Court procedures where • Dap-ay system where
PPOrtunities. To meet their economic needs, the people of Beew and Bana
land disputes money is required. money is not needed.
reSOrt to intensified ]willgin farming and hunting, which increases pressure
• Consultation/collective
n their forests. In Sagada, the shift from subsistence agriculture to COffi­
investigation.
------------------------------------
ercial vegetable and orchard producti on has led to the conversion ofpine

rest into agricultural lands. Moreover, an increasing number of Stnall­

 LOCAL FOR EST MANAGEME NT IN THE COR DILLERA MOUNTAIN S 89
88 FORESTS FOR THE FUTUR E

are the development of indigenous socio-political systems and th e conserva­

scale loggers , equipped with chainsaws, cut and sell timber in violati on of
tion, pr otection and dev elopment of natural resources within th e an cestral
selective cutting rul es. Pressure on forest is intensified by the government's
domain . Earlier, in 198 3 , th e people of Pidlisan had banned kaingin on
failure to provide basi c social services . In Beew and Bana, for example ,
Mount Sisipi tan . Six years later, they formulated and executed a polic y
th ere are areas with a high potential for m ore efficient agriculture . Unfortu­
restricting small-scale mining to design ated areas within their ances tral
nat ely, the area lacks ad equate irrigation facilities and people are forced to
land. In 1994 they comprehensively rejected th e Small-Sc ale Mining Act
continue with their kaingin farming.

Recommendations
Local Initiatives
After more th an 15 years of grassro ots development work , the Montanosa
Growing awareness of the contradictions between state policies and
Research and Development Centre has formulat ed a number of recommen ­
indigenous management practices has led , on the regional level , to a revival
dations to Cordillera policy makers and development agencies engaged in
of people's organisations, most of which are members of the Cordillera
forestry reform in th e Philippines .
Peoples Alliance for the Defence of Land and Resources and for Self­
Conflicts over land and resources must be resolved. Th e land rights of
determination. The Alliance is guided by the belief that ancestral land is
indigenous people and th eir cu stomary laws mu st be recognised by
fundamental for indigenous peoples. Land is life. The land and pe ople are
government. This requires a genuinely autonomous regional government
one _ a coll ective and int egrated whole. The land and th e people comprise
that would give the pe opl es of the Co rd illera th e right to determine freely
th e iii or village. Boundaries are upheld not only by th e community but
their political, econo m ic and cultural ways of life.
also by th e adjoining and even distant villages and tribes . Indi genous
Community organisation has proved effective in empowering indige nous
peoples uphold th e principle of sh aring and nurturing nature's bounty.
In 1993 more than 90 representatives from th e different barangays of
communities and should be adopted as an inherent part of development work.
This includes forming alliance s or feder ations from village to provincial
Sagada convened in a forum to discuss three government programmes: the
levels, and joining the regional mo vement for the asserti on of indigenous
Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claims, the Certifi cate of Ancestral Land
people's rights and self-determination .
Claims , and the Certific ate of Land Ownership Awards. The people ended
Traditional practices that serve the long-term interests of people with regard to
the forum by rejecting all three programmes and presenting a petition
lVnership, use and management offorests should be strengthened or revitalised.
demanding that the government respect indigenous laws. Subsequently,
Policy makers sh ould sup po rt legal and indigenous institutional
some officials of the Department o f Environment and Natural Resources
arrangernem s which prev ent individuals or outside groups from exploiun g
compromis ed by allowing people to cut timber in their forest on condition
nntural wealth at the expe nse of the poorer sections of the community. The y
that the timber was used within th e ili. This was a small but significant gain
ould recognise th e role of th e pe ople in the devel opment and man age­
in the struggle for recognition of customary law.
m of the natural resources on which the y rely for man y of their basic
From th e mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, peopl e in Bana and Beew were
l'Iceds. Cooperative efforts in the utilisation and management of the forest
at the forefront of the struggle against th e Cell ophill Resource Corpo ration,
lCSOurces should be encou raged . Thi s requires th e definition o f obj ective
a transnational logging con cern favoured by the Marcos dictatorship. Many
rameters for a qualitative assessment of forested areas th at measures the
lives were sacrific ed to protect th e forest s for succeeding gen erations. Had
nr of forest cover, its quality and dynamics , and its stage o f regenera -
it not been for the relentless efforts of the Tinggians, Kankanaeys, Bontoks
IB n or degeneration. On the basis of this assessment, communities could
and Kalingas, Cellophill wo uld have wreaked ecological havoc on the
n develop appropriate forest-use and development plans.
forests of th e Cordillera. Even th en, significant damage was inflict ed before
the compa ny stopped its op erations. Since then , local people hav e started
an annual collection of rattan seeds for planting in th e month of August. LI O G RAPHY
The y ha ve also embarke d on a refore station pr oject and a search for unity Health Edu cation , Services and Trainin g in the Co rdillera Region ( 1989) Common
alternative farming technologies suitable for sloping areas. . II at Plams of the Cordillera, Ilagui o City, Philipp ines.
anlsa­
In Pidlis an the dap-ay retains a strong influ en ce, and a people's org ~ e ra Peoples' Alliance (995) 'Ances tra l Land Dehn eation and Indigen ous Peoples',
IUblishcd positi on pap er.
tion , the Asosasyon dagiti Sosyudad ti Umili ti Pidlisan (ASUP), was forrnally
ue, l., Lugold, G. and Panch o.} . 0 977 -83) Hfin dbooh on Philippine :\ledical Plants, Vols
launched in 1990. Included in the organisation's nine-point pro gramme
90 f O RESTS FOR TH E f UTURE

-
1 (1977 ), 2 (1978 ), 3 (982 ) and 4 (1983 ), University of the Philippines-Los Banos, Laguna
Gonzale s, Pedro and Rees, Colin P (1988) Birds oj the Philippines, Haribon foundat ion for the
5 Alternatives to Rainforest Logging

Conservati on of Natural Resources, Inc.

La Vina , A. (1991) Lawand Ecolog)', Legal Rights and Natural Resource Centre, Manila.
in a Chachi Community in Ecuador

Merrill, Elmer D. (1912 ) A Flora oj Manila, Depa rtm ent of the Interior, Bureau of Science.
Merrill, Elmer D. (1926) An Enumeration oj Philippine Flowering Plants, 4 vols, Manila.
Mon tanosa Research and Development Centre (19 93) 'Prelimin ary Community Appraisal of LORENA GAMBO A
Beew', unpub lished repo rt.
Mun icipal Planning and Development Coordi nator (1995 ) 'Sagada Municipal Profile' Acci6n Ecologia , Ecuador
unpublished report . '
Quimi o, 1. (1978) Common Edible Mushrooms in the Philirpines, University of the Philippines_
Los Banos , Laguna.
Quisumbi ng . E. (1978 ) Medical Plants oj the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippin es.
Rabor, D. ( 1977) Philippine Birds and Mammals, University of the Philipp ines Science Education
Centre , Universiry of the Philip pines. Press, Quezon City.
Tauli, A. (l984) Dakamiya Nan DagaMi, Baguio City, Philippines.

Geography, Ecology and Peopl e

The Centro El Encanto Reserve, inhabit ed by bo th indigeno us Chachi and
Mro-Ecuadorian peop le, is located alon g the Cayapas River border in the
rovince of Esm araldas, northwestern Ecuado r. The area con tains the last
tropical rainfor est s on the Ecuadonan coast, forming part of the bio­
eographical region of the Cho co, which has one of the wo rld's hi ghest
levels of biod iversity and endemic species. Centro El Encan to is part of the
otacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve buffer zone . It is estimated to harbour
total of 6,500 plant spec ies, equivalen t to 25 pe r cent of all plant spec ies
recorded in the co untry. O f th ese plan ts, it is estimated that some 1,260
ped es are en demic to the area.
The native vegetation of Cayapas has the app earance of a de nse eve r­
reen forest with species of great height and width . Fores t compos ition
ries according to the condition of the soils , d rainage, topography and
umiduy The mos t imp ortant of the tree families are Fabaceae, Moraceae,
uraceac, My risticaceae, and Meliaceae. The clima te of the Cayapas River
a is hot and humid . The average tem perature is approximately 25°C and
Ib e average ann ual rainfall 4,000 millim etres. The area is characterised by
exten sive ne two rk of rivers and streams, whic h also cons titutes the
:pti ncipal system of com munication, transportation and trade for local
people.
For more th an 400 years two dis tinct ethnic groups, the Chachi and the
rO-Ecuadorians , have occup ied the forests of the region . Ove r this period,
ih the Chachi and the Afro-Ecuado rians , th rough their respec tive cultu ral
raLtices, have managed the forest sustainab ly, provid ing them selves with
, clothi ng, me dic ine and ritu al necessities. Both grou ps also prac tise
,n ail-scale agriculture and have developed an in-depth know ledge of the
of forest plants and the huntmg of wild an imals . The horticulture

91