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JThiawork of Dr. Nean d er. which

translated

PIUNCETON.

X.

J.

Neander, August, 1789-1850. The history of the Christiarf religion and church during
1

.eiisf" o! ine m.'IoTy" lor accu rate (Jhurcc, during the first the Christian lieii^ion ai The grain of raustu.d ;ieed, planted three Ceiituiies the Aposiolic age, has become a aiitthty tree on whose Iruit the nations live, and by whose Branches they are sheltered. The reader will find, in the recital of the early history of the Christian Church, an argument in support of the divinity of its origin. It was introduced into the world without the attractions of pomp, or the support o! power; and did not constrain the judgment of men by offering them "The tribute or the sword." Wrapped, at first, in swaddling clothes and laid in a manger, it gradually developed the vigor of manhood, and th^ purity of heaven. The worshippers of the lalse gods of Greece and Rome opposed the progress of the new religion. But the results of every succeeding persecution, armed with imperial power, alibrded additional proof that the blood of the martyrs became the seed of the Church. The religions of Greece and Rome were buried beneath the ruinsol tlieir civil and political institutions. The religion of Jesus of Nazareth survived; anti when the sign appeared in Heaven, "By this thou shalt conquer," it ascended the throne of the Cie:-ars. Genius and learning iiave conspired for its overthrow; and the rock remains nnsliaken. The insii'ious pen of the historian has seemed to praise, while it aimed to destroy; but the simple histories of the "Fishermen of Galilee" will be received by the world, alter existing t-mpires shall have declined and iailcn, and new flynasties shall have arisen. In vain did Voltaire proclaim to the world, "Crush the wretch." Eveiy opposer of this Divine Teacher shall be brought to acknowledge, with the dying and apostate dulian, ."O Galih-ean! thou hast conquered." C.

does not wisli

of

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-^N^//^
THE HISTORY

CHRISTIAN RELICtION AND CHURCH,

THE THREE FIRST CENTURIES.

BY
DR.

AUGUSTUS NEANDER.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN,

BY HENRY JOHN ROSE,

RECTOR OF HOUGHTON CONQUEST, AND LATE FELLOW OF
ST.

B.D.

JOHN's COLLEGE, CAMEEIDGE.

IN

ONE VOLUME,
CONTAINING

THE introduction; the history of the persecutions of CHRISTIANITY; AND THE HISTORY OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE, AND OF CHRISTIAN LIFE AND WORSHIP; THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN SECTS AND DOCTRINES, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEF FATHERS OF THE CHURCH.

a ab c p P JAMES M. CAMPBELL & CO., 98 CHESTNUT STREET. NEW YORK: SAXTON & MILES, 205 BROADWAY.
1]

i 1

I)

Stereotyped by C.

W. Murray

^-

Co.

1843.

THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The

history of the Christian

Church, especially

ia the earlier periods of existence, is

It

a cheering subject for the contemplation of a Christian heart.

supplies a commentary,
be with his dis-

which cannot be mistaken, on

ciples

the promise of our Lord, that

He would

even

to the

end of the world. (Matt. xxviii.20.)

first to
it.

The

Christianity had at

struggle, only serve to prove the

which overwhelming might of the

difficulties against

arm which
all its

sustained
to

It

was

to

be expected that an age of corruption should put forth

it.

powers

crush that religion which denounced and combated

The

progress

which

Christianity

made

in spite of this opposition, constitutes

one of the chief points

of interest belonging

to the earlier

periods of ecclesiastical history.

The working
is

of that

leaven, which

is

destined in God's good time to leaven the whole lump,

seen most

definitely at that season,

when
first

the world

was exchanging

its

paganism

for Christianity.*

Let any
period.

man

read the

sixteen chapters of Gibbon, and then turn from that melan-

choly record of blood and crime to the history of the Christian

Church during

the

same

He

will then

acknowledge

that there

was beneath

that stormy tide of passion

and ambition an under current

to

silently

light,

Avhen once that troubled

life,

tide

advancing, whose calmer and purer waters came had passed away. He will see principles of

action, and rules of

the strongest and the purest ever given to

man, making

their

way

against

all

the persecutions of power, by their

It is in
is

own
this

intrinsic worth,

and by the

power which sustained them from above.

others, that the early history of Christianity

point of view,

among many

fraught with such deep interest to man,

and

it is

to

be considered one of the great aims of such an history to develope this progress
clearly,

of the
It

Church would be

and delineate

it

with accuracy.

foreign to the purpose of this Preface to discuss the merits or the deit

merits of other ecclesiastical histories, but

particular point, as connected with the

may

be allowable

to direct attention to this

work of Dr. Neander.

To

develope

this progress

of Christianity faithfully, requires that the historian should not only possess the learning

and the impartiality which are needed

unite profound and extensive views of

for all historical inquiries; but that

he should

human

nature with what

is

of even more im-

portance,

warm

feelings for the higher parts of the Christian

scheme, and an eye well

practised to discern the dealings of

God

in the

world.

cannot but think that the learned

and amiable author

I

of this history unites these qualifications in

difficult to

no

common

degree; and

believe that

it

would be

reverence for the high qualities

become acquainted with his works without feeling both of head and heart which adorn their author. The

present portion of the history bears testimony to his candour and acuteness, his diligence

and his
in the

fidelity. His judgment also in disentangling the historical! from the fictitious Acta Marlyrum cannot fail to strike any one, who will take the trouble to compare

the details of this history with the original of the Acta

Martyrum,
to

as edited by Ruinart.

To

this
to

meed of

praise, high as
still

it is, I

think every impartial reader will consider the

the acceptance of
all
I

author

be entitled, but

this

avowal by no means binds us

I

the views propounded in this work.

*

feel

it

necessary to

state, that in

many

of

them

Every man at all arquainted with the history of religion, will see at once, that the history of much that is interesting to all ages, because the controversies of all ages have been nearly the same in substance, though varied in form, and in this period the germ of most of them will be discerned. t It has, however, been observed, that in another part of the subject. Dr. Neander has expressed far too favourable an opinion of Apollonitis of Tyana a man, whose very existence is a matter of doubt, and whose life, as set forth to us by eulogists, is a tissue of impostures. See Leslie, Easy Method with the Deists. 3
this period contains


iv

THE translator's PREFACE.

at all concur.

cannot

author has embraced them honestly, and he maintains them with a zealous love of truth, and in a truly Christian temper of charity but still I cannot accede to the views themselves, nor acknowledge the weight of the arguments brought church government, 10 support them, especially those which relate to the early form of

The

and the questions concerning the Christian ministry.

It will

be seen at once that these

are not isolated questions; they are only parts of a larger system or view, which seeks universality and to place Christianity in an improper opposition to Judaism in respect to
spirituality.

The same

sort of

view which induces the author

to attribute the rights

of

Christian priesthood to every Christian, and to maintain that these rights gradually became restricted to one class from motives of convenience, and the necessity of order,

Sec, leads

him

caiion of one day in the

Christianity.

all days as LonVs days, and to consider the special sanctifiweek a measure of convenience, rather than a precept of The view taken of the sacraments, and some other portions of the

to

look upon

Christian scheme,
tianity, as

is

greatly affected by this desire to represent the essentials of Chris-

independent upon any particular and external observances. In a great degree, the views taken of these matters by the author appear to arise from habits of mind which are admirable in themselves, but still require regulation, to prevent them

from undue excess or improper application. I mean his fear of lowering the spiritual nature of Christianity, by giving too much importance to its forms his fear, lest the This is a rational fear, and a just ground of jealousy, spirit should be lost in the form.

but the question

is,

whether

it is

justly applied.
to

And

in the present instance, I

think

it

has improperly led Dr. Neander

it

combat the notion of an authoritative ministry, as if savoured of the Jewish priesthood, and to present in great vagueness much which
one thing which
is

Christianity distinctly defines.*

Now

remarkably striking
is its

in the

view presented by Dr. Neander

In the
first

of the early government of the Church,

indefiniteness in point of time.

chapter he professes

to treat

of the apostolic times, but in that case the miraculous gifts

and the superintendence of the apostles themselves would appear to deserve more parThey are two elements which distinguish this period from every other. ticular notice.
If,

however,

it

be meant for the age immediately succeeding- that of the apostles,

it

must

be remarked that the notices of this age are very scanty, and as far as I have investigated the question, his account, which admits of lay elders and rejects an authoritative
ministry,
times, of
is

not warranted by those notices, and

still

less by the

accounts of the next

to

which we have a more accurate knowledge.

:

To

descend, therefore,

one or

two

particulars

* I here subjoin an extract from the "British Critic," enumerating some of the writers who treat on the question of the ministry " To those who are not conversant with this question we should recommend Bennel's Rights of the Clergy, (Lond. 1711.) This book proves, we think, decisively, the necessity of an ordination by minisTers, although it does not enter into the question between presbyters and bishops. This latter question he treated in his work on Schism, and it is also well argued by King Charles, in the The Jus Divinum Ministerii letters which passed between him and the ministers at Newport. Leslie's little tract (on the Qualifications Evangclici, also argues the former question admirably. requisite to administer the Sacraments,) and Bilson's large treatise, are also well worthy of perusal. Slatyer's 'I'he former of these coiitains the pith of the episcopal question in a small compass. Original Draught of the Primitive Church,' is said* to have made a convert of Lord Kin^, against whose work on the Church it was written. Burscon^h, Thorndike, or Potter, might also serve Any of these books, the same purpose as the above works, or Daubeny's Guide to the Church.' but especially Bennet, Leslie, or Burscough, will give the common arguments on the subject." On the (luesiion of the priesthood, as savouring of Judaism, see Hooker, Eccles. Pol. Rook iii. % There are also some admirable remarks on this subject in an article on Dr. Whateley's 11. v. 78.
: ' '

Errors of Romanism, in the British Critic for July, 1831.

* As this assertion has been controverted, it may be proper to state, that I wrote the artiele which is here quoted, and same time to give the autliorityon whicli the assertion was made. It is the following passage from the Works of the Learned for 17:19, and it will be seen that the words of the Review do not assert the fact, but simply that there exists a report to that effect " is said to have made a convert of Lord King, &c." " An After praising Sir P[eter] K[ing] as a lawyer, and mentioning Ins treatise on the Church, the writer proceeds an.swtr was made by a very karned and judicious divine to this Book in 1717, which Sir Pfetcr King] saw, and read in MS. before it was printed and he had it in his power to prevent the printing of it etTcclually. if he nleaseij. But so far was he from that, that he gave up his own book, which had just then had a second editiort, without asking his consent, by one Bell, a dissenting bookseller, thereunto moved by the party ; and he returned the MS. with thanks, and desired it might be printed, for it had convinced him of his mistakes." Works of the Learned, lor Jan. 1739. Vol. v. p. 21.

at the

THE translator's PREFACE.

1.

With

regard to lay elders (see

I

Tim.

v. 17,

quoted p. 190.)
it

The passage from

was impossible
at least
to

Bishop Bilson, which

extract his

have
it, I

cited, is

very badly worded, but as

commentary on

merely took the shortest extract possible.

In his work,

p. 131, the reader will find strong

arguments

for

an interpretation,

somewhat
it

similar in substance, though differently expressed.

certainly appears that given by Dr. Neander, but

The most obvious

interpretation

still I

am

inclined to think

not the

true one.

Mosheim

says, that he acquiesces in

it,

but he gives and supports in his note

in the

an entirely different interpretation.

tending Christianity
this

He makes

" labouring

word,"

to

mean

ex-

among heathens by

labouring to convert them, and distinguishes

"labour" from that of teaching the converted Church: (Mosheim, de Rebus He also admits that this one passage is not sufficient to establish the existence of lay elders, that they had ceased almost immediately, and that
Christianorum, p. 12G.)
afterwards none were

made

presbyters but such as could also teach the Church.

;t*'"-"='''"*

With regard to The word X'^V'^y-'^

2.

the gifts or
's

of Christians (see p. 188.)

If

used sixteen times in Scripture, and variously applied.

to look at

any

one will take the trouble

Rom.

xii.

8,

he will

find

it

there applied to (1.)

prophecy; (2.) ministry,

{Stanona.-^ (3.)

teaching; (4.) exhortation; (5.) charity; (6.)

government; (7.) showing mercy. It has been contended from 1 Pet.

ters of the

iv.

9 11, that

all

gifted brethren should be minis-

word, and preach publicly

all

in the churches.

Now

can see

in this

passage

which God bestows upon us, for the edification of our brethren; and in the interpretation of ver. 11, Macknight renders it, " If any man speak hy inspiration, let him speak as the oracles of God." It is to be remembered that, during this time, the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit were manifested by miraculous effects and, therefore, great caution is requisite in applying what is said of those times to our own. The presbyters were the public ministers in the assemblies, the public expounders of the word of God, they were from the first appointed by imposition of hands, and it was a regular office. Now in order to make out the argument of
only a general exhortation to use
the gifts
;

our opponents,

it

ought

to

properly, entitled a

man

to

be shown that any ordinary gift, or a capacity for teaching be a public teacher, and take the place of the presbyters

without qualifying himself

submitted
;

for that office in the regular course, to

I

which other presbyters

namely, ordination.
and
I

am

unable

to discover

such a general permission even

in the apostolic age,

cannot but think that establishing a regular ministry with the

right

hand

to

be contended with, perhaps, or superseded by another irregular ministry

from the
sphere

left

hand,

is

unlike the dealings of

God and

his apostles.

That these

gifted

brethren might be of great service to the cause of Christ by activity in their

is weak enough to deny; would seem from Dr. Neander's account, that by degrees all public teaching was limited to ine presbyters, which was not the case at first. We look then to the apostolic age, and we certainly find some brethren mira-

by instructing those whom they could instruct, no one

is

own

proper

but this

not the point contended for.

It

culously gifted, using their gifts publicly for the good of Christ's Church, though not
regular ministers; but as soon as the

Church of Christ emerges from

the darkness

which

hangs around the immediate post-apostolic age,

and a regular ministry established.*

we

find every thing pretty well settled,

episcopal question is hardly touched upon, for the points which are concerned in would require separate discussions of considerable length to be fairly considered. One or two works, besides the great works of Hooker and Taylor, in which it has been
it,

The

* In makine; ihese remarks, I have studiously preferred drawing them from writers, who do not agree with the Church of England, among them are Macknight, CoMinge, (Vindiciee Ministerii EvanseUci Revindicatne, p. 45 56.) M. Poole's Quo Warranto, (chapter entitled, Gifted Brethren no Gospel Preachers.) These two last treatises arc nearly contemporary with Calamy's "Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangclici," published by the Provincial Assembly, 1G54. t Churchman's History of Epi.scopacy Slatycr. (or Sclater, for the work is anonymous) Original Draught of the Primitive Church; Maurice's Diocesan Episcopacy: Brokesby's History of the Government of the Church during the three first centuries. See also, my brother's " Sermons on the Commission of the Clergy."

a2

THE TRANSLATOR
side, are

VI

PREFACE.

The main point is simply this, whether presbyters had originally the right of ordination. The limits of episcopal power over the clergy is a different question, and the part of Dr. Neander which relates
argued on Ine episcopal

mentioned

in a note.

to this, will, I

think, be read with considerable interest.

the controversies in
this subject are

Those who would wish to see which Cyprian was engaged, handled by a person whose notions on entirely opposed to those of Dr. Neander, may consult the work entitled.
first

Historical Collections concerning District Succession, during the Chree

It

centuries.

was

written,

believe,

by one of the Nonjurors.

it seemed proper to make on the important subject of the Christian making them I trust that I shall not be deemed guilty of presumption, but simply desirous of pointing out what I believe to be true and salutary in the author's work, and what I consider erroneous. It will not be desirable to enter into the discussion of the other points at the same length. After the general indication I have made above of their unsoundness, as it appears to me, I must leave the work to the judgment of the reader. The Christian tone of feeling which characterises it, and the beautiful development of the progress of Christianity against persecution, and of its effects upon

These remarks

Ministry, and in

the social

life

of the world, cannot

fail to

obtain their due share of approbation, and need

no praise of mine.

But

it

may, perhaps, be

useful, if

add here a very brief synopsis of the contents of

the work, so as to

show

the plan

of his history, and thus to

tents affords us the

upon which Dr. Neander has worked in this portion methodise it more conveniently than the detailed table of conThis
is

means of doing.

the course pursued in the history:

INTRODUCTION.
1.

General view of the heathen and Jewish world in a religious point of view.

Sectiox
1.

I.

External History of Christianity.

propagation during the three first centuries. 2. The opposition which it met with from heathen persecution. 3. The opposition to it by controversial writings.
Its

Sectiox
1.

II.

History of the Formation of

Discipline

the Church.

Church Discipline and Church Schism.

its

General view of the early constitution of the Church and of outward unity as one integral body.
2.

changes, until

it

assumed a form

Church
a.
b.

Excommunication and re-admission

to the

Church.

3.

History of Schisms (as distinguished from Heresies.) Schism of Felicissimus in the North African Church.

Schism of Novatian in the Romish Church.

Christian Life
Christian

Section Christian Life and Worship. Effects of Christianity as affectiong and domestic
III.

social

life,

and condition of

the world generally.

2.

Worship:

Places and times of worship Single acts of worship Sacraments Supper, considered as acts of worship, not doctrinally viewed.

Baptism

and the Lord's

History of the conception and Development of Christianity as a system of Doctrines. History of Sects. a. The Judaizing Sects. b. The Sects which arose from the mixture of Oriental Theosophy with Christianity. (1.) Gnostic Sects. General Remarks on Gnostic Sects. Cerinthus Basilides Valcntinus Ophites Pseudo-basilidians Saturninus Tatian Eclectics as e. i^. Carpocrates Marcion Appendix on the Worship of the Gnostics. Manes and the Manichees. (2.)
1.

Section IV.

Sectiox V.
1.

History nf the Formation of Christianity as a system of Doctrines in the Catholic

Church which formed

(a) Realistic disposition.

itself in opposition to the Sects.

(i) Idealistic disposition in the Alexandrian Church.

2.

D<!vclopniciit of the great doctrines of Cliristianity separately.

Christology

Doctrine concerning the ChurchEschatology.

Theology

Anthropology

THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

3.

Vll

(1) History of the most celebrated (2) Peculiar characteristics of the

Church teachers Bamabus Church teachers.

:

Clement Hcrmaa.

a In Asia Minor,
jg

y
have

In North Africa. In Rome.

/ In Alexandria.
I

now

finished the prefaratory

;

remarks which

regard to the original work

and

in concluding

them,

respect for the author's talents and

learning, and for

upon to make with must again express my high what is far above talents and
feel called
I
I

learning, his Christian temper and feelings.

In translating his work,

think the cause

I

of truth requires

me

to

express

my

dissent from
last

some of

his views;

and

feel

assured
I

that the candid author himself

would be the

person to disapprove of the course

have taken.

With regard
it is

to the

manner

in

for others to

judge, not myself.

which I have executed my humble task of translation, I have only endeavoured to transcribe faithfully the

ideas of the author, and in words approaching as

translating a

much

to his

own

as possible.

In

work of imagination, the great point is to convey in translating the history of the Church, my object has been the author says, and nothing whatever which he does not say.

the spirit of the original:

to

say every thing which

With
where
I

regard to the second edition of this

all

first

volume,

must merely add,

that

it

scarcely differs at

from the former, with the exception of a very few corrections,

original, or

had either missed the sense of the

where

thought a slight alteration

I

might improve the faithfulness of the version, and the clearness of the sense.
the very few alterations to

have

constantly compared the proof sheets with the original, and the consequence has been

which I have just alluded. I ought perhaps here to apologise few fragments of notes which are scattered through the volume. The fact is, that I do not pretend to give any notes to the work at all, but have merely printed a few private memoranda made in the course of reading this history, because I thought them
for the

likely to be useful.

In general they are merely calculated to facilitate references to other

I

editions of the authors here quoted, besides those used by Dr. Neander.

trust that

they

may

be found of use, inasmuch as

have often found

the editions

it

very

difficult to

consult the

originals of passages, simply because

I

were

different

from those which

possessed.
I

will only add, that as I hope, ere long, to publish a translation of the succeeding

volumes of this history, I shall feel obliged by any corrections, or by any suggestions, which may render the succeeding volumes more valuable and more acceptable.

H.
Houghton Conquest, 1842.

J.

Rose.

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

To set forth the history of the Church of Christ, as an eloquent witness to the Divine power of Christianity, as a school of Christian experience, as a voice of inwarning to all who choose to hear, which speaks to all ages of the world And yet at the same this has long been the chief aim of my life and of my studies. have always felt the deep importance of such a work, and the great difficulty of time I accomplishing it in a manner which should answer the demands of knowledge, and at the same time serve these great practical purposes. Both these ends are intimately connected; nothing, which will not prove its truth before the judgment-seat of a genuine, un prejudiced knowledge, that does not look through the false glare of a philosophical or dogmatical school, can be adapted for edification, instruction, and admonition; and wherever knowledge, occupying itself with Divine things, and their revelation and development in human nature, does not lose itself, by the mismanagement of human perverseness, in senseless caricatures, or content itself with a lifeless skeleton of facts, it must necesKnowledge and life must mutually imbue each sarily lead to these practical results. other with the spirit peculiar lo each, if we would preserve the source of life from the manifold contradictions of error, and knowledge from a dead and empty vanity. Although I felt an inward call to such an undertaking, yet I was constantly withheld from the execution of this favourite scheme, which had so long occupied my thoughts, by the consciousness of its importance and its responsibility especially in an age like the present, which needs so much the aid of "Historia, vita; Magistra," to find a sure and certain guide amidst its multifarious storms. After much preparation by means of works on detached portions of ecclesiastical history,* I was at last induced, by many outward and inward motives, to attempt the execution of a work which, if delayed too long, might, perhaps, remain forever unaccomplished. The most immediate inducement of an outward nature was, that my very excellent publisher urged me to undertake a new edition of my book on the Emperor Julian, and to supply what was left imperfect in it; but on attempting this, I found that, with my present views, this book would be very much altered, and that if any thing at all was done with it, I must entirely rewrite it. I then began to think that I would first publish the ecclesiastical history of the three first centuries, as the beginning of a general history of the Christian Church, and the encouragement of my publisher strengthened
struction and

me
I

in

my

determination.

therefore begin the execution of this plan with the following volume, and publish the first part of an ecclesiastical history of the first three centuries, which shall be The History of the followed, " Deo volente," by the second about next Easter.f Apostolic Age, as a whole, appeared to me too important to be interwoven mto this historical work. I therefore altogether presuppose it already executpd, while 1 reserve May He, from whom all that is good and the publication of it for a separate book.J true descends, accompany the beginning of this work with his blessing, and grant me

the power and the proper disposition to continue it. In conclusion, I beg to offer my most heartfelt thanks to all the friends who have me their assistance during the printing of this work, and particularly to my dear young friend, M. Singer of Silesia, one of our most promising students in theology. This book owes much to his kindness and diligence in correcting ihe press, which was I have also to thank this kind friend for often attended with no small trouble to him. the table of contents, which I hope will contribute much to the satisfaction of the reader.

given

A. Neander.
these we may mention, I. the Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der Geschichte des ChristeiiSections first, second, and third, relate to the Christlicheii Lebcns ; Berlin, 1825. three centuries, and serve to illustrate the first and third sections. 2. GQiiPtischc Entwickelung der Vornehmston Gnostischen Systcinen ; Berlin, 1818. 3. Aniignostikus Geist des Tertullian ; Berlin, 1825. work on Chrysostom and his times. 4. 5. St. Bernard and his times. 6. Life of our Saviour. t Neander's book was originally published in three volumes. The second edition of it has been translated into English by Mr. t [It has now been published. Ryland, and forms two volumes of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library. H. J. R.]
*

Among

ihums und des

first

(8)

THE HISTORY

CHRISTIAN RELIGION AND CHUECH,

DURING THE THREE FIRST CENTURIES.

which in it alone can find its declaration of Christ General viexo of the Slate of Religion among radical cure. The the Ilomans, Greeks, and Jcii's, at the time is universally proved true, that he came, not for the sake of the righteous, but for of the first appearance of Christianity. the sake of sinners; not for the sound, Human nature bears universally the but for the sick. So, also, although the
nature,

INTRODUCTION.

the

same

relation to the corruption of hu-

man

same

relation to Christianity,

as that nature remains

inasmuch obstacles opposed to that attractive power always essentially which Christianity exerts upon human
tendencies to evil
nature

the same, as well as

its

may

be more or less

yet Christi-

epochs anity never entirely fails (unless when its the active development of those tenden- preachers mix up too much of their own cies appears under different forms. There with it) to exert this attractive power of are, no doubt, in the general history of the Divine nature upon that which is akin It is univerunregenerated human nature, as there are to the divine in humanity. in the life of an unregenerated individual, sally seen, that those come to the Son of draws to him the some periods in which its godlike quali- God whom the Father ties are most visibly displayed, and others sheep, who know the voice of their shepin which its ungodliness is most promi- herd when he calls them, and follow him. nent; and yet a deep observer, whom ap- The hindrances, however, which oppose pearances do not deceive, may observe in this influence of Christianity on human every age qualities of both kinds at work, nature in different periods appear under and satisfy himself of the constant iden- different forms, but they all rest on the tity of human nature. The most depraved same foundation, on the same inclinations times are not without some contrast of of human nature, which are opposed to good against the prevailing evil, and on Christianity, and over which it must trithe otlier hand, in an age apparently the umph in order to be able to fix its roots most glorious, there will always be found in the depths of that nature. And, again, some offset of evil, partly in those very it is constantly seen how every human circumstances, which a superficial view affection finds its place in Christianity, a regards as an unmixed manifestation of scheme which calculates upon the devegood, and partly in those which are openly lopment of the whole nature of man, and opposed to it. In every age Christianity how the opposite and conflicting powers proves itself the only means by which the and affections of man's nature can be reinnate evil of human nature, which always conciled to each other by Christianity remains the same, though it is at some alone. universally proved that It is times developed in open excesses, and at Christianity is the leaven, destined to others in hidden wickedness, can be puri- leaven the whole mass of human nature. fied, and human nature itself, from its inNow that which may indeed be permost foundations, ennobled and exalted. ceived throughout the whole of ecclesiIn every age, therefore, Christianity has astical history, is more striking and pro-

and

to

good, although

in different

10
minent
in

STATE RELIGIONS.

those periods in which Chris- tional peculiarities, were moulded together By the transmission of tianity took a peculiar hold of human life into one whole. on a larger scale, and this is particularly tales, half mythical, and half historical, the season at which Christianity by forms and statutes bearing the impress seen in was at first revealed in the life of man, as of religious feelings or ideas, mingled the means of reforming and healing his with multifarious poems, which showed a nature; for the unseen hand which guides powerful imaginative spirit, rugged indeed, all the threads in the development of or if animated by the spirit of beauty, at man's nature, in the plans of his infinite least devoid of that of holiness, all these

wisdom, had so guided the threads of this varied materials were interwoven so comdevelopment among that portion of the pletely into all the characters, customs, race, in which Christianity was and relations of social life, that the relifirst to take root, and from which the in- gious matter could no longer be separated struction of the rest of mankind was to from the mixed mass, nor be disentangled proceed, that they were exactly calculated from the individual nature of the life and to be brought together by the power of political character of each people with There was no Christianity, and to be interwoven toge- which it was interwoven. ther into one web. The consideration of religion generally adapted to human naperiod vvill show us how requi- ture, only religions fitted to each people. this first site a fundamental remedy for the evil of The divinity appeared here, not as free human nature then was, and how the want and elevated above nature, not as that of it was particularly felt in those regions, which, overruling nature, might form and illuminate the nature of man but the diit will show us what is calculated to satisfy the moral and religious wants of vinity was lowered to ihe level of nature, human nature, and how Christianity ex- and made subservient to it. That idea, wdiich dwells in the heart of it will show actly supplied this need us how an unconscious desire after such man, of a Divine Being, was not recoga religion was excited, and how the spi- nised as a revelation of an Almighty and ritual world was made exactly then most Holy God, a God above nature and of freecapable of receiving such a religion; but, will, and received as a finger-mark which but this notion at the same time, how powerful obstacles actually pointed to him of a peculiar nature also opposed the re- was transferred to all the great masses, ception of Christianity in this century; powers, and appearances of nature, which and, lasdy, it will show us that a religion worked on feeble man either to befriend and, lastly, to all which aplike the Christian, could never have sprung or fright him forth from any of the individual religious peared great in history or in the intellectendencies of that age, nor from any union tual world; and often without any referof them; but, at the same time, how well ence to its moral or immoral character. the opposing religious tendencies of that Through this principle of deifying the age might be purified, ennobled, recon- powers of nature, by which every exerciled with one another, and united by tion of bare pf>wer, even though immoral, means of Christianity. We shall first might be received among the objects of throw our glance on the heathen world, religious veneration, the idea of holiness under the influence of the Roman and which beams forUi from man's conscience, must continually have been thrown into Grecian nations. the back-ground and overshadowed. As Religious state of the Roman and Grecian long as a certain simplicity of life and world, in Heathen days. manners existed among a people, as It was Christianity which first present- long as the political and social life was in ed religion under the form of objective its purity and power, so long also might truth, as a system of doctrines perfectly a religion, interwoven into every social independent of all individual conceptions relation, retain its life and vigour; and of man's imagination, and calculated to the moral feelings, awakened by civil and meet the moral and religious wants of social intercourse, might attach themman's nature, and in that nature every selves to that which was religious in the where to find some point on which it national religion, and ennoble it. Now might attach itself. The religions of an- this was especially the case among the tiquity, on the contrary, consist of many Romans, while the republic was in full elements of various kinds, which, cither vigour; for' among them, with all their

human

by

the skill of the

first

promidgator, or

in

the length of years, by the impress of na-

a political

miserable superstition, religion took rather and moral cast, than as among

ESOTERIC AND EXOTERIC RELIGION.

the Greeks, a character in

11

vated to be brought within the comprefinements of art were joined with those of hension of the gross ami sensuous many. an aesthetic system, a character which in The imaginaton of the people was to be natural religion is likely to prove danger- engaged with the numerous powers and The old lawgivers energies flowing forth from that one ous to morality.*
re-

which the

how closely the main- Highest Being, while to the contemplatenance of an individual state religion de- tion of that unity, only a small nuujber maintenance of the individ- of exalted spirits, the initiated leaders of pends on the ual character of the people, and their civil the multitude, (which in religious matand domestic virtues. They were well ters was accounted a minor) could elevate aware that when once this union is dis- themselves. The one God was the God Thus Plato said, solved no power can restore it again. of philosophers alone. Therefore we find, especially in Rome, in the true spirit of the ancient world, where politics were the ruling passion, a that it is hard to find out the Father of watchfulness after the most punctilious all, and that it is impossible, when you ohservance of traditional religious ceremo- have found him, to make him known to nies, and a jealous aversion to any inno- all ; and so the Brahmins of the East Indies stdl think. A spiritual conception of the vations in religion. Men of thought, however, must always whole of religion was closely connected
were well aware
have attained
to the perception, that in tlie

with the doctrine of the unity of God,

and and both together formed an esoteric The system of doctrines attached to the exofalsehood must be intermingled. consciousness of their religions nature, teric, symbolic religion of the people. developed by tlie influence of their rea- All pure spiritual knowledge of religion son, must have tauglit them to distinguish was considered as the peculiar possession it the foundation of religion from the super- of a small number of initiated men The belief of a seemed impossible to communicate this structure of superstition. divine origin of all existence is a first knowledge to the multitude, under which principle in man's nature, and he is irre- name we must include not only the lower sistibly impelled to ascend from Many to classes, but, in general, all those who This very feeling showed itself were occupied with any practical busiOne.
traditional religions of a people, truth
i

even

in

the polytheism of national reli-

gions, under the idea of a Highest

God, Among those or a Father of the Gods. who gave themselves up to the consideration of Divine things, and to reflection upon them, this idea of an original unity must have been more clearly recognised, and must have formed the centre-point of all their inward religions life and thought. There always accompanied, therefore, the polytheism of the national
religions of antiquity, a certain

Certainly, the spiritual perception of religion, in order to be conceived, duly understood, and soundly employed, supposed a certain stage of intellectual cultivation, and a certain direction of the whole inward life, and of the whole habits of
ness.

thinking; and no means were at hand to produce these qualifications, and thu3 to work on the inmost foundations, and the
centre-point of

human

nature.

Hence,

doctrine

the ruling opinion of all the thinking men of antiquity, from which all religious
legislation proceeded, was, that pure reli-

of the unity of God ; "although, in general, this doctrine was unable to elevate itself above the principles of natural religion. It usually appeared only as an accompaniment to the polytheism of the national religion, a conception of religion imder a different form, and with a different spirit; the one a conception of nature from the consideration of the multitude of powers at work in her; and the other from that of the unity which revealed itself in the But under operation of those powers. all circumstances, the idea of this unity appeared something too abstract and eleSee the remarkable intimation of Dionysius of Halicamassus conccrnin<j the difference between the Roman and the Grecian rehgion. ArchsEolog.
II.

gious truth could not be proposed to the multitude, but only such a mixture of fiction, poetry, and truth, as would serve to represent religious notions in such a manner that they might make an impression on men, whose only guide was their The principle of a so-called senses.* fraus pia was prevalent in all the legisla-

The great historian of antiquity. Polybius, says, (B. xvi. c.~^12.) "As far as it serves to maintain piety, we must pardon some historians, if they do relate
tion

miraculous stories."
bius

As

this

saw

in

the religion

same Polywhich was so

18.

p. 45. in

[See Warburton's Alliance, Book i. ch. iv. Quarto edition of his works. H. J. R.j


12
interwoven into
relations of the

the hands of a few

NO FREE DEVELOPMENT OF MAN'S MORAL AND SPIRITUAL NATURE.

all

the piiblic and private

b)' lies at

who had

the

Romans, and in the super- monopoly of truth. And these wise men stition which was connected with it, the themselves, who believed that they were most eminent cause of the truth and hon- elevated above the multitude, who needed esty by which they were distinguished in no such artificial terrors, who saw that all their intercourse with other nations, mankind can only be happy by the estaband the source of the prosperity of their stale, he therefore defends the Roman legislators from the reproach, that they had introduced so much superstition among mankind, and says, '^K a state could be formed wholly of wise men, perhaps, such means would not be requisite. But as the people are giddy and full of evil desires, there remains no o^her resource than to keep the multitude in check by the fear of something unseen, and by terrors arising from this sort of tragic representation." (vi. 56.) This
lishment of moral order,
sure after the inward

who had pleaman in the holy

its own sake, could they then, if they really probed their own hearts, say

law for

that their

iuM'ard
this

feelings

entirely har-

did they nothing within them of that power of evil, whose outbreakings among the multitude, uncontrolled by any refinements of education, they believed it necessary to restrain by the aid of a higher power ? Let us compare with the above expression of Polybius the opinions of observer of human nature, who saw some thinking men who lived in the deeply into it by means of the light century in which Christianity itself apof nature, and to whom the light of Di- peared. vine wisdom was alone wanting, clearly The geographer Strabo (see B. i. c. 2. perceived that the eartlily order of civil p. 36, ed. Casaubon) thinks that, in the society cannot be maintained as an inde- same manner that mythical tales and pendent arrangement, and can only be fables are needful for children, so alstl maintained, when it is held together by a thpy are necessary for the uneducated and higlier bond, connecting human aftairs uninformed, who are in some sort children, with heaven but how miserable would and also for those who are half-educated, be the case of mankind, if this bond could (TTETraf^Eyju.Ei'oi/i/t.ET^iw?) for even with them only be united by means of lies if lies reason is not sufficiently powerful, and were necessary in order to restrain the tliey are not able to free themselves from greater portion of mankind from evil the habits they have acquired as children And what could religion in such a case (}. e. of loving fables. Sec.) This is, ineffect ? It coidd not impart holy dispo- deed, a sad condition of humanity, when sitions to the inward heart of man; it the seed of holiness, which can develope could only restrain the open outbreaking itself only in the whole course of a life, of evil, that existed in the heart, by the cannot be strewn in the heart of the child, power of fear. Falsehood, which cannot and when mature reason must destroy that be arbitrarily imposed on human nature, which was planted in the early years of would never have been able to obtain infancy When holy truth cannot form this influence, had not a truth., which is the foundation of the future development sure to make itself felt by human nature, of life from the earliest dawn of childish been working througli it, had not tlie be- consciousness He then continues thus: lief in an unseen God, on whom man " The great mass of the inhabitants of universally feels himself dependent, and cities are excited to' good by means of to whom he feels himself attracted, hud agreeable fables, when they hear the poets not the impulse towards an invisible narrating in a fabulous manner the deeds world, wliich is implanted in the human of heroes ; such, for instance, as the heart, been able to work also through this labours of Hercules or Tiieseus, or the covering of superstition.* In this point honors bestowed on men by the gods, of view, with all the appearances of poli- or when they see these mythical events tical freedom in antiquity, how little represented by painting or statuary and could that free development of spiritual they are deterred from evil by narrations and moral powers, which human nature or pictures of the j)unishments inflicted requires, have existence, when tlio greater by tlie gods ; for the great mass of women, jiart of mankind, given up to blind super- and the promiscuous multitude of the stition, were obliged to submit to be led people, cannot be led to piety by philosophical reasoning, but for that purpose [See Stillingfleet, Orig. Sacr. Book I. c. superstition is requisite, which cannot be vi. vii H. J. R.] .supported without miraculous stories and
feel
; : ! !

monised with

holy law;


THEOLOGIA PHILOSOPHICA ET
prodigies."*

CIVILIS.

13

thinking Roman states- prayer and adoration from fear of the And he utters words which man, also of the time at which Chris- multitude own conviction; and tianity appeared, as Varro, for instance, are against his distinguish between the theologia p/dloso- while he is sacrificing, the priest who only a p/tica and the t/ieologia civilis, which slays the victim is to him contradicts the principles of the former, butcher!"

The

as Cotta in Cicero distinguished

between
I

In

the East,

which

is

less

subject to
tranquil

the belief of Cotta and the belief of the

change and fluctuation, where

habits

philosopher required in religion a persuasion grounded on reasoning the citizen, the statesman, followed the tradition of his ancestors without inquiry. Suppose now this tlieolog'ia cilhUs and this theologia pJulosophica to proceed together, without a man's wishing to set the opposition between the two in a very clear light to himself, and that
Pontifex.

The

of life are more common, and where a mystical spirit of contemplation,

accompanying and

spiritualising the

bolical religion of the people,

symwas more

prevalent than an intellectual cultivation,

the citizen

and the statesman, the philo-

sopher and the man, could be united in the same individual, with contradictory
sentiments, [a division which in the same man is very unnatural,) so that he might, perhaps, say Philosophical reason conducts to a different result from that which is established by the state religion ; but the latter has in its favor the good fortune which tlie state has enjoyed in the exercise uf religion handed down from our ancestors. Let us follow experience, even where we do not thoroughly understand. Thus speaks Cotta, and thus also many Romans of education (see below) in his time, either more or less explicitly. Or perhaps we may suppose, that men openly expressed this contradiction, and did not scruple to assign the pure truth to the theologia philosophical and to declare the theologia civilis only a matter of politics, as Seneca does, when in his
: :
'

opposed to it, and developing itself independently, it was possible that an esoteric and an exoteric religion should proceed hand in hand without change for many centuries. But it was otherwise with the more stirring spirits and habits of the West. Here this independently proceeding development of the intellect must have been at open war with the religion of the people, and as intellectual culture spread itself more widely, so also must a disbelief of the popular religion have Geen more extensively diffused, and in consequence of the intercourse between the people and the educated classes, the disbelief
last

must also have found

its

way
;

at

among

the people themselves

more

especially since, as this perception of the

nothingness of the popular religion spread itself more widely, there would naturally be many who would not, with the precaution of the men of old, hide their new
illumination

from

the

multitude,
to

but

would think themselves bound

procure

for it new adherents, without any regard to the injury of which they might be laying the foundations, without inquiring book Contra Superstitiones he says We must pray to that great multitude of of themselves, whether they had any common gods, which in a long course of thing to offer to the people in the room time a multifarious superstition has col- of that of which they robbed them, in the lected, with this feeling, that we are well room of their then source of tranquillity aware that the reverence shown to them under the storms of life, instead of that taught them moderation under is a compliance rather with custom, than which
'"

All these affliction ; and lastly, in the place of their philosopher will observe, as then counterpoise against the power of Against men a thing pleasing to the gods." How of this sort Polybius, a century and a half miserable for the philosopher, if he had before the birth of Christ, had said, ''The human feelings, to be obliged to stand a men of old appear to me, not without cold hypocrite there, where men are good reason, to have introduced tlie nogathered together to exercise the highest lions of the gods, and the representations and noblest privileges of their heart. So of the infernal regions among the multiPlutarch, out of the fulness of an honest tude; our contemporaries far rather apheart (non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epi- pear to me to be banishing these opinions curum, c. 22.), exclaims, "He feigns without good reason, and in a very senseWhilst with the increase less manner." a superficial education was See the contrast exhibited below in the first of luxury constantly extending itself among the eflects of Christianity.

a thing due to the actual truth.

things the

something commanded by the law, not as wild desires and passions.

14
Romans, and
ners was

SCEPTICISM

LIFELESS DEISM.
he created for himself his own world, without thinking further on his God. if, however, impelled by his moral feelings, the inward man felt delight in God's law, and endeavoured to fulfil it; yet neither good nor evil came before him with relation to God, except in as far as he thought, " by doing good he shall become

the old simplicity of mandaily disappearing, the old citi-

zen virtues, the constitution and freedom died away, a general corruption of morals, and a system of slavery was introduced

of which shows at the same time to man the corruption of his own nature, so opposite to that holiness; nor that consciousness of guilt, by which man, congeneral acceptation, because they corres- templating the holiness of God within him, nor ponded the most with the prevailing light- feels himself estranged from God minded sentiments, which were entirely does thil belief impart any lively power Man is not struck by limited to views of the world, and these of sanctification. sentiments again assisted to further these the inquiry, " How shall I, unclean as I am, approach the Holy God, and stand The old religion could not systems. maintain its ground before an inquiring before him, when he judges me according intellect, and to the wit of those who held to the holy law which he has himself What shall noticing sacred, and who were without engraven on my conscience any feeling for Divine things, as, for in- I do to become free from the guilt M'hich stance, Lucian, it was an easy matter to oppresses me, and again to attain to commake all religion a subject of ridicule, by munion with him ?" To make inquiries coupling it with the vapid and contra- such as these, this spirit of Deism consiMen ders as fanaticism and anthropopathism, dictory superstitions of the people. saw in the religious systems of different for while it ridicules the vulgar and suinto contact perstitious representations of God's anger, nations which then came with each other in the enormous empire of and the punishments of the infernal reRome, nothing but utter contradiction and gions forgetting that superstitioit, neverThe philosophical systems theless, supposes a real and undeniable opposition. also exhibited nothing but opposition of desire in human nature, which procures sentiments, and left those who could see for it admission, and which it only misin the moral consciousness no criterion understands, as well as a fundamental and of truth, to doubt whether there was any undeniable truth, which it only misunder:
.'

and the bond was also broken, by which the old state religion had hitherto maintained its ground in the lives of the peoThose philosophical systems among ple. the Greeks, which thought lightly of Divine matters, or altogether denied all objective truth, which left nothing to man but the pleasures of sense, such systems, for instance, as Epicurism and Scepticism, would obtain the most easy and the most

God." The belief in God here produced neither the desire after that ideal
like
'

perfection of holiness, the contemplation

such thing or not.

In this sense, as rep-

stands and defaces

spirit

forgetting all this, the

of Deism casts away from it all and cultivated Romans, with a sneer at notions of God's anger, judgments, or all desire for truth, Pilate made the sar- punishments, as representations arising Many only from the limited nature of the human castic inquiry, " What is truth ?"
resenting the opinions of

many eminent

contented
lifelesss

themselves

with

shallow understanding.

This was Lucian's way of thinking. Deism, which usually takes its rise where the thirst after a living union And Justin Martyr says of the philowith heaven is wanting; a system which, sophers of his day " The greater part although it denies not the existence of a of them think no more on these quesGod, yet drives it as far into the back- tions, whether there be one or more ground as possible! a listless God! who gods whether there be any Providence than if this knowledge was of no suffers every thing to take its own course, or not so that all belief in any inward connexion importance in regard to our happiness. any They attempt, far more, to persuade us between this Divinity and man communication of this Divinity to man, that the Divinity, although he upholds would seem to this system fancy and en- the whole and whole races, yet cares not The world and human nature for you and me and individual men. We thusiasm. remain at least free from God. This be- need not, therefore, pray to him at all lief in God, if we can call it a belief, because every thing revolves with unremains dead and fruitless, exercising no changing laws in one eternal circle."* Man is influence over the life of man. Just. Mar. Dial, c Tryph. Jud. p. 213. independent, as if he were his own God
:

UNBELIEF CANNOT ENDURE LONG.

with the limits of their nature. Man is of wishes and desires, running into infinity, which can never be gratified, and is a lie; the greatest poverty quite an opposite nature to this Deism, his nature pride.* which removed God too far from the united with the greatest Yet the history of all ages proves that world, namely, into a Pantheism, which length of time disown confused God and the world, which was man cannot for any for religion implanted in his najust as little calculated to hestow tran- the desire The considera- ture. Whenever man, entirely devoted to quillity and consolation. world, has for a long time wholly tion of nature filled them with the con- the perception of the Divinception of an infinite and Almighty Spirit, overwhelmed the in his nature, and has not to be judged of by the limits of the ity which exists from Dihuman understanding. But this was not for long entirely estranged himself prevail over huthem a strengthening, an elevating and ani- vine things, these at last Man feels that force. mating feeling but rather a feeling which manity with greater to his heart which abased and prostrated them, because upon something is wanting can be replaced to him by nothing else, it was founded another feeling, that of which and nothing- he feels a hoUowness within him,

More

lively and penetrating spirits,

who

the world an infinite Spirit, which animated all things, fell into an error of
felt in

full

ness

own narrow nature and there was to them no middle ground on which these contemplations and feelings, so opposite to each other, might meet and amalgamate. They belieid only the gulf between the finite and the infinite, between the mortal and the immortal, between the Almighty and the poor weak being; and no means to fill up that gulf. They conceived God only as the infinite being elevated above frail man, and not as being connected with him, attracting him to himself, and lowIt was only ering himself down to him. the greatness, and not the holiness, nor the love of God, which filled their souls.
their
;

and

can never be satisfied by earthly things, can find satisfaction and blessing, suited to his condition, in the Divinity alone, and an irresistible desire impels him to seek again his lost connexion with
times of the dominion ot history teaches us, are also always times of earthly calamity, for the moral corruption which accompanies superstition, necessarily also destroys all the foundations of earthly prosperity. Thus the times in which superstition ex-

heaven.

The

superstition, as

tended itself among the Romans were those of the downfal of civil freedom, and of public suffering under cruel despots. of these may consider Pliny the Elder as the But, however, the consequences men also to their remedy; representative of these deep-feeling and evils conducted without man is Polythe- for by distress from inquiring, but comfortless men. consciousness of his own ism appeared to him only as an invention brought to the his dependence on a highof human weakness, by which men, un- weakness, and power ; and when he is able to embrace and hold fast the whole er than earthly by human help, he is compelled idea of perfection, broke it up into its forsaken to several parts. They formed for them- to seek it here. Man becomes induced his misfortunes as the punishselves different ideal beings, as objects of look upon and to seek for each one made for him- ments of a higher Being, their veneration which he may secure again for self his God, as he happened to feel the means by He of that Being. need of one. The wants of weakness, as himself the favour anxious longings to the well as fear, feigned Gods what God is, looks back with so haptime in which his ancestors were if he be distinct from the world, no human this was the case understanding can know. But it is a py in their old faith, and They compared these foolish fancy, proceeding from the help- with many then. wi th those when the Roless weakness of human nature, as well unhappy times its blooni ; and they heas from its pride, to suppose that such an man state was in had found the cause of the. infinite Spirit, be it what it mav, can lieved they as then the gods, trouble itself with the miserable affairs of difference, inasmuch Roman state, had been man. The vanity of man, and his insa- who protect the with piety, whereas they were tiable longing after existence, have also honoured Thus even now neglected. They saw the conteninvented a life after death. philosophical systems one with 'tiir feeling oF hi7frali'ness imposes 'no tions of A creature another, which, while they promised truth, limits on the wishes of man.

We

'

of contradictions happy of all creatures

full

The most

un-

'

~
Plin. Hist. Nat.
^

tures

For other creahave no desires incommensurate

!

lib. ii. c.

lib. vii.

Prooem.

16
only increased and all this led

PAUSANIAS

DIONYSIUS

OF HALICARNASSWS.

uncertainty and doubt; and has spread itself abroad over the their thoughts back to the whole country, and in all cities, no one external authority of the old religion, un- has passed from man to God, except only der which the nations had been so free in name, and out of flattery to power," from doubts, and were so happy. Thus (i. e. in the deification of the emperors) in Minucius Felix, [p. 42. Ed. Ouzel et " and the anger of the gods opposes evil Meursii, 1672.] the heathen Coecilius, more tardily, and is not executed on men But after painting the contentions and the un- till after they have left this world.
certainties of the systems of human philosophy, and the doubts regarding Providence, which proceeded from a view of the misfortunes of the virtuous, and of the good fortune of the vicious, a sight not unfrequent in the public life of these corrupt days of despotism, draws his conclusion from it in the following words.* " How much more reputable and better is
it,

much, which used in former times to take which happens even now, those persons, who have mixed falsehood with
place, and
truth, have rendered incredible to the multitude." After Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who wrote only a few years before the birth of Christ, has told the tale of the discovery of a Vestal virgin's innocence, who had been falsely accused, by the special interference of a supernatural power, he adds, "The atheistic philosophers, if those persons deserve the name of philosophers, who scoff at all the appearances of the gods which have taken place among the Greeks and the barbarians, would deduce all these histories from the trickery of man, and turn them into ridicule, as if none of the gods ever cared for any man; but he who does not deny the gods a providential care over

to receive the doctrines of our ances-

tors as guides to truth! to

ligions

honour the which have descended to us

re-

to

pray to the gods, whom our ancestors taught their children to fear, before they knew right from wrong! And concerning the divinities, not to please one's own fancies, but to trust to our ancestors, who in the childhood of humanity at the birth of the world were honoured by having the .gods either as their friends or their kings." The need of a connexion with heaven, from which man felt himself estranged, and dissatisfaction with the cold and joyless present, obtained a more ready be-

men, but believes that the gods are benevolent to the good, and angry against evil

men,

which mythology prewhen gods and men lived together in intimate union and warm imaginations looked back on such This bea state with longing and desire. lief and this desire, it must be owned, were founded on a great truth, which man could rightly apprehend only through Christianity, and this desire was a kind of intimation which pointed to Christianity.
lief for the picture

sented, of a golden age,

Pausanias,
the

who wrote in the first half of second century, after introducing an old mythological fable, says, (lib. ii. ch. " The men of those days, on account 8.) of their righteousness and piety, were on terms of hospitality with the gods, and their companions at the board, and when they acted uprightly they openly received honour from the gods, just as they were also visited with an^er if they committed
any
are
iniquity.
still

And then

also they,

who

honoured in this manner, became gods instead of men. Thus also we can believe that a Lycaon was transformed into a beast, and Niobe, the daughter of But in my time, altogether disappeared. Because the old Tantalus, into a stone. when vice has reached its loftiest summit, national temples of the Romans had lost
Comp. Tac. Ann. VI. 2226.
Ant.

will not judge these appearances to be incredible."* From the nature of the case, however, it is clear that a fanatical zeal, where the heat of passion concealed from man the hollowness and falsehood of his faith, might be created for a religion, to which man only betook himself as a refuge in his misery, and in his dread of the abyss of unbelief; a religion which no longer served for the development of man's nature, and into which nevertheless he felt himself driven back from the want of any other; and that men must use every kind of power and art, to uphold that which was in danger of falling from its own internal weakness, and to defend that which was unable to defend itself by its own power. Fanaticism was, therefore, obliged to avail itself of every kind of power in the struggle with Christianity, in order to uphold heathenism, which was fast sinking by its own weakness. Although the Romans had from the oldest times been noted for their repugnance to all foreign sorts of religious worship, yet this trait of the old Roman character had with many

Rom.

II.

68.

FANATICISM AND SUPERSTITION.

their respect, in

17

many

dispositions,

man

was

inclined to bring in to their assistance

foreign

modes of worship.

Those which

obtained the readiest admission were such as consisted of mysterious, symbolical customs, and striking, sounding forms.

nature of inward holiness, and while he is restrained from many good works of charity by his constant attendance on mischievous, arbitrary, and outward observances, he
is still

any great

sin,

actuated

superstition

by a horror of in which

As is always the case, men looked for man avoids pleasure so completely that some special and higher power in what is he falls into the opposite extreme; and even the most innocent enjoyments, which dark and mysterious. The consideration of human nature and a childlike simplicity would receive with history shows us, that the transition from thankfulness from the hand of a heavenly But unbelief to superstition is always easy. Father, he dares not indulge in. Both these conditions of the human heart there is also another kind of superstition, self same ground, the which makes it easy for man, by certain proceed from the want of that which may be properly called outward observances, to silence his confaith, the want of a life in God, of a lively science under all kinds of sin, and which communion with Divine things by means therefore serves as a welcome support of the inward life; that is, by means of to sin. Both these forms of superstition Man, whose inward feelings were in existence at this time. The first the feelings.
are estranged from the Divine nature, is inclined, sometimes, to deny the reality
sort of superstition is especially painted by Plutarch, in colours which can be within taken only from the life, in his excellent of that of which he has nothing him, and foi the conception and applica- work, TTif* ^(a-(Ji/L/,ona? x ci9foT)T9^, OU tion of which to himself he has no organ. the contrast between superstition and unOr else the irresistible force of his inward belief. These sketches are taken from " Every little evil nature impels man to recognize that high- his melancholy picture, er power from which he would fain free is increased to the superstitious man by himself entirely, and to seek that connex- the terrifying spectres of his own anxiety. ion with it which he cannot but feel need- He looks on himself as a man hated by ful to his comfort ; but inasmuch as he is the gods, one whom they persecute with without any real inward sympathy of dis- their wrath. But it is even still worse position with the Divinity, and wants a with him, he dares not employ any means

true sense of holiness, the Divinity appears to his darkened religious conscience only

to avoid or

remedy

his calamities, lest

he

under the form of power and arbitrary His conscience paints to him this power as an angry and avenging power. But as he has no idea of that which the Divinity really is, he cannot duly understand this feeling of estrangement from God, this consciousness of Divine wrath, and instead of seeking in moral things
rule.

the source of this unquiet feeling, which leaves him no rest by day or night, and

from which there is no escape, he fancies that by this or tliat action, which of itself is perfectly indifierent, he may have offended this higher power, and he seeks by outward observances again to reconcile Religion here bethe offended power.
the source not of life, but of death, the source not of consolation and blessing, but of the most unspeakable anxiety,

comes

should appear to be contending against The physician, the consoling the gods. friend, are sent away. /Leave me,' says the unhappy man, 'let me, godless and cursed, and hated by all the gods, let me He sits without, suffer my punishment.' covered with sackcloth or with filthy rags, and often rolls and wallows in the mire, and remembers this or that sin" and how " He has characteristic are these sins eaten or drunk such and such things,* or he has gone such a road, which it was not permitted to him to go by the Divine auThe festal days of the gods fill thority. not the superstitious man with pleasure, but with fear and horror. He gives the lie to the saying of Pythagoras, that then we are happiest when we are going to the gods, for with the superstitious man this

is

the time of his deepest misery.

Tem-

which torments man day and

night, with

ples

and

altars are a place of refuge for

Re- the persecuted, but where other men find the spectres of his own imagination. ligion here is no source of sanctification, a release from their fears, there the superbut may unite in man's heart with every stitious man fears and trembles the most. kind of untruth, and serve to promote it. In his sleep, as well as in his waking There is one kind of superstition in which, hours, the spectres of his anxiety still
while

man torments

he

still

himself to the utmost, remains estranged from the true

Compare

Coloss.

ii.

16.

b2


18
STOIC RESIGNATION.
haunt him. Awake, he does not use his deeply the religious and moral wants of reason, and in his sleep he finds no deli- man's nature, and which, connecting verance from that which disquiets him; themselves in a certain manner with the
is always dreaming, and his popular religion, opposed themselves to always awake. He can never escape infidelity. The stoic philosophy comfrom the terrific spectres that fright him." mended itself in a corrupted and eflfemiPlutarch throws the unbeliever and the nate age to many noble and powerful superstitious man into strong contrast minds, because it raised them above the when he says, "The atheist denies the corruption around them, by an animated the superstitious man zeal lor an ideal standard of morality, and existence of a God would be glad to believe in none, but he because in the self-sufiiciency of the phibelieves by compulsion, because he is losopher's own heart it taught him to dein his heart he is an spise the baseness which surrounded him. afraid to disbelieve unbeliever, but too weak to believe that of This philosophy certainly imparled to the gods, which he would be glad to do." many powerful spirits a higher moral When he says further, that superstition impulse, which, however, was not untainthas introduced the existence of unbelief, ed by the pride of self-idolatry, although, and serves as an excuse for it, he advances as it often happens that the influence of a what is certainly true, and what is confirm- philosophic system is modified by the naed by the contemplation of those times, as tural character of the men who adopt it, we may learn from the jesting of a Lucian, this pride might often be softened in indialthough he does not point out the pecu- viduals by their childlike and unassuming liar and the deepest cause of unbelief. dispositions, as in the case of Marcus AuBut there were many who, in the Still the contemplation of human nature relius. in general, and of this time in particular, idle contemplation of an ideal standard of contradicts another statement of Plutarch, perfection, overlooked their own baseness, namely, that atheism, on the contrary, and who imagined that by an acquiescence, did not at all serve the purposes of super- although it were purely intellectual, in stition, and lead to its introduction, for the excellence of that standard, they were the history of those times exactly show^ immediately raised above all sin, while us most pointedly how completely men sin was still reigning in their hearts, were driven, by the irresistible impulses of men who, bearing in iheir mouths the their nature, to take refuge in superstition, loftiest professions of moral wisdom, gave from a comfortless atheism, under which themselves up in tlieir daily lives to every their religious nature could not long re- kind of lust, qui Curios loquuntur ct Bac-

his reason

fears

main

in peace.

Now

as this superstition

chanalia vivunt

Stoicism did not

teaci)

had a deep-laid foundation in these irre- a belief in a God, who governs all things sistible and so long unsatisfied wants of with a father's love, to whom every indihuman nature, in a sickness of heart vidual is an object of regard, and who which showed itself by many outward knows how to unite the good of tiie whole appearances, it was therefore impossible with the good of the individual; but in a that ridicule should cure the superstitious Saturn, who devours his own children, an man, and the deeper the sickness lay within universal Spirit, from which every indiJiim, the less chance there was of curing vidual existence originally proceeded, and him thus. Or, even if it were possible into which tliey must all, after a certain Every to persuade the superstitious man of period, resolve themselves again. the nothingness of some one of the ob- thing is repeated after immutable laws, necessary to the jects of his fear, yet that inward restless- and even moral evil is ness, whose cause was not removed, establislmientof the harmony of the whole. would create a multitude of other spec- Ttie philosopher looks calmly on the tres, just as it is useless to persuade a man game, and willingly ofiers up his indiviof diseased imagination of the absurdity dual existence to the requirements of the of some one of his fancies, as long as the great whole, to which all individuals must inward disease exists, which is sure to be subservient as its parts. The philosofasten itself, sometimes on one, sometimes pher has the same divine life as Jove, on another, of the outward objects pre- irom whom he is sprung. With calm devotion, when his appointed hour comes, sented to it. There were especially two forms of an- he resigns it again to its original source. cient philosophy, wliich found a more A cold submission, which overwhelms all ready admittance than others among those our natural feelings, how difierent is it of the educated classes, who felt most from the childlike resignation of the

INFLUENCE OP PLATONISM.
Christian,

19
(xii.

which leaves

all

the pure feel-

time, incurs

no blame."

23.)

He

ings of human nature uninjured, a resignation not to the iron decrees of a necessity which commands annihilation, but a resignation founded on a confidence in
that eternal love,
is

which restores
in greater

all

which

splendour and beauty. The Emi)eror Marcus Aurelius " With deep reverence the philososays, pher speaks thus to nature, which gives all and again reclaims all. Give what thou This is wilt, and take what thou will I"* not spoken with the pride of one Avho defies nature, but only in the spirit of one who willingly obeys her. The words would have been words of consolation in the
sacrificed to
it

throws out the following inquiry in xii. 5. have the gods, who have ordained every thing well and witli love to man, overlooked this one thing alone, that many excellent men, who through pious works and sacrifices have been in confidential intercourse with the gods, when once they have died, never again have

"How

come
thus,

and entirely

into existence, but are altogether lost for ever ?" He answers
if

"Even

this

be so, remember that

mouth of a childlike reliance on love, which guides all things for

eternal

the ad-

vantage of those who confide in it; but they are dead and comfortless in the mouth of stoic submission to a Deity which devours all things, although the feelings of the man, who thus resigned himself to the will of an unknown God, deserve regard. But how poor, how unquickening to the heart of a man of feeling, are the grounds of consolation by which he endeavours to reason himself out of the desire after an everlasting life. "Man must consider two things; first, that every thing returns again and again in constant succession, from eternity even till now ; and that it matters not, whether

had necessity ordained it otherwise, it would have been otherwise. For if it were just, if it were even possible, and were it conformable to nature, nature would have made it thus. That it is not so, if it be not so, must be a proof that it could not have been thus appointed." Little, indeed, can cold reflections, such
as these, satisfy a heart that trembles be-

and unsawith the vanity of earthly things, is longing to attain unto that ideal being, which it has pictured to itself in the inmost recesses of the spirit and the affections. It would only be some peculiar natures, entirely absorbed in reflections, and living in the world of their own thoughts, who would thus limit and govern their feelings, their wants, and their
fore the notion of annihilation,
tisfied

wishes.

J^aturamfrustra expdlasfurca.
likely

The Platonic philosophy was

to obtain a

one sees the same thing in one hundred or in two hundred years, or in an endless infinity of time. Next, that he who lives the longest and he Avho dies the soonest, both lose the same, for each loses that only, which he hath, the present moment."! (xi. 14.) " Always think that all which happens or will happen, hath been already. All is only one uniform exhibi-

more general
wants.

influence than

the Stoic
alive
to

among

dispositions

which were
History

religious

has
that

often to repeat the

this

same statement,

and of superstition philosophy was efficacious towards exciting and animating more spiritual
in times of scepticism

miserable is tliis consideration of the vanity of the constant succession of earthly tilings, without the feeling that we are destined to a higher
tion !" (x. 27.)

How

and eternal

'- Every active power life which ceases at some destined time, suffers no evil from the fact of ceasing; and he, who used this instrument, suffers no
!

evil,

because he has ceased.

And so

also

the whole
tion
it

which consists of
activities,
its

the collec-

ceases at

evil,

who
*

namely, life, when appointed time, suflers no because it has ceased, and he also, closed this chain at its appointed
of
all

Monolog.

X. 14.

t [See de Maistrc. Soirees de St. Petersburg, vol. i. p. 294. Tlie germ of many of these senti-

feelings of religion, and, in some degree, the preparation for the appearIt led man to the ance of Christianity. consciousness of possessing a nature akin to the Divinity; and, of a connexion with a more exalted system, from which all that is true and good descends upon the divine portion of man's nature, a system, the revelation of which this godlike nature affords him the organs to perceive and to appropriate to himself, from which the divine portion of his inward nature bursts forth, for which it must developc itself independently, and into which it must again enter, freed from every thing of foreign essence, as an integral member This philosophy did not, of that system. as the stoic must have done, if logically pursued, make the divine nature in man something entirely independent, an ema-

assisted

ments

is to

be found in Seneca. Ep. 77. H.J. R.]

nation from a divine original, which as


20

for

Plutarch's idealism

the
;

oracles.
names are established

long as he continued in his personality, could exist independently for itself; it did not represent Jupiter to the philosopher merely as the ideal of wisdom and
it considered the divine part of man's nature only as an indication of a divine origin, only as a conceiving povver, which was of no value except when in communion with Him from whom alone It considered man's perit can conceive.

and them

different

while some make use of darker, others of clearer consecrated symbols, which lead the contemplation, not without
danger, to the Divinity; for

virtue; but

some who

sonality, not as a mere transitory vision, but as destined for a higher development. This philosophy considered the life of the individual, not a mere purposeless game in the succession of the world's events, but it recognised in it a stage of purification and preparation for a more lofty exIt required from man no supistence.

pression of his purer human feelings; on the contrary, it allowed him to seek and to exp ect the satisfaction of them. It pointed his attention to a higher state of existence, in which the soul, freed from all ibreign adniixlure, might arrive at the It did not clear contemplation of a truth.

oppose the existing religions with a bare

abstract
it

acknowledgment of

religion, but
in the

endeavoured to point out

whole

history of

human nature, the traces of a communion between heaven and earth,

have entirely erred, fell into superstition, but others who endeavoured, as it were, to avoid the slough of superstition, fell, on the other hand, without perceiving it as it were, into the abyss of infidelity." The reverence towards a higher necessity in the religious institutions of mankind, and the recognition of an authority raised above the caprice of man, is beautifully expressed in these words of the pious " Since Jove Plutarch, Adv. Stoic, c. 31 is the beginning, and the centre of every tiling, and all arose from Jove, so also must man, if any thing impure or erroneous has stolen into the notions he entertains of the gods, instantly rectify and But if nothing of this kind purify them. has happened, he must leave all men to that mode of worship, to which their laws and their customs lead them." He then quotes the beautiful passage of the Antigone of Sophocles, to prove that the foundation of human religion is to be referred to the Divine impress on man's heart
:
:

N OJUIfAA and of a revelation of the divine nature to Cu yjLg rl wv T6 x'l^Boi:, CKK dii TroTi man, under a variety of different forms. Soph. Attt. 1)1 rxuTct KouJii olSiv | oTcu '<petv. When scepticism produced the contradiction of religions the one to the other as a Out of this religious philosophy, thereproof against their truth on the contrary, fore, a certain idealism proceeded, which, the Platonic religion and philosophy connecting itself with the popular relisought to point out the fundamental unity gion, endeavoured to establish and defend which existed under the multiplicity of it against infidelity, and spiritualizing it, forms in which it was revealed and it to purify it from superstition. endeavoured, by distinguishing between It is in this view that Plutarch says, in form and essence, between the Spiritual his exhortation to the priestess of Isis, and the Sensual, between the idea and the ch. 3. " As the long beard and the mansymbol which represents it, to oppose un- tle do not make a philosopher, neither belief and superstition, because it deduced does the linen garb and the shaven head But the true the causes of unbelief and superstition constitute a priest of Isis. from a confusion between tliese things, priest of Isis is he who, having received and a neglect of these differences. This through the laws, the customs relative to method of considering the matter is ex- these gods, inquires into the grounds of pressed in the following passage of Plu- them, and philosophises on the truth conWhen, for example, tarch, one of the noblest and wisest repre- tained in them." sentatives of this system, and one in superstitious people thought that the god whose writings it was first fully unfolded. himself inhabited the priestess in the Del" As the phic Oracle, and spoke through her moutli, Pint, de Iside et Osiride, c. 67. sun, and the moon, heaven, earth, and the so that every thing literally came from but yet are dif- Phcebus himself, and when, on the consea, are common to all ferently named by different men, so also, trary, the infidels endeavoured to turn although only one system of nature exists, this representation into ridicule, and quotand one Providence governs, and the pow- ing the bad verses of the Pytliian pro; ; ;

ers that serve this Providence are placed

over

phetess, laughed at the notion of their mankind, yet by the laws of dif- coming from Apollo, Plutarch thus deferent men, different modes of worship, livers his sentiments, DePythiaeOracul.ch.
all

POLYTHEISM MAKES
:

WAY FOR

CHRISTIANITY.

21

" The language, the expression, the ONE, and separated from all others, we 7 words, and the metre come not from God, show the most worthy honour, when we but from the woman. The god only pre- sacrifice nothing to him, when we light sents the images to her mind, and lights up no altar to him, and consecrate nothing in her soul the lamp which illuminates the material to him, for he wants nothing, future. The god uses the soul as an instru- nothing even from beings superior to us, ment, and the activity of the instrument and there is no plant which the earth consists in its property of representing as produces, there is no creature of the earth purely as possible what is communicated or air, which considered in reference to to it. It is impossible that it should ever be him, hath not some taint of impurity repeated perfectly pure, nay, without even and from the most excellent of Beings we a large admixture of foreign matter." Ch. must ask for good things by the most exI

21, de Pyth. Orac.

cellent
spirit,

defends the use of images in religion,* " By forms perceptible to the senses the ancients represented God and his powers, and they imaged the invisible by the visible, for those who had learnt to read, in images as in books, a writing which treats of God. We cannot, therefore, wonder if the most ignorant can see in statues nothing but wood and stone, just as those who are ignorant of the art of writing can see nothing but stone and monuments, nothing but wood in tables, and nothing but a scroll of papyrus in books." These Platonic religious philosophers connected themselves with the polytheism of the popular religion, but they endeavoured to refine and spiritualize

Thus Porphyry

of all we have, that is, by the which needs no outward organ."

to refine

This endeavour
the religion

and

spiritualise

of Polytheism, must afterwards, when Christianity extended itself with great success, have taken a polemic and apologetic direction. It was thus en-

deavoured to prop up and support the rotten fabric of heathenism, but this endeavour, often too artificial, served only
untenable that at such pains to defend, and these philosophical refiners of religion themselves afterwards gave, by this means, to the Christians weapons against the popular religion, which these latter knew well how to wield. Already Plutarch had made use of the doctrine of daemones as intermediate beings between gods and men, in order to uphold the loftiness of the gods, and yet to defend the popular religion, while he withdrew much which had been by men assigned to the gods, from the race of gods, and attributed it to these intermediate beings. Plut. de Defectu Orac. c. 13, et seq. Poreasily
religion was,
to

show most

how

which

it

was

by constantly insisting more strongly on the unity on which it fundamentally rests. There is, according to them, one
it,

source of

all

existence, the abstract of all

perfection,

from whose super-abundance

of life all the gods which are akin to him emanated, and in them the divinity, which
things within itself, has so that in every one of these divinities one individual divine property or power, stands forth personified. In these divinities the multitude, who are unable to raise themselves by the force of contemplation, to the one great source of all, pray to these qualities. Every thing, mediately or immediately, resolves itself
all

comprehends
unfolded

itself,

phyry went farther, when he considered these daemones as impure beings, allied to matter, from which these Platonists declared the origin of all evil. '^ These
ings,

beings have their delight in material oflerby which their sensual appetites were gratified, they enticed men to all evil desires, they endeavoured, by giving finally into relation with him the gods themselves out as the gods, to seduce are the mediate powers between the first men from their reverence towards the gods, cause and man distracted by multiplicity. and to spread abroad unworthy notions of Only in relation to these can all worship, these gods, and even of the Almighty God which is testified by objects of sense, be himself. Their arts of deception have explained that source of all existence, found reception from the earliest ages. on the contrary, who is far above all con- Hence come the unworthy and unseemly
;
:

nexion with the visible world, cannot be honoured by any outward observance or sensible object; but to him only the philosopher can raise himself, by pure and spiritual contemplation. Thus speaks Apollonius, of Tyana, in his work on
Sacrifices :t
In Euseb.

stories of the gods,

which

are propagated

among

the multitude

and supported even

easy to see

by the poets and philosophers.""* It is how well such discussion

"To

the

first
iii.

of gods,
f

who

is
|

Prap. Ev.

7.

Ibid. iv. 13.

* Porphyiy ap. Euseb. Prspp. iv. 21, 22. [This is the substance of a considerable part of the passage of Porphyry there found, but not a translation of any part of it. H. J. R.]

22

SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM.

The latter Avould serve the purposes of the Christian nies, and magic formulae. Platonists themselves invented many, in opponents of heathenism. Thus these Platonists, by their spiri- order to satisfy this desire. Now, inastualizing idealism, and their mysticism much as these Platonists adhered to the Avhich excited, or pretended and feigned popular religion, and endeavoured to melt an inward religious life, while they en- this down with their philosophical ideas, listed the imagination, a certain conveni- they were able, by an artful admixture of falsehood, to receive many ent, agreeable, and indolent contemplation, truth and and a speculation often obscure, into the forms of superstition into their systems,
service of the popular religion, endea- and to give them a still stronger ground voured to restore that religion to life, in of acceptance by means of their method some degree, among the educated classes, of spiritualizing them. The experience

and excite some degree of zeal for its advancement. But the knowledge of religion, and a religious life among the common people, was utterly incapable of being amended by these refinements on The people still clung to the religion. outward parts of their worship, they still
clung to the old superstition, which the })hilosophers endeavoured to advance, although they refined and spiritualized it, and they were totally unable to compre-

of later times, (as, for instance, the case of the controversies about images among
the schoolmen,)

shows

that a superstition

refined by an idealistic system of this sort

Platonism is most difficult to uproot. awakened an indefinite desire after the

supernatural, and after a
the invisible world,
to satisfy.

communion with
it

which

was unable

The

less this indefinite desire

hend any thing of those spiritualizations, and symbolical meanings of their religious delighted to look into hidden things, Nay, these Platonists them- mingled themselves with it, by so much worship. selves considered the spiritual knowledge the more occasion was given for delusions of religion to be attainable only by the of every kind, and so much the more philosopher, who lived in contemplation; did those who wished to thrust themto it man could only arrive by means of selves into the invisible world by means tvio-rriiAVi, while the people must content of their own choosing, and avoided as themselves with the ^o|, in which truth much as possible all attempts to realise and falsehood ai-e mingled together. It godliness in their hearts, give themwas besides impossible to oppose super- selves up to most dangerous self-deceits stition eflectually, by theoretically oppos- and to deceptions arising from the influpurer general principles of reli- ence of others. There were at that time roving about its foundation lay in a practical Avant, it could only be opposed success- the Koman empire many pretenders to An unsatis- supernatural powers, for whom the exfuJiy in a practical manner. fled religious yearning, the yearning after istence of such a feeling and desire proing to
it

was understood by those who felt it, the more an imaginative power, unfettered by laws and a speculative curiosity, which

gion.

As

from that feeling of guilt cured acceptance, men in whom, as is which was deeply implanted in the heart, usually the case during such a season of though it might not have attained the religious excitement, a degree of self-decharacter of a perfect conviction of sin, lusion or enthusiasm was mingled with was the source of superstition. This more or less of intentional deceit. Such longing must be satisfied, and the distract- was that Alexander of Abonoteichos, in ed heart eased of this oppressive burden, Pontus, whose life Lucian has written and then superstiiion would fall of itself, after his usual satirical manner, a man Plutarch casts whose pretended enchantments and pretogether with its cause. on superstition the reproach, that it looks dictions found credit all over the world, on the gods, who are full of fatherly love, from Pontus to Rome, one who was only as beings to be feared; but it Avas of honoured and consulted as a prophet, no purpose, to exhort men to confide in even by men who held the highest and the kind and preserving deities (fisot most distinguished ofiices in the Ponian
a deliverance
aurvi^ti
y.ai

f^tj^ixK)* :)

the feeling of es-

state.

trangement from God in their hearts opposed itself to the reception of such a Hence arose the atnotion of the gods. tempts to find means of purification for the soul, which men believed might be obtained by manifold outward ceremo-

Among we must class

the better

men

of this sort

the

ApoUonius of Tyana,

'

so celebrated in the apostolic age, who was probably possessed of more extraordinary gifts, and was probably under the influence of the Divine Spirit, although by spiritual pride and vanity he had at

WANT OF HUMILITY
least in part destroyed the talent intrusted

23

shows wherein was his greatest deficiency, judge of this man ac- a deficiency which might well prove to curately, from the exceeding paucity of him the source of most of his self-deluautlienlic accounts. Those who, like sions, I mean the prayer " Gire 77ie, ye Piiilostratus, in the tliird century, have gods, that which I deserve'''' Soirnt /xoi ra endeavoured to represent him as one of 6cl)ii^o/A> the direct contrary to the the heroes of the ancient popular reli- prayer, " Forgive us our debts .'" gion, have injured him most deeply in A desire universally displayed itself for the eyes of posterity. He went about to a revelation from heaven, which might stir up and animate a spirit of religious ensure to the inquiring mind that tranfaith, and furthered fanatacism, while he quillity which was neither to be found in gave food to that curiosity which inquires the contending systems of ancient philoafter the tilings of the invisible world. sophy, nor in the antiquated religions, He spoke against superstition, because it now called back to the world in an age served to promote immorality when men of artificial refinement. Porphyry, that believed that they could buy impunity for zealous defender of the old religion, himcrime by sacrifices and he declared, that self alludes to this desire, so deeply felt; without a moral state of the heart and a desire which, while he supports himself feelings, no sacrifice could be well plea- on the authority of the promises of the sing to the gods. He exclaimed against gods, he endeavoured to satisfy in his the cruel custom of shows of gladiators; collection of old oracular responses, as the for when the Athenians, who were in the groundwork of a system of theology. habit of exhibiting these shows, invited On this subject he says,* ''The utility of him to their assembly, he answered that this work those will best be able to estihe could not enter a place stained with mate, who, feeling an anxious desire after so much human blood, and that he won- the truth, have wished that some open dered the goddess did not leave their vision of the gods might be granted to city.* Wiien the president of the Eleu- them, and set them free from their sinian mysteries refused to initiate Apol- doubts."
But
it is

to him, instead of keeping it pure, and increasing it by faithful and careful use.
difficult to

think the heart of the supplicant of no consequence in prayer, yet

those

who

it is difficult to deterThe composer of a sort of philosomine whether the Hierophant was really phico-religious romance, called the Cleearnest, and thought ApoUonius an mentine, has given us a sketch of the life enchanter, who used forbidden arts, or of one of this class of men a man whether he was not rather jealous of the thirsting after truth, but tormented by great influence, opposed to priestcraft, doubt from his very childhood, and diswhich ApoUonius exercised on the peo- quieted by the strife of contending opinple, and to such a degree, tliat many con- ions, who at last is led to embrace Chrissidered intercourse with him of far more tianity in consequence of this long unsaconsequence than initiation into the mys- tisfied desire after truth the Heavenly teries. The concluding formula of all Father thus leading him to a knowledge the prayers of ApoUonius, which he re- of his Son. it is but a picture, but it is a commended also to others, who would picture drawn from the life, which we pray, although opposed to the notions of shall here make use of to characterise

lonius of Tyana,
in

many
* Just like Demonax, another remarkable man of Athens, of the age of the Antonines, who, instead of the mystical pantheism, from which Apollonius of Tyana set out, opposed the superstition of the people by another more temperate one. When the Athenians wished to exhibit a show of gladiators, he told them they must first pull down the altar of Pity, of exjjc, which their city more The answer to than all other cities honoured. the inquiry, whether the soul is immortall which

of

the

thinking

spirits

of

this

period.

Clement, a
family,

man

of a

noble

Roman

time of the first preaching of the Gospel, gives the following account of himself "From the earliest days of my youth, doubts, like the following, which have come into my mind, I know not how, have constantly Demonax gave "yes! immortal; but like every exercised my thoughts. After death shall thing:" may be compared with the declaration of I exist no longer, and will no one ever ApoUonius, that being born and dying are only remember me } does infinite time thus an illusion, (Maja) the same substance sometimes drown all human affairs in oblivion I
:

who

lived about the

withdrawing
his

itself into

the invisible, and at other

times clothing

itself in

gross earthly forms.

Ep. 58, a

letter

which

is

See most probably

* nsg TJic jx \ejiiv ^iKiTcfixi,

in Euseb. Praepar.

genuine.

24 Then
will
it

CLEMENT
be as
if
I

HOW HE WAS BROUGHT

TO THE GOSPEL.

had never been own eyes of this truth, no argument born ? When was the world created, should ever again be able to make him The representations, however, and what was before the world was ? If waver. of a philosopher of calmer thoughts reit has existed from eternity, it will last to if it had a beginning, it must strained him from seeking the truth by all eternity And what will again exist means of these forbidden arts, after the liave an end. after the world, unless it be a death-like use of which he would never again obhi this frame Or, perhaps, something may tain peace of conscience, stillness ? then exist which now it is impossible to of mind, doubting, wavering, inquiring, Whilst I, continues he, inces- tormented, and deeply agitated, the preachconceive. santly bore about with me thoughts like ing of the Gospel, supported by proofs these, 1 know not whence, I was con- reposing on the operations of the Spirit stantly tormented, so that I grew pale and and on miracles, reached him, and his wasted away and what was most dread- case may represent to us that of many ful of all, when I endeavoured to free others. If then, after the representation which myself from this anxiety as being useless, these sufferings only awoke again in my has been given of the religious condition heart with stronger violence, and inflicted of the heathen world at this period, we on me more severe vexation. I knew not consider its relation to Christianity we that in these tormenting thoughts I had a find that on the one hand Christianity good companion, who was leading me to was opposed by unbelief, a frame of mind eternal life, as I afterwards found by ex- as devoid of all capacity for the percepperience, and 1 thank God, who rules all tion of any thing Divine, as it was of all things, for this, because by these thoughts, religion; a frame of mind which to that which at first so tortured me, I was obliged doctrine, when it preached Divine truth, to search into the nature of things, and offered in reply the inquiry, " What is And when truth ?" And on the other hand, it was thus to find out the truth. this had taken place, I pitied as wretched opposed by a kind of fanatical attachment creatures the very men whom at first, in to the old popular religion, revived by my ignorance, I was in danger of consi- causes we have above related, and by a dering happy. As I found myself harassed blind superstition, which those who enby these thoughts from my very child- deavoured to spiritualize it, only prohood, ] visited the schools of the philo- moted, a disposition of mind to which the sophers, in order that I might have some- worship of God in spirit and in truth was But the restless religious thing certain to repose upon, and I saw an offence. there notliing but building up and pulling desire of many hearts, which sought for thirst after some new connexion down of systems, strife and contradiction rest, the and sometimes, for instance, the doctrine with heaven, and after some revelation that the soul is immortal gained the vic- from heaven, placed beyond all doubt, tory; sometinies the notion that it is which, amid the strife of human opinions when the first carried the day, I might assure its followers tranquillity and mortal was glad; if the latter triumphed, I was confidence, were all calculated to lead And yet Thus was I driven men's souls to Christianity. again cast down. backwards and forwards by different ar- this indefinite desire, often uncertain even guments, and I was obliged to suppose of what it wished itself, might also deliver and that things appear not as they really are, up men to every kind of delusion but as they are represented from this side spirits, which promised to impart the 1 was hence seized with powers of the invisible world, and to exor from that. greater dizziness, and I sighed from the plain its mysteries, and thereby flattered bottom of my heart." Clement had al- tJie natural inclinations of men, would ready determined, as he could attain by often be more readily received than the reason to no sure and certain persuasion, simple Gospel which opposed those into seek the resolution of his doubts by clinations. Only there was in Christiansome other method, and to journey into ity a power of God, which put to shame Egypt, the land of mysteries and appari- all arts of delusion, which could make its tions, and there to search for some magi- way, through all the adverse powers of cian who could call a spirit for him from delusion, to the human heart, and prove The appearance of a ghost itself to be that which could alone satisfy the dead. would give him an occtdar proof of the all its wants and which alone was able immortality of the soul, and then, once utterly to uproot that superstition, which firmly persuaded by the evidence of his no Platonic philosophy could triumph
:

IRREFRAGABLE GROUNDS OP THE JEWISH BELIEF.

alone brought a radical cure to the real source of the disease. But the Platonic philosophy, inasmuch as it excited more lively inward feelings of
over, because
it

25

remedy
vine

but

still

there remained under

civilization, a di-

every change of

human
this

power

in

religion, there

was

here an objective, authentic ground of bereligion, and gave them a more spiritual lief, and not a mere texture of varied turn which did not correspond with the myths and stories, into which a religious popular religion, was, in some degree, a meaning must be conveyed, or from which preparation for Christianity; and yet, on only some dark glimmering of religious the other hand, it might perhaps oppose thought proceeded. Hence this religion the humble spirit of the simple Gospel was enabled to preserve its authority, in with its fantastic mystico-poetical religion, general, unshaken under all the political which has its attractions for the vanity of storms, which agitated the Jewish people; the natural man that delights in the Gor- nay, in after times, under all the oppresgeous, for, althougli all that is Divine sions of this nation, its faith in the old bears the impress of simplicity, yet man religion was altogether only surer and is least of all inclined to inquire into what stronger. But nevertheless, even this reis simple. This Platonic religious eclec- ligion was unable to escape the general ticism, accustomed to melt down every causes of decay, which have in the end thing, even discordant elements, together, produced the downfall of all religious inand amalgamate them, could not so easily stitutions. As a peculiar form of religion, bring itself to recognize only one thing it was unable to come forth victorious as which was needful for man, to give up Christianity has often done in similar the whole man to this one, and to seek times of excitement, with a more splendid every thing in this one. With those, who display of its excellence, because, as a had more than others, although not ex- peculiar form of religion, it was only actly what human nature desires for the given and appropriate to man, in one defihealing of its sickness, and the satisfaction nite stage of development; and hence, if of its wants, it was a harder sacrifice than it endured longer, it must necessarily with other men, to acknowledge the in- overlast its time, and become lifeless and sufficiency of that in which their advan- dead. From a struggle with those causes tages lay, and to clothe themselves in that of decay, no victorious result could arise humility, without which the riches of the here, except a revival in the purer and Gospel cannot be received nor enjoyed. nobler form of Christianity. If we now pass over to the religious A penetration into the spirit of the condition of the Jewish people, we shall Jewish religion was not the necessary perceive between Judaism and heathenism consequence of a strict adherence to its
that immense difference, which must exist between a revelation of the living God and natural religion. Witness the pure religious and moral spirit of Judaism the idea of one holy, almighty, all-wise, merciful, and independent God, as Creator and governor of the world, to whose glory all things must be subservient, and on whom every thing must depend and this
;

letter.

The remembrance
dealings

derful

with

of God's wonthese people, and

notion,

possession of a small class of initiated persons, not an esoteric doctrine of the priests, but the possession of a whole people, the centre of a whole system of popular religion witness the
the
;

not

contrast between holiness and sin,

which

was

be found, so clearly defined, in the natural religion of the heathens. It was, however, in the divine scheme of education for the human race, the loftiest purpose of this religion, to awaken desires of the heart and the spirit which it could not .satisfy, the satisfaction of which it could and should only prepare and promise; to call forth the consciousness of a division in the heart of man, which it could not
tiot

to

of their theocratic economy, so pregnant with instructive hints for the development of the whole history of man, witii the major part of the Jews served only as the food of a carnal pride. Instead of thinking how they might make themselves worthy of that peculiar guidance which their forefathers had enjoyed, and how they might correspond, in heart and conduct, to that theocratic economy, they fancied themselves the native members of this theocracy, in virtue of their corporal descent from the patriarchs; and in virtue of a mere outward worship of God, they considered themselves as already citizens of the kingdom of heaven, and entitled to the enjoyment of all the rights of such citizens. The idea, which formed the centre-point of the whole theocratic economy, the idea of a Messiah, had only been brouijlit forward with more lively feelings through the oppressions and the sufferings of the latter

26

JUDAS GALIL/EUS
With
the

LIFELESS ORTHODOXY.

warmest God said to them of that true freedom, hopes and desires, many were awaiting which he had come from heaven to bethe promised Deliverer from misery, by stow on man, sighing under the bondage whom the fallen theocracy was again to of sin. As they had been unable to know be renewed with greater splendour; but the Father by their earddy-mindedness, then, the only misery they felt was their so they were also unable to know the temporal misery, and not that spiritual Son. They were also unable to recogmisery, from which the temporal had nise in him the Messiah, because they did proceeded, and they expected in their not understand the voice of the Father, Messiah nothing but a deliverer from which spoke of him in the wants and They were desires of the human heart; but they their temporal calamities. unable to comprehend the idea of the would only listen to the voice of the Messiah, and the kingdom which he was world and of the flesh, that spoke in to found, in any but a worldly point of their own hearts and they therefore view. AVith heavenly miraculous powers, chose to have a Messiah to whom the he was to serve for the gratification of voice of their heart called them, as men, their worldly desires, to free them from not taught by God, but under the inthe Roman yoke, to execute vengeance fluence of ungodly feelings a Messiah, on their enemies, and to found a king- who would have satisfied their expectadom of earthly splendour, in which they tions and wishes, founded on earthly were to delight themselves with the en- considerations. As Christ, whose warnjoyment of all the pleasures which an ing voice they would not hear, predicted imagination, inclined indeed to the won- to them, to their destruction they became, derful, but still looking only to sensual through this fleshly mind, a prey to the
period of their history.
;

things, could set before their eyes.

The
in-

delusive arts

of

all

false

prophets
the

who
in

nation was destitute of guides and teachers

chose to

flatter this fleshly disjiosition

who
struct

could undeceive
it

it,

and really

their idle promises.

When

Temple

of Jerusalem was already on fire, such a For false prophet was able to persuade whole were blind hosts of the people, that God, from out leaders of the blind, who only strengthened of the temple, would show them a way the people still more in their fleshly and of salvation by some miracle ;* and beperverted heart, and in the fancies to fooled by him, thousands became the which this heart led them. Great harm victims of the flames or of the Roman had particularly been wrought by a blind sword. Josephus, who was no Chrisfanatical zealot, Judas of Gamala, or the tian, but who considered the fate of his Galilean, who came forward about the people in a more unprejudiced manner year fourteen after the birth of Christ, on than others of his nation, concludes liis
in

the true nature of their reli-

gion, and the

of the divine economy.

most

part, their instructors

occasion of the taxing of the people, instiby Augustus Caesar. He urged the people to throw off die bondage of Rome at once, and to acknowledge no sovereign As if a people, who were but God alone as far as the Jewish people from tlie only true n)oral freedom, and governed by wild passions and desires, could have been in a condition to enjoy even a mere As if they, Avhose political freedom! whole heart was estranged from God, and given up to so many idolatrous desires, could have acknowledged God as the This sovereign in reality and truth! flesidy conception of the idea of the kingdom of God, and of the freedom and this mixture of the rights of its citizens worldly and spiritual things was, as in all other times, the source of a wild fanaticism among the Jews, which at length brought down upon Jerusalem its temThey were, therefore, poral destruction. unable to comprehend what the Son of
tuted
!

narration of this circumstance

with the "The following remarkable reflection: unhappy people then allowed themselves to be only deluded by deceivers, who dared to lie in the name of God. But they paid no regard to the clear miracles

which announced impending destruction, and believed them not, but like men utterly confounded, and as if tliey had neither eyes nor understanding, they heard nothing which God himself proclaimed."
tine,

Among the Jewish theologians in Paleswe find the three grand classes, which

usually form themselves during the decay of a religion, and oppose each other. One class consists of those who, confusing the inward and the outward things of religion, or rather forgetting the in-

required from

Such a sign from heaven as they had often Him, who wished to show them the

vyay to their true good.

PHARISEES.
ward
in
tlie

outward, make a quantity

of Inmian staiulcs, engrafted on the original religion, the chief business of religion, and place its whole essence in a round of lifeless ceremonies, and a dead,

they had connected the ceremonial law of Moses with a multitude of new outward precepts, oil the rigid observance of which they often laid more stress than

common-place ordiodoxy. Another is formed of those who oppose this

class
false

pretence to religion, and this falsification of its original excellence; but, inasmuch as they are destitute of a lively sense of religion within, and a hearty desire for it, as well as of a capacity for the perception
of Divine things, they overstep the mark in their opposition, because the true spiritual feelings do not accompany and direct

on the works of righteousness and charily. They had invented for themselves many external offices of worship, which they considered as works of supererogation, by means of which many who fancied, in the blindness of their hearts, that they had from their youth up fullilled the law, imagined tliat they could do even more than the law required, and obtain for
themselves a higher degree of holiness. In estimating,' however, the character of these Pharisees, as well as that of the monks in later times, we must not put them all in one class, but accurately separate the ditrerent classes of men from one another. The greater part of them were, more or less, hypocrites, or mere

with them their critical judgment, and their cold and negative disposition, while it justly attacks many human statutes which give themselves out as Divine laws, throws away at the same time, under the title of additions, many deep truths, which it is luiable, with its pretenders to holiness, whose chief care Lastly, was about their own reputation and earthly notions, to comprehend. come those more quiet, but more warm- dominion over others, and who enpower of deavoured to gain respect in the eyes of hearted spirits, with whom the religious imagination or feeling is too pre- the people by their outward observances, dominant, who withdraw into themselves while with all this outward show their from the strife of opinions among the hearts were full of wicked desires, and learned in Scripture, and seeking the in- like to painted sepulchres, and while in terpretation of the meaning of the old secret thev often delivered themselves up documents of religion in their subjective to the gratification of their sinful passions. feelings or imaginations, become mystics But others, no doubt, were in earnest in sometimes of a practical, sometimes of a their endeavours after justification and These three holiness they observed conscientiously contemplative character. grand classes of religious characters, what their statutes prescribed, and sought which constantly return under a change to triumph over evil by their ascetic seveof form, we here recognise in the three rities. Their error only consisted in this, sects of the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and that they thought they could, by their own endeavours, take by storm that the Essenes. The Pharisees* propagated in their which the grace of God alone can bestow In schools, by means of oral instruction, a on humble and on broken hearts. Cabbala, that is to say, a kind of polished this struggle many of them probably felt speculative theology, composed of a mix- those very experiences Avhich St. Paul, ture of the Mosaic religion with other once a Pharisee himself, has painted so eastern religious elements, which they naturally in the seventh chapter of his fixed upon the original documents of the epistle to the Romans. religion, by means of an allegorical spirit The Sadducees were, for the most part, of interpretation. By means of arbitrary rich people living in great comfort, who verbal criticism, mystical meanings, and forgot in the enjoyments of the world the their hearts pretended traditions from their ancestors. higher desires of their nature were not softened by necessity, so often This name is derived from the verb f^>^n, of man, and compelled to the instructor
;

either in the sense of " to interpret" as

W")'!^

the i^nyiim T'.u I'^fjL-M t' ^.'X""' which honour the Pharisees claimed, according to .loscphus, or
in the sense of "to separate,"
rather
'

seek the pleasures of a better world, but they were quite right in ojjposing the self-invented ceremonial of the Pharisees,
their

WV^'Q

(which

refinements.

troublesome precepts and their vain But while they opposed

more nearly resembles the (ircrk

sepuraled

<;><g;!rau-,c,)

the

man

from

the profane multitude,

(from the
to
I'e

V"\*<"l"OV)

""

*^"*^

who wished

religion, they

these adidtcrations of the original Mosaic were alike unwilling to acthat

knowledge

historical

development
Spirit,

revered as a hoher

man."

which, under the guidance of God's

28

JOSEPHUS MORE

WORTHY OP CREDIT THAN

were
zeal
in

PHILO.

had been bestowed upon it; and many religious truths, which had first been developed by the prophets, were therefore They ascribed Divine denied by them. authority to the Pentateuch alone, and would acknowledge those religious truths only, which a literal interpretation could deduce from that volume. They therefore denied the doctrine of the resurrection, and of the destination of the soul for

open connection with the former

(the Sadducees,) although their enemies' for the discovery of heresies was
tation

naturally gratified in attaching this impu-

upon them.
trials

rienced in the

an eternal existence. They also, according to Acts xxiii. 8, rejected a belief in We cannot, however, see how in intimate connexion, partly in the same angels. they could reconcile this with their be- sort of society as the monks of later days, lief in the Divine authority of the Penta- and partly as mystical orders in all peFrom this society, teuch, unless, perhaps, like other Jewish riods have done. sects, they considered the apparitions of other smaller ones afterwards proceeded, angels as mere impersonal and transient and spread themselves over all Palestine. forms of appearance of the Deity. Al- They were called Essenes, {Yaanvot or though it cannot be directly concluded Eo-(7to.) They employed themselves in from the account of Josephus, that they the arts of peace, agriculture, pasture, altogether denied the doctrine of a Provi- handicraft works, and especially in the dence, which extended to the affairs of art of healing, while they took great deindividuals, it is, however, clear, in con- light in investigating the healing powers It is probable, also, that they formity to their negative disposition in re- of nature. ligion, that they made God as much as imagined themselves under the guidance possible an inactive spectator of the course of a supernatural illumination in their of events, and supposed him to take far search into nature, and their use of her Their natural knowledge, and less interest in human occurences than powers. was consistent with the spirit of the their art of healing, appear also to have theocracy. They ascribed a pre-eminent had a religious, theosophic character, as value above every thing besides lo an ex- they professed also to have peculiar proThe Essenes were, no ternal morality in fulfilment of the law, phetical gifts. and hence, perhaps, came their name.* doubt, distinguished from the mass of orThe less they penetrated below the sur dinary Jews by this, that they knew and foce of morals, the more they were able loved something higher than the outward that they to ascribe to man a sufficiency in himself, ceremonial, and a dead faith and to leave every thing to depend on the did really strive after holiness of heart, spontaneous determinations of the human and inward communion with God. Their The hard, cold, heartless disposi- quiet, pious habits also rendered them rewill. tion, which Josephus attributes to the markable, and by means of these they reSadducees, is also in excellent keeping mained quiet amidst all the political Although changes, respected by all parties, even by with this way of thinking. Josephus himself was a Pharisee, yet he the heathens; and by their laborious shows himself, nevertheless, always un- habits and kindness, their obedience prejudiced in his judgments nay, he often towards the higher powers, as ordained lays bare and naked the faults of the Pha- of God, their fidelity and love of truth, risees themselves, and tliere is accordingly they were enabled to extend themselves no reason to suspect him in tliis instance in all directions. In their society every of gratifying his enmity at the expense of yea and nay had the force of an oath for We certainly cannot from the na- every oath, said they, pre-supposes a mutruth. ture of the doctrines of the later Kara- tual distrust, which ought not be the case Only in ites, who were moderate enemies of the among a society of honest men. traditions of the Pharisees, draw any con- one case was an oath suffered amongst those of the them, namely, as a pledge for those who clusion as to the nature of Indeed, it is a matter of en- after a three years' noviciate were to be Sadducees. quiry generally, whether these latter ever received into the number of the initiated. According to the portraiture of them, * [From Q'n^, he was just or righteous. given by Philo the Alexandrian, in his separate treatise concerning the ''True Others deduce it from Sadoc, a proper name. H. Freedom of the Virtuous," we should take

of pious men, much expeof the outward and of the inward life, had withdrawn themselves out of the strife of theological and political parties, at first apparently (according to Pliny the elder,) to the western side of the Dead Sea; where they lived together

A company

J.R.]

THEOSOPHY OF THE ESSENES.

29

the Essenes for men of an entirely practi- peculiar holiness it must have been desecal religious turn, far removed from all crated by the profane Jews in the temple iheosophy and all idle speculation and of Jerusalem, and that it could be worthily we should ascribe to them an inward re- celebrated only in their holy communiligious habit of mind, free from all mix- ty, just as mystic sects of this nature are ture of superstition and reliance on out- constantly accustomed to make the objecward things. But the account of Philo tive acts of religion dependent on the sub;

does not at all accord with that of Jose- jective condition of those who perform or In the troublesome phus, and the more historical Josephus take part in them. deserves in general more credit than and superstitious observance of the rest of Philo, who was too apt to indulge in the Sabbath, according to the letter, and Besides, not according to the spirit, they went even philosophising and idealism. Josephus had more opportunity of know- farther than the other Jews, only with ing this sect thoroughlj^, than Philo; for this diflerence, that they were in good Philo lived in Egypt, and the Essenes did earnest in the matter, while the Pharisees not extend beyond Palestine. Josephus by their casuistry relaxed their rules, or had here passed the greater part of his drew them tighter, just as it suited their The Essenes not only strenulife, and had certainly taken all necessary purpose. pains to inform himself accurately of the ously abhorred, like the other Jews, connature of the different sects, among which tact with the uncircumcised, but, having he was determined, as a youth of sixteen divided themselves into four classes, the years of age, to make choice, although he Essenes of a higher grade were averse can hardly have completely passed through from contact with those of a lower, as if a noviciate in the sect of the Essenes, be- they were rendered unclean by it, and cause he made the round of all the three when any thing of this kind did happen, Like Jewish sects, in a period of from three to they purified themselves after it. Josephus, also, shows him- many other Jews, they attributed great four years. self completely unprejudiced in this de- value, in general, to lustration by bathing while Philo, on the contrary, in cold water. To their ascetic notions scription wished to represent the Essenes to the the constant and healthy practice in the more cultivated Greeks as models of prac- East of anointing with oil seemed unholy, tical wisdom, and therefore he allowed and if it befel any one of them, he was himself to represent much, not as it really obliged to purify himself. It was also a We great abomination to them, to eat any was, but as it suited his purpose. must conclude that the Essenes did also food except such as had been prepared by busy themselves with theosophy, and pre- persons of their own sect. They would tended to impart to those of their own die rather than eat of any other. This is order disclosures relating to the superna- a suflicient proof that although the Essenes tural world of spirits, because those who might possess a certain iijward religious were about to be initiated, were obliged life, and a certain practical piety, yet that to swear that they would never make these qualities with them, as well as with known to any one the names of the angels many other mystical sects (as, for examThe ple, those of the middle ages) were conthen to be communicated to them. manner in which they kept secret the an- nected with a theosophy, which desired cient books of their sect, is also a proof to know things hidden from human of this. And, indeed, Philo himself makes reason, (If^/Sariusur etq rtj fxr) lu^ccxi*,) and therefore lost itself in idle imaginait probable, when he says, that they employed themselves with a (piXoo-oipia Sia tions and dreams, and were also mixed a-vfjuBoXut , a philosophy, which was sup- up with an outward asceticism, a proud ported by an allegorical interpretation of spirit of separation from the rest of manfor this kind of allegorizing kind, and superstitious observances and Scripture interpretation was usually the accompani- demeanours totally at variance with the ment of a certain speculative system. Ac- true spirit of inward religion. cording to Philo they rejected the sacriThe religious and theological character fice of victims, because they considered, of the Jews who dwelt at Alexandria, that that to consecrate and ofier up themselves remarkable intermediate spot between the wholly to God, was the only true sacri- eastern and the western world, was of an By means of confice, the only sacrifice worthy of God. entirely peculiar cast. But according to Josephus they certainly stant intercourse with educated Hellenists considered sacrifice as something pecu- in one of tlie most flourishing seats o( liarly holy, but they thought that from its Hellenistic literature and civilization, they

c2

30

PHILO'S VIEW OP

THE DESTINY OF
what you

HIS PEOPLE.
your holy
Scriptures,

most have gradually

lost their usual ab-

call

do

horrence of foreign customs. By their sojourn among the Greeks for centuries, separated from their original country, they gradually assumed the Greek language, and much of Greek manners ; they became more and more estranged from the language and the habits of their own nation, and many of them were strongly attracted by the charms of Greek literature, and especially of Greek philosophy.*

Under these circumstances two cases One would be the case of might occur. those, who became so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of this foreign culture, and Hellenized to such an extent, that they lost even that reverence for the ancient holy institutions of their people, so deeply implanted in the heart of a Jew. A few general superficial ideas, skimmed from Grecian philosophy, and a certain moral cultivation, became to these men their highest law, and after this miserable and false illumination, they dared to condemn and to ridicule the holy history and documents of their people, which they could not understand, because they were deficient in the deep religious feeling and the know-

they not contain myths and fables which you yourselves laugh at w'hen you hear them from others ?' "* Nevertheless, the faith in the Divine origin, and the holiness of their religion, had taken too deep hold on the hearts of most Jews ; the seed of religion, which had been sown in their earliest childhood, and had spread over all their life, had made too deep impression on their hearts, to allow of its being thus dissipated and destroyed. Although they were attracted by the Greek philosophy, and especially

by

that

which had

chiefly prevailed at

Alexandria in later times, and which by its nature would give the best opportunity for a religious spirit to connect itself with, namely, the Platonic, yet still they were far from consciously and intentionally
sacrificing
their religion and their holy writings to the authority of a human philosophy. They had far rather learnt, by

comparing the

religious

knowledge of
to estimate

their people with

that of the Egyptians

and the Greeks, day by day

better the distinguished character of their

old religion, and to see more clearly the find Divine providence which guided their peledge requisite for that purpose. this kind of the Jewish culiar history, and the influence which in Philo traces of scofTer in places where we can hardly these were destined to bear on the whole imagine he is glancing at the heathen. As human race. Philo, whom we may name when he opposes Moses, who remained the representative of these Alexandrians, always true to his people in the seductions speaks thus:"]" ''That, which the most genuine philosophy alone is able to imof the Egyptian court, to these renegades "Who transgress the law, in which they part to its scholars, the knowledge of the have been born and educated, who des- Most High, is communicated by our laws troy the customs of their country, to and our customs to the whole Jewish which no blame can be attached, and in people." He declares it to be the destiny their prejudice for that which is new, lose of the Jews, inasmuch as they alone were all remembrance of that which is old."! consecrated as a whole people, to the In another placej he thus expresses him- worship of the One true God, and M'ere self against such people; "Who are dis- to spread this to the whole human race, inclined to the religious system of their that they were to be priests and prophets country; who always look on the laws for all mankind.J Philo was well aware of their religion to blame and accuse them, that it is the characteristic of the Divine and use these and similar|| narrations pro- revelation, to let the light of truth genefligately, as a support to their Atheism (aOeoTij;,) and say, ' Do you really think * Also, in the passage de Nom. Mutat. p. 1053, higldy of your laws, and imagine that where Philo introduces the sarcasms of an 6s:f, or they contain the rules of truth Behold uo-/3c, the bitterness with which he speaks, may well lead us to conclude that this scofler was an

We

i*

unbelieving Jew

In an heathen this jesting could

* [A very elaborate work on the Alexandrian not have appeared so striking to him. He looks Jews has a[)pi'arc(l since the publication of this ujion it as a ])unishment of the profligate opinions
It is entitled, Geschiihtliche Uarstclluiig of tills man, that he soon after hanged himself, j/ History. Judisch-Alexandrinischen Religions-Pliiloso- ^igcc Kuj (fu^xxSagTcc jui^Ji x/flagoi b'tv-iTH) TtxajTinrn. phio: vertksst von A. F. Dtihiie, P. D. Hallo, I3y means of his allegorical explanations Philo wished to remove what had given rise to the ridi1834. 2 vol. 8vo. H. .1. K.] cule of this man, in order that others might not fall De Vila Mosis, i. (i07. into a similar snare and punishment. \ De confus. ling. 320. He is s])eak.iiii^ iierc of the confusion of t Do Caritate, 699. tongues at the tower of Babel, i De Abrah. 364; De vita Mosis, i. 625. (ler

&c

-j-

II

THE ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL AND THE SCRIPTURE.

rally shine before all men, and not to keep The more easily it purposely hidden. the people of Alexandria might be seduced into joining in the traftic in secret things, attendant on the mysteries, the more remarkable, therefore, and pleasing is an expression in an Alexandrian, which shows, that he recognised the character
I

31
it

universally so difficult for men to keep exactly the right path between the two opposite
their
religion.
is

own

But as

faults

of an abrupt and narrow-minded

rejection of every strange impression,

j
1

and

of simplicity and

publicity in Judaism,
""All

too great facility in accepting them, these men, while they wislied to prove the excellence of their religion to Greeks of education, and especially of a philoso-

and opposed

phical education, on their own ground, myste- might also easily have been led to introrics, all such pomp and such tricks Moses duce into tlieir Old Holy Scriptures some removed far from the sacced lawgiving, notions foreign to them, and to forget the because he did not desire that those who peculiar, practical spirit of those writings, were educated in such a religion, suffer- which diller so decidedly from all other ing themselves to be blinded by myste- religious and philosophical dispensations. they wished to rious matters, should neglect the truth, This, at least, happened nor follow what belongs to the night and prove to the Greeks, that their Holy darkness, neglecting that which is worthy Scriptures harmonized with the spirit of of the light and of the day. None also the Platonic philosophy, by which they of those who know Moses, and reckon themselves were governed, and that they themselves among his disciples, allow were the richest source of all philosoThey were, therefore, themselves to be initiated into such phical notions. mysteries nor initiate others for either obliged, although it was decidedly not or to teach these mysteries, is no their intention, to do violence to the to learn slight crime ;| for ye initiated! wherefore, Scriptures, in order to be able to find in something which was entirely if these are honourable or useful things, them do ye shut yourselves up in deep dark- foreign to their nature. This would soon ness, and do service to three or four only, conduct them to a false Hermeneutic. when you might benefit all mankind, if And they became still more enamoured you would communicate in the market- of the character of this false Hermeneutic, places what might be of use to all, in or- while they were opposing anotlier and a der that all might be able to take a part in contrary false tendency of the theological a better and a happier life r" and religious mind among their countryIn order properly to judge of these men, which certainly contributed much Alexandrians, we must pay due regard to to render the Jewish religion contemptible There were their relation to the various parties, with in the eyes of the heathen. which ihey had to contend. On the one men who fancied that they were to underhand, they must defend their religion and stand, in a gross and sensual acceptation, its documents, which they constantly re- the things of the Spirit, which are regarded with reverence, against Jewish vealed under the covering of human lanand heathen scoffers. This apologetic guage, and hence degraded the spiritual strife might induce them to penetrate into the sensual; they lost themselves in more deeply into the essence of their petty refinements about the letter of the religion, and the spirit of their Old Scrip- Holy Scriptures, which they might have tures, while they endeavoured to oppose avoided, could they have perceived the the prejudices of the heathen against spirit in the letter; and while they did anthropopalhical them. Hence they might become more not distinguish the free in their own mode of thinking and images, in which Divine things were their own notions, from this very circum- brought down to man's understanding in stance, that tliey were obliged to take up the childhood of human nature, (and, to a strange position, and from that position say the truth, in regard to the Divine endeavour to contemplate the ideas of nature, we always remain, in this life, as children, we can only conceive, think, De victimas OfTeront. p. 56. and speak as children,) from the ideas This emphatic warning appears to indicate which are enveloped in these images, fthat already many of the Jews might have allowed they fell into many misconceptions of themselves to be seduced by the pomp of the myswhich belongs to God, teries. [There is an able chapter on the mysticism God, and of that of the Alexandrian school in Hcinroth's work on which were some of them injurious in a
it

to the hatred of tlie light,

incident to the mysteries.*

Mysticism. H.

J.

R.]

practical point of view.

These

are those

32
zealots,

DISPOSITION REQUIRED
"so*
conceited
at

BY THE SCRIPTURE.

their

own

hair-splitting in the literal interpretation

idolatry of sensuality, and the idolatry of reason that is left to itself, and gives

of Scripture," whose sensual anthropo- itself out as self-sufficing.* " Never must God and Divine we believe," says he, (de Somniis, 1111,) things, Philof so often combats. Op- " that man himself is in a condition to posing this sense-bound, literal mode of purify his life, which is full of stains, interpretation, the Alexandrians declared without God's grace." But, although it it the loftiest problem of interpretation, in cannot be denied that Philo points to the letter to recognise the hidden spirit, God as the source of enlightenment and and to free it from this covering. In sanctification, yet it is also certain that he order, however, said they, to be able to directs our attention more to the necessity perceive this spirit, we need a spiritual, of an illumination of the reason, than to religious habit of mind, capable of under- that of a complete practical change in the standing il, and akin to the Divine nature]]; heart; that he did not speak enough of and the errors of those sensuous interpre- the nature of this practical change, and ters of the Bible came from this very did not enough show that all illumination cause, that they are without this habit of in Divine matters can and must proceed mind, and are so utterly enthralled by only from practical grounds and tliis what is sensuous. It was certainly judi- deficiency is in exact harmony with that cious to call the attention of those sen- exclusively prevalent contemplative spirit suous-minded men, in the first instance, of his in religion, of which we shall to that which, within their own hearts, shortly have occasion to speak. opposed a right understanding of the Without that inward sense, indeed, enHoly Scriptures for they might be im- lightened through the Spirit of God, that pelled by this means to turn themselves Avjiich is Divine in the holy Scripture to the Spirit, "which maketh free," cannot be comprehended; but the enwhich alone was able to free their minds lightening by the Spirit of God by no from this veil. Philo was also well means excludes the use of those natural aware, that without being enlightened and human means, which are requisite to from a higher source, man can never the understanding of any writings whatarrive at understanding that which is ever, nor does it make them at all superDivine. He was far from the imagination, fluous; but, on the contrary, it rather sets that man could, by the employment of them forth as necessary conditions, behis own powers, purify that part of his cause the mind, enlightened by God's nature which is akin to the Divine, and Spirit, can then first rightly quicken and by that means alone, acquire for himself conduct the use of these human means. a knowledge of Divine things. " Every But to that carnal pride, which, with an movement of the spirit, (tending towards unenlightened mind, would think to have God,") says he, (de Migrat. Abraham 414,) eternal life in the bare letter of Scripture, " without divine grace, (aest; fisia? iiri(p^o- there was opposed another kind of pride, erv>ri<;,) is pernicious, and it is better to rewhich made little enough of the letter, main here below, and wander about amidst and which, by means of immediate illumortal life, like the rest of the human minations, expected to be able universally race, than wishing to raise ourselves up to understand the spirit of Scripture withto heaven, to fall by pride." [p. 283, Ed. out the use of natural and human means. Turneb.] Justly, indeed, does Philo re- This sort of pride, despising most haughtimark, that as man consists of spirit and ly the assistance and the rules of logical of sense, in regard to both of these, that and grammatical interpretation, was nethere are two kinds of that conceit which cessarily the source of much self-deceit, thinks it can dispense with God the and must have punished itself by itself. Where, through simple remarks on the Of TC pHTWC !r-<^//.T8WC trcpKTTM htM) T*C C?^Wf logical connection of the context, and iciiirrr-j.KOTi:. Dc Somniis, 580. through observance of the Hebrew-Greek
pathical representation of
;

f See for instance, de Plantat. Noe, 219, where, in spcakinc; of the representations such people fonn to tlicmselvcs from their sensual mode of inhe says, t^v
stfT/SV

idiom,

terpretin.t? Scripture,

uvSga-ri^cg^jv st/

Ti

KU

i.vBgUsr'j'Txfji;

TO

iW^.-yOtTOIt

tlKTi^UHC

many difficulties in the translation current at Alexandria, in which Philo read the Old Testament, might have been very easily removed, Philo overlooked the
simplest ways, and sought deep mysteries
*
CI

KU

OcrlCTilTOi

K'^MfiTll fXTyJMHV

L^nm

inBlTjUOTXTlt

ovru. fC^ufxitri.

^ By means

of the

vot^oi:

mtufxtTUiov in us,

we
ib.

T8 TUI VOV BlUffUTd,! KXt

TftlV

oLKTfjuO-iiey, 0

//8V

can understand the vwrcv, Biav, which is enveloped in the a.irBmiH, a-u^nuus of the Holy Scri^jturc.

ejtuviv, ci it ToujTitv 6e3-A.aoTM/cr.

De

Victim. Ofler

858.

; ;

NEEDLESS DREAD OP ANTHROPOPATHISM.

in places

33

where there was not the slight- of acknowledging an objective fact of deej) est trace of them.* And, therefore, as importiince for the development of the these Alexandrians did not show proper whole nature of man, in the symbolical
regard to the letter of the Scripture, as language of the ancient traditions, they they had no perception of the just rela- saw only a general idea clothed in a mystion of the spirit to the letter, tliey were tical dress. Here they considered tlie leton that account more likely to run the risk, ter of the narration only as a fable, entirely devoid of all historical truth (to of introducing into it a spirit f)Toi' (jLv^uhi ia-n, according to Philo.) foreign to its nature, but one by wliich And this they reconciled thus with their tlicy were captivated, in consequence of principles in order that spiritual men their peculiar philosophical habits of should not be induced to hold entirely by mind. Instead of constantly keeping close the bare letter, without searching for the to the practical aim of the theocratic plan idea enveloped in the covering of the let-

instead of deducing the spirit of Scripture

itself,

from

instead of forming
life,

men to a God-devoted of representing to them God as Crea-

tor,

Governor, and Law-giver; and instead

ter, some means of exciting their attention nmst be resorted to by scattering about a few places, in which the letter gives no

of referring every thing in Scripture to this, the highest aim of ihe Divine revelations, they attributed to them, as their highest purpose, one foreign to their nature, and borrowed from the Platonic pliilosophical religion namely, to impart general speculative ideas (t<x vorira.) to those who were capable of receiving them. They formed for themselves, in consequence, an idealism in Judaism, similar to that of the new Platonic school of religious philosophers in heathenism, except that they thoroughly recognised the difference between the historical part of the Old Testament and the myths of heathenism. Still they considered the historical part and the letter, only as a covering for those general ideas, which it was the
:

reasonable sense (ra

a.(po^jjLXi

ay.a.n^a.'Ka.

ta? y^*^*)?,

Ton

Tv(p\on;

rrjt

Stxytoy).

This

naturally admitted of a great laxity and caprice in its application, and might perliaps lead to this result, that
principle

every one would allow only exactly so of the Scripture to hold good, as he could comfortably reconcile with his own subjective habits of thought, although Philo was most undoubtedly very desirous to keep up all respect for the holy Scri{>ture. But this is the manner in which a speculative or contemplative pride pun-

much

ishes

itself,

which despises history and

it

the letter, while

fancies itself capable

of

knowing every thing a priori. Philo was perfectly right in combating

;

the sensuous anthropojmthism of those purpose of the Divine revelations Jewish rabbis but here, as it often hapto communicate to men of a spiritual turn pens, in avoiding one error, he fell into but yet they still altogether decided upon another of an opposite character, by misthe objective reality and truth of the his- taking and overlooking the objective and tory and the letter, and ascribed indeed to real truths, which were at the groundboth their use, as a means of moral and work of that anthropopat Ideal form, in religious improvement for those who were which they were delivered, a form neunable to lift themselves up to that height cessary, not only to the multitude, (rot; of speculation and contemplation. Only TroAAoj?) but to man as man, who can only in certain places, where they found things contemplate the Divine under the analogy, which they could not make to square with refined indeed and ennobled, but still the their religious philosophy, where they en- analogy, of the human. tered into controversy with the sensePhilo suggests the enquiry IIow can bound interpreters of the Bible, (who, it Moses attribute to God, who is far above must be confessed, by taking even the all parties and changes, anger, zeal, and minutest matters literally, fell into many other similar human things } and he anvery crude notions, as, for instance, in the swers Moses has Iiere, like a wise lawhistory of Paradise, and of the fall of man,) giver, let himself down so as to meet the they were unable to keep close to this wants of rude sense-led men, incapable general principle, that the Spirit always of tlie contemplation of pure tnith, who appeared clothed in a real body. Instead must at first be restrained from evil by the " Let all such perfear of punishment. A remarkable instance of this occurs in his sons, therefore," says he, " learn those treatise, Quis rcr. div. hxresl p. 492, (p. 3.34, Ed. Turneb.) where the phrase i^i-yvit t^co etrikes false things, by which they may be proPhilo, and he searches for a peculiar and profound fited, if they are unable to be amended by sense in the addition i^a>. truth ; for the most approved physicians
loftiest

34
tlare

THE HUMANIZING AND THE NOT-HUMANIZING SYSTEM.

liuman qualities are attributed to God, for
the advantage of those

not tell the truth to those who are dangerously ill, because they know that this will depress them, and the disease Philo here did not will gain strength."* remember, that the fear of punishment can at most only restrain the open outbreak of vice, while the man remains untouched by that true inward sanctification
of the heart, which religion is meant to Like those heathen Platonizers, he did not consider that the Old Testament notion of God's anger contains a great truth represented in human language, the truth of the reality of sin and guilt, the objective opposition of evil and God's holiness ; a truth to which the voice of the conscience bears witness in the soul of the philosopher, and of the man of highly cultivated mind in a human sense, as well as in the souls of the so-called uncultivated multitude. In the conscience of the philosopher, as well as in that of the despised multitude, the anger of God from heaven reveals itself on all unrighteousness of men (of which every one can find sufficient within himself,) who hold the truth in ungodliness ; and therefore,
impart.

men who

are to

be bettered, but are still incapable of pure spiritual contemplation (tt^o? ttiv rm woAAwr ^i^otjy.ccXiODi); in the other point of view, that of pure truth, all positive ideas are removed from the contemplation of God for spiritual men, who are capable of taking such a view. The being of God only, apart from all qualities, here becomes conceived by means of an immediate communion of the spirit with this great Being, and by means of an intellectual contemplation raised far above any
definite ideas.*

Philo, who explained himself (see above) so clearly against the mysteries, nevertheless brought himself here to distinguish two points of view in the knowledge of religion from each other, the
esoteric and the exoteric. There we find an intellectual intuitionj" of God's being, which raises itself above all syllogistic^ thought, and above all positive, historical revelation of God, but wliich is the first

there existed between these Idealists,

spiritualized every thing,
rialists,

who

thing that teaches us to recognise tlie inward sense of Scripture, which is enveloped in the symbol of the letter ; an allegorical interpretation of Scripture, pro-

and the Mateunderstood every thing in a sensuous manner, or, to use Philo's phrase, between the spiritual man and the man of mere sense, a controversy which never could be decided, because each stuck fast to his half-truth and to the errors which he had mixed up with it. The Idealists could not bear the representation of God according to our sense. The Materialists could not bear to dilute and wash away, as mere anthropopathism, that which there was of positive in their nolions, and which proved itself true in the very deepest foundations of their moral and religious conscience. Philo, therefore, came to this, that he opposed to each other two different methods of considering God and Divine matters, as taking their origin from two different points of view, namely, the humanizing, and not-humanizingi (or that in which God is represented as a man, and that in which he is not.) In the first, all

who

ceeding from this point of view; a love of the Most High for himself alone, for his overwhelming perfection, wliich can dispense with all other sources of religious amendment. Here we see an anthropopathical conception of God, as High represents himself to the the Most man of sense-led mind, by letting himself down to this point of view an adherence to the letter of Scripture, without being able to penetrate into its inward spirit; a carnal, literal interpretation of the Bible; the hope of reward, and the fear of punishment, as springs of action and of life
;

to

man.

These opinions, indeed, pushed to extremes, lead to this, that we are to consider positive religion merely as a

means

of instruction for the multitude, which the wise man may easily dispense with,

and which has no meaning as addressed

to him.

And

they were, in

fact, really

* OuJi/uit ra>v yfryonTotv iSit TigiSitKXcvTi to ov,

SiX\' exjfi.'ySitravTS;

uuro,

tto Tri-o-m

TrcKTinof -^txuv uvfv

Deum. immutab.
fxiv, cTt

p.

302, 303, (p. 204. ed.

yciejtx.ri:^i(

Tuv uTTJ^^it

K-Jc.r-jAxu&JnirB'*.!,

Turneh.)
cvS^amc o esc, Irfpcv ii. In if (;v6ga)T5f 1. c. p. 301. (p. 204, ed Turneb.) Philo thought he found these two difierent methods in Nuinb. xxiii. 19, compared with Deuteronomy the same dilTercnce which later Christian i. 31: mystics made between a Sahoyix CTrcp^riKH, and a
j" '.v

ou^

J,c

/acvx [An-ichauurig. the second part of

iivJU pav,T5t<ri*v
j-

evfefs^iVTc, y.h

thy kxtu. to /w.^pKruvn; auto.

to

See Translator's Preface

this

work.

H.

J.

[Difikursive.

as

^ According to Iv, the </t xxta4'>

CK

See Preface. H. .1. K.] Philo the knowlcdi^e of the

'''"' '>"'''f
>

cr

'*'^''

^^^^

knowuloi

ledge of the
yTjf,

also in the Atjo?,

makes us

tm

flKAiJ/** K-i.Tip*TflUI.

and

uiot

tcu Aey^v.


ULTRA IDEALISTS

THE SECT OF
contrary,

THERAPEUT^.

35

pushed to extremes by many at Alexan'" The observance of outward wordria. ship," they said, "belongs to the multitude; we, who know that all is only the symbolic garb of spiritual truth, we have all and quite sufiicient in the contemplation of this truth, and need not to trouble ourselves about the outward part of religion." But the more moderate, like Philo, by means of the pure feelings of humanity within them, by their desire after religious Cdininunion, and by their reverence for the law of Moses, and the dealings of God with their people, were held back from this
violent contrast to the religion of the peo-

became distracted, or it was wounded by some impure impression. At times, however, in the
either

my spirit

midst of thousands, I find myself alone, while God represses the tumult of the soul, and teaches me, that it is not the difference of place which creates evil or good, but that it depends on God, who leads the ship of the soul whither he will." Philo felt it necessary, as he considered the union of the contemplative and of the practical life the loftiest purpose of human nature, to caution men against a partial

Philo says of those stricter and more violent Idealists, " As if they lived for themselves alone in the desert, or as if they were souls without bodies, and knew nothing of social intercourse, they despise the faith of the multitude, and are willing only to investigate pure truth, as it is in itself, and yet the word of God ought to teach them to strive after a good name among the people, and not to violate prevailing customs, which godly men, of a higher grade than we are, have established. As men must provide for the body, which is the house of the soul, so also must they for the observance of the letter of the law. If we keep this, that also of
ple.

He over-estimate of the contemplative.* was obliged even then to speak against those who, either from laziness or vanity,
had
retired

into the

life

of ascetics and

hermits, and
later Christian

hid

their

inward baseness

under the appearance of holiness, like the monks. (De Profugis, 455. " Truth may, indeed, p. 309, ed. Turn.)

with justice blame those who leave the occupations and trades of civil life without having tried them in their own persons, and then say, that they have despised honour and pleasures. They pretend that they despise the world, but they despise A slovenly appearance and a it not. crabbed look, a strict and sparing life, they use as baits, as if, forsooth, they were friends of strict manners and self-comwhich the letter is the symbol becomes mand but they are unable to deceive deep clearer, and we escape, at the same time, observers, who can look at what is within, blame and reproaches from the people."* and who do not suffer themselves to be dePhilo It was natural enough, that this prevailing ceived by superficial appearances." contemplative telidency of the religioiis wished that only those who had been spirit should at the same time introduce proved by active virtue in civil life, should in Egypt, (afterwards the native land of pass over to the contemplative, just as the the anchorite and monkish habits among Levites were not allowed to leave the Christians,) the formation of thensophic active service of the Temple before their and ascetic societies, which withdrew fiftieth year. themselves from the world. Philo himOne particular phenomenon, which reself relates that, in order to collect him- sulted from this theosophico-ascetic spirit self within more still and undisturbed, he among the Alexandrian Jews, was the had often withdrawn into the desert, but sect of the Therapeut2e.| Their head;

that he had learned

man does

by experience, that not become free from the world, which he carries about within him, by an
outward withdrawal from it; nay, that just exactly in outward Solitude, where the lower powers of human nature are unemployed, it has from that very cause more power to distract and afflict him.
Let us hear his
B.
II. p.

*
j-

De

Decalogo, p. 760.

sion

[The reader will find a most elaborate discuson this subject (or rather on the Essenes in

general) by Salinasius, in his edition of Solini Polyhir.tor, vol. i. p. 610; and in Calmct's Diet,

The head-quarof the Bible, Art. Therapeutic. ters of the Therapeutffi arc here placed near the
lake Mocri'5.

The word

in

German

is

Moris-see,

own
i.

words.

(Leg. Allcgor.
edition.)

81, vol.

Mangey's

"

often left relations, friends, and country, and retired into the desert, that I might
raise

which, as far as I can see from Mannert (Geographic dcr Griechen und Riimer,) can only be so From Brucker, Hist. Philosoph, vol. translated.
ii, p. 780, and from the original passage in Philo de Vita Contem|)lativa, p. 892, (or in Mangey's Edit, vol. li. p. 784, and Turneb, p. 611,) I am inclined to believe lliat the spot was on the marshy

myself
I

but in this

worthy contemplations; did not succeed ; and, on the

to
Migrat. Abrah, 402.

'

lake of Mareatis,

which was close

to Alexandria.

De

'

H.

J. R.]


36

CARNAL MIND OF THE JEWS AND CHRISTIANITY.

1

quarters were at no great distance from Therapeutae had spread much among the Alexandria, in a quiet pleasant spot on Hellenes and the Barbarians, is well the shores of the Lake Moeris, where worthy of remark, not as if the members they lived, like the anchorites in later pe- of this particular sect of Therapeuta; had riods, shut up in separate cells, (o-i/LivEfotj, been thus dispersed, but as if that general

and employed themselves in nothing but prayer, and the contemplaAn allegorical intion of Divine things. terpretation of Scripture was the foundation of their speculations, and they had old theosophical writings which gave them They lived only on bread and this turn. water, and accustomed themselves to fastThey only ate in the evening, and ing. many fasted for several days together. They met together every Sabbath-day, and every seven weeks they held a still more solemn assembly, because the number seven was peculiarly holy in their esThey then celebrated a simple timation. love-feast, consisting of bread with salt and hyssop: theosophical discussions were lield, and the hymns, which they had from their old traditions, were sung; and amidst
Ixo^xa-TvpiOK;^)

theosophical and ascetic disposition, from which theTherapeutaj derived their origin, had many supporters among the Jews in ftlany of the seven Jewother districts,
ish sects,
us,
this

may

whose names only remain to have derived their origin from

very disposition.

from this representation of the religious tendencies of the Jews, we attempt to deduce the result which they would give, as to the reception of Christianity, we shall immediately observe, that with the greater part of the Jewish people, the
If,

most serious obstacles

to their capability

of receiving the Gospel, arose from their carnal disposition, which was anxious to use the heavenly as a means of obtaining the earthly, from the want of an heartfelt
thirst for

moral and religious things, and

choral songs, mystical dances, bearing re- from their reliance on tiieir unalienable ference to the wonderful works of God birth-right, as the children of Abraham with the fathers of their people, were according to the flesh, and on the merits continued to a late hour in the night. and sanctifying power of their ceremonial

Many men

It might easily happen, that where of distinguished learning have law. considered this sect as nothing but an men of this cast, moved by some momenoffset of the Essenes, trained under the tary impressions, embraced Christianity, peculiar influence of the Egyptian spirit. they should err again in their faith, and But there was no such connexion between fall away again from Christianity, because these two sects, that we should necessa- they did not find their carnal expectations rily conclude the one to have been out- instantly realised, and because, with their wardly derived from the other. We do carnal hearts, they were unable to receive not knovv that the Essenes extended be- the witness of the Spirit for Jesus, as the yond Palestine, and the origin of the Messiah. And, even if they remained Therapeutic sect may very fairly be de- outwardly Christians, they were never duced from the peculiar theosophico-as- taken by the true spirit of the Gospel; cetic disposition of the Egyptian Jews. they conceived Christianity itself in a It has, however, been attempted to sup- carnal manner, mixing it up with all their port this derivation of the one from the Jewish imaginations, and they made other, from the sameness in the meaning merely a new sort of opus operalum of of their names, by deriving the Essenes faith in Christ, without its having any in-

from the Chaldaic tDXi vhysician^

;

ference to the healing either of the

inward life. These were Martyr says, in his or of the soul, or both and Pliilo him- Dialogue with Trypho, deceived themself deduces the name of the Therapeutte selves, by supposing that, even though from the Gs^awaa td? ^J'l'x^5?. although cer- they were sinnprs, yet if they merely actainly the other derivation, which Philo knowledged God,* the Lord would not gives, is more consonant to the Alexan- this sort, which arc synonymous Tiiio( ^ifixvairouv, drian theosophic idiom, namely, from yivo; iKiTixcv, ry&oc op-JLTlnov, o i^^cuiK Jvw isgav toy De Victijn. Offerentib. 854. "Jkstsu x.m Bi^stee;i'. fis^aweta tow so-j. the truz Spiritual worTTwrat Tou oyTO!; iym. De Monarchia, 816. 'Avship of God^ making them thus, fisgawifthe worshippers Ta Tof Qtov TOW oTo? Dc Decalogo, 7C0. Ol ncKK-i x^V^ <ppxo-svTK
in re-

fluence on body men who,

their

as Justin

tyia-ity rev fiiov 6sganien who dedicate TAK dKX^K Tre-xyuiTilMi, Lib. iii. dc Vita Mosis, 681. To fis^atheir whole lives to the worship of God 3-6.* eiyj. TrarMcv auTcu (t/ kw) y&o;. in the spirit, and to the contemplation of * ISome such pretended acknowledgment of God, God.* What Philo says, that the sect of as that against wliich St. John contends in bis

of God, xar'

i^ox,*!*-,

c,Ttt.\i

We frequently find

in Philo expressiomi of

first

Epistle.

SADDUCEEISM

PHARISAISM

ESSENISM.

37

impute their sins to them, the hypocrites ajrainst whom St. Paul often speaks, and the mere professors of Christianity, such as we find in the churches to which St. James wrote. It was from this cause that, as Justin Martyr (Apol. II. p. 88, or

systems, we cannot think of any mixture If it of Sadducee and Christian notions. be suggested tliat such a mixture may have taken place in certain opponents of the doctrine of the resurrection in the apostolic age, we must say that this has been Apol. I. 68. ed. Grabe,) says, Chris- supposed without sufficient reason, betianity found more and more faithful con- cause the appearance which it attempts to

verts (irXtioj x (x\n^taTt(;ov; X^Krrmt,- account for may be deduced from totally ov{) among the multitude of the heathens, different grounds.* With the Pharisees, in general, the obwho had less grounds for religious trust,

and with

whom

Christianity

must have

stacles to

an acceptance of the Gospel,

utterly contradicted all their then notions

were

their pride, their belief in their

own

of religion, than it did among the multitude of the Jews. There were, however, as the Gospel history tells us, many upright men, many who, although they expected in the Messiah the founder of a visible kingdom which should appear with outward tokens, yet had a purely spiritual notion of the happiness of this kingdom, and thought its happiness would consist

righteousness, and their want of sincerity. must here accurately distinguish between the two classes of Pharisees which

We

we remarked
though
they

above. To those who, aldeceived themselves, did

really strive, in

holiness, at length

some sense, truly after some light of the Spirit

an inward communion with God, and dominion of good men who acknowledged, that a general purification and the healing of moral evil must precede the foundation of this kingdom, and they expected these effects from the Messiah. Such hearts might in Jesus recognise that Son of God, whom they longed for, and once given up to Him, might be
in

the universal

made free by the influence of his Spirit. And those also, in whom a carnal mind
prevailed,

and yet not to the utter extinccapability of higher impres-

might make plain the nothingness of those means, by which they sought to attain it, the covering of their inward corruption might disappear before the power of truth, and their desire after holiness might now become a road to lead them to Christianity. The painful struggle, which St. Paul describes, from his own experience, in the seventh chapter of the Episde to the Romans, might be gone through by them, and bring them into a stedfast quietness But those Pharisees, who came of belief. over to Christianity without any such excitement of the inward man, might fall
into the temptation of melting down and uniting their former Pharisaic notions with Christianity, and not recognise Jesus as their Redeemer, in the full sense of the

tion of all

whom hitherto there had only been wanting the means of awakening moral and religious desires, might be led to the Son by the hand of the Father, when they had once seen before them the visible coming of the Son of God and had heard his voice, or even if He spoke to them by the preaching of the Gospel and thus, as without their seeing Him they received the Son without prejudices, their whole habits of thought and their heart might then be spiritualised.
sions, those in
;

term, because they still trusted in their righteousness of works. Among the Essenes and other similar mystics, the striving after inward religion might lead them to Christianity, but yet
in

contemplative life they would, take the appearance for the and think they had more than they really had ; moving round and round When we estimate the effects of the in one narrow circle of ideas and feelings, different habits of thought among the Jew- they were likely to mistake the true busiish theologians, we find that the Gospel ness and the true wants of their nature, could not find any point of union with a and to reject all which did not suit that system like Sadduceeism, a cold system, narrow circle, or which threatened to take which, sliut up within itself, extinguished them out of it. To become poor in spirit all desires of a more lofty nature. The Gos- was often for men like these the hardest
their

perhaps,
reality,

might, indeed, work its way to man, trial, for it compelled them to renounce even through the covering of Sadduceeism, the belief they cherished of their own inThey just as elsewhere but then the conversion tellectual and spiritual perfection. must have been one wliich his previous
pel
;

habits had

no share

that account, since

point of transition

in preparing, and, on no point of union, no appears between the two

The intermixture of certain philosophic or theosophic notions of the Jews or Greeks witli the Gospel.

38
were the nouncing
their

ALEXANDRIAN GNOSIS AND CHRISTIANITY.

less able to

determine on re- gives us an instance, how the religious outward demeanour and notions of Alexandria might become a observances, because these were closely point of communication and prove a means connected with their whole mystical re- of conversion to Christianity. There were and men of such sects, in these notions many other religious ideas, ligious system although their inward religious feelings which would be realized by Christianity. might be attracted by Christianity, would But just as the religious idealism of the find it hard to practise such self-denial as Alexandrian school might be attracted by utterly to renounce the whole of their that which is ideal in Christianity, so also former notions, and entirely give them- on the other hand, the diminution of the selves up to the new birth under the Gos- realistic principle in their religion might pel. A kind of mixture of their earlier hinder the reception of the Gospel. They theosophy with the simple truths of had no expectation* of a personal Messiah, Christianity might easily take its rise which had disappeared even among many among them and be the source of many other Jews, who had received an Hellensects which adulterated Christianity, the istic education, like Josephus, and there seeds of which we see already alluded to was wanting, therefore, an essential ground With those in the Epistle of St. Paul to the Colos- for Christianity to fasten on. of the Alexandrian school, as with those sians, and in the Pastoral Epistles. Among the Alexandrian Jews the re- mystics, it might happen, that in their ception of the Gospel was not hindered proud religious philosophy they shut by the political and temporal expectation themselves up against all new religious of the Messiah, nor by many other pre- impressions, and by their partial, contemjudices which prevailed among the other plative, and speculative disposition of the Jews. We must not, however, imme- heart and spirit, deceiving themselves diately conclude that these Alexandrian about the true condition and the real wants Jews were free from all the common of their nature, they tried to become poor Jewish expectations, however much these in spirit. It might, therefore, happen that expectations were spiritualized by them. although men of this cast were attracted Even Philo believed that the Temple of by what Christianity offers of an ideal Jerusalem, and the temple worship, were kind, they could not conquer themselves destined to remain for ever.* Even Philo so as to become simple and single-hearted believed, that had the Jews once turned through Christianity and in Christianity. to God in any signal manner, they would They wished to melt down their religious have been at once, by a miracle from philosophy and amalgamate it with Chrisheaven, brought back from all the people tianity they wished, even in Christianity, among whom they had been scattered to keep their own superiority, and to inand prisoners, and that tlien, in virtue of troduce into the Christian Church the distheir piety, which would command re- tinction between an esoteric and exoteric verence, they would remain unattacked religion, against which the very essence by their enemies or victorious over them, of the Gospel, uniting all men through the and that a golden age would come forth communion of a higher life, entirely profrom Jerusalem. The spiritual tendency tests, a distinction which afterwards beof their religious feelings might here make came the source of so many errors. Thus men more capable of accepting Christian- in the spiritual and idealistic, as well as in ity, and Christianity might engraft itself the carnal and realistic, spirit of this age, on their attempts to oppose the carnal and we cannot but observe many obstacles to literal interpretation of the Bible, and to pe- Christianity, and many grounds for it to netrate its inward sense and spirit. Chris- work upon, and also many causes which tianity might announce itself as Gnosis, threatened to adulterate its purity by the which had first unfolded the true spirit of admixture of sti'anger elements. Among the wonderful dealings of God, the Old Testament. Christianity showed that the golden age which tlie Alexandrian by which the coming of Christianity was expected, had already appeared prepared, must be placed the spreading Jews in spirit, and being prepared in spirit, of the Jews among the Greeks and RoThose among them who belonged Avould at some time or other appear also mans. openly to their view. The letter of an to the Pharisees gave themselves much Alexandrian Jew, converted to Christian* We are" not, however, justified in concluding ity, which has been ascribed to Barnabas,
; ; ;

that

De

Monarchia, 822,

all the Jews of the Alexandrian school thought with Philo on this subject.

PROSELYTES OF THE GATE.

and the loss of respect for the old popular religion, and the unsatisfied religious wants of multitudes, furtliered tlieir views. Reverence for the national God of the Jews, as a mighty Being, and reverence for the secret sanctuary of the splendid Temple of Jerusalem, had long gained admittance among the heathen. Jewish GoetcC (enchanters, jugglers, Stc.,) permitted themselves to make use of a thousand acts of delusion, in which they were very skilful, to make an impression of astonishment on the minds of those around them. Confidence in Judaism had in consequence made such wide progress, especially in large capital towns, that the Roman writers in the time of the first emperors openly complain of it, and Seneca in his book upon superstition, said of the Jews " The conquered have given laws to the conquerors."* The Jewish proselyte-makers, blind leaders of the blind, who had themselves no conception of the real nature of religion, could give to others no insight into it. They often allowed their converts to take up a kind of dead monotheism, and merely exchange one kind of superstition for another they taught them, that by the mere outward worship of one God, and outward ceremonials, they were sure of the grace of God, without requiring any change of life, and they gave to them only new means of silencing their conscience, and new support in the sins which they were unwilling to renounce and hence our Saviour reproached these proselyte-makers, that they made their
trouble to obtain proselytes
,

39
all

mer

often

embraced

the fanaticism

and

superstition

of the Jews, and allowed themselves to bo blindly led by their

Jewish teachers. The more difficult it had been to them, to subject themselves to the obserA'ance of the Jewish ceremonial law, necessarily so irksome to a Greek or a Roman, the less could they
find
this
it

in their hearts

to believe, that all

had been

in vain, that they

had ob-

no advantage by it, and must renounce their presumed

tained

that they

What
Dial,

holiness. Justin Martyr says to the Jews,

cum Tryph.
:

these proselytes

350, holds good of " The proselytes not

only do not believe, but they calumniate the name of Christ twice as much as you, and they wish to murder and torture us who believe on Him, because they are desirous to resemble you in every thing." The proselytes of the gate, on the contrary, had taken many of the most admirable truths out of Judaism, Avithout becoming entirely Jews, they had become
acquainted with the Holy Scriptures of the Jews, they had heard of the promised messenger from God, of the king armed Avith power from God, of whom a report had been spread, as Suetonius says in the life of Vespasian, c. iv., over the Avhole of the East. Much of that which they had heard from their JcAvish teachers, Avhose writings they had read, had remained dark to them, and they Avere still to seek in them. By the notions Avhich they had received from the Jcavs, of one God, of the Divine government of the Avorld, of God's judgment, and of the Messiah, they Avere more prepared for tlie Gospel than other heathens, and because they still thought that they had too little, because they had no determined religious system, and Avere curious after more insti-uction in Divine things, and because they had not received many of the prejudices Avhich SAvayed the JeAvs ; they Avere more fitted to receive the Gospel than many of the JcAVS. From the very beginning they must have been attentive to the preaching of the Gospel, Avhich secured to them, Avithout making them Jews, a full share in the fulfilment of those promises, of Avhich the Jews had spoken to them. To these
proselytes of the gale, (the
o>, the E^ai/3tf of the
(pcBoviJuvoi rot

iiell,

converts ten times more the children of But than they themselves Avere. we must here accurately distinguish beproselytes. The tween the two classes of proselytes in the strict sense of the word, the proselytes of righteousness, who un-

circumcision and took upon themselves the whole of the ceremonial law, were very different from the proselytes of the gate, who only bound themselves to renounce idolatry, to the Avorship of the one God, and to abstinence from all heathenish excess, as well as from every thing which appeared to have any connexion with idolatry .| The for-

derwent

New Testament,)

Victoribus victi leges dederunt.

} The so-called seven precepts of Noah. [Some remarks on the precepts of Noah will be found in
Dr. Lardner's Remarks on Dr. Ward's Dissertations. Dr. Lardner contends that there Was only one kind of Proselytes. Lardner's Works, in 4to,
vol. V.

passed, therefore, according to the Acts, the preaching of the Gospel, when it had been rejected by the blinded Jews ; and here the seed of the Divine Avord found a fitting soil in hearts desirous of holiness.

H.J. R.]

There were, hoAvever, doubtless, among

40
tlie

THE PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY.

the safe side, whether power and truth lay with the Jews or the heathens, sometimes worshipped in the synagogue of Jehovah,

proselytes of the gate, some who, wanting in proper earnestness in their

search after religious truth, only desired, in every case, an easy road to heaven, which did not require any self-denial; and who, in order to be sure of being on

sometimes in the temples of the gods, and who, therefore, fluttered in suspense between Judaism and heathenism.*

SECTION
I.

I.

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF CHRISTIANITY WITH REGARD TO THE UNBELIEVING WORLD.

II. Jl

Propagation of Christianity. general view of the Propagation of Christianity, of the ohstarles which opposed and of the means and causes by which it was furthered.
decidedly with
all

it,

Christiaxity, being in its nature only a spiritual religion and only the establishment of a kingdom which is not of this world, is by no means necessarily de-

that
all

is

mankind, and with nexion and relation

that has

ungodly in any con-

to ungodliness. Chris-

tianity declared itself as a

power which

pendent on any outward worldly circum- should work a reformation in man, and stances. It can, therefore, find equally form his character anew, Avhile the world free access to men living under institu- endeavoured to maintain its old ungodly tions and notions the most widely differ- ways. The old man struggled every ent, and incorporate itself with them, where against the new creation, and to provided they contain nothing which is this did the saying of Christ relate I immoral. This peculiar character of came not to send peace upon the world, Christianity must always render its pro- but a sword," the sword of the Spirit pagation more easy wherever, as in its and history has fully verified this proearlier days, the preachers of the Gospel, phecy in the workings of Christianity well aware of its spiritual nature, abstain among mankind. Christianity, from its from intermeddling in the affairs of this very beginning, was opposed on many
'' :

world.
enter in
tions,

That Christianity
all

is

calculated to
life

points to the prevailing opinions, as well

as to many of the ruling customs and inand yet raise man by its spiritual clinations, which the spirit of a holy reliinfluence above the affairs in which he is gion could not tolerate. Besides this, the engaged, is expressly stated by a Christian* Pagan state-religion was so closely interof the early part of the second century, woven with civil and social life, that when speaking of the life of his fellow whatever attacked the state-religion must

earthly forms of

and

rela-

Christians.

*'

The

Christians," says he,

necessarily

come

into hostile contact with

"are not separated from other men, either the different relations of civil and social in their earthly abode, nor by language, life. This struggle might indeed have nor customs they never inhabit separate been partially avoided, had the early towns, they use no peculiar speech, no Church, like the Churches of later days, They dwell in the been inclined to humour the world, had singular mode of life. towns of Greeks, or of Barbarians, just as they at least accommodated themselves to chance has assigned their abode, and in- the prevailing manners, even when opasmuch as they follow the customs of the })osed to Christianity, merely to obtain country with regard to raiment, food, and more followers. But the first Christians other such matters, they show a temper were far more inclined to a haughty aboand conduct M'hich is wonderful and re- mination of every thing heathen, and even markable to all men. They obey the ex;

isting laws, nay, they

laws by their

triumph over the * Such were the persons painted by Commoconduct." But as dianus in his Instructiones, the inter utrumque Christianity incorporates itself with every viventcs. Iiiler utrumque putans dubie vivendo ravere thing that is pure in human nature, so Nudntus a lege decrepitus hixu proccdis? must it, on the contrary, struggle most Quid in synagogo decurris ad Pharisffios, lU tibi misericors fiat, quern dcnegas ultro?

own

The

author of the

letter to

Diognetua.

Exis inde

foris

iterum tu fana requiris.

RELIGION OP
of that which had merely an apparent connexion wilh Paganism, than to any thing like a lax accommodation; and certainly, for the preservation of the purity, both of Christian life and doctrines, any excess on this side was far safer than on

THE

SPIRIT.

41

Plutarch justly makes use of the saying of Heraclitus about the dreamers of the night, " They found themselves awake in open day, in a world of their own :" a world which was closed to all beams of reason and truth. Men of carstition,

The religion, then, which had combat such deep-rooted notions and manners, which threatened to shake to pieces that which was fast and firmly esthis religion, tablished by its antiquity, I say, came from a people, despised for it the most part by the civilized world
the other.
to

nal minds,

with their

who wished to see their gods own eyes, who had been ac-

-,

to carry about with them their gods, either in signets or in little images, to which they generally attributed the power of amulets , how often did men of this stamp cry out to tlie Christians,

customed

found,

at

first,

its

readiest

acceptance "
this

among

the lower classes

and

was

this

of itself a sufficient reason to the

Romans

and the Greeks, proud as they were of their superior cultivation, to look down with contempt upon it. They recognised as yet nothing but the superstition of THE PEOPLE, and the religion of the PHILOSOPHER. How could, then, man have hoped, in those days, to learn more
in the

us your God !" and to men like a spiritual religion, which brought with it no worship, no temples, no victims, no images, and no altars, appeared so bare and cold, that the heathen often made it a matter of bitter reproach. There was, however, as we have above remarked, a spirit of inquiry, and of longing after new communications of heaven, shed abroad in this century ; with all the

Show

market-places than in the schools obstinate clinging to the old religion, there Celsus,* the first were yet maniibld capacities at Jiand for of the philosophers ? writer against Christianity, makes it a new religious impressions. But this longmatter of mockery, that labourers, shoe- ing, which hardly well acquainted with makers, farmers, the most uninformed and its own objects and aim, was only led by clownish of men, should be zealous the blind impulse of feeling, might easily preachers of the Gospel, and that they be deceived, and easily be the occasion of Celsus, indeed, (especially the first) chiefly addressed every kind of delusion.

themselves to

women

and children.

Of already imagined

that

he could
time so

illustrate

a religion for all mankind, these persons,

the rapid propagation of Christianity from the fact, that in this

proud of their have nothing

ever.

own civilization, who would in common with the mass

many

en-

chanters,

(Goeten,

of the people, had no conception what- endeavoured to was their constant reproach of supernatural powers, found a ready It against Christianity, that it required only belief among many, and for the moment belief (wkttjv t^Xoyot ;) they de- excited a great sensation, which of course a blind manded philosophical grounds for what soon subsided again. There was, however, as Origen justly represented in reply was said.
to Celsus, a great difl^erence in tlie manIt may, perhaps, be urged, that the old popular religions had been already once ner which those persons used, from that shaken by the assault of unbelief and had made use of by the preachers of the Gos-

Greek TorTat,) who deceive by the exhibition

now
some

lost all their authority.

There

is

pel.

Those
upon

but on the other hand, we must consider well that men liad betaken themselves, Avith a renewed fanaticism, to their old religions, and hence arose the bloody combat for their maintenance. The cruel rage of the populace against the Christians, bespeaks decidedly a religious character among the
truth in
this
;
,

inclinations of

deceivers flattered the sinful men, and forming, them-

selves

their then habits of thinking,

they required no sacrifices from their followers of any thing dear to them. On the contrary, he who, in the earlier ages, would become a Cliristian, must tear himself away from many of his darling passions, and be ready to sacrifice every thing people and probably superstition, called for his faith. TertuUian* says, that more forth bv the opposition of scepticism, now persons were deterred from embracing more than ever ruled tlie people, and Christianity from fear of losing their plea.some portion of the educated world. sures, than from the danger with which With regard to the greater part ot persons their life was threatened. The influence in those days under the influence of super- which such enchanters exerted on the
In Origen,
c.

Cels. III. 149.

De

Spectaculis,

c. 2.

d2

42

HEALING THE POSSESSED

IMPOSTURES.

evil spirits ;) but to turn to people, was a new obliged the Almighty God, and to trust in Him, It was ration of Christianity. now to reach the hearts and spirits of who alone can help. He hears those men, tliroiigh the delusions with which who pray to Him in the name of Him by these iniposters had invested the con- whom He has redeemed the world from The Christian introduces no magic science of man ; the examples of a Simon sin. Magus, and Elynias, an Alexander of formulae, no amulets ; but, calling on God us how this sort of through Christ, he lays his hand on the Abonoteichos, show men opposed the reception of Christian- head of the sick man, in firm and faithful Visible miracles were needed to de- reliance on his Saviour. The sick man ity. tach persons from the influence of such is healed, and the cure of his body leads

hindrance to the ope- the hands of

deceptions, to arrest their attention, and to make them capable of higher impressions.
viii.)

to that of his soul.

There were

besides,

in these times of ferment,

when

the bonds

The examples from

the Acts, (ch.

of the manner in which the disciples

of spiritual and moral life were torn in sunder, a multitude of persons, sick in

of Simon Magus were withdrawn from him, and from ch. xiii., of the way in which the conversion of Sergius Paulus was prepared so many proofs from the Acts, of the means by which the attention of the superstitious multitude was attracted to the preachers of the Gospel, prove clearly, that the miracles efiected what the inward power of the Holy Word, for Avhich these miracles first paved the way to men's hearts, never could have effected or at least, not so quickly, without
;

body and in mind, who found their inward spirits utterly convulsed persons felt themselves seized by a strange power, to which their wills were subjected, and blindly impelled hither and thither, they were agitated by an anxiety of which they could give no just account. All the

who

powers, therefore, of darkness and destruction

the
all

would bestir themselves, where power of healing godliness ought to

the aid of these miracles.

Through

these

signs and tokens, for a time, the Spirit of God supported the preaching of the

Gospel, and many thus were conducted through outward things to inward things, and through the Corporeal to the Spiritual. The Fathers often appeal to such appearances in the language of truth, and even before heathens themselves and even he who discriminates the fact from tlie views with which it is brought forward, must nevertheless recognise its existence and its influence on the consciences of men. It is, therefore, undeniable, that the spreading of the Gospel furthered by such means. was Let us represent to ourselves some of these circumstances, in lively connection with the nature and circumstances of those times. A Christian meets with an unhappy man, blindly possessed by the superstitions of lieathenism, who, being sick in body and mind, has in vain hoped to obtain a cure, both in the temple of ^sculapius, where so many expected a cure by means of dreams sent by the god of health,* and from the multifarious incantations and amulets of the heathen priests and dealers in enchantment. The Christian exhorts him no longer to seek for help from feeble and dead gods ; (or, according to the then prevalent opinion of Christians, at
;

and distraction in man's nature, with terrible consequences, would naturally there ensue, and rise to the highest pitch, where in man's nature, the peace of heaven, which brings all things into harmony, ought to be revealed. The unhappy man believed himself possessed by evil spirits, and it was then the usually received opinion, that they were the cause of such convulsions. There were many among the heathens and Jews, who pretended, through the means of incense, annointings, simples, amulets, and invoenter,
its

cations of the evil spirits, in enigmatical

See the Orations of Aristides.

high-sounding forms of words, to to exorcise them. Sometimes such means as had a natural efficacy in healing, sometimes such as, through power over the imagination, which has such influence in these cases, cured the patient of his fancy for the moment, or repressed it by promises for the future. In every case these people only did injury, while they strengthened men in their superstition, and in their whole course of ungodly existence while they fought against the kingdom of lies only by the power of lies, and drove out one evil spirit by another. Their imposture was unable to touch the inward source of evil, which lay deeper, and by which alone any real cure could be eflected. Our Saviour said of such cases " How shall one go into a strong man's house and rob him of his goods, unless he first bind the strong man, and then rob his

and
be

able


FACTS FROM THE FATHERS.
house ?"*

43

such exor- dically and completely, that those purified cists then obtained, we may judge from from evil spirits often become, afterwards, the tlianks which Marcus Aurelius ofiers themselves believers and members of tlie uj) to the gods, because he had been community; otiiers heal the sick by the Already have many taught by a philosopher not to trust those laying on of hands. tales of incantations and exorcisms which even been raised from the dead, and rewere related of miracle workers and mained among us a tolerable number of An unhappy man of this kind, years. There are innumerable operations Gcetaj-t after seeking help in vain at the hands of grace, which the Church has received all over the world from God, and daily of these impostors, comes to a Christian the Christian considers him possessed, brings forth for the advantage of the heaby no means called then, in the name of Jesus Christ, who and feels himself upon to inquire more precisely into the was crucified under Pontius Pilate, while lie knows it deludes no one, and seeks no gain; for actual cause of the malady. that his Redeemer had overcome the as it has received freely from God, so does power of the prince of this world, and it freely give. It performs nothing by the that to him all the powers of evil must invocation of angels, nothing through yield, in what way soever they show spells and other evil arts, but purely and themselves. He calls upon him, and on openly, (not with hidden arts and secret
credit
;

How much

the

power of

the

Holy

Spirit

which

is

in

mysteries, as those GcEta3 do,)

its

it ofl"ers

up

His prayer, which calls down the power of Heaven, works deeply on the Inward distracted heart of the patient. peace follows the turbulent tide which agitated him within ; and, conducted by this experience of the influence of Christianity on himself to a belief in it, he becomes now, in every sense, for the first time freed from evil spirits, and healed through the enlightening and healing power of truth so thoroughly and forever, that the evil spirit returns not to his house, to find it swept and garnished for

him.

prayers to him, who has created all things, while it calls on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ." Origen considered these manifestations of supernatural power necessary, especially for {]\Q first foundation of the Church.
(See Origen c. Celsum, lib. viii. edit. Hoe" It is more," says he, schel. p. 420.)* '^ through the power of miracles than

through exhortation, that

men became
:

in-

clined to leave the religion of their counfor if we try, and to take a foreign one

judge from probability, taking into account

the education of the
first

him.

Church commu-

We may now

introduce

some remark-

able intimations from the Fathers of this age relative to such facts. Justin Martyr, in his first Apology, (I. 45) says to the heathen, " That the reign of evil spirits

scarcely credible that the apostles of Jesus, unlearned and ignorant men, should have relied on any thing else, in
nity,
it is

their

preacliing of Christianity to

kind, than on the

manpower which was be-

has been destroyed by Jesus Christ, you stowed upon them, and the grace of God, might ascertain from what liappens before which accompanied their preaching ; nor your own eyes ; for many of our people, that their hearers should have suffered of us Christians, have healed, and still themselves to be detached from the habits heal, many possessed by evil spirits in the of their country, deeply rooted in them whole world, as well as in your city l)y the revolution of ages, had not a com(Rome,) adjuring them by the name of manding might and miracles, entirely opJesus Christ, whom Pontius Pilate cruci- posed to those things among which they fied; and these were persons who could had been educated, induced them to beAnd in the seventh receive no relief whatever from all other come disciples." exorcists." Irenaeus says, (adv. Hair. lib. book of this work, he says also, "y In the '' ii. c. 22) In the name of Jesus Christ, his first times of the teaching of Jesus, and true disciples, who have received grace after his ascension, more visible tokens of

from him, work for the good of other men, the operations of the Holy Spirit were reaccording as each has received the gifts vealed, and in later days fewer. Tliere from him. Some cast out evil spirits, so ra- still, however, remain the traces of these
operations
of evil over the inmost heart of man must first be broken, and then the individual workings of this evil will cease of them.selves. ( To i^no-TXTWO/ TO/f i/V; Twy Ti^trvjommI. 6.

among some

few,

whose

souls

The power

have been purified through the Word of God, and a life corresponding to it."

it is

[The passage occurs p. 408, ed. Spencer, but condensed in the above translation. H. J. R.]

44

CONDUCT OF CHRISTIANS
I

^MEANS OP CONVERSION.

Origen appeals also to circumstances of ward in its course. As the Redeemer, in which he was an eye-witness. "Many [his prayer, had commended the faithful give proofs to those who have been healed to his heavenly Father, that their commuthrough their power, that they have at- nion with hun, the glory received from taiued a miraculous power through this the Father, which he bestowed on them, faith, while over those who require heal- beaming through their life, might lead iug, they invoke no other power than the men to believe on him, so it came to pass. Almighty God and Jesus Christ, together The witness which genuine Christians with the preaching of his Gospel. There- gave of their Lord through their conduct, by have I seen many persons rescued the healing power of the Gospel, which from severe circumstances of delirium and revealed itself in their life, Mas a most phrensy, and many other evils, which no powerful engine in the conversion of the man, and none of your demons, could heathen. Justin Martyr appeals to this cure."* And in another place Origen as matter of experience. (Apol. ii. p. 63 ; says these remarkable words if--" Though or in Grabe's Edition, Apol. i. xx. p. 30.) Celus mocks at it, yet must it be said that After quoting the words of our Lord, ''Let many are come to Christianity against your light so shine before men, that they their will, because some spirit, through may see your good works, and glorify visions which he presented to them, your Father which is in heaven," he adds, awake or in the dream, led their reason "the Lord wills not that we should recomsuddenly from hatred against Christianity pense evil for evil; but he requires of us, to a zeal which gave even life for it. jMuch through the might of patience and gentleof this kind could we relate, which were ness, to entice all men out of the disgrace we to set it down, although we were eye- of their corrupt desires this we can prove witnesses of it, would be the source of by many among us, who from violent and much mockery to the unbelievers but tyrannical men have become changed by God is the witness of our conscience, that a victorious might, either by observing we have never wished to spread the holy how their neighbours could bear all things, doctrines of Jesus Christ through false or by perceiving the patience of their dereports, but through many undeniable frauded travelling companions, or in some
| i i '
; '

'

facts."'!
j

way

Nevertheless, all outward dealings and miracles would have created for this religion no such access to the hearts of men, had it not possessed, in its inward nature, an attractive power for that in human nature,

or other by the intercourse of life, to be acquainted with the life of Christians." The distinguished virtues of the Christian must then have come far

came

more

vividly in contrast Avith the prevail-

which

is

related to

God, however

it

may
by

be darkened and overwhelmed, either refinements or through carnal grossness. They would have been imavailing, had it not shown itself victorious over all the impostures, which, taking prisoner the human mind, opposed it ; had it not shown itself the only true and fundamental source of satisfaction to the religious wants excited in an age of ferment had it not proved the only thing wiiich would create for the spiritual world peace and tranquillity, in this wild ferment of opposing elements and had not tliis religion, as soon as it had once taken root
false
; ;

'

'

'

any where, by the

itself in
.

activity

which showed
j '

it,

been
p.

irresistibly impelled for-

The strictness of ing crimes and vices. Christian virtue, sometim.es carried to excess, in contrast with an universal depraHow deep an impresvity of manners sion in later ages, when public life had taken tlie form of Christianity, did the strict life of the monks make, wlicn contrasted with the corruption which preThe inward brovailed in large towns. contrasted therly love of the Christian, with the universal selfishness which divides all men from one another, and makes them distrustful of each other, which prevented men from understanding the nature of the Christian community, and rendered it a source of never-failing wonder to them " See," said they, " how " This surprised tliey love one another." them beyond measure," says Tertullian
!

Lib.

iii.

128.

[p.

124, ed. Spencer.]

[Lib.
i.

(Apol.
Spento hate

c.

f C. Celsuin,
cp'-l

I. v. 3.5.

p. 35, cd.

39,) " since they are accustomed one another, that one man should

i Compare with these words of Origen what TeitulUan says, de Anima, 47. Major pane vis 1 1V i. homiiium de visionibus T Ueutn discunt. In men, hominibus ipsa urbanitate deccptis,

06 Tertullian says.

be ready to die for another." All could j^^, Hierefore, be cold and heartless like ,, i-,. i n i, . ^ c the nolilicians we sliall have to speak oi, "*^"'"' "^ who, accustomed to measure every tlimg by their own limited measure, were only

'^

'

if
i

OLORY EVEN IN A STATE OF SLAVERY.

distrustful of

45

such an union.

The

heart,

unhardened by predjudice or fanaticism, must have been touched at the impression of such an appearance, and must have made the inquiry, ' What is it that can so
hi a bind the spirits of men togetlier ?' time of shivish cowardice the heroic courage of faith, with which the Christians desired death as soon as any thing against their religion was required of them, worked so powerfully on men, as an appearance quite foreign to the times, that they made tliis character a matter of reproach to the

Christians, as a thing tilted for the heroic days of antiquity, but not for these more

polished

Though

more efTenunate days.* ordinary class of Roman politicians, though the followers of world- Christianity, required no glittering outly love which delights in magnificence, ward splendour, like all which man had
and
the

At a season when the earthly glory of the old world was nearly at an end, when all, which had hitherto given a certain impulse to the souls of men, was growing old and fading away, Ctiristianity appeared, and called mankind from the old fading world to the creation of a new one, from the fading destined for eternity earthly world to an everlasting glory, which in fliith and spirit they were even now capable of conceiving. Augustin says beautifully, " Christ appeared to the men of a world, which was growing old and dying, that while all around them faded away, they might receive through him a new and youthful life." And the higher life which was spread abroad by
;

though the cold

stoic

who

desires

demon- delighted

in

before, to reveal

its

glory.

only a This life could find an entrance, even blind enthusiasm in the spirit with which amidst the most confined and oppressive Christians, who were called upon to give circumstances and conditions, and let its witness to the truth, met their death; yet glory shine forth in the most dishonoured the sight of the confidence and light- and despised vessels, could elevate man heartedness of sufTering and dying Chris- above all which tends to bow him to the tians must have made an impression on ground, vviihout making him overstep the many more yielding or more impredju- bounds which he believed a higher power diced hearts, must have disarmed the had assigned to his station in the world. prejudices against the Christians, and have The slave remained in all his worldly called the attention of the world to that circumstances a slave, fulfilled all his dufor which so many men were willing and ties in that station with greater fidelity and ready to give up every thing, and which conscientiousness than before, and yet was able to nerve them for this sacrifice. within he felt himself free, and showed Outward violence could effect nothing an elevation of soul, a confidence, a power against this inward power of heavenly of faith and devotion, which must have
stration in every thing, could see

astonished his master. The men of the it could only cause the might of godly truth to be more gloriously lower orders, who hitherto had known TertuUian, therefore, closes nothing of religion but its ceremonies and displayed. his Apology with these words, as to the its fables, received hence a clear and conThe above persecution of the Christians " There- fident religious persuasion. fore all the refinements of your cruelty cited remarkable words of Celsus, as well rather they have as many individual examples of the first can effect nothing, or brought over persons to this sect our times of Christianity, show us how often number augments, the more you persecute the wide spreading of the Gospel proceedThe blood of Christians is the seed ed from women, who showed forth the us. they sow. Your philosophers, who e.x- light of the Gospel, as wives and mothers, hort to the endurance of pain and death, amidst the corruption of heathen manners, make not so many disciples as the Chris- from young people, from boys and girls,
truth,
this
:

through their deeds. That obsti- from slaves, who shamed their masters. nacy which you upbraid us with, is an in- '^ Every Christian handicraftsman," says For who is not impelled, TertuUian, (Apol.c.46) " has found God, structress. through the consideration of this, to the and shown him to thee, and can teach Who thee all, in fact, which thou needest to inquiry, what this matter can be? joins us not as soon as he has inquired ? know of God, although Plato (in the TiWho wishes not, when he has joined us, meeus) savs it is difiicult to find out the himself to suffer for truth .?" Creator of the Universe, and when you have found him, impossible to communi* M'eW enough suited to the ingenia duriora cate this knowledge to the multitude." robustioris antiquitatis, but not tlie tranquillitas And Athenagoras says, " Among us you
tians
pacis,
c. 18.

and the ingenia mitiora.

TertuU. ad Nat.

I.

will find ignorant persons, handicraftsmen,


46
SPREADING OP THE GOSPEL.
and old women, who although they could also served for the interchange of intelnot prove to you by words the healing lectual treasures, became now of service, influence of our religion, yet by their ac- as a means of extending a knowledge of tions show the sahitary power of the the highest spiritual treasures. In genethoughts which it communicates, for they ral, the first advances were made by Chrislearn not words by heart, but they show tianity in towns for, since it was of the good works they suffer themselves to be greatest consequence at first to secure essmitten, and smite not; again, when they tablished stations for the propagation of are robbed, they do not go to law they the Gospel, it was requisite for the early give to those who ask from them, and they preachers, in their passage through any love their neighbour as themselves." country, to preach the Gospel at first in Christianity was able to lower itself to the cities, from which its influence might the sensuous conceptions of those whose extend over the country by the exertions spirits were not calculated to receive and of the natives. On the other hand, in the develope godlike things in a form suited to country, they were likely to meet with them ; it laslened itself upon the dross of far greater obstacles, in the general rudetheir earlier and fleshly methods of think- ness, the blind superstition, and the hea; ; ;

ing, as

we

shall see in the notions of the

had nevertheless received the seed of an hidden and godly life, which was destined by and by to penetrate the whole mass of their nature, and also to form, lastly, their habits of thought. The working of Christianity in
Chiliasts, while they

then fanaticism of the people, as well as from their ignorance in many cases of the language of the country, while in cities, for the most part, Greek and Latin were
sufficiently intelligible.

We

know, how-

ever, from Pliny's report to Trajan,

the account of

from Clemens Romanus, (Ep. I.

the life and sufferings of Christians, as ad Corinih. 42) and from the relation well as isolated parts of Christian doc- of Justin Martyr, (Apolng. II. 98) that which they heard, called at last to this was not universally the case, and that Cliristianity the attention of philosophi- in many situations country communities cally educated heathen, who had run were formed very early ; and Origen says through nmliifarious philosophical and re- expressly (c. Cels. iii. p. 1 19) " tiiat many
trine,

on and which could satisfy the wants of their hearts and spirits and they found in Christianity what they had sought in vain elsewhere.

ligious systems to find religious truth,

which they might

rely,

had made it their business to go through not onjy their towns, but also the villages and farms (xat xwpaj xai sTrafAt*;.") The numerous country bishops, in insulated spots, are also a proof of this. In the New Testament we find accounts of the spreading of Christianity in Syria, Cilicia, apparently also in the then widely extended empire of Parthia,* in Arabia, Asia Minor, and the neighbouring districts ; Greece, and the neighbouring districts, as far as lllyria, and in Italy. We are much in want of authentic accounts of the propagation of Christianity for the times that immediately succeeded ; for later stories, which arose out of the endeavour to deduce every national Church from an apostolical origin, deserve no examination. We only bring forward that on which we can rely. The old story of the letters that passed between the Abgarus Uchomo, the king of the small state of Edessa, in Osrhoene of Mesopotamia, of the dynasty of the Agbari, or Abgari,
* For the circumstance that St. Peter (1 Kp. v. 31) sends a salutation from his wife* in Babylon, *

[B.]

On

the

spreading of the Gospel in

various Quarters of the Wo7-ld.

The commercial intercourse of various rations had already pointed out and paved a way for the propagation of the Gospel. The easy communication between the different parts of the vast Roman empire, the connection of the Jews, who were settled in various districts, with Jerusalem, the connection of all parts of the Roman empire with Rome, of the provinces, with their metropolitan cities, and of the greater part of the Roman empire, with the more considerable capitals, such as Alexandria, Antiochia, Ephesus, Corinih, all tended to

promote
cal,

this

object.

The

latter

cities,

centres as they were of mercanlile, politi-

and

literary

communication, became

where the first preachers abode, in order to spread their religion ; and the general spirit of commercial intercourse, which from early times had never been confined to the mere exchange of earthly commodities, but had
head-quarters,
their

took up

["

Vonseincr frau."

Ila

nrr lie a misprint for einfr ? Uabylon." The passage is iy which our translation renders,
i,

Ncandcr. (^an seifrom a lady in

'

Bjifiu>.avi
'

owiKhTti,

'1

he

cliurch that

PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY IN ARABIA.

and our Saviour,

47

prayed to cure Parthian empire, some seeds ofChristianity him of a severe sickness, deserves no may perhaps, in very early days, have credit, nor does that of the conversion of reached Persia, which then belonged to this Ai2:barus by Thaddeus, one of the se- that empire, but the frequent wars beventy disciples. Eusebius found the docu- tvveen the Romans and the Parthians ments, from which he penned this nar- would prevent communication between The Barration, in the archives of Edessa, and the Christians of those slates. suffered himself to be deceived by them.* desanes of Edessa, mentioned above, who The letter of Christ is utterly unworthy wrote in the time of the Emperor Marcus of him, and bears the appearance of a Aurelius, mentions* the spreading of cento from various passages of the Gos- Christianity in Parthia, Media, Persia, and We cannot imagine either that any Bactria. After the restoration of the inpels. thing written by the Saviour himself could dependence of the old Persian empire, have remained unknown to the rest of the under the Sassanidae, the Persian Chrisworld till the time of Eusebius. Again, tians are better known to us in consethe letter of Abgarus is not composed in quence of the attempt of the Persian the style of an Oriental prince. Whether Mani, in the latter half of the third centhe story be in some degree founded in tury, to form a son of miion between the truth, though not true as it now stands, religion of Zoroaster and that of Christ. In Arabia, the Jews, who were in great we have no means of determining; one thing is certain, that Christianity spread numbers, would serve as a starting-point We betimes into these parts, but yet the first for the preaching of the Gospel. traces of it in a prince of that country have no farther account of the activity of occur between 160-170, in Abgarus Bar tlie Apostle St. Paul in diis country, imManu. The Christian sage, Bardesanes, mediately after his conversion, than what was in high regard with him, and relates, we gather from ids own expression, in If Indian that he forbad, under heavy punishments, his Epistle to the Galatians. the custom of castration for the rites of and Arabian are used as synonymous terms Cybele, by ordering that those who per- in an old tradition, we may conclude that formed it should lose their hands. It St. Bartholomew preached the Gospel in certainly does not follow from this that Arabia, for which purpose he took with he v\as a Christian, but we may remark him a Gospel written in the Hebrew If this supposition besides, that on his coins the customary (Aramaic) language. marks of the worship of' Baal disappear, is correct, Pantasnus, the learned cntechist of Alexandria, was the pastor of a part of and are replaced by the cross.f If St. PeterJ preached the Gospel in the this nation, in the latter half of the second
1 j j

whom he

whether it be the then capital of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, or more probably the old ruined Babylon, leads us to suppose that he was residing in that
quarter.
*

In the early part of the third, Origen, the great Alexandrian pastor, was exerting himself in some portion of Arabia.

century.

Eusebius tells us (vi. 19) "A soldier came [The observations of Lardner^ (vol. iii. p. and brought to Demetrius, bishop of AlexR9i, 4to ed.) and the note of Valcsius on the two andria, and the then prefect of Egypt, letlast chapters of Book I. of Eusebius, are well wor- ters from the governor of Arabia, (viyot/ixtvof thy of attention. Dr. Jones maintains that the Tj? Agai^iai,) requesting that Origen might whole account in Eusebius is an interpolation. be sent as soon as possible to a conference 26. H. J. R. Jones on the Canon, vol. ii. p. 1 with him." The language of Eusebius is jBayer, Historia Edessena e numis illustrata, 1. iii. p. 173. Bayer is, however, wrong in plac- not such as to lead us to imagine he is [The name is invari- here speaking of the chief of a set of ing him in the year 200. ably Abgarus on coins. For this information I am nomadic Arabians; and even were it so, indebted to one, whose extensive and accurate it would hardly be probable that such a knowledge of Greek coins is only equalled by his person should have heard of the wisdom readiness to communicate to those who seek for On the contrary, information on IS"umismatical subjects, the results of a Christian teacher. name of Mr. Burgcn these words naturally point to a Roman of his own experience. The is so well known to the Numismatical world, as governor of the part of Arabiaf then subscarcely to require mention after the above state- ject to the Roman empire. He might bement. H. J. K. long to the class of inquiring heathens,

And

St.

Thomas

also,

according to the tradiiii.

tion of Origen, preserved in Euseb.

1.

and having heard of the wisdom and the

Evang.

See, is at Babylon, elected together with you.'. however, Eusebius, H. E. ii. 15, where he observes that St. Peter calls Home, Babylon, and quotes this passage. Vid. Vales, in ioc, H. J. R]

Euseb
later

PriEpar.

I.

vi. c.

10.

\ In

times

we

find a "

dux Arabia;"

in the

Notitia Imperii.

48

CHRISTIANITY IN ARABIA AND EGYPT.

knowledge of Origen, to which the hea- must conclude, that before the begi then were not strangers, may have turned of the fourth century the seed of the his attention to him in particular, as an Gospel had been sown in East India, for It may well be ima- all which is there mentioned attests the enlightened teacher.
gined that Origen made use of this opportunity to obtain the governor's favour for the (Gospel. We see Origen afterwards in close connection with the Christian communities in Arabia, but the further
foundation of the Christian Church to have been laid there in olden times. We proceed now to Africa. In this quarter of the globe, Egypt was the first portion which received the knowledge of We have remarked above, propogation of the Gospel there in later Christianity. times was much impeded by the nomadic that in Alexandria fewer prejudices than liabits of the people, and the influence of elsewiiere opposed (he introduction of
the Jews, Christianity ; and that, in fact, in many who hated Christianity. ancient Syro-Persian community respects the turn of their minds there was of Cliristians deduces its origin, we know^, favourable to it. There appear among the from St. Thomas the Apostle, although earliest zealous preachers of Christianity, the first definite account of its existence men of the Alexandrian school, as Apollo is to be found in Cosmus Indicoploistes, the Alexandrian, and, probably, also BarThe Epistle to the Hein the middle of the sixth century. Some nabas of Cyprus. traces, however, of such a report are brews, the Epistle ascribed to Barnabas, found in Gregory Nazianzen, in the latter and the Egyptian Gospel, {'EvctyyiXto> xecr part of the fourth century, for he says, AiyvTfTtovi;,) in which the Alexandrian (Orat. 25) that St. Thomas preached the theosophic taste showed itself, the GnosGospel in India, but India was then a very ticism of the first half of the second cen-

The

stands

Jerome (Ep. 148) under- tury, are proofs of the influence that ChrisEthiopia, which was com- tianity exerted over the Jewish philosophy monly included under the name India, as of Alexandria. According to an old traIf the tradition, which is dition, the Apostle Mark was the founder well as Arabia. found in Origen, that St. Thomas was the of the Alexandrian Church. Cyrene was Apostle of the Parthians, be worthy of likely to receive Christianity with great credit, the other is, perhaps, also credible, ease from Alexandria, in consequence of for the Parthian empire then touched the their constant communication, and their Its progress from Lower borders of India ; but these are only vague kindred spirit. Eusebius (i. 10) relates, as we Egypt, a place filled with Jewish and reports. remarked above, that Pantaenus undertook Grecian colonies, to Middle, and especially a missionary journey to the people who to Upper Egypt, whither foreign cultivadwelt eastward, and proceeded in the tion had less penetrated, was Ukely to be prosecution of it as far as India. He there impeded by unacquaintance with the Greek found the seed of Christianity already language, the prevalence of the Coptic, sown by St. Bartholomew, and a Hebrew and the dominion of the priests and the Gospel which the same apostle had old Egyptian superstition. A persecution, brought thither. The circumstance of the however, of the Christians in the Thebais, Hebrew Gospel is no proof that he does under the Emperor Septimus Severus,
indefinite term.

by

it

(Euseb. vi. 1) shows that Cln-istianity had not mean East India properly so called for we may suppose, that the Jews who spread even into Upper Egypt in the latnow inhabit the coasts of Malabar had ter part of the second century. In the The words of Eu- first half of the third, this province proalready settled tliere. sebius seem to indicate that he himself bably possessed a translation of the New thought of a more distant country than Testament in the old language of the Arabia, and would well suit the notion of country. There are no distinct and authentic acIn order to decide East India proper. which he most probably meant, a district counts of the progress of Christianity in of Arabia or East India proper, we must yEthiopia (Abyssinia,) during these cenhero compare some accounts of a later turies. History gives us no information If as to the consequences of the conversion date, namely, of the fcmrth century. then tlie Din, from which the missionary of the courtier of Candace, queen of MeEm- roe, which is mentioned in the Acts, ch. Theophilus came, in the time of the
peror Constantine, is the Din at the en- viii. The Gospel soon readied Carthage, and trance of the Persian Gulf, and if in the history of Philostorgius, (cxi. 4, Sec.) by the whole of Proconsular Africa, from India is meant East India proper, then we their intercourse with Rome. This Church
,

GERMANY
of Carthage is first known to us from the Presbyter Tertullian, in the latter half of the second centuijy, but it was then evidently in a flourisluDg condition. The Christians were already there in great numbers, and complaints were made " that
Christianity

SPAIN.

49

us by a far older document, the narration of his martyrdom. Irenaeus, who became bishop of Lyons, after the above mentioned persecution in

177, states the extension of the Gospel into Germany, (adv. Haeres. lib. i. c. 10.) was spreading both in town It might easily reach that part of Germany and country among all ranks, and even subject to the Romans, the German ia Cis-

among the highest."* Not to

where Tertullian speaks

rhenana,from its connection with the province of Gaul, but would experience more mentions in hisaddress to the governor. difficulty in penetrating among the indeScapula, (chap, iv.) a persecution of the pendent neighbouring tribes of Germania But the same Irenaeus Christians as having already taken place Transrhenana. Christianity, after the says, in another passage, (iii. ch. 4,) " Many in Mauretania. middle of the third century, had made nations of barbarians, without paper and such progress in Mauretania and Numi- ink, have, through the Holy Spirit, the dia, that under Cyprian, the bishop of words of salvation written in their hearts."*
cite passages,

rhetorically, he

Carthage, a synod of eighty-seven bishops

was
If

held.

Irenaeus here justly recognises in the activity of Christianity that peculiar and
essential character, in virtue of

we

pass

now

to the consideration of

which

it

Europe, we find in Rome the chief, but not the only station for the propagation Flourishing churches at of the Gospel. Lugdunum (Lyons,) and Vienne, become known to us during a bloody persecution The multitude of Chrisin the year 177. tians of Asia Minor, as well as the peculiar connection of these communities with

can reach people in every stage of civilization, and through its living power im

But it its precepts on their hearts. also certain that Cliristianity can never long maintain its own peculiar character,
press
is

does not lay deep hold of the and moral habits of a people, and where it does not, while it brings its that country, lead to the supposition, that own peculiar character with it, raise up the commerce between the trading town also and foster the seeds of all human of Lyons and Asia Minor gave occasion to civilization. Irenaeus is also the first to speak of the the introduction of Christianity from Asia Minor, where it was spread so widely propagation of Christianity in Spain (In from tlie first, into Gaul. The heathenism Tt{ 'l^n^tat?.) The tradition in Euseof Gaul withstood a long time the exten- bius, in the fourth century, that the Apostle sion of Christianity. Even towards the St. Paul preached the Gospel in Spain, is middle of the third century there v/ere not sufficient evidence, because it was then

where

it

intellectual

but few Christian communities in Gaul. According to Gregory of Tours, a French historian, seven missionaries had then

too

much

the fashion to establish facts

come from Rome

communities in they became the bishops. One of these was Dionysius, the first bishop of Paris, whom later legends have confused with Dionysius the Areopagite, who was conGregory of verted at Athens by St. Paul. Tours, who wrote towards the end of the
,

and founded seven towns of which

into Gaul,

sixth century,
circulation,

when

so

many

fables as to

the origin of various churches were in

is, we acknowledge, no very trustworthy witness but still this account may have some truth for its foundation. One of the seven, Saturninus, the founder of the Church of Toulouse, is known to
,

Tertullian,

ApoUoget.

i.

Obsessam

voceif-

from incompetent presumptions, conclusions, and suppositions and so, perhaps, Rom. XV. 24, may have given rise to this But since the Roman Bishop report. Clemens (Ep. i. v. 5,) says that St. Paul went to the very boundaries of the West, {rt^fia. T)j ^vaiu^^) we cannot imagine this expression to allude to Rome, and our thoughts naturally turn to Spain. Clement was probably himself the disciple of St. Paul, and this is a matter on which we can hardly suppose him to have been deceived. Most certainly, however, we find no place for any journey of St. Paul's into Spain, unless we suppose that he was freed from the imprisonment related in the Acts, and after his deliverance fulfilled the intention which he announces in the above Now the Second Epistle of St. passage.
;

rantur civitatem, in agnis, in castellis, in insulis Christianos, omnem sexum, tDtatem, conditionem
et

Sine charta et atramento scriptam habentes

jam

dignitatem ad hoc nomen transgredi.

per Spiritum in cordibus suis salutem.

50
Paul
us
to

ROMAN POLITICAL FEELINGS.

Timothy would
actually compel

as man, to look on all men as the image suppose such a deliverance, and of God, with the same destination, the a second imprisonment, unless we take same duties, and the same rights; when it refuge in some very forced interpretation. considered man, not as the member of Tertullian (adv. Jud. c. 7,) speaks of one narrow political circle, but as called to the spreading of Christianity into Britain, citizenship in God's boundless kingdom ; but the passage is entirely rhetorical in and when, freeing religion from all essenand the statement that it tial dependence on external and earthly its whole cast had penetpated parts of Britain not sub- things, it placed its whole essence in the jected to the Roman dominion, may per- worship of God in spirit and in truth. haps be exaggerated. Bede, in the eighth The men of antiquity we're unable to discentury, informs us, that Lucius, a British tinguish the man from the citizen, so as to king, had requested Eleutlieros, the bishop attain to a recognition of general rights of of Rome, in the latter part of the second man and rights of conscience. Religion century, to send missionaries to him. But was a state matter; there were only nathe peculiarities of the later Church in tional and state religions, and the laws Britain are an argument against its deriving which related to religion being a part of the general civil code, any violation of its origin from Rome; for that Church departed from the Romish in many ritual them was considered as a violation of the points it agreed far more with the latter.* This was a view which espeChurches of Asia Minor; and it with- cially suited the Romans, whose ruling Cistood for a long time the authority of the passions and feelings were political. Romish Church. This appears to prove cero, de Leg. ii. 8, lays it down as a printhat the British received, either imme- ciple of legislation entirely conformable to diately or by means of Gau], their Chris- the rights of the Roman state, that ' no tianity from Asia Minor, which may have man shall have separate gods for himself, easily taken place through their commer- and no man shall worship by himself new cial intercourse.* The later Anglo-Saxons, or foreign gods, unless they have been who opposed the spirit of Church inde- publicly acknowledged by the laws of the pendence, and wished to establish the state :" (nisi publice adscitos.) Now alsupremacy of Rome, were inclined gene- though under the emperors the old laws rally to trace back their Church establish- became less strictly observed, and foreign ments to a Roman origin, and from this customs every day gained more admission attempt, the above story, as well as many into Rome, there yet arose many new causes for anxiety with regard to the inother false reports, may have arisen. We proceed now to the persecutions of troduction of new religions. In those the Christian Church in the Roman em- times there was the greatest dread of every thing to which a political end might pire. be attached, and the jealous character of Introduc- despotism icas apt to fear poIiJical aims, II. Opposition to Christianity. tion its first causes. even where there was nothing of the kind. Religion, and religious societies, it seemed, In order justly to appreciate the nature might easily become the pretence for poliof these persecutions, it is of great importical societies and conspiracies. From tance to weigh accurately their causes. It this feeling arose the well-known speech has often been remarked as singular, that of Maecenas to Augustus, in Dio Cassius, while the Romans were usually tolerant who has here at least, whether the speech in matters of religion, they should have shown such impatience, and such a love be genuine or not, expressed the prevailto
; ;

of persecution towards the Christians; but * As Varro had already classed theology under every statement of Roman tolerance rethree divisions " theologia philosophica et vera," The ideas of " theologia poctica et mythica," and " theologia quires much limitation. general rights of man, of a general free- civilis;" so Dio Chrysostom, in the first half of dom in matters of religion and conscience, the second century, Orat. 12, distinguishes three were altogetlier foreign to the notions of sources of religion the general religious sense in all mankind, the j^(fi/Tcc aTrce^iy yb^ctTrcK ivty.ta, 21 antiquity ; they were first brought to light poetry and customs, which easily extend themby the Gospel, when it set forth not a selves, 31 and laws which constrain, threaten, national God, but a God of all human and ])unish, to vi/xt6eT,cv, to iv^jxa/ci', to /urr:i nature, when it taught us to recognise man ^u/utuc KctiTTg^cTTn^iU'v, although hcjusllv establishes

only the
[Sec, however, Bishop

first

as the general

and original source

Lloyd on Church GoJ

vemment,

p. 48.

H.

J.

K.J

from which all the rest proceed. Christianity can allow none of these, but ihe first, to be of avail.

ROMAN TREATMENT OP FOREIGN

RITES,

51

" Honour sus accuses the Christians of secret meeting sentiment of those times. the gods," says Maecenas, " by all means, ings, by which they contravened the

system of philosophy and religion, likely to be exercised towards Christianity. When they secured to a conquered people the free observance of their old religion, they expected by that conspiracies and secret meetings, which means to win the people to their interests, are of infinite disservice to the monarchy. and also to make friends of their gods. Siifier no man, either* to deny the gods, The Romans, who were religiously distheistic

according to ihe customs of your country, and force, others so to honour them. But those who are forever introducing something foreign in these matters, hate and punisli, not only for the sake of the gods, because they who despise them will hardly reverence any thing besides, but also because they who introduce new divinities, mislead many others into receiving foreign laws also. Thence arise

prevailing laws with regard

(a-vnQriy.oci

to

religion

V(Z^x

Ta

i'0/t*<rjHii'a.)

Thc

had, no doubt, a certain kind of religious toleration ; but it was one which, being closely connected with the poly-

Romans

was not

sorcery." The Roman posed, attributed their universal sovePauhis, states the following reignty to this system of making friends as one of the leading principles of Roman of the gods of all nations, as we may" Those who in- learn from the language of the heathen in law. (B. v. tit. 21.) troduced new religions, or such as were Minucius Felix, and from Aristides (Enor
to

practise

jurist, Julius

com. RomfE.) Even beyond the limits of their own kingdom, the free exercise of their religion was permitted to all nations ; and therefore Rome, to which men flocked from all quarters of the globe, became the seat of religions of produced so great, and to a Roman states- every sort. See Aristid. loc. cit. and man, so incomprehensible an agitation in Dionysius Halicarn. (Archasolog. ii. 19;) the consciences of men, would fall among the latter of whom says, " Men of a the class of " Religiones nova?." Here thousand nations come to our city, and
in their tendency and nature, by which the minds of men might be agit;ited,j were degraded, if they belonged to the higher ranks, and if they were in a lower state, were punished with death." We see easily how Christianity, which

unknown

two points of view in there they must worship the gods of their which Christianity might interfere with country according to their own customs." the laws of the state. It even happened that much from these 1. It seduced many Roman citizens foreign systems of worship was incorpothe religion of the state, to the oh- rated, with some modification, into the from sprvanc of ivhich they were bound by the state religion of Rome but then a distinct laios, and also from the observance of the senatns-consultum was requisite, before
also appear the
:

^'Ccerimonice

Romance.''''

Manv

gover-

the

Roman
in

citizen could be permitted

to

nors, therefore, not personally prejudiced against Christianity, proposed a sort of compromise to the Christians who were

join

the

brought before them. They need onlv outwardly do what the law required, and observe the religions ceremonies prescribed by the state; the law was only concerned with outward conduct; and they were welcome to believe and to

"

worship. rity of the old national religion, from the longing after something new, was fast dying away, and strangers came constantly to

celebration of this foreign At this time, when the autho-

honour what they pleased in their hearts." Or else thus " they were free constantly to honour their own God, provided they joined with his worship that of '.he Roman Gods." 2. Il introduced a new religion, which was not recognised by the laws of the state among Ihe ''Religiones lici.tce.'''' Thence
:

Jiome from all quarters, it was often the case, that even Romans themselves would make use of the ceremonies of foreign religions, which were not yet among the " Religiones publice adscita) ;"
but then this was an irregularity which old-fashioned Romans attributed to the corruptions of the times, and to the neglect of old customs. Much, which w;is

reckoned among those corruptio'ns, was passed over, as well as this, without animadversion. Tiie change was also the came, according to Tertullian, the nsnal less remarkable, because those who had reproach of the heathens against Chris- adopted the foreign customs, observed at tianity " Non licet esse vos ;" and Cal- the same time the "Cajrimonia; Romanaj." And yet certainly at times, when mailers * 'aSsoi e.V=u the common tcrrp for a ran too high, or when some extraordinaryChristian. De quibus animi hominum moverentur. zeal for old habits and the old civil virtues

j-

52

CHRISTIANITY AWAKENS JEALOUSY.

imagine that Greeks and Barbarians, in Asia, Europe, and Libya, can ever unite under the same system of religion." B. viii. p. 438. (p. 425, ed. Spencer.) They now saw how Christianity was extending
irresistibly among all ranks, and threatened to overturn the slate religion,
itself

enacted "ad v.-as awakened, laws were coercendos profanos ritus." The free and undisturbed exercise of their religion was secured also to the Jews, by senatus-consulta and imperial edicts and the Romans could recognise, in the God of the Jews, a national God, deservalthough, at the same ing of veneration time, they complained of the narrowmindedness and intolerance of the Jews, who would honour no God but their own, and forbade, with bitter enmity, the wor-

and with it the frame of civil society, which seemed bound up in that religion. They, therefore, thought it reqiiisite to oppose inward power by outward violence. It was still further an excitement to jeaship of any other. Judaism was a " re- lousy, that the Christians had none of Jigio licita;" and it was, therefore, made those things, which men are accustomed a matter of reproach to the Christians, to look for in religion nothing that was that they had endeavoured at first, by calculated to strike the eye, as there was coming forward as a Jewish sect, to creep in Judaism, the temple and the sacrifices in under the cover of an openly-tolerated of which were revered even by the heareligion.* But it was by no means per- then. Celsus says against the Christians,
;

mitted to the Jews to extend their religion B. viii. p. 400, (p. 389, ed. Spencer,) that among the Roman heathens; and the lat- " their having neither altars, images, nor ter were forbidden, under heavy penalties, temple, was the token of an invisible, seto undergo circumcision. But even then cret order." And again, the internal feelit happened, that from the above men- ings of brotherly union, by which every

who were more to him than all the pleaThis the government sometimes disre- sures of the world, were beyond the com" What is garded, but at other limes, on the contrary, prehension of the heathen. " how can the severe laws were enacted to repress it, as this ?" they would say those of the senate under Tiberius, (Tac. Christians, recognising one another by Ann. ii. 85.) those of Antoninus Pius, and some secret token, love each other even before they can be mutually known ?" Septimus Severus. The case was wholly different with (See the heathen in Minucius Felix.) The Christianity. Here was no old religion Roman politicians were unable to underof a country and people, as in all the stand the bond of feeling which united other cases, but Christianity appeared Christians so strongly, and they looked rather as a falling away from a "religio for political aims, for which, in those days, licita" a revolfj" against an ancient na- the jealousy of despotism was forever on tional religion. So Celsus, in accordance the watch. It must, in those days of with the then prevailing sentiments, thus slavery, have given a bad impression of reproaches the Christians, B. \. 254, (p. Christianity, that it gave to men some247, ed. Spencer,) and tells them that they thing which elevated them above all fear of are neither Heathens nor Jews " while the man, and enabled them to despise all huJews are, at any rate, a peculiar people, man power, when that power required and observe a national worship, be that any thing from them which was contrary worship what it may: and in this they to their conscience and faith. Roman act like other men. Justly," says he, statesmen had no respect for the rights of " are the old laws observed among all na- conscience. When the Christian could tions and it is a crime to desert them." not be induced, by any persuasion, any Hence arose the common reproach against fear, or any violence, to participate in the Christians, and their usual appellation, "Cajrimoniae Romana;" enjoined by law, " the new race," which is neither the one they laid it all to a blind obstinacy which thing nor the other, " genus tertium." required punishment (inflexibilis obstinaThe notion of a religion which should tio.) The refusal, however, to sacrifice to unite all men with one another, appeared the gods, was with many a less crime than " A man their declining, while they showed most to the ancients an impossibility. must be very weak," says Celsus, " to conscientious obedience to the government in every thing which was not against the law of God, to pay any of those *
among
,

tioned causes, the number of proselytes the heathen increased exceedingly.

Christian in every city alike found friends,

Sub umbraculo

religionis

licitsB.

\
lutvov

It proceciled

rm

'lovJoLutv-

from a wish of (TTum^w Celsus iii. 117.

TTfv

'

species

of veneration

to

tlie

emperors,
in

which heathen adulation had invented

CHRISTIANS REFUSE DIVINE HONOURS.

53

building temples to them, oflering incense dividuals was again laid to the charge of " Does not the empeto their busts, and numbering them among the whole body. the gods. The Christian was sure to give ror justly punish you ?" says Celsus ; " for

explained if all did as you do, the emperor would be heaven that he left to himself, no one would defend him, could not recognise the emperor as his the wildest barbarians would obtain the Lord in the same sense as he did God power over all the world, and tliere would Almighty and when he would neither not remain a single trace of true wisdom, offer idolatrous worship of any kind to nor even of your religion, among manfor fancy not that your Almighty the busts of the emperors, nor swear by kind their genius. What a contrast is there God would come down from heaven to between the free and lofty spirit of the fight for us."* It was the fashion to atthe highest ofTence,

when he
in

that he had one

Lord

whose conversation was in heaven, and the slavish feelings of the boastful, would-be philosopher, Celsus when he says to the Christians :* " When
Christian,

tack the Christians

contradicted one another.

one hand, the

by accusations that While, on the intimate connection between

;

the Christians gave rise to a charge of po-

they ask you to swear by the Ruler of

litical conspiracies on the other, they are no severe demand, for to him accused of not paying sufiicient attention is the earth given, and whatever you re- to civil matters, and the afiairs of the state ; ceive in this life, you receive from him !" they are represented as men who are dead

Men,

this is

On

the anniversary of the emperor's ac-

cession, or
tory,

on some rejoicing when every place wore a

for

to the world, and useless in business (hoa vic- mines infructuosi in negotio.) It used then festal ap- to be said of the Christians that they were

pearance, the Christians slirunk back into their deep seriousness, which appeared to the heatiien, compared with their own habits of carelessness and sensual enjoyment of the moment, a misanthropic hatred of the world (odium generis humani ;) they would take no part in wild and unreasonable pleasures, or at least pleasures which suited not serious habits of thought.

dumb in public, and praters in private (in publico muti, in angulis garruli,) and " what would become of the business of the world if all men were like them r" Such were the causes which impelled the Roman governors to persecute Christianity, but all the persecutions did not proceed from the government. The Christians imre often the victims of -pocommon people looked Slany a Christian, from his own feelings, pular fury. The would have abhorred giving such signs of upon them as enemies of their gods, and " The participation as they might and ought to that w^as equivalent to Atheism. have done according to the principles of Atheists," was the appellation of the their religion but the zeal for God's law Christians in every body's mouth, and of was always entitled to respect, which in- Atheists the vilest and most incredible duced men to do too much, rather than things would be believed. The same retoo little, and which tempted them to draw ports, which at different times have been down upon their heads persecution at the spread about those sects of Christians, hands of man, rather than to hazard for an which were an object of hatred and horinstant doing any thing against the law of ror to the fanaticism of the multiuide, God. Many were too scrupulous to deck were also prevalent among the heathen their houses with laurel, or illuminate about tlie Christians generally, " that they
;

them, from imagining in their mistaken notions that there would be something heathenish in these compliances. The error of some was easily charged as a crime times came the on all. Hence in those dangerous "crimen majestatis" (accusation of high treason) against the Christians.

committed unnatural crimes in their assemblies, and were in tlie habit of slaughtering and eating children." The evidence of abject slaves, or of persons from whom they elicited by torment whatever avowal they wanted, were then used to support these abominable accusations, and to jusdrought occurred

They were

called " irreligiosi in

Caesares, hostes C?esarum, hostes populi

Romani." Many Christians, who thought themselves bound to military duties (for
all

did not consider a soldier's

life

incom-

patible with Christianity,) yet refused to

take the military oath.

Lib,

The

fault of in-

When a hot districts, from the want of rain, it was a proverb in the north of Africa, according to St. Augustin, that " if it does not rain, blame the Christians for it," (non phut Deus, due ad Christianos ;) if in Egypt the Nile did
tify

the fury of the multitude.

in

viii. p.

435. (p. 422, ed. Spencer.)

Lib.

viii.

p.

436. (p. 423, ed. Spencer.)

54

THE

BILL RELATIVE TO

THE CHRISTIANS.

not irrigate the fields, if in Rome the Ti- under the various governments of empeber overflowed, if an earthquake, a fa- rors, who were so differently disposed tomine, or any other public calamity took wards it. 'place, the rage of the people was in an instant excited against the Christians. [A] Persecution of Christianity by the hand We have to ascribe all this, they would of poiver Condition of the Christian Church under the various emperors. say, to the anger of the gods on account

of the increase of Christianity. And -can Tertullian (Apol. ch. v. and xxi.) rewe wonder at this, when Porphyry, a lates of Tiberius, that having heard of the man who wished to be accounted a phi- miracles and resurrection of Christ from losopher, found a cause for the inveteracy the report of Pilate, he proposed a bill to of an infectious and desolating sickness the senate, " that Christ should be rein this, that Esculapius could no longer ceived among the Roman gods ;" but the exert any eflectual influence on the earth senate rejected this bill, that they might in consequence of the prevalence of Chrisnot renounce their old right of determintianity ? ing about "religiones novse" only of their There were also individual interests at own accord (e motu proprio.) The emwork, which were anxious to excite the peror did not, however, wholly renounce rage of the populace against Christianity
priests,

; his undertaking, and at last threatened artificers, and others, who desevere punishment against any who should rived profit from the service of idolatry, accuse Christians merely as Christians. like Demetrius in the Acts ; magicians, A man of so uncritical a judgment as. who saw their trickery laid open by Tertullian cannot be valid evidence for a Christians, and sanctified cynics, whose tale, Avhich bears every mark of falsehood hypocrisy the Christians exposed. When about it. If we conceive that this is some the magician, Alexander of Abonoteichos, real fact, which has been exaggerated, and in Pontus, whose life Lucian wrote, obbelieve a part of it, yet the little we can

served that his arts of deception no longer give credit to, even allowing that the emobtained any credit in the cities, he experor did propose some such bill, cannot claimed that Pontus was full of Atheists prove that toleration was granted to Chrisand Christians, and urged the people to tianity. If we could believe that Pilate, stone them, unless they wished to bring on whom, from the frivolity of his sentiupon themselves the anger of the gods. ments, the miraculous events he had beHe never began his enchantments before held can hardly have made more than a the people, without previously crying out, transient impression^ did actually send a " If any Atheist, CJiristian, or Epicurean, report of this nature, yet we are even has sneaked in here as a spy, let him dethen far from having any reason to conpart!" To appeal to the might of the clude that a similar impression could have multitude appears not to have been unbeen made on the heart of Tiberius. At usual with the defenders of heathenism, all events, it suits ill with the slavish chawhen they were hard pushed. See Tiracter of the senate under Tiberius, to mocles, in Lucian's Jupiter Tragoed. Jusimagine that it ventured to act in this tin Martyr knew that Crescens, one of way; and this could hardly have given the common pseudo-cynics of those days, rise to such a law against the accusers of who were demagogues under the veil of Christians, because at that time the Chrissanctity, had excited the people's fury tian sect had scarcely obtained any name against the Christians, and threatened or respect. The sequel of the history is death to himseif, simply because he had a clear proof that no such law was enexposed the hypocrisy of Crescens. acted in the time of Tiberius. The fact From these observations on the causes seems to be, that Tertullian has been imof the persecutions, it follows as a matter posed on by a spurious document, fabriof course, tliat iill Chrisl'umity was recated perhaps in very early times by some ceived into the class of '' religlones llclof tliose Christians who hold a " fraus Zce," hi) defmiie enactments^ the Christians pia" to be no sin.* could enjoy no general and secure tranAt first. Christians were confounded quillUy in the exercise of their religion in
the Roman empire^ and they were con* [Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, ch. ii.) tinually the victims of popular fury and thinks that the story is in part founded on fact. individual malice. His elaborate discussion of the subject is well We proceed now to detail the varying worth reading. It is treated in a very different circumstances of the Christian Church, si)irit by Gibbon, ch. xvi. p 666. H. J. R.]

NERO'S PERSECUTION.
with Jews, and, therefore, the edict for tlie banishment of the restless Jews from ]{ome, in the time of Claudius, A. D. 53, was executed on the Christians also, if there were any there, which may be justly supposed. Suetonius* says the emperor Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome, who were constantly raising disturbances, It might, at the instigation of Clireslus. iiulecd, be supposed, that some turbulent person of this name then living is here intended. But as none so generally known, as the expression of Suetonius would import, is to be found, and the name X^ laroj was often pronounced X^>)<7to? by the heathen, it is highly probable that Suetonius, putting together what he had heard of the Jewisli expectation of a Messiah, and the mere dark and confused accounts which mav have reached him of Christ's works, has expressed himself in this indefinite

A. D. 64.
"-

.55

bustible materials (the

effect

tunica molesta")

they were set on fire, to give at night the This persecuof an illumination. tion was, however, by no means a general one ; it affected only those in Rome, as the pretended cause of the great fire.*
[t It is, however, quite open to inquiry, whether aU^ who were then executed as For as they Christians, were really so. were then following an ignorant cry of the people, as the name of Christian had then become an object of the people's hatred, and was used by them to denote and as the every thing they abhorred people might easily apply that name to all who, justly or unjustly, had become objects of public hatred, and as there was in this case undoubtedly no regular judicial inquiry, it is likely enough that many, " quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Chris;

tianos appellabat,"
tians,

although not Chris-

manner.

The

first

persecution took place under citus

were denounced as Christians. Ta(Ann. XV. 44.) says, " those were

Nero, A. D. 64. Nero wished to remove from himself the suspicion that he was the author of the well-known fire at Home, and by casting the imputation on

first who confessed," but we are then led to inquire, " confessed what ?" was it that they had caused the fire, or In the first that they were Christians ? the Christians, to give a satisfaction to case, we must imagine that they were the fanatical and blood-thirsty populace, persons who had actually allowed Nero while at the same time he gratified his to make use of them to cause the fire

seized

own

diabolical cruelty. That Nero ever but then these were no Christians, only thought of laying the guilt on Christians, men whom the multitude branded as is a proof that they were even then an objects of hatred and abomination with object of especial hatred to the people, the name of Christians. These men had and that such an accusation would then possibly, in the hope of bettering their meet with a ready belief, in consequence own condition, given up many others of the common reports about the assem- as Christians, some of whom might, blies of the Christians. Tacitus was pro- and others might not, be really so.] ]al)ly induced by these same reports to But that which befel the Christians in say of the Christians, " quos per flagita the metropolis would of course influinvisos vulgus Christianos appellabat." ence their condition in all the provinces. He condemns also the new sect, which The impression which these persecutions was spreading abroad an im-Roman reli- and the truly diabolical character of Nero gion (superstitio,) and probably without made upon the Christians, may be judged any examination, just as in later times of from a saying which was spread abroad many Romans of otherwise good under- among the Christian people, and was long standing did, when they followed vague remembered, with just the Christian coreports in their judgment on sects which louring which a heathen saying would obdilfered from the prevailing religion. He tain among them, namely, that Nero was could see in Christianity nothing but a not dead, but that he had retired beyond detestable superstition, " exitiabilis super- the Euphrates, and would return as Antistitio !" christ.J This is worthy of remark, as the

The Christians who were now arrested, were executed in the most cruel manner, by the command of the emperor inclosed in the skins of wild animals, they were thrown to dogs, to be torn to pieces or perhaps their clothes smeared with com; ;

238,

inscription published by Gruter, p. be genuine, this persecution was felt in The inscription is given, and its genuineness well discussed, in Lardner, Heathen Test,
*

[If the
2.39,

Portugal.

ch. iii. H. J.

K]
iit' Cvcut.t.ix-\u,

\ This passage is incorporated into the work from the addenda to the tliird volume.
i

Impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma

In the pseudo-Sibylline books,

expulit.

66

NERVALS MILDNESS.

same notion was very often entertained, He altogether forbade the reception of the in after times, of any princes who caused accusations of slaves against their masters. Under This, again, must have been of service to great commotions in the world.
the despotic Domitian, who reified from the Christians, for many of the accusations A.D. 81, as he favoured the profession of against them proceeded from slaves of ininformers, and was in the habit of remov- different characters. The things which

ing out of the way, by various pretences, those of whom he was jealous, or whose property he desired, the accusation of conversion to Christianity, already an object of bitter hatred (as we learn from Nero's government,) was probably one of the very commonest counts in a charge of high treason* (crimen majestatis.) In consequence of this accusation many were sentenced to death, or to banishment into an island, with the confiscation of their property.!

under the preceding government had formed the ground of most charges and sentences, could no longer be brought forward, and probably Christianity was
included in this general understanding.*
j

Under the short administration of

emperor, therefore,

this

accusations against the Christians at a standstill, but no permanent tranquillity was then assured to them, nor their religion recognised by And the legislature as a " religio licila."
see

we

we

are inclined to think that since Christo spread

itself farther

The emperor was

the family of

also informed that

tianity during these

there lived in Palestine

two people from able

few years had been without im-

occupied in seditious undertakings. The seditious tendency of the Jewish expectations of a Messiah were well known, and what the Christians said of Christ's kingdom was often misunderstood.^ He ordered the accused to be brought before him, and satisfied himself that they were poor, innocent countrymen, who were far from having any political designs, and he therefore allowed them to return home in safety. But this experience did not impel him to relax the ordinances against Christianity in general, which had other grounds. Tertullian (Apol. c. 4.) certainly speaks too generally when he declares that Domitian had only made an attempt
to

David and Jesus, who were pediment, the restrained fury of the people would break out after the death of this The emperor with renewed violence. new law of Trajan (A. D. 99,) against secret associations (Irat^aiai,) might clearly be used against the Christians. Pliny the younger came as governor during this reign (A. D. 110,) to Bithynia and Pontus

into districts

numerous.
to his
j I

where the Christians were of them were brought tribunal: he found himself in no

Many

small embarrassment, in consequence of such proceedings being quite new to him, and no definite law existing on the matter, as well as from the number of the Christians ; " For many," he writes, " of

persecute

the

Christians,

which he implicated

abandoned again, and recalled the exiled. The emperor Nerva, A. D. 96, from his justice and humanity, was an enemy to the system of informers, which had wrought such evil under his predecessors. This was of itself an advantage to the Christians, because one of the commonest accusations was that of being a Christian. He declared all free who were condemned on such charges, and recalled those who had been banished ; and he ordered all interrogated those who had renounced the the slaves who had come forward as ac- Christian communion for some years. cusers to their masters to be executed. We must remember that renegades are seldom inclined to speak avcU of the sothey formerly belonged. * The joining together of sj^xX^/Utt cSjctxtoc and ciety to which With the usual brutality of Roman justice, Ixvii. 14. clearly 'icvSuioiv ybii, in Dio Cassius, which never recognised a human being in points out the Christians.
I.

every age and rank, of both sexes, are in the danger; for not only in the towns, but also in the villages, and in the country, has the contagion of this suThe temples were perstition spread." forsaken, and the usual services of idolatry could no longer be maintained, and victims for sacrifice were rarely brought. Pliny did not suffer himself, like his friend Tacitus, to be guided by the vague reports of the people, but took proper pains to inform himself about the question, and

\ Besides Dio Cassius, another historian, named

Bruttius, in the chronicle of Eusebius, says that

many suffered martyrdom under this i The words of Jusl. Mart. Apol.
this; ocu3-avTS:
y?it3-;/M/av 5rg',7if;xafTs

emperor. ii. 58, prove

h/aa;, i^u^nac

a(r/?a,

* As Dio Cassius mentions the accusation of and also of 'IcvJoukoc yg/oc, along with the "crimen majestatis;" although probably we are

not to understand either

I Hegesipp. in Euseb.
iii.

a6ioTf, or Christianity

19,20.

under the word

dcrsjg*.

PLINY S CONDUCT

TOWARD THE

CHRISTIANS.

57

a slave, he applied the torture to two fe- man as man, and to perceive the power of male slaves, who had served the office of free and firm conviction, as well as the deaconesses in the Christian community, regard it must command in every moral in order to obtain from them an avowal feeling heart. He required only a blind of the truth ; and yet all that he could obedience to the law of the slate. The learn was '' that the Christians were ac- Christians must deny their faith, invoke customed to meet on a certain day (Sun- the gods! they must offer incense, and day,) that they then sung a hymn in pour libations to the statues of the empepraise of their God Christ, and that they* ror, as well as of the gods, and curse mutually pledged themselves, nol| to the Christ! If they refused, and after the commission of any crime, but to abstain governor had three times, under a threat from theft and perjury ; never to break of death, requested them to abjure their
their

word, and never

to

withhold a de-

posit ;J that they separated after this, and in the evening met again for a simple and

innocent repast. And even these latter assemblies they had discontinued in consequence of the imperial edict against the
Hetariaj."
that such

One would have supposed

a discovery of the effects of

Christianity

would have

led Pliny,

if

not

to further inquiries as to the origin

and

of a religion, which produced effects so widely differing from those of Paganism, on such a variety of characters, yet, at least, to the toleration of a religion

nature

in

which nothmg,

either

politically

or

morally speaking, could be found worthy of pimishment. No such thing Pliny was too completely possessed by the narrow-minded, political views of a Roman, so to judge. Unable to attain to any view
!

but that presented by his philosophical, or his slate religion, he saw in that which,

widely from the Roman state from his philosophical one, could yet demand and obtain so great a power over the consciences of men, only
differing as

religion as

||

a perverse

andU extravagant superstition. We may see from this the power of pre- called" by the storm of persecution, the vailing opinions, even on good men, when idolatrous worship of the heathen temples they are not counteracted by some higher revived again in public. Pliny, who principle than human systems can give. judged by appearances, thought that this
sect might easily be suppressed, if it were here un- treated with a due mixture of severity and the citi- mildness ; if the obstinate were punished, zen and subject, to recognise the rights of to frighten the rest, and yet those, who

they still avowed steadfastly, that they were and would remain Christians, Pliny condemned them to death, as obstinate confessors of a " religio illicita," which was in direct violation of the laws of the state. Those who complied with the governor's requisition, obtained pardon. It is not to be wondered at, if many who embraced Christianity during its rapid propagation in these regions in the tranquil times of Nerva, had, nevertheless, not thoroughly considered what Christianity really requires, and whether they wei-e ready to give themselves up wholly to God, as he requires, and to sacrifice every thing to him ; that is, if there were such persons as our Lord describes, Matt, xiii. 20 22. History often shows us that these sudden conversions have something unsound in them. Many, therefore, we may suppose, there were among the multitude of the Christians, whose faith was not proof against the sight of death. Pliny might perceive, as the effect of his prosecutions, that, while many abjured Christianity from the fear of man, and the '' few chosen" became separated from the " many
belief,

The

noble, tender-hearted
to be

Pliny, as he

seems

from his

letters, is

able to distinguish the

man from

would
*

like to'retract,

The remembrance

of the baptismal vow, the

despair,

were not driven to by closing the door of pardon

" sacramentum militia; ChristianjB," which was often urged upon their minds in practical discourses.
j-

against them. matter, he

quiries.

plain contradiction to the vulgar reports

about the horrible purposes of the assemblies of

the Christians.

In his report to Trajan (x. 97.) on this makes also the following in-

Whether he should make any

distinction as to age, or deal Avith the i One who had violated his baptismal vow by such a crime was excluded from the communion of young* just as with the old > Whether the Church. he should give room for repentance, or in
A clear contradiction to the vulgar reports about the cannibal meals of the Christians, " epulis Thyesteis." Pliny might well think this rather too much of religion. 1 Superstitio prava et immodica.
II

every case punish every one

who had

It seems probable that the number of childrcn and youni:; people found among the Christians gave occasion to this inquiry.

58

TRAJAN

TREATMENT OF THE CHRISTIANS.

the

deduction, namely, that Chrislegally received among the religions tolerated by the state, was now expressly declared against Chrisand the emperor T"rajan approved his con- tians by a distinct law, and their condiduct, and seems in his decision to coin- tion must, in consequence, very soon He did not have changed for the worse. The only cide wholly with his views.
ter

Whether Chrisever been a Christian? tians should be punishable simply as Christians, or only in consequence of ]t appears from the conother crimes? duct of Pliny, as governor and judge, how, according to his sentiments, most of these inquiries should be answered;

consequences would have

justified

the opinion of Trajan. That which had hitherto been a mat-

of

tacit

tianity

was not

allow the Christians to be classed with common criminals, whom the governors employed their police* to detect. Christians were not to be sought for, but when they were brought up, they should be punished. The emperor does not say hoio ; indeed, he avows, that on this part of tlie subject he could not determinef any tiling definite. Jt appears, however, that the punishment of death was generally understood; while pardon was to 1)6 extended to those who would renounce Christianity, and return to the

search after Christians which Trajan had in his contemplation, was of a legal kind but it often happened that Christians, or those suspected to be so, were seized

by furious mobs, and so brought to the judgment-seat. There were some governors, to whom blood-shedding was a
matter of indifference, and they willingly sacrificed these persecuted creatures to the fury of the populace, in order to make themselves beloved in the province, and some who themselves partook of the Under his sucviolence of the people.

Roman

cessor Hadrian, they might imagine themgods. TertuUian had long ago pointed out a selves at liberty to act thus with impunity, contradiction in this decision. If the or even with the emperor's approbation, emperor thought the Christians criminal, as he was known to be a zealous supWhen they ought to have been searched for and porter of the sacra of his country. punished like any other criminals, and he visited Greece, A. D. 124, and was brought to punishment. If he thought initiated into all the Grecian mysteries, them innocent, punishment was wrong in the enemies of Christianity, feeling this a every case. This is certainly a just favourable moment, began immediately to The two learned Chrisopinion in a moral point of view; but j)ersecute it. the emperor regarded the matter in a tians, Quadratus and Aristides, were inpoUiico-juridicial light. He thought that duced by this to offer to Hadrian two it was impossible, in any case, to allow treatises in defence of their fellow becontempt of the " Caerimoniae Romanae," lievers. Whether these induced him to the open violation of the laws of the state, join the side of the Christians, cannot be to go unpunished, although unaccom- decided with certainty; but, at any rate, panied by any moral guilt.J So Trajan the emperor's zeal for the old religion thought it necessary to act wlien any was not sufficient to extinguish his love It was impossible that an such illegal conduct came before the of justice. governor publicly, but he wished then to emperor and governors who loved justice wink at it as much as possible, in order should be satisfied with tumultuous conto spare the Ciiristians, as far as was duct, through which the innocent would consistent with a due observance of the often be involved in the punishment of The proconsul of Asia He, hke Pliny, believing Chris- the guilty. laws. tianity to be a delusion, thought that if Minor, Serennius Granianus, complained mercv and rigour were blended together, on the subject to Hadrian, and he was and if, without making any great stir, the induced to send a rescript to his sucopen offences of this kind were punished, cessor in the proconsul-ship, Minucius but tliey were not persecuted, the en- Fundanus.* thusiastic fancy would pass, and the thing * The genuineness of this rescxipt is attested, Had itself would, by and by, die away. not only by the citation of it in the Apology adthere been nothing higher in Christianity, dressed by Melito, bishop of Sardis, to the second
*
j-

The t:e,nva^X'''^ Neque enim

curiosi.

in

universum

aliquid,

quod

quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest. i As Pliny says, qualecunque esset quod faterentur, pervicaciam ccrte et inflexibilem obstina-

successor of Hadrian, (see Euseb. iv. 26.) but for it is still more strongly by internal evidence not to be believed, that a Christian could have contented himself with saying so little in favour
:

tionem debere puniri.

of the Christians. The fact of Hadrian's dealing mildly with the Christians, is also attested by tho praises bestowed on him^ in the work of a Chris-

HADRIAN AND THE CHRISTIANS.

The emperor declared

59

himself strongly and the exercise of Christianity,* was no '' against a conduct, by which the innocent longer to be held "contrary to the laws might be disturbed, and which might The oidy thing which clearly results give rise to false accusations, for the from this decree is, that it was in opposisake of extorting money, by threatening tion to riotous attacks on persons, as to accuse people as suspected Christians.* being suspected of Christianity, and reAll accusations against the Christians quired legal proceedings in all accusawere to be preferred in the legal forms, tions of them. Only in the case of govand no measures taken against them on ernors inclined to favour them, the mere popular clamour. If Christians indefinite expressions of the edict might were legally charged, and proved guilty perhaps be turned to the ailvantage of the of actions! contrary to the laws, they Christians.| were to be punished according to their Those measures were, however, due guilt; but, at the same time, false ac- rather to his love of justice than to any cusers were to suffer heavy punishment. regard for Christianity or Christians, for Similar rescripts were sent by the em- Hadrian was, as we remarked above, a peror to other quarters.J This edict zealous and precise observer of the old may have been understood as an edict of Roman and also of the Grecian religion, toleration with regard to Christianity. and despised foreign ones (peregrina Under the name of "false accusers," sacra.) See ^Eiius Spartianus, Vita Hathose may be understood who accused drian!, c. xxii. This disposition is shown the Christians of nefarious practices from in the remarkable letter of this emperor mere common report ; and the emperor to tlie consul Servianus, concerning the may have meant that the avowal and Alexandrians.;|; Although he may, perexercise of the Christian religion should haps, in this place be speaking of the not be considered criminal, and that only curious mixture of the various elements decided crimes should be punished in the of different religions in Alexandria, rather Christians just as in other people. Thus than of Cliristianity in general, yet as a the emperor would, in this case, have re- friend to Christianity his language would ceived Christianity into the number of have been different. The relation, therethe "religiones licita; :" but if that was fore, of jElius Lampridius (Alexander his intention, there needed a more ex- Severus, ch. xxiv.) an historian of the plicit declaration of what he understood early part of the fourth century, is increby the words "contrary to the laws." Some particular and express declaration * Although Melito of Sardis says to Marcus was evidently needed on the subject, Aurelius afterwards, that his predecessors had after the rescript of Trajan, if the very honoured Christianity in connection with other non-observance of the Roman religion, religions (rrgof tu.i; axx^ic d^n^mt-jut iTiuticruv,) we
cannot conclude

enough
probably wrote not long after these times, i. e. in the fifth book of the pseudo-Sibylline Prophecies.
tian,

that a person,

much from this for it is natural who was claiming the pro;

who

tection of the

emperor

for Christianity,

should lay

as

much

stress as possible

on any thing in the

Aoyv^Mgdoiii
E-TTXl

i"vg T/f i' S3"<rfT:t<

WMUrL

TroiTiu,

KM

^stlriP.'OTif dvXg

KOU

TTdLyTSi VOMit.

Rufinus had the Latin original before him, but that Eusebius, as often happens, Eusebius says, has not translated it accurately.
I think that
ivti.

tin T'Ji (rvx.ifa.VTU4; -^-..^iiyix Kouiw^yta.;

Trxpio-^An

Kufinus, ' Ne calumniatoribus latrocinandi tribuatur occasio." One cannot very well see how Hufinus could change the general term KXKwgyia.
into the special one, " latrocinatio," to

which the

context does not seem at all to point ; while Eusebius, on the contrary, was likely enough inaccurately to put a general for a particular term. ' Latrocinari" is here synonymous with "concutere" in other places, and the words of Tertullian to Scapula, when he began to persecute the Christians, may serve as a commentary on this " Parce provincia;, quae visa intentione passage tua obnoxia facta est coiicussionibuset militum et inimicorum suorum cuique." j- Eos advcrsuni leges quicquani agere.

measures of his predecessors, which either really favoured, or appeared to favour, the Christians. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. iv. brings forward instances of governors who made use of the rescript to save the Christians. One was Vespronius Candidus, who released a Christian who was brought before him, under the plea that it was against the order to obey the cry of the multitude, "quasi tumultuosum civilem* satisfacere.'' Another was Pudens, who, when he had ascertained from the protocol (clogium, the committal or the proccs-verbal,) with which a Christian had been sent to him, that lie had been seized upon with threats and in a tumultuous manner, (con-(-

cussione ejus intellecta) lot him go, declaring that without a certain and legal accuser, he could not try him according to law.
^

Flavii Vopisci Saturnius, c,

ii.

leave this quotation as I find it, although I cannot construe it. In my edition of Tertull. ad Scap. (Canibr. IfiSfi,) it stands thus: " Quasi tumultuosum civibiis suii> ptisfacere," which is
intelligible

* I

According

to Melito of Sardis, loc. cit

enough.

H.

J.

R.

60
dible,

PERSECUTION UNDER M. AURELIUS.

when he
asserts that the emperor,

in the intention of receiving Christ

among

Roman gods, had in all cities temples without statues, which were called Templa Iladriani;* but that he Avas withheld bespeak the existence of such an edict.* Under the government of the next emfrom the fulfilment of his intention by the How this peror, Marcus Aurelius, the philosopher, representation of the priests.
the

cially of one whose peculiar praise was "insignis erga caerimonias publicas cura ac religio," (Fabretti Marmor.) and the history of the consecutive times does not

report arose

among

the Christian people,

many

public calamities arose

which ex-

without any historical ground, admits of a ready elucidation, if we reflect that nothing was known of the destination of these temples, and that this emperor was looked upon in a very exaggerated light as the protector of the Christians, and so, by putting these two things together, they
attributed to this

cited the rage of the populace against the

Christians, especially a desolating pestilence, which, extending itself

by degrees to Gaul, infested the whole empire. During this time the magician Alexander, in Asia Minor (see above,) excited the zeal of the people for
from Ethiopia

Roman

own gods, from whom he promised miraculous assistance, and thus also he excited the wrath of the people against the Alexander Severus. Under this government, which in the Christians. But had there been nothing the Christians, here but popular fury, and had this empeRoman empire favoured tliey suffered in another quarter a severe ror been of the same sentiments as his persecution. When Barchochab, whom predecessor, this ebullition would soon On the contrary, the Jews believed to be the Messiah, and have been repressed. under whose conduct they revolted from however, we see under his government the the Romans, could not induce the Chris- people and the higher officers of the state
emperor what really was
as
for
their

the

case

with

others,

instance

and united together against the Christians. They were so severely persecuted in Asia Minor, that Bishop Melito, of Sardis, their advocate with the emperor, says, "The painful deaths. After the death of Hadrian, A. D. 138, race of the worshippers of God in Asia the efficacy of his edict against the attacks Minor, are now persecuted more than ever of popular fury passed away. There was the case before, in consequence of arose, besides, under the government of neio edicts, for shameless informers, thirstAntoninus Pius, public calamities, which ing after other men's property, now plunexcited afresh the rage of the populace, a der the guiltless by day and night, whenfamine, overflowings of the Tiber, earth- ever they can find any grounds for it in quakes in Asia Minor and Rhodes, and the edicts. And we object not to this, if desolating fires in Rome, Antioch, and it proceeds from your command, for a just Carthage.f The gentle and humane dig- emperor would never decide unjustly, and position of the emperor could not view we willingly bear the happy lot of such a with satisfaction these outbreakings of death; and we only make this petition to popular wrath, and in dillerent rescripts you, that you would acquaint yourself addressed to the Greek states, he expressly with those who are thus persecuted, and condemned this violent conduct. But this judge fairly whether they deserve punishemperor must have done even more for ment and death, or safety and tranquillity. the Christians, if a rescript, ascribed in If, however, this new decree and this deall probabdity to him, and not to his suc- cision comes not. from you yourself, a cessor Marcus Aurelius, vvere genuine, die decree such as would be unbecoming even rescript to the council of Asia Minor {w^oi against barbarian enemies, we pray you TO xoivov TD? 'A<rta?,) for he therein ex- the more earnestly, not to suffer us to be pressly declares, that the Christians should a prey to such rapacity."| These words be punislied only in case of tlieir being * Eusebius, however, says, that Melito of Sardis, convicted of political crimes; and, on the in his Apology, addressed to the successor of Ancontrary, any one who accused another toninus Pius, appeals to this rescript but it strikes simply on the ground of his being a one immediately, that Melito, in the fragment Christian, should himself be liable to pun- quoted by Euseliius (loc. laud.,) just exactly does that would have been ishment. But the language of the rescript not quote the rescript, for far more favourable for the Christians than the is rather that of a heathen emperor, espetians in Palestine to

deny

their faith,

take part in the revolt, he executed all who fell into his hands by cruel and

edict quoted,

by Melito.

[See Moyle's works,

ji.

*
J-

'

A(fgwvsw, so Aristid. Oral. Sacr. 1. Jul. Capitolini Vita Antoniiii Pii, c. ix.

236 and ("hevalier's Apostolical Epistles, p. 278. H. .1. R.] misprinted, or he has f [Dr. Neander is either

M. AURELIUS
of
Melito, where

HIS NOTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS.

1
j

61

Christian dignity is mingled with Christian prudence, lead us

to

many

observations.

Immediately

after

'

the publication of Trajan's edict, a ChrisI

tian once accused might be punished u-ith

j

death ; and this edict was never officially revoked, although the mildness of the last

emperor

in

this

respect

may have

preI

Pliny had been. He also could only see in this a blind opposition to the laws of the state, and his philosophical bigotry would assist in inflaming his political zeal. We shall transcribe here the very words of this emperor in regard to the Christians ; they are taken from his Meditations, (xi. 3.) "The soul must be prepared

vented its severe and literal execution. when it must leave the body, either to But Melito informs us that a new and ter- be extinguished, or to be dissolved, or rible edict had been put forth by the pro- to remain a little longer with the body. consul, iriviting informations agai7ist the -This readiness must proceed from free Christians. This is the more striking un- choice, and not from mere obstinacy,* as der the government of this emperor, who in the Christians; and it must also be the
I j i ,

was by no means

inclined to approve of the

^ I

result of contemplation,

and a

lofty spirit,

infamous trade of informers,* and whose principle seemed rather to be to lighten those punishments which the laws denounced against crime.| We can hardly imagine that the proconsul would have ventured to publish a new edict on his authority, and Melito appears to be quite persuaded that it came from the emperor himself; while at the same time he expresses himself doubtfully on the point, in order that he might ask its repeal with a
better grace.

Avithout
j

any

theatrical elTect, so that a

man

Let us

now consider generally

this

the senti-

ments of
tians, in

emperor towards the ChrisI

connection with his philosophical

and religious systems, and see what results from it in relation to his actual conduct towards the Christians. His cold, contemplative stocism, could never

make him

their friend; the objects of his highest admiration were a calmness that proceeded from philosophical speculation, and a resignation which could coolly contemplate even the annihilation of our personality, as we have above remarked ; but he had no sympathy with calmness and resignation, that arose from a living faith, and a

hope founded on that faith, and animated by it. The spirit with which the Christian martyrs met death, nay, even in many instances sought it (although the Church to despise the religious faith of other men. in general condemned this latter custom,) We find in him a certain child-like piety, appeared to him a mere delusion of en- which he owed, not to his stoicism, but, thusiasm; for the faith from which this after his own confession, to the infiuencej spirit proceeded, no man could communi Mn Kvra. -^iKnv !TasT3|/v cate to another by philosophical demonpervicacia, obstistration. The principle which the Chris- natio. wrfg* Txc /ux^o; ro fisjiri/???. [In the Soirees de f tians acted on, rathei to die than to do S. Petersbourg there is an eloquent passage on this what was required of them, Marcus Au- subject, of which it will not be out of place to relius was as little able to appreciate as quote the beginning here: "It liclongs to our
;

should also be able to persuade another to the same course." In this point of view, therefore, although he might find the Christians guilty of no moral offence, and probably disbelieve the often refuted tales about them, yet he might consider them as enthusiasts, dangerous to the well-being of civil society, and as he remarked that Christianity, under the mild government of the last emperor, was constantly taking deeper root, he might think it necessary to oppose its increase by severe measures. There may be in philosophy, just as well as in any thing else, a bigoted attachment to certain notions and ideas, which renders men intolerant and fond of persecution. It is well, indeed, that Plato's wish of seeing philosophy united with sovereign poAver, can rarely be realised. Plato would be right, if by his philosophy true wisdom is understood, wdiich never can be learned in a school ; but the philosophy of a school, united with sovereign power, would assuredly be a most fruitful source of oppression. We should, nevertheless, be judging most unjustly, if we represented this emperor to ourselves as a philosopher, whom certain general notions had taught proudly

sex,

no doubt,

to

form mathematicians,

tactitians.

mistranslated Eusebius here; he leaves out the negative in this sentence, and thus makes it nonsense. In my edition the negative .stands. II. J.

chemists, &c., but that which one calls Man, that is to say, the moral Man, is formed perhaps at ten

years of age, and

R.
j-

The
L.

passage
xxiv.

is

in Euseb.

iv.

26.]

* Julii Capitolini Vita, c. xi.

c. c.

if a man has not thus been formed upon his mother's knees, he will feel it a heavy misfortune throughout his life. Nothing can stand in the place of such an education. If


62
M. AURELItJS

HIS NOTIONS OF

THE CHRISTIANS.
such practices, though from
fear,

of a pious mother on his education.

And

tion to

though his chikl-like piety sometimes at- from vanity, or some similar disposition, He was honestly taches itself to the superstition of the thou avoidest them.* popular religion, yet even this child-like devoted to the religion of the state and piety gives a far more honourable testi- of the people, although he endeavoured mony lo the disposition of the emperor, to avoid the abject and extravagant superthan the proud feelings of a haughty deism stition which was in vogue among the The following are heathen of his time."!" He believed, for ever could have done. traits of his religious creed. a To instance, as well as his contemporaries, the same inquiry which was proposed to that the gods proclaim by dreams the the Christians, " Where hast thou seen means of recovery from diseases, and he the gods, or where hast thou learnt their thought that he had often experienced existence, so that thou shouldest honour their assistance.! When the pestilence them thus .^" he answers, " First,* they we mentioned above was raging in Italy, are visible even to our eyes besides, I have he saw in it a warning to revive the old never seen my soul, and yet I treat it with worship in all its power. He invited reverence: so also, when 1 constantly ex- priests from all quarters to Rome, and perience the power of the gods, I learn to delayed his departure to the war against

kw

recognise their existence, and I honour theni."! This experience of the power of God was certainly no delusion. It was the living God, to him an unknown God, whom he might have learned to know from the Gospel, but whom he worshipped imder the name of those creatures of his imagination. When he looked back upon the Divine guidance, which had accompanied him from childhood, he said, " As

Marcomanni, during the religious solemnities, by which he had hopes of driving

the pestilence. Many even of the heathens vented their sarcastic humour on the number of victims he offered up during

away

his preparation for this war.!|

We

can from these circumstances, ex-

plain the fact

how Marcus
was

Aurelius, dis-

tinguished as he

for a love of justice,

depends on the gods, and the influence which descends from them on me, their guidance and their inspiration, I might already have attained to a life conformable to the rules of nature but that I have fallen short of this aim, is my own fault, and I owe it to my neglect of the warnings, nay, of the express instructions, of the gods.'"J The distinction which he saw between an outward abstinence from evil, and a true inward holiness, and the recognition of the sinfulness of all mankind, must, one would have thought, have led him to the notion of a Redeemer from sin but he explained these truths to himself by means of his stoic doctrine of fatalism and in regard to this also he
far as
; ;

and for the mildness which shines forth, as well in his conduct as in his writings, might nevertheless, while he sought to maintain the old state religion, become, from political and religions motives a pei-secutor of Christianity, which was then extending itself every where. A law of

which he condemns to banishment on an island, all those " who do any thing with the intention of terrifyhis is extant, in

ing the light dispositions of

fear of the Deity."!!
It is

men by

the

not immediately

to

be concluded that

this

law was made

against the Christians, because in those

days there were

tors, against

many

goetae and impos-

learned to practise a stoic resignation; for lie says, '-When thou seest another sin, think that thou thyself sinnest oftentimes, and art just such an one thyself. And

whom it may justly have been directed. But the emperor, M. Aurelius, may very readily have classed these people and Christians together, as Celsus has done, who wrote against the Christians
in

This prince was inpardon those who confessed showed repentance, even even thougii thou abstainest from many and sins, yet thou hast within thee the inclina- in cases where he might have punished without being considered severe. (See
his time.

clined

to

their crimes

the mother has made it a duty to j^rave deeply the Divine character on the forehead of her son, we may be almost sure that the hand of vice will never he aiile to efface it. Vol. i. p. 215.

*T/ib. xi. 18.

f
II

He

desired a

6i^<rtiia.

without a

SufriSu/xmct..

t I-

17.

Jul. Capitol, c. xiii. c. xxi.

H.

J.

R.]

Hence

the epii^ram recorded by

c.

Ammianus
Msfxa) tm

* It is uncertain
alluil<!S to

whether the emperor here the stars, as visible divinities, or to the

tlie

Marccllinus, L. xxv.

4.

oi

xux;/

/S;s.-

appearances of

gods in visions and dreams.

probalile supposition.
t I. 17.

Tl

" lU'legandum ad insulam, qui aliquid fecerit,

The

latter

seems the most

28.

([uo loves

hominuin animi superstitionc numinis

f L.

xiii. c.

terreantur."

From

the Pandects.

M. AURELIUS
the

HIS

NOTIONS OP THE CHRISTIANS.

63

example of Capitolinus, ch. xiii.) But the Christians never would acknowledge that they had done wrong, and otdy persisted the more in what the laws forbade them to do. On this very account the emperor may have ordered that every means should be tried to force them to recant, and that the punishment of death should be indicted only in extreme cases, where nothing would move them to give in. But even thus an ill-judged humanity, wiiose only view was to spare tlie effusion of blood, may have been the occasion of

bably, as Pagi and Ruinart jusily suspect, stixnds for Aurelius,) coincides exactly witli this account, and as it bears every

mark of genuineness
matter,
it is

in its language and not improbable that it may be

the very edict sent by this emperor to the It runs thus governors of the provinces. " We have heard that the laws are violated by those who in our times call them-

selves

Christians.

Seize these

people,

many
If

cruel tortures.

we now put

together what

we

find

peculiar in the nature of the persecutions

of this time,

we

obtain a result combining

two circumstances, yir^-if, that inquisition for Christians was ordered by the laws,
although the fury of the populace frequendy out-stripped the legal proceedings According to the of public functionaries. edict of Trajan, no such inquisition was to be made, but now, on the contrary, the Christians, were eagerly sought for, and were often obliged to escape by hiding themselves, as appears from the several accounts of the persecutions, and from Up to this the expressions of Celsus.* time then, the treatment they had experienced was this : the Christians who were accused and would not, after repeated requests^ abjure their faith^ were executed

and if they refuse to sacrifice to our gods, punish them with various kinds of torments, in such a manner, however, that justice be mingled with your severity, and that the punishment cease, when the object is attained of extirpating the crime!" This last addition suits exactly the chathe governors were to racter of Aurelius look steadfastly at the object he had in view, namely, to abolish Christianity, which was at variance with the state religion, and to lead back the people to the worship of the Roman gods but they were not to give themselves up to the dictates of blind passion. The caution might be humane enough, but it was totally insufficient to restrain men from cruel and
;
;

arbitrary measures.

shall now proceed to a more deconsideration of the progress of these persecutions in the provinces, and the conduct of the Christians under them, after the narration of credible authorities. without the application of tortures ! JVoiv, We have, in the first place, a circumstantial account of the persecution in the year it was attempted to force the Christians to
tailed

We

by the use of tortures. An edict 167, in which the Church of Smyrna lost which is still extant, under the name of their old and venerai)le bishop, Polycarp, the [Emperor Aurelianus, (which pro- the disciple of St. John, and of which this Church has given a detailed narrative in a
recant
Celsus says of the Christians, ( viii. p. 4 1 8,)
<pfjy<,VTi; X.-U x.etjTrT.fji.tnt,
uX/a-*;^5li;,
it-.

and,

(viii. p.

436,)

u[ji.m Jt

x.

rK^vxruj

ri;,

in

K^ibxvmv,

other Christian circular, addressed to Churches.* The then proconsul of Asia Minor does not appear to have been personally hostile to the Christians ; but the heathen people, with whom the Jewish rabble joined themselves, were en-

This edict, which is preserved for us in the Acta SyiTiphoriani, of which we shall have to speak
-j-

hereafter,

is thus expressed in the orisfinal ".Vurelianus Iniperator omnibus adiniriistratori-

bus suis atque rcctoribus. Comperimus ab his, qui se temporibus nostris Christianos dicunt, legum praecepta violari. Hos comprehensos, nisi
diis noslris sacrificaverint, diversis

bcing an old
relius better

punitc cruciati-

bus, quatenus habeat distinclio prolata justitiani

et in

resecandis criminibus ultio termiaata

jam

sect, appears to suit the time of Authan that of Aurelianus, in which the Also, Christian sect had so long openly existed. the accusation against the Christians, that the exercise of their religion was a violation of the laws

finern."

of the state, could hardly be brought forward under

No aim appears likely to be answered by the the f^mperor Aurelian, for Christianity in thatcase forgery of such an edict, its lans^uage is the ofTicial had been recognised as a "religio licila" fifteen language of the day, and its whole spirit breathes years, when this edict appeared. Most undoubtthe Roman statesman, so that an unprejudiced edly, therefore, we must read Aurelius inste.\d of If it l)e- Aurelianus, two names which are constanlly interperson can scarcely believe it spurious. longs to the time of Aurelianus, whose name it changed. Lucius Aurelius Commodus was favourbears, the martyr, in whose history it stands, must able to the Christians, and therefore, he is o\it of have died in his reign. But it is. diflicult to be- the question it suits no one but the Einjicror Marcus Aurelius Antonius. lieve, that under this emperor they proceeded to * Partly quoted in Eusebius, (iv. l.").) but more Also the manshed (christian blood (see below.) ner in which it speaks of Christians, as not then at large in the collection of the Patres Apostolicu
;

64

POLYCARP FLIES.
|

when the raged against them, and the proconsul deluded imagination. yielded compliance to the fury of the proconsul pressed this Phrygian hard, and He had affrighted him by the sight of the wild people, and the demands of tlie law. endeavoured to move the Christians to beasts, to which he was to be thrown, he threats, by the sight of the gave in, swore by the genius of the emrecantation by torture, and of wild beasts, to whom they peror, and offered sacrifices. The Church, were to be thrown and if they remained after the narration of these circumstances, " Therefore we do not steadfast in their faith, he condemned them add this remark Jn one respect he certainly approve of those who give themselves up, to death. yielded too far to the savage cruelty of for the Gospel does not instruct us to do the people, and that was in choosing pain- this." How different was the conduct of ful and ignominious kinds of death, such the aged Polycarp when he heard the beasts, or cry of the people who were eager for his as throwing them to wild making them perish on the funeral pile, blood, his first impression was to remain for the law did not require this from him. in the town, and to await God's pleasure But, on the other hand, as the law de- in the event; but the prayers of the nounced in general terms sentence of Church prevailed on him to take refuge death against obstinate adherence to Chris- in a neighbouring country seat. Here he tianity, people chose to suppose that per- remained in company with some friends, sons who were no Roman citizens, must busied day and night, as he was accusUnder the tomed, in offering prayers for all commudie an ignominious death.* severest tortures, even such as raised the nities in. the whole world. When he was pity of the heathen themselves, the Chris- searched for, he betook himself to another tians showed great tranquillity and calm- country place, and he had scarcely gone " They showed us all," says the before tlie police appeared, to whom the ness. Church, " that they were absent from their retreat of Polycarp had been made known bodies during these torments, or rather by some of his confidential but unworthy that the Lord stood by them, and con- friends. They found two slaves, one of versed with ttiem ; and, relying on the whom, under the pain of torture, betrayed grace of Christ, they despised the tor- the place to which the bishop had fled. ments of the world." But the difference When they came, Polycarp, who was in was here exhibited between the passing the upper story, might have retreated intoxication of enthusiasm, which though from the flat roof to another house, a conit seeks danger with rash self-confidence, venience which the eastern mode of buildturns to cowardice at the presence of ing afforded, but he said, "-God's will be death ; and that resolute devotedness to done !" He came down to the policeGod, which waits for the call of God, and officers, and ordered them as much rethen seeks strength from him. A certain freshment as they might be inclined to Quintus, of Phrygia, a nation peculiarly take, begging only as a favour that they liable to fantastic and exaggerated feelings, would allow him one hour's undisturbed with many others who had been seized prayer. The fulness of his heart, howwith this enthusiastic fire from his per- ever, carried him on for two hours, and suasion, appeared before the tribunal of even the heathen were touched at the the proconsul of his own accord, and de- sight of his devotion. clared himself a Christian When this interval had passed, he was a conduct which, although always blamed by the conducted on an ass to tlie town, where Christian Church, gave an opportunity to the chief officer of police (tl^nnu^x,"^) the heathen to represent Christians, as a going with his father out of the town, met set of restless enthusiasts, who ran into him, and taking him into his carriage, danger and death, in the blindness of a spoke to him in a kind and friendly manner " What harm," said he, " can it be * Such punishments were assigned by law to for you to say, ' oiir lord the emperor.^*
;
: I

Now

many

of the crimes of which the people's blind " Qui sacra fanaticism accused the Christians. impia nocturnave, ut quem obcantarcnt, fecerint

and to

offer

up

sacrifices ?"*

Polycarp

faciendave curaverint, aut cruci sufllguntur, aut bestiis objiciuntur. Qui hominem immolaverint,
sive ejus sanguine Htaverint, polluerint,
sint,

fanum tcmplumvc
artis

bestiis

objiciuntur, vcl si honcstiores

capite

puniuntur.

Magica;

conscios

summo

supplicio

affici placuit, id est bestiis objici

aut cruci

sufllgi, ipsi

autcm magi

vivi exuruntur.

* may learn from the words of Tertullian, Apologet. c. 34, what the sentiments of the Chris"The name tians about such a demand were. Lord is also one of the names of God. I am willing to-call the emperor lord, but in the common acceptation of language, and then I must not be compelled to call him lord in the same sense that
I

We

Julius Paulus in sentcntiis rcccptis."

call

God by

this

name.

But

am

free

from

POLYCARP DIES ON THE FUNERAL

at
first

PILE.

65

but when they con- they wished to fasten him with nails tinued to press him, he cahnly said, " I to the pile, the old man said, "Leave me will not do what you advise me." When thus, I pray, unfastened He, who has they saw that they could not persuade enabled me to abide the fire, will give me him, they grew angry. With bitter and strength also to remain firm on the stake." contumelious expressions they threw him Before the fire was lighted he prayed " O Lord out of the carriage, and so roughly as to thus Almighty God the injure one of the bones of his shin. He Father of thy beloved Son Jesus Christ turned, and went on his way, as if through whom we have received a knownothing had happened. When he ap- ledge of Thee God of the angels and of peared before the proconsul, the latter the whole creation, of the whole human said to him, Swear, curse Christ, and I race, and of the saints, who live before will set you free .'" The old man an- thy presence I thank thee that thou hast swered, " Eighty and six years have I thought me worthy, this day, and this served him, and I have received only hour, to share the cup of thy Chris-t good at his hands Can I then curse among the number of thy witnesses !" him, my King and my Saviour ?" When The Church recognised, in the example the proconsul continued to press him, of their bishop, what tlie nature of a Polycarp said, " W' ell, then, if you desire genuine evangelical mart\Tdom should to know who I am, I tell thee freely, / be " for," they write, ^ he waited to be

was

silent,

''

am

a Christian

if
is,

you

desire to

know

appoint an hour and proconsul, who here showed that he did not act from any religious bigotry, and would gladly have saved the old man, if he could silence the people, said to Polycarp, " Only persuade neighbour for this is the nature of true the people." He replied, " To you I felt and genuine charity to seek, not only
Avhat Christianity

hear me."

The

given up (he did not press forward uncalled to a martyr's death,) as also did our Lord, that we might therein follow him ; so that we should not look to that which concerns our own salvation alone, but also to that which is requisite for our
:

myself bound to render an account, for our religion teaches us to treat the powers ordained by God with becoming reverence, as far as is consistent with our salvation. But as for those without, I consider them undeserving of any defence from me." And justly too! for what would it have been but throwing pearls before swine, to attempt to speak of the Gospel to a wild, tumultuous, and fanatical mob ? After the governor had in vain threatened him with wild beasts and the funeral pile, he made the herald publicly announce in the circus, that Polycarp had confessed himself a Christian. These words contained the sentence of
death against him.
cried out,

our

own

salvation, but that of all

the

brethren."

death of the pious pastor was a of temporal advantage to his The fury of the populace having obtained this victim, cooled a little, and the proconsul, who was not a personal enemy of the Christians, suspended all

The

source

Church.

inquisition, and was willing to be ignorant of the existence of any Christians

around him. The second persecution under this emperor, of which we have any accounts, took place among the churches of Lyons (Lugdunum) and Vienne, A. D. 177. The fanatical rage of the people in these cities

resembled, if it did not exceed, that of the people of Smyrna; and there was the father of the Christians, the enemy here also the additional circumstance, that of our gods, who has taught so many not the superior oOicers of government were to pray to the gods, and not to sacrifice !" infected with this fury. The outbreakAs soon as the proconsul had complied ings of the rage of tlie people appeared with the demand of the populace, that gradually to increase in violence, and the Polycarp should perish on the funeral Christians were reviled and ill-treated pile, Jew and Gentile hastened with the whenever they appeared in public, and utmost eagerness to collect wood from were plundered in their houses. At the market-places and the baths. When length the best known were seized, and brought before the government. VVhen him. I have one Lord, the almighty and eternal they declared themselves Christians, they God, who is the Lord also of the emperor." What a contrast between the free spirit of this were thrown into prison, as they could Christian and the slavish adulation of a Komari not be tried inmiediately, in consequence senate since the time of Augustus Truly, in- of the absence of the governor, that is to deed, it is the Son of God who sets us free say, the legatus, or lieutenant. On his

The

people instantly

"This

is

the teacher of atheism,

f2


66

'

CONDUCT OP THE GOVERNOR TO THE CHRISTIANS.

return, he instantly began an inquisition, strength of such crimes having been someaccompanied by the use of tortures, not times confessed in the agonies of torture. only to force the Christians to a recanta- Many died in a dark dungeon, the terrors tion, but also to wring from them an of which many inventions were contrived avowal of the truth with regard to the to augment, while the wretched prisoner horrible accusations of unnatural prac- was condemned to endure the extremities on the other hand, tices, which were commonly reported of hunger and thirst In Smyrna the proconsul to use the expressions of the Church, against them. been too sensible to lend " Many who suffered such severe torseems to have A young man ments, that it would have seemed imposhis ear to such reports. of some rank, by name Bettius Pagatus, sible for the greatest care to enable them although not arrested as a Christian, felt to survive, lived on in the dungeon, dehimself bound, on hearing of these accu- serted by human care, but so strengthened sations, to come forward in attestation of in body and soul by the Lord, that they He asked were able to inspirit and comfort their the innocence of his brethren. a hearing, in which he promised to show comrades." It happened " by the grace criminal took place at the of God, who wills not the death of a sinthat nothing
;

meetings of the Christians ; but the legate, without giving hun a hearing, only asked if he were a Christian, and on his clear declaration of this, he was cast into prison as the advocate of the Christians (Tra^axA*!Some heathen slaves, Tor ^^KT-Tioctuv.) under fear of the torture, declared their masters guilty of the crimes Christian which vague rumours laid to their charge. Little as such a declaration was worth, fanaticism was eager to receive it as an evidence of truth, and the people felt that every cruelty was now justifiable. Neither The kindred, age, nor sex were spared. steadfastness and tranquillity of many of Christians under the most exquisite these
tortures,

ner, but delights in his repentance," that

the persuasions of these heroes

faith

of the

wrought deeply on many of those, who had yielded and denied their faith, " their Mother the Church had the and great joy of receiving again out of the prison as living members, those whom she had cut off as dead." As the number of the prisoners was considerable, and there were among them

Roman

citizens

who

the province, the legate

in regard

to all

port to
this

Rome,

could not be tried in thought it best, of them, to send his reand await the emperor's
imperial rescript

decision.
effect,

The
'

was

to

that

those

who

recanted

showed plainly, to use the words should be set free, and the rest beheaded." account given by the Church, It is evident here, that Marcus Aurelius " how they were bedewed and strengthened thought on this matter with Trajan, and by the waters of life, which flow forth was far from giving credit to the accusafrom the heart of Christ, and that nothing tions against Christians. The legate first
of the
is terrible

nor

where the love of God exists, cited before his tribunal all those, who where the glory of Christ had been prevailed on to recant during Pothinus, the bishop of the the first inquisition, and were awaiting in dwells." community of Lyons, a man of ninety the dungeon the decision of their fate.
painful,

years of age, weak from infirmity and sickness, but filled with youthful vigour from his zeal to give testimony to the truth, was dragged before the tribunal. The legate asked him, " Who is the God of the Christians ?" and received the answer which such an inquirer deserved "You will know him if you prove yourAll self worthy of such knowledge." who stood around the tribunal, were now eager to pour out their wrath upon the Half breathless he venerable old man. was cast into prison, where he died in two days. It was of no use now to yield and recant; those who did were thrown into prison, not as Christians, but as being

was, of course, fully expected that they tlieir denial of the faith, and so obtain their freedom ; but the indignation and astonishment of the multitude can scarcely be conceived, when many among them uttered a steadfast confession of their faith, and by so doing signed Tliose alone, their own death warrant. says the Church, remained apart from us, who retained no vestige of their faith, nor had ever put on tiie wedding-garment of the Lord, (that feeling of faith working througli love by which communion with God is made known,) and such only as had no fear of God, and had already scandalized their religion by their conduct. guilty of the crimes which were laid to Tlie legate executed those among the prian accusation soners who had the rigiUs of Roman citithe charge of Christians which probably was supported on the zens by the sword, although he caused
It

would repeat

HUMILITY OF THE MARTYRS AT LYONS.

Attalus, one of the number, in violation of the hwvs, to be tortured in various ways,

67
inflicted the

forgive those

who had

most

and then thrown

To the brethcruel tortures upon them. merely ren they left behind them, not contention people and and wrath, but peace and joy, harmony to gratify tlie violence of the when Attalus had endured all the punish- and love. The rage of the populace was satisfied ments, he allowed the death-blow to be The rest were with the mutilation of the body and its inflicted with the sword. thrown to wild beasts. Two of the con- consumption on the funeral pile, but even verts, Ponticus, a stripling of fifteen, and then the ashes and the miserable remains
to wild beasts,
;

whom they endea- that escaped the fire, were thrown into by making them wit- the waters of the neighbouring Rhone, sufferings of their that no remnant of these enemies of the ness all the severest companions, excited only general aston- gods might pollute the earth. Neither ishment, at what the power of God could tears nor money were availing to the effect in such weak and tender vessels. Christians, to procure the remains of marWe allow that these effects do not always tyrs so dear to them, for interment. The most ignorant and blinded heathen thought they proceed from the Spirit of God extraordinary effects, we know from his- should thus bring the hope of Christians " We shall now see," said tory, are often produced by the power of to confusion. the human will, animated by the feverish they, " whether they will rise again, and intoxication of enthusiasm, which is ca- whether God can help them, and save At length, howpable of extinguishing so many of the them from our hands." tender weaknesses of human nature. But ever, as the Christians were so numerhaughtiness and pride usually accompany ous, men became weary of bloodshed, enthusiasm, while that which proceeds and there still remained a branch of the from the Spirit of God is distinguished by Church even under this bitter persecuhumility and love, and it was this sign tion. In places where only a few Christians which marked the martyrs of Lyons, as disciples of Jesus Christ. When their fel- dwelt, their existence was more easily low Christians eagerly sought to show concealed, and the rage of the people was honour to such heroes of the faith, they not so easily attracted to them. The govEven when they had been ernors did not think it necessary to esrefused it. conducted back to prison, after enduring tablish a search for them, except where repeated tortures, they did not, when they individuals, from peculiar circumstances, looked only to themselves, feel sure of made themselves notorious as enemies of As they were no deluded the slate religion, which happened about the victory. enthusiasts, they felt strongly the strug- this time in a town not very far from and Lyons, called Autnn.* There was no ingle between the flesh and the spirit they most decidedly blamed those who tention of persecuting the Christians there, honoured them with the name of " mar- as they were in small numbers, and but "This name," they said, "be- little known, when a Christian first attyrs." longs properly only to the true and righte- tracted public notice to himself. The ous Witness,* the First-born of the dead, noisy multitude, with great solemnities, or, at least only to were celebrating a festival in honour of the Prince of life those martyrs whose witness to the truth Cybele, whose worship appears to have Christ has already sealed by their death come hither from Asia Minor, by the same We are merely poor and route which Christianity afterwards folin the faith. humble confessors of the faith." With lowed, and she appears also to have been
a girl

named Blandina,
to frighten

voured

tears they implored the brethren fervently

held in great respect at that time.

An

to pray for them, that they

their

work to a With tender love they received those of great multitude of people. All fell on companions, wlio had fallen away their knees; but Symphorianus, a young their

might bring image of Cybele was carried round in one glorious conclusion. of her usual cars, and accompanied by a

from the faith and were sent into their man of high family, conceived that his prison, and prayed to God with many conscience would not allow him to partears, that Ho would restore these dead ticipate in this rite, and most probably Tliev looked even on their per- on being taken to task for it, took occato life. secutors without one feeling of revenge, sion to speak of the vanity of idolatry and only prayed to God that He would He was instantly seized, and conductec:
Ma^Ti/g. Rev.
i.
fi.

Aagustodunum,

.ifJdua.

; ;

68

THE LEGIO FULMINEA,

\

A. D.

174.
far

before the governor, Heraclius, a man of consular dignity, as a disturber of the pubThe lic worship, and a seditious citizen. governor said to him, " You are a ChrisAs far as I can judge, tian, I suppose. you must have escaped our notice^ for there are but a few followers of this sect He answered, " I am a Christian here.'''' I pray to the true God, who rules in heaven, but I cannot pray to idols ; nay, if I

tians

and although he did not go so

licitse,"

as to receive their religion into the class

of " religiones

he published an edict inflicting heavy penalties on those who accused Christians merely on the score of their religion.* Truth and
are blended together in this The emperor cannot have been induced to suspend his persecution

falsehood

narration.

of the Christians by any event of this

date, for the persecution of

were permitted, I would dash them to atoms, on my own responsibility." The governor, on this avowal, declared him guilty of a double crime, one crime against the religion, and another against the laws of the state and, as neither threats nor promises could induce Symphorianus to abjure his faith, he was sentenced to be beheaded. As they led him to execution, his mother cried out to him, " My son, my son, keep the living God in thy heart
;

Lyons took

place

three

years

later.

The

twelfth

had borne this name ever since the time of Augustus Caesar .| The
legion
fact,

also

we

cannot fear death, which leads so cerlife up, my son let thy heart be up. and look to him who rules on high. Thy life is not taken from thee to-day, but thou art conducted to a better. By a blessed exchange, my son, thou will pass this day to the life of heaven."* If we may credit a report which has been current among Christians from the beginning of the third century, the emperor Marcus Aurelius was induced to adopt stretch forth to thee!" There were pica different conduct towards them by an tures where he was represented praying, During the and the soldiers catching the rain in their event of a miraculous nature. war against the Marcomanni and the helmets. The emperor himself expresses Quaddi, A. D. 174, his army was reduced this belief in a coin, -where Jupiter is a burning sun lay upon represented as hurling down his lightning to great distress on fhe barbarians stretched upon the it in front, and it was then suffering the extremities of thirst from a drought, and ground ;|| and perhaps, also, in his mediexpecting every instant in this unfavour- tations at the end of the first book, where able condition an attack of the enemy. among the things for which he has to In this extremity the twelfth legion, thank, not himself, but the gods, he which consisted entirely of Christians, names, in the last place, the occurrences At their prayer a among the Quadi.lT It is also quite cerfell upon their knees. rain descended, which quenched the thirst of the Roman soldiers, and a storm arose * Tertullian, Apologet. c. v. and ad Scapulam
tainly to
;
!

that the Roman army Avas at that time saved from imminent danger by some such remarkable occurrence, is undeniable ; and even the heathen acknowledged in it the hand of God. They ascribed it, however, not to the God of the Christians, nor to their prayers, but to their own gods, to their Jupiter, and to the prayers of the emperor or the army ; not to mention a foolish superstition, which attributes the descent of the storm to the incantations of an Egyptian magician.J It is said that the prince prayed to Jupiter, stretching out his hands towards heaven, and saying, "This hand, which never yet shed human blood (for I reckon not the blood of the enemies of the gods,) I

which frightened the barbarians. The Roman army gained the victory, and in commemoration of this event the emperor

gave the legion the name nea. lie ceased to persecute the Chris-

Euseb.Lib. v. c. 5. Dio Cassius, in his table of the FiCgions existing in the time of the emperor Augustus, B. Iv. of Legio Fulmi- ch. 23 TO MeuttTov (irTgaTCTrscfov) ro h K^ttttuJouu,
c. iv.
-j-

ro

Also, in the fifteenth century, in it^a.uv:<p'j^cv. the "notitia dignitatum Imperii Romanii," 27, the "prffifectura legionis diiodccima; fulminea; Melitena;" is assigned to the

* The relation of the martyrdom of Symphorianus is so simple in essentials, so lilflc deformed by the customary exaggerations of later days, and so suitable to Ihe circumstances of the times, that

Dux

Armenia;

the pro-

vince of Melitena lying on the borders of

Armenia

we
lie

cannot doubt that

it

is

entirely

founded on

although, perhaps, in some passages it may laboured and rhetorical. Every thing, however, conspires to prove that the event itself took place at a time not far distant from that of the
facts,

and Cappadocia. + Dio Cass. Lib. Ixxi. p. 8. Themist. Orat. 15, t /3!rM!i)TaT ligM-aiii, p. 191, ed. Hardouin. fSee Eckhel Numism. B. iii. 64.
II

Tcev

persecution at

Lyons and Vienne.

It has here 1 Ta iv Kcu^o/c 'rpo; tm y^u.vcv^. been supposed, that M. Aurelius indicates by these words the place in which he wrote this book ; but

PEACE FOR THE CHRISTIANS UNDER COMMODUS.

remarkable event can have had no influence on the emperor's sentiments towards the Christians but, at the same time, we have no right, on this account, to accuse the latter of a fiction. The thing is very easily explained there may have been many Christians in the Legio Fulminea, for it is quite certain that only a part of the Christians condemned the profession of a soldier, and even though it may be difficxdt to imagine that the Christians generally (and especially under such an emperor as Marcus Aurelius) could withdraw themselves in the Roman army from participation in heathen ceremonies, yet, under peculiar circumstances, this may have been the case. The Christian soldiers, under the pressure of this distress, took refuge, as they were accustomed to do, in prayer they looked upon their deliverance as the answering of their prayers, and on their return home
tain, that this
:
'

69

upon

it,

makes him speak of Chrislian

At all events. TertuUian exAnother himself doubtfully.* relation of this same event by TertuUian, will plainly show us how the Christians explained the religious deliverances of ; the heathen from their own belief, and not witliout reason for they well knew icho the unknown God was, whom the heathen worshipped under the name of Jupiter. These are his words: "-Marcus Aurelius also, in the German expedition, received rain after a drought at the prayers of a Christian soldiery. How often have the droughts of countries been removed by our kneelingf and fasting! In such cases, even the people gave our :God the honour; for they cried out to the God of Gods, the only mighty one, under the name of Jupiter.";}; ; There is the less reason to look for any definite cause for the cessation of the told their story to their fellow-believers. persecutions, because rage naturally in Tiiese naturally would not iail to remind [time expends itself; and besides, in this the heathen of what they owed to the case, only a few years after the last Christians whom they so persecuted. bloody persecution in France, every thing Claudius Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis, at Rome was changed with the change in in Phrygia, might have heard it soon the government. The insignificance of after the event from the mouths of the the abandoned Commodus, who succeeded soldiers themselves of this legion, which his father in the year 180, litde as he can returned to winter-quarters in Cappado- have cared for Christianity, must have cia, and he made use of it in an apology, been of advantage to the Christians in which he addressed to this emperor, or in procuring for them a time of refreshment his other apologetic works.* As to the and repose after their sufferings under letter, to which TertuUian appeals, from Marcus Aurelius. Marcia, who lived in Marcus Aurelius, apparently addressed to illicit commerce with Commodus, was, the Roman senate, in which he ascribes we know not how, a friend to the Christhis deliverance to the Christian soldiers, tians, and influenced the emperor in their if the words are accurately quoted, the * Christianorum forte militum. above remarks will prove that the letter t Days of prayer and fasting, commonly joined be
I

soldiers.

presses

'

must
ever,

forgery.

The

inquiry,

how-

open, whether the words are accurately cited, or whether the emperor using the word " soldiers" simply, TertuUian, putting his own interpretation
is still

together by the Christians.

t

[Those who are desirous of further informa-

tion on the subject of the Legio Fulminea, will do well to consult the remarks made on the early

miracles by the bishop of London, in the notes to the volume of Sermons which he has lately published.

as such an addition

only found in the third book, we may, perhaps, more aptly interpret these words as an allusion to some events in certain places, the mention of which has some connection with what goes before.
is

Jortin

is fii|)pant

See also Mosheim, cent. ii. part 1, 1U. on the subject, as usu:d, and Gibat the Christians, as usual also; but in

bon sneers
all

the writers

whom
is

have consulted,

find that

the conclusion

nearly similar to that

We

drawn by

must avow,

that

where Eusebius makes Neandcr, which seems

Apollinaris say, that the legion received the name of " fulminea" from this event, there is reason to suspect that he read his account in great haste, for
it is difficult

to think that so gross a blunder could

have been made by a contemporary, living in the neighbourhood of the wintcr-(juarters of that legion. Perhaps Apollinaris only says, that the emperor might now, with justice, call the legion " fulminea," or something of this sort. [Is not the distance of Cappadocia from the Quadi an objection to that part of Dr. Neander's explanation, which does not admit some of the facts assumed by the speaks of " winter-quarters 1" H. J. R.] explanation of Dr. JMeander.H. J. R.]

indeed to be the only reasonable one. They all admit tlie fact to be undeniable, but they mostly deny that any nuraculous interposition is due to the prayers of the Christians. Why, however, the account of the Christians is not at least as credible as that of the heathen, who attribute a miracle to Jupiter, Mr. Gibbon leaves us to make out for ourselves. See also the works of Mr. Moylc, where this question is discussed in a very elaborate manner. Moyle's Works, vol. ii. p. 81 390. Mr. Moyle, however,

70
favour.

NO

NEW LAW FAVOURABLE TO THE

cited

CHRISTIANS.

above the persecutirm proceeded from indivifrom TertuUian, as favourable to the duals, and not from the imperial throne. Christians, may have proceeded from this The proconsul was really frightened, and emperor, who was well inclined to them, contenting himself with sentencing a few and have been falsely attributed to the to death, he said to the rest, " As for you, There miserable creatures if you choose to die, latter years of his predecessor. were really events in the reign of Com- you have rocks to dash yourselves from, modus, in which the working of such a and ropes to hang yourselves with !"* law has been supposed visible. One is, Irena^us, who wrote during this reign, however, led to inquire whether the con- says that the Christians frequented the clusion as to the existence of the law imperial court, and that they were parfrom these events is not a hasty one, and takers in all the usual advantages of the whether it does not proceed from a mis- Roman empire, that they might go by take. certainly does appear in the land and by sea wherever they were inIt highest degree improbable, that accusa- clined ;'[ and yet this same Irenajus also tions against the Christians should have affirms that the church at all times, from been received just as before, the Chris- which he does not except those in which tians sentenced to death by Trajan's law, he wrote, was constantly sending many and yet their accusers, at the same time, martyrs to the Father in heaven.J This An ex- apparent contradiction is easily solved by have been capitally punished ample will, perhaps, clearly illustrate this. the above remarks on the nature of the ApoUonius, a Roman senator, having persecutions in this reign. The political storms which followed been accused before the Pra)fectus urbis as a Christian, his accuser was instantly the murder of Commodus, A. D. 192 the but civil war between Fescennius Niger from sentenced to death, and executed ApoUonius himself, liaving most courage- the east, Clodius Albinus from Gaul, and ously avowed his faith before the senate, Septimius Severus, which ended in the Avas also beheaded by a decree of that sovereignty of the latter, like all other body. This is the tale but Jerome, who public calamities, could not be favourable can hardly have mistaken the words of to the Christians. In these political conEusebius, and is likely to have a more vulsions the fury of the populace, or the accurate knowledge on the matter, says, malice of individual governors, had many that this accuser was the slave of ApoUo- opportunities of wreaking vengeance on nius, and that this is proved by the igno- the Christians. Clement of Alexandria, minious punishment which he suffered, who wrote shortly after the death of previous to his Commodus, says, " We see daily many his legs being broken execution (suflVingi cura.) He was, there- martyrs burnt, crucified, and beheaded When Septimius Sefore, executed, not as an accuser of a before our eyes." Christian, but as a slave who was faith- verus had obtained the victory, and found less to his master. From hasty conclu- himself in secure possession of the emsions on such circumstances, it is possible pire, he showed himself favourable tothat the story of a law favourable to wards the Christians, and it is very posChristianity may have derived its origin. sible that this disposition may have arisen As, therefore, this emperor most probably from the circumstance to which TertuUian
! !

The law which we

did not alter the condition of Christians

attributes
slave,

it,

viz. that

Proculus, a Christian
;

by any express edict, as the law of Trajan had never been expressly repealed, and as all depended entirely on the change in
the emperor's sentiments, the situation of

had cured him of an illness and that he took Proculus to the palace, and

* We are acquainted with two proconsuls of Christians must then have been very pre- Asia Minor of this name in the second century, Antoninus Pius, who was afterwards emperor, and carious. They were constantly exposed

from any governor, who his fp-andfather, as well as a third during the reiga of Commodus. J31. Lampridii Vit^-e Commodi, c. might individually be hostile to Chrisvi. and vii. We are naturally inclined to suppose tianity. Thus the proconsul of Asia it the contemporary of TertuUian, for otherwise he Minor, Arrius Antoninus, began a perse- would give one to understand that he was speakto persecution

cution, but a great multitude of Christians

from the town

in

which the persecution

that this proconsul

began, flocked to the tribunal in order to deter the proconsul from this measure by tlicir numbers, a consunmiation they might fairly hope for under a government where

people.

learn from Lampridius, was in great favour with the was, perhaps, to court popular applause that he persecuted the Christians. Lib. iv. c. Ilaeres. c. 30.

ing of an older one.

It

We

-(-

4:

Lib.

iv. c.
ii.

33, v. 9.

Lib.

Stromat. p. 414.

PERSECUTIONS UNDER SEPTIMUS SEVERUS.

always kept him near him. He knew that men and women of the highest rank in Rome, senators and tlie wives of senators, were Christians, and he protected them against popular fury. As, however, tlie old laws had never been repealed, severe persecutions might take place in particular districts as for example in
proconsular Africa as we may see in many of the works of Tertullian, written during this very period. The festivals in honour of the emperor, at which the Christians attracted attention by withdrawing from them (see above,) gave an opportunity for these persecutions. There was besides a law enacted by this emperor, A. D. 202, in which conversion to Christianity, as well as to Judaism, was forbidden under heavy penalties but then this law presupposed that the old laws against Christianity had now generally
;

71
;

without a violation of the laws others treated them with violence, either from personal enmity, or to gratify the popular voice and others iigain contented themselves with keeping to the very letter of
;

fallen

much
it is

iuto disuse.

Inasmuch as

this law,

probable, opposed only the

asmuch
all

further extension of Christianity, and inas it does not expressly condemn

Christians as such,
it

implies

relaxation of the older laws.

some And yet, no

Trajan's law. Tertullian in his letter to a persecutor of Christianity, the proconsul Scapula, tells him that he might fulfil all that the law required from his office, without indulging in cruelty, if he would only use the sicord against the Christians according to the provisions of the original laWy as the Praeses of Mauritania, and that of Leon, in Spain, were still in the habit of doing. We shall now relate a few characteristic anecdotes connected with the history of the persecutions of these times. Some Christians from the town of Scillita, in Numidia, were brought before the tribunal of the proconsul Saturninus, A. D. 200. He said to them, "You may receive pardon from our emperors (Severus and Caracalla,) if you will only return in good One of them, by earnest to our gods." name Speratus, answered, " We have done
evil evil to any man, we have spoken no against any man nay, for all the wrongs which you have inflicted on us,
;

coming from an emperor who had hitherto

shown
the

himself personally favourable to

distinct

Christians, this

declaration

we have only thanked you.

We

praise

must have excited the spirit of persecution still more against them. In many places* the persecutions were so sore, that they were believed a token of the speedy appearance of Antichrist. In Egypt and in proconsular Africa, this was especially the case, but these persecutions were certainly not general. It happened now in several districts that many Christians and Christian Churches purchased for themselves, from the higher state-officers, permission for the free exercise of their religion, and for holding their assemblies. But this measure did not give universal satisfac-

Lord and King." The proconsul replied, " We too are pious, and we swear by the genius of the emperor, our lord, and we pray for his welfare, which you must also do."
for all his dispensations the true

On this, Speratus said, " I know of no genius of the ruler of this earth, but I serve my God in heaven, whom no man hath ever seen, nor can see. I have never stolen any thing from any man ; I pay scrupulously all the taxes and tributes
which
are due from me, for
I

acknow-

ledge the emperor as my ruler, but 1 can worship only my Lord, the King of kings, tion; in some cases the Christians thought the Lord of all nations." The proconsul it derogatory to the honour of their name, upon this ordered the Christians to be and in others it only served to excite the reconducted to prison till the next day. cupidity of avaricious officers, and to in- On the next day, when they appeared duce them to begin new persecutions for again, and he was unable to persuade

sake of extorting money.f The continued in this condition throughout the reign of the capricious Caracalla although cruel as he was, he did not set on foot any particular persecution against them. All depended on the individual characters of the governors; many sought expedients to save the lives of the Christians brought before them
the

Christians

them, he granted them three days more Speratus, however, answered in the name of tlie rest, "I am a
for deliberation.
all Christians, and we from tlie faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. Dispose of us as you will." They were now, as they had avowed themselves to be Christians, and refused to show the emperor the honour which was required from them, condemned to be beheaded. On receiving their sentence they thanked God, and on arriving at the

Christian,

we

are

will not depart

j-

Euseb.

ii.

7.

Tertullian, de

Fuga

in Pereecut.

72

PERPETUA

FIRMNESS.

place of execution they fell on their knees, communion to them in the dungeon, purand again thanked God. chased for the Christian prisoners a better A few years afterwards three young residence in the prison, where they were men, named Stevocatiis, Saturninus, and separated from other criminals. Perpetua

Secundulus, and two young women, now took her child to her breast in prison, named Perpetua and Felicitas, were seized and commended it to her mother; she
in Carthage, while they

mens.

were all catechu- comforted the rest, and felt herself revived Their confinement and their suf- by having her child near her. " Tlie pri-

son," said she, " now became a palace with to me." Christian tenderness of disposition. PerThe report that they were about to be petua was a woman of two-and-twenty tried having reached her aged father, he years of age, and the mother of a child, hastened to her and said, " My daughter, which was still hanging on her breast. pity my grey hairs, pity thy father, if I am ]^)eside the common struggles of flesh and worthy to be called thy father I have blood against the hand of death, she had brought thee up to the bloom of thy age; other and tenderer feelings to contend I have preferred thee to all thy brothers ; with, those pure feelings of human nature give me not up then to such shame among which Christianity recognises in all their men Look upon thy mother and thy strength, and which genuine Christianity aunt! look upon thy infant son, whose even heightens, while at the same time it death must shortly follow thine Lay requires the sacrifice of tliem to the One aside thy haughty spirit, lest thou exterto whom all must yield. The mother of minate .our race not one of us can again Perpetua was a Christian, but her aged speak with the freedom of a man, if thou father was a heathen. Besides the bitter- come to such an end." As he spoke, he ness of losing a beloved daughter, he kissed his daughter's hand, and throwing feared the ignominy which her execution himself at her feet, called her not his " The grey as a Christian would bring upon him. daughter, but his mistress. As soon as she was taken into custody, hairs of my father," says Perpetua, "gave her aged father came to her to say, that me pain. I lamented that he alone, of all she might recant. She pointed to a vessel my family, would not rejoice in my sufwhich lay upon the ground "Can I," ferings." She said to him, " When I stand said she^ " call this vessel any thing else before the tribunal, God's will must come than what it really is .?" " No." " Well, to pass for remember, we stand not in then," she added, " as little can I aver that our own power, but in that of God." I am not a Christian." In the meantime When this decisive moment came, her she was baptized, as it appears that spi- father also approached, to try his last ritual persons in the execution of their efforts with his daughter. The governor ofiicial duty were able to buy free access said to Perpetua, " Take pity on thy to the prisoners from the keepers of the father's grey hairs, take pity on thy tender prisons at a very cheap rate but in this child. Offer sacrifices for the prosperity " That I case the purchase of such a permission of the emperor." Perpetua may not have been necessary, as they cannot do." Gov. " Art thou a Chris" I am a Ciiristian." were not then under such rigorous cus- tian ?" Perpetua tody. Perpetua said, " The Spirit prompted Her fate was now decided. " His unhappy me to ask at my baptis?n nothing else age pained my nearl," says Perpetua, " as
ferings present

many

lovely
faith,

traits

of the

power of Christian

united

than patience."

few days

after

they
I

deeply as

if

myself were

in his case."

were all thrown into the dungeon. " Tliey were all condemned on the ensuing was terrified," she said, "because I had festival of Geta's accession* to be thrown
never before been in such darkness. O what a wretched day The stifling heat from tlie number of the prisoners, the rude treatment we suflered from the soldiers, and to add to all this, my anxiety for my child!" The deacons* who gave the
!

to

wild beasts, and thus afford a cruel

They sport to the soldiery and people. returned to their prison rejoicing; the tenderness of a mother's feelings did not
overwhelm Perpetua, she sent
fatlier for

to her her child that she might give it suck, but the father would not part with
Sec. ii. Part ii. cap. iv. 12. et Justin Martyr, Apolog. I. 85.
alib.

* [" Diaconca qui nobis ministrabant." Acta Martyr, ap. Ruinart. p. 94. I suppose Dr. Ncanmean that they brought the consecrated elements to the Christians, a piactice well known

See also (Ed. Grabe.

der to

Oxon. 1700,
near the end.
*

p.

128.) and Hieronyini Epist. 4, H. J. R.]

net to be unfrequent. See Mosheim, Hist. Eccles.

IMatales (Jssaris.

HELIOGABALUS
it.

ALEXANDER SEVERUS.
this excellent prince
is

73
were alive
to all that

Violent suffering* having come on Felicitas at her return to prison, the jailor " If thou canst scarcely bear said to her, these sufferings, what wilt thou do when thou art cast before wild beasts ? and yet

good, and he

felt

a reverence for every

In his rething connected with religion. ligion he was adtlicted to the then pre-

thou despisest them by thy refusing to sacrifice !" She answered, " What I now suffer, I suffer myself, but then it will be another who will suffer for me, because I
shall suffer for

vailing fashion of electicism, and he included Christianity among those religions

was usual in those days, in compliance with some of the customs which had been retained from the times in which human sacrifices were offered to Baal, to clothe those condemned
Him."
As
it

from which he drew his stores. He recognised Christ as a Divine Being, toand in his laragether with other gods riiim, or domestic chapel, where he odered his morning devotions, among the busts of those men whom he regarded as beings of a higher order, such as Apollonius of Tyana, and Orpheus, there was placed
;

by wild beasts in priestly garments, also a bust of Christ! Now this must they wished to dress the Christian men as have been with the intention of receiving He was priests of Saturn, and the women as Christ among the Roman gods. Their free and constantly in the habit of using our Sapriestesses of Ceres.
to die
j

Christian spirits, however, revolted against viour's saying, in Luke vi. 31: "What " We have come here voluntarily," ye will that men should do unto you, do this.

freedom might not ye likewise unto them ;" and he caused be taken away from us. We have given it to be engraved on the walls of his paup our lives, that we might not be com- lace, and on public monuments. While The heatliens Julia IMammsea, the mother of this empelled to these practices." themselves recognised the justice of their peror, who had great influence over him, demand, and gave up the point. was resident at Antioch, she sent for OriBefore these martyrs received their gen, the great pastor of the Alexandrian beasts, Church, and Origen, who was of all men death-blow, after being torn by the they mutually took leave of each other the most capable of recommending Chrisfor the last time, with the brotherly kiss tianity to habits of mind quite foreign to it, no' doubt made use of this opportunity of Christian affection. With the reign of Ileliogabalus, A. D. to do so with her, and Julia Mammaea 219, a more tranquil season for the Chris- may, in return, have worked upon tlie Since this emtian Church began, although the indul- disposition of her son. gence of this emperor towards the Chris- peror was, therefore, so favourably inmotives. clined to Christianity ; since he gave the tians proceeded from no virtuous He was no follower of the old Boman re- world to understand that he recognised ligion, but was himself devoted to certain the existence of a lawful association in foreign rites, that is, to the Syrian wor- the Christian community, by new-modelship of the sun, a service consisting of ling the appointments to state oflices, He after the regulations in use among Christhe most abominable impurities. wished to establish this as the prevaiUng tian Churches, and by assigning to the form of religion in the Roman empire, Christian Church in Rome a piece of and to blend all others into it, and with ground, which they disputed with the this view he tolerated Christianity as well corporation of cooks [or rather, perhaps, Had he been restaurateurs ;] all this tends to show the as other foreign religions. able to carry his intentions into execu- more strongly with how great reluctance tion, the Christians would certainly have the Roman emperors published any new edicts in matters concerning religion ; for, been his most zealous opponents.^ His successor, the noble and pious Alex- as far as we know, he enacted no law by
said they, " that our

235,) Avhich Christianity was received among Indeed, Domiof wholly different character the " religiones licitai." from his vicious predecessor and his fa- tius Ulpianus, the celebrated civilian in vourable disposition towards Christianity the reign of Alexander Severus, (for it and Christians, proceeded from entirely was probably this same Domitius,) col-

ander Severus, (from A. D. 212

was

man

difierent

grounds.

The

sensibilities of

the rescripts of former emperors against the Christians* in his work " De
lected
Officio Proconsulis."

["The

original Latin.

pains of labour," H. J. K.]

according to the
7.

The
*

rude Thracian, Maximinus, who,

Lactant. Institut Lib.
v.

Vit. t JEl Lamprid. vol. i. ch. vi. H. J. R.]

c. 3. 6,

[See Gibbon,

xi.

10

T4
after the

PHILIP

THE ARABIAN, FROM

A. D.

244.

murder of the excellent Alexan- tion; but we do not find a single thing in der Severus, A. D. 235, raised himself to him to induce us to believe that the ruler the imperial throne, hated the Christians of the Roman empire was a Christian, because iiis predecessor had been on although he had certainly some occasion It will, friendly terras with them, and especially to mention such a circumstance. persecuted those bishops who had been perhaps, be said, that the emperor kept (Eu- concealed his conversion to Christianity the most connected with Severus. but, then, it does In many districts, as in from political grounds sebius vi 28.) Cappadocia and Ponlus, desolating earth- not suit with this view, to suppose that quakes assisted in waking again the fury he visited a Christian church, especially of the populace against the Christians. at such a time, and still less, that he Under such an emperor, this fury would submitted to the penance of the Church. have full play, and in many cases it was We find, indeed, the first trace of the story also backed by the governors of the pro- of his conversion to Christianity in an vinces. But it was only in particular dis- author of reputation, who wrote in the tricts that the Christians were persecuted, time of Valerian, who reigned very shortly and they were able to escape by flight after Philip. Dyonysius of Alexandria* and yet this persecution, says of Valerian, " He showed himself into others though less severe than those of former even better inclined towards the Christimes, made a greater impression, because lians than those who were themselves We cannot understand, by the long interval of repose had left men Christians." these words, any other emperors than Alexunprepared to expect hostile measures.* A more favourable season for Chris- ander Severus and this Philip and the tians again appeared on the accession of well-informed Dionysius apparently clasThis em- ses them together. Philip may, probably, Philip the Arabian, A. D. 244. peror, it is said, was a Christian himself.t have included Christianity in his religious It is expressly related, that when he wished electicism, and then an exaggerated report The murder to join a Christian congregation on Eas- made him out a Christian. ter-eve, the bishopj of the Church met of his predecessor, however, and much him at the entrance, and declared to him, besides about him, corresponded very ill that in consequence of the crimes which with the supposition of his Christianity; he had committed, he could not be al- and in order to reconcile these conflictlowed to approach till he had submitted ing accounts, the report added the fiction to the penance of the Church, and that about Easter-eve. Instead of dwelling longer on this exthe emperor really pledged himself to the observance of it. This narration, how- aggerated story, before we pass over to harmonize well with what the next struggle of the Christian Church, ever, does not we learn of this emperor from other we shall consider the remarkable works
; ;
| j

sources.
stance, in

In all

his public

life,

for in-

the

money which he

coined,

there
but,

is

not a single trace of Christianity

on the contrary, he always appears as a follower of the heathen state religion. Origen, who was in communication with the royal family,|| and wrote his work
against Celsus in this reign, gives us to

understand, indeed, that the Christians were then in a very comfortable condi-

See the Epistle of Firmilianus Cffisariensis No. 75, and Origen, Comment, in Matth. vol. iii. 857, ed. de la Rue. Euscbius uses the expression, n-^Ti^u wjcc, I in his Church History; but in his Chronicle he
in Cyprian,

of the great Christian pastor, Origen, who wrote in these days, concerning the persecution which the Church had hitherto endured, its then external condition, and its future prospects. lie says, in regard to the earlier persecutions,! " Although were commanded not the Christians, who to defend themselves by violence against their enemies, complied with this tender and humane precept; yet that which they never could have obtained, however powerful they might have been, had they been permitted to go to war, that they have received from Gor/, who has always fought for them, and who has at times
:

imposed tranquillity on those who opposed them, and would extirpate their religion for, as a kind of warning and memorial to By a later tradition it would appear that it them, that when they saw some few conwas Babylos, bishop of Antioch. This must have been an allusion to the mur- tend for their religion, they might become
expressly

names him

as the

first

Christian em-

peror.
:t:

der of his predecessor, Uordianus. He wrote letters to the emperor and his wife
II

'

Euseb.
Lib.
iii.

vii.

10.

Severa, which are

now

lost.

p. 119. [p. 116.

Ed. Spencer.]

ORIGEN PREDICTS PERSECUTIONS.

stronger, and despise death, a/cjc (so few
that t/iey

75

may

easily be

numbered) have

at

times suffered death for the Christian religion ;* and thus God has prevented a war of extermination against the whole body

of Christians ; for he wished their continuance, he wished that tlie whole earth should be filled with their salutary and most holy doctrine. And, on the other hand, that the weaker brethren might take ;" breath, and be relieved from the fear of again revive the flames of persecution death, God cared for the believers, by so but he adds, " when God wills, we enjoy scattering, through his own mere w ill, all in a wonderful manner peace in a world assaults upon them, that neither emperor which hates us, and we confide in Him nor governor, nor the multitude, should who says, ' Be of good cheer, 1 have overlie says, come the world.' He has, indeed, overprevail against them further." Inasmuch, then, as He in reference to his own times, " God hath come the world constantly caused the number of Chris- who hath overcome the world wills that tians to increase, their number is still we should overcome the world, since He daily on the increase, and he hath already hath received power from the Father to given to them the free exercise of their overcome the world, we confide in his reUgion^\ although a thousand obstacles victory. But if he wills that we should opposed the propagation of the doctrine again contend and battle for the faith, let But since it was the adversaries come, and we will say to of Jesus in the world. are able to do all things ' We God who willed that the doctrine of Jesus them should become a blessing to the heathen, through Him that makes us strong Jesus He was persuaded all the assaults of men against other Christ our Lord!'"
i

ous seditions (during the later years of this emperor,) was the great number of the Christians, wiio had increased so much from not being persecuted.* He foresaw also, that the persecutions had not yet reached their limit, and that the opinion, " that the downfall of the state-religion, and that the irresistible propagation of Christianity, were bringing disaster on the Roman empire, would, sooner or later,

Christians have been brought to shame. And the more the emperors, the governors,

that

hereafter all other religions

prevail, as even then

would

fall to

the ground, and Christianity alone

it

and the multitude, have sought to oppress the Christians, the more powerful have
these
latter
become.''''X

would

was con-

stantly gaining

more

souls.|

He

says,

that

What

the sharp sighted Origen predict-

the multitude of those who embraced Christianity, were also many rich people, many in high offices, and rich and well-born women ; that now a Christian pastor might obtain honour and re-

among

ed, soon happened ; nay, while he was writing this in Caesarea of Palestine, it had already taken place in another district. In Alexandria, an enthusiast or an impostor,

spect, but, nevertheless, that the

contempt he had

with which others treated him was greater than the reverence with which he was He remarks, that regarded by believers. notwithstanding all this, even yet the hor||

who appealed to special revelations, which individually received from the gods, excited the rage of the people against
the Christians.^

had often happened government had followed a favourable one, as Marcus Aurible accusations against the Christians relius had followed Antoninus Pius, and obtained belief with many, who abom- Maximin the Thracian, Alexander Severus, inated holding the slightest intercourse so it happened now also, when Decius As
it

before, that a persecuting

with Christians, even speaking to them.lT Trajanus, after conquering Philip the Arawrites, that through God's will the bian, A. D. 249, had ascended the impepersecutions against the Christians had rial throne. It is exceedingly natural that now long since ceased but casting a when an emperor zealously devoted to glance into futurity, he adds, that this Paganism, followed one favourable to the tranquillity Avould readily cease' in its Christians, he should feel himself bound, turn, whenever the calumniators of Chris- on that very account, to renew with retianity should again have spread abroad doubled strictness and severity, and to the opinion, that the cause of the numer- execute most thorouglily, the older laws, which had fallen into disuse, against the * 'Oyjyot aura. KUt^'.vt k-u a-(pcJ^it (ua^S/^moi (/Tg Christians, who, during his predecessor's And we reign, had increased so widely. j" 'Hjx Si KM T-X^^nyiiV iTTiJlJatKi. can here also with Origen recognise an

He

Lib.

vii. p.

yo9.

rni; tcdy
Lib.
iii.

tv

K.^imfJiu<n,

kou yutau* ret a^^u.

km
Lib.
iii.

p.

123.
t

Tom.
vi.

viii.

436-7.

11

p. 120.

^ Lib.

vi. p.

302.

Euaeb.

41.


76
DECIUS TRAJANUS,
A. D.

250

HIS

EDICT.

especial precaution of God's providence;

since in the long interval of repose many Christians, unmindful of their call to combat for the faith, had suffered themselves to grow slothful, since so many, who were destitute of vital Christianity,

had crept into the Christian Church, or remained in it because they were descended from Christian parents, it would seem against the bishops, whom the emperor that the power and truth of faith must be hated the most, sentence of death was proawakened and proved by some new terri- nounced but the intention was at first to ble struggle, the Church at the same time try how far they could succeed with the purified, and the real and genuine mem- Christians by commands, by threats, by bers of it separated from the pretended. persuasion, and light punishments they In many provinces the Christians had en- proceeded gradually to more severe meajoyed an undisturbed repose of thirty sures, and the persecution gradually exyears, in others even a longer time. Cy- tended itself into the provinces from the prian, the bishop of Carthage, on this ac- metropolis, where the presence of the count, (in his Sermo de Lapsis,) complains emperor, a declared enemy of the Christhat this peace had had a soporific influ- tians, made the persecution at first the most ence on a part of the Christians, and that severe. Wherever the edict of the emmuch worldly mmdedness had taken root peror was carried into execution, the first in consequence among both laity and clergy. step was publicly to appoint a day, before The Church, therefore, needed again to which, all the Christians of any place go through the purifying influence of the were to appear before the magistrate, fire. So Cyprian, after the first storm abjure their religion, and offer sacrifice. of persecution had subsided, taught his Those who fled their country before this Church to view the matter. " When the day, escaped with the confiscation of their cause of the sickness," says he to his property, and a prohibition of their return, flock, " is once known, then the remedy under the penalty of death. But with for the wound may be found. The Lord those who were unwdling to sacrifice at wished to prove his people, because the once their earthly possessions to a crown course of life which God commands had of glory in heaven, and waited for somebeen destroyed in the long time of our thing that might open a middle path for tranquillity. A divine chastisement hath, them, when they did not appear of their therefore, roused the Church, fast sinking own accord on the appointed day, the as it then was, into sleep and carelessness. court of inquiry,* composed of the magisAlthough by our sins we deserve more, trate and five of the principal citizens, yet the merciful God has so managed that began its operation. After repeated torall whicjr befel us appeared to be rather tures, those who remained steadfast were a trial than a persecution. While men thrown into prison, where hunger and forgot what the believers did in the time thirst were employed to weaken their reof the aposdes, and what they ought solution. It does not appear that the always to do, they gave their minds, with punishment of death was very commonly insatiable desire, to the increase of their resorted to. Many magistrates, who were temporal possessions. Many of the more interested in extorting money than bishops, who ought by example and ex- in executing the laws, or wiio wished to hortation to lead the rest, neglected their spare the Cliristians, agreed with them,' divine calling, and busied themselves with that although they really (Hd not ofler the administration of worldly afi'airs." sacrifice, yet they would suffer a certifiSince such, therefore, was the state of cate (libellum) to be set forth, declaring many Churches, it is easy to see that a that they had complied with the regulapersecution, which in its first course tion of the edict.]'" Others, while they seemed likely to be very severe, must were anxious to escape the putting forth have made a great impression on persons * Cyprian, Ep. xl. (Ep. xliii. ea. Ox.) " Quinque unaccustomed to persecution.
:

be made about all persons suspected of non-observance of the state religions and Christians were to be required to comply with the ceremonies of the Roman state-religion. ]f they refused, threats, and afterwards tortures, were to be made use of, to induce them to give in. ]f they stood steadfast in the faith, then, especially

It was certainly the intention of the emperor entirely to crush Christianity.

primores

illi,

copulati, ut fidem

qui edicto nuper magistratibus fuerant nostram subrucrent." The ex-

He
*

ordered* (A.
[V. Eusel).

D.250)

strict
vi.

inquiry to
Pearson,
J. R.]

pression ."edicto" renders it liardiy prof>abIc that this regulation was confined to Carthage.

Hist. Eccles.

39.

f Tliose

who

received such certificates

were

Annal, Cyprian, ad ann. 249, No. 12. H.

cailcd " Libellatici."

FAITH OP THE CHRISTIANS AT CARTHAGE.

such a
certificate, yet,

77

and others were arrested, appearing before tlie magistrates, obtained Among these latter, some went as far as the entry of their names in the magisterial to endure the fixing of the chains and the
without ever even tion
'

some

fled,

protocol, or register, among those who arrest; others bore the confinement for a had been obedient to the edict. (*Acta few days, and then abjured, even before facientes.) Many erred ignorantly, think- they had been sent for to jiidgnieiit ing that they remained true to their faith others, after enduring the tortures up to a when they did nothing which was con- certain degree, gave in; but the blessed
[

their religion, (neither offered and steadfast pillars of the Lord, who nor burnt incense, &.c.) but only were strengthened by Him, and received allowed others to say that they had done might and steadfastness from Him, as they The Church, however, always con- were worthy of their firm faith, and acted so. demned this as a tacit abjuration of their up to it, became wonderful witnesses of Among these, Dionysius his kingdom." faith.

trary

to

sacrifice

Let us now take a picture of the effects of this bloody persecution among the Cliristians in the large cities, such as Alexandria and Carthage, from the hands of Dionysius,t the bishop of Alexandria,

mentions Dioscoros,a boy of

fifteen

years

of age, who, by his excellent answers and his firmness under torture, extorted such admiration from the governor, that he let him go free, declaring to him that he gave to his tender years time to repent. whose very words we are now about " All were thrown into consternaThere appeared in most districts gloriquote. tion by this terrible edict, and many of ous traits of Christian faithfulness and At Carthage, we the higher classes of citizens]; presented devotion to the cause.

themselves from fear immediately, partly read of a certain Numidicus, whom Cyof their own accord, partly brought by prian, the bishop, took into the presbythe public necessity, which was imposed tery, because he had so highly disupon them, and partly as they were tinguished himself during the persecution. brought by their relations and friends. After encouraging many others to a mar-

And, as each was called upon by name, they approached the unholy sacrifices, some of them pale and trembling, not as if they were to perform a sacrifice^ but as if they were to be themselves victims slaughtered to the idols; so that the multitude around treated them with bitter scorn and ridicule, and it was clear to all that they were alike afraid, either to die Others, however, volunor to sacrifice. tarily ran up to the altars, boldly averring, in that they never had been Christians whom the saying of our Lord was verified,

tyr's

death, after seeing his own wife expire on the funeral pile, he was himself, half-burnt and almost crushed with stones, His daughter sought the left for dead.

corpse of her father under the heap of

stones, in order to bury him.

How

rap-

tured must she have been to find some signs of life about him still, and to succeed in her dutiful attempt to revive him!

A woman had

been brought to the

altar

by her husband, and they compelled her to offer sacrifice by holding her hands, but she cried, "I did it not! I did it that ' the rich can hardly enter into the not!" and she was accordingly conThe rest of the demned to banishment.* We read of conkingdom of heaven.' Christians partly followed the example fessors of the faith at Carthage, who Avere of these two classes of persons of condi- in prison, and whom they had en-

Cyp. Ep. xxxi.

"Qui
non

acta fecissent,

prssentes
-j-

cum

fierent

adfuissent

ut

licet

sic

scriberentur

mandando." Euseb. vi. 41. Oi 5rg;^av63-T, the "

the
attention

deavoured for eight days to bring to recantation through heat, through hunger and thirst, but who still looked death by
starvation in the face

unmoved.t

Some

personffi insignes," to

whom
others.

of

the

heathen was

first
all

turned, and

who were

in greater danger than

Tr^a^fuv iyitrc.

I 0( Si Sn fji'.iTimvnK uTm tim think these words are a translation of the Latin

confessors from Rome, who had endured a year's confinement, wrote to Cyprian thus :J "What can happen to a man more glorious and more blessed, than amidst tortures, and even in the sight of death,
to

law phrase,

" .\clis

publicis

convenlri."

The

acknowledge God the Lord, and with

translation of Rufinus also favours this supposition, as well as the antithesis of the passage.

lacerated body, with a departing but a free spirit, to acknowledge Christ the Son of

[The note of Valesius on this passage rather supports this interpretation, and is worth consulting. He makes it mean, that "some being in
public offices, were obliged to appear at the read-

God, and

to

become a
xviii.

fellow-sufferer of

Cyprian, Ep.
^

f Ep. xxi. Luciani, ap. Cyprian.

ing of the edict. H.

J.

K.]

Ep. xxvi.

78

MANY BISHOPS WITHDRAW.

have who, still remaining true to Christ, retires Christ in the name of Christ. not yet shed our blood, but we are ready occasionally, but he waits his time." Pray also, dearest Cyprian! There was, however, certainly a difl^erence to shed it! that the Lord may daily more richly con- in the case of ordinary Christians, and of firm and strengthen every one among us one who had the administration of the with the powers of his might, and that pastoral oflfice on his hands, and duties to He, our great leader, may at length lead fulfil towards the souls confided to his but even this Cyprian neglected to the battle-field of the fight that is set care before us, his warriors whom He hath not ; he might fairly appeal to his Church hitherto practised, and proved in the camp and say, that though absent in body he of a prison. May He bestow upon us had been present with them constantly in
;

We

those divine arms, which never can be

spirit,

conquered !"*
bishops were the especial objects emperor's hatred, and possibly it was only against them that the punishment of death was expressly decreed. At the very first outbreaking of the persecution, Fabianus, the bishop of Rome, sufof
tiie

sel

and sought to guide them by counand by deed, according to the comthe

The

mandments of

Lord.*

The

letters

martyrdom. Many bishops, till the fury of the persecution had subsided, retired from their communities, not from cowardice, but because, as their presence
fered
first

inflamed the fury of the heathen, they esteemed it their duty to secure the repose of their communities by a temporary absence, as well as by all means not inconsistent with their Christian faith and pastoral duties, to preserve their lives for the

future service of their flocks, and of the

number of those was the bishop Cyprian and although he was by many reproached as having done this from cowChurch.
the

Among

who

retired for a season,

:

ardice, yet his subsequent

conduct clears

which he wrote from his retreat, through the means of clergy, who travelled about, and were connected with his Church, show with what right he could say this of himself, and with what anxiety he sought to preserve discipline and order in the Church, and how desirous he was, that the necessities of the poor, who were prevented by the persecution from plying their customary employments, should be attended to, and that the prisoners should be relieved by all possible means. The same principles of Christian resolution, which moved him to yield to the momentary danger, were shown in his exhortations to his Church, when in exhorting them to Christian steadfastness, he endeavoured to warn them against all enthusiastic and exaggerated feelings. He thus writes to his clergyf (Ep. iv.): "I pray you not to allow your prudence and care
for the
for,

imputation, and the openness and the tranquillity of conscience with which he speaks of it, are creditable witnesses in his favour, when he writes
this

him from

maintenance of tranquillity to

fail

thus

to

the

Roman Church
first

:f

" Imme-

diately

approach of trouble, when the people with loud outcries conthe

stantly

on

although the brethren, in the spirit of love and charity, are desirous to visit those glorious confessors of the faith, whom the grace of God has rendered illustrious by such a glorious beginning, yet this must be done with precaution,

and not in great numbers at a time, lest provoke the jealousy of the heathen, own life, as for the public tranquillity of and all access be forbidden and so while the brethren, that the tumult which had we seek for much, we lose every thing. begun might not be further excited by Take care also that due moderation he ray presence, which was offensive to the kept here for greater security, so that the heathcii."j He acted after the principle individual priests who go to administer which he recommended in regard to all the communion to the confessors, and other persons also. " Therefore, the Lord the deacons who accompany them, may commanded us to yield and fly in case of change after some regular succession, persecution He commanded this, and because a change of persons, and a change practised it himself. For as the martyr's in those who visit the confessors, will crown comes from the grace of God, and excite less jealousy; and in every thing can only be received when the proper we must gently and humbly, as becomes time is come, so he denies not the faith, the servants of God, humour the times, and provide for the safety and tranquillity

demanded

my

death,

retired for

a time, not so

much from

care for

my we

* Ephes. vi. 11. f Epist xiv.; fEp. xx. in Bishop

Fell's edi-

tion.
4

Oxford,

1682. H.

J. R.]

Ep.

xiv. [Ep. XX.

Ed. Ox.]

De

Lapsis.

j [Ep.v.

Bishop

Fell's edition. H. J. R.J

THE PERSECUTION GRADUALLY INCREASES.

He desires liis Church of the Church." to consider this persecution as an exhortation to prayer. (Ep. vii.) ''Let each of us pray to God, not only lor himseir, but for all the brethren, as the Lord taught us to pray; who does not command each individual to pray for himself alone, but

79

Gothic war. He himself lost his life in this war towards the end of the year. The tranquillity which this change procured for the Christians, lasted also during
a part of the following year 252, under the

government of Gallus and Volusianus. But a desolating pestilence, which having When the Lord broken out under the former government, all generally for all. shall see that we are humble and peace- was now spreading itself gradually into able, united among ourselves, and ren- all parts of the Roman empire, with dered better by these present sufferings, droughts and famine in various districts, then will He free us from the persecutions again excited, as usual, the fury of the of the enemy." populace against the Christians.* An imBy a comparison of the various letters perial edict was published, requiring all
of Cyprian, written at this time, with the Dionysius of Alexandria, it appears probable that, without any further edicts of the emperor Decius, the persecution had gradually become more severe. As so many had shown weakness at the first threats, it was hoped that the Christians might easily be entirely crushed, without proceeding to extremities, if they could only manage to deprive them of their bishops, who were constantly inletter of

Roman

subjects to sacrifice to the gods,

from so great Men were again a public calamity."!" struck by the numbers who withdrew
in order to obtain salvation

flaming their zeal for the faith. At first all the dealings with the Christians in this business were committed to those local authorities in the different provinces, who

were the best acquainted with the indi-^ vidual citizens, and best knew how to set about the matter, and who would know how to discover the means most likely to work upon and influence each man according to his individual character and private relations; the most severe punishments at first made use of, were imprisonment and banishment. When, however, the heathen saw that the hopes excited by their success at first, were deceived,
the proconsuls themselves took the thing
into their own hands; and those, therefore, by whose firmness these hopes had been dispelled, were now far more liarshly
dealt with, in order to force them to give way, as the others had done. They tried hunger and thirst, exquisite and increasing, tortures, and in some cases death, even on those who were not spiritual persdfcs. [t was, however, natural, that in

weary of
should

the course of time people should grow their fury, and their passion

gradually cool. It might also happen that the change in the provincial government, when the old proconsuls and
praesides laid

themselves from these sacrifices, because they were Christians. Hence arose new increase the in order to number of the sacrificers, and generally to further the interests of the old religion. At the approach of this new persecution. Bishop Cyprian wrote a letter of exhortation^ (Ep. Ivi.) to the North African Church of the Thibaritans, in which he thus expresses himself: "Let none of you, my beloved brethren, when he sees how our people are driven away and scattered from fear of the persecution, disquiet himself, because he no longer sees the brethren together, nor hears the bishops preach. We, who dare not shed blood, but are ready to allow our blood to be shed, cannot, at such a time, be collected together. Wheresoever, in those days, any one of the brethren may be separated for a while by the necessities of the time, and absent in body, not in spirit, let him not be agitated by the dreadfulness of that flight and if he be obliged to retire and hide himself, let not the solitude of a desert place terrify him. He, whom Christ accompanies in his flight, is not alone ; he is not alone, who preserving God's temple constantly, wheresoever he is, is not without God. And if in desert places, and on the mountains, a robber shall assault the fugitive, a wild beast attack him, or hunger, thirst or cold destroy him ; or if, when he passes over the sea in haste, the fury of the storm shall sink his vessel, yet Christ, in every place, beholds his warrior
persecutions,
;

down

their office in the be-

fighting !"
*

ginning of the year 251, might be favourAt length Decius able to the Christians. was called away from the persecution of the Christians, by more important political events, the rebellion in Macedonia, and the

See Cyprian's Defence of the Christians

against the accusations of Demctrianns. Cypriani Epist. Iv. ad. Corrul. Sacrificia,
-(-

qua; edicto proposito celehrare populus jubebatur.

+

[Ep.

Iviii.

cd.

Ox. 1682.]

80

PERSECUTION UNDER VALERIANUS.

self."

bishops of the metropolis, under the very eyes of the emperor, were naturally the first objects of the persecution, for how could people hope to put down Christians in the provinces, while they suffered their Bishops to remain in Rome ? Cornelius who had entered on his office under Decius, at the danger of his life, was at first banished, and then condemned Lucius, who had the Christian to death. courage to succeed him in his office, at this time of danger, was soon also his fol-

The

The

proconsul

"

Is

this,

then,
:

your fixed resolution .^" Cyprian " A good resolution, which proceeds from the knowledge of God, can never change.'" The proconsul on this, in compliance with the imperial edict, pronounced a sentence of banishment upon him, and added
instandy, " this rescript relates not only to the bishops, but also to the priests. [
desire, therefore, to

the presbyters are

know from you, who who dwell in this city .^"

laws have justly con;

Cyprian:

"Your

banishment and in martyrdom. Nevertheless, the war and the rebellion, with which Gallus was busied, prevented him from carrying through with vigour a
in

lower

demned

the laying of informations

can-

not, therefore, give

them up; but

in the

general persecution of the Christians in the provinces, and these events, which ended with his murder, in the summer of tlie year 253, at length restored universal repose and tranquillity to the Christians. The emperor Valerianus, in the first years of his reign, from 254, showed himself very favourable to the Christians, but from the year 257, he changed his conduct, and began to persecute them. The persecution, however, was at first by no means a bloody one, and only required the removal of teachers and pastors, and especially bishops, from their flocks. We have before observed the notion which in the former persecution prevailed among the heathen governors, that if they could first remove the bishops out of the way, they should have less difficulty in strang;

places over which they have authority, you will be able to find them." The proconsul " J am speaking now of this place, and in this place, this very day, will I begin the search." Cyprian '' As our doctrine forbids men to give themselves up, and it is also contrary to your orders, therefore they cannot give themselves up but if you seek them you will find them." The proconsul released him with a declaration, that the assembling of the Christians, be it where it might, and the visiting Christian places of interment
: :

(which usually inflamed the zeal of Christians,) were forbidden under pain of death. ^The intention was now wholly to separate the bishops from their churches, but the bond of the Spirit would not suffer itself to be broken by earthly power. We very soon after find the bishops and the clergy, and not only these, but laymen ling Christianity then the assembling of also, and even women and children, conthe congregations was forbidden, and it demned, after being ill-treated and beaten, was hoped that thus their aim might be to imprisonment and to labour in the attained without bloodshed. The course mines we suppose they had been found
:

of proceeding in

this

first

persecution

at

the graves, or in congregations.

The

this emperor we ascertain immedi- bishop Cyprian, from Curubis, the place by an inspection of the minutes of of his banishment, was most active in prothe trials of the bishops Cyprian and viding for their temporal and spiritual Dionysius.* Tlie proconsul Paternus wants, and in proving, by words and deeds brought Cyprian before his tribunal, and of love, his sympathy with them. Wliile said to him, " The emperors Valerianus he sent large sums from his own revenues and Galienus have sent me a rescript, in and from the church-chest, for their supwhich they command that all those who port, and for the relief of their distresses, do not observe the Roman religion, shall he wrote thus to them (Ep. Ixxvii. :)* " In now take upon them the Roman ceremo- the mines the body is not refreshed by nies. bed and couches, but by the refreshment therefore ask what are you I what do you answer .'" Cyprian " I am and the consolation of Christ. The limbs, a Christian and a bishop; I know no weary through labour, lie upon the earth, God but the one true God, who created but it is no punishment to lie there with

under
ately

.?

the heaven aiul the earth and the sea, and all that is in them. This God we Christians serve
to this God we pray day and night for ourselves; for all mankind, and for the prosperity of the emperor him;

Christ.

Though
filth,

the

outward man

be

covered with
the

more

yet the inward man is purified by the Spirit of God.

This
is

[Ep: Ixxvi. cd. Oxon, 1682.

by a

[Passio Sti

Cypriani H.

J. R.]

misprint in the edition here referred to made Ixxxvi., but in the Index it is given as it should be, as the Ixxvith. H. J. R.]

INCREASE OF CHRISTIANITY

CRUEL EDICT.

81

There is but little bread, but man lives not that purpose, he led us away again as by bread alone, but by the word of God. soon as we had fulfilled that purpose." There is but little clothing for the cold, Valerianus, therefore, believed that to supbut he who has put on Christ, hath press Cliristianity, he must resort to more * decided and severe measures. In the folclothiu]^ and ornament enough. * * *
in this, my dearest brethren, your lowing year, 258, appeared this edict: can recieve no injury,* that you are "The bishops, priests, and deacons, shall unable to celebrate the communion. You immediately be put to death by the sword, do celebrate the most glorious commu- the senators and knights shall lose their nion, you do bring God the most costly dignities and property, and if, after this, oiroring, for the Scripture says, 'The sa- they remain Christians, they shall suffer Women crilice of God is a broken spirit a contrite the same punishment of death. You bring of condition, after confiscation of their heart God doth not despise.' yourselves as holy and pure offerings to property, shall be banished ; the ChrisGod. Your example," he writes to the tians in the service of the imperial court, clergy, " the greater part of the Church especially slaves and freedmen, who have has followed, who have confessed with formerly made profession of Christianity, you, and with you been crowned, being or do so now, shall be considered as the bound to you by the ties of the strongest property of the emperor, and shall be* love, so that prison and the mines could distributed in chains to labour in the vaWe see not separate them from you, and there are rious imperial public works." among you even girls and boys. How by this rescript,! that the emperor's pegreat now among you must be the strength culiar object was, to deprive the Christians of your victorious conscience! What a of their c/ergy, and to stop the spread of triumph in your hearts, to walk among Christianity among the higher orders. He the mines, with imprisoned body, but did not wish to use unnecessary cruelty with a heart conscious of power, to know but clearly the people and the governors tliat Christ is among you, and delights did not always abide by the spirit of these himself in the patience of his servants, instructions, as we learn from some of the who tread in his footsteps and walk in martyrdoms of this persecution, against

Even

faith

his

ways

to the

kingdom of

eternity !"

* A various reading here gives the sense of found, be accomplished by branded besides. [See the necst note.] |- The original rescript of llie etnperor to the these measures. The local separation of senate, is found in Cyprian, Ep. Ixxxii. ad Sucthe bishops could not break up their concessum, (Ep. Ixxx. ed. Ox.) "Ut episcopi etpresnection with the Churches by letters, liyteri et diacones in continenti animadvertantur,

The emperor must soon have

that nothing could

by clergy

travelling

backwards and

for-

wards, they were active among their people, as if they had been in the midst of them, and their exile only rendered them dearer to their Churches. Wherever they were banished, they collected a little congregation around them ; in many places, where as yet no seed of the Gospel liad been sown, the kingdom of God was first erected by these banislied persons, whose lives, and not their lips alone gave witness to their faith. So the Bishop Dionysius was able to say of his banishment to Cephar, a remote place of Libya,| "At first we were persecuted and stoned, but then not a few of the heathen left their idols and turned to God. By us the seed of the word was first brought thither; and, as if God had brought us thither only for
*

senatores vcro et egregii viri et* (the second et is a spurious addition, for the egregii viri are the
cqxtites as the senatores are clarissimi) dignitate

amissa etiam bonis spolientur,

et

si,

ademptis

fa-

cultatibus. Christian! esse perseveraverint, capite

quoque mulctentur; matronsB

in exsilium relegentur
;

ademptis bonis, Ctesariani autein quicunvero,

que vel prius confessi fuerant

fuerint, confiscentur et vincti in

vel

nunc

confessi

Cssarianas posInstead
is

scripti (allotted or distributed,) there

of dca various see reading ; scripti or inscripti, branded. by the following passage in Pontius's Life of Cyprian, that in the persecutions of Decius, Chrissessiones
descripti

mittantur."

We

had been branded on the forehead : " Tot confessores frontium notatarum secunda inscripThe " prima inscriptio" was the tione signatos."
tians

" inscriptio crusis," p^^^aKTH^, <np^a.yi; tcv tPTMj^c-j reIn the passage of Cyprian the ceived in baptism.
collocation of the

words rather favours the

common

reading.
*
[I

N. has here only paraphrased the orgi- tions of Dr. Neander. must have left out the words " cquitcs Romani,'' nal, " quad illic nunc xaccrr/otibtis Dei facultas non which follow the second el in the passage of datur eiferendi et celebrandi sacrificia divina," and Cyprian. This will make Dr. Neander's remark so throughout this passage the original is much in the parenthesis quite intelligible. But he may, abridged.-H. J. U.] perhaps, mean to condemn the words equilcs Bo[Dr.

find the passage thus printed in both ediIt appears that the printer

t Euseb.

vii.

11.

matii also.

H.

J. R-]

11


82

CYPRIAN

GALLIENUS

HIS EDICT OF TOLERATION.

This persecution ended with the reign of him from whom it proceeded. Valerianus, by the unfortunate issue of the war, having been taken prisoner by the Persians, A. D. 259, his son Gallienus, already joined in the government, obtained the undivided sovereignty. He was more indifferent than his father, as well with had in the interim recalled those who had respect to all public affairs, as with regard been banished by their predecessors in to the maintenance of the state religon. oflice, and they allowed them in the re- He instantly published an edict, by which tirement, in which they were obliged to he granted to the Christians the {ree exremain, to await the decision of their fate ercise of their religion, and commanded by the new rescript which was expected that all the burial grounds belonging to
j

the genuineness of which no cogent arguments can, upon the whole, be produced. Sextus, the bishop of Rome, and four deacons of his Church, were the first who, in consequence of this edict, suffered martyrdom, on the 6th of August, A. D. 258. The new governors in the provinces

from Rome.

Cyprian kept himself at a small country place near Carthage, until he heard that he would be conducted to Utica, in order to receive his sentence from the proconsul, who happened then to be staying there. Like a true shepherd,

he was most anxious to give his last testimony by word and by suffering in the presence of his own flock and he, there;

complied with the entreaties of his friends who urged him to retire till the
fore,

return of the proconsul.

From

the place

concealment, he wrote his last " I letter to his Church. (Ep. Ixxxiii.)* allowed myself to be persuaded to withdraw for a time, because it becomes the bishop, in that place where he is set over the Church of the Lord, to confess the Lord, that all the Church may be rendered glorious by the confession of their pastor. For whatsoever the confessing bishop declares in the moment of confession, that he declares by the inspiration of God from the mouths of all. Let me, in this retired spot, await the return of the proconsul to Carthage, to hear from him, what the emperors have commanded in relation to the Christian bishops and laity, and to speak to him what the Lord in that hour will that I should speak. But you, dearly beloved brethren, keep peace and tranquillity in conformity with the discipline whicli you have always received at my hands, according to the
of his

their Churches, and the otiier houses and grounds, which had been confiscated under the foregoing government, slioukl be restored to tliem. He thus recognised the Christian Church as a legalhj existing corporate body^ for none but such a body could, according to the Roman constitution, possess a common property. As, however, Macrianus had set himself up for emperor in the east, and in Egypt, in these countries it was only till after his fall, in A. D. 261, that the toleration edict of Gallienus could come into effect.* Hence, while the Christians in the West were already in the enjoyment of repose, persecutions may have lasted in those countries in compliance wth the edict of Valerianus. Eusebins relates a remarkable instance of this, which took place at this time in Palestine. Marius, a Christian soldier at Coesarea Stratonis,

was

to

receive the place of a centurion.

the centurion's staff (the
to be entrusted
vi/!is,)

Just as
soldier,

was about

to him, another

who had

the next promise of this

promo-

forward and declared that, according to the old laws, Marius could not hold any Roman military ranli, because he was a Cliristian, and did not sacrifice to the gods and to the emperor. On this they granted Marius a delay of three hours, in the course of which he must decide v)hcthcr he rooiild remain a In the meantime tlie bishop Christian.
tion, stepped

commands of tlie Lord let no one of you bring the brethren into trouble, nor give himself up of his own accord to the heathen. Every man must then only speak, ^vhen he is apprehended, for in that hour the Lord who dwells in us, speaks in us." When Cyprian, on the return of the proconsul on the 14th of September, received from his mouth the sentence of death, his last words were " God be thanked."f
-,

Theotecnus led him to the Church, he pointed on the one hand to the sword which the soldier bore upon his side, on
other to the book of the Gospel, which he laid before him. " He must choose between the two, between the
the

Komanis
Cypr.

et sacris legibus."

[So Pontius in Vita

p. 13.

Comp.
vii.

also the Passio Cypriani.

H.
*

J. K.]

Euscinus,

13, has preserved to us, not the

original edict of this emperor, but the rescript,

by

* Ep. Ixxxi. ed. Oxon.

}

which the
as an

edict

was introduced

also into

Egypt,

He was condemned

"inimicus Diis

after the

conquest of Macrian.

CHRISTIANITY A RELIGIO LICIT A

military rank and the Gospel !"

AURELIAN.
if

83

Marius, sybilline books, as

the temple of
all

you had been con-

without hesitation, lifted up his right laid hold of the Gospel. "Now," said the bishop, "hold fast on God, and mayest thou obtain what thou hast chosen. Depart in peace." After a most courageous confession he was beheaded. Tlie law of Gallienus must necessarily have wrouglit a change in the condition

sidting in a Cliristian Church, and not in

hand and

the gods."

He

called

upon them no shame

gods.

to support

him by

religious

ceremonies of every kind; for it could be to conquer with the help of the

He ofTered to defray all costs incurred by the ofiering of every kind of victim, and also to give toicards it ]>riso7i-

of die Christians, most essential in itself, crs from all nations^ and thus also, human and fraught with most important con- victims* We can easily perceive, from sequences. The important step, which these circumstances, that tliis emperor

many

emperors, more favourable to Christhan Gallienus, who can hardly have had any peculiar religious interest in the case, had never hazarded, was now made. Christianity had now become a " religio licita ;" the Christian Church had now received a legal existence; and many a governor who, in former times, under the then existing laws, would have had
tianity

was not disinclined to shed the blood of Christians to the honour of his gods and
;

that from the dictates of his own spirit, he would be disposed towards harsh and severe measures. In the first years of his reign, however, he undertook no persecution of the Christians. He even showed by his conduct on one occasion, in the third year of his reign, that he considered

no scruples in persecuting the Christians, the Christian Church as a leg*dlly existing would now dread laying his hands on a corporation for when a contention having
;

body, constitutionally recogThis was exactly shown in the case of Lucius Domitius Aurelianus, the next emperor but one to Gallienus, in the year 270. This emperor sprung from the lower orders; and, educated in heathen superstition, had, from the beginning, scarcely any but hostile feelings towards the Christians for he was not only most fanatically devoted to the eastern worship of the sun, with which he might easily have blended a toleration of many foreign
corporate
nised.
;

arisen

among

the Christians of Antioch,

should be the bishop of that place, the Church appealed to Uie emperor himself, and requested that the bishop, Paulus of Samosata, who had already been displaced on account of his doctrinal opinions, but had hitherto found support in Zenobia, (who was now conquered by Aurelian,) might be compelled at last to lay down his office, this emperor decided that he, ivhom the bishop of Rome, his court, recognised, should be the bishop. It was in the year 275, when he was sacra, but he \vas in every respect a blind supporter of the old heathen worship. busied with the warlike preparations in The welfare of the state appeared to him Thrace, that he first determined (probably to be most intimately connected with the to show his thankfulness to the gods, who proper performance of the old sacra. had hitherto, he thought, so favoured him, AVhen, during the threatening danger of and to win their further favour,) to banish the war with the German tribes, some of all his scruples, and to proceed to extrethe members of the Roman senate had mities against the Christians, but he was proposed in that body, that, after the old murdered in a conspiracy before he could custom, the sybilline books should be carry his plan into execution.! opened, and their counsel asked, some of The Christian Church remained in this the senators said that there was no need state of repose and tranquillity above forty to take refuge there; the power of the years, and the number of Christians in

who

transactions in the senate, exabout to publish an edict against the Christians. pressed his displeasure, and wrote to In the book De Mortibus Persecutorum, the story *" I wonder that you runs, that the edict had been published, but that these people thus should have hesitated so long to open the it could not reach the distant provinces of the em:

emperor was so great, that there was no this interval increased among all classes; need to ask counsel of the gods. The but among the multitude of those who matter dropped for this time, and was after* Flavius Vopisc. c. x.^c. M'ards again taken up afresh. But the emperor, who might very well have heard f Eusebius says in his Ecclesiastical History, that Aurelianus died at the very time that he was of these

pire before the death of the emperor.

Other writers

there might be

These words seem to convey a suspicion, that iiiakethe persecution already begun. The account some Christians even among the of Eusebius, vviio says the least, is by far the most senators themselves, and that they had influenced probable, and tiie other part of the story may have
"

the deliberations.

arisen from exaggeration.

84

DIOCLETIAN'S EDICT AGAINST

THE MANICHEES.

embraced Christianity at a time when it immediately around the emperor might required no struggle to be and to remain also have great eflfect in rendering him
a Christian, there certainly entered also into the Christian Church many counterfeit Christians, wlio brought with them heathenish crimes. The outward form of the Christian Church was also changed, in consequence of their greater prosperity, and in the large towns splendid churches succeeded the former modest and simple houses of assembly. The emperor Diocletian, who reigned from the year 284, at first alone, but from the year 286 in conjunction with Maximianus Herculius,
favourable to their fellow-believers. It was always a notion near the heart of the Roman statesman, that the old political glory of the Roman empire was closely dependent on the old state religion, and that the former could never be restored without the latter. As Diocletian,
therefore,

wished

again

to

renew the

former splendour of the Roman empire, it might appear to him necessary for that
end, to restore the old religion, which was daily sinking into neglect, and to extirpate the un-Roman religion, which was constantly spreading wider and wider, and

showed

himself, at least as far as external

it, he declares that had been the intention of the emperors laws any particular partiality for the Christians and the public constitution of the Roman for there had been for a long time some state.l Persuaded a.? the emperor Avas of Christians among the Caesariani, and if at this, he cannot have been restrained from first only one of these was a Christian, persecuting the Christians by any just yet he would probably use his influence, notion of the general rights of man, of as well as that Lucius, who having ob- the limits of the power of the states in tained the confidence of the emperor, was matters of conscience, nor by more just made by him the Praepositus Cubicula- views of the nature of religion. This is riorum, to extend Christianity among the proved by the principles which he declares people of the court.* These Christians in a law against the sect of the Manichees, A. D. 296, which was especially obnoxious * Theonas, bishop of Alexandria, who gave to him on account of its being derived this Lucius much excellent advice as to the duties from his enemies the Persians. "The of his office, charges liim particularly not to be immortal gods," says he,J " have, by their lifted up and to pride himself, because many in the providence, ordained and established that palace of the prince had been brought to a knowMany wise and ledge of the truth through him, but far rather to which is true and good. give God thanks that He had made him the instru- good men are imited in the opinion that ment of a good work. But we cannot here deter- this must be maintained without alteramine with certainty that this emperor was Diocle- tion. These we dare not oppose, and no tian. At all events it is quite clear that the emnew religion ought to venture to blame peror, in whose court he was, was no Christian; it for it is an enormous crime to the old is not even clear, that he had any prevailing inclination to Christianity, but only that there were pull down that which our forefathers eshopes of winning him over to the cause by means tablished, and which has dominion in the of his chamberlain. The Christians, about the
!
I

appearances go, no other than favourable to Christians, for the relations of the persecutions in the earlier years of this emperor's government, are at variance with credible historical documents, and are altogether unworthy of credit. Christians were employed in offices of importance in the imperial court ; some were found among the eunuchs and chamberlains (cubicularii ;) from which, however, we are not entitled to infer that the emperor had

which threatened at last to attain an undivided sway in the world. In a later inscription, in which the emperor prides
himself on the annihilation of Christianity, the Christians are accused of destroying
the state.*
In the edict

by which Galerius,

the instigator of the persecution, after-

ward.^ countermanded

it

to correct every thing after the old

'

recommended to use the utmost precaution, not to offend the heathen emperor. If a Christian was appointed librarian, he was to take good care not to show any contempt for worldly knowledge and the old authors ; he was to recognise the excellence of the poets, philosophers, oracourt were
tors,

adjutorio provenire possent.

Galland. Bibl. Patr.

T.

iv.

and

historians of old, taking into considera-

rempublicam evertebant. j- Nos quidem volueramus juxta leges veteres et publicam disciplinam Romanorum cunctacorrigere. t This edict, which was known to Hilarius, the author of the Commentary on the Epistles of St.
Paul, bears every internal

* Christiani, qui

which they lived, but then to take an opportunity of praising the Scriptures, to mention Christ, and by deIngrees to liint that He is the only true God. surgere poterit Christi mentio, explicabitur paultion the condition under

he was sometimes

and one

is at

a loss to imagine any motive,

mark of genuineness, which

lat'uii

ejus sola divinitas.

Omnia

hsec

cum

Chriti

should induce either a Christian or a heathen to invent .luch an edict. The extension of the religion in Africa, which it declares, is not at all a matter of impossibility.

REASONS OP GALERIUS FOR NOT PERSECUTING THE CHRISTIANS.

state."*

85

Must not the principles here ward off the influence of evil spirits, professed have made Diocletian an enemy by the presumed supernatural power of
and a persecutor of Christianity } The grounds, however, on which, (according to the judgment of the book, de Mortibus Persecutorum) the emperor afterwards opposed his son-in-law on their meeting at Nicomedia, which was just about to take place, might, perhaps, in conjunction with the personal influence of people immediately about him, have withheld him from a persecution of the Christians; namely, that the Christians had now long since become a legally existing religious society, that they were so M idely spread, that so much blood would
token of Christ's victory over all The heathen priests also agreed to this notion of the Christians, but on wholly diflerent grounds inasmuch as they said " that the gods were no longer present at the sacrifices, not because they feared the cross, but because this hostile and profane sign was hateful to them ;" an argument which they may have used, because they believed it, or perhaps have made use of only as a pretence to excuse auguries and predictions that had failed, and to embitter the emperor
this

the empire of evil.

still more against the Christians. By necessarily be shed, that the public tran- these, they said, the good fortune and quillity would immediately be disturbed, success of all heathen ''sacra" were pre-

and that had the

all

former bloodshed

liad rather

vented.*

progress than of repressing it. of Although Diocletian wished to restore the old Roman religion, he would probably never have overcome these objections, had not a more powerful motive carried
eflect of furthering the

There had been,

tians in the

till

now, many Chris-

Christianity,

him

on.

seen the season of the downfall of their old temples, and of the dominion of Christianity, which they detested, daily approaching nearer and nearer, and they must have set all absolute refusal of a part of the Christians their engines to work to obtain this latter to enter into military service, on the plea determination, (the determination to per- that it was, by its very nature, incompatiThis last struggle ble with their religion ; instances which, secute Christianity.)

The heathen must have

army, both in the higher and lower ranks, and they had never been compelled to do any thing against their conscience. This is clearly shown from what Eusebius relates, as well as from a remarkable circumstance which, as we can determine with certainty from the name of the consul given in a narration prepared by eye-witnesses, took place in the year It is one of the instances of an 295.1

of heathenism against Christianity would although their force was weakened by necessarily, from the very nature of things, many others on the opposite side of the become the most violent and passionate. question, might very easily serve as an The heathen party, to which statesmen argument to the enemies of Christianity, and priests, and men who aspired to be to support their assertion that Christianity At Sevesla, philosophers, as Hierocles,! belonged, was detrimental to a state. required only a powerful instrument to in Numidia, a young man of the name of obtain their ends. They found one in Maximilian was brought before the prothe son-in-law of Diocletian, the emperor consul, as bound to serve in the army ; as Caius Galerius Maximianus. This prince he entered, and was about to be measured, had raised himself, by his military abilities, to see if he had the stature required, he from a low condition he had been edu- declared at once, " I cannot be a soldier, cated in blind heathen superstition, and 1 can do nothing wicked, I am a Chriswas devoted to it, and attached great vir- tian I" The proconsul, without noticing
;

tue to sacrifices and auspices.

made

When he his protestations, coolly ordered him to use of these in war, and Christian be measured, and when he was found to officers were present, they were accus- be of the standard height, the proconsul tomed, from the persuasion that the hea- said to him, " Let them put the insignia thens in their idols worshipped evil spirits, * De Mortib. Persecut. r. x. comp. with Lacwhich seduce men from God, to sign themselves with the cross in order to tant. Institut. iv. c 27. Consfantin. in Euseb.
;

Vit.

Const,

ii.

50.

[In our

own

times the Papists

in the lique-

Ncque reprehend! a nova vetus rcligio deberet. Maximi enini, criminis est retractare quae semel ab
*

at

Naples have attributed the delay

i.

faction of the blood of St. Januarius to the presence

antiquis tractataet definita sunt, statuin et tenent ct possident.

cursum

of heretics,

e.

English people.

H.

J.

R.]

f Not the author of the Commentary on the

p.

f [This account is found in Ruinart .\cta Sine, 299302. See also Gibbon, ch. xvi. p. 680,

Golden Verses.

4to

ed. H.

J. R.]

86

REFUSAL TO SERVE IN THE ARMV.

of ihe military service round your neck, Caesaris,"* in the year 298, was selected and become a soldier;" without taking for the purpose of issuing such a command any further notice of his profession of to the army ; for this time would be exThe young man said, " I actly adapted to the purpose, as sacrifices Christianity. will bear no such badge, I bear already and feasts would be held for the celebrathe badge of Christ, my God." The tion of the festival, in which all the solproconsul, who was an heathen, sarcas- diers might be compelled to participate. '' I will send you tically threatened him, According to Eusebius, (viii. 4.) many The young gave up their military rank, both high and instantly to your Christ." man said, " I hope you may, this would low left the service, tliat they might rebe a glory to me." The proconsul, with- main true to their faith. Only a few were out further debate, ordered them to put sentenced to death ; probably only in those the soldier's leaden badge upon his neck. cases, where other peculiar circumstances The young man struggled against this, were added, so that they might find occaand answered in the ardour of youthful sion, at least in appearance, not merely laith indeed, but with some deficiency of to cashier them as Christians, but also to Christian humility and consideration, " I punish them under a charge of high treawill not take upon me the badge of the son. Among people, who, in their honworld's service and if it be put upon me, est indignation at the suspicion to which will break it, for it is unavailing. I I they were exposed, were unguarded in cannot bear this leaden token about my their language and other behabiour, it neck, after once receiving the saving badge was not difficult to find such occasions, of our Lord Jesus, of whom ye know and to represent them, under the military nothing, who died for us." The proconsul, code, as mutineers, deserving of punishthough a cold heathen statesmen, showed, ment. An instance of this is afforded to nevertheless, humanity in this instance, us in the case of the centurion, Marcelby endeavouring to persuade the young lus, at Tingi, in Africa (now Tangier.) man by kind arguments ; he himself enWhen the festival in honour of the emdeavoured to represent to him, that he peror, after the Pagan custom, was acmight become a soldier without violating companied by sacrifices and banquets, the his duty as a Christian, that there were centurion, Marcellus, stood up from the Christians, who performed military ser- soldiers' table, and, throwing down liis vice without scruples, in the body-guards centurion's wand, his belt, and his arms, of all the four emperors, Diocletian, Maxi- he declared, " From this moment I cease mianus Herculius, Constantius Chlorus, to serve your emperors as a soldier. I and Galerius. As, however, this young despise praying to your gods of wood and man of one-and-twenty years of age would stone, deaf and dumb idols. If the connot submit his own conviction to the ex- dition of a soldier requires this^ that one ample of otiiers, he was sentenced to must offer sacrifice to the gods and to the death ; yet in his sentence of death,* no emperors^ I throw away my wand and my notice was taken of his Christianity, and belt, I renounce the colours, and I am a his non-compliance with die duty of mili- soldier no more." All was now put totary service was alleged as the only ground. gether, that Marcellus had publicly cast This is a clear proof, that the soldiers away the military insignia, and that he also might openly profess their Christi- had spoken, before the whole people, anity, and tliat if tliey would only fulfil much that was injurious to the gods and their other duties, it would not be ex- tlie emperor, and he was sentenced to pected of them to participate in heathen death. ceremonies. This was the first token of the perseBut a few years after this occurrence cution. Throughout many years, Diotlie case was diflerent. Religious and po- cletian could not be prevailed on to do litical reasons determined Galerius to ban- more than this. But when Galerius met ish from tlie army all those who would his old sick father-in-law, who had alnot offer sacrifices. An order in the army, that every soldier should offer sacrifices, * [The " dies natalis Ctesaris" was the accescould easily be procured by him. Pos- sion-day. The accession of Diocletian took place sibly the festival of the fifteenth year, the A. D. 284, but it is a very disputed point wliether nomination of Maximianus Herculius to Maximianus Herculius was associated with him
;

tlie
*

imperial

dignity,

the

"dies

natilis

indcvotoaiiiinosacramentummilitiffi recusavcrit, gladio animadverli plaucuit.

Eoquod

during that year, or in the year 286. Tillemont. Hist, des emp. vol. iv. p. 7, and 595, (2d ed.) decides for the later date, and is followed by Gibbon,
ch. xiii. H. J. R.J

FIRST EDICT OF PERSECUTION

ready designed shortly to lay aside the government, at Nicomedia in Bythynia, in the winter of tlie year 303, he made use ot" all liis powers of persuasion, backed by many zealous heathens in state offices of importance, to obtain a general At persecution against the Christians. length Diocletian gave way, and a great
heallien festival, the Permiralia, on the 2d February, was selected as the time

A. D.

303.

87

Christian, of respectable condition,

allowed himself to be carried on, by a

somewhat

inconsiderate zeal, to violate

that reverence

towards the government,

prescribes.

which the Gospel

tore

He

publicly
it

down

the edict, and tearing

to

pieces, cried out, in a sarcastic

manner,

''Behold, these are

new

victories over the

commencement of operations. first dawn of day, the beautiful church of this city was broken into, the
for

the

With

the

copies of the Bible found in it were burnt, the whole church was given up to be On plundered, and utterly destroyed. the following day, an edict to the following effect was posted up " The assem- emperor. This edict blies of the Christians for divine service
:

Goths and Sarmatians, which are posted up The emperor treats the Christians, his own subjects, no otherwise than if they were the conquered Goths and Sarmatians!" This was a ground which the enemies of Christianity were glad to avail themselves of, that they might condemn him, not as a Christian, but as one who had injured the majesty of the
!

shall be forbidden, the Clirislian

Churches

pulled down, and all copies of the Bible burnt tliose who have offices of honour and dignity shall lose them, unless they In the judicial investigations, the abjure.
;

may be applied against all Christians, of any rank whatsoever, and the Christians of lower ranks shall lose their rights as citizens and freemen, and Christorture

must have made a more terimpression from its having been promulgated in many provinces just about the time of the festival of Easter, and in many districts on the very festival itself.* When they attempted, by burning all the copies of the Bible, to annihilate Christianity, with its sources, forever, they
rible

long as they continue Christians, shall be incapable of receiving their freedom." How far the Christians of lower condition were to lose the enjoyment of their freedom, is certainly here not siiOiciently defined, but considerable
tian slaves, as

<TTi^iTx.irScu. By the words h ointrtxt; we cannot, according to the common use of language, understand any thing but persons in the condition of

latitude

is

left

in the application of this

edict to individual

cases.

It

is

certain

from the

edict,

by Avhich

the

emperor

Constantine afterwards annulled all the consequences of this persecution in the east, that, at times, freeborn Christians were converted into slaves, and sentenced to those kinds of slave-labour, which were at once the lowest and the most despised, and to which they would be the least adapted from their former habits of life.* (See Euseb. Vit. Constant, book ii. ch. 32, &c.)
*

In order to understand the meaning of the

must, therefore, if we wish put any reasonable sense on the passage, seek some other meaning for the word rxcv9s^/i, than that which first ofTers itself. The words, " shall be deprived of their freedom," may mean, " shall be put into chains and into prison." Compare above the edict of Valerianus against the Ca3sariani. But it is safest to follow Rufinus, who may have seen the original of the edict " Si quis servorum permansisset Christianus, libertatem consequi non posset." If this be correct, the translation of Eusebius is verj' defective. * Eusebius and Rufinus set the publication of it in the month of March, which suits perfectly with the time of its publication in the then imperial residence. In Egypt, (which also just suits,) it was published, according to Coptic accounts, on the first Pharmuth, i. e. according to Ideler's Tables, the twenty-seventh of March. See Zoega Catalog, codd. Copt. Romae, 1810. Fol. 25; or the fragments of the Coptic Acta Martyrum, edited by Georgi. Roma:, 1 793. ProefaL 109, (where Georgi proposes a needless emendaservants, slaves.
to
for
:

We

we must compare the two and inaccurate statements ^iven by Eusehius, H. E. viii. 2, and the writer de Mortib. as
edict as far as possible, im])erfert
IN'o positive well as the translation of Rufinus. interdict of assemblies for the worship of God is

tion,)

and in other places

also.

But when these

Coptic accounts, which are full of fabulous circumstances, make the persecution follow immediately
tian's expression of

expressly given in any of these places ; but the nature of the case shows that it was tacitly implied but it is, moreover clear, from crediin the edict
:

victory

on the conijuest of the Persians, as Dioclethanks to the gods for his we must conclude that this is an anafirst

chronism, unless the

persecution of the sol-

diers is confused with this second.

The

cau.se

ble

and

official

documents relating

to this first

time of the persecution in Proconsular Africa, that such an interdict was positively expressed in the edict The words of Euscbius, which have caused

assigned by these Coptic accounts for the j)crsecution, namely, that a Christian metropolitan had set free the son of the Persian Sapor, who had been entrusted to him as an hostage, can hardly
in

much

dispute, are dilficult

enough

r-.ut iv ciniTtut;

any way be reconciled

to

what we know of

history.

INTENDED ANNIHILATION OP THE SCRIPTURES.

certainly

made choice

of a

means which

ligion,

which were constantly used by

was more
mankind
;

efficacious than the extirpation

for their

the Christians in their controversy against

gladly have example only excited drawn up a whole index "Librorum a greater number of followers. On the prohibitorum,"'' and "expurgandorum."*

of the living witnesses of the faith

among heathenism; and they would

contrary,
hilating

if

they could succeed in annithe copies of the Bible, they

One

is

immediately led to suppose, that

where people of this description, or those would by that means have suppressed the who would gladly earn imperial favour by very source from which true Christianity doing too much rather than too little, and the life of the Church had constantly were commonly to be found among the Let governors and magistrates of provinces; risen up, afresh and unconquerable. them execute as many preachers of the many acts of violence and cruelty must Gospel, bishops and clergy, as they have been committed against the Chriswould nothing was done as long as this tians, by the fulfilment of that first edict, book, which could always form new in which the delivering up of the Holy teachers, remained to the Christians. Scriptures and the discontinuance of Considered in itself, indeed, the transmis- congregations were commanded, and sion of Christianity was not necessarily especially since by this edict Christians dependent on the letter of Holy Writ. of all classes were subject to judicial inall
;

Inscribed, not in tables of stone, but in

vestigations with the use of tortures.

But many magistrates, who were free from this fanaticism, and this spirit of sciences of men, by its own Divine base flattery, which was ready to sacrifice power might maintain its ground, and all higher objects, and who had more make further progress; but as human humane feelings, endeavoured, as far as
the living tablet of the heart, the Divine doctrine, once established in the con-

present constituted, tlie testiof history declares, that Christianity, separated from its source, the Avord of God, from which it may always be recalled to its purity, would soon be overwhelmed by the mixture of falsehood and corruption, and become so disguised, This means, as not to be recognised. therefore, after the laws of human calculation, was well chosen ; if only the wilfulness of man could have defied the almighty power of God, who wished to preserve the treasure of the Holy Word as the best possession of man, and could have brought its deep-laid schemes to effect. But how could it ever be imagined possible, according to the usual rules of human calculation, to find and to annihilate, by human power, all the copies of the Scriptures, which were not only deposited in the churclies, but were also in existence in so many private houses here trace that blind policy which the empire of lies always makes use of, while ifexpects that nothing can escape its search, and that it can annihilate by fire and sword, what is protected by a higher power! The blind zeal for the support of the old religion went so far in many cases, that the heathen would willingly see many of the most glorious
nature
is at

possible, to

mony

soften the rigour of these measures, and acted with as mucli lukewarmness as they could without openly
violating the imperial edict.

They
into

either

suffered themselves to be deceived

by the
their

Christians, or put the

means

.''

We

hands of evading the edict, and fulfilling Bishop Mensuit only in appearance. rius, of Carthage, used the precaution to bring all the copies of the Scriptures from the churches of Carthage to his own house, to preserve them there, while he left in the churches only the writings of heretics. When the inquisitors came, they took these writings and went away satisfied. They were assuredly religious writings of the Christians, and in the edict nothing was said of what holy writings, and of what party among the Christians But some senators of it meant to speak. Carthage discovered the imposition to Annulinus, the proconsul, and required him to institute a search in the house of the bishop, where he would find all the
* Arnobius, who wrote exactly about this time, says in book iii. ch. iv. " Not a few abhorred the work of Cicero de Natura Deorum, and could not prevail on themselves to read a book, which conOthers said, tradicted their ancient prejudices." in the greatest indignation, that a " Scnatus-consultum" ought to he published, that those writings
:

monuments of

their

own

literature perish

with the writings of llie Christians, those unch'rmined. " Aboleatitur ut hsec at least in wliich a testimony was raised Christiana religio comprobetur, et against the superstition of the popular re- primatur auctoritas.

might be annihilated, by which Christianity was confirmed, and the authority of antiquity was scripta, quibus
vetustatis op-

89

DIFFERENT CONDUCT OF THE CHRISTIANS.

writings.

But the proconsul,* who was Christians. Others believed it to be their willing to be deceived, would not comply duty to remain true to their faith \vith the with this request. When Secundus, an- simplicity of doves, and witlt Christian other Numidian bishop, refused to deliver prudence to accommodate themselves to

They used every precaution deliver up some which was not incompatible with the or at least give them profession of Christianity, to save from something, any thing he pleased.j With danger their own lives, and at the same and in the same intention, probably, must the time, the copies of the Scriptures legate of the proconsul have asked the order to divert the jealousy of the heaISJumidian bishop Felix, as he did more then, they endeavoured to temper the It was than once, "Why, then, do you not give violent zeal of their brethren. up your superlluous writings ?"J So also likely enough that these men should be the case of Felix, the African bishop, condemned by the other party, as men in when the Prsfectus praetori asked him, with whom the fear of man and human ' dost thou not deliver up the holy considerations had too much weight, and
lip the

holy writings, the inquisitors asked the times.

extracts,

him why he could not

useless

Why
is

? a feelor perhaps, thou hast none :" as cowardly traitors to the faith evident enough that he meant to put ing which proved in after days the source the latter assertion into his mouth. of many convulsing struggles in the North

writings
it

In the conduct of the Christians at this

critical time,

we

find the opposite results

circumstances, the different inclinations and imperfections of liuman nature are apt to bring about some, in the dread of martyrdom and death, gave up their copies of the Bible, which were then burned in the public market-place ; these men were excommiuiicated under the name of traditores
others

which, under such

African Church. The prudence, however, of this party in the Church, at least had this advantage, that it withdrew from the fanatical fury of the people many copies of the Bible, which otherwise would have

particularly

examples more Numidia, a body of Christians, among where an whom was a boy of very tender age, were enthusiastic disposition was natural to the seized in the house of a reader, where they people without any necessity, but in a were assembled for Scriptural instruction, blind zeal, into the composition of which and for the celebration of the communion. something of earthly warmth entered, They wsre led away to Carthage to the gave themselves up to death by declaring tribunal of the proconsul, singing on the Torture that they were Christians, that they had road songs of praise to God. holy writings in their possession, but that was employed on the greater part of these, nothing should induce them to give them in order to wring an avowal from all. In up or else they rejected with scorn the the midst of his torments one of them means of evasion proffered by governors cried out, " Ye sin, unhappy men, ye sin, of humane feelings in this latter case, ye punish the innocent, we are no murwe ought to give high honour to a tender derers, we have deceived no man God I thank thee, God? conscientiousness, which did not act thus have mercy on thee. out ofa delusive enthusiasm to become mar- and give me strength to suffer for thy name tliy servant from the slavery Free tyrs, but because they held it unchristian to deceive in this manner, or because it of this world, I thank thee, and yet 1 am appeared to them a tacit denial of the unable to thank tliee.* To the glory of faith, if they delivered up these writings God I thank the God of the kingdom. to the heathen, and allowed them to think Tiie eternal, the incorruptible kingdom is oh Lord Christ, we are Christhat these were the Holy Scriptures of the at hand tians, we are thy servants. Thou art our !" hope On his praying thus, the procon* Augustin. brevicul. collat. c. Donatist. d. iii. " You ought to have Optat, Milev. ed. du. Pin. p. 174, [vol. i. sul said to him, c. 13. obeyed the imperial edict;" and he anp. 18.3, ed. Ohcrlhur. H. J. R.] swered widi a spirit full of power, though j Aliqua iK/icku. aut quodcunqiie. i "Quarc Scripturas non tradis supervacuasi" his body was weak and exhausted, " I is, pcrliaps, intentionally ambiguous, so that the now revere only the law of God which I words might he understood to mean that the
whicli
in

of

been a prey to the flames. We shall now, as Ave have before done, consider some individual traits of Christian faith and courage, as they are told in credible accounts. In a country town of

we

find

North

Africa,

Christian
useless.

writings

in

general were something

* ["Zur Herrlichkeit."
riam. Act. Sat.]

Neander.

Ad

glo-

See the Acta Felicis in Ruinart.

12

H 2

90

HEROIC CONDUCT OF THE CHRISTIANS.

should have been attributed to the revengeful spirit of the Christians, and the accusation might have still been true, without attaching any general disgrace to the whole Christian Church. Among so

have learnt. For this law will I die, in this law do I become perfect, and besides Another, in the it there is no other." midst of the torture, prayed thus " Help I praj- Thee, have pity on me, O Christ me; keep my soul, preserve my spirit, that I may not be brought to confusion.
: !

numerous a body

as the Christians, there

give

me

strength

to.

suffer."

To

the

reader in whose house the assemblages had taken place, the proconsul said," You ought not to have received them." He replied, " I could not decline to receive my brethren." The proconsul " But
:

the

imperial

edict

ought

to

have out-

weighed

these

reader: " God is Tlie proconsul The martyr Scriptures in your house .?" "Yes, I have them, but it is in my heart." Tliere was among the prisoners a girl named Victoria, whose father and brother were still heathens. Her brother, Fortu:

The considerations." more than the emperor." judgments which befel the persecutors, " Have you then Holy says, that Galerius himself caused the fire,
tians of the

who allowed themselves to be carried away by passion, which they would palliate under the semblance of religion, so far as to forget what manner of spirit they ought to be of as disciples of Christ. It is certain, however, that they were unable to prove any thing of the sort against the Christians. The impassioned author of the work on the
might very likely be many

in order to be able to accuse the Chris-

crime

but his authority

is

insufficient to render this credible.

Con-

stantine

attributed
in
it

the fire to lightning,

and sees
truth
is,

judgment of God.
;

The

natianus, took care to be present to move her to an abjuration, and thus obtain her

as Eusebius justly confesses, that

freedom. When she steadfastly avowed that she was a Christian, her brother gave out that she was of unsound mind but she declared, " It is my firm and steadfast conviction, 1 have never changed." When the proconsul asked her whether she would go with her brother, she said, " No, for I am a Christian, and they are my
;

we do not know the real cause it was enough that the Christians were accused
of a conspiracy against the emperor, and that many of them were arrested without any distinction as to whom suspicion could attach to or not. Most terrible tortures were used in order to obtain a confession, but to no purpose. Many were burnt, beheaded or drowned. It is true that fourteen days after, a second fire broke out, which was very soon extinguished, and that this may make it more probable that the first was intentional.* Seditions, which soon after arose in Armenia and Syria, again excited political jealousy towards the Christians; to this the clergy would, of course, as the heads of the party, be more especially obnoxious, and hence, under this pretence, an imperial edict was issued, " that all the

who obey God''s commands." The proconsul thought that he should

l)rethren

boy Hilarianus by boy the power of God showed that it was mighty. " Do what you will," he said, " I am a
easily frighten

the

threats alone, but even in this

Christian."*

When
gun,
If
it

the persecution had once bewas impossil)le to stop halfway. these measures failed, they must go

further.

The

first

step towards attacking

difficult to clergy should be seized and put into make, the second followed quickly upon chains ;" the consequence of which was it. There were also now many addi- that the prisons were soon filled with

the Christians

was the most

circumstances conspire to to charge the Christianity, or at least, might be made Christians with political crimes; and on use of to do so. A fire having broken out the other hand, they did not use all the have done to in tlie imperial palace at Nicomedia, it precautions they might was natural enough that this circumstance avoid pretences for such charges as men
tional circumstances of a peculiar nature,

clergy.

Many

which

cast

a disadvantageous

light

on show how ready men were

wished
* The sources from which those accounts are derived are the "Acta Saturnini Dativi ct aliorum

to

lay against titem.

A young

Egyptian,

when

the

Roman

proconsul, at

iu Africa."
art,

See Baluz. Miscell. vol. ii., and Ruinand du Pin, in the collection above quoted. These writint^s have not descended to us in their
simple, original state, hut with a preface, inter-

Lactantius de Mortib. relates this circumno other writer mentions it. But Lactantius, who was probably resident in Nicodcmia,
stance, but

spersed remarks, and a conclusion, which were the work of some Donatist ; but it is clear that the groundwork of the whole is the " Acta Proconsularia."

would know these thinpts more circumstantially But it is quite possible, than any one besides. we admit, that he should have been deceived by some report then prevalent in the city.

CHRISTIANS ORDERED TO SACRIFICE.

I

91

Caesarea in Palestine, where he was ar- surely more calculated than a merely unrested, inquired, What was his country r" conditional death warrant against all conanswered: "Jerusalem, which is where fessors of the faith, to render them the the sun rises, the land of the pious." victims of all the cruelty which the fanatiThe Roman, who probably scarcely knew cism of a governor, or liis adulaiion of
''
I

of the existence of tlie earthly Jerusalem, the emperor, might tempt him to inflict. unless perchance he knew it by its Ro- Every one was perfectly aware that, let man name ^^lia Capitolina, and who knew him go as far as he would against the still less about the heavenly Jerusalem, Christians, he incurred no responsibility imagined nothing else than that the Chris- by it. The persecutors already believed, tians had founded a town some where in in their blindness, that they were able to the cast, from whicli they meant to raise triumpli over Christianity and suppress it; The thing seemed to him of already in inscriptions the titles of honour a sedition.
j
I

great importance, and accordingly he set of the emperors were augmented by the on foot many inquiries, accompanied by annihilation of Christianity and the restoA priest of the name ration of the worship of the gods "amthe use of torture.* of Procopius, of Palestine, on being re- plificato per orientem et occidentem im: j

quired to oiler sacrifices, declared tiiat he acknowledged only one God, to whom we must bring such sacrifices as he commands. When on this they required him
to oiler his libation to the four rulers of

the state, the two August! and the two Caesars, he replied, merely to show that men must worship only one God as Lord,

perio Romano, et nomine Christianorum Sudeleto, qui rempublicam everlebant. perstitione Christiana ubique deleta et At the very cultu Deorum propagato." time, however, at which they were indulging in these feelings of triumph, the circumstances were already prepared by Providence, from which an entire change

verse, o^x ayaQof TroXu- in the condition of the Christians was appears, however, to have about to result. One of the four rulers, Conslantius been taken up in a political sense, and to have been construed into a crime, as a Chlorus, to whom, under the title of Cajsar, the dominion of Gaul, Britain, and Spain calumny on the reigning tetrarchy.t Wlien the prisons were thus tilled with was assigned, from his kind and humane Christian clergy, a new edict appeared, character was not disposed to persecution.

by

the

Homeric
Sj-c.

xoi^avtn,

It

ordering that those

ollered sacrifice should be set free, and the rest compelled by all means to And at last, in the year 304, sacrifice.

who

Hence, although not decidedly a Christian, he was yet avowedly a friend to ChrisWe may suptianity and to Cluistians. pose that he really, as Eusebius says, acappeared the fourth and most severe edict, knowledged the futility of heathenism, which made the same regulation in regard and was a thorough Monolheist, without In the towns, in which being a Christian, or that, like Alexander to all Christians.;]:

among

the prisoners

was carried into effect in all its Severus, he was an eclectic in his religion, was proclaimed through all the which is more probable. To those around streets, that all the men, women, and chil- him, who proved themselves true to their dren should repair to the temples. Lists faith as Christians, he showed especial were formed, and they were called over regard, and placed great confidence in by name all were carefully examined at them for he used to say, " that he who the town gates, and those who were was untrue to his God would be (ar less
the edict
rigour,
it
; ;

known

as Christians

were detained.

In

Alexandria even the heathens themselves hid the persecuted Christians in their houses, and many would rather sacrifice their property and their freedom than betray those who had taken refuge with The punishment of death was thcm.

likely to be true to his prince;" although the anecdote which Eusebius relates of
his method of trying their faith does not " appear probable. As he could not exactly show himself, in his character of Ciesar,

disobedient to the edict issued by the Augusti, he had some churclies pulled down In Gaul, not expressly pronounced against the for the sake of appearances. Christians, but an edict which proclaimed where he himself usually resided, the that the Christians should be compelled Christians enjoyed perfect repose and by every means to offer sacrifice, was freedom in the midst of their persecutions
in other provinces.*
*

In Spain he migiit

Euseb. de Martyribus PalrEstinm, c.xi.

Ibid. c.
i.

* 'J'his is

stated by the writer

;

De

Mortib. Per-

Ibiii. c. iii.

% Athanasii Hist. Arianor. ad Monachos, 64.

and in a letter of the Donatists to the c. 1 6 emperor Constantinus, in which Ihcy begged for
secutor,

92
not be able to
efi'ect

CONSTANTIUS
as

MAXIMINUS.
go!

mines were enabled to assemble for the worship of God but when the governor of the province, on coming thither once, had observed this, he made the dignity of Caesar to that of Augustus, a report of it to the emperor. The priin conjunction with Galerius. soners were on this separated from one But, on the other hand, there entered another, and compelled to more severe into the number of the Caesars a person labour. Nine-and-thirty confessors, who whose blind heathenish superstition and after enduring a great deal, had obtained cruelty were in perfect keeping with the a respite from persecution, were at once character of Galerius, who chose him as beheaded. This was the last blood which Cajsar; namely, Caius Galerius Valerius was spilled in this persecution, while in Maximinus. It was naturally to be ex- the western countries the Christians had
tians in the
;

much, but certainly in none of his provinces was there a persecution of tlie same character as those in other districts. This prince, so favourable to the Christians, was nevertheless able to serve them more effectually, when on the resignation of Diocletian and Herculius, in the year 305, he was raised from

New bloodshed and new tortures were the consequence.

Then
again, a cessation took place
till

the beginning of the year 3 19.

The Chris-

pected that in the provinces assigned to already earlier obtained repose. him in Syria, and the adjoining parts of The exciter of the persecution himself, the Roman empire, and in Egypt, tlie per- the emperor Galerius, was softened by a secutions should be renewed with fresh severe and painful illness, the consequence vigour. At times, however, men became of his debaucheries, and perhaps, he may weary of their own violence, and as their have thought that, after all, the God of efforts proved unavailing, the execution the Christians might be a powerful being of the imperial edict slackened of itself, whose anger had punished him, and the persecution slumbered, and the Chris- whom he was bound to appease. It tians began to enjoy a little repose but might also strike him that all his sanguiwhen their enemies perceived that they nary measures had failed in injuring the had taken breath again, their anger arose cause of Christianity. In the year 311, the afresh, because they felt that they had remarkal)le edict appeared, by which this been unable to extinguish Christianity, last sanguinary struggle of the Christian and again set up heathenism, and then a Church was ended in the Roman empire. new and more violent storm arose. Thus, It was declared that the purpose of the after much bloodshed in the dominions emperors had been, to recall the Chrisof Maximinus, after his accession to the tians to the religion of their fathers ; for throne, a seasonof tranquillity, about the in deserting this religion they had, accordeighth year of the persecution, A. D. 308, ing to their own fancies, created to themarose for the Christians. Those condemn- selves peculiar laws, and founded various ed to labour in the mines began to expe- sects. This is the reproach which was rience milder treatment and more consi- commonly made to Christians See ever deration. But again, on a sudden, the since you have departed from the unity storm of persecution broke out, and of the old traditional religion and the austartled the Christians from their tempo- thority of our ancestors, you have comrary repose. A new and more strict im- pletely followed your own devices, one perial edict was issued to all tlie officers innovation rising up after another, and of government, from the highest to the hence comes that great variety of sects lowest, both in the civil and the military among you.* As, however, most of the service, requiring ihat the fiiWen temples Christians were now obstinately fixed in of idolatrous worship should be restored, their opinions, and it was clearly perand that all free men and women, all slaves, ceived, that they could not honour their and even little children, should be com- own God, and yet at the same time pay pelled to offer sacrifice, and eat the meats due homage to the gods, so the emperors
;
:

All the eatables exposed markets were to be sprinkled with water or with wine, which had been used in sacrifice, in order to force the Christians into contact with idolatry in their food. So far did despotism and fanaticism
offered to idols.
in the

The

ratione tanta

Latin wordss are: " Sicjuideni quadam, eosdem Christianos voluntas (such
invasisget et tanta stultitia

caprice, ideycB^na-nnu.')

occupasset, ut

non

ilia

vctcruni instltuta seque-

rentur, qje forsitan primi parcntcs

eorundem con-

stituerant; sed pro aibitrio suo atquc ut liisdem crat libitum, ita sabinet leges faccrent, quas observarerit el pcrdiversa varies

Gallic bishops as judges,

on that very account.

I. i.

Compare
Stromal,

the
vii.

objection

in

Optat. Milevit. de 8chisiuate Donatistar.

c.

22.

753.

[Sylb. p. 320.

populoscongregarent." Clemens Alcxandr. Potter p. 866.]

11

LUCIAN.

93

Now that we have considered the atwished to extend to them accustomed! external power on the Chrismercv, so that they might again be Chris- tack of mere only tian Church, we shall give a glance at tians," and hold their assemblies, but from those who opposed Christianity by their Oil the condition that they abstain who often at the very time contravening the discipline of the Roman writings, men that Christianity was sufl'ering from the state (ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam of temporal power, attacked it on agant.*) " They must also, after this cle- arm they wore only mencv experienced at our hands, pray /o grounds which, though [objections in appearance, might be suffiiheir God for our prosperity, the prosperity to blind the natural man, and with of the state and their own, that the state cient ridicule and somay remain well maintained in all respects, all the weapons which could supply them. and they may live quiet in their homes." Iphistical acuteness
I

SECTION I.-PART
The opposition which Christianity met
[

II.

loith

from Heathen Wntings.

strives to form the heart of Thf. hostile sentiments of the heathens ence, which mingle itself, before it has fully towards Christianity were different, ac- man, not its work, with some earthly failcording to the difference of their philoso- effected ings, and thence exhibit some strange exphical "and religious views. There entered

then upon the contest the two classes of men, from two opposite points, who have never since ceased to combat the pure These were the superstitious, Gospel. to whom the honouring God in spirit and in truth was a stumblingstone, and the light-minded unbeliever, who, unacquaint-

crescences.

When

Christianity

first

at-

tempted to act on

human

nature, as the

new

principle of life, to attract man's heart with a magnetic force, and set all must its powers in motion and ferment, we

expect to find that, before all had been brought into harmonious union, the extranquillity could not be destroyed ed with all feelings of religious wants, isting without creating some jarring and discord. h'as 'accustomed to'laugh and to mock at He, therefore, who looked on Chrisevery thing which proceeded from such tianity with cold indifference, and the feelings, whether rightly directed or misevery day feelings of wordly prutaken^ and at all which supposed such profane dence, miffht easily here and there find feelings and proposed to satisfy them. The Christian for his satire. Such was Lucian. To him Christianity, objects miffht, indeed, have profited by that ridilike every other remarkable religious have learned from the children phenomenon, appeared only as a fit ob- cufe, and Without giving of darkness to join the wisdom of the ject for his sarcastic wit. with the meekness of the dove. himself the trouble to examine and to dis- serpent the end the scoffer brings himself to criminate, he threw Christianity, super- In derision, because he ventures to pass senstition, and fanaticism into the same class. world, of lays tence on the phenomena of a It is enough, in any system which he has not the slightest conception, deep hold on man's nature, to find out which and which to his eyes, buried as they

some

side

open

to ridicule,

if

man

brings

forward only that which is external in the system, abstracted from all its inward soul and meaning, and without either understanding or attempting to understand this Can the richest wine soul and meaning. escape receiving some taste from the impure vessels into which it is poured How then shall the spiritual and godly influ.'

are in the films of the earth,

is

entirely
to bring

closed.
.

Such was Lucian.

forward
all

He sought

in the external

is striking and remarkable conduct and circumstances of Christians, which might serve for the object of his sarcastic raillery, without

that

any deeper inquiry as

even in that

to

what the

religion

of the Christians really was.

And yet

The emperor had

apparently expressed himin a rescript

self

more distinctly on this point which has not been preserved.

at which he was much which might have taught him common to remark in Christianity no

scoffed, there

94
power over

THK PLATONISTS.

those notions without suflicient examination." He has no further accusation to against them here, except the ease them to meet death Avith tranquillity, their with M'hich they allowed their benevobrotherly love one towards another, might lence towards their fellow-Christians to have indicated to him some higher spirit be abused by impostors, in which there which animated these men ; but instead may be much truth, (see below in the of tliis he treats it all as delusion, because Third Section,) but there is, nevertheless, many gave themselves up to death with some exaggeration.

the hearts of men, had he been capable of such serious impressions. The firm hope of eternal life, which taught

make

something

like fanatical enthusiasm.

He

As

for

the

self-righteous Stoics, the

were the nearest of all philosophers to Christianity, and they might find in their religious notions and admirari," they can close their heart their psychology many points of union With all with Christianity. against all lofty impressions. Hence it happened his wit and keenness, with all his unde- that many of the early teachers of the niably fine powers of observation in all Church had been prepared by the religious that has no concern with the deeper im- idealism of Platonism for Christianity, as pulses of man''s spirit, he was a man of a spiritual religion, and used their philovery little mind. But hear his own lan- sophical education afterwards in its "serguage :* " The wretched people have vice. But it was only natural that many, persuaded themselves that they are alto- deeply rooted in their philosophical and gether immortal,! and will live forever religious system, (which they considered therefore they despise death, and many perfect and finished once for all,) should of them meet it of their own accord. struggle the more eagerly against the new Their first lawgiver^ has persuaded them doctrines of Christianity, because in what also to regard one another as brethren, as they once possessed they had the comsoon as they have abjured the Grecian plete advantage over the rest of the heagods, and honouring their crucified Master, thens. It would be a bitter draught to have begun to live according to his laws. them to drink the waters of humility and They despise every thing heathen equally, self-denial, as they must have done, had and regard all but their own notions as they consented to form their habits of profaneness, while they have yet embraced thought on a revelation given as a matter of history. But there were besides de* De morte Peregrini. cided differences in their habits of thought jHe is passing a sarcasm on the doctrine of and those which the Gospel requires. the resurrection, which, when St. Paul brought it I'hey must renounce their superiority in forward at Athens, had met with the same recepreligion, and unite themselves with the tion.
Platonists
;

notion of a crucified man having taught them to regard each other as brethren, the moment they should have abjured the gods of Greece; as if it were not just the most remarkable part of all this, that an obscure person in Jerusalem, who was deserted by every one, and executed as a criminal, should be able, a good century after his death, to cause such effects as Lucian, in his own time, saw extending in all directions, and in spite of every kind of persecution. How blinded must he have been to pass thus lightly over such a phenomenon But men of his ready wit are apt to exert it with too great readiness on all subjects. They are able to illustrate every thing out of nothing with their miserable " nil
scoffs at the
!

advocates of cold tranquillity, of an apathy founded on philosophical persuasion, they saw, as we have already observed in the case of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, in the religion of the people, nothing but blind fanaticism, because the influence which it exerted over man's spirit did not repose on philosophical grounds of demonstration and argument. Arrian, in his Diatribe, (B. iv. c. 7,) inquires " whether
a

man could not, by the inquiries of reason into the laws and order of the world,
obtahi that fearlessness
leans attained

which the Gali-

by

habit and by

mad

en-

thusiasm."

The

i We must here understand Christ, if we judge from the context, and not St. Paul, for we never find Lucian distinguishing two diflerent founders of Christianity from each other, and indeed, it was impossible that witli so superficial a view as his, he should make any such distinction. And here, too, he appears to he thinking pf the exhortations

multitude,*

whom

they despised,

in

one

faith, and they must limit their love of speculation by the definite facts of a revelation! They must find pure truth in

one only
ciful

religion,

and give up
it

their fanto

heathenism, open as

was

specu-

of Christ to his discijjles to love each other, of

which he was

likely to

have heard.

The jToXKot,

the o^xk.

CELSUS
lation,

WHETHER HE WAS THE

EPICUREAN.

95

and decked with all the graces of have been Celsus the Epicurean, who poetry and rlietoric and exchange an lived in the reign of the .Antonines, and But imaginative polytheism lor a dry and was known as the friend of Lucian. empty monotheism! Uninstructed Jews Origen had avowedly no other grounds supposition than the sameness of must become more to them than their for this godlike Plato Instead of the God of the name; and this, even supposing every their contemplative conception, their o, thing to lead to the conclusion that tlie
! !

from forth of which all existence eternally flows by a necessity, agreeably to the dictates of the Reason, from the highest world of spirits down to the very lowest t/A)), that bounds all the varied developments of life, and stands on the extreme limit between existence and noninstead of this god of their existence speculative conception [speculativer Begriffs-Gott] they were to recognise a personal God, who created all tilings from nothing, by the act of his own freewill, and who guides all things independently by his free providence, which looks not on the vast whole alone, but on each in-

was written in the time of would be but a very weak argument, unless some proof of a conformity of views between this book and
really
that Celsus,
It is that Celsus could be established. of great importance to ascertain this point. Lucian dedicated the Life of the .Magician Alexander to this Celsus, which he This suits well wrote at his request. with the character of the Celsus who wrote against Christianity for he too paid great attention to all the exhibitions of enchanters of that period,* in order to

book

The multitude, portion of it. unable to raise themselves to abstract speculation, might have a god so human, but for a philosopher to take up This considewith a god of the people ration shows us plainly, that while the
dividual

who

are

by many motives on the other hand there were many feelings which stirred them up to bitter enmity against a religion which subjected them to humiliPlatonists were attracted
to the hive of Christianity,

so opposite to all their habits of thought. Tlie first, who regularly took it on himself to write against Christianity, was Celsus, and most probably about the time
ations-,

be able, as such men always do, to class together the operations of a higher power, and the reveries of fanaticism, without any examination of their internal evidence. He might, therefore, to obtain materials for this comparison, and to use it in his zeal for the propagation of his would-be illumination of the world, wish to know more of this Alexander. The first Celsus had written a book against magic, which Lucian 1. c. 21, praises highly, and which was also known to Origen. The other Celsus expresses himself in more ways than one on the subject of magic.
In

Book

i.

p.

54, he says, after

that

anity with

Marcus Aurelius persecuted Christifire and sword. He gave hi% work the presumptuons title of " the
of Truth," (A070?
'axaS*!?.)
It is

Word
the

more requisite to enter at some length upon the character, the views, and the
cause,

mode

of argument of this person, bein several respects, we find that evil spirits, charming away diseases, callhe was the forerunner of antagonists of ing up the spirits of heroes, raising by Christianity in general, or at least, of enchantment splendid meals, and setting many of its peculiar doctrines, and that the most dead substance in motion, like a " Shall we, for the sake of his spirit and notions have often made living thing. and lastly, be- these things, consider them as sons of their appearance again cause it is often shown with great clear- God, or shall we say that they are the ness by his case, what appearance evan- tricks of wretched and contemptible In this passage, there is no trace gelical truth assumes in the eyes of the men?" natur.il man, and how, in his judgment of a belief in magic, as Origen imagined for the language is not serious, but, as upon it, he makes his own blindness and
;

miracles of our Saviour, citing some " Well, then, let us grant that thou hast He then really performed these things !" proceeds to compare these miracles with the works of enchanters, who pledge themselves to the performance of far more extraordinary feats, with the supernatural power of wiiicli the Egyptians would give a proof in the market-places for a few halfpence, such as exorcising

poverty conspicuous.

Muidi doubt
to the person

exists, in the first place, as

goes under the name where he ventures to place the prophets of the Old of Ceisus. Origen, who wrote against Testament (as well as Christ himself, m other him, goes on the supposition that he may passages) in the same class.

who

See the long passage, Lib. 348,

eJ. Hoeschel,

96

CELSUS APPARENTLY A PLATONIST.

Celsus was the author of the work. He hypotheses, B. iii. p. 206. [.?] between which people must decide on the subject first, that the same person chose to conceal his real opinions, ia order to oppose Christianity with more efl'ect, because as an Epicurean, the partisans of all religions would be against him secondly, that the Epicurean Celsus changed his opinions ; or lastly, that it was a diflerent Celsus who wrote the work. The first supposition is hardly natural, and the second quite gratuitous. It is, however, difficult to collect any connected system out of the writings of Celsus ; for many contradictory opinions are maintained in them, and he himself appears in general, not as a serious and deep thinker, but as one whom the spirit of controversy drove to express much which he did not really mean ; he often expresses himself sarcastically on things of serious import; and we find the same contradiction in him, which was common in his time, namely, that he sometimes played the enlightened philosopher, and at other times he maintained the old reoffers three
:

it often happens in Celsus, entirely sarHe considers it all as mere trickcastic. ery, by which the credulity of the mulFor he titude is easily imposed upon. had before doubted generally of the truth of the miracles of Jesus, without as-

sicrning

any grounds

for

his

disbelief.

Where he sneeringly compares the endowments of animals with those of men,

he says, among other tilings, " If men value themselves on their skill in magic, let them recollect that serpents and eagles have far more skill than they, and are more expert at miraculous cures,"
iii. p. 226, [p. 221. ed. SpenNow this, as Origen remarks, is as Celsus was inclined to laugh at magic Nevertheless, when he brings altogether. forward the opinion of Dionysius, an Egyptian musician, (apparently with approbation,) that magic has no power over philosophers, but only over uneducated and corrupted persons, he appears to speak seriously. " It is the opinion of the Platonisls of this day," says he " that the magical operations of the higher powers of nature and demonical agency, which, according to their doctrine, belong to the empire of blind nature, the region of y^, have influence over those only who also belong to this department, and not over those who have raised themselves up to the Divine Being,

&c. Book
if

cer.]

ligion in

downright earnest.
still

It is,

how-

ever, with all this,

undeniable, that

he has appropriated to himself many of the ideas of the then prevailing Platonic philosophy ; and yet it is certain, that he

must not be confounded with the deeper Among the notions exalted far above all the powers school of Platonism. of nature."* Lucian praises Celsus for he borrowed from Platonism, we must qualities of reckon that of the soiiVs relation to God, mildness and moderation which we find no trace in his writings, (p. 8.) Some representations, however,

which

is

from which he would rather appear a One feels, violent and passionate man. however, that Lucian's judgment of his friend may be a just one for persons of
;

of a higher power, which slumbers in the

souls of animals, and sometimes

beams

a character whose tranquillity

is

not easily

broken and disturbed, are often the most strongly excited when any thing opposes them, which not being reducible to the measure of common every day things, creates an excitement, which they cannot comprehend, in the hearts of men. It is not the opinion of Origen alone, that Celsus was an Epicurean, but Lucian
also calls
curus.

him a zealous admirer of EpiThere i.s, however, but little in the work against Christianity, which wears

even the appearance of an Epicurean babit of thouglil; and even this little, when accurately weighed, contains in it much that This always preserve the distinction between is irreconcileable with Epicurism. was remarked by Origen, and somewhat Qeoi TT^WTo? and eo? Sevre^o;. Again, we that this find the "notions of the stars as Divine staggered him in the notion

223,) though somewhat opposite in expression, do not contradict this ; for the Platonists themselves say of many of the old philosophers, especially Pythagoras, that they understood the language of animals. Again, he speaks of the Supreme Existence, (Sc) which nothing but the contemplation of the philosopher can reach, (371 374;) of the world, as the Son of the Supreme God, a or o? yst^roi, and in this o; SiVTB^oi, he shows his ignorance of Christianity, for he charges the Christians with having borrowed this notion from the Platonists, and applied it to Christ. Undoubtedly, in other passages, he confuses God and the world, (p. 18, 240,) and he does not

through them,

(p.

To

the dj^T/Tci'.

beings, ^(ju, Geo OavE^ot, (240,) of subordinate divinities in individual portions of

CELSUS'S OBJECTIONS
the earth

AND SELF-CONTRADICTIONS.

97

and of nature, the popular gods, came all this variety, and these opposite Had to which we must 'be subject as long as developments of spiritual feelings ? we belong to this earth, and to which not Celsus been so superficial an observer, reverence and this contradiction must have struck him, we must show becoming again the idea, that the only imperishable and the attempt to solve the difficulty for portion of 7Ha7i's nature, his spirit, is himself, would have led him to the conderived immediatehj from the divinitij sideration of that which distinguishes (205 ;) the idea of an iXn, irhich resists Christianity from all former religious apthe divine formative princijjk, and is the pearances. Celsus knew that there were various the notion that evil is source of evil necessary in this world, (426 ;) and that sects among the Christians, but he did not who springing forth from give himself the trouble, as an honest inof evil spirits, the v^v- oppose the Divine Being, (313.) quirer after the truth wH)uld have done, to The popular creed, interlarded with some separate them from one another. He had such scraps of Platonic notions as these, read much of the Scriptures, but in such a brought forward with an air of the greatest temper, as necessarily rendered him inthis was what Celsus oppo- capable of understanding their divine docpretension, sed to that spirit, which animated and trines, because he sought in them only cheered the Christians even in the sight objects of ridicule and reprobation. He
; ;

of death The charges which he brings against the Christians are full of contradictions. On the one hand he reproaches them with a blind belief,* which despises all examination ; that they have, as a watchword, forever in their mouths the phrase ;| " Believe and you shall become blessed :"

and that

to all difficulties

which

are offered

for their consideration, they reply that

" With God all is possible ;" for the idea of a self-satisfying taith, differing from the mythology of the people, as well as from a religion of philosophical dogmas, and independent of speculation, was utterly strange to the heathens, and he was unable to distinguish between faith and superstition. On the other hand he objected " ]f all men to the number of their sects should become Christians," he says, " they would soon cease to be so again. For at first when there were few of them, they all agreed ; but now that they have become numerous, they separate from one another every man wishes to found a new sect, and they agree now only in name."J And yet it was hardly consistent with the character of a religion, which required only a blind belief, to introduce ao many^various habits of thinking, and by consequence so many various sects. A blind faith, founded only on authority, would require uniformity of views and of
: :

the

whole
The

spiritual

life.

Whence

then

^i<rvK

liAcXcf.

lived about this time

f Just as the celebrated physician Galen, who and a little later, and who, although a man of nobler and more profound mind than Celsus, had no perception of what the birth of

the spirit is, made their xcy.v^ tvin-JmTcv; a subject of reproach to the Christians.
i

had classed the Christian sects together without discrimination, and he did the same with their writings he set apocryphal and genuine just on the same fooling. All was received with open arms by him, which could represent Christianity in a hateful point of view, and was gathered from such opposite quarters, as the fanci^ ful dreams of the Gnostics, and the more sensuous notions of the Anthropo-morphizing Chiliasts. He sometimes reproaches them with having nothing which is to be found in all other religions no temples, no images, no altars then again he calls them a miserable race of sense-bound, sense-loving people, who could recognise nothing but that which can be comprehended by the senses.* Under this point of view he declaims against them on the necessity of excluding and rejecting all sensuous notions, in order to contemplate God with the eye of the spirit. Now surely the inquiry might have struck him. How came these men, who are so completely dependent on sensuous representations, to arrive at so spiritual a worship of God ? h' he had asked himself this question, in answering it he must have traced the power of that leaven, which leavens man's nature yrom ivithin ; he wotdd have seen in that covering of a sensible form, in which alone Christianity can at first enter the heart, the inward and higher spirit, which by degrees enlightens and ennobles this outward covering he would have found that these despised and apparently sense-bound Christians had some higher views and feelings, some higher principle of life, than all his fine-sounding phrases
;
;

Lib.

iii.

120.

AoW.cy Kit

<ft?^ca-aifjfjiTov

jcc.

^'ii.

366.

13

9S
despicable,

CELSUS'S OBJECTIONS

AND SELF-CONTRADICTIONS.
that the

omnipotence of love and grace what the power of no punishwith all his discourse about the Spirit^ do ment can accomplish AVe need not, therefore, be surprised, the feelings of Celsus appear, when we compare them with the high-hearted feel- if with such sentiments as these, Celsus ings of the Christian martyrs of his time! was unable to apprehend the real and disCelsus shows most aptly what the na- tinguishing characteristic of the Christian But as a Platonist he must ture of the Gospel is, and that it can be- life, humility. come a source of holiness to those alone have known, what indeed, was foreign to who will look within and recognise their the notions of the other ancient sages, own sinfulness, and a source of true riches who gave the greatest credit to a feeling to those only who will become poor in of self-confidence, and of power, and who spirit he shows clearly, also, though in only used the word humility in a bad his own blindness he saw it not, what it sense he must have known, that accordwas that prevented him from finding these ing to Plato, (B. iv. de Legg.) the word advantages in the Gospel, when he says, Toi'irttvoTn<; is capable of a good sense; al" Those who invite us to other religions though he was far from arriving at its
could bestow on him.

How

low and

how

groveling and earthly

can

effect,

Let him draw near, who is who is conscious of no evil, and who lives in holiness and righteousness :' but hear what the invita' Whosoever is tion of the Christians is a sinner, whosoever is weak or deficient, one that is a wretch, him in a word, every
proclaim,
'

true import.

He

brings a silly accusation

pure from

all stains,

against Christianity, that all

its notions of humility arose only out of a misunderstanding of this passage. He made use of certain extravagances, of the counter-

feit

quality,

which always

the genuine

is found beside one, in order to represent

kingdom of God receive !' What Christian humility as something weak and then was not Christ sent also for those childish, as if the man of humility after who are pure from sin ?"* Most assur- the Christian pattern was one " who was edly not for those who know so little of constantly upon his knees, rolled upon their own sinfulness and of God's holi- the ground, put on vretched clothing, and ness, as to imagine themselves pure and covered himself with ashes."* But Celsus, though in candour he holy ! As he was a stranger to the true hucannot be compared with Nicodemus, was mility of human nature, so was he, also,
will the
I

one of those to whom the physician of our souls might say, " Art thou wise in thy own opinion, and knowest not this ?" Of any spiritual power, which could triumpli over the flesh and change its nature, he had no conception had he only possessed an eye for experience, to whose testimony even then Justin Martyr
;

to

its

true dignity

elevation of the heart in

the feeling of the true God, Avhich is as

inseparable from true humility, as true Christianity alone humility is from it.

could

fairly

appeal

but, alas

even with

open eyes, man, in a certain condition of mind and spirit, may still be blind The secret by which a sinner might become righteous was unknown to Celsus, though he still gives some testimony to the truth, when he confesses that no law and no punishments can accomplish this, the " Now it is manigreatest of mir-cles.
!

every one," says he, " that those sin has become a kind of second nature, no one can change by punishment; how far less then by mercy for wholly to change any 7nan''s nature is the most difficult of all things?''-\ Granted ; but what if a little light had broken in upon the darkness of his mind, and shown him
fest to

to

whom

Lib.

iii.

152, 3, T/ it

can reconcile the two opposite qualities, self-abasement and elevation, lowliness and dignity, the being nothing and becoming every thing. This was to Celsus a and thence it secret completely closed happens, that Avhile on the one hand he charges the Christians with a disgusting and low self-abasement, on the other he reproached them for their immoderate pride, for daring to attribute to man such importance and dignity in the eyes of God. According to the prevailing views of antiquity, he imagir^ed God's care bestowed on the universe, only as a whole ; on man only as a portion of that whole, and not as an individual. What the Christians declared of God's special and particular Providence, of his care for the salvation of every individual, appeared to him, therefore, idle presumption. "^All that is in the world was not created for man, any more than for lions and eagles, but it was created in order that the world,
;

t Lib.

iii.

156.

Lib. V. 293.

CELSUS
as a
perfect whole.

HIS CONTRADICTIONS

PORPHYRY.

99

work of God, should constitute a God cares only for the whole, and this his Providence never deserts. This world never becomes worse, and God is not turning to it for the first He angers time after a long interval. himself as little for men, as for apes and .'"* Hies Such was the idol of human reason, with which the Christians were As a consistent to content themselves Platonist, Celsus rejected every notion of final causes [alles Teleologische] in reference to God, and redemption could never enter into their system, because evil is necessary in this world, it has no beginning and will have no end, it remains the same as it always is, just as the nature of the universe constantly remains the same.| All travels round and round From this again in one perpetual circle. point Celsus makes that shallow objection against the doctrine of redemption, which after him has often been made against it by Deists and men of Pelagian sentiments, who, however, avoid speaking out so
!

to prove this point.

In part these notions

proceed from tliat which Platonism has in common with Christianity, and are the more earnestly cited through his eagerness to set Paganism in a refined point of view, and to make it keep its ground against Christianity, and in part they serve
to illustrate the

power which Christianity

already exerted even on those spirits who rejected it. Had Porphyry not been the scholar of Plotinus, he might have endeavoured to engraft his theosophic notions

on Christianity, and would have become

a kind of Gnostic.

The

speculative turn

(so opposed to the Oriental Gnosticism) which he received from Plotinus, and the engrafting of his theosophy on the Gre-

made him a bitter enemy of Christianity, which, recognising only one definite scheme as truth, has nothing
cian Paganism,
eclectic in its nature.

Porphyry, in his letter to his wife Marcella, calls it the highest fruit of piety to worship the divinity after the manner of one's country.* Thus Christianity, plainly as Celsus, or are less consistent.;]; not being the religion of his country, nay, It is this, " that God has made his work opposing most resolutely that religion,

perfect once for

like a

and does not need, must have been hated by him from the Whilst Porphyry, however, desired afterwards." This first. was perfectly consistent in Celsus, who to maintain a religion which was at vaconsidered the world as a whole, an in- riance with many of the fundamental dependent whole, and denied moral free- doctrines of his philosophy, he necessaHe dom, but his fundamental error lay ex- rily fell into many contradictions. actly in this perverted view of the relation was a zealous defender of image-worship, of the world, and especially of reason- and while he desired to maintain thoroughly the old popular religion, he was able creatures, to God. A nobler and deeper spirit, than that of in fact maintaining the old superstition,
all,

man,

to

mend

it

Celsus,

animated another adversary of

Christianity in the latter part of the third

century. Porphyry, who wrote, perhaps, under the emperor Diocletian, or some-

what earlier, was by birth a Phoenician, and recast an Oriental spirit in a Grecian mould. The story which Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, relates of Porphyry, that he was originally a Christian, and only became prejudiced against Christianity from the ill-treatment which he received at the hands of some Christians, is too like the usual tales, by which men endeavour to explain an hatred of the truth from external causes, to deserve any credit and, certainly, in what we know of Porphyry, no trace of a former belief in Christianity makes its appearance. For many of the notions of Porphyry, which approach, or rather seem to approach, Christianity, certainly cannot be quoted
;

because his spiritual exposition of the former was wholly unintelligible to the people, and yet he Avrites thus to his wife Marcella "He is not so much an Atheist, who honours not the statues of the gods, as he who thinks of God after the manner
:

of the multitude."
Christianity, in

This Porphyry wrote a work against which he endeavoured to

point out contradictions in Holy Writ, and contradictions between the Apostles, and especially those between the Apostles Peter and Paid.f He made use of the

weak points which an arbitrary allegorical method of interpretation among a particular school of Christians laid open to
him, to bring a general accusation against them, that they were obliged to resort to such arts in order to give a reasonable

Lib.

iv.

236.

Lib.iii.21I.

tLib.iv.215.

Ep. ad Marcellam, ed Maj., where it is rerifxfV TO 6i/;y nnrn to, rrnr^iA. misapplied the wellI For which purpose he known occurrences at Antioch. See GaL ii.
*

commended

100

porphyry's work on oracles.

sense to the Old Testament,* an accusa- properly be ranked among the other gods, object of veneration, and asked the tion which came with a particularly good as an on this matter. It grace, forsooth, from Platonists, who had opinion of the oracle engrafted so many meanings on the old is worth remarking, that the priest who gave out the oracle, avoided saying any myths and symbols!

Anoiher work, of Porphyry

accurately

is

more thing disrespectful of Christ himself. They

in

known

to

us

than

this,

replied,*

"The

wise

man knowsvthat

the

which he also speaks of Christianity, and soul rises immortal from out of the body, indirectly, at least, endeavours to stem its but the soul of that man is distinguished This work professes to be for its piety." When they further asked, propagation. a systemt *>!" theology, deduced from the why Christ had suffered death, the answer pretended oracles of antiquity. He wished was, " To be subject to terrible torments by means of this, as we have above re- is the fate of the body, but the souls of marked, to satisfy that longing after a the pious go and take their station in the system of religion founded on accredited heavenly mansions."]" Porphyry himself Divine authority, which led men to em- here avows that we must not calumniate There are even now Christ, but only deplore those who brace Christianity. remaining among the oracular responses, honour him as a God. " That pious soul which relate to Christianity, but on which is now raised to heaven, has been some
head they speak very differently, according to the different notions of the As it was priests who uttered them. very common in the first century for women to embrace Christianity with zeal,
this

by a kind of destiny a source of error to those souls, which the gifts of the gods, and the knowledge of the eternal Jupiter,
have never reached."

The series of writers who opposed the husbands w^ere entirely de- Gospel is closed by Hierocles, the governor voted to Paganism a man once inquired of Bithynia, and afterwards of Alexandria, of Apollo,J what god he must appease in who chose for his attack on Christianity order to lead his wife to renounce Chris- the season when persecution against the
Avhile their

tianity.

The

pretended Apollo,

who knew

Christians was in full operation

a time

which a man of tender feelings and noble sentiments would have been the last to )night as well attempt to write on running choose. It was also peculiarly unbecomwater or to fly through the air, as to ing in Hierocles to set himself up as a change the sentiments of his polluted and teacher of the Christians, for he was himgodless wife ; let her continue to lament self the founder of the persecution, and her dead God Apollo, therefore, appears bore a principal share in it. And yet he to justify the judges, who condemned lays pretence to an impartial love of truth, Jesus to death, for a rebellion against and kindly feelings towards the Christians, Judaism; for, according to the usual for he entitles his work " A truth-loving
the

firmness of the Christians in their inquirer, that he belief, answered the

opinion of the heathens " the Jews knew more of

Christians."

(see

God

above,) than the

Euseb, Dem. Evang. Lib.

'Ott;
/uiY

iii.

p. 134.

Many

dSaviTK -^v^n fxm.

iT',^iv\

<Taif/. 7rg:/3:uvs(,

heathens, from what they had

"X iyyoi:TH.ii

TiTiHfAiic(:,

dxA* yt -^uX"

heard of Christ, imagined that

He might
j"

'AH^O;
Ittjuit

VJtJ-ifitiJ

TrgJj^i^iTTii^.t

imv

iKllVCU.

/um

cj^'xvio-iy 0-j.Txvoii

am

7r^:0i0K>irr:u-

Euseb.
TTi^i

vi.

19.
<fi\oa-c<pt<t;,

TDc

\t,yia)i

work of which
preserved to

many important fragments have been

us in the Xllth Sermo curat. afTect of Theodoret, in AuRustin's work de Civitate Dei (from a Latin
translation, in
last

and

chiefly in those

sures,

the

Praiparat.

which Augustin had read it,) and two great literary treaEvang. and Demonstrat.

It may be that Porphyry has sometimes allowed himself to be deceived liy oracles, forged by Jews of Alexandria or by other and older heathen Platonists. It is equally possible that such oracular responses as these might be forged under the name of the god or goddess by some other reasonable and thinking heathen but by far the most natural sup;

Evangel, of Euscbius. Majus has most improperly concluded from this passage that Marcella, the wife of Porphyry, was a Christian. Porphyry is here quoting the inquiry of another person, as he often docs in this
i-

position

book.

The

letter

to to

whatever to lead us
a Christian, but
contrary.

much

Marcella contains nothing suppose that Marcella was rather goes to prove the
c.

is, that they were really delivered on the above occasion. At all events it is quite inadmissible to suppose them forged by a Christian, for the Christians would never have had the tact to say so little of Christ. The example of these heathen responses may, perhaps, have induced the Christians to compose others. In that which Lactantius quotes (Instit. iv. 26,) other expressions,

and especially
23,

this,

Svwtoc env k-zta o-x^kx,

<ro<fo(

Augustin. de Civitate Dei, Lib. xix.

T^ctTaxTeyfv igyotg, betray

a Christian author.

HIEROCLES
Discourse, addressed to the Christians."* He here brought forward again much which had been said by Celsus and Porphyry and allowed himself to indulge in the most shameless falsehoods about the history of Christ. In order to deprive the Christians of their argument from the miracles of Christ, he carries on a comparison between Him and Apollonius of
;

PHILOSTRATUS.
sort occur, as
point.

101

would

really prove this

While Christianity was thus assailed by persecution and by argument, the argument found, from tJie time of Hadrian, advocates of Christianity and of the Christians ready to cope with it.

We

Tyana, allowing full credit to all the fables which the rhetorical Philostratus chose to narrate from unauthenticated as for sources, and from his own fancy
;

example, that he understood the language of animals while he takes it for granted that the apostles, uneducated and lying impostors, as Hierocles chose to say without proving it, told only untruths "You regard," says he, " Christ as a God, because He restored a few blind men to sight, and did a few things of a similar kind, while Appollonius, who performed so many miracles is not on that account held by the Greeks as a God, but only as a man especially beloved by the gods." Such was the peculiar line of argumentation adopted by Hierocles.| An hostile feeling towards Christianity has also been supposed to pervade the biography of that same Apollonius, written by the rhetorician Philostratus, one

speak more expressly of their apologies in our chapter on the teachers of the Church. We only here mention that these apologies were of two diflerent kinds, and had two different objects; one kind consisted of expositions of Christian truth, destined for all educated heashall

thens, the others were

more

like official

documents, the composers of which came forward before the emperor, or before his
representatives in the provinces, (the pro-

consuls,
tianity.

&.C.,)

as the advocates of Chris-

As they could obtain no hearing personally, they were obliged to speak

through their writings. The notion that the addresses to the emperor, the senate, or the governor, are merely ornamental dresses for these writings, according to the common practice of rhetoricians in these days to compose set-speeches (declamationes) does not suit the circumstances nor the dispositions of Christians in those days; it is more natural to suppose that the Christians, in setting forth
these writings,

however, imable to discover definite traces of such a feeling in any passages of the work, although occasions were not wanting on which to introduce it, as for example, where he speaks of the Jews. He speaks, however, far more of the anger of God in the calamities which befel Jerusalem (B. IV. c. 29,) which the Christians reckoned favourable to their cause. It may, indeed, be said, that Philostratus, while he paintare,

of the favourites of Julia of Septimius Severus.

Domna,

the wife

intended to correct the

We

judgment of the governors of districts on the subject of Christianity and Christians. It is not, however, to be wondered at, if
vernors,
these writings, in regard to heathen gofell short of their aim ; for they

ed in exaggerated colours the character of a hero of the old religion, as others did that of Pythagoras, was endeavouring to give a new turn to a sinking religion ; and such an attempt might certainly have been produced by the general extension of Christianity, and it may have been his intention to oppose Apollonius, as an Hero of the old religion to Christ; and he may have been led to many individual features in his story by what he had heard of the miracles of Christ, although no prominent allusions of such a

\ About
tib.

this

Persecutor,

v.

person consult Lactantius de Morii. 16; and Euseb. adv. Hiero-

clem.

hardly gave themselves the time, and were hardly in the proper frame of mind, to judge with calmness of what was said in these Apologies. Even master-pieces of an apologetic nature, which these Apologies, written out of the warmth of belief and fulness of persuasion, were not, could here have produced no effect, for they could never recommend Christianity to the eyes of Roman statesmen, who looked on religion only in a political point of view ; they could never ijiake of Christianity a " religio Romana." They might appeal, with all the power of truth, to general rights of man, unknown to men accustomed to look on religion as a matter of politics ; they might make good the principle which, near as it scc7ns to lie to the human heart and feelings, was first brought into full light by Christianity, that religion is a matter of free persuasion and feeling, that belief cannot be forced, and that God cannot be honoured by a service extorted by force. " It is,"

i2

102

FORMATION OP THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

"a of their conduct, challenge punishment power on all that was criminal: this too would matter of liuman right, and is a The better informed no avail. which naturally belongs to every man, to be of no longer believed these popular and fabulous worship the God on whom he believes: reli- stories; like Pliny, they found altogether religion to force it is no business of voluntarily, in the Christians no crime against mogion, for it must be received But notwithstanding this, the rality. and not compulsorily insisted on." All the Roman Christian life appeared to them irreconthis they might urge; but with the " mores Romani" and statesman concerned himself only with cileable " outward obedience to the Imvs, and nothing the disciplina Romana," and they still could teach him to separate the man from regarded Christianity as a feverish enThe apologist might appeal thusiasm, which might be dangerous the citizen.
says Tertullian, (ad Scapul. ch. u.)
to the blameless life of the Christians, and, demanding the strictest investigation

to the safety
state.

and order of the

Roman

SECTION

II.

THE HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH, CHURCH DISCIPLINE AND CHURCH DIVISIONS.
I. The History of the Constitution of the Church. The History of the Organization of Congregations [or Churches'] in general.

(1.)
I.

all other religious unions. class of priests, who were to guide all other men under an assumption of their distinguish from each other two consiincompetence in religious matters, whose derations of great importance The first., the epoch of its foundation in the only points I deem ters, priests, or presbyters the apostolic age, as it arose out of the it necessary to inquire into are the following peculiar nature of Christianity without 1. Did the Apostles ordain ministers by the

the Christian

In the history of the formation of Church we must carefully

from that of

any extraneous influence The next, the changes 2ohich took place in it, as it proceeded onwards, after the simple organization of a Church, first under various extraneous influences, to the end of this period. We are about to speak first of the foundation of the organization of a the apostolic age.
[A.]

imposition of hands ] and, 2. Did they give them authority

others
3.
1
it

to

ordain

the office of these ministers to teach the people, in short, to be their spiritual guides For the two first points 1 shall only refer to
.'

Was

Church

in

and the marginal refer1 Tim. iv. 14. Tit. i. 5 ences on those passages, either in the English Testament, or Wetstein's Greek Testament, of 1711. (The ed. of Gerard, of Maestricht, printed by Wetstein.)
;

The

first

foundation of the organiza-

For the
in
1

third point I refer to the descriptions

office
iv.
;

tion of the Christian

tolic

Church in

given of the

of an episcopos and a deacon,

the Jlpos-

is, whether this was a Now The formation of the Christian Church, mere temporary arrangement for the lifetime of the Apostles, or an institution to continue as long as it developed itself out of the peculiarias Christian instruction was needed 1 ties of Christianity, must essentially differ Our reason gives but one answer to this question, and if we look at Christian antiquity, every [From the view taken in this chapter andtlie thing we see tends to confinn that view. We first [)art of that which follows, of the early govbelieve we may challenge our opponents to point ernment of the Christian Church, I feel myself out any season, however near the apostolic age, in called upon to cx])ress my most decided dissent, in which there was not a body of ministers duly which, I trust, I may do without presumption, and ordained. I purposely avoid mentioning the episwithout giving oflence. The point at issue be- copal question, not from any doubts upon it, but tween Dr. Neander and those writers whose sen- because the question here lies between ministers timents I believe to be founded in Scripture truth, and no ministers. Now the accounts we have of Whether the Apostles actually did clergy and of bishops come up tolerably near to is simply this institute a ministry, and make provision for the the apostolic age. Clemens, Polycarp, and Ignacontinuance of that ministry ? It is indifferent to tius, may be supposed able to judge what the inmy argument whether these men are called mini*- tentions of the Apostles were in this respect, and

age.*

Tim.

iii.

and

Tit.

i.

ii.

the next inquiry

ALL CHRISTIANS A PRIESTLY RACE.

business
it

103

being reconciled and united with the satisfaction of the religious wants of God, become themselves a priestly and to form a link spiritual race One heavenly King, Guide, the rest of mankind, and between them and God, and godly things; and Teacher, through whom are all taught one faith one hope one Spisucli a class of priests could find no place from God While the Gospel put rit, Avhich must animate all one oracle in Christianity.* the voice of the away that which separated man from God, in the hearts of all by bringing all men into the same com- Spirit which proceeds from God and all munion with God through Christ; it also citizens of one heavenly kingdom, with removed that partition-wall which sepa- whose heavenly powers they have already rated one man from his fellows, in regard been sent forth, as strangers in the world The same When the Apostles introduced the notion to his more elevated interests. Uigli Priest, and Mediator for all, through of a priest, which is found in the Old

was exclusively

to provide for

whom all

Testament into Christianity,

works we appeal. They were the contemporaries and the disciples of the Apostles themselves. As I have already touched on this subject
to their

it was always only with the intention of showing, that no such visible distinct priesthood, as existed in the economy of the Old

Testament, could find admittance into that of the New that, inasmuch as free acwas once for all ments,' where there is a full collection of passages cess to God and to heaven from the fathers relating to this point. This hasty opened to the faithful through the one High sketch of the outline of the argument which the priest, Christ, they had become, by union advocates of a ministry hold, is all to which I can with Him himself, a holy and spiritual give insertion on the general question, without people, and their calling was only this, overstepping the limits to which I must confine namely, to consecrate their whole life, as myself. During the rest of the chapter, I shall merely point out what appear to me weak points a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the mercy in the view which Dr. Neander advocates, and of God's redemption, and to preach the H. J. R.] that as briefly as possible. power and grace of Him, who had called * [On this point I must again differ from the them from the kingdom of darkness into learned and amiable author of this work. In eshis wonderful light, and their whole life timating the spirit of the Gospel, we are bound to was to be a continued priesthood, a spitake in the practice of the Apostles as well as their Their practice could not contradict the ritual serving of God, proceeding from writings.
able tract of Leslie, intituled,
'

in

my

preface, I shall only refer again to the valu-

An

Essay on the

Qualifications requisite to administer the Sacra-

tenor of their writings. It was attempted in the the affections of a faith working by love, last note to hint what that practice was, and also and also a continued witness of their Resome of the language which they themselves held deemer. Corap. 1 Pet. ii. 9. Rom. xii. 1., upon the point. I think Dr. Neander seems to and the spirit and connection of ideas,

107,) that the ignorance and the necessary occupations of many of the Christian brethren, soon

throughout the whole Epistle to the Hebrews. And thus also the furtherance of God's kingdom, both in general and in a good Roman Catholic would not entirely ap- each individual community, the furtherprove of this notion, and all good Protestants deance of the propagation of Christianity clare their abhorrence of it by ordering the prayers among the heathen, and the improvement to be offered " in a tongue understanded of the people." What we claim exclusively as minis- of each particular Church, was not to be the concern of a particular chosen class ters, is a right to administer the sacraments, and to teach the Church of Christ. Now it is ac- of Christians, but the nearest duty of knowledged by Dr. Neander himself, (p. 199, in every individual Christian. Every one the German, and in the EngUsh translation, page was to contribute to this object from the
that the clergy alone are to pray to

argue as

if

those

who

hold our sentiments thought

God, and that

prayers are efficacious for the rest of the people, as an " opus operatum." I apprehend that
their

station assigned to

him by

the invisible

rendered regular ministers necessary. contend that the Almighty foreseeing this necessity, (or for other reasons which we presume not to scrutinize,) provided for it by establishing a body
of teachers.

We

One word more as to the arguments drawn from the expressions in 1 Pet. ii. 5 : where all ChrisThis argutians are called a royal priesthood.
ment proves nothing against a body of priests, because exactly the same expression is applied to
the Jews,

head of the Church, and by the gifts peculiar to him, which were given him by God, and grounded in his nature a nature, which retained, indeed. Us individual character, but was regenerated and

ennobled by the influence of the Holy

Spirit.

There was here no

division into

when

obedient, and

it

will not, I sup-

pose, be disputed that there

was

a peculiar priest;

hood among them. See Exod. xix. !), 6 and see Bennett's Rightsof the Clergy, p. 57; Laurence's Lay Baptism Invalid, vol. i. p. 195. H. J. K.]

and worldly, but all, as Christians, in their inward life and dispositions, were to be men dead to the ungodliness of the world, and thus far departed out of men animated by the Spirit of the world God, and not by the spirit of the world.
spiritual
;


104

termined, the efficacy of this Spirit came sometimes under a creative form (as in the gift of prophecy), sometimes (as in the gift of trying of spirits, or interpretation,) as a receptive or a critical power. We hence find very great varieties and differences in the degrees of inspiraforth,

THE CHURCH AT CORINTH.

The

peculiar and prevailing capabilities of Christians, as far as they were sanc-

and consecrated by this Spirit, and employed by it as the organs of its active inrtuence, became Charismata, or gifts of Hence the apostle St. Paul began grace. his address to the Corinthian Church, on
tified

tion, and in the relation of the Human to "Once, when ye were heathen, ye the Diiiine among them sometimes the suffered yourselves to be led blindly by deep, reflecting, purely human energy of your priests to dumb idols ye were dead the spirit, prevailing; and at others, while

the subject of gifts, in this manner, (1 Cor.

xii,)

and dumb as they. Now, while ye serve this is kept in the back-ground, the Spirit the living God through Christ, ye have of God, in its omnipotence, outweighing no longer any such leaders, to draw you it and here, too, we find the manifold Ye have degrees of the gift of tongues, down to the blindly by leading-strings*. yourselves now the Spirit of God for ordmary, regular gift of teaching (the your guide, who enlightens you. Ye no As Christianity did not annihilate the more follow in silence, he speaks out of you there are many gifts, but there is peculiar arrangements of our nature, one Spirit." Who shall arrogate that to foinided in the laws of our original creahimself, which tlie enlightened apostle tion, but sanctified and ennobled them,* ventured not to do, to be lord over the it did not, (although, in reference to the higher life, the partition-wall between faith of Christians ? The condition of the Corinthian Church, man and wife was taken away through as it is depicted in the epistles of St. Paul, Christ, and in Him man and wife became deficient as it was in many respects, shows one,) it did not, I say, allow the female us how a Christian Church should act; sex to step out of the peculiar habits and how all in that Church should mutually destination indicated for it' by nature herco-operate, with tlieir mutual gifts, as self Women alone are interdicted by St. members of the same body, with equal Paul, 1 Cor. xiv. 34, from speaking in the honour j\ supplying one another's defi- Church a proof also,| that no other exciencies. The office of a teacher was ception from this general right of all not here exclusively assigned to one or Christians existed. This last exception more, but every one who felt a call to was constantly thus retained in the times that office might address a discourse to that followed even the fanciful this the assembly of the Church for the in- Montanists recognised they only deterstruction of all. According to the differ- mined that the extraordinary operations ences in the particular natures of the in- of the Spirit did not follow this rule, and dividual Christians, who served as instru- they appealed to the case of the women ments to the working of the Holy Spirit, that prophesied, 1 Cor. xi., although withand by which the difference in the form out good reason, for the apostle is here of its manifestation among them was de- only speaking of that which actually was the case in the Corinthian Church, with* [I must request my readers to compare this out approving it, with the intention, at
:

passage with the original Greek. I have translated from the (Jermaii of Dr. Neander, as literally as I was ahle, but he has paraphrased the passage, and, I cannot but think, paraphrased it so as to pive it a meaning not to be found in the original. The words, " by your priests," and the passage which I have put into italics, are pure insertions. Willi regard to the first, the heathen priests are probably alluded to; but the clause in italics on

as appears

same time, of settling it afterwards, from a comparison of the passage that follows, which we have cited
the

above.J

It

is

true also, in this respect, that Chrisdestroy, but to

fulfil.

tianity
j-

came not to

which so much of the argument depends,

tirely a

is

en-

ver.

gratuitous in.scrtion, as far as I can discol(!:ivc the question, therefore, to the reader,

could consider this a proof of the assertion in the text. It ordy proves that no woman was allowed to teach,
[It is difficult to

imagine

how any one

him again to compare the original J. K.] appears to me that the words, " with equal honour," which I have put in italics, are expressly contrary to tiie sentiments of St. Paul. He says,
requesting
passage.
f-

H.

while

many men were; but

it

does not show, in

teach.

the smallest degree, that all

men might

[It

H.

J. R.]
\

Hilary,

who

wrote a Commentary on the

is

Epistles of St. Paul,

particularly distinguished

strongly enough,

phets! are

all

Apostles? are all proteachers T" &.c. I Cor. xii. 29.

all

"Are

by his impartial manner of considering Christian anticjuity. Even in this respect he was well able
to

H.

J.

K.1

distinguish the original Christianity from the

OUTWARD FORM NECESSARY.

Now,
alihough
all

105
all,

no one same priestly calling, and the same priestly power or disposition might overwhelm The rights,* and although there could not be the rest and reign triumphant! any distinct class of priests in the first Apostles themselves, conscious as they yet every Church were of that higher degree of illuminaChristian Church [genieinde, congregation, community or tion, which was necessary for them alone
Christians had the
the free co-operation of
that
;

Church,] as a society for establishing and extending the kingdom of God, an union

in their capacity of

founders of the

first

Church and teachers of pure Christianity

for all times, conscious as they

avowal of the same faith in word and work, for the mutual conlirmation and animation of this faith, for communion, and for the mutual furtherance of that higher life which flowed from this faith an union for these most lofty aims, must obtain a form and consistence proportioned to them for, without this form, nothing can continue to exist among men.
for the

were of a degree of authority and power, delivered to them by the Divine Founder of the Church himself, such as was given to no other men, yet came forward as
higher
little

as possible in a

commanding manner,*
in

and endeavoured, as much as

them

lay,

to act with the free co-operation of the in all the circumstances which concerned the Church, as we shall have occasion hereafter to notice more partiSt. Peter and St. John, in their cularly. Epistles, placed themselves in the same rank| with the leaders of the Churches, instead of claiming to be the general governors of the Churches over them. How difficult must it have been in the Churches to find one individual who united in himself all the qualities requisite for the conduct of the affairs of the Churches, and who alone possessed tlie confidence of all men Far easier must it have been to

Churches

Christian Cluirches

stood

still

more

in

need of such an established order, since they must develope themselves, and make their progress in a world so foreign to them, and under the influence of such various sources of threats and disturbance, or at least of affliction. In them, as in every society, a certain government and conduct of the common interests must That form of government must exist. have corresponded best to the spirit of Christianity and the purposes for which Churches were formed, which was calculated the most to further their free development from within outwards, and also the most to further the collected and mutual efficacy of all individual powers and gifts. The monarchial form of government would have too much tendency to repress and overwhelm the free development of different peculiarities, and to introduce a system by which one definite human form should be stamped on every thing, instead of allowing the Spirit free choice to develope itself under a variety of human forms, and these mutually to lay hold of each other. It would too, probably, lead to a result, by which that whicli is human would be prized too highly, and one man have too much weight, so that he should become the centre around which every thing would gather itself, instead of the one invisible shepherd of all becoming the centre of all. How anxiously do the Apostles strive to keep olT such a danger! How much does the Apostle St. Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, insist on
later,

find a

number of

fathers of families

in

each

Church, whose peculiarities were calculated to supply each other's defects

in the

administration of the various offices,

and of whom one possessed the confidence of one part of the community, and The monarchial another that of others.
principle in spirilual iliings accords ill with the spirit of Christianity, which constantly points to the feelings of mutual need, and the necessity and blessing of

common deliberation, as well as of common prayer. Where two or three are

gathered together in the name of the Lord, there also, He promises, will He be among them. In addition to this, it was the custom of Christianity to appropriate to its own use existing forms, when it found any

which suited its spirit and its essence. was actually a form of government existing in the .Tewish synagogues,

Now there
*

to use authoneedful, and to enjoin others, as Timothy and Titus, to do the same. See Tit. i. 10 14.
rity

[But they by no means declined

when

Tim.
}

i.

38

iii.

5.

Heb.

xiii.

7,

&c. H.

when he

says,

" Prirnum omnes docebant

initia

et

J.R.]
[St.

omnes

baptizihant, ut cresceret plebs et multipli-

Peter, indeed,

caretur,

omnibus

inter

concessum
12.
J.

est,

ct

an
tle,

elder, but

1 Pet. v. 1, calls himself he elsewhere styles himself an Apos-

evanijcllizare et baptizare et Scripturas explorare."

and we can hardly

fail

to observe that this title

Hilar, in Epist. Ephes. c. iv.

v.

[See above, note *, p.

103.H. 14

R.]

implied somethins; more, 1 Cor. xii. 29. H. J. R.]

"Are

all

Apostles 1"

106
in all

PRESBYTERS OR BISHOPS
the sects
;

DEACONS.

This interchange which had their origin i. 1 1 Tim. iii. 18. and is a proof of their and this was in no respects of the two appellations in Judaism if the name bishop ; entire coincidence form a monarchial, but an aristocratical had originally been the appellation of the a council of the elderly men D*^P.?' this church senate, of a ;;r/;
;

which conducted all common mits inter pares, such an interchange could was most natural for Chris- never have taken place. In the letter also, It allairs. of Judatianity, developing itself from out which Clement, the disciple of St. Paul, This form ism, to embrace this form. wrote in the name of the Roman Church, must also, wherever Churches were esbishops, as presidents of the
-rrfiff^vn^oi,

president of

tablished in the

Roman empire among

after

the

the

heathen, have appeared the most natural for men were here accustomed from of old to see the affairs of towns carried on by a senate, the assembly of decuriones.

Churches, the deacons are immediately named. See chap. xlii. These presbyters or bishops, had the superintendence over the whole Church, the conduct of all its common affairs, but
the office of teacher was not exclusively assigned to them ; for, as we have above observed, all Christians had the riglit to pour out their hearts before their brethren in the assemblies of the Church, and to speak for their edification. At the same time, it does not hence follow, that al! the members of the Church were fitted for the ordinary office of teaching; there is a great distinction between a regular capability of teaching, always under the control of him who possessed it, and an outpouring (like prophecy or the gift of

That

administration with took place here, is

the
spiritual

the comparison of the ecclesiastical the political, really shown by this, that

persons

were

afterwards

ordo, the leading senate of the Church, for ordo was a word peculiarly appropriated to this rank of senators, ordo

named an

senatorum* ]n compliance with this form a council of elders was generally appointed to conduct the affairs of the Churches but it was not necessary that it should be strictly composed of those who were the most aged, although age was taken very much tongues) proceeding from a sudden ininto tne account, but age was rather conspiration, and accompanied with a pecusidered here as a sign of dignity, as in the liar and elevated but transient state of Latin scnahis, or in the Greek, yi^ovffvcx.. mind, and the latter might very probably Besides the usual appellation of these descend from above on all vital Christians governors of the Churches, namely, Trgecrin those first times of extraordinary ex^vri^oi, there were many others also in citement from above, when the divine life
;

use, designating their peculiar sphere of

action, as
iroifjisn^

entered into the limits of this earthly world. On such transient excitements of iyofjusnoj, TTgoscTTWTE? TWf uli'K(pvvi and one a peculiar state of mind in individuals,* of these appellations was also iTrKrv-owos, care for the maintenance, propagation, and denoting their office as leaders and over- advancement of clear religious knowledge could not be made safely to depend, any seers over the whole of the Church. That the name also of episcopus was more than the defence of the pure and
first

shepherds

]*D^'n)'

synonymous with that of presbyter is clearly collected from the pas- times used for a pastor in a single parish at first, sages of Scripture, where both appellations as well as for the ordaining ofiicer, yet this name are interchanged, (Acts xx. compare ver. might very shortly after be ajjpropriated to the higher Immedithe power of ordaining. 17 with ver. 28. Epistle to Titus, ch. i. order, who had ately after the apostolic age, episcopus was used verses 5 and 7,) as well as frotn those, for one, among a number of other clergy, and it where the mention of the office of deacon must surely then have designated one of higher follows immediately after that of " epis- power than the rest. H. J. R.] * [The considerations adduced here lead us to copi," so that a third class of officers could not lie between the two."]" Philipp. on*^ o'' two reflections of some importance. If
altogether

these gifts constituted the warrant of unordained

[This surely requires more than mere asscrfion and conjecture to support it. What ought first to l)c made out is this: that the presbyters were the rulers rather than the teachers of the Church, and that they ruled the Church by a colli'gf, or council ; and next, that the name ordv arose from that circumstance. might not ordo he applied to any body of men? H. J. R.] [This admits of a very dilfercnt explanation. I Suppose it granted that " episcopus" was some-

brethren to address the Church, when these gifts of an extraordinary nature had ceased, none but the ordained ministers would have a right to teach
the Church.
gifts

regular ministry

Why

Again, we are led to think, that if a was necessary even while these were bestowed on the Church, it must have been doubly necessary after they were withdrawn. I must refer my readers to the preface to this translation for a few more remarks on these ^^^ta^fxxra..

H.

J.

R.]

GIFT OF
genuine apostolic doctrine against tle manifold false tendencies of Jewish or heathen views which had already thns Alearly begun to threaten the Church. though oil Christians must be taught only by the one heavenly Guide, yet regard to
the weakness of

KvB!^>na-K;.

107

human

nature,

which

is

destined to keep the treasures of heaven

possess to a great extent dexterity in outward matters, and Christian prudence, and in general tliose more practical capacities whicli are required for such an office in the Church, without uniting to them the turn of mind and the cultivation of the understanding requisite for that of a teacher. In the first Apos-

A man might

in earthen vessels, made it requisite that tolic Church, to whose spirit all arbitrary persons should never be %vanting in the and idle distinction of ranks was so foChurch, who were peculiarly qualified reign, in which offices being considered constantly to set strongly before their only in regard to the object which they brethren their relation to the common were destined to obtain, were limited by guide and Redeemer of all, to impress it an inward necessity, the offices of governon their hearts forcibly, to show them ing and those of teaching the Churches,* how every thing ought to be viewed in the office of a ^jiJaa-xaXof, and that of a connection with this one relation, and to voifAVP were accordingly separated from warn them against every thing which each other.l The perception of this distinction so threatened to withdraw them from this fundamental principle of Christian life. clearly laid down, might lead us to the Such a capability of expounding, which supposition that originally those teachers was always under the control of him who of the Church, expressly so called, did possessed it, pre-supposed a certain culti- not belong to the class of rulers;}; of the vation of the intellect, a certain clearness Churches, and certainly it is not capable and acuteness of thought, and a certain of proof that they always belonged to power of communicating its impressions the presbyters. Thus much only is certo others, which, when they were present tain, it Avas a source of great satisfaction and penetrated and animated by the power when, among the rulers of the Church, of the Spirit of God, became the yf^x^te^ixx there were men qualified also for teachers. Those who possessed this Although to the presbyters in general (as StSuffKciXici;. Charisma M'ere on that account appointed in St. Paul's parting speech to the presbyto provide for the constant maintenance of ters of the Church of Ephesus, Acts xx,) pure doctrines in the Church, and for the the guardianship over the maintenance of confirmation and advancement of Christian pure doctrine was assigned, it does not knowledge, without excluding the co- thence follow that they had to execute operation of others, each in his own sta- the office of teacher in the stricter sense tion, according to the gift bestowed upon of the word, for the question here may him. In the apostolic age, therefore, the merely have concerned the general care the rank of of the government of the Church. But Siiaa-Kcc>.tx<; and X^^^io-fji-ci teachers of the Church, SiSuatcxXoi, who when, in the Epistle to Titus, it is rewere distinguished by that gift, are men- quired of a bishop not only that he should tioned as something quite peculiar, I Cor. for his own part hold fast the genuine xii. 28; xiv. 6. Ephes. iv. 11. All the pure doctrine of the Gospel, but that he members of the Church might feel them- should also be capable of confirming selves impelled at particular moments, to others in it, and of gainsaying the adveraddress the congregation of brethren, or saries of it, it clearly follows that the to cry out to God and praise Him before bishop was required to possess also that them, but only a few had that p^acr/A gift of teaching. This might, under many circumstances of the Churches, as under ^^(7y.aX(;, and were StSnaxxXoi.

But

it is

also clear, from the case

is

itself,

that this talent of instruction

diflerent thing

quite a

were especially to see to the maintenance of sound doctrine in the Church, that is be its teachers 1
i.

from the talent for admi- See Tit. nistering the affairs of the Church, the * The
Xcic^iSf/.a,

Tim.

i.

iu.,

&c. H.

J. R.]

^upto-fjix

iiSctTKxXiXi

and the

x^^'^l^"-

Kv^i^vrihui,

which was particuan assessor

f

larly required for the office of

Compare Rom.

xii. 7, 8, (for

the distinction

between the hixTHM^ and the w-giwToic) and the above cited passages. [Gemeindevorsteher. This is the same word \ [* Here again there is a pointof great importance disposed of most unsatisfactorily. Can it be grant- used in page lOG, and applied to the presbyters ed at all that the nfiice of presbyter was merely of which IVcander makes synonymous with bishops this kind 1 Does it not appear from all that the (in his explanation of the word PDi'^fl) ^apostles say of episcopi and presbyters, that they

of the council, a presbyter or bishop.*

108
those which

DEACONS

DEACONESSES.
tresses of families, experienced and tried in all the trials that belonged to women,

are spoken of in this Epistle, perhaps be particularly desirable on account of the danger wliich threatened the Church from the propagation of heresies,

they \veye to^iiphold the younger women of the Church by their counsels and con-

which the paternal authority of the elders solations.* So far as regards the election to these of the Church, supported by their preas teachers, was to oppose. offices, we are without sufficient informaeminence
V.

Thus

also in the first Epistle to Timothy. IT, tiiose presbyters who were able to unite with the power of ruling (the also that of teaching (the xv^t^vricru)

tion to decide

certainly,

how

it

was ma-

naged in the first apostolic times, and it is very possible, that from a diffi;ience in
circumstances, the same method of pro-

o'.^ajxXi)

honoured, ceeding was not adopted in all cases. As which gives us at the same time a proof the apostles, in the appointment of the itself to that both were not necessarily and always deacons, allowed the Church choose; and as this also was th^ case, united.* Besides this we find only one Church when deputies were sent by the Churches

were

especially

office in the

apostolic age, the office

of
to

in their

name
viii.

to

accompany

the apostles
that a

deacon.
at
first

The

business of this office

was (2 Cor.

19.)

we may conclude

only external, as according

:

similar proceeding

It Acts vi., it was instituted to assist in the appointment to administration of alms care for the poor may nevertheless have happened, that and the sick, belonging to the Church, to where the apostles could not place im-

was resorted to in other Church offices.

the

which afterwards many other external plicit confidence in the spirit of the first cares were added, was peculiarly the bu- new Churches, they gave the important
siness of this office.
part of the

Besides the deacons

office of presbyter to

there were also established for the female

to

community deaconesses, where

Spirit, the

the free access of

men

to

females, espe-

cially as the sexes are so carefully sepa-

rated in the east, might

excite suspicion

and give ofience.

Although women, in

conformity to their natural destination, were excluded from the offices of teaching and governing the Churches, yet in this manner the peculiar qualities of females were brought into demand, as pecu- election by the Church itself is absolutely It appears to have been part liar gifts foi* the service of the Church. excluded. Bv means of these deaconesses the Gos- of the system of discipline, that the pel might be brought into the inmost re- Church offices should be confided to the cesses of family life, where, from eastern first converted men, if they had the proCle1 Cor. vi. 16.t manners, no man could have obtained ad- per qualifications. miltance."!" As Christian mothers and mis- ment of Rome brings forward the rule, as down by the apostle, for the apif laid * [It may be well to mention that this passage pointment to Church offices, " that they
has given rise to

those.who appeared them, under the light of the Holy most fitted for it; their choice would also deserve the highest confidence on the part of the Church, compare Acts xiv. 23. Tit. i. 5: although when St. Paul gives Titus power to appoint rulers of the Church, who had the requisite qualities, nothing is thereby determined as to the nature of the election; does not necessarily follow that an it

much

controversy, and

is

very

liiffercntly interpreted.

For the satisfaction of the reader I here transcribe a very different inter])rr'tation of it from the celet)ratod work of bishop
Bll.son,

should be possessed after the judgment of approved men, vnth the consent of the
*

Tertullian de Virginn. velandis,

c. 9,

ut ex-

on the " Perpetual Government of Christ's

perimentis

omnium

atVectuum

structa;, ficcile

no-

(Jhurch,"

now become

Prrslii/fcr.<!,

a scarce book. if t/ai/ rule will, arc ivarthy of

especi<tllii

rint caeteras et consilio et solatio juvare, et

ut nihil-

ominus
potest.

ea decucurrerint, per quae fremina probari

xlii.,

double
VMird
:

liiituiur,

if

tlici/

or jjrtwlji/tcrs

for

ruliiiir

liiliimr in the well are ivortlry

also Clement of Rome, ch. i So

says of

(f

(/iiuhle

honour; especially for labouring in the

are not

the apostles, that *t* ;^w*c

x.ufit(rTUMoy
7r\ejfy.-XTi

Jt-u

mKuq

kh^uts-cvtk

irord.

Here

two

sorts of elders (as they

ciinceivej the

one to govern, the other to teach; but two duties of each presbyter; namely, to teach and govern, before he can be most worthy of double honour." Bilson, Epistle Ded. p. 8, 9. Compare p. 131 H. J. R.]

Tic L'Tag;tc a^Taiv, tfcxi^xa-^tvTac tm a; ivUK'^vwi xa/ JisLn'^viu; tuiv //eXAiVTODr

Tri^rtsyiiv.

p.

proof of
Str.
iii.

tlii.s

andria,

cccurs in Clement of Alex448, on Christian women

Jtu^\>iTai; Trxftta-tiurro
)i

ii Lv K-JU 4/5 Tiy -ywHiuttiTi)/

[This appears to be quite natural, nay, almost Of whom could the apostles make bishops and elders but of some of those first converted T Of those not yet converted ? It must be from one of these classes, unless they had a KU|)ply ready to be sent to any point they visited
necessary.

themselves.

H.

J. K.]

BISHOPS BECOME PRIM! INTER PARES.

usual custom might be, that on a vacancy in any of these offices the presbyters themselves present-

100
Church
of-

whole ChurchP

The

(c.)

The

multiplication of

fices.

ed to the Church another to supply the place of the deceased, and tliat it was left to the Church to ratify their choice, or to Where the reject on definite grounds* request to the Church for her consent was not a mere formality, tliis method of ap-

With regard to the first we are without precise and perfect information as to the

manner

in

which

this

change took place

it is

in individual cases, but, nevertheless,

a thing which analogy will make quite clear on a general view. It was natural that, as the presbyters formed a delibera-

pointing to Church offices had this bene- tive assembly, it siiould soon hap'pcn that ficial influence, that by its means the voice one among them obtained the pre-emiof the larger multitude would be guided nence.* This might be so managed that by those who were capable of judging, a certain succession took place, according all schisms would be suppressed, and yet to which the presidency should change, no person would be obtruded on the and pass from one to the other. It is

not affectionately look- possible that in many other places such an arrangement took place, and yet we As to what further regards the relation find no historical trace of any thing in of these presbyters to the Churches, the kind; but then, as we have above rethey were destined to be not unlimited marked, there is, on the other hand, no monarchs,! but rulers and guides in an trace to be found by which we should ecclesiastical republic, and to conduct conclude that the office of the president every thing in conjunction with the of the college of presbyters was distinChurch assembled together, as the ser- guished by any peculiar name. However vants and not the masters of which they it may appear with regard to this pouit, were to act. The apostles saw these re- Avhat we find in the second century leads lations in this manner, because they ad- us to conclude that, immediately after the dressed their epistles, which treated, not apostolic age, the standing office of premerely of doctrinal circumstances, but of sident of the presbyters must have been things pertaining to the ecclesiastical life formed, to whom, inasmuch as he had and discipline, not to the rulers of the especially the oversight of every thing, Churches only, but to the whole of the was the name of ETrnrxoTro? given, and he Church. Where the apostle St. Paul pro- was thereby distinguished from the rest nounces an exclusion from the commu- of the presbyters. This name was then, nion of the Church, he represents himself at last, exclusively applied to this presias united in spirit with the whole Church, dent, while the name of presbyter remainfor the bishops, as the ( 1 Cor. V. 4,) supposing that for an affair of ed common to all such general concernment the assembling presiding presbyters, had as yet no other of the Church would be regularly requisite. official character than that of presbyters, they were only "primi inter pares."| [B.] The changes in the Discipline of the * [It will not fail to be observed here, that our Christian Church after the apostolic age. author has recourse to conjecture as to what may The change which had the most exten- have been the case, and that in the next sentence sive influence on the form of the Chris- he honestly admits that there is no hisforical trace

Church,

who was

ed upon by them.

tian

Church,

in this period, related parti-

cularly to three points.

(a.) The separation between bishops and presbyters, and the development of the monarchico-episcopal government. (h.) The separation between spiritual persons and the laity, and the formation

fully confirmed.

whatever of any such arrangement. As far as I have examined the subject, I find this admission Its importance need scarcely be
pointed out.

H.

J. R.]

f
3.

Many

later writers

properly recognise

this
c.

course of things.

Hilar, in

Ep.

i.

ad Timoth,

Omnis episcopus

presbyter,

non tamen omnia

of a caste of priests, in contradiction to

the evangelic notion of the Christian priest-

presbyter episcopus; hie inter presbyteros, primus

enim episcopus est, qui Jerome says, (146 est.

hood.
*

And,
Tcwc K^ritcrTu.bfv'Tuc
utto ra>v

Clemens, 44.

ad Evangl.) it was the custom in the Alexandrian Church, till the time of the bishops Heraclius and Dionysius, up to the middle of the third century, that the presbyters chose one of their number for their president, and called him bishop. And so also there may be some truth at bottom in the story told by Eutychus, who was patriarch of Alexandria in the first half of the tenth century, although
it

\ [This is surely rather strangely put. In onehalf of the sentence the presbyters are rulers and guides, in the other they are only servants of the

in

Church. H.

J.

R.l

cannot be altogether true, and is certainly false viz. that chronology in the Alexandrian Church, to the time of the bishop Alexander, in
;

110

FORMATION OP A PRIESTHOOD.

This relation of the bishops to the pres- Reminding them of the original relation byters we see continuing even to the end of the bishops to the presbyters, he calls And it was Irenaeus, therefore, them his " compresbyteros." oi' the second century uses* the name of '* bishop" and " pres- doubtless, natural enough, that before this byter" sometimes as wholly synonymous, episcopal system of government could and at other times he distinguishes the firmly establish itself, many struggles must bishop as the president from the presby- have taken place^ because the presbyters Even Tertullian calls the leaders of would be inclined to maintain the original ters. the Christian Churches by the one general power which belonged to them, and rename of Senoires, while he comprehends fuse to subject themselves to the authority Often, indeed, many in that name both bisliops and presbyters, of the bishops. although that father was very particular presbyters made a capricious use of this about the difference between bishops and power, which was very prejudicial to the Indeed, in many respects discipline and order of the Church. presbyters.t TcrtuUiun stands generally at the line of Schisms arose, of which we shall have to demarcation between the old and the new speak hereafter, and the authority of the bishops, closely connected as they were time of the Christian Church. The situation of the Churches during one with another, triumphed over the opthe persecutions, and the numerous op- position of presbyters, who acted without pressions in which the energetic conduct concert. The power and activity of a of one man at the head of affairs might Cyprian contributed much to promote prove of great use, furthered the formation this victory, but we should do him wrong, of the monarchial government in the and pervert the proper view of the whole Church. And yet even in the third cen- matter, if we accuse him of having acted tury the presbyters were at the side of from the beginning with a decided intenthe bishops as a college of councillors, and tion of raising up the episcopacy, as it the bishops undertook nothing weighty rarely happens in such matters that one
:

without gathering together this council.;|; When Cyprian, bishop of the Church at Carthage, separated from it by his flight during the persecution, had any thing of consequence to transact, he instantly imparted it to the presbyters, who remained behind him, and he apologised to them for having been obliged at times to decide without being able to call them together. To do nothing without their advice, he declares to be his constant principle.
the beginning of the fourth century, the following arrangement had existed there was a college of
:

individual can succeed in fashioning the

occurrences

scheme arranged

of a whole period after a to forward his own love

of rule. Cyprian rather, without being conscious to himself of any scheme, acted here in the spirit of a whole party, and of a whole ecclesiastical disposition, that existed in his time.

He

acted as the repre-

sentant of the episcopal system, the struggle of

which against the presbyterian system was a fundamental feature of the whole progress of the Church. The con-

tention of the presbyterian parties

among

tem especially promoted unity, order, and quiet in the Churches-, but then, on the where he attributes the "successio episcopatus prcsbyteris." He distinguishes the names in iii. other hand, it was prejudicial to the free 14. When it is related in the Acts xx. 17, that development of habits of the Churchly Paul had called to him the presbyters of the life, and the formation of a priesthood, Churches of Asia Minor, Irenaeus reckons among altogether foreign to the Gospel economy,
change of the original form of the Christian Church stands in close connection with another change, which takes still attributed to this cause, that originally these names deeper root, tJie formation of a caste of were not so distinguished, and therefore, many priests in the Christian Church. The might bear at the same time the names of bishops more a Christian Church answered its or presbyters. proper destination, and corresponded to f Apologet. [c 39. Praesident probati quique its true model, the more must it be shown scniores.
Miloto convocatis episcopis ct jiresbyteris." The confusion which exists in regard to the succession of the first bishops of Rome, may perhaps, also be

twelve presbyters, among whom one, as bishop, had the pre-eminence, and these presbyters had always chosen one out of their own body as bishop, and the other eleven had given him ordination. Both names arc used synonymously, iv. 26,

one another, might have become utterly prejudicial to discipline and order in the

Church

the victory of the episcopal sys-

them the liishops also, under the view that these were then only the presiding presbyters. "In

was not
this

little

furthered

by

it.

Thus

Presbytcrium contrahere. primordio episcopatus mei statui, ^ Ep. V. nihil sine consilio vestro mea privatim sententia
i

gerere.

Sicut honor

mutuus

poscit, in

commune

tractabioius.

CONFUSION OP THE OLD AND

mutual relations of all its members, that all, taught, led, and filled by the One, all drawing from the same fountain, and mutually imparting, as equal members of the one body, stand in reciprocal relation to each other under the one general Head; and the less, therefore, can any difference exist among them between some to give and others to receive, teachers and learners, guides and those who let themselves be
in the

NEW TESTAMENT.
was
first

Ill
again

the truth in each century)

Christianity

opposed by the pure light of genuine by means of the Keformation. As, in virtue of this interchange, many notions of government, foreign to the Gospel, were brought from the Old Testament into the Church of Christ, so also

was the Old Testament notion of the priesthood introduced. The false conclusion was drawn, that as there had been in the Old Testament a visible priesthood as we find it was in the early guided, Churches. Now the very nature of things joined to a particular class of men, there is such, that as the first Christian spirit must also be the same in the New, and died away, and as the Human became the original evangelical notion of a general more prominent in the progress of the spiritual priesthood fell, therefore, in the Church, as in the increasing Churches the back-ground. This error is to be found difference of education and Christian already in Tertullian's time, as he calls knowledge manifested itself more clearly, the bishop " sumnius sacerdos," (de Bapthis difference would also more clearly tismo, c. xvii.,) an appellation which was develope itself. The leading preponder- certainly not invented by him, but taken ance of individuals would of itself take from a habit of speaking and thinking

continually deeper root, and it would already prevalent in a certain part, at happen of itself, that the presbyters would least, of the Church. This name also exercise a continually increasing influence imports, that men already compared the over the administration of Church affiairs ; presbyters with the priests, and the deaand that the ltleiay.a.Xoi continually more cons, or spiritual persons generally, with can judge from this, and more exclusively took the task of ad- the Levites. All this might fol- how much the false comparison of the dressing the Church. low of itself, from the natural progress of Christian priesthood with the Jewish

We

in the Church, although it must have been the earnest endeavour of those influential individuals, if they had been animated by the true spirit of the Gospel, and not by an unevangelic spirit of party and caste, (which springs up so easily from the selfishness of human nature, the source of all Popery,) to restore
affairs

furthered

of episcopacy In general, the more they degenerated from the pure Christian view into the Jewish, the more the original free composition of the Christian Church became changed. see Cyprian already wholly penetrated by this intermixture of the Old and New
again
the
rise

above the

office of presbyters.

We

continually that original relation of reciprocity between themselves and the Church, and continually to promote the general participation of all in the affairs

Testament notions. In the names by which the Church officers were distinguished from the remaining part of the community, we find And yet, besides that no trace of this interchange. The Latin of the Church. which followed of itself from the natural expressions " ordo" and " plebs" only
course of
idea
affairs, there was still another denoted the guiding senate of the Chrismixed up imperceptibly with it, tian people; the Greek names xAfo?, which was utterly foreign to the Christian xAu^txoj, had even in Cyprian's time been By economy, and the inffuence of which be- applied in this unevangelic sense. came very important and it was an idea this application they were made to desigwhich in aftertimes was constantly intro- nate " men consecrated to God's service," ducing usages utterly repugnant to the es- like the Levites of the Old Testament,
;

views of the Gospel. We now proceed to notice this idea. The notions of the theocracy of the Old and of the New Testament, which were so decidedly kept distinct from one another by the apostles and the first
sential

affairs

busied themselves only with the of religion, and not with earthly who did not gain their livelihood, like other men, by worldly business, but on this very account, that they busied
things,

men who

themselves with

God

only for the advan-

Christians,

became again gradually inter- tage of others, were maintained by the changed and confused the source of others, just as the Levites in the partition theoretical and practical errors, which of the land had received no inheritance in lasted through many centuries, and which land but had the Lord only for their (if we except the scattered witnesses to inheritance, and weie to receive tithes
; ;

112
from the others
the
for their
ot

GOSPEL VIEWS.
management of
h

Although the idea of the priesthood

in

a pure evangelic sense, was, in other See Deu- respects, constantly more and more darknotion of a ened and driven into the back-ground by This teronomy, ch. xviii. peculiar people of God, so particcularly the prevalence of that unevangelic view a particular class of men among of it, yet was it too deeply engrafted into applieii to Ch;isiian?, as a xA)^o? rov sot^, is certainly the very essence of Christianity, to be At the time of this sense wholly unevangelic, for all wholly overwhelmed. ill Christians ought in this sense to be a Tertullian, who stands on the boundary body of men consecrated to God, a x^^)Jo? between two different epochs in the deToy 0ot;, and even all their earthly callings velopment of the Church, we still find ought to be sanctified by the spirit in more definite traces of the powerful opwhich they pursue them ; their whole life position, which the original Christian was to become, by the sanctification by consciousness of the universal and spiritwhich they were animated, a spiritual ual priesthood, and of the Christian rights Such founded thereon, made to the hierarchy, service to God, a Xoytxu ?iT^a.

Temple worship,
x>.rjo

tltnv

x^jj^o? rov

sow or u*

Q^o<; f5-T

Gospel notion. But the which was establishing itself. In his work be made, whether that on Baptism, which he wrote before his meaning, which contradicts tliis original conversion to Montanism, Tertullian, in notion, was really connected from regard to the use of the general rights of Gospel the first with the name of xAjj^sxoi for the priesthood by all Christians, declares spiritual persons; and if we follow the the true principle by which Divine right history of the use of the word, we shall and human order should be maintained. be rather inclined to conclude that this " As far as the thing itself is concerned,

was the

original
still

inquiry

is

to

mean- sacraments, and to teach in the Churches. The name xX^p? The word of God and the sacraments ing had been forgotten. denoted the situation bestowed were communicated by God's grace to all originally on each one in the Church, either by Christians, and may, therefore, be commuGod's appointment or by a choice deter- nicated by all Christians, as instruments mined under his influence and thus the of God's grace. But the inquiry is here Church offices were particularly called not merely, what is lawful in general, but x^Jfo^, to be chosen to them was called also, what is convenient under existing We must here apply the yM^ovff^xi, and the men chosen to these circumstances. offices, x>i*)gixot.* declaration of St. Paul, 'all things which With a not convenient.' are lawful, are We may thus explain how the stricter sense view, therefore, lo the maintenance of that of " Lot" was lost sight of in this word, although order which is necessary in the Church,
original
;

meaning was introduced into an expression, whose

in

later

times

the laity have the right to administer the

the

fcp^5u

xxngavTi)

Tuc.
tKtf
:

So
in

at lirst in the

were opposed to Acts i. 17,

iii.

p;^a(c yapcrov)!-

the laity should

make use of

their priestly

xxwgoc

tjjc

Siakc-

Irenasus

3,

nxsigouvb^t tuv
c.

iTrt^KO-mv

rights as to the administration of the sa-

Clemens Alex. Quis Dives salv. KKx^Mv are used reciprocally.

in

42, xxwgo? and

find

craments only where time and circumit.*

We

no doubt stances require

against
their

Clemens Komanus, Old Testament applied

c.

40, the relations of the to the Christian Church,

Sometimes the
the
original

laity

in

their

struggle

but certainly this letter (as well as those of Ignatius, although Clemens is in a less degree) has been interpolated by some one who was prejudiced
in favour of the hierarchy.*

spiritual

body, made good

to

rights

the

priesthood,

as

we

see from

the

of the original presbyterian constitution of the Church. How simply in c. 42, is the appointment

do not deny the fact, I oiilv require proof of it, if it can be obtained. The latter sentence 01 the autiior's note only states what he thinks Clement ought to have written: our question lies solely with what he did write. We may also ask. What contemporary writings are there, by a comparison with whicli this charge can be supported ? It may also be observed that MSS. can give us no a.ssistance in such nn inquiry, as there is, I believe, only one MS. of Clemens Ilomaniis in existence. See Mr. .lacobson's very useful edition of the useful Fatres Apostolici, p. i. II. J. II.
value.
1

from the laity, in a certain case, that if they claimed the same rights as spiritual persons, they should also bind themselves * [It must be remembered that any Avheit he says to assertion by the same duties of interpolation, unsupported by evidence, is of no them, I" When we elevate ourselves, and
;

same

letter,

we

In other passages of rather meet with the free spirit

lian, as

those words of Tertula Montanisl., in which he requires

of bishops or presbyters and deacons related with-

cannot for a moout any hierarchical pride. ment think of any such confusion of the Old and New Testament ideas in a disciple of St. Paul. * De Baptisimo, i. c. 81.

We

die Geistlichkeit erheben

De Monogamia, 12. [The German is here " Wenn wir uns gcgen und aufbliihen," &c. I subjoin the original passage with some of the


ALL LAWFUL THINGS NOT EXPEDIENT.
are puffed

113

up against the clergy, then are port of helpless widows, of the sick, and we all one, then are we all priests, for he of orphans. It might happen that tlie makes us all kings and priests before God presbyters belonged to the most wealthy and his Father." (Rev. i. 6.) Although part of the community, and this must the office of teaching in the congregations have been often the case, because their was constantly more and more limited to office required a certain previous secular the bishops or presbyters, we find, nev- education, which would be more easily ertheless, many traces of that original met with among the higher or the middle, Since the presequality of spiritual rights among all than the lower orders. When, about the middle of byters, or bishops, were to distinguish Christians. the third century, two bishops in Pales- themselves among the Christians, to whom tine had no scruple in allowing the learned they were to afford a pattern in all reOrigen to expound the Scriptures before spects, by hospitality, (1 Tim. iii. 2,) they their congregations, although he had re- must have belonged to the wealthier ceived no ordination, and Dionysius of classes, of whom there were not many Alexandria, a bishop of hierarchical prin- in the first Churches, and how could ciples, reproved them for it they defend- persons of that kind have borne to reed themselves by alleging, that many of ceive their maintenance out of funds that the Eastern bishops required the laity, arose from the hard savings of their poorer who were capable of it, to preach.* Even brethren St. Paul,* indeed, expressly

in the spurious Apostolical Constitutions,

very hierarchical work,) which consists of multifarious elements, gradually collected together, there is an order under the name of St. Paul to this effect If any man^ even a laytnan, be
(otherwise
a
:

skilled in the

and of reputable
At
first, it is

expounding of doctrines, life, let him teach, for

all must be taught by God.'f

highly probable that those

undertook the Church offices in various congregations, continued their former calling, and maintained themselves and their families by it afterwards, as they liad done before. The congregations, which consisted for the most part of poor members, were not in a state to provide for the maintenance of their presbyters and deacons, especially as they had from the very beginning so many other demands on their Church chest, for the supcontext, from the edition of Georgius.
" Si nojj

who

who travelled about preach the Gospel were justified in suffering themselves to receive the supply of their earthly wants from those for whose spiritual advantage they were labouring ; but we have no right from this to draw the same conclusion with regard to the Church ofiicers of particular communities. The former could not well unite the business necessary to earn their livelihood with the labours of their spiritual calling, although the self-denial of a Paul rendered even this possible ; the
declares that those
to

others,
their

on the contrary, might perfectly

first,

well unite, at

the

continuance of
;

employments with the execution of their duty in the Church and the primitive ideas of Christians might find nothing offensive in such an union, as men were persuaded that every earthly employment may be sanctioned by the Christian feeling in which it is carried on, and they knew that even an apostle himself had
united the exercise of a trade with the preaching of the Gospel. But when the members of the Churches became more numerous, and the duties of the Church officers were increased, especially when the office of teaching was limited, in great measure, to the presbyters
;

oinnes MonogamisE tenentur, unde Monogami in 1 An ordo aliquis seorsum debebit instituti Monogamorum, de quo adlectio fiat in clerum 1 Sed quum extoUimur et inflamer adversus clerum, tunc unum sumus, tunc omnes sacerdotes ; quia Bacerdotes nos Deo et patri fecit; quum ad perte-

clerum

quationcm discipline sacerdotalis provocamur, deponimus infulas et impares sumus." Now the part " tunc unum sumus," &c., is clearly ironical. It is the argument which the persons he addresses were too fond of using, and Tertullian speaks their language, and turns it upon themselves. Tertullian complains that those who were so ready to claim an equaidy of spiritual rights vjilh the priesthood, were by no means equally ready to share any burdens incumbent on it. It

when

the calling

of spiritual persons, if they performed it duly, began to require their whole time

and
*
1

activity

itwas often no longer possible

[I

Cor.

ix. 1

suppose the passage here alluded to is 14, and I would request those who

are interested in these questions to read

tively,

it

attenin
it

was necessary
der in full passage. H.

put the reapossession of the whole sense of the

to
J.

to quote thus

much

and say whether there

is

any thing
whether
it

which applies only

not concern
J all

to persons tti^o travelled about

R.]
vi.

to preach the Gospel, or rather

does
13.

Euscbius,
viii.

19.

ministers, especially ver.

t Book

ch. 32,

H.

J. R.]

15

k2


114
for

ELECTION OF CHURCH OFFICES,

to provide at the

them

same time

for

their

own support, and the richer Churches

in

graces

were also

circumstances to maintain

them. From the Church fund, which was formed by the voluntary contributions of every member of the Church, at every

Sunday

service, or, as in the

North Af-

rican Church, on the first Sunday of every month,* a part was used for the pay of
It was then sought expressly to detach spiritual persons from employing themselves with earthly business ; in the third century they were

the spiritual order.

already strictly forbidden to undertake any employment, even a guardianship-!

This regulation might certainly have been founded on good grounds, and have an
useful object, namely, to prevent spiritual persons from forgetting their spiritual calling, in consequence of their earthly

spread around them Divine if they looked upon themselves not as the servants of the Church, spirit of self-denial, but thought in the themselves supernatural mediators and priests for it. Cyprian quotes as the foimdation of his prohibition, the passage from 2 Tim. ii. 4, but he feels thoroughly (a feeling which would then more naturally strike every one, because the character of a "miles Christi" was then considered the general calling of all Christians,) that these words are to be applied to all Christians, who, as soldiers of Christ, were to perform their service faithfully, and to preserve themselves from every thing worldly and uncongenial, which might take possession of their hearts, and render them untrue to their " sacramentum militiae :"

down and
;

and

he,

therefore,

only concludes

thus

we may see from Cy- " How far, rather, inasmuch as Ms is prian de Lapsis,J how much even then addressed to all Christians, must those the worldly spirit had made its way among remain unentangled in worldly business,
employments
;

for

of who, busied with Divine and spiritual and that they were swallowed things, do not stir from the Church, and up with worldly affairs, and neglected their ought to have no time for earthly and The clergy ought also spiritual employments, and the advantage worldly affairs." of their congregation. But here also the in the application of that passage to themthe bishops during the long season
tranquillity,

unevaiigelic notion of a separate priesthood, and a separate class of priests, made its appearance again clearly, as well as

selves, to shine before the

Church

as its

pattern

and

this,

indeed,

is

a just appli-

an unevangelic contrast between spiritual and secular persons. Now Ms false separation and distinction of the spiritual persons very possibly might not contribute to instil into them a genuine evangelical feeling, but might, on the contrary, further worldly feelings, hidden under the
pretended holiness of spiritual pride ; if the clergy thought that, by a magical sanctity communicated to their order, independent of personal conduct, they were beings of a higher order, and if they fancied that by the " opus operatum" of their outward duties alone, independently of their heart and conduct, they could draw
"divisiones mensurnse," as the pay of spiritual persons in this Church, correspond to

Only then the unevangelic fancy would instantly fasten itself on, that man approaches nearer to God by an outward withdrawal from earthly things, and can become desecrated by the mere use of these things, as if sanctification and desecration did not concation of the passage!
sist

and the heart

solely in the disposition of the spirit to God or to the world.

offices, the old principle

In regard to the election into Church, was, nevertheless,

constantly abided by, that the consent of the Church was required to ratify such an election, and that the Church was at liberty to bring forward objections against it. The

The

emperor Alexander Severus was aware of this regulation of the Christian Church, and he appealed to it, when he wished to
introduce a similar course in the election

the monthly collection.

j^

Cyprian, Kp. Ixvi. to the Church at FurniB. of the civil magistrates in towns. i. cd. Ox.) Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, separated Also, in the eighteenth chapter of the Coun\ from his Church by calamitous circum" Episcopi,presl)ycil of Elvira (Illil)eris,)i. 305. stances, named to Church offices, men of tcri, pt diaconi de locis suis negotiandi causa non particularly deccdant nee circumcuntcs provincias quscstuosas his neighbourhood who had nundinas sectentur." And yet it is here, also sup- distinguished themselves in the persecu-

When

(Ep.

posed, that in many cases ihcy might be compelled " ad victum sihi conquircndum," as when for instance,

they received any pay at all, they received none in money; but then in these cases they only exercised their trade by means of a son, or a freedif

he apologised for this arbitrary conwhich had been wrung from him by necessity, before the laity and the clergy, and he writes to both :* " We are accustion,

duct,

mun, or a person hired for the purpose, and then not beyond the limits of their own province.

Ep.

xxxiii.

[Ep. xxxviii. ed. Ox.]

SENOIRES PLEBIS.
tomed
to call

115
more pre^

you together

to consult pre-

the greatness of their influence

viously to the consecration of spiritual cisely.) There is, however, here to be mentionoffices, and to weigh the character and ed a peculiar arrangement, which we find merits of all in a general consultation." That principle was also recognised in in the North African Churches at the bethe appointment to the episcopal office; it ginning of the fourth century, and which was the prevailing custom in the third may, very probably, be the remains of an There were century, and Cyprian deduced it from older and more general one. apostolic tradition, that the hishops of a class of leaders of the Church under the province, with llie clergy of the vacant the name of elders, " seniores plebis," Church, made the choice in presence of who were expressly distinguished from the congregation, who having seen the the clerical body, and yet were considered conduct of every one who could possibly as ecclesiastical persons, (personae ecclebe chosen, could give, therefore, the most siasticae,) who, as the representatives of Cyprian the congregation, formed a middle class sure testimony about them. ascribed to the Church the right of between the clergy and the laity, who choosing worthy bishops, or rejecting were assembled together by the clergy in unworthy ones.* This right of approval consultations on any matters of general or rejection, which belonged to the interest, and who spoke in the name of Church, was not an empty formality ; it the congregation, when any complaint was

sometimes happened that before the usual to be made against the clergy.* It may, perhaps, be said, that this was arrangements for an election could take place, a bishop would be called upon by no old arrangement, but rather one which the voice of the Church, and the influence took its rise at a very late period, namely, caused by this upon the elections was the after Christianity had become the prevailing religion in many cities and districts of cause of many divisions. In other affairs of the Church also, the northern Africa, and that, as civil forms participation of the laity was not altogether had often been transferred to ecclesiastical excluded. Cyprian declares (Ep. v.,) that business, the civil burgesses or aldermen he had determined from the beginning of became also Church officers, and that a his episcopal office to do nothing without particular place was assigned to them in One of the discussion of matters relating to the the consent of the community .-f But it is hardly probable, judgthese Church affairs, in which all had an Church. interest, was the reception again of those ing merely from the thing itself, that in a who had fallen away; and the inquiry time, when the hierarchial principle was which regarded this matter was to be un- so prevalent, an arrangement so foreign to dertaken with a meeting of the whole the spirit of hierarchy, and more consoChurch for, according to Cyprian's judg- nant to the oldest and free constitution of ment, this respect was due to the faith the Church, should have been first set on It is far more probable of itself, of those who had stood steadfast during foot. There were, besides, that this regulation should have been rethe persecution.^ individuals who did not belong to the tained as a remnant of a freer spirit of clergy, and yet had obtained for them- Church government, and propagated with selves, by the reverence which they per- some change in its circumstances. There is a remarkable declaration to sonally enjoyed, such an influence over the administration of Church affairs, that this purpose by Hilary, who wrote a comeven the clergy themselves could not * In a leUer from a Numidian bishop, PurThese were the purius, to another bishop, Silvanus of Cirta in easily oppose them. heroes of the faith, those who had made Numidia, occurs the following passage " Adhitheir confession of faith before the heathen bete conclericos, et seniores plebis ecclesiasticos magistrates, in the sight of the tortures viros." They were required to make inquiry into
;
.

and of death, or under the torture the some differences which had arisen between " confessores." (We shall, in the course bishop and a deacon. In another letter of
of the history of the divisions of the
same bishop
city Cirta, all these persons

the the

to the " clericos et seniores" of this

Church, have further occasion to consider

* Cyprian, in the name of a Synod, to the Churches of Leon and Astorga. } Nihil sine consensu plebis gerere. I Ep. xiii. [Ep. xviii. ed.] Ox. prtesente etiam
stantiuin piebe, quibus et ipsis pro fide et timore

are desired to

make

being classed together, inquiry into these differences,

and compared in this respect to the elders, whom Moses called together to counsel. " Sine consilio seniorum nihil agebatur. Itaque et vos, quos scio

omnem
omni

sapientiam coclestem et spiritalem habere,

si

vestra virtute cognoscite, qua;

dis sensio

Ikec et perducite ad pacem.'

Optat. Milevit. de

Euo honor habendus

est.

schismate Donatistar. cd

Du

Pin.

fol.

169,

116
mentary on the

SOURCE OF SUBORDINATION SYSTEM.

epistles of St.

Paul in the perfoi-med the duty of prayer over those all whom men believed possessed by evil ;" people age is honoured, and hence the spirits, (see above,) i.e. the '' energumeni synagogues, and afterwards the Church, and the 6yggo, vvXa^oi.^ " ostiarii," who had elders, without whose counsel noth- had the management of such matters as related to the places of assembly, their I ing was undertaken in the Church. know not by what neglect this has he- cleaning, &c.,and the opening and shutting come obsolete, unless it be by the laziness, of the Church doors, &c.
fourth century.

He

says,

"Among

or rather by the pride of the teachers, -who fancy that they alone are of any consequence."* The third, but less important change in the constitution of the Church, was in regard to the increase of the Church offices. This arose partly from the circumstance
that

The

office

of reader

is,

perhaps, the

when

the congregations

became more

numerous, and the deacons' business was much increased, much which had hitherto been transacted by them passed away from them, and was put into the hands of other
officers; partly

because
;

many new em-

oldest among these, it is mentioned by TertuUian (Praescript. Haeret. c. 41,) at the end of the second century the others made their appearance together about the middle of the third century, and are all fully mentioned for the first time in a letter of the Romish bishop CorneUus, in Euseb. vi. 43. The office of an acolyth most probably arose from the hierarcliial love of splendour in the Romish Church, and it did not extend to the Greek and the Greek name is quite compatible with
;

Churches arose and partly, because what had hitherto been esteemed the free gift of the Spirit on all, or on particular Christians, was now connected with one There were the folparticular office. lowing Church offices the sub-deacons, who attended the deacons in the executhe " lection of their outward duties tores," {uva.ypua-Ta.h) who had to read the Holy Scriptures in the congregations, and to keep the copies of them used for this purpose, a duty, which probably at first
ployments
in regard to the

Romish

origin,

by means of the Greek

in the great

towns

extraction

of so

many

of the

Romish

bishops.

As

far as regards the office of

exorcists, that

which was performed by him, was originally considered as a work of the Holy Spirit, not connected with
institution,

any outward

whether

it

was

thought a work that might be performed by every Christian in faithful reliance on

the
calling

overcomer of all evil, the Saviour, by on his name, or whether it was

themselves or the deacons had performed, for even in later times it remained the custom for the deacons particularly to read the Gospels ; the acolyths (ixoXovQoj,) persons, as the name implies, who attended on the bishop in the duties of his office: the exorcist, who
either the presbyters
.
I

Ecclesia seniores habuit,

nihil agebatur in ecclesia.

obsolverit nescio, nisi forte

quorum sine consilio Quod qua neRligentia union in the several Churches between doctorum desidia, aut each other.
(2)

peculiar gift of individual Now, it seems, the free work of the Spirit was to be connected with a lifeless mechanism ; and yet the Apostolic Constitutions properly express the spirit of the old Church in opposition to such an order, when they say, "an exorcist cannot be chosen, for it is the gift of free grace."* pass now from the general constitution of the Churches, to the means of
Christians.

thought a

We

superbia, dum soli volunt aliqui videri." In order to evade the force of this passage, it may be said that here, under the name of seniores, the

mads

presbyters arc

genuine professors from the first a lively Catliolic spirit, and thence also an inward explanation is by no means the most natural, and mutual as well as outward connecneither is it apposite to the manner in which the This connection must, from the word "doctores," nor that in which the word tion.
" senoires" is here used. This is more especially the case here, because the emphasis is expressly laid on the circumstance, that the " senoires" were literally the elder members of the Church; and this was certainly not true in regard to the presbyters, who were not usually above thirty years of age; and still more also because the passage alluded to (1 Tim. v.,) has nothing in it to Ica^ one to think of presbyters.
I

understood, and that the disuse consisted in this, that these persons were no more called to debate by the doctors, /. e. the bishops, in all matters, as thty had formerly been. But this

The bonds of connection between the various Churches with one another.
produced

Christianity

among

its

nature of human things, assume a definite form, and this form was modelled after
the existing form of those social connections,

among which
its

Christianity

first

made
*

appearance,

sisterly

system
ytg

Lib.

viii.

c.

26,

o'u

^u^oTcvtirea,

t'jvoki^

DAUGHTER-CHURCHES
of equality, in the relation of the Churches to each other, would, independently of these particular circumstances, have best corresponded to the spirit of Christianity, and might have been most advantageous to its free and undisturbed publication. But these circumstances soon introduced a system of subordination into the relations of the Churches to each other, into

METROPOLITAN.

117

whole.* In the greater cities it might have already become necessary to divide the congregations in the city into different

Rome, where in the report Romish bishop Cornelius, which we have quoted, we find already six and
portions, as in

of the

forty presbyters, although the account of

which

Christianity might enter, just as into all other human institutions, which

contain nothing that is sinful by its very nature ; but this system afterwards obtaining too great sway, exercised a restraining and destructive influence on the develop-

ment of Christian doctrines and

life.

have before remarked, that in many extended itself into the country and where this happened, and the Christians were numerous enough in a village or country town to after a certain cycle. We are, however, form a separate Church, it was most na- deficient in accounts of all that relates to tural that they should at once choose this matter for this period, and we can their own presidents, presbyters, or only draw any conclusions by reasoning bishops, who Avould be as independent as back from what we find in later times. those of the Churches in the cities. We may further remark, that as ChrisIn the very first centuries, however, from a tianity generally first spread from the want of documents relating to these times, towns into the country, so also did it we cannot point out any thing of the generally extend itself (see above,) from kind, but in the fourth century we find in the capitals (MjiT^oTrcXei?) into the other many parts of the east those called coun- towns of the province. As now these try bishops {^u^iTrKT-KOTTot.) who certainly latter were politically subject to the derive their origin from the earliest times, former, there was gradually formed befor in later periods, when once the sys- tween the churches of the provincial tem of Church subordination had been towns and those of the metropolis, a formed, and when the country churches closer connection and a relation of suborwere accustomed to receive their presi- dination. The Churches of the province dents from the city, a relation of this kind formed a whole, at the top of which was certainly could not have sprung up which the Church of the metropolis, and the is proved by the struggle of the country bishop of the latter was, in regard to the bishops of this time with the bishops of other bishops of the province, " primus the cities, who endeavoured to limit their inter pares." In consequence, however, power. But the more common case was, of local causes, this relation did not alas we have before remarked, that Chris- ways develope itself in the same manner, tianity extended itself first from cities to and for the most part it took place during the country round, and as there were at this period only in the east. first but few Christians in the country, in In the same relation, in which these the neighbourhood of the city, it was metropolitan towns stood to the provinmost natural that they should at first go cial towns, were also the chief cities of to the city on a Sunday, in order to fre- the greater divisions of the Roman empire quent the assemblies held there. But to these latter, as the seats of government, when afterwards their number so increased, and the head-quarters of commercial and From such chief cities that they could form a church of their other intercourse. own, they allowed the bishop of the Christianity had spread itself into a whole Church in the city, which they had been great division of the enornious Roman accustomed to join, to appoint them a empire here the apostles themselves had presbyter, who thence remained always founded Churches, appointed pastors,
districts Christianity early
; ; ;

We

Optatus of Mileve, that in Rome, at the beginning of the fourth century, there were more than forty churches [Kirchen] is an exaggeration. Nevertheless, it did not always happen that difl^erent DaughterChurches, subject to the head and MotherChurch, were formed, but it was oftener the case that the Church remained as one whole, and it was only on Sundays and festivals, when one church could not contain them all, that they were divided among different churches, where the different presbyters conducted divine service

subject to the bishop.

first

Thus

arose the

great Church union between the Churches [Gemeinden] of the city and of the country, which together formed one

Such

those, of

whom

presidents of country Churches were Cyprian spoke at the tribunal of

the proconsul,
tatibus suis."

when he

said,

"Invenientur in

civi-

118

ECCLESI.E APOSTOLIC^.

preached the Gospel with their own by the apostles would necessarily be obmouth, and they had written Epistles to served.* By means of letters, and of brethren the Churches founded here by themselves. These Churches were regarded with pe- who travelled about, even the most remote culiar reverence, under the name of " ec- Churches of the Roman empire were conclesicB,

sice."

When a Christian arsedes apostolicae, matrices eccle- nected together. When any contest arose about rived in a strange town, he first inquired discipline or doctrine, the first for the Church [Gemeinde, literally conChurch
gregation,] and he

every thing needful for his spiritual or corporeal subBut since deceivers, spies with themselves, which have descended from stance. generation to generation, have been faith- evil intentions, and false teachers, who " ecclesiaj apos- sought only to propagate their unevanI'ully maintained r" Such tolica" were especially Rome, Antioch, gelical doctrines among the simple-minded Christians, abused the confidence and the Alexandria, Ephesus, Corinth. But all these circumstances, which met kindness of Christians, some measures of together in the Churches of the great precaution became necessary, in order to chief cities, centered in a peculiar degree avert the many injuries which might rein the Church of Rome, the capital of the sult from this conduct. An arrangement It was known that the two great was, therefore, introduced, that only such world. apostles, St. Paul and St. Peter, had taught travelling Christians should be received, in this Church, and had ennobled it by as brethren, into Churches where they From Rome a large were strangers, as could produce a testitheir martyrdom.* portion of the west had received the monial from the bishop of the Church Gospel, from Rome all the general con- from which they came. They called these cerns of the Christian part of the Roman Church letters, which were a kind of empire could best be directed; the Roman * Lib. iii. c. 3, in the Latin translation, for, bishops, as pastors of the richest churches, had early distinguished themselves by alas the Greek original is lost. " Ad banc ccpropter potiorem principalitatem necesse their benevolence to the most remote ciesian est, omneni convenire ecclesiam, hoc est, eos, qui united Churches,!
!

inquiry was, " How do people look on the matter in those Churches, where the principles delivered there by the apostles

was here received

as a

brother, and provided with

all

and a general interest sunt undique fideles, in qua semper ab his, qui Churches of the Roman empire sunt undique, conservata est ea, quae est ab aposwilli that of the capital. In Rome was tolis traditio." If we understand "convenire" in the " ecclesia; apostolica," to which, as an intellectual sense, thus All the Churches must the common Mother-Church, the greater agree with the Romish Church, as that which has part of the West must appeal. For the the pre-eminence, the passage atTords no natural meaning, and far less such an one as would suit most part, whatever took place in this What would be the Irenteus.
the

would be best sense of saying The Churches in the whole world Christians were con- have in the Romish Church retained the apostoThis could only be understood stantly flocking to Rome from all quar- lical traditions'! ters. Tlius Irenaus, who wrote in Gaul, to mean, that the Romish Church was the central and representative point of all Christian Churches, as he sometimes appeals to other " eccleas if (which was said in later times) the whole siai apostolica;," in one passage particuChurch was " virtualiter" contained in the Romish larly appeals to the " ecclesia apostolica" a notion of which no trace whatever can be found in Rome, as the greatest and the oldest, in IrensEUs, and an expression which is entirely ihougli tliis last may be doubted,) as one foreign to this whole period. And, besides, what known to all, and founded by the two need would there then have been of the explana''

the other ideas of

:

ecclesiae

apostolica,"

known

to all, for

most celebrated apostles, where Christians tory addition, "eos qui sunt ubique fideles," as with such a context there could be no misundermeet together from the churches of the But all bestanding about the word "ecclesia." wliole world, and the doctrines delivered comes quite clear, if we understand " convenire'''
of appearing personally, and then this addition is quite in place to show that here he is speaking of

question the tradition prrscTvcd l)y the harmonious testimony of eccU-siastical anti(iuity,that St. Peter was at Rome, 'i'his tradition clearly comes down to us from a time in which men had not yet thought of upholding the supremacy of the Roman Church by means of the primacy of St. Peter. t Euseb. Lib. iv. c. 23.
It is hyporcritical to

call in

the Churches, not as a whole, but only of indiviInstead of dual believers out of all Churches. " conservare" we must then read " observare." Compare the similar passage of Athenaeus, lib. iii. p. 20, about the confluence of all cities and people to the
cig-jivcvoKi;

Rome,

ort o'uojjuivh Sh/uc;

fa^x,

pa>/unjet>v TrrjXK

iTrncfui rui oinw/utvui, ev avvsJuv icrTU

'jlmt! 7ra.7a; to.: Trohit; lifufjiefx;.

PROVINCIAL SYNODS FIRST IN GREECE.

"tesserae hospitales,"

119

by which

the Chris-

tians of all quarters of the world were brought into connection, " epistolae" or
" literai formatrc," (y^a^/^ara riTviruif/.ttoi,) because, in order to avoid forgery, they

were made after a certain schema,* (twtto;, forma,) or else " epistolae communicatoriaj, y^ccfA.y.ctTct xoiKUKj^a." because they contained a proof that those who brought them were in the communion of the to Him, who has promised that He will enChurch, as well as that the bishops, lighten and guide, by his Spirit, those who who mutually sent and received such believe in Him, if they will give themletters, were in connection together by the selves up to Him wholly, and that He will communion of the Church and afterwards be amongst them, where they are gathered
;

of the ecclesiastical communities, (i. e. the provincial synods.) As the Christians, in the consciousness that they are nothing, and can do nothing, without the Spirit from above, were accustomed to begin all important business with prayer, they prepared themselves here also for their general deliberations by common prayer, at the opening of those assemblies

these

Church

letters

(epistolae

clericae)

were divided

into

different

classes,

ac-

cording to the difference of their purposes.

together in his name.* It appears that this regular institution met at first with opposition as an inno-

As we above remarked that a closer vation, so that Tertullian felt himself bond of union was early formed between called upon to stand up in its defence.! of the same province, so Nevertheless, the ruling spirit of the also the Christian catholic spirit [Gemein- Church decided for this institution, and geist] introduced the custom that, in all down to the middle of the third century, pressing matters, controversies on doc- the annual provincial synods appear to
the Churches
trinal points, things relating to the ecclesiastical life,

and very commonly

in those

have been general in the Church, if we may draw this conclusion from the tact, that we
find

relating to

Church

discipline, general de-

them

prevalent, at the

same time,

in

be held by deputies parts of the Church as far distant from each from these Churches. Such assemblies other as North Africa and Cappadocia.J become familiar to us in the controversies These provincial synods might certainly about the time of celebrating Easter, and become very useful for the Churches, and, in the transactions about the Montanistic in many respects, they did become so. prophecies, in the last half of the second By means of a general deliberation, the century. But these provincial synods do views of individuals might mutually be not appear, as a constant and regular enlarged and corrected wants, abuses, institution, fixed to definite times, until and necessary reforms, might thus more about the end of the second or the be- easily be mutually communicated, and be ginning of the third century and it was deliberated on in many different points of in this case the peculiarity of one coun- view, and the experience of every indivitry, where particular local causes may dual, by being communicated, might be have introduced such an arrangement ear- made useful to all. Certainly, men had lier than in other regions. This country every right to trust that Christ would be was in fact exactly Greece, where, from among them, according to his promise, the time of the Achaic league, the system and would lead those, who were assemof confederation had maintained itself; bled in his name^ by his Spirit. Certainly, and as Christianity is able to connect it was neither enthusiasm nor hierarchical itself with all the peculiarities of a peo- presumption, if the deputies collected tople, provided they contain nothing immo- gether to consult upon the affairs of their ral, and entering into them, to take itself Churches, and the pastors of these a peculiar form resembling them, so also Churches, hoped that a higher Spirit than it might easily happen, that here the civil * The following passage is from Tertullian, in a federal spirit, which already existed, workliberations should
; ;

third century, ed upon the ecclesiastical catholic spirit, De Jejuniis, c. xiii. " Auguntur per Gra!cias ilia cerit earlier than in other regions a tis in locis concilia, per quse cl altiora qua^que in tolerably good form, so that out of the commune tractantur et ipsa irprnesentatio totius representative assemblies of the civil com- nominis Christian! magna vcncratione celebratur."

book written

at the

beginning of the

and gave

munities,

(the Amphictyonic councils,) were formed the representative assemblies

* may see from Cyprian, Ep. iii. (vii. ed. Ox.) and Euseb. iv. 23, how necessary it was to guard against counterfeits of these letters.

We

j Ista solemnia, quibus tunc proesens palrocinatus est sermo. i Cyprian, Ex. xl., and Firmilianus of Cffisarea, in Cappadocia, in Cyprian, Ep. Ixxv. " Necessario apud nos fit, ut per singulos annos seniores et prtepositi in unum conveniamus, ad disponenda ea, quae curse nostrjE commissa sunt."

120

OUTWARD AND INWARD UNITY CONFUSED.

(3.) The Union of the lohole Church into one whole, closely bound together in all its The external Unity of the Rornisk parts Church.

would that of man by His illumination, show them wliat they could never find whose insufficiency by their own reason,
if it

were left to itself. thev felt deeply, Thus, from the obscure grain of musfar rather have been a proud It would sown in the world's field, did self-confidence, had they been so little tard-seed, increased above acquainted with the shallowness of their the tree proceed, which produce of the earth, and its own heart, the poverty of human reason, all the wisdom, as branches extended themselves in all direcand the self-deceits of human of tions; namely, this great whole of the to expect that, without the influence its scattered that higher Spirit of holiness and truth, Catholic Church, which in all and which, tliey could provide sufficiently for the ad- parts was still firmly united, in its origin, its development, and its convantage of their Churches. But this confidence, in itself just and stitution, was utterly different from all salutary, took a false and destructive turn, mere human institutions. The consciouswhen it was not constantly accompanied ness of being a member of such a body, bv the spirit of humility and self-watch- victorious over every opposition of earthly when power, and destined for eternity, must fulness, with fear and trembling men were not constantly mindful of the have been more lively and more powerful important condition under which alone in those who, having, in their earlier man could hope to share in the fulfilment years of heathenism, known no bonds of of that promise, in that Divine illumina- union except those of a political and sethe condition, that cular nature, had been blessed with no tion and guidance they were really assembled in the name feelings of such a moral and spiritual of Christ, in lively faith in Him, and bond of unity, which bound mankind honest devotion to Him, and prepared to together, as all members of the same heaand when peo- venly community. Therefore, must this sacrifice their own wills ple gave themselves up to the fancy, that feeling have been stronger and more lofty, such an assembly, whatever might be the when all powers from without sought in Justly hearts of those who were assembled, had vain to tear this bond in sunder. unalienable claims to the illumination of might this unity, which revealed itself for then, in the confu- outwardly, this close bond of outward the Holy Spirit sion and the intermixture of human and connection, be of great importance to men were abandoned to every Christians, as the symbol of that higher Divine, kind of self-delusion, and the formula, life, by the participation in which all '' by the suggestion of the Holy Spirit," Christians were to be united together, as (Spirito sancto suggerente) might become the revelation of the unity of the kingIn the outward communion a pretence and sanction for all the sug- dom of God. gestions of man's own will. of the Church they perceived the blessing And further, the provincial synods of the inward communion of the invisiwould necessarily become prejudicial to ble kingdom of God, and they struggled the progress of the Churches, if, instead for the maintenance of that unity, partly
;

of providing for the advantage of the against the idealistic sects, who tlireatened Churches according to the changing wants to tear in sunder tlie inward bond of reliof each period, they wished to lay down gious communion, the bond of faitli, to unchanging laws in changeable things. introduce also into the Christian Church Evil was it at last, tliat die participation the old division between a religion for of the Churches [Gemeinden] was entirely those in a high state of cultivation and a excluded from tlicse synods, that at length religion for the people (wio-TK acl a^wo-j?,) the bishops alone decided every thing in and, as Clement of Alexandria justly acthem, and that their power, by means of cused them, to distract the one Church, their connection with each other in these and divide it into a multitude of theososynods, was constantly on the increase. phic schools;* and partly against those As tlie provincial synods were also ac- who, blinded by self-will or passion,

customed
ters

to

communicate

their

resolu-

tions to distant bishops, in weighty mat-

of general concernment, they were serviceable, at the same time, towards setting distant parts of the Church in connection with each other, and maintaining
that connection.

founded divisions on mere outward causes, while they agreed in faith with the rest. But this polemical spirit, though it proceeded from a lively Christian feeling,
*

The words

of Clement (Str.

vii.

755,) arc,

OUTWARD AND INWARD UNITY CONFUSED.

;

121

which deeply felt the blessing of religious visible Church, the kingdom of God, is communion, this inward life in the represented in this outward form and inChurch, though it proceeded from a truly ward communion with that invisible Christian source of warmth, was apt to Church, as well as the participation of all
seduce men into the opposite extreme of overprising the external unity of the Church, and of overprising the existing forms in the Church, with which that As men in the unity was combined. churchly life, as long as it proceeded from of Christianity, and was inward feelings still animated and penetrated by them, and ere it had been benumbed in dead forms, became conscious of this intimate connection between the visible and the invisible

her advantages, is necessarily connected with outward communion with this external

Church, which exists

in

these

forms.

The confusion between the views of Old and those of the New Testament on the theocracy, which we remarked above in the notions of the priesthood,
the

also
in

made

its

appearance again here.

As

the

Old Testament, the establishment

and earthly things as the theocracy of the Old Testament was necessarily joined with a definite outward and visible priesthood, so also they would have it, that together in the experi- that of the New Testament was also nejoined and melted ence and the feelings of every one, and cessarily joined with an outward priestalso to lay it down in theory, that it was hood of the same sort, divinely founded bound together in a necessary and indis- also. Men forgot that tlie difference beAnd thus then arose the tween the Church of Christ and the thesoluble union. confusion between the visible and the in- ocracy in the Old Testament, did not visible Church, the confusion of the in- merely consist in the difference of outward union of the invisible Church, an ward signs and forms, but tliat there was
visible
;

men, in the communion of this visible Church, felt deeply the blessing of communion with the Redeemer and with the whole body of saints, which receives its Divine living powers from Him, its head, and spreads them among its individual members it was more likely on that account, in this po-

Church

as

and the extension of tlie theocracy Avas necessarily connected with many outward earthly things, which vvere only shadows and figures of that which was to appear
in
all
its

reality

in

Christianity,

men

Would have it, that the theocracy of the New Testament must also depend for its establishment and propagation on similar

lemical contrast, that they should be led away, so as too closely to interweave in idea also, that which had been thus

imion of spirit which consists in faith and love, with the outward unity of the visible Church, which is dependent on certain and outward forms. As these forms of the Church were the instruments through which, by means of the feelings engendered on these forms, men had received the blessing of communion with the invisible Head of the Church, they were more easily induced too closely to join together form and essentials, the vessel of clay and the inestimable heavenly
treasure,
to
attribute too

a far

more important

distinction in the re-

lation of the

outward to the inward, of earthly things to heavenly and spiritual things. This is a most essential error, and has been the source of many other errors, with consequence of practical importance, which afterwards gradually unfolded themselves.

We find this confusion between the conception of the invisible and the visible
Church, and the doctrine which M'as deduced from it, of an outward Church which could alone confer salvation, and hence of a necessary outward unity of that Church, first most decidedly pronounced and carried through most logically, in the remarkable book on the unity of the Church, (de unitate ecclesia;,') which Cyprian, the bishop of Carthage, wrote after the middle of the third century, in the midst of the divisions with which he had to contend. This book contains a striking mixture of falsehood and truth. If we understand what Cyprian says, as

much

to

the

earthly form, and to consider a subjective union, in the life and hearts of individuals, as an objective and necessary

The principle would form itself in one. the external Church, the following mode
:

which
is,

exists in this visible

all
;

with

outward form, these outward forms, a Divine

institution

we cannot make

a distinction

here between human and Divine; under this form has the Church received Divine
things from Christ, and

only under this form does she communicate them, and he referring to the communion of a higher receive them who receives them life, to the necessary inward union with alone can from her in this outward form. The in- the one divuie source of life in Christ, 16
1

122
from which alone true
life

CYPRIAN DE tNITATE.

can flow forth which had been delivered to the apostles. on all the members of the communion of Christ, according to this view, had imparted to the apostles, and the apostles, by saints, and to the necessary communion between this body and their head, through ordination, had imparted to the bishops, faith and the power of the Holy Ghost ; by means llie direction of the heart in external transmission, the power if we introduce into the con- of this feelings clusions of Cyprian, the difference be- of the Holy Ghost, by which alone all religious acts can receive their true effitween a visible and an invisible Church, between the inward unity of the kingdom ciency, was shed abroad and preserved of God, and tiie outward unity of a visible to all times through the succession of Church between an inward communion bishops. Thus by this living and conwitli the Church of the redeemed, and an stantly progressing organization of the outward connection with a certain out- Church, was maintained that Divine life, ward form, under which that Church, which is imparted by this intermediate
:

inward step from the head to all the members then, that remain in union with this organizaheart, in faith and in love, appears much truth in what tion and he who cuts himself oft" from indeed, we shall find he says against a proud and self-seeking outward communion with this outward spirit, whicli struggles to get free from its organization, shuts himself out from that connection with the one kingdom of God, Divine life and from the way to salvation. wliose licad, foundation, and centre-point, N o one can, as an isolated individual, by faith in the Redeemer, receive a share in is Christ, and is anxious to set itself up "Only en- the Divine life, which proceeds from Him as something independent. free the no one can, by this faith alone, secure for deavour," says Cyprian, "to sunbeam from the sun the unity of light himself all the advantages of the kingdom Break the branch of God, but to all this man can alone Avill not be broken. from the tree, and it can bear no fruit attain by the instrumentality of the CathoDissever the stream from the source, and lic Church, which has been preserved by Thus also the Church, the succession of bishops. dries up! it Now those who conceived the spirit beamed upon by the light of the Lord, extends its beams over all the world, but of the New Testament with a more unspreads prejudiced and purer mind, appealed with it is still only one light, which from the bosom justice against this confusion of the visiitself into all directions of that Church are we all born, nourished ble and the invisible Church, to the proby her milk, and animated by her spirit. mise of our Saviour, that, "where two or That which is torn asunder from the ori- three are gathered together in his name, ginal stem, can neither breathe, nor live there is he in the midst of them :" Matt, 1'his is cer- xviii. 20 and they contended that every separate and independent."* tainly all just enough, if we understand by union of the really faithful, under whatthat original whole, in connection with soever fonn it might be, was a true which alone each individual can thrive, Church. But Cyprian answers this objecthe invisible Church of the redeemed tion by saying, that Christ has at the same under their invisible head, Christ; if we time set forth harmony among the faithful, attribute that unity only to spiritual com- the unity of hearts in love, as the condition munion, and that separation only to a on which the fulfilment of this promise separation in heart but the fundamental rests. He, therefore, concludes," How can error, by which every thing which is such a one be in harmony with any one really true in itself received a false appli- when he is not in harmony with the body cation, was the transference of these of the Church itself, and with the whole notions from all this to an external host of the brethren } How can two or Church, appearing under distinct outward tliree be gathered together in the name forms, and necessarily dependent on them of Christ, if they are severed Irom Clirist a Church, which had maintained itself and Irom his Gospel .'" Taken by itself, from the time of the apostles, under its undoubtedly, the remark is just, tliat the

whose foundations

are

in

the

existing

constitution,
its

by means of the being together

successors of the

in the

bishops,
apostles,

pillars, the

cludes alike the

name of Christ incommunion of brotherly

and the heirs of the power, love and the communion of faith. He might also justly say, that those only, in [See Cyprian, p. 108, ed. Fell. Thia is the wliom this mark was present, could apply substance of a part of Cyprian's treatise, hut not this proniise to themselves, and he might justly oppose the application of it to those a literal translation of any part of it. H. J. R.]

;;

SALVATION EXCLUSIVELY IN THE CHURCH.

who, impelled by a
self-seeking and an

123

Guide and one Master, were to serve each unkindly qjirit, had founded divisions in other mutually. Such worldly thoughts the Church. But he was wrong also of grandeur, proceeding from carnal pride, here, because he was confounding cause had, indeed, scattered their seeds into the and effect; these separatists were not ex- breasts of the apostles, but it was before cluded from the fulfilment of that promise, they had been born again of the Spirit because they had departed from outward but how completely did their Divine communion with the great body of the Master condemn such thoughts; how Church; not through this outward sepa- expressly did He show them that they ration, but through the feeling from which should speak of nothing like pre-emitheir outward separation had proceeded nence, but only of a contest of humility, yes through that feeling were they ex- of self-denial, and mutual service. With cluded from inward communion with Him, none should make himself the first, Christ, and from his kingdom, even before but each the least among them all. Luke they had outwardly separated from the xxii. 24. St. Peter had his own peculiar visible Church. And, therefore, none charisma; He who looks into man's inbut the Judge who can search the inward most lieart, had recognised in him from heart, could decide whether such persons the very beginning the future rock of were excluded from the kingdom of God faith He brought into the service of the by their evil heart but that outward act holiest things the fiery disposition of St. was always a fallacious token to deter- Peter, and his thorough going activity, mine that such an evil heart existed. As qualities we must avow, which first rethe visible Church, considered in itself quired the influence of the Spirit from on alone, is not the spotless Church of high to change their carnal turn into a saints, and always bears many marks of spiritual, to purify and to ennoble them. the old and sinful nature upon her, which Through these means, Peter might bemay have led men to mistake the charac- come, in a peculiar degree, an instrument
: ! :

capable of furthering the kingdom of God by inno- after becoming, through that purification cent motives, to quit a Church in which of his earthly fire of disposition, the rock they could not recognise the Church of of faith and power, he was to strengthen the saints. There might be right and and confirm the weaker brethren. Luke wrong on both sides, and misunderstand- xxii. 32. But, for all this, he had no
ter

really belonging

to

her

therefore,

many may have been

actuated

pre-eminence above the rest of the apostherefore, justified in judging the other, tles, the others had again other charisand instantly to condemn on account of mata, by which they would be enabled to outward acts, which may have proceeded eflect what his graces might be unfitted out of very different motives. for. When Christ called Peter the Rock As a false principle, by means of the on which He would build his Church, deductions which develope themselves (Matth. xvi. 18,) this significant declarafrom it, is the source of many errors, so tion did not refer to any station among the
the error of a necessary visible unity of aposdes, peculiarly assigned to St. Peter, Church led to the erroneous idea of nor on the person of St. Peter alone, a necessary outward representation of this but on St. Peter, as the real and lively
the
I

ings on both sides, and neither party was,

germ confessor of faith in Jesus, as our Mesapparently very indistinct, and of little siah, the Son of the living God, that signification, became, as it was further faith, which is the inviolably firm foundaunfolded, full of important consequences. tion of a Church, against which even the Such a representation of the unity of gates of hell shall not prevail. All who the Church, men found at first in the re- have received this lliith not merely in the lation of St. Peter to the other apostles, letter by human teaching, which can never a conclusion to which an unprejudiced give' such a faith, but in spirit and in consideration of history and Scripture truth through the inward revelation of the could not give rise. No trace is there heavenly Father, therefore become, like found of any pre-eminence assigned to St. Peter, rocks and pillars of the Church St. Peter over the other aposdes, and such of Christ, which all the powers of hell pre-eminence would have been contrary shall never conquer. To all such, in the to the brotherly relation, in which the person of St. Peter, as Tertullian and apostles stood to each other, and to the Origen have well remarked, is this word spirit of the economy of the New Testa- of the Lord spoken. The same spiritual ment, in which all, looking only to one power which Christ bestows in this place
unity.
in
its

This notion,

first

124

CATHEDRA
|

PETRI.

on St. Peter, He attributes in the same to rest upon in individual passages, which manner to the rest of the apostles in other they dissevered from the historical and John xx. 22. logical context, and which they made to i\Iatt. xviii. 18. mean every thing, which the mere words, in"tliie conversation which our Saviour could possibly sigheld with this apostle after the resurrec- taken by themselves, So did it here happen, that when tion, (John xxi. 15,) He certainly had no nify. intention of investing him with any pre- once the idea of a necessary visible unity eminence over the rest; but it was by far of the Church had been formed, an idea, which the notion of a visible reprerallier his intention, to try a mild reproof from
| j i

Peter's former self-confidence, sentation of this unity in some definite St. whicli his subsequent conduct had con- spot in the Church could easily develope

of

and shown to be unfounded, to itself, this latter notion found support and exhort him to faithfulness in his calling, foundation in a misunderstanding of the which was no other than that of the rest passages relating to St. Peter. Cyprian justly remarks, in his book on of the apostles, and, indeed, of all As before, St. the Unity of the Church, that all the apospreachers of the Gospel. Peter, hurried on by his impetuous tem- tles had received from Christ the same per, in rash self-confidence, without rightly dignity and power as St. Peter ; but yet, Avcighing the import of his words, had in one place, thought he, Christ imparts promised, that even if all the rest should this power especially to St. Peter; he yield to the fear of man, yet he would says in particular of him, that He will
tradicted

Lord, and willingly give him, (John xiii. 37. Matt. xxvi. 35,) our Lord here reminds him, in words of mild reproof, but full of love, of this promise, which, because it had not proceeded from a spirit of humility had come to shame " Sayest thou still," He says to him, " that thou lovest me more And than these thy fellow-disciples ?" St. Peter, now brought to a knowledge of himself, and to a spirit of humility, is in a totally diflerent mood, and far from measuring himself with others, say.s, with a trembling spirit, " Oh! thou that knowest the heart, thou knowest how, notwith-

remain true

to his

build his
to

up

his life for

the care of his sheep to

Church on him He commits him in particular,

;

show how

the

development of the

Church and of the priesthood should proceed from one point, and to point attention to the unity of the Church and of The apostle Peter the episcopal power. is here the representative of the one Church, remaining steadfast in her unity, which proceeded from a Divine foundation, and of the one episcopal power, a power which, although it be diffused among many organs, still is, and remains only one in its origin and nature. And
therefore,
[

he

who

departs from outward

standing that momentary burns with love to thee!"

fall,

my

heart
I

communion with

the one visible, catholic

Our Saviour Church,

j

tears himself

away from

that re-

now points
show

out to him,

how this love must

i

itself in actively fulfilling the duties How of his calling, and what proof of his love ment, to the person of St. Peter. he must one day be ready to give. This then can any one expect to remain a love must show itself in a faithful care of member of the Church of Christ, while the souls of men, who are to be brought, he quits the Cathedra Petri, on whom by the preaching of the Gospel, to the the Church is founded.* But although we should agree to reone true common Shepherd,* who alone He who, cognise the apostle Peter as the represencan satisfy all tlieir wants. when his hour of suffering was at hand, tative of the unity of the Church, it by no deserted his Lord, was, through love to means follows that a similar representative Him, to receive the power as a true shep- must exist in all the ages of the Church. herd of human souls, after the example It follows still less, that this representa|

presentation of the unity of the Cliurch, which was annexed, by Divine appoint-

of Christ, to sacrifice his life in the calling of a preaclier of the Gospel. History, and the interpretation of Scripture, therefore, never could have given rise to the notion of an apostolic primacy of St. Peter, imlcss, as often happens, men had .sot out from preconceived ideas, and
souglit

tive

must necessarily be

in

connection

* One trace of this method of explaining the pxpressions relating to St. Peter, is found in Tertullian, Pncscript. Hmret. c. xxii. This is a proof of the non-Montanistic spirit of that work, because,

on the contrary,

and found a foundation

*

for

them

in his work, de Pudicitia, where he speaks as a Montanist, he apphcs these passages to tlve person of St. Peter only as an " homo
spiritali;;,"

See the parable in John

x.

who were

and makes them also applicable to " spiritales," as well as St. Peter.

all

ASSUMPTION OP ROMISH BISHOPS.

with the Romish Church; for although the tradition that St. Peter visited tlie Church at Rome has never been called in question on any sufficient grounds, yet it is quite certain that he did not found this Church, and that he had never been in any
particular
in a passage
Iv.

125
all

beyond

controversy, (Ep.

the

ad Cornel. Ep. lix. ed. Ox.,) he calls Church of Rome " Petri cathedra, ec-

clesia principalis,

unde unitas sacerdotalis

manner its Church can as little be

president.

This
Irenajus

called the Cathe-

dra Petri, as the Cathedra Pauli.

and Tertullian are aware that St. Peter and St. Paul founded this Church and an indefinite representation, and unfold gave it a bishop, and that they ennobled itself the better therefrom. This idea apit by making it the scene of their martyrpears early to have obtained a firm and dom but they were quite ignorant of any definite form in the minds of the bishops pre-eminence of the Romish Church over of Rome, and Roman ambition also apother " sedes apostolicae," as the Cathe- pears early to have mingled itself with Hence, as the idea of the out- ecclesiastical matters, and to have come dra Petri. ward unity of the Church might generate forward in a spiritual garb. that of an outward representative of that We observe that already, in early times, unity, so also the conception of this re- there were traces in the Romish bishops presentative, in the person of the Apostle of an assumption, that a peculiarly deciPeter, might easily receive such an appli- sive authority was due to them, as the cation, as if such a representative of the successors of St. Peter, in Church controoutward unity of the Church in one defi- versies, and that the " cathedra Petri" was nite spot in the Church, essentially be- to have a prevailing sway before all other longed to the outward unity of the Church, " ecclesise apostolicae," as the source of and to all periods. And as most of the apostolical tradition. The Romish bishop Western Churches were now accustomed Victor, gave a specimen of this assumpto consider the Church of Rome as their tion, when he excommunicated the mother-Church, as the "ecclesia apos- Churches of Asia Minor, about A. D. 190, tolica," to whose authority they specially in consequence of a trifling dispute about appealed as they were accustomed to a mere external point.* In the Montanis; ;

exorta est." It must be confessed that this idea was at first very confused and indefinite, but after the false principle had once been admitted and firmly rooted, it might be just so much the more introduced into such

founder of the Romish tic writings of Tertullian, we find that Church, and to quote the tradition of that the Romish bishops had already issued Church as proceeding from him as Rome peremptory edicts in ecclesiastical matters, was then the seat of the political unity of and wished to make themselves considered dominion it came to pass, that men be- as "episcopi episcoporum,"! and that came accustomed to look upon the Church they were in the habit of appealing to the of Rome as the Cathedra Petri, and to authority of their "antecessores."| transfer what Avas usually said of St. The Romish bishop Stephanus, allowed Peter, as the representative of the unity himself, after the middle of the second century, to be carried away by the same of the Church, to this Cathedra Petri. In Cyprian we find this connection of ideas spirit of hierarchial encroachment as his already thus formed. We need not refer predecessor Victor, and in a controversy to the passage in the book de Unitate Ec- of no importance, he also was desirous
call St. Peter the
; ;

clesiae, in

which the reading

is

doubtful

in
*

many

different organs, is represented as one, in

passage,

if the suspected words in the following the spiritual power given by our Lord to St. Peter. which are here inclosed in brackets, are To renounce obedience to the whole cpiscopatus, genuine " Qui ecclesiie renititur et resistit, [qui or the cathedra of all the bishops, considered as one cathcdram Petri, super quern fundata est ecclesia, whole the Cathedra Petri is here the meaning of
:

Even

deserit,]

in ecclesia se esse confiditi:"

we have
was here

the phrase to assault or invade the Cathedra Petri.

*

no

right immediately to conclude that he

controversy about the time of celebrating

thinking of the cathedra Petri in the Church of Rome, as existing in his time, but according to the context, the clauses, " ecclesis redirectly

Easter, which per place.

we

shall

have to mention in
c. 1.

its

pro-

"Audio, edicf niti," and " cathedram Petri deserere," would be by tum esse propositum et quidem peremptorium far better taken in apposition, so as to make him pontifex scilicet maximus, quod est episcopus epissay, " He who breaks loose from the one Church, coporum, edicit." invades and injures the representation of the unity + Tertull. de Virgg. Velandis. of the Church, bound up in the person of St. Peter The controversy, which we shall also have to by Christ himself. The whole apostolical and treat of in another place, about the validity of bapepiscopal power and might, although it b set forth tism administered by heretics.

Tertullian, do Pedicitia,

L 2

126

Cyprian's declarations and

j

the Spanish bishops.

of imposing the tradition of the Romish that, out of your own religion and faith, Churrh as an invariable and decisive rule those things will be well pleasing to you for all other Churches; and he excom- which are agreeable to religion and truth. municated the Churches of Asia Minor We are, however, aware that some men and Africa, which would not submit to are unwilling to lay aside what they have once taken up, and are unwilling to change this rule.* But it was far from being the case, that their principles, but that they retain some these assumptions of the Church of Rome peculiarities of their own, without breakhad penetrated the whole body of Chris- ing the bond of peace and concord which In such in the first mentioned controversy, binds them to their colleagues. tians the Churches of Asia Minor, without be- matters we put no restraint on any man, a momentary error by the nor do we lay down any law, since every ing led into even high language of a Victor, declared their president of a Church has tlie use of his in the administration of his principles, and they opposed the tradition freewill of the Church of Rome by those of their Church, for which he will hereafter have " sedes apostolicse." Irenasus, the bishop to give an account only to the Lord."* After the violent declarations of the of Lyons, in a letter to the Romish bishop Victor, expressly blames his unchristian Romish bishop had been delivered, he the thing itself, proclaim'ed the same principle before an arrogance, although in which was the point in dispute, he agreed assembly of more than eighty bishops of with hini. He disapproved of the attempt Northern Africa, when he required of each of Victor to impose one form of churchly of them to give his sentiments freely, for life upon all Churches ; he declared that no one should make himself a bishop over nothing was needed but agreement in faith the bishops. When Stephanus appealed and love, and that this, so far from being to the authority of the ancient Romish injured by differences in outward things, tradition, and s])oke against innovations would only shine forth more clearly Cyprian said in reply,t that it was far through these very differences, and he rather Stephanus, who made innovations, recognised the right of all Churches freely and fell away from the unity of the Church. and independently to follow their ancient " Whence, then, is that tradition ? Is it customs in such matters. Although deduced from the words of the Lord, and Cyprian, as we have remarked above, con- from the authority of the Gospels, or from sidered the Romish Church as really the the doctrine and the epistles of the apos" cathedra Petri," and the representation tles ? Custom, which has crept in with of this outward unity of the Church, he some people, must not prevent truth from was, nevertheless, far from deducing from prevailing and triumphing, for custom these grounds that a right of decision, in without truth is nothing but inveterate [or controverted Church matters, belonged to antiquated] error." He very properly this Church. On the contrary, he firmly remarks, that it is by no means beneath and powerfully maintained the indepen- the dignity of the Romish bishop, any dence of individual bishops in the admin- more than of any other, to allow himself istration of their Churches after their own to be set right where he has gone wrong. principles, and he carried through what he " For the bishop must not only teach^ but acknowledged as right, even against the also ham, for he surely teaches best, who opposition of the Romish Church. In the is daily learning something, and advancing beginning of the second of those contro- by learning what is best." Firmilianus, versies to which we have alluded, when the bishop of Cssarea, in Cappadocia, in he communicated the principles of the testifying his agreement with Cyprian,
:

North African Church, which he well (Ep.

knew were
the

at variance with

the usage of

Romish,

Rome,

to Stephanus, the bishop of he wrote to him in the name of a

Ixxv.) expressed himself also very strongly against the unchristian conduct of Stephanus, when this latter forbade the

synod, as a college, which

itself quite equal

considered

Romish Church to receive the deputies of the North African Synod into their houses.

in dignity
;

and

rights,

He
*

accuses him, while he boasts of being

Pro communi honorc
et pro simplici. dilec-

would do to another and he said, " We have communicated these things to you,
dearest brotlier, in virtue of our dignity and in sincere love, for
Kihil iiinovclur, nisi

common
we
He

tionc

Qua

in re

ncc nos

trust vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus, quando habeat in ecclcia; administratione voluntatis sua; arbitrium liberum unusquiffique pra^positus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus. Cyprian. Ep. bcxii.
f Ep, Ixxiv. ad Pompej.

quod

tradituin est.

gave out, "so succfissioncm cathedram Petri habere." Cypr. Ep. Ixxiv. Ixxv.

MIXTURE OF GENUINE AND FALSE CHRISTIANS.

the successor of
St.

12T

Peter,

on

whom

the

insufficient

unity of the Church was built, of destroy- Ixviii., ing the unity of the Church, by his un- " The regular ordination (of the .successor He of Basilides) cannot be rendered invalid, charitable and ambitious conduct. opposes the tradition of other old Churches on the ground that Basilides, after the as well as dogmatical arguments, to the discovery and the avowal of his fault, tradition of the Romish Cliurch, which went to Rome and deceived our colleague had been brought forward, and in order Stephanus, who lives at a distance, and
:

In Ep. grounds, was void. (Ep. Ixvii. ed. Ox.,) he writes thus

is unacquainted with the true circumhe stances of the case, so that he, who had been deposed by a just sentence, was able observes that, in many Church they departed from the customs of the to obtain an unjust sentence to reinstate Church of Jerusalem and other old apos- him." Perhaps the mortified hierarchical tolical Churches, but that men had not ambition of Stephanus, in this event, althought it worth while to disturb the unity though Cyprian spoke of him as yet with and the peace of the Catholic Church on great tenderness, may have had some influence in exciting him to the stubborn part account of these differences.* Cyprian had already shown, on a for- which he took in (he second controversy, how far which we have just been mentioning. mer occasion of a different kind,

to

show

that the

Romans

did not observe

all things,

the apostolical traditions in

matters,

he was from attributing a supreme authority in the

Church

to the bishop of
in

II.

Church Discipline.
into
it.

Excommunication
and
re- admission

Rome, and from supporting him

exercise

the

from

the visible Church,

Spanish bishops, Basilides and Martialis, had been deposed from their office by the synod, as libellaticif and on account of other faults, and they had themselves acknowledged the The provincial validity of the sentence. bishops, having convoked the Church over which Basilides had presided, had already chosen another in his place. But the two deposed bishops went to Stephanus, the bishop of Rome, and he, assuming to himself the authority of a superior court, reversed the sentence of the Spanish Church, and replaced both of them in their office; whether it was that he found the grounds of justification, which they
of
it.

Two

The Divine Founder of the Church, whose penetrating glance could trace its
progress through the succession of ages, the significant parable in which He represented its condition, (Matt, xiii.) had

by

proclaimed, that it would consist, according to its earthly composition, of a mixture of true and false members, of such as, although united by the outward bond of the Church, were separated from one another by their inward dispositions, and in part belonged to the kingdom of God, in part to the ungodly world. He had before declared that this mixture should endure to the end of earthly things, and alleged, satisfactory, or whether it was He reserved the public sifting and sepathe custom at that time in the Romish ration of this mass of men, so different in Church, to take the part of those who their dispositions from each other, to his

appealed to

Spain, whether the

now arose in sentence or the reversal should be valid, and an appeal was made to the North African Church, The North to ascertain their sentiments. African synod, at Carthage, in whose name Cyprian answered, had no hesitation in declaring the sentence of the Romish bishop invalid, and they strongly charged the Spanish synod not to continue the two unworthy bishops in their offices. Cyprian did not enter into the question whether the Romish bishop had any riglit to make any such a judicial inquiry, but he declared without any further discussion that this unjust sentence, founded on
it.

contest
first

final

judgment alone. He had blamed and intemperate zeal of man, which, while it would separate the tares and the good seed before the proper season comes, is apt to pull up the hidden seed of the wheat with the tares, for much which is but weeds at first, may become changed to good fruit in the bosom of the Church. Many who at first had been members only of this visible Church, being gradually attracted by its influence from outward to inward things, might be
that hasty

formed

into
;

members of
manner

the

invisible

Church
the

and the outward Church

in this

may

only of the kingdom of God, which she is constantly * Eos autem qui Romre sunt, non ea in omni- for her genuine members, but also an inbus observaie, qua; sunt ali orignic tradita, ctfrus- structress to educate man for the kingdom tra apostolorum auctoritatcm prsctendcre. of God. Now no human eye is in a conto be not

and ought

revealer

and

representation

128

CHURCH

DISCIPLINE.

possible in its inward parts, and to dis^ notion, that a man might tnuh every human eye may be deceived countenance the yet continue in heaby appearances, to which the inward be a Christian, and habits of sin; the Churches, from thoughts do not correspond. But accord- thenish the beginning, renounced all communion ing to our Lord's expression, (Matt, vii.) are necessarily with those who had violated their pledges tlie good and the evil tree God-devoted life, and their baptismal distinguished by their fruits, but the iii- to a ward condition of this fruit, the disposi- vow of renouncing the kingdom of evil all its works, by any great and nototion from which the works proceed, and and on which, as far as the moral worth of rious sins, or whose conduct openly actions is concerned, every thing depends, showed that they were strangers to the often cannot be inquired into by a mere practical influence of Christianity, and human judgment. All evil does not show that they had continued to live like unservice of sin, or itself by gross outbreaks of passions and converted men, in the desires, so as to strike the eye, and much having left it, had relapsed again into it. the name of These men were to be shown, that under may appear to be done in Christ, with Cliristian intentions, to the these circumstances, they would be neceshonour of Christ, and seem to produce sardy excluded, by their conduct, from great temporary resu Its for the further- the enjoyment of the rights and advanance of his kingdom, which did not truly tages which belonged to the Christians. proceed from the Spirit of Christ, and is By this exclusion of unworthy members not recognised by Him as the work of from the society of Christians, the heathen His Spirit, as He says, that many will would also be deprived of an opportunity appear to have wrought great deeds in of laying the crimes of individuals, who his name, whom He will not acknow- falsely called themselves Christians, to
dition to effect such a separation in real
;

ledge as belonging to him. Matt. vii. 22. Nevertheless, although no human judgfully separate the genuine members of the Church from those who are not so, yet even mere human judgment, if it would only have followed the rules

the charge of religion

St.

itself.

ment can

Paul, therefore, declared the Chrisrtian Churches not only justified in ejecting from their society those whose con-

duct rendered them clearly unworthy of the name of Christian brother, but absocon- lutely bound to do so. 1 Cor. v. The of the Gospel, might have been dition to recognise as really evil much Christians might eat with all the heathen, foreign matter, which had attached itself and live in any sort of intercourse with but they were to avoid entirely all to the outward form of the Church, and them showed itself in the open outbreaks of an dealings of every kind with those brethren unregenerated and ungodly heart, and then who had fallen away from their religion, to eject it from the bosom of the visible to show them, in the most pointed manChurch. It belongs to the natural rights ner, that they had renounced all brotherly of every society, to exclude those who communion with them. Tertullian, thereare untrue to its principles from the fore, might say to the heathen, "Those society, and hence this was one of the who are no Christians, are improperly Such men take no part in our natural rights of every Christian Church. called so. In regard to the exercise of this right, the congregations ; they do not receive the Christian Church had only to follow the communion with us ; they arc become e.xample of the Jewish, for there were yours again through their sins ; for we already in the Jewish synagogues formulae have no intercourse, even with those for the exclusion of those who had de- whom your cruelty has compelled to parted from the principles of true religion, recant ; and we should by far rather eneither in theory or practice, and there dure among us those who have departed were, liesides, regular gradations of this from the principles of our faith by com3Iany difficulties and disad- pulsion, than those who have done so of exclusion. vantages, which rendered the exercise of their own accord. Moreover, you have
in a
;

this

riglit

more

didlcult

in

aflertimes,

no

right to call those

men

Christians

who

when

become more united, would perhaps have no existence while the Church remained

had have never been recognised as such by the Christians, who are unable to dissemble themselves."* one independent whole, entirely severed But the Church must also prove an infrom the heallien state. In order to pre- structress, she must never give up the serve the Church from the contagion of Ad. Nation, i, 5. heathen immorality, to keep it as pure as
civil aiul

ecclesiastical society

PCENITENTES
hope of recovering those who have
fallen

ABSOLUTION.

129

By this very exclusion from intercourse with the brethren, those persons, if they had still a single spark of faith within them, if they had ever received any wholesome impressions in their hearts, ought to be brought to a consciousness of their guilt, and awakened to a fruitful If there be any signs, as far repentance. as man can judge, of such a change in their life, then their brethren must offer them consolation, and receive them again
away
!

into

tlieir

communion.

This was the

imparted to them by the sign of peace and blessing, the laying on of hands by the bishop and the clergy. The pastors of the Christian Church, who were animated by the spirit of vital Christianity, did not fail to point to the inward nature of Christian penitence, and to represent those outward acts of penance, as tokens of the inward feelings and " If a man consensations of the heart. demns himself," says Tertullian, (de Poenit. c. ix.,) "God acquits him; so far as thou sparest not thyself, believe me,

arrangement of St. Paul. Many regulations were afterwards gradually made about the cases, in wliicli exconununication was to take place, and on the kind of life which the excommunicated ought to lead, when they desired to be re-admitto the communion of the Church proofs of repentance and penitence which they ought to give the length of time which they ought to remain under and all these things excommunication were arranged with due regard to the ted

God
stress

will

spare thee."

They

laid great

on the difference between the absolution of the priests and the Divine forgiveness of sins, and they declared that absolution can only reach its proper end in regard to him on whom it is bestowed, when he is really fitted for the forgiveness of his sins by the feelings of his heart, which are open to God alone, who can look upon the inward man. Thus Firmilianus, the bishop of Caesarea in

the

difference of the transgressions, and the

different

conduct manifested by the offend-

That class of (Gefallenen. Lapsi.) ers. them who had been excommunicated for their oflences, and by penitence, were
earning for themselves at iirst re-admission into the Church, and admittance to the communion, were called the Poenitentes.
c. ix.,)

Tertullian says, (de Pcenitentia,

"that they should express their contrition by their whole appearance, and with fasting;" (which, in these early

days, usually accompanied the special gathering up of the heart for prayer,) " they should pray to God for the forgiveness of their sins, make confession of their sins before the Church, and begging all dieir Christian brethren to pray in their behalf, they should throw themselves at the feet of the presbyters, and Origen (in the known friends of God."* the third book of his work against Celsus, p. 147,1) writes thus: "The Christians mourn for those who are carried away by lust, or any other passion, as if they were dead ; and when they have given proofs, for a long time, of their real change of sentiments, they receive them again for catechumens, just as they would receive men that rose from the dead." After their repentance had been proved genuine for a length of time, absolution and re-admission into the Church was
*

Cappadocia, in the latter half of the third century, speaks after this manner " The bishops and presbyters meet every year with us, in order to take counsel together on matters of general interest, and to consult for the spiritual cure of our fallen brethren, by means of penitence not as if they received from us the forgiveness of their sins, but that they may be brought to a consciousness of their sins by us, and compelled to make a more perfect satisfaction to the Lord." (Cyprian, Ep. Ixxv.) Cyprian himself declares, (Ep. lii. ad Antonian. Ep. Iv. ed. Ox.,) " We do not prejudice God's jurisdiction in this matter, so that He should not be the
: :

ratifier of what we determine, if He find the penitence of the sinner true and perfect.

any man has deceived us by repentance, then let God, not mocked, and can look upon the heart of man, decide on ihat in which we are unable to judge, and correct the
But
if

counterfeit
is

who

sentence of his servants."

But even here,

tence, there was, in

in

this

some

Church penidegree, a mis-

chievous taint of that confusion between outward and inward which we have above remarked ; of that confusion between the
visible

and the

invisible

that false representation of a

Church, and of New Testa-

[This
I

is

a loose translation of the original

J.

passage.

have followed the German.]

R.]

t [P. 143, ed. Spencer. H.

to that of the pure evangelic view of this matter, it is an exclusion from the invisible Cliurch alone that can prejudice the salvation of the sinner; and this, each man can only bring down upon

ment priesthood, analogous

Old.

According to

the

17

130

INWARD AND OUTWARD CONFUSED.

induce men to confound acts himself by his own dispositions; and, might easily required by an outward according 'to this view, there is only one of penitence means for him to obtain forgiveness of Church, acts which no human authority communion was justified in exacting as part of the his sins, and admittance to the law, acts which might be done in of the invisible Church that is, penitence Divine which, as an " opus with faith, by which the sinner appro- hypocrisy, and in operatum," that satisfied the law, men priates to himself what Christ hath done He who were apt to forget inward penitence it for the salvation of mankind. to confound these thus obtains communion with the Re- might lead men, [ say, deemer, is a member of the invisible acts with that true inward penitence of the any heart, which is an indispensable condition Church, whether he be received into Every Christian of forgiveness of sins and to confound visible Church or not. for himself, every Christian, without any likewise re-admission into the outward distinction, for others, can administer the communion of the Church with a receppriestly office, of announcing to himself tion into the inward communion of the or to his brother the forgiveness of sins, invisible Church ; and lastly, the priestly obtained for all mankind, and assured to absolution with the forgi^'eness of sins Absolution was, under them by the one eternal High Priest. tlirough God.* This declaration can never properly be this point of view, to be a peculiar act made, without the presupposed condition of the Judaeo-Christian priesthood, which All every Christian was not capable of perof a genuine repentance in faith. must depend on this heartfelt penitence; forming, and it must have been looked all that is outward can have no meaning, upon as something more than the mere except as a spontaneous fruit of that in- announcement of God's forgiveness of sin, ward feeling, as a free declaration of that which every Christian, as a preacher of feeling, not dependent on any thing ar- the Gospel, was competent to make for
; ;

bitrary whatever.

be different, according to the difference of men's hearts, relations and circumstances. The feelings of the heart will not bear to have it prescribed, in what uniform mode, and by what outward demeanour of a settled and prescribed character, they shall be shown out-

may

himself and others. The spiritual power of the apostles, also, in this respect, would be conceived transferred to the bishops by means of ordination, and the power of binding and loosing committed to the apostles, was appealed to, although this promise of our Lord contained nothing to It may justify such an interpretation of it. be imagined that these words presupposed wardly. that error had once taken a gift bestowed by the power of the Spirit But then, after deep root, men must have attributed a of God on the apostles, a gift of looking in virtue of greater importance to excommunication into the hearts of men,

These outward

acts

from the

Church, than they ought to do, when considered in itself, in a pure and evangelical point of view, because this visible Church appeared to them the only means by which they could enter into communion with tlie invisible. This fundamental error might easily lead men to confound the confession of their sins before the outward Church,* which is no essential part of true penitence, the humiliation before an outward ('hurch, before a visible priesthood, before men and creatures, an liumiliation which cannot be prewith an inward scribed fairly to any man confession of sins before God, with an .,. .,. ,, I f ^ f^ ,.,;,i.,.f heartfelt humiliation before God, witiiout /hich there can be no true penitence ; it
visible

which they were able

each
individual
case,

to distinguish, in

the

dispositions

which made men

fitted to

receive the for-

giveness of their sins, from those which

excluded them from such a mercy

therefore,

and

was

it,

that theirf spiritual sen-

tence of condemnation or acquittal, being

founded on an infallible knowledge of men's hearts, by which they judged, must

against the

[This accusation has sometimes been made Church of England hy those who will understand her forms of absohuion in a sense
*

which by
disclaim,

far the greater part of her writers utterly

and a sense which

spiled (the

.-

quite incompatible with the prayer

J;^^^,^ ^^j,

in the form most asform in the visitation of the sick) is which imme.^

J^

g^^^

^^^^^'^ ^,^^,

^i.represcn-

on this subject arc noticed in an article in the number of the British Critic for July, 1831, on As in the following words of the confessors, Stratten's Book of the Priesthood. H. J. K.] friesprechender, in a letter to Cyprian, Ep. xxvi. (Ep. xxxi. cd. f ["Ihr verdammender, oder Germ. "Gcisllicher" Ox.,) where they bring forward, as a mark of true ,S;eisllichcr Richtcrspruch."
tations
{(cnitence, the

" huniilitas atque Pubjectio, qua; alienum de se expcctat judicium, alienam dc suo
UBlinet sentcntiam."

is,

siastical.

perhaps, here to be taken in tho sense of eccleI therefore, quote tho original, that my

readers

may

judge.

H.

J. K.j

'

POWER OP BINDING AND

necessarily harmonise with
the judicial

LOOSING.

131

heaven to believers, in as far as they do sentence of God, who declared his judg- believe, and of proclaiming condemnation ment by tliem, as his organs, and it would, and exclusion from the kingdom of God therefore, infallibly be ratified and rendered to the unbelievers, in as for as they exclude themselves by their guilty desires and dispositions from the only justifying and saving means, and from the only means of admission into that kingdom; for the Gospel, by its very nature, (2 Cor. would be a gift of a nature, of which we ii. 14,) is a savour of life unto life, or of find some examples certainly among the death unto death, just as men make it by apostles, as in the conduct of St. Peter their own dispositions. And thus there towards Ananias and Sapphira; but then will be found in that promise nothing such a gift could only be required or ser- more than what is competent to every viceable for the peculiar calling of an Christian, who preaches the pure Gospel. apostle, and we cannot conclude from any If men had made clearly the distincpassage in the New Testament, that sucli tion between the visible and the invisible a gift should continue forever in the Church, and declared clearly, that absoluChurch, and least of all that a priesthood tion is nothing else than the announceshould be propagated in the Church as the ment of the forgiveness of sins, which is possessors of such a gift. And yet, after bestowed by Christ under the condition all, we do not so much as once find that of faith and repentance, then the controeven the apostles ascribed to themselves versy between the milder and the stricter any abiding gift, by which their judgment party, as to penance, might have been on men's hearts was to be preserved in- more easily set at rest. All were agreed on the distinction between those sins, fallible in every case. If we now compare particularly the into which all Christians might fall, in context of this promise, in John xx. 21, consequence of the sinfulness of their naand similar passages, where Christ pro- ture which clings to them, and those claims the apostles his trust-worthy or- which clearly show, that he who comgans in the preaching of the Gospel we mits them, is still living in the service of shall be led to see nothing in the power sin, as a constant habit, and that he is of the keys, as regards the kingdom of none of the redeemed nor regenerate, that heaven, than the power which lies of it- he is no Christian, and is in the land of self in the power of preaching the Gospel, destruction in short, the distinction bethe power of proclaiming remission of tween " peccata venialia" and " peccata sins and admission into the kingdom of mortalia," or "ad mortem." This distinction was found in the first Epistle of
efficacious.
nists,
in this

And

case the Monta-

and in some degree, Origen,* would have had a full right to apply this promise, but to those only who had the same meaThis sure of illumination as the apostles.

Origen, who had experienced in his own person the prejudicial effects of the ecclesiastical power of judgment, assumed by the bishops, con*

St.

John

men reckoned

besides the denial of the faith, as sins of the second class

deceit, theft, incontinence, adultery,

&c.

this

tends against it, (T. xii. Matth.) and says, that power, committed to St. Peter, could only be

Now

the principle of the milder party,

:

partook with St. Peter of that passage, him by the Spirit of God, could pass an infallible sentence, through which God himself would judge. "But as for those who, in order to make themselves of consequence as bishops, made use of this passage and applied it to themselves, as to St. Peter, as if they had themselves received the keys of the kingdom of heaven from our Saviour they must be told that they are quite right, iftheij possess those tki7ii^s, on account of which this was said to St. Peter Him. who is not bound by the chain of his sins, neither God himself, nor he, that is St. Peter himself, can bind. But if a man be no St. Peter, and hath not that which is there named, he misunderstands the sentence of Scripture in his pride, and judges in his pride like Satan."*
all

conceded to those

who

the " predicates" contained in

who

alone enlightened like

which gradually obtained the upper hand was this the Church must receive every fallen member into whatever sins he may have fallen, she must hope for the for-

giveness of the sins of all, under the condition of a sincere repentance, and, at least in the hour of death, the absolution and the communion must be given to all such as have shown true penitence up to that time. The other party would never consent to the re-admission into Church communion of those who had violated their baptismal covenant by sins of this

* [The passage from which this is abridged occurs in Huet's edition, vol. i. p. 279, 280, iu ^ xii. on Matth. H. J. R.]

They said these men have despised the forgiveness of sins which Christ obtained for them, and which was assured to them in baptism, no decree of. God is revealed in regard to them, the
latter kind.
:

Church

is,

therefore, in

no case

justified

; ;

132

CHURCH

DIVISIONS.

not suffer sinners; the of God towards repentant holiness of oilier wished to uphold the God, and feared that men should make a sinful and on which we can, therefore, pass no their brethren secure and easy in on the power of judgment, were discontented with this life, by a false reliance choice, (perhaps, because some one or the absolution of the priest. other of the opponents of Cyprian had Church, promised himself the episcopal office,) III. The History of Divisions in the or Schisms. and the chief persons at the head of this these The schismata, or what in stricter lan- party were five bresbyters.* Now five presbyters continued their efforts, toguage are called divisions of the Church, gether with their supporters, to contend mus't be carefully distinguished from what The former against the episcopal authority of Cyprian are properly called heresies. and as the presbyters were still mindful are such separations from the prevailing of their former rights, and desirous to Church, as arise from certain outward preserve their old influence on the govoccasions and circumstances, which reernment of the Church, it was impossible late to the constitution and discipline of to avoid a contest between a bishop like the Church ; the latter are such separa^ Cyprian, a bishop who would act decitions^fVom^Vas^sprin'ff from "differences dedly with strong views of the highest and controversies on points of doctrine spiritual power, which he believed himWhile, therefore, what we have to say of self to possess by Divine right, and his the latter is intimately connected with antagonists in the college of presbyters. the genetic development and progress of It usually happens, where men, even Christianity, as far as regards its doctrines, those in whom a life proceeding from God the representation of the former is in the has begun, but in whom the old man is closest connection with the history of the not utterly destroyed, contend for their constitution and discipline of the Church, rights, instead of striving to excel in the and both illustrate each other mutually. execution of their duties in the spirit of In a dogmatical point of view, indeed, the charity and self-denial, that on both sides history of the Church divisions is only prejudice and passion make them look on important as serving to illustrate the prowrong as if it were right and this was gress of the doctrine about the Church, But then, Ave are here the case here. but then the development of this doctrine deprived of the knowledge of all the ciris completely interwoven with the history cumstances necessary to enable us to deof the constitution of the Church, so that cide and separate right from wrong on it seems the most suited to our purpose, both sides, because we have only the parto bring forward the history of schisms tial account of one side of the question in connection with the chapter which and that too, an account which bears upon treats generally of the constitution of the it, at times, plain marks of a passionate Church warmtli In this period we have to record two An unprejudiced consideration will cerremarkable divisions in the Church, both tainly not fail to recognise in Cyprian a of which, as well in regard to the time disciple of Christ, a man animated by the which they arose., as to the Churches and love to the Redeemer and his persons v/ho bore part in them, are in- spirit of It is not to be denied that he In the his- Church. timately connected together.
;
I

the forgiveness in proclaiming to them them of their sins, and she must leave The one party would the hands of God. anv limits to be put to the grace

The former had its source, remote indeed, but lying deep, in the circumstances which accompanied the election of Cythis prian to the bishopric of Carthage person had been chosen by the voice of the Church but a part of the clergy, from reasons with which we are unacquainted,
:

as a trua tory of both these divisions, the monar- was affected towards his flock, their advantage chical episcopal system is seen coming pastor ought to be, that forth victorious from the struggle with * We see this from the words of Pontius, where presbytcrianism in both, Catholicism he speaks of the election of Cyf)rian " Quidam. rises victorious over separatism, and both ilh restiteruiit, etiam ut vinceret :" compared with divisions tended to the establishment of the passage in Ep. xl., where he speaks of tlie ma:
:

the system of the unity of the Church.

These
/

1r and of Novatian, the former pr9ceeduig L^j.^i^^^ K -rTVT__i A r_: from <i-- /-iL the Church of Northern Africa, and contra noa impugnationem suam. cd. Ox.) the other from the Romish Church

,,,,-,,

divisions are those of Felicissimus

^,i

" Conjurationis chinations of the five presbvtcrs ''"' '"''"^^'^''^ ct antiqua ilia contra episcopatura
:
!

meum, uno

contra suflragmm vcstrum ct Uei instaurant veterem .etj^cnte

'
.

"

..

.^ (Ep.

xliii.

THE CHARACTER OF CYPRIAN.

Jay sincerely at his heart, and that he wished to exercise his episcopal office so as to maintain discipline and order in his

133
priests ought to be
his apostles

ing
ble,

him

that

"Me

humwere

for even Christ and

hmnblc.''''*

Church

but then,

it

is

also certain, that

a they hated, in many indewhich these best qualities of man may be pendent proceedings in the management an evil which of Church affairs, or at least in such proadulterated and corrupted, is exactly the most dangerous to those ceedings as Cyprian, who looked upon who are furnished with the choicest gifts the matter from the episcopal point of and powers for the service of the Lord, view, might consider an infringement of and is then most dangerous when it takes the bishop's rights. One of them, by a spiritual form ; it is certain that he was name Novatus, a rnan,! it would seem, of not sufficiently upon his guard against * Cyprian, Ep. Ixix. (Ep. Ixvi. ed. Oxon.) pride, with all its overheated suggestions. That for which he struggled, the full This layman was Florentius Pupianus, probably
bisliop

he was not enough upon his guard against the fundamental evil of human nature, which is always ready to fix itself on some of the best quaUties in man, and by

These five presbyters, or at least some of them, were probably presidents of separate Churches in or near Carthage,

and

had indulged themselves,

in defiance of

whom

power of the episcopacy, was exactly the rock on which his spiritual life made shipwreck in the bishop '' appointed by God himself, and acting in the name of Christ,"
;

a confessor,
Felicissimus.

who joined himself to The letter of Cyprian

the party of
to

him

is

not

calculated to contradict the accusation of a

want

he forgot the man, living in the flesh, and exposed to all the tempatations to sin, which others undergo in the bishop called to govern, and gifted with inviolable authority from God, he forgot the disciple of Christ, the tender-hearted and humble
;

Christ, appearing in the

form of a

ser-

vaiit^for the service of his brethren.

Had

he always remained true to tliis spirit of discipleship to Christ he would have been able, with more ease to himself, and more salutary fruits to the Church, to have conquered his enemies, than by all his insisting on the inalienable rights of episcopacy, and all his appeals to supernatural revelations, visions, and dreams, in which it might happen to him, to confound the self-delusions of prejudice and pride with
the inspirations of the

of humility. Pupian had declared that he had a scruple in his heart about Cyprian, which must first be removed, before he could acknowledge Cyprian for his bishop in real sincerity, (scrupulum sibi esse toUendum de animo, in quern inciderat.) Instead of applying himself to investigate and remove what might be a subject of reproach to Cyprian, in the opinion of this layman, who seems a well-intentioned person, although led astray by the hasty opponents of Cyprian, this letter appeals only, with episcopal pride, to the judgment-seat of God, who had appointed him bishop, and declaims against the iniquity of any man making himself a judge over the priest called
to his office

f This

is

by God himself. all which we feel

justified in

saying

of Novatus after an impartial investigation, as far as we can judge from the deficient and partial

documents we possess. The accusations which Cyprian himself brings against him, Ep. xlix.
(Ep. lii. ed. Ox.,) would, we confess, if they are founded on fact, make him appear in a most unfavourable point of view but these accusations bear completely the stamp of blind passion, which without investigating the matter competently, trusts deceitful rumours, and gives itself up to a
;

Holy

Spirit.

It

Well might Cyprian take to heart the re- about to be called before an ecclesiastical tribunal proof which a layman who had joined on account of his offences his conscience conthe opposite party, gave him, by remind- demned him, and he was rejoiced at the outbreak
;

was, for example, undoubtedly, a different spirit which allowed him to conceive the most unjust mode of drawing conclusions. The pretended heavenly voice to be a warning usual mode of controversy was here employed " He who to attribute bad motives to the opposite party, and to his opponents, when it said believes not Christ, who appoints the to assume these as certain, just as if man's inward heart had been laid open, without giving a priest, will hereafter be obliged to begin single proof in support of these suppositions. to believe Christ, who avenges the priest."* According to this representation, Novatus was
:

of the Decian persecution, which stopped all proceedings against him, and in order to escape the

Ep. Ixix. ad Florientum Pupianum. Oxon.) In these cases his adverhad a right to blame him for the " somnia ridicula et visiones ineptas," to which he was in
(Ep.
Ixvi. ed.

* See

saries

sentence of condemnation, which awaited him after this was over, he set on foot all those disturbances of which we shall have to speak hereafter,

the habit of appealing, although every thing of this sort need not have been the delusive reflection

There may have been of prejudice and pride. gifts of grace present to him, on which self-delusion fixed itself, because they served to nourish
pride, instead of being used with humility.

and broke loose from the niling Church. How well put together are all these accusations, but During the Decian how improbable are they persecution, indeed, Cyprian himself acknowEp. v. [I ledges Novatus as a proper presbyter. believe the Letter here alluded to is Ep. vi. (ed. Ox. xiv.) in ed. Painel. H. J. R. j
!

134
restless

NOVATUS

ORDINATION
|

OF FELICISSIMUS.

Church governand enterprising character, and one monarchical principles of who rejected, with the strong spirit of jnient. Cyprian allowed Felicissimus to remain in his office, whether it was out freedom that belongs to the Church, the strong party, or whether voke of episcopal monarchy, but one who of deference to a passionate dis- it was only afterwards that the hostile 'irave way too much to his a congre- conduct of Felicissimus induced him to position", being the president of his ordination as irregular and gation and Church on a hill at, or near represent first com- invalid, and a violation of his episcopal to Carthage, had without being This anti-Cyprian party now missioned by the bishop, ordained one of rights. sought an occasion of coming forward his followers, by name Felicissimus, to This Feli- openly against the bishop, and it was ofbe deacon of his Church.* cissimus was one who was just calculated Ifered to them on the breaking out of the Decius, which took place to become an enterprising partisan, and persecution of
one who would possess an extensive m- very shortly after these events. We have before observed, that at the iluence among the congregation, from his Cyprian declares beginning of this persecution Cyprian had personal connections. time from his this an infringement of his episcopal withdrawn himself for a but Novatus, with his views, and Church, but he had, as we then saw, good rights accorditig to his presbyterian system, grounds to justify this step, and the very might tliink himself qualified, as a pres- best justification of it was afTorded by his byter and president of a Church, to per- martyrdom afterwards but still it was a form this. Which was right and which conduct on which, of course, a difference was wrong, was here not so clearly made of opinion might exist. Cyprian's eneout at that time, when the struggle was mies were glad to look upon the thing in undecided between the aristocratical and the worst light, and accused him of having been induced by cowardice to violate In order to judge of the conduct of Novatus in his duty as a pastor.*
; ;

these controversies, the following

is

an important

We

must observe, besides,

that

this

inquiry:
byters

Whether he was one of the five pres- party of adversaries to Cyprian had many who opposed Cyprian from the beginning 1 opportunities, from what happened during Moshiem has brought nmch to combat this suppoincrease their own
sition,

will be

and the most weighty of his arguments are unable here to adduced below.

the

persecution

to

We

number, and

to

instigate

men's minds

As we have before observed in the history of this persecution many were driven, by fear or force of the Cyprian, Ep. v., we have just quoted, five presbytorture, to conduct which was considered ters write to Cyprian, in order to make a request denial of the faith, and involved an One of those here mentioned, namely. as a to him. " ipso facto" excommunication. But most belonged to the five presbyters, acdecide with certainty upon this point; but still, the whole connection of the history is in favour In the Letter of of an afTirmative answer.

against the bishop.

Fortunatus, cording to Cypirian's

believe this
is

of them were afterwards disturbed by severe remorse for their guilt, and longed to return to the congregation of their brethprobable that all the four presbyters who here apren, and to partake with them of the Lord's pear as one party, were no others than the old An inquiry now arose; shall opposition party, the five presbyters, the Presby- Supper.

own

declaration,
v. p.

Ep.

Iv.

[I

Ep.

lix. ed.

Ox.

131. H.
it is

J,

R.]

As Novatus was

then with Fortunatus,

highly

terium Fclicissimi.
cipation,

which Cyprian returns

perhaps, discover a

Also, in the answer, by antito their request,

we may,

new

source of

irrita-

the
first

We may perceive by the manner in which Roman clergy spoke of this matter in their

Letter to the Church of Carthage, Ep. ii. (Ep. viii. ed. Ox.,) that some person had been able to with what he says of put it in a disadvantageous light before them, and Ep. xlix. (Ep. the machinations of the five presbyters, Ep. xl. that hence at Rome they were not inclined entirely (Ep. xliii. ed. Ox.,) and also with what Pontius to approve of the motives assigned by Cyprian ; for says of the old enemies of Cyprian, will bespeak they say, " in which he may have done well" (quod Cyprian, in consequence of the existence of only one anii-Cyprian party from utique recte fecerit.) a party which held together, this, expresses a suspicion that this Letter, in the very beginning which things so strange to him appeared, might be and in which Novatus took a conspicuous part.

The comparison of what tion against the bishop. Cyprian says of the machinations of Novatus,
Hi. cd. Ox.,)

Ep. iii. (Ep. ix. ed. Ox.) After.Sec Cyprian, Ep. xlix. (Ep. hi. ed. Ox.,) on a counterfeit. Novatus: "Qui Felicissimum satellitein suum wards, when he learnt that his opponents had re(haconum, nee permitteiitc me nee sciente sua presented his conduct in an unfavourable light at All this tends liome, he thought it necessary to justify himself by trtctionc, et ambitione, constituit." to show, that the naming Felicissimus to a dea- a proper explanation of the whole course of the caused by No- business, and he writes thus to the Roman clergy; con's ollice, preceded the division
*

vatus ; but in the absence of more circumstantial accounts of the matter, there is still considerable

"Quoniam

fideliter vobis" renuntiari, quffi liic

doubt on

this point.

sunt et geruntur."

comperi, minus simpliciter et minus a nobis et gesta Ep. xiv. (Ep. xx. ed. Ox.)

CHANGE
we
instantly accede
to
shall

IN Cyprian's sentiments.
Biblical Testimonies :*

1S5
" That to those

their wishes, or
?

we wholly reject their petition or who have sinned against God no forgivewe devise a middle course, by open- ness can be imparted by the Church."| ing to them a hope of re-admission into And from the passages'.}; which are there Church communion; but before it be quoted from Scripture, we see that by sin granted in reality, try their conduct for a against God he understood nothing but a
shall

long season of time, and demand contin- falling away from Christianity, which is a ued proofs of contrition at their hands ? very unsuitable description of such transShall w^e treat all these fallen brethren gressions, as if every sin were not a sin (lapsi) in the same manner, or shall we against God, and a falling away from but Cyprian judged more properly act differently by them, according to the God
I

difference of circumstances,

and the

differ-

in this respect afterwards, as

we

shall see

ence of their offences ? The Church was at that time without any general, recog-

Church penitence in was (see above) one party which would grant absolution to no man, under any conditions whatever, if he
nised principles as to
these respects
;

there

had once broken his baptismal covenant a mortal sin, (as the phrase went.) and among these sins they reckoned every kind of denial of the faith and every re-

by

lapse into heathenism.

Cyprian,*

who

used to consider Tertullian as especially his teacher, might perhaps, from the study of his writings, have received a bias to- ture, were all these to remain forever wards the principles of the stricter party, excluded from the blessed communion of in respect to penitence. Many passages their brethren that is, according to Cyin those of his books which were written prian's mode of view, from the Church, before the Decian persecution, lead us to in which alone is the road to heaven ? conclude, that he had formerly been an The paternal feelings of the bishop strugadvocate of the principle, that no man, gled against such a resolution but he who had committed a mortal sin, should dared not here to act on his own responreceive absolution. As for instance, when sibility. In this state of indecision, he he says,| ''These are the words of the gave it as his opinion, that they should Lord in warning ' See thou art become receive the fallen brethren, and exhort whole sin no more, lest a worse thing them to penitence but that the decision befall thee !' He gives the rule of life on their fate should be postponed till the after he has bestowed soundness, and he time when, after the restoration of trandoes not allow men afterwards to run quillity, the bishops, clergy, and Churches, about unbridled but rather as the man is might unite in some general principle on bound to serve Him for having been cured this matter, which so materially affected all

course of our history. But, although Cyprian was an advocate of this principle, when he first entered upon his episcopal office, yet now the great number of the fallen brethren, who asked for absolution, and some of them with the bitterest tears of repentance, must in some degree have shaken him as a man of tender and fatherly feelings towards his Church. Were all these, some of whom had only sinned from want of knoM'ledge, and others had only yielded to the flesh under the severity of the torin the

by means of some general and considerate deliberation, after a due examsins before he knows the doctrine of the ination of the thing in all its bearings. It Lord ; but there is no rnore forgiveness for was also to be remembered, that there was sins when a man sins after he has begun a great difference between the off"ences to know the Lord.'^'' of these fallen brethren, some of whom It may be alleged,
Hira,

by

He

threatens

him

the

more

se-

Christians,

verely, because the guilt

is

less if a

man

that Cyprian here only wished to mark had run to the altars of the gods, without strongly the greater guilt of a sin commit- making the smallest resistance, only to ted by a Christian^ and that this passage avoid sacrificing any thing earthly, while is only to be understood relatively ; but others had only failed out of pure ignorance, certainly more is intended in one of' the positions laid down in his collection of * De Testimoniis, lib. iii. c. 28.

f
* According to Jerome, de V. I., when he asked for Tertullian's books, he used to say to his sccreletary, " Da magistratum." Dc habitu Virginum. \ Nulla venia ultra delinquere, postquam Deum
j-

Non

posse in ecclesia remitti

ei,

qui in

Deum

dehquit.
\

The same passages which Cyprian

introduces

in the epistle to the clergy of Carthage,

faith

Ep. ix. (Ep. xvi. cd. Ox.,) on the subject of denial of the under j)er.socution. So also in Ep. xi. (Ep.
Ox.,)

xvii. cd.
licta,

we
in

find the contrast: "

Minora de-

nosse

cccpisti.

quse

non

Deum

comurituntur."

136
of the

THE LAPSI SUSTAINED.

conquered

flesh or by the weakness and the unquiet of the times ot persecution prechided any accurate discrimination between the offences and the moral state of individuals, and yet to a proper judgment on the part of the clergy, regard must be had to these points particu-

would themselves also remember this; if they would avoid being blinded by the excessive honour paid to them, and so being given up still more to the power of the hidden enemy, against whom they had still to fight as sinful men, and if they would take care not to use the moAnd then, too, the fallen brethren mentary victory, which they had won larly. themselves vvere to make themselves through the grace of God, to the nourishworthy of re-admission into Church com- ment of a spiritual pride. Many yielded munion, by active proofs of repentance to this temptation; they granted the peace which the persecution itself gave them the of the Church, to those who asked it of " He who cannot them, in an imperative manner, and acted best means of doing.
and
bear delay," says Cyprian, "may obtain Under for himself the martyr's crown." these impressions it was that he acted, in comforting all the fallen brethren, who
desired
as if there

needed nothing but

their voice

for the absolution of the fallen brethren.

The

clergy,

right, in

absolution,

by

directing

their

tation,

who ought to have set them consequence of Cyprian's exhorand to have led them to humility,

thoughts to the end of the persecution, when their circumstances should be inBut some of the clergy, and quired into. as Cyprian afterwards learned, his old adversaries, took up these men, strengthened them in their demands, instead of exhorting them to submit quietly to the bishop's decision, and made use of this opportunity to excite the schism in the

Church

which they were anxious

If these fallen brethren

to see.

had only been

supported in their impetuous demands by the presbyters opposed to Cyprian, without finding any other support, their opposition against the bishop's measures

would have had less weight. They found means, however, to win over to their cause a voice which then had very great
influence

among the Christians, the voice of those " Witnesses of the Faith," who had made confession of their faith under torture, or who went to meet a martyr's It was death after making confession. altogether in the character and spirit of Christian martyrs, to make their last legacy a legacy of love, to speak with their latest breath rcords of love to their brethren ; it was quite consonant to their spirit, * " Communicet ille cum suis." According to that those who were about to enter into Cyprian, Ep. xiv. (Ep. xx. ed. Ox.,) thousands of glory after a firm and victorious struggle, these " liBelli pacis" were set forth every day by should show a sympathy with their the confessors without examination. In the end
!
i

only strengthened them still more in their notions, and used them as instruments to further their own machinations against the bishop. They put the bishop very often in no small embarrassment by their imperative, and often very indefinitely Such, for examexpressed, declarations. "Let this or that ple, was the following person be received into Church communion, together with those that belong to him :"* an expression which allows of such various and indefinite explanations and applications! Those who applied these indefinite expressions to themselves were very proud in the notion, that the confessors or the martyrs had given them absolution, and they would hear of no delay, and suffer no trial of their conduct to take place. The less they showed proper contrition and humility, the less Cyprian was inclined to accede to their impetuous demands, and hence he was easily held up to odium as an enemy to the honour due to the heroes of the faith. He was fulfilling his duty as a pastor, when he powerfully and firmly opposed the exaggerated reverence paid to those
:

weaker brethren,

who

had yielded

in the

fight; and, lastly, should

fallen brethren to the

commend
it

these

benevolent accept-

ance of the Church.

also, that the

And

was just

of the second century, TertuUian speaks of this custom as of an ancient one. " Pacem in ecclesia non habentes, a mattyribus in carcere exoiare conAs a Montanlst, sueverunt." Ad. Martyr, c. i.

word of

these witnesses of
that they
like
all

the faith slmnld be held in especial esteem,

if

men would only remember,

also were sinful

men, needing,

others, the forgiveness of their

own

sins,

and

that they, as
slill
;

long as they were in

to struggle constantly
if

the flesh, had

with the flesh

and

these witnesses

he speaks violently against the misuse which took place in this matter, and he hints that many were confirmed in their sins, by means of the " libelli pacis" granted to them inconsiderately by the confessors. De Pudicitia, c. xxii. The Council of Elvira expresses itself thus against the abuses, which were caused by these letters of recommendation of the confessors, whether real or counterfeit; " quod' omnes sub hac nominis gloria passim concutiunt simplices." Can. xxv.

HONOURING THE MARTYRS.

137

witnesses of the faith, (which was likely pretended to be acting, bestowed the peace to become the source of much supersti- of tlie Church on the fallen brethren, and tion,) as well as the false confidence on gave them what were called certificates their decision, which seduced men into of communion, (libellos pacis,) Cyprian security while in a life of sin. He pointed would not allow these to be valid, but out to the confessors, that a true confes- said on the contrary, "Although the Lord sion cannot be an " opus operatum," but has declared, that the nations must be that it muse consist in the whole course baptized in the name of the Father, the of tlieir conduct. [Ep. xiii ed. Ox.] Son, and the Holy Ghost, and receive ''The tongue which has confessed Christ forgiveness of their sins; yet this man, must be maintained pure and undefiled in forgetful of the law of God, preaches its dignity ; for he who speaks that which peace and forgiveness of sins in the name conduces to peace, that which is good and of Paul He remembers right, according to the command of the not, that the martyrs do not make the Lord, confesses Christ daily." When he Gospel, but the Gospel the martyrs." warns them against false security and Ep. xxii. [Ep. xxviii. ed. Ox.] He also against pride, he writes thus to them. made the same declaration expressly, in (Ep. vi.) "Ye must lay it much to the discourse* which we have quoted heart that what ye have happily begun, above, after his return to tlie Church may be perfected in you. It is but little "Let no man deceive himself; the Lord to be able to ohtain some advantage^ it is alone can show mercy. He alone can more to keejj what one has gained. The grant pardon to sins which are committed Lord taught us this, when He said 'See! against himself, who bare our sins, who thou art now whole henceforth sin no suffered for us, whom God gave up for more, lest a worse thing befall thee." So our sins. Man cannot be greater than also think thou, that He says to a confes- God ; nor can the servant forgive the sins sor 'See! thou hast become a confessor! committed against his master; lest a new sin no more, lest a worse thing befall crime be added to the guilt of the fallen thee !' Solomon, indeed, and Saul, and brethren, because they know not that
: : !
:

were able, as long as they way of the Lord, to keep upon them. As soon as the Lord's discipline was away from them, his grace went away also.
others,
in

many

which

is

written

'

Cursed

is

he that
xvii. 5.

walked

the

putteth his trust in man.'

Jerem.

the grace besioAved

We

must pray

to

the Lord;

the

Lord

must be appeased
declares that

for our satisfaction,

who

He

will

deny those who deny

hear that some are swelling Him, who alone has received all judgwith pride and yet it is written ' Be ment from the Father Do not proud, but fear.' (Rom. xi. 20.)* Our the martyrs give any commands It is Lord was brought as a lamb to the well, if what they command be lawful slaughter; and as a sheep before his and just Do the martyrs give shearers is dumb, so He opened not his any commands.' That which they commouth And shall then mand ought to be what is written in the any one, who lives through Him and in law of God ; we must know beforehand Him, dare to be proud and high-minded, that they have obtained, at the hands of unmindful alike of the conduct which He God, what they desire ; and then we are pursued, and of the commands which He to do what they command, but not before; laid on us, either by his own mouth or for it does not follow, as a matter of by the apostles ? The servant is not course, that the Divine Majesty lias granted greater than his master; let then those whatever human promises have declared. who follow the Lord be humble, quiet, Thus either the martyrs and silent, and so walk in liis footsteps; are nothing, if the Gospel can be annulled, the lower each man makes himself, the or they who are martyrs by the Gospel higher will he become !"t can have no power against that Gospel. When a certain Lucian, a confessor. [Let none of you, my beloved brethren, " in the name of Paul, a martyr," in com- tarnish the fame of the martyrs let none ; pliance with whose last commands he destroy their glories and their crowns. The strength of uncorrupted faith remains unimpaired ;] nor can he speak or do any * [St. Paul's expression is ^ C-^tiKi-.ipgiiw, which tlimg against Christ, ichose hope and Cjiirian has made into"IVoIi altum sapere."
. .

.>

'

H.

J. R.]

\ [This passage is taken with some abridgment from Cyprian. Ep. xiii. ed Ox. H. J. li.l

'

Sermo de

lapsis.

18

138
faith^ whose virtue

APPARENT VICTORY OF CYPRIAN.

and glory are
all in

sought no support from this one means, had nevertheless, distinguished themselves And yet Cyprian was not firm and by repentance and penance more than consistent enough in the opposition which those who had received this support.

ChriatP*

he made to the extravagant honour paid Now this conclusion, to which his conto the martyrs; and lie himself was in duct would give a very fair handle, is some degree carried away by the spirit favoured by the language which he made that prevailed among the multitude, which use of in granting this permission, "to he ought to have conquered and guided those who might be assisted in regard to by tlie spirit of the Gospel. The heat of their sins in the eyes of God by the help the summer in the climate of Africa pro- of the martyrs,"* instead of pointing the ducing many sicknesses, he yielded so attention of all, without distinction, to far as to give absolution to those among reliance only on one Mediator, and of the fallen brethren, who desired the com- blaming most unreservedly the fanciful nmnion in sickness and in the fear of self-confidence of those who believed that death, and supported their claim to it by they had really gained something of conone of the certificates of peace (libelli sequence by means of the human medipacis) conferred upon them by a witness to ation, of which they had been assured.
the

faitLJ

In his report to the

as his

Roman This
this

inconsistency was exactly the thing

Church he gave,

grounds for

to lay

conduct, that he wished, by means of this compliance, in some degree to assuage the violence of the multitude, and thus to counteract the machinations of those who were at the bottom of the mischief, and to remove from his own character the

him open to his enemies in a manner which they well knew how to use. Another circumstance, which would of

course serve to give greater weight to the opposition party in its connection with the fallen brethren, was the powerful voice of the Church of Rome, which had declared imputation of having refused the due itself in favour of the milder principle, not and becoming share of honour to the in the case of all the fallen, but of those who had become sick afterwards. Cyprian martyrs.J We see from this how injurious any declared also, that regard for the Roman prejudice, Church, with which he was always uncompromise with a prevailing any halfway defence of truth, must always willing to have any differences, had partly But this be, whether it proceed from a want of moved him to this compliance.! independence and firmness in our own Church had acted more in the spirit of opinions, or from fear of man and a false evangelic truth, because she directed the policy. If, on the one hand, Cyprian fallen brethren to the one only Mediacombatted the false confidence in the in- tor, and allowed of no distinction among tercession of the martrys by the weapons them except that of repentant and unreof truth, he supported it, on the other, by pentant. In that first letter addressed to the yielding; for it is evident that the recom- clergy of Carthage, she had declared in remendation of the martyrs must have had gard to the fallen brethren. Ep. ii. (Ep. a peculiar force and meaning, as soon as viii. ed. Ox. ) "We have separated them all the fallen brethren in a like condition from us, yet we have not left them to themand in the same moral state were not selves, but we have exhorted them, and do treated alike, but only those who had exhort them, to be penitent, if they may
this recommendation were to receive the thus be able to receive pardon from Him, peace of the Church and the communion ivho alone can hestow it : that they may not, hour of death, solely on account being deserted by us, become worse. If, therefore, any who have of this recommendation ; while it was still highly probable that many, whc had fallen into this temptation are seized with sickness, show repentance, and desire the * [I have taken the liberty of supplyincr one communion, they must be assisted." lacuna from the original of Cyyman, and inclosed And yet, by Christian prudence in the it in a parenthesis, page 7G. H. .1. R.] rest of his conduct, by uniting mildness p]p. xii. xiii. xiv. (Ep. xvili. xix. xx. cd. Ox.) with earnestness, by instructions and by t Ep. xiv. (E[). XX. ed. Ox.) "Ad illorum vio.

at the

-[-

Icntiam interim quodcjuo genere niitigandam vidcietur et honor niartyribu.s habendus, et eorum, qui omnia turbare cupicbant, impetus comjirimendurt." Of tlic other lapsi, on the contrary, lie speaks thus, Ej). xiii. (xix.,) " Qui nullo libello a martyribus acccpto invidiam faciunt ;" and this " invidia" or "odium" he was, therefore, afraid of.
,

'

cum

Auxilio eorum adjuvari apud

dclictis suis possunt.

Dominum

in

f f^p.xiv. (Ep. XX. ed.Ox.,)to the Roman clergy; " Standum putavi et cum vestra sententia, ne actus
nostcr,qiii
]

adunatus esse

et consentire circa

omnia

debet, in aliquo discreparet."

THE VISITATION
friendly, fatherly representations, by

FELICISSIATDS.

139

which

he

won

the better spirits

among

the con-

fessors,

by

the firmness with

which he

opposed the obstinate resistance of the by the love and the respect with which the greater part of the community viewed him, bishop Cyprian appeared already to have restored tranquillity to Carthage, and he was enjoying the hope of returning, as soon as the Decian persecution ceased, to the Church, from which he had unwillingly been absent a whole year, and of celebrating with them the feast of Easter, A. D. 251. But before this hope could be realized, he had to learn that the machinations of the party had been of a deeper nature, and that they were too closely bound together to allow of their being separated so easily. The fire which was smouldering in secret, only wanted an opportunity to break, out openly. Cyprian afforded them this opportunity, by
presbyters,
the exercise of his episcopal power in a matter of considerable importance. He despatched, it seems, before he returned to his Church, two bishops and two presbyters, as his deputies, with full powers to hold a visitation they were to assign to the poor, who from age or sickness were unable to do any thing for their own support, so much out of the Church chest, as might be necessary for the supply of their bodily necessities ; they were to give whatever might be needful to those who, though they had an employment, were unable to earn a livelihood by it, or who wanted money in order to enable them to buy the tools and materials necessary to carry on their trade, or who, having been ruined in their business by the persecution, were inclined to begin it again ; and lastly, they were to prepare a description of all the poor to be maintained
:

this time of ferment and unquiet in the Church, for those who were to enter its service, that thus the peace of the Church might be restored on a safe foundation, and the seeds of dissension choked. The presbyterian opposition party might not concede to the bishop the right of undertaking such a visitation, and making such a distribution of the Church chest of his own power, without calling together the whole college of presbyters, or at least they might object to such a right being exercised by Cyprian, on the ground that they did not any longer acknowledge hi?n as their bishop ; but it would have been utterly against their plan to allow him to carry through such an act of episcopal

autliority

Church government, by which his own would he confirmed in the Ciiurch, and the Church would be united more closely with him, and thus his partywould gain a considerable accession of

strength. The deacon Felicissimus, who might very well possess considerable in-

fluence over some part of the Church in his capacity of deacon, (for the deacons appear to have had greater power in the
as well as in its cognate Church,* the Spanish, than elsewhere,) who was, also, from some circumstances which we do not know very accurately, a very influential organ of that party, and, perhaps, particularly so in consequence of having the administration of part of the Church chest| under his care
:

North African Church,

* Concil. Illiberit. c. hxvii.

" Diaconus regens

plebem."
lii. ed. Ox.,) of Cyprian, that in the North African Church, the

f We may learn from Ep. xlix. (Ep.

deacons had to keep and administer the funds of the

Church
(Ep.

by

the

Church

chest. The accusations made against Felicissimus of " fraudes" and " rapine," Ep. Iv. lix. ed. Ox.,) " pecuniae commissse sibi frau-

chest, distinguishing their

dator," relate to this point.

There were similar which Fehcissimus

ages, circumstances,

and conduct during

accusations

against Novatus, the presbyter and

the persecution, in order that the bishop,

president of the Church, to

whose business it was to learn to know all was appointed deacon. Cyprian was, however, enemy to both of these men, and we must not of them accurately, might promote the an take these accusations from his mouth, as the worthy ones, and what was here particuevidence of an unimpeachable witness. An inde-

larly designed, the tender and humble- pendent apphcation of part of the Church funds, minded, to such offices in the Church as which were deposited in this Daughter-Church, in they were capable of filling. The latter which, according to their views, they might beregulation had this advantage, that the lieve themselves justified by their relations to the

powers of tliese persons would be suitably employed for the service of the Church, that they would also receive a proportionate degree of care, and at the same time a burden would be removed from the Church chest. The qualities, which were particularly to be attended to, mildness and humiliti/j were peculiarly requisite, during

bishop, an application of these funds perhaps directed by party spirit, and partial views, would

probably be represented by Cyprian as an unfaithfulness in their duty. At all events, we are too destitute of unprejudiced accounts, to be able to decide with any thing like certainty on the subject. [It appears* from the following passage of Ori*

[This addition to the note

the

addenda

in vol.

iii.

H.

is

incorporated from

J.

R.

140
this

NORTH AFRICAN SYNOD,

tliought that

A. D.

251.

deacon

he was

justified

communion without any preparatory steps,

word or two, in a matter and here, therefore, was a rallying point which concerned the appHcation of Church for all discontented spirits, which could he used all his persuasion, all his not fail to have the most prejudicial confmijg influence and power to excite a determined sequences in regard to the discipline and
in speaking a
;

of opposition to this episcopal ordihe declared in particular to the ; poor, who belonged to the Church of Novatus, in wliich he was appointed deacon, that he would soon contrive to satisfy all their wants ; and he threatened them, that if they appeared before the episcopal commissioners, he would never afterwards admit them to the communion of the Church.* This Church became now the assembling place of all tlie fallen brethren,
spirit

nance

order of the Church. Cyprian was induced, by these troubles, to delay his return to Carthage till after Easter, A. D. 251, until he could reckon

on meeting with

his

North African

col-

leagues for the purpose of holding the yearly synod, and thus find a support in them against the obstinacy of his opponents, and be able to unite himself with them, under the circumstances of the present controversy, after mature consideration, in some firm and consistent line of

not wait with patience till the lime for the decision of the whole matter here they were all received into Church
gen, Commentar, in Matth. f. 443, that the deacons to attend to the distribution of the Church
o

who would

had

funds;
x.tKa>:
<!(

Si

fJt

kiKcd;

Si-Mt-.vot

Jk/xcuvtsc tu. tc

-xiiTX

oUcnfAouvTiu i:XA*

<ra)c/ivT5c

Tov

vc/ut-

tl( K-.yOV

TTTCe^OKV SJof/.cVCeV. K. T. X.]

* Every thing here depends on what is the genuine reading and the proper explanation of the difficult words in Cyprian: Ep. xxxviii. (Ep. xli. ed. Ox.,) whether we should read " comminatus,

quod secum

in niorte,"' or " in

monte non commu-

Acnicarent, qui nobis obtemperare voluissent." cording to the reading " in morte" two explanations

may

be offered the one by referring the words " in morte," to Fclicissimus, and then the sense would be, that he himself, even in his dying hour,
:

conduct, based on general principles. This Council of the North African Church decided on a middle plan between the extravagant harshness of denying all hope to the fallen brethren, and the opposite extreme of weak compliance so that they might uphold Christian discipline, and yet not drive the fallen brethren to despair, by refusing them unconditionally, and forever, absolution and re-admission into Church communion, in such wise as to bring them, perhaps, at last, to give themselves wholly up to their vices, or First, the difrelapse into heathenism. ferent nature* of their offences was to be well weighed, and the communion was to be administered to all, even the " sacri;

would never recognise them as Christian brethren, that he would excommunicate them, and never be We do not, however, in this reconciled to them.

ficati" (those

who had

sacrificed to the

they showed repentance in their conduct, at least in any case of case, see very well, why such a threat should be mortal sickness. If these persons afterso very dreadful to the Christians of Carthage. wards recovered, they were not to be curAgain, if we refer the words " in morte" to the subthe benefit bestowed upon them tailed of ject contained in the verb " conmmunicarcnt," continue which certairdy comes nearer to the run of the by the grace of God, but were to whole passage, then the sense will be this that in the communion of the Church.l When they should never, even in their dying hours, be the persecution broke out again with inreceived into Church communion by him that is creased violence, a relaxation of this rule to say, they should never receive the communion was voluntarily made, which was promptfrom him as deacon, an office in which it was his ed by the spirit of Christian love and wis-

heathen

idols,) if

business to
those

who were sick. This last explanation makes dom, which was this the communion good sense, if we bear in mind that Felicissimus was to be administered to all who had was deacon of one particular parish Church, and shown proofs of repentance in their conhad a good understanding with Novatus, the pas- duct, in order that they might not go into tor of that Church, so that he would have the the struggle unarmed, but strengthened by power of refusing the communion to those who
dwelt
in this part
tirely similar

bring the consecrated sacrament to

of the Church diocese. An ensense will result from the reading

communion with

the

body of

the Lord.;};

But those who, while they had shown no

" in monte."

We must then suppose that the single mark of repentance in their whole which Novatus and Felicissimus be- beliaviour, first expressed their wish for situated on an eminence in or near the communion of the Church on the bed Carthage (in monte,) and in this case we should * The diflerent guilt of the " sacrificati," acbe reminded of the Donatists at Komc, who were called Montcnses, from holding their congrega- cording to the different modes in which they had tions on a hill. Felicissimus threatened to exclude been brought to recaait, and of the " libellatici." all those, who chose to obey Cyprian, from com\ Cyprian, Ep. Hi. (Ep. Iv. ed. Ox.) munion in this Church. i Ep. liv. (Ep. Ivi. ed. Ox.)
Church,
to

longed,

was

CHURCH COMMUNION

SCHISM

OF NOVATIAN.

41

of sickness, were not then to receive the upon by all of us," he writes, " that it communion, because it was not sorrow is just and right that each man's cause for their sins, but the warning of death should be tried in the place in which the hanging over them which induced this offence was committed, and since to every wish ; and he deserves no consolation in pastor a portion of the Jlock is assigned death, who does not think of death before for him to govern^ and render up hereit is In this exposition, after an account to the Lord of his govclose at hand. the truly Christian endeavour is decidedly ernment ; those who are under our jumade, to call men's attention to the es- risdiction ought not to run about, and, sentials of a true repentance, and to warn by their delusive arts and boldness, dethem against a false reliance on the ' opus stroy the unity of the bishops, who are operatum' of absolution and the commu- united together; but they ouglit to plead nion.* But yet, in many cases, neverthe- their cause there, where they can have accusers and witnesses of their less, a true repentance may be produced by also the near approach of death, which He offence."* The second schism arose in the Church alone, who can look into the inward heart can distinguish from a hypocritical peni- of Rome ; and as Cornelius of Rome cotence, which is so much more common ; operated with Cyprian of Carthage, to and therefore, they might well have avoided quash the first, so in this, Cyprian joined this harshness, without giving any room with Cornelius to maintain the unity of for false security, if they would only the Church. Like the former, this second have explained, more justly and clearly dissension arose from a contest about the the real nature of absolution, (see above.) election of a bishop, and from a contenIn this Church synod, a sentence of con- tion of opposite opinions on the subject demnation was also pronounced against of Church penance; only with this difparty of Felicissimus, and Cyprian ference, that there the schism was set on was thus able, by his connection with foot by the laxer, and here by the stricter the North African bishops to crush this party. Much which had taken place division. But the party did not imme- during the Decian persecution, gave the they outward occasion to the outbreak of this diately give up their opposition endeavoured to spread themselves more schism, as it had done with the other. widely in this part of the Church and We have before observed, that the prevailthe
; ;

who ing tendency in the Roman Church, on tlie were at variance with their colleagues, or subject of penance, was to the milder dochad been deprived for their bad conduct, trine but still, it had also a stricter party, joined them. They elected Fortunatus, at the head of which was Novatianus, one of the five rebellious presbyters, to who had made himself known as a theoseveral individual African bishops,
;

We are without accurate accounts of the character of this man, from which we could obtain sufficient light to enable us to judge properly of his notions on this point, and his whole conduct in this matter, when considered with relation to his individual disposition for what his angry enemies have said of him, and what completely bears upon it a momentary impression. So, in a letter, the mark of passion and exaggeration, which the spirit of the episcopal theo- naturally deserves no credit. If we enin cracy, a Jewish, rather than an evangelical deavour to eliminate the real facts from notion, which is, in fact, the fancy of the the disfiguring and spiteful representations Old Testament priesthood in the Christian made by the enemies of Novatian, the Church, is very prominently displayed, following seems to be the most probable Cyprian urges it on the Romish bishop, statement of the case: Novatian, in conthat he should defend the imity of the sequence of mental struggles, which proChurch, founded on the mutual connec- ceeded from tlie earnestness of his dispotion of the bishops against schismatics ; sition, had fallen into a nervous disease and in the same letter he also zealously or phantasy ; such a condition, in short, as advocates the independence of bishops, was then considered a case of demoniacal in their dioceses ; " for, since it is agreed possession. Having probably beforehand,
the bishopric of Carthage, in the place of Cyprian. They sent deputies to Rome to win over this chief Church [Hauptkirche] of the west to their side, and they obtained there a hearing for their accusations against Cyprian ; but they were unable to dissolve the bond of union between him and Cornelius, the bishop of Rome, although their outcry had caused
logical witer.
:
I j I

Ep.

lii.

(Iv. ed.

Ox.)

Ep.

Iv.

ad Cornel. (Ep.

lix ed.

Ox.)

142
by his inward
stnicfgles,

novatian's character.
I

been prepared to Some slight intimation of Cyprian's by believe in the divinity of Christ, and the no means amount to a proof, that NovaDivine nature of Christianity, he had to tian, before his conversion, had been a thank the prayers of an exorcist for a tem- Stoic philosopher, and that in some deporary relief from his calamity. From this powerful convulsion of his whole nature, attained a living faith, a genuine Christian dispohe fell into a severe illness, from which, sition, and a pure Christian knowledge. This in the first instance, his real and radical reproach of CorneUus, that Satan had been the
cure proceeded,
hi this sickness his faith
occasion of Novatian's faith (^ yi
o

cp-.p/un

t'm

ttio--

rwa-at yy(,\ was decided, and when he thought himunworthy of self near his end, he was baptized on his of evil must

sick bed. hi Christianity he found peace the kingdom of God. After the cure of this deand tranquillity, and a healing power. As moniacal possession, he fell into a severe sickness,' (which may be explained naturally enough; he distinguished himself by his firmness
'

o-otT^tvatc,) was as foolish as it was a Christian; just as if the workings not often serve as the foundation of

in the faith, tian

by the clearness of

his Chris-

knowledge, to which his writings bear witness, by a happy power of teaching, and by a zeal for holiness, which afterwards led him to an ascetic life, bishop Fabian ordained him presbyter, overlooking the circumstance that he had first made known his faith, and been baptized on the bed of sickness. The clergy of Rome, were from the first, discontented with this proceeding, because they maintained firmly the letter of the law of the Church, which was, that no man, who Avas baptized on the bed of sickness no "clinicus," should be ordained; but Fabian judged more wisely, according to the spirit of this law, the only intention of which was, to keep out of the clerical profession all those who, without real repentance, persuasion, and knowledge, had been induced to be baptized by the temporary agitation caused by the fear of death. In Novatian, the necessity for such a precaution was contradicted by his subsequent conduct. For a considerable time, he exchanged the active life of a
practical
still,

in his whole organic frame, to which attribute the cure of his state of phanbeing the cause of the sickness,) and, being in danger of death, he received the rite of baptism only by sprinkling, as his condition required,' (the baptismus clinicorum not the baptism by immersion^ as then usually practised,) <if one can properly say, that such an one as he was

the crisis

he

may

tasy,

'

(How carnally and grossly does the prejudice of passion and the narrow-hearted
really baptized.'

of the Romish hierarchy here make the bishop speak.) After this he received none of
spirit
'

those things, which the

ceived,

Church

requires to be re-

and he was not confirmed by the bishop; and how, tberefore, could he thus expect to receive
the Holy Spirit!' bishop of Rome, apparently Fabian, afterwards ordained him presbyter, although the rest of the clergy would not allow the ordination of a person baptized by sprinkling to be valid. The bishop here must have wished to make an exception apparently a person of a

more
letter,

free

and evangelic

spirit

who

acted quite

rightly in accordance with

the spirit, if not the of that ecclesiastical law against the ordination of persons so baptized. (The council of Laodicea, which expressed this ancient law in its twelfth canon, gives as the reason for it, that such a faith, first making its appearance when a

of the clergy, for the an ascetic ; yet, nevertheless, he afterwards suffered himself to be induced to return to the active duties gard to Novatian.) Cornelius further reproaches of his office, but, perhaps, not until they him with having shut himself up in a chamber wished to put him at the head of a party.* out of fear, during the persecution, and refusing
retired life of

member

on a bed of sickness, does not arise from free persuasion, but is something forced: which may be true in many cases, and the council, therefore, allowed an exception to be valid in the case of any one, who gave proofs of zeal and faith and such an exception may have been made in relies

man

Wc

must here take

particular notice of the

synodal letter of Cornelius, bishop of Rome, to Tabius, bishop of Antioch, of which Eusebius (vi. 43,) has preserved a fragment. 'J'his letter is well worthy of attention, as characteristic of that tendency of the churchly spirit to confuse the outward and the inward, which began to prevail so Kfrikingly at Home from early times. It is made a matter of reproach to Novatian, that the healing of the so-called demornacal possession (sec above) by the exorcists of the Roman Church was
the

it in order to exercise his priestly office in favour of those who needed assistance. When his deacons required him to do this, he sent them back with this answer, ' that he was now the votary of a diflferent philosophy.' W'e must here, we acknowledge, have recourse to conjecture to separate the facts, which are the groundwork of this part of the history, from the form in which the hatred of Cornelius has represented them. By the words iTig^a. <f>/xc<r;pw, we are probably to understand the more retired life of the ascetic, as con-

to leave

cause of his believing. Whether this he true or not, it cannot bring a taint on Novatian's
first

with the clerical profession; Novatian might have retired for a time into solitude, as an ascetic, and have withdrawn himself from public business. This answers well to the strict charactrasted

in any case. Itwa. indifferent through ter, which his principles of penitence bespeak, what channel he was led to Christianity, provided and, as an ascetic, he was likely to be held in conthat, when he had once become a (Jhristian, he siderable reverence by the Church. Novatian

Christianity

A CONTEST OP PRINCIPLES,
of the Stoic morality, mingling itself with his Christianity, had produced the sternness of his notions in these tilings. As his principles are so clearly to be explained from the sternness of his Christian character, and as he was acting in this instance in the spirit of a whole party of the Church, existing at
o^ree

143

the

spirit

have no reason here, with bishop Cornelius, to accuse Novatian of

it

easily.

We

loved repose, busied himself undisturbedly with his dogmatical speculations, he might be in good earnest, when he declared, that he had no inclination for an office so overwhelmed with business, that time, there is the less need to resort as the bishopric of Rome then was. .Howto an explanation, deduced from an exter- ever, Cornelius knew that he sighed in but nal cause, which is supported by no his- secret, after the episcopal dignity whence, we may ask, had Cornelius the torical proof.* The passionate adversaries of Novatian eyes to see in secret and penetrate the accused him of being induced by ambitious hidden recesses of his adversary's heart! desires of the episcopal dignity, to excite Cyprian himself gives us a hint that a these disturbances, and set himself up for party controversy about principles, which the head of a party. But this is in the at first was considered wholly of an obperjury.
ascetic

An

who

and a theologian,

who

style of theological polemics namely, to deduce schisms and heresies from external and unhallowed motives, although they have no proof of their existence. Novatian, on some opportu-

usual

jective kind,

had preceded, and tliat when a schism was by this made unavoidable, the opposite party then first set up another bishop, as their head, in opposition to

nity after the vacation of the

by

Cornelius.* Novatian's zeal oidy out of regard for the supposed purity of the Church, moved him to contend against self by an oath, that he would not sue for the decay of Church discipline, without the episcopal dignity, nor desire such an wishing or meaning any thing further. office, although he might, through the This man, therefore, firm in his persuasion, reverence entertained for him, as an asce- and violently zealous in defence of that per-

Roman

.see

the death of Fabian, had pledged him-

tic

and a dogmatical theologian, by a great suasion, but as

'

far as natural disposition is

concerned, utterly removed from all restand outward motives, was made the may have been wrong in allowing himself to he head of a party, against his own will, by seduced by a false asceticism, and to forget Chris. those who agreed with him in principles, tian charity, so as to refuse to leave his spiritual tranquillity and solitude, and assist his brethren, and compelled to take upon himself the who needed his priestly assistance but Cornelius rank of bishop. He might, therefore, in allowed himself to ascribe to this conduct a diffe- this respect, in his letter to Dionysius, rent motive, which was utterly unsuited to the bishop of Alexandria, justly appeal to his character of Novatian.-j" having been carried on against. Jiis will.'f * It is by no means clear that the enemies of
part of the Church, perhaps have obtained
less
;

Novatian themselves believed in this account of the source of his notions. Though Cyprian accused his notions of being more stoical than Christian, (Ep. Hi. ad Antonian.; Ep. Iv. ed. Ox,) yet this may very naturally be explained as alluding to the nature of these notions, and not to their source ; and though he reproaches him thus " Jactet se licet et philosophiam vel eloquentiam suam Buperbis vocibus praedicet ;" yet the first part of this sentence alludes to the rg^i^v, the pallium of
:
j

The man who was

really the active soul

tlo-^JcT/ic, (see the foregoing note,) or to the fome of an admirable dogmatical writer, which Novatian had acquired as the author of the book " de Regula Fidei," or "de Trinitate," as even Cornelius says of him, in the letter we have quoted in the foregoing note. cJtoc ioyfAa.Ttv'TK, o ms iK>aJia-/ao-riK>i;

the

of this party, and whose influence probably causecl the party to break loose from Cornelius entirely, and create another bishop for itself, came from a different quarter. That Carthaginian presbyter, Novatus, who had been the soul of dissension in the North African Church, had removed himself thence, when Cyprian obtained the upper hand ; whether it was that he was no longer contented with the principles of the party of Felicissimus, and yet would not be reconciled to Cyprian, and acknowledge him for his bishop; or whether it was 07ihi the failure of his machinations against Cyprian which drove

[t I have distinguished the passages which Dr. Cyprian, Ep. Ixii. (Ep.xlv.ed. Ox.) " Di verNeander has taken from the letter of Cornelius by inverted commas, to distinguish sa; partis obstinata et inflexibilis pertinacia runt them from his remarks upon them, which are in tantunt matris sinum recusavit; sed etiam glisparentheses. He has left them in the German cente et in pejim rccrudescenie discordia, cpiscowithout any marks of quotation but I felt them

in Eusebius,

requisite for the sake of clearness in English. The theological reader need not be reminded, that in Eusebius and other Greek writers, Novatian is commonly called Novatus. H. J. R.]

pum
I

sibi constituit."

[A few words, of no great importance, are out in this quotation. H. J. R.]

left

or/ dxaiy

)i;:^fi)t.

144
him
to this step.

CORNELIUS

NOVATIAN

DIONYSIUS.

He had betaken him- by

Rome, and tliere he found tlie seeds It was of that contention ah-eady sown. in his very nature not to be quiet and neutral, while strife and agitation were going forward. According to the principles which he had defended at Carthage in connection with the four presbyters and Felicissimus, he ought to have espoused
self to

the reception of unclean persons into it; and (after the usual way of passionate controversialists) as on the one hand, Cornelius had accused Novatian of having

made
j

all

this

stir

out of an

ambition

which thirsted after the episcopal office so on the other, a part at least of the followers of Novatian, imputed the mildness of Cornelius towards other men, to the circumstance that his own conscience accused him of a similar offence, for he was a " libellaticus." Cyprian, Ep. lii. [Ep. xlv. ed. Ox.] Both parties endeavoured, as is usual in contentions like these, to win over to their side the voice of those great head Churches at Alexandria, Antioch, and Carthage, and sent deputies to them. The zeal for the strictness of Church discipline, and the purity of Christian conduct, which Novatian showed, and the weighty influence of certain confessors who were at first in connection with him, procured him access hither and thither, and even a bishop of Antioch, Fabius, was on the point of joinDionysius, the bishop of ing his party. Alexandria, a man of mild, moderate, and free spirit, was from the beginning an opponent of the principles of Novatian, but he endeavoured at first to move Novatian to give in, by means of friendly persuasion. He wrote thus in reply to him :* " If thou art, as thou sayest, carried away against thy will, prove it by retracting of your own accord; for thou oughtest to have suffered any thing, rather than have founded a schism in the Church. And a martyrdom, in order to avoid a schism, would not be less glorious than one to escape offering to idols,t nay, in my opinion, it would be something greater; for in the one case a man becomes a martyr for the sake of his own soul in the other, he does so for If, therethe sake of the whole Church. fore, thou wilt now persuade or constrain the brethren to return to unanimity, the
;

But whether it the cause of Cornelius. was, that he had entirely changed his sen-

which timents on the subjects in dispute might have happened through the influence of Novatian as his superior in theoretical theology, or from his own violent

go from one exor whether he only treme to another took an interest in one object of contention,* at Rome as well as Carthage, and
disposition, so ready to

that he was from disposition constantly a friend to the party in opposition, that he was inclined to join that party, at the head

of

ichich there

was no

bishop^

and that

Cornelius was hated by him from some it is enough for us, that other grounds Novatus passionately espoused the principles of the party of Novatian, and en;

warmly into the contest. It was mode of proceeding, Avhelher at Rome or at Carthage, to be the moving spring
tered
his

of all troubles, and yet not to set himself It but another, at the head of the party. might, therefore, be in consequence of his active influence, that the breach grew still wider, and that the honoured Novatian was obliged to take the lead, and assume the rank of bishop. In respect to those who had fallen away from the faith during the Decian persecution, Cornelius had acted according to the milder principle, and had admitted many to the communion of the Church, who were, at least, accused by the other party a.s " sacrificati." Novatian, and his adherents, made this a subject of accusation against him, as having polluted the Church
*

Mosheim defends Novatus

against the accu-

*
"1"

Euseb.

vi.

45.
<n;
iviH.fr

sation of contradicting himself, by supposing that

[Km

iiv

oi/K i^c^cT-s^ct

tcu f^n

a-^ia-au

he did not belong to the five presbyters, and that he did not agree with them and with Felicissimus
in this respect, but only in a to Cyprian.

juaeru^iA,

common

opposition

But

the proofs cited above

make

KAr \fAi Si x/u fjLii^m. The passage stands thus in the edition of ReadThere ing, but it gives then no reasonable sense. is a note from Pearson and W. Lowth, recom-

mending the reading fluo-ct/ instead of o-^ktm, which which Mosheim brings forward for his opinion is the translation of Rufinus seems to support. In this that Cyprian who raked up all possible the elaborate edition of Euseb. H. E. just pul)grounds of accusation against Novatus, neverthe- lished by Heinichcn (Lips. 1829), he has adopted
against this supposition.
;

The

strongest ground

docs not charge him with contradicting himself, when he had a capital opportunity of doing so. But we may, perhaps, imagine, that Cyprian would be tender of touching on this point, because he might fear a retort, reminding him of tlie change in liis own sentiments.
less

the
svBcsv

reading
Tou
fxii

supported by Stroth,
!VaiAc\*T)ia-a( yiv.fxivni
li

aJ^^oTi^-j.
svstfv

tmc

tm fM

<7)(j7cu /xngTuefj.,

and supposes this line to have l)ecn omitted in Valesius by a typographical error. It is to be hoped that this work may be followed up by the other ecclesiastical historians. H. J. R.


I.

NO ABSOLUTION FOR PECCATA MORTALIA.

this

145

Ep. lii. (Ep. Iv. ed. Ox.,) "Oh! what mockery of the deluded brethren oh same kind what a vain deception of those unhappy in regard to penitence; but he had, in the men, who are lamenting! to exhort them meantime, as we above remarked, changed to a penitence by which they are to give his opinions and his line of conduct, on satislkction to God and to withdraw from account of which he was accused of in- them the medicine, which might give them consistency and variableness,! and he saw, the means of this satisfaction To say to ai the same time, in Novatian, the disturber your brother lament and shed tears, sigh of the unity of the Church, a man who day and night! do all the good in thy opposed a bishop regularly chosen, ap- power, to wash away thy sins, but after pointed by God himself, and one who all, thou shalt die without the Church. wished to prescribe his own principles to Thou must do the things pertaining to
!

means, will be greater than the evil thou hast caused. The one will not be reckoned to thee but the other will be praised; even if thou art unable to persuade them, and fail in tliy purpose, yet at any rate try to save thy own soul. Mayest thou keep peace in the Lord! I wish thee heartily farewell." But as Novatian was too deeply rooted in his opinions, and too much occupied by his polemic zeal, to be able to listen to such representations, the kindhearted Dionysius now declared himself more strongly against him, and endeavoured also to draw away others from his party. He accused him* of bringing forward the most unhallowed doctrines about God, and of calumniating the merciful Jesus Christ as an unmerciful being. Novatian might have better hopes of finding support in North Africa, because Cyprian himself had been inclined, in
earlier days, to principles of the

good thou doest by

forfeited the forgiveness of sins obtained

appropriated to him in has revealed no determination in regard to such men; for the forgiveness of sins promised in the Gospel, relates only to sins committed before bap-

by

Christ, and

baptism.

God

These fallen brethren must certainly be taken care of; but nothing more can be done for them than to exhort them to repentance, and commend tliein to the mercy of God. According to Socrates, (iv. 28,) Novatian wrote thus " We must not
tism.
:

receive the

'

sacrificati' to the

communion,

but only exhort thom to repentance, and leave the forgiveness of their sins to God alone, who has the power to forgive sins."

Even Cyprian supposes these

to be the

principles of Novatian, although, in the

remember

heat of controversy, he did not always it, as we see when he says,

the Church, as

its law. controversy with the party of Novatian turned upon two general points: 1. On the principles of penitence.

The

peace, but the peace thou seekest thou shalt never attain !* Who would not perish
instantly? Who would not give up from mere despair.^ Dost thou believe, that the husbandman could labour, if a man were to say to him Spend all thy care and labour on the culture of thy field, but thou
:

2.

On what

constitutes the idea and the

essence of a true Cliurch. In regard to the first, Novatian has often been unjustly accused of maintaining the following doctrine: No one who has violated his baptismal covenant by a sin, can ever obtain again the pardon of his sin, he is sure of eternal condemnation, hi the first place, Novatian never maintained that

'

shalt never reap an harvest!'"

As we see from the above quoted explanation of Novatian, from the work of Socrates, at first the controversy regarded
only one of the offences, which went under the name of " peccata mortalia ;" they were only debating about the conduct

a Christian was a perfect saint, and lie was not here speaking of all sins, but he presupposed the distinction of" peccata mortalia," and "peccata venialia," and only spoke of the former. And in the next place, he was not speaking at all of the forgiveness of sins by God, but only of the judgment of the Church, of the absolution of the Church. The Church, he

which implied a denial of Christianity. the supposition, that Novatian was at first so severe on this kind of transgression, Cyprian was perfectly justified in combating die whole moral view, which was the foundation of this line of conduct, he was quite justified in con-

On

tending

against

the

notion,

that

only

meant
tion to

to say, has

no riglu to give absolua man, who, by a mortal sin, has

*
vii, 8.
Iv.

To

say the truth, this w<w an opinion not

Euseb. \ Ep. lii. (Ep.

quite suited to Novatian, whose language would rather be: " Do all in thy power to attain again to
ed.

Ox.)

"Nc me

aliquis

thy

lost

peace with (lod

but no

man

can give
it."

existiinet, a ptoposito

meo leviter 19

reccssisse."

you a certain pkdge

that

you have

attained

146

CHRISTIAN CHARITY OF CYPRIAN.

of God, or puts the supposition, that many of the whose conscience did not reprove them, would be led away by despair, to tear tliemselves away from the Church, and to ask for admittance into some sect of heretics and he says, " It will be laid to our charge, in the day of judgment, that we cared not for the sick sheep, and that we have lost many healthy

such offences, as a denial

He

a denial of Christianity, were to be called offences affainst God, as if every sin were not an offence against God, and a pracChristianity tical denial of God and '^Now the offence," says Cyprian, Ep. " of the adulterer lii. (Ep. Iv. ed. Ox.,) and deceiver, is far worse than that of
:

"libellatici,'

sheep on account of one that was sick. While the Lord left the ninety and nine not to have sacri- whole sheep to seek that which was wanthat it is enough Adulterers and de- dering and weary, we, it would seem, not liced ceivers, according to the saying of the only do not seek the lost sheep, but when apostle, (Ephes v. 5,) are as idolaters, it returns, we reject it." He then opposes For as our bodies are members of Christ, this harshness by passages from the writand as every one of us is a temple of ings of the apostles, 1 Cor. ix. 22 ; xii. Christ, he Avho injures the temple of 126; x. 33, Stc; and he adds, "The Case God by adultery, injures God; and he stands quite differently with the philosowho does the will of the devil in Com- phers and stoics, who say, that all sins
pulsion,
; j

the 'libellalicus;' the one sins by comthe other by choice; the 'libellaiicus' is deceived by the notion,

'

"

and are equal, and that a steadfast man must But there ot easily be brought to bend. idols. For evil works came not from the a vast difference between Christians Holy Spirit, but from the instigation of We the adversary and evil desires, born of and philosophers the evil spirit, compel men to act against must avoid what comes not from the God, and to serve the devil." But after- mercy of God, but from the presumpards, at least, the party of Novatian tion of cruel philosophy. The Lord says in his Gospel, Be applied their principle to the whole class of peccata mortalia,' which most pro- ye merciful, even as your Father has bably Novatian himself had intended from mercy on you;' and again, the whole the very first, although the immediate have not need of a physician, but they subject of controversy led him only to that are sick.' What healing can he perspeak of aiie sort of "peccata mortalia.' form who says, I care only for the heal We cannot suppose an ascetic, like him- ing of the whol of those who need See there self, to be very much inclined to treat no physici lies thy brother, wounded by the enemy voluptuous sins too mildly. And besides, Novatian in the extract in battle. On the one side, Satan endeafrom Socrates, speaks only of such as had vours to kill him, whom he has wounded; sacrificed. Bui if Cyprian does not mis- on the other, Christ exhorts us not to represent Novatian, he most unjustly allow him to perish, whom He has reclassed together, at least at first, all who deemed. To which of these two do we had been unfaithful, in any way whatever, give our assistance } on whose side are
mittni^

offences

serves

the

devils

>

'

'

'

'

during the persecution, " libellatici," as well as " sacrificati," without regard to the various gradations of their olFences, and tlie diflerent circumstances which accompanied them and without considering that so many among the " libel:

we

standing

.?

Do we

further the devil's

work, and allow him to kill, do we pass by our brother, lying half dead, like the priest and the Levite in the Gospel ? or do we, like priests of God and Ciirist, following what Christ has both taught latici," were guilty of an error and a mis- and done, carry off' the wounded man understanding, ratlier than of a sin, he from the fangs of his adversary, that we utterly refused absolution to all the " li- may reserve hiiu for God's final judgbellatici" as well as to the " sacrificati." ment, when we have done what we can Beautifully, in tlie maimer in which for his cure .^"* Cyprian combated these principles of Beautifully and truly as all this was Novatian,* does the paternal and loving heart of the pious shepherd, who fol " Ut curatum Deo judici reservemus,' that is lowed the example of iiis Lord peak to say, upon the supposition that absolution can1 i
'

as well as the spirit of Christian not forestall the judgment of God, but only, that, if (iod, who looks upon the inward parts, finds love and tenderness whicli animated him. man's heart corresponding to this absolution, and fitted for it, it is valid at God's own judgmentlii. (Ep. Iv. ed. Ox.) Ep. seat.
forth,

II.

A MIXED CHURCH NO TRUE CHURCH.

for his

14T

against the spirit of Novatianism, yet the principles of Novalian could not
said

be met and contradicted by it. Even Novatian declared that the fallen brethren must be received and exhorted to penitence. He also acknowledged the mercy of God towards sinners, and he ^vould also allow men to commend these fallen brethren to that mercy, but he would not allow men again with certainty to announce to them that forgiveness of sins which they had once forfeited, because he found no objective grounds for such a confidence. The only method of eflectually answering him, was by showing him such an objective ground of contidence for all sinners, namely, in the merits of Christ, which the sinner always needed only to
appropriate to himself, by penitence united with faith, and bv a tirm reliance on those merits. But on this point the opponents of Novatian were not themselves

and no man for those of another, in Mhich he had no share that only the inward conmiunion widi sinners, by the dispositions of the heart, not the outward association with them, was deriling in its nature and that it was a piece of arrogance and human pride, to wish to exercise that judicial power of separating the real and false members of the Christian Church, which the Lord had reserved to himself Beautifully does Cyprian say on this subject, " Although there appear to be tares in the Church, let not this disturb our faith nor our
sins,
;

own

charity, so as to induce us to leave the

Church, because there are tares in the Church. We must labour to belong to the wheat, that, when the wheat is gathered
into the garners of the

Lord,

we may

receive the

recompense of our labours.

says,
'in

a great house, there are not only vessels of silver and gold, but vessels of wood and clay, and explicit enough, because in opposing his some to dishonour, some also to honour.' principles they sometimes appealed to Let us, therefore, labour, as far as we are 1 John i. 1, 2, but then they so expressed al)le, to be those golden or silver vessels. themselves, as if the forgiveness of sins, To destroy the vessels of clay, is only obtained for man by Christ, only related given to the Lord alone, to whom the to sins committed before baptism, and as rod of iron has been given also. The if in respect to sins, committed after it, servant cannot be greater than his Master,

The Aposde

was need of a peculiar and personal satisfaction by good works. Once lay down this position, and Novatian
there

and no one can appropriate to himself what the father has given only to his Son, namely, to believe himself capable
of carrying the

was

ftiirly

entitled

to ask,

''

And who
satis-

winnowing

fan, to cleanse

will give us a pledge that

faction
is

any such

available

V
in

As
vatian

far as

concerns the second point*

:

dispute, the notion of the Church,

No-

the
the

held the following opinion As mark of purity and holiness is one of essential marks of a true Church,

every church which, neglecting the right use of Church discipline, suffers those who have violated their baptismal vow by great sins, to remain in the midst of her, or receives them into her again, ceases thereby to be a true Church, and loses all the rights and advantages of

such a Church.
fore, as

The

Novatianists, there-

they claimed to be the only unstained, pure Church, called themselves, ol xa9aoi, " the pure." Tt was justly said,
in opposition to

Novatian, that each man could be answerable and punishable only

Pacianus, of Barcelona, who wrote in the of the fourth century, shortly comtwo principles of ISovatian in the following words ; " Quod mortale peccatum ecclesia donare non possit, iinmo quod ipsa pereat recipicndo peccantcs." Ep. iii. contra. Novatian. Galland. Bibi. Patr. t. vii.
*

and purify the threshing-floor, or of separating the tares from the wheat."* But here, again, men were unable to fmd the only direct argument to oppose Novatianism on this point, and the enemies of Novatian were, in fact, in the same fundamental error with himself, only that they dilTered in the application of their principle. That error was a confusion between the ideas of the visible and of the invisible Church; and from this error it was that Novatian, while he transferred the attribute of purity and unstained holiness, which belongs to the invisible Church, the communion of saints, as such (see Ephes. v. 27), to the visible form of the invisible Church, drew the conclusion, that every Church, which has unclean members in it, ceases to be a true Church. Of the invisible Cliurch alone could he maintain, and that justly too, that she would belie her nature, and lose her marks
* [Dr. Neander has made no reference here to Qyprian. The passage to which this quotation appears to approach the nearest, is in Ep. Iv. p.

latter half

prises the

H2,ed.

Ox. H.

J. R.1


148
and her

CYPRIAN AND NOVATIAN UNDER THE SAME ERROR.

eyes,

rights, if she admitted false members into her; but this would be a false conclusion if it were applied to the visible

troversy against Novatianism before his came very close to the principles of
;

Novatian

this

was

in

Ep.

Ixviii.

[Ep. Ixvii.

Church, in wliich the members of the in- ed. Ox.,] where he declared to tlie Spanish visible Church, who are united by the bishops, that they were themselves defiled bond of the Spirit, lie scaltered. It was a by suffering unworthy priests among them, confusion of outward and inward, when and that those who remained in conneche maintained, that men became them- tion with sinners, became themselves parHere Cyprian, not selves unclean by mere outward society, takers of their sins.* in the same outward communion of the distinguishing mere outward communion Church, with the unclean. But the ad- from inward communion of feelings, has versaries of Novatian were unable to dis- expressed himself indistinctly, and with cover this fundamental error, from which only half truth."!" From this contention also, the Catholic all the other single ones proceeded, because they were themselves the slaves of system of the Church, firmly established, Instead of appeal- and thoroughly compact in all its parts, the very same error. ing to an entirely difterent application of came forth victorious, and the Novatianthe idea of the Church, Cyprian contents ists extended themselves, in later centuhimself with opposing Novatian only by ries, only as a small separate sect. bringing forward a twofold condition of one, her condition here bethe Church * Consortes et participes alienorum delictonim low; the other, her condition in glory, after that separation has been completed fieri, qui fuerint delinquenlibus copulati. [Mosheim, in his hook de Rebus Christianojby the last judgment. As Cyprian himruin ante Constantinum, has treated the controself was entangled by tlie same error of versies about Novatus, Novatian, and Stephanus, confusing the outward with the inward, very fully. Stec. iii. 11 17. His views nearly an coincide with those brought forward here. it liappened also that he himself, on after-occasion, where he had not the con- H. J. R.]

'

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE

SECOND
To
the readers,

PART.*

who have

given

to

the

first

half of the

first

volume of

my Church

History such a reception, as makes

here communicate the continuation
in treating the

me still more responsible to them, as an author; I of my work. On the object at which I have aimed
I

History of the Church

first

need not add any thing further,

slated in the preface to the

tion, in regard to

part; to him,
to life, to

who

finds himself

knowledge and
to

be able or willing to

after what I have on too opposite a posiunderstand what is here

make myself intelligible by further explanation; our disagreement is unavoidable. Even with regard to those readers, for whom I have written, I need not express more fully my gratitude to them. The word which comes /row the heart and the spirit, finds, as it can, without further preface, its way to the heart and spirit; discourse must find its own hearers, and writings their own readers,^ nothing further can be done to recommend and attract.
advanced,
I

cannot expect

only that it is a duty to add a word on one subject; viz. the extent to which volume has proceeded, which may appear disproportionate to many. It was from the beginning my plan to treat the History of the Church in the three first centuries at great length, because this period appeared to me the most weighty for every Christian
I

feel

this

and every theologian; because

worship, on Christian

believed that the establishment and the propagation of

just and unprejudiced views on the composition of the Christian Church, on Christian
life,

salutary, both in a general point of view,

different kinds of errors tation

and Christian doctrines, would be particularly important and and in particular for our times in opposition to

now in circulation from many different quarters. The fermenwhich the appearance of Christianity produced in the moral, religious, and intellectual nature of mankind, is of particular service in directing attention to the peculiar
nature of the Gospel in the greatest

number

of different points of view,J and therefore,

this extraordinary object certainly requires

and deserves consideration

in the greatest

number of lights. We recognise here spirit, which are repeated in following

in a less free

the different directions of the

human mind and

periods, often only under other forms, and often

and original manner.

in a shorter

When

these foundations of the whole History of

the

Church, are more

fully developed, in the following centuries

posed and handled

and more compressed manner.

much may be presupThe history of the sects

* This preface belongs to the second of the three brochures in which this first portion of the HisIt contains Sections iii. and iv. tory of the Church was written. + Dax Wort muss sich seine Borer und die Schrift. ihre Leser selhsf snchen. This seems to be a proverbial phrase, especially a,s it is printed in what are equivalent to our italics. X The literal translation would here be ii^the most many-sided manner ;' and the most manysided consideration.
' '

N 2

149

cI

AUTHOR
in

PREFACE.

of ihis period,

which the differences and contradictions proceed from the inmost depth of the human spirit and heart, and, being as yet uncontrolled and forcibly repressed by the deadening influence of a court, and State Church, can develope themis so much the more interesting and instructive selves with more breadth and freedom than the doctrinal controversies of the Oriental Church in the succeeding centuries,

which

often lose themselves in dry dialectics,

and are often debased by the mixture of

the miserable elements of the party- squabbles of the Byzantine court.

tory with greater fulness,

These and similar grounds induced me to treat this first volume of the Church Hisand we are, therefore, by no means to reckon the number of
likely to follow

volumes
D. v.,
at

upon the same

scale.

The
I

third part,
first

which

is

about
if

to

appear

Easter next, will contain the conclusion of the

volume, and,

possible, the
I

representation of the Apostolic age, of

which

spoke in the preface

to the first part.

must request the learned reader to suspend whole to the conclusion of the first volume.

his

judgment on

the arra.ngement of the

A. Neander.

151

SECTION
(1.)

III.

CHRISTIAN LIFE AND WORSHIP.

Christian Life.
liglit, that which the Divine mercy promised for my salvation, seemed to me, after my then way of thinking,

Ever

since Christianity has been intro- truth and

duced as an element of human nature, it has acted in all cases, where it has taken root, with the same Divine sanctifying power; and wretched would be the state of the Church if this Divine power were liable to become extinct by the lapse of ages. In regard to the sanctifying power which resides in the Gospel, this period, therefore, in which Christianity first appeared to work on human nature, could have no advantages over the succeeding ages of the Christian Church. The only difference between the first ages of the Church and the succeeding centuries, was, that men, who in these early days turned from die sinful service of paganism to Christianity, felt the power of Christianity to form and reform man's nature more deeply, by comparing what they had been and what they were, and that this change of life, which had taken place in them, was more conspicuous to the rest of the world
to Christians converted as the aposde St. Paul, in writing from heathenism, reminds them of what they once were that they once walked after the course of this
:

something altogether hard and

that a

difiicult,

man should

be born again,

and lay-

who hath his work of unbelief and as he, after relating the prevailing crimes of the corrupted heathen world, says to them,
world, after the
spirit

in the children

"And

such were some of you, but ye are

what he had once been, the whole corporeal frame still remaining the same, should become in soul and mind an entirely different man. How, said I, is so great a change possible, that what has so long taken root, should at once be done away. As I was bound and entangled by the errors of my former life, from which I believed that there could be no deliverance, so I gave myself up to the vices which beset me, and while I despaired of amendment, I encouraged my evil dispositions as if they had been a part of myself. But when, the water of regeneration having washed away the stains of my former life, the light from above shed itself into a heart freed from guilt, and purified, when the Spirit from heaven had been breathed into me, and formed me by a second birth into a new man, then most wonderfully that became certain to me, which had been doubtful before that was open which had been closed that was light where I had before seen only darkness that became easy whicli had been difficult that became practicable which before had seemed impossible so that I can
ing aside

....

waslied, but ye are sanctified, but ye are

justified in the

now

perceive that the

life

led,

when

be-

Lord Jesus." ing born after the flesh I lived subject to The church-teachers, sin, was a worldly life but the life which (1 Cor. vi. 11.) who had previously been heathens, often have now begun to lead, is the beginappealed to these effects, which they had ning of a life proceeding from God, a life experienced in their own case. The lan- animated by the influence of the Holy guage of Cyprian,* in the first warmth of Spirit. From God, I say, from God is all feeling, after his conversion, is to this ef- our might, from Him we receive life and fect: " Hear that which is felt before it is power." Justin Martyr paints the change learnt, that which is not collected together which took place in Christians thus:* by long study, but which is received in a " we who once delighted in debauchery, moment by the power of grace, which now love only purity; we who once used hastens its work. While I lay in dark- magic arts, have now consecrated ourness and in blind night, and while I was selves to the good and unbegotten God driven about with uncertain and wander- we who once loved gain beyond all things, ing feet by the waves of the world, doubt- now give up to the common use even ful of the conduct of my life, a stranger to what we have, and share it with every
the
;
I

name of

AdDonat

Apolog. -H. J. R.]

ii.

c.

17.

[Apol.

i.

p. 20. ed. Thirlb.

152

CHRISTIANITY AND HEATHENISM CONTRASTED.

j

one that has need; we who once hated custom which makes men cleave to a and murdered one another, we who would religion inlierited from their ancestors, not enjoy the hearth in common with without any peculiar inward call and all these in strangers on account of the difference of feelings in their own case

our customs, now live in common with them, since the appearance of Christ: we pray for our enemies, we seek to persuade those wlio liate us unjustly, that they mav direct their lives according to the o-lorious doctrine of Christ, and may share with us the joyful hope of enjoying the same privileges from God, the Lord of all Origen* says, ''The work of things." Jesus Christ is shown in the whole world, where the Churches of God founded by Christ, and consisting of men reformed from a thousand crimes, exist; and the name of Jesus still further has a wonderful

this period (especially in the first half

it)

of

had no existence.

The

greater

num-

ber of converts in these days was from a religion which education, the reverence for antiquity, the power of custom, and the external advantages united to its observance recommended to them, and it
to a religion which had every thing against it, which the other had in its favour, and which from

was a conversion

the

very
its

first

required

many

sacrifices

from

converts, and set

before

them

many dangers and sufferings. And yet we should altogether

the
essential
qualities

efficacy in introducing mildness, de-

mistake of mmi's nature

cency of manners, humanity, goodness and gendeness among those who embrace the belief of the doctrine of God and Christ, and of a judgment to come, not for any worldly advantage nor purpose, but honestly and uprightly ."| As the contrast of heathenism and Christianity, which is no other than that between the old and the new man, was

which, in its relation to Christianity, is always the same, we should altogether

mistake the nature of Christianity, which uses no magical means to work on man's vvill to attract and reform him, and we should also mistake the nature of this age, if we expected to find, in any point during this period, a time when the Church consisted, I will not say of perso strongly marked in the different pe- fect saints, for there are none of these on riods of the lives of individuals, so was earth, but wholly of genuine Christians, with regard to the relation be- animated entirely by pure Christianity, or it also tween Christians, considered collectively, fliith working by love. Although the inand the corrupt heathen world in which, ducements to an hypocritical profession after the flesh, they still lived, and from of Christianity were fewer, yet they were out of which, after the spirit, they were not wholly wanting. The support which
already departed. Although in later times the world, still heathenish in disposition and feelings, had put on the garb of
Christianity, and
it

was

difficult to

dis-

tinguish

the

few genuine and upright

Christians from the general mass of nominal ones, yet at this earlier period hea-

thenism stood forth

in all its

naked de-

formity, the prevailing party in the world,

in distinct opposition to Christianity.
this contrast

To

Origen appeals when he says, "Compared with the communities of the people among whom they are placed, the communities of Christians are as lights in the world."J Whatever inducements there may have been in later times to a mere outward Christianity the external advantages connected with the profession of Christianity, as the religion of the state, and

H.
j"

cer.)

Contra Cels. Lib. i. 67. [(p. 53. ed. SpenThis quotation is abridged from the original.
J.
'F.I'

R.
TO(c
fJi-M

ii^

Ta ^lanTUta. Ttvom X^U'.t';

iii. c.

JvS^aiT/xac

vTroufivofjiitoi;,

Contra Cels. Lib.

29. [p. 138, ed. Spen.]

poor received in Christian communimay, perhaps, have proved a means of attraction to many, who had no religious interest in the matter and there is a hint to this effect in the above cited passage of Origen, where he says, that the name of Christ can show its Divine efficacy only among those, who do not feign their belief from human motives. But without considering these feigned Christians, yet even among those, in whose hearts the seed of the Gospel had really fallen, our Lord's parable of the sow-er must often have proved itself true. This seed could not find, in every heart into which it fell, the ground fitted for its reception, the ground in which it could spring up as it ought, and bring forth fruit. It might well happen in this age, as in every otlier, that men, who were for a moment touched by the power of truth, might not use these impressions as they ought, might become faithless to tlie truth, and instead of consecrating to it their whole life, might wish to serve God and the world at the same time, and thence,
the
ties,
;

FALSE SELF-CONFIDENCE.
be completely enslaved by the world. He who did not watch over his own heart, who did not constantly with tear and trembling, endeavour, in his inward being under the guidance of the Divine Spirit, to separate that which is of the Spirit from that which is of the world, was exposed to the same sources of self-deception, and thence to the same danger of falling as in other times. Some sources of self-deception, to which, in fact, ultimately, all others are to be referred, are grounded in human nature itself; and these only show themselves in a dilferent manner under different relations, and attach themselves, sometimes on one set of outward circumstances, sometimes on another others,
at length, again
;

153

with the spirit of heathenism within them, the manifold springs of selfishness and of a more refined love of the world, which are the more dangerous, because they are more concealed, and because they come in the shape of a friend. The plain and

open contrast between Christianity and heathenism, the Church and the world, might mislead many into priding themselves, after a fleshly manner, on their su,

as if, by the mere outward profession of the faith, and the habitual use of the outward observances of Christianity, they were raised far
periority over the heathen
;

again, are peculiar to different centuries,

and, indeed,

all

external

circumstances,

however

desirable, considered in

them-

be for man, may, if true light be not shed on liis inward heart, and he watch not over himself, become means of self-delusion to him. It cannot be unconditionally declared of any circumstances or condition, considered abstractedly, that hj them vital Christianity must he furthered ; all depends constantly on the tendency of man\s own will, to which the use or misuse of these circumstances is entrusted. The very same circumstances wliich further Chrisselves alone, they
tianity

may

in

one

man, may,

if

tliey are

not used as they ought to be, become the cause of stumbling in the case of another.

above the heathen, as servants of Satan, and might fairly consider themselves already citizens of that heavenly kingdom, from which the heathen were excluded. And even among those who made being a Christian no opus operatum, but who justly estimated the requirements of this calling, and seriously strove to fulfil them, there was still a source of danger in the violence of spiritual pride and bitter enmity, with which they regarded the heathen, because it gave room in their hearts for other feelings than those of humility and thankfulness, arising from the consciousness that they once lay in tlie same corruption, and the same spiritual death as their heathen brethren, from which tlie grace of God had now delivered them; and other feelings than those impulses of love which would urge them to endeavour to lead their still unhappy brethren, with whom they were connected by so many ties of nature, and for whom Christ had
also died, into that blessedness

means of making their way among men, who were still living in the flesh, and of extending themselves widely things, which became so common in later The outward fight against the world, days; but to many, who did not view which reminded the Christians of their this opposition in the proper light, it be- calling to battle (as milites Dei et Christi,) came a source of dangerous self-delusion. might serve to awaken their faith and When they had sternly renounced every Christian virtue but this very fight also, thing which externally came to them in a if the inclinations of the old man were not heathen shape when they had outwardly constantly repressed by the power of the renounced the service of heathen supersti- Holy Spirit and the ardour of love, might
find
!
[

between Christianity and the heathenism which was then the prevailing rule of life, between the Christian Church and the world, preserved the Christians from many of those intermixtures between the Church and the world, between spiritual and worldl)striking opposition

The

'

which had

'

been bestowed on themselves by the grace of God. When once such feelings had been taken up, how easily would they

tion and heathen profligacy, they believed that they had doneenougli; and so, while they made of this outward renunciation a kind of opus operafum, which served to cherish and support a pride, which was utterly a stranger to the spirit of love, and a false confidence, they overlooked, on that account, tlie still more severe struggle

generate and maintain a certain gloomy and austere temper, utterly repugnant to that spirit of love and friendship, which the apostle names aiuong the fruits of the
Spirit,

and

calls ^^na-rorrn.

In the out-

ward battle the inward might be forgotten, and the victory in it, as we have often had occasion to remark, might become

20

;;

154

FALSE RELIANCE ON BAPTISM COMBATED.

the means of cherishing pride, false con- mised, even with those who are unworthy of it, and they bind his free grace in terms fidence, and fleshly security. Many, however, were induced, by the of slavery."* Tertullian justly appeals to consciousness of sin, to seek I'orgiveness, experience, which shows, that in those who come in such a spirit to baptism, the and ttiis want led them to Christianity

but they could not resolve to give to the effects of Christianity could not be shown, Gospel that sacrifice of the heart which and that they often fell away again, inasmuch as they built their house upon the it requires, and without which none of its Against such persons, Origen blessed, sanctifying, and happy influence sand. They conceived the argues that the benefits of baptism wholly can be revealed. (h)Ctrine of the forgiveness of sins and of depend on the hearts of those who receive grace in a fleshly manner, pressing Chris- it, and are only bestowed on those who tianity into the service of their fleshly come to it in a true spirit of penitence imaginations, and so they wished to have but, on tlie contrary, that to those with forgiveness of their sins without leaving whom this spirit is wanting, baptism only the practice of them, a fancy against which tends to condemnation ; and therefore,

Paul so often had warned mankind, as that the spirit of renovation, which acsaid, " Shall we then continue in companies baptism, is not bestowed upon all.j In order to guard against the notions sin, that grace may abound ? God forbid How shall we that are dead to sin, live of such unreal Christians, in Cyprian's ?" transferred Collection of Testimonies for the Laity, They any longer therein their heathenish notion of the magical after he has laid down the position that power of lustrations to baptism, and they no one can belong to the kingdom of God, thought that by it they should receive at unless he has been baptized and born once, without the proper preparation in again, he adds, " And yet it is but of litde the heart, a magical extinction of sin, so use that a man should be baptised and rethat under this idea they delayed their ceive the sacrament, unless he shows baptism, and in the mean time gave them- himself bettered in conduct and in his selves up to their lusts. The teachers of works :"J and the passages of the New the Christian Church set themselves Testament which he adduces, are well heartily to work, to combat his notion, calculated to show the worthlessness of 1 Cor. 'i'ertullian says against it, in his book on such a mere nominal Christianity Matt. iii. 10; v. 16; vii. 22. Ilepentance, ch. vi., "How foolish and ix. 24. and then he also says, liow wicked is it, not to fulfil the duty of Philip, ii. 15 repentance, and yet to expect pardon for " He that is baptized, may also lose the
St.

when he

sin

it

is

price

and yet

the goods, for this

exactly this, not to pay the grace that he has received, if he remains to stretch the hand out for not in a state of purity from sin." And is the price at which he cites in proof the following passages of
v.

God

has set the pardon for sin the Bible: John As, therefore, those who sell any thing, 2 Chron. xv. 3.

14.

Cor.

iii.

17.

examine first the money for which they It must certainly be acknowledged, that have agreed, to see that it be neither however earnestly the teachers of the scraped nor worn, nor counterfeit; so we Church combated a notion so prejudicial suj)pose also that the Lord makes trial to the Christian life, yet the partially inbeforehand of our repentance, when he is jurious consequences of that interchange about to give us so valuable a possession of outward and inward things, are to be
as eternal
that
is,

life. The divine grace, traced in the doctrines about the Church the forgiveness of sin, remains un- and sacraments and it was here that this impaired for those who are to be baptized notion would find support, and something
. . .

but then they must perform their part, so to attach itself to. It is, on this account, as to become capable of receiving it. of great practical importance, that the docYou may, indeed, easily steal into baptism, and by your protestations deceive * Exactly like those Jews, so full of fleshly those, whose business it is, into adminis- pride, whom St. Paul combats in his Epistle to tering the rite to you. But God watches the Romans, men who thought that God could over his treasure, and will not allow the never reject them, the trueborn heirs of his kingunworthy to steal into it. Envelope dojn, and banish them from it.
. ,
. . .

t yourself in whatever darkness you may, \ Lib. iii. 25, 26. " Parum God is light. But many think that God charistiam accipere, nisi quis is bound to keep whatever he has pro- ficiat."

T.

vi.

Joh.

c.

17.

esse baptizari et eufactis et

opere pro-

CARNAL CHRISTIANITY.
trines of religion

155

should be preserved by quence, give themselves up to the Spirit the clearest development of the ideas be- of Christ, so that He might complete his longing to them, from a perversion, which work of regeneration in them when they the fleshly appetites of man are naturally still obstinately adhered to the fleshly inclined to cherish. Christ of their own fancy, and expected As one set of persons, by substituting from Him, though not now, yet hereafter, the outward observances of religion for only carnal things; and when they would its inward feelings, supported their con- not be of those who having known Christ tinuance in the practice of sins which only according to the flesh, would know they were unwilling to renounce, another Him thus no longer? we may conclude made themselves easy by the semblance that they belong to those, with whom the of an inward religion, independent of seed fell among thorns, and the thorns every thing outward. "God," said they, grew up and choked it; they had heard " is satisfied, if He be honoured in heart and received the word, but their fleshly and soul, although there be a deficiency thoughts, which they would not renounce, of works in consequence of human weak- choked the word, so that it could produce " This is," says Tertullian, in no fruit. Even although the expectation ness." holy indignation, "to sin without vio- of a sensual happiness in a remote futurity, lating the reverence due to God, and with- of which, with all the enthusiastic powers out violating our faith; hut then, such of imagination, they formed to themselves persons may be condemned without any such conceptions as would enchant their violation of God's mercy."* sensual notions, was sufficient to induce It was peculiar to Christianity, that it them to deny the appetites of the moment, could find its way into men's hearts by and even to bear tortures and to meet death, addressing the fleshly knowledge and feel- they might, nevertheless, be far from that ings of man, and form this fleshly gradu- real new birth, by which alone man can ally into a spiritual nature, while it worked enter into the kingdom of God and the upon the inmost foundations of human spirit of ennobling love, which is the esnature, and by communicating a Divine sential mark of a disciple of Christ, and principle of life, produced a conduct, the which, even where something of earthly consequences of which, in relation to the dross remains, comes forth in such maniwhole spiritual and moral life, coidd only festations as are not to be mistaken, at develope themselves gradually in their full least by the spiritual eye, this spirit In our estimate, therefore, of the could never have found, in that sort of extent.
;
j
I

men

access to their hearts. and abundant spirit in the form which must, therefore, be cautious, on the clung to them from their former carnal one hand, that we do not expect to find, education and modes of thought, we must in these first days of the Church, any exbe careful not to judge harshly of their clusively golden age of purity ; nor, in the hiward feelings from many of the rude visible Church, any community, entirelynotions that still remained to them, and glorious, and without spot or wrinkle,* from which they could only be freed nor any thing of the sort; and, on the gradually by the spiritualization of their other hand, that we do not fail to perceive whole habits of thought. The great say- the heavenly beauty which really did iog of the apostle may here often find a beam through the stains and blemishes
life,

of this time,

who

received this

new

We

just application in this sense; that God's

treasures are received into earthen vessels, and there preserved for a long time in
*

The

apologetic

writers

themselves do not

deny, that there were

many

that passed under the

order that the abundant power may be of name of Christians, who yet belied the very naGod, and not of men. It is, therefore, a ture of Christianity by their lives, and gave, occaChristianity but very superficial and unjust judgment to sion to the heathen to calumniate then they declare, that these men were never repass on men, who formed to themselves
;

wonderful imaginations about God, and Divine things, and the kingdom of God,

immediately to conclude, that they had nothing of Christian life within them. When, indeed, men of this sort, having been induced to believe by some outward or inward motives, did not, in conse* Tertullian,

cognised as Christians by the Christian Churches; and they require the heathen to judge all according to their lives, and whatever they found worthy of punishment, to punish it, wherever it might be. 80 Justin Martyr, and so Tertullian, (ad Nation, The latter says, " When you say lib. i. c. .5.) that the Christians arc the basest of men in regard to covetousness, luxury, and dishonesty, we are not about to deny that there are some of that kind

de Poenitentia,

c. v.

even in the cleanest body a mole will sometimes make ita appearance,"

'

156

VISIBLE

CHURCH NOT SPOTLESS

If a

BROTHERLY LOVE.

of the early Church. on one side or on the other exclusively, he figures to himself either some form of
ideal perfection or

man look only

some

disfigured carica-

ture; but an unprejudiced representation, after unprejudiced observation, will avoid

both these errors. That which our Saviour himself, in his last conversation with his disciples, proclaimed as the mark by which his disciknown, the mark of their fellowship with him and their heavenly Father, and tlie mark of his glory dwelling among them namely, that they should love one another, this was assuredly the prominent feature of the early Christian Churches; a feature which did not fail to strike even the heathen themselves. The names " brother" and " sister," which the
pies might be

considered one another. This was the thing, as we have before had occasion to remark, which, in an age of cold selfishthat men, ness, most struck the heathen from so many diflferent countries, of such different circumstances and relations one with the other, and of such different degrees of education, should appear in such inward harmony and union with each other; as, for instance, that a stranger

Christians interchanged, were not empty names the kiss of brotherhood, which
;

was bestowed on every person at his admission into the Christian. Church, after baptism, by those Christians into whose immediate society he was ^bout to enter; this kiss, which the members of a Church divine service were established, and the bestowed on one another, before the cele- charity of individuals outstripped even How peculiarly this was considered bration of the communion, and with which this. every Christian saluted another even when as the business of a Christian mistress of a family, we may judge from Tertullian, he saw him for the first time, was no mere formality,* but all this was originally an where, in painting the disadvantages of a expression of Christian feeling, and a marriage between a heathen and a Christoken of the relations in which Christians tian woman, he peculiarly dwells on this, that the Christian would be obstructed in * Every one who knows human nature, will that which was usually reckoned as in easily see that this cannot be affirmed of any thing, the circle of a Christian woman's domestic and of any period, entirely without limitation. What was originally only a pure expression of duties. " What heathen," says he, " will
i i

coming into a town, and having made himself known to the Christians, through an " epistola formata," as a real brother Christian, immediately received, even from those to whom he was personally unknown, all the attentions and the support befitting a brother. The care of providing for the support and maintenance of the stranger, the poor, and the sick, of the old men, widows, and orphans, and of those who were imprisoned for the faith's sake, devolved on the whole community. This was one of the chief purposes for which voluntary contributions at the times of assembling for

'

'

heartfelt sensations,

and remains so among a great

'

suffer his wife, in visiting the brethren, to

many, may yet become, among others, only a counterfeited gesture, and in their self-delusion they may, perhaps, think that they thereby make amends for the spirit, in which they are wanting, and which cannot be counterfeited. Clement of

go from street to street, into strangers', and even into the most miserable cotWho will suffer them to steal tages ? into prisons, to kiss the chains of marIf a stranger-brother comes, what Alexandria accordingly complains, that there were tyrs many in his time who made a matter of ostenta- reception will he find in a sl.ranger''s tion of the brotherly kiss, and gave great offence house?* If she has to bestow alms on to the heathen unnecessarily, by that means, and any one, the safe and the cellar are closed who placed the essential of brotherly love in the On the other hand,' he lays it to her."t brotherly kiss. He says, on this subject, (Pa;dagog. down as one of the joys attendant on a lib. iii. p. 256, 257,) " Love must be estimated by benevolence, not by the brotherly kiss. But there marriage between Christians, that the wife are many, who only disturb the Church with the may visit the sick and support the needy, brotherly kiss, without having the spirit of love in and need not be under anxiety about her
; ' i

.''

their hearts (oj Si ouift vK\^ <f;A/ua,T xarrt^c^oua-/

tdu; 'iicKKntrfJK,

to

<piKouv ivJov

ouk J;^cvtsc

ctiiTc.)

This
I

alms-giving. J

has also spread about an evil jealousy and accusalions, because men give publicly the brotherly kiss, which ought to be done privately. The salutations also of those who are dear to us, in the streets, so as to be seen of the heathen, are not of the smallest For if it be right to pray to (iod in our value. chamber in secret, it follows from this, that wo ought to show our love to our neighbour also in secret in our inward heart, arid yield to the times,
because

The
^
1

active

brotherly

love

of

each

Tertullian apparently lays a particular stress on the word " stranger," " in aliena domo," the house which is a strange one to the Christian ; as
the house of a Christian

woman

ought not

to be

a strange one to him.

-j"

Ad Uxorcm,

ii.

4.

we

are the salt of the earth."

" Libero seger visitatur, indii lioc. cit. c. 8. gens sustentatur, eleemosynse sine tormento."


ESSENTIALS OF CHRISTIAN LOVE.
157
Church was not, however, limited to its in our captive brethren, and we must reown narrow circle, but extended to the deem Ilim from captivity, who redeemed wants of Churches in distant places. us from death, so that He who lias saved Under any pressing necessity of this na- us from the jaws of Satan, and who now
bishops appointed special colnd also appointed fastdays, in order that what was spared from the daily expenses even of the poorer members of the community might be If the contributed to the general need.* Churches of the provincial towns were too poor to meet any pressing distress, they applied to the richer one in the metropolis. A case, for example, had occurture the lections to be made,

dwells and remains in us, may himself be freed from the hands of barbarians, and that he may be redeemed by a sum of money, who redeemed us by his cross and blood; and He hath allowed this in the mean time to take place, in order that our faith may be tried, whether every one will do that for others, which he w^ould wish to be done for himself, were he in
captivity
is

among

barbarians.

which Christian men and women from Numidia had fallen into captivity among the neighbouring barbarians, and the Numidian Churciies were unable to raise the sum requisite for their ransom they applied to the richer Church of the great North African metropolis. Cyprian,
red, in
;

alive to the feelings of

mutual love, would not, if look upon it as if it regarded his own sons, or if he be a husband, would not
feel that, as it

For who that humanity and he is a father,

were, his
.'

own
. .

wife

is

taken

captive, to the

the
sort

shame and the sorrow of conjugal yoke And we wish

.

the bishop of Carthage, soon raised a

sum

also, that for the

future nothing of this

of more than four thousand dollars,^ and sent it with a letter which breathed the true spirit of Christian sympathy and bro" In cases like these," he therly love.J
writes to them, "

row, and
brother's

who would not feel sorwho would not look upon his
suffering as
his

own!

as the

apostle Paul says:

suffers, all

'When one member

suffer with
is
it,'

the

members

may happen, and that our brethren, by the might of the Lord, may be preserved from similar calamities. But if any thing like this should again occur, to prove the love and the faith of our hearts, delay ye not to give us tiding of it by your letters, being persuaded that all our brethren here pray that these things may not occur again, but that they will again readily and

plentifully give assistance if they do." That which stamped a Christian chaconsider the captivity of our brethren racter on these acts of benevolence, could as our own captivity, and the sorrow of only be the lively feelings which here those in danger as our own affliction, in- declared themselves, if these works proasmuch as we are bound together into ceeded only out of a childlike love and one body; and not only love, but religion thankfulness towards the Redeemer, and ought to incite and cheer us on in re- out of brotherly love towards their comdeeming the lives of the brethren who panions in redemption, and if they joyare our members. For the apostle Paul fully proceeded out of the inward imagain, in another place, says, Know ye pulses of love. If, on the contrary, men not that ye are the temple of God, and thought to deserve something by works the Spirit of God dwells in you.' (1 Cor. like these, if they bowed themselves uniii. 16,) and so even if love will not move willingly as it were under the yoke of a us to give assistance to our brethren, we compulsory law, then the Christian chain
I

and

another place,

'Who

become not weak?'

weak, and Therefore must

we

to remember here, that it is tlie racter was lost, and good works, which temple of God which is in captivity, and ought to be the spontaneous fruits of faith we ought not, by long delays and bj' a working through love, were only forcibly neglect of these calamities, to suffer that wrung from a selfish spirit, not subdued the temple of God should remain long in through the spirit of love to the Recaptivity. For since the apostle Paul deemer, by a law which commanded, says, 'As many of you as are baptized, which threatened, and which promised. have put on Christ,' so must we see Christ nay, they might be the very fruits of a refined selfishness, and afford food to the sinful parts of human nature. The old Tertullian, de Jejuniis, c 13. "Episcopi uniman has constantly been inclined to seek verse plebi mandare jejunia assolent industria such support, and to betake himself to stipium conferendarum." jSestertiarentum millia nummorum. [About outward observances instead of inward holiness, and as soon as men relinquished 800. H. J. R.] i Ep. Ix. [Ep. IxiL cd. Ox.] the notion of setting the whole Christian

ought

168

HEATHEN SELFISHNESS AND CHRISTIAN LOVE.

other, they
fear,

faith and life on the single ground of confidence, they forgot that the whole nothing but the life of a Christian can be

would visit the sick without and ministering to them for the sake

constant and increasing appropriation and application of the merits of Christ to the weakness of humanity, an increasing revelation of fellowship with Him, which constantly more and more penetrates the whole nature and ennobles it; and thus this error obtained a deep foundation. In the third century we see that just evangelical conception of benevolence, and this unevangelical one at limes side by
side,

of Christ, they would cheerfully give up Many died, after their life with them. their care had restored others from the The best among our disease to health. brethren, some priests and deacons, and some who were celebrated among the laity, died in this manner; and such a death, the fruit of great piety and strong faith, is hardly inferior to martyrdoiu. Many who took the bodies of their Christian ijrethren into their

hands and bosoms,

as

in

tlie

composed
Christians,

in

writing which Cyprian order to encourage the

among many

of

whom

bro-

therly love had waxed cold during a long season of earthly repose, to the exercise

(De Opere et EleemosyCyprian beautifully addresses a father of a family, who excused himself threw the half-dead into the streets, and from the duty of benevolence, under the left the dead unburied endeavouring by plea of a numerous family, in the follow- all the means in their power to escape coning language :* " Think not him a father tagion, which, notwithstanding all their contrivances, it was very difficult for them t(.> your children, who is a feeble and mortal man, but seek another father for them, to accomplish."* In the same manner the Christians of even the eternal and Almighty Father of Let Him be the Carthage let the light of their love and all spiritual children. Christian conduct shine before the heachildren guardian and provider for your and the protector of them by his Divine then in a pestilence which visited North majesty against all the evils of the world. Africa, a little before, in the reign of When you bestow more care on earthly Gallus. The heathens, out of cowardice, than on heavenly possessions, you are left the sick and the dying, the streets seeking to commend your children to Sa- were full of corpses, which no man dared you commit a to bury, and avarice was the only passion tan rather than to Christ double sin, for you neglect to obtain for which mastered the fear of death, for your children the protection of God, and wicked men endeavoured to make a gain you teach them to love possessions rather out of the misfortunes of their neighbours and the heathens accused the than Christ." In any times of public calamity in the Christians of being the cause of this calarger cities, the contrast was very striking lamity as the enemies of the gods, instead between the cowardice and selfishness of of being brought by it to the consciousness But the heathen, and the brotherly love and of tlieir own guilt and corruption.! willingness of the Christians to sacrifice Cyprian required of his Church, that they in this desolating pestiWe shall take a re- should behold their own interests. presentation of this contrast from Diony- lence a trial of their dispositions. " How
of this virtue.
nis.)
; ;
; ;
j

closed their mouth and eyes, and buried them with every attention, soon followed them in death. But with the heathen matters stood quite difTerently ; at the first symptom of sickness they drove a man from their society, they tore themselves away from their dearest connections; they

bishop of Alexandria, who had an opportunity of observing it in the different conduct of the heathens and the Christians during a terrible pestilence in that city, in the reign of the emperor Gal" That pestilence appeared to the lienus.
sius,

necessary is it, my dearest brethren," he says to them, '^ that this pestilence, which appears to bring horror and destruction, should prove the consciences of men determine whether the healthy It will

as that which however, did

will take care of tJie sick, whether relations bear tender love one to another, and not so, whether masters care for their sick serChristians should it .seem to us, but only a vants."! T^^^^t the The greater show a spirit of mutual love among pccidiar and practical trial. part of our people, in the abundance of their brotherly love, did not spare them* Eiiscb. vii. 22. [This account is considerselves, and mutually attending to each ably abridged from tlie original. 11. J. R.]

heathen as the most dreadful of

left

all things,
;

them no hope

[Page 205, ed. Ox H. J. R.]

f Cyprian, ad Detnetrian.
I

Lib. de Mortalitate.

COXSCIEXTIOUS CONDUCT OF THE CHRISTIANS.

159

these were the feelings themselves, was not sufficient to satisfy a him for God, bishop who formed his notions at\cr the which caused them to bear this yoke model of the great Shepherd. He, there- with joy and the consciousness of freefore, called his sheep together, and ad- dom in the inward man, because he be"^ If we do good only longed to heaven, taught them to see in dressed them thus
;
:

our own people, we do no more than this yoke no yoke at all ; and while the But if we are fear of man can only bring eyeservice, publicans and heathens. the children of God, who makes his sun with them the looking towards Him, for to shine, and his rain to descend upon whose sake they did every thing, inthe just and upon the unjust, who sheds stilled into their hearts a spirit of conto
1

abroad his blessings, not on his own alone, but even upon those whose thoughts are far from Him, we must show this by our actions, endeavouring to become perfect even as our Father in heaven is perfect, and blessing those who curse us, and doing good to those w-ho Encouraged by his papersecute us." ternal admonition,* the members of the Church addressed themselves to the work, the rich contributing money, and

sckntious obedience^ even where no human eye could see them. But then the same spirit of Christianity which taught them to obey man for the sake of God, taught them also to obey God rather than man, to sacrifice every consideration whatever, and to despise their property and their life, where human power required from them any compliance which would break the laws of God ; and here it was that the Christians showed the true spirit of freethe poor their labour, so that in a short dom, against which no despotism was The first section lime, the streets were cleared of the ever able to* prevail. corpses which filled them, and the city of this history has already given us an saved from the dangers of an universal opportunity of observing the effects of the spirit of Christianity in both these repestilence.

With these feelings, Justin Martyr ii.,)* " Taxes and customs we duties it commanded, it always preserved pay the most scrupulously of all men, to exacllv the proper medium between the those who are appointed by you, as we (Matth. xxii. 21.) opposite dispositions, by which the na- were taught by him. tmal man, according as his inclinations Hence we worship only God alone, while induce him to prefer an easy state of en- at the same time we serve you willingly
peculiar spirit of Christianity constantly shown in this, that in the

The

was

spects.

new

says, (Apol.

joyment, or a wild and ardent

activity, is

in all

other respects, because

we

recog-

commonly led into error. uncommon thing in human

the development
feelings, the

of

thus no life to observe two such opposite

It is

nise

you as our human sovereign." Tertullian was able to appeal to this very circumstance, and declare, that what the

one a cowardice which ho- state lost in the revenues of the temples nours man more than God, and would by the extension of Christianity was sacrifice all divine truth, and all the dig- more than counterbalanced by that which nity of human nature to the commands it gained in taxes and customs, if they of earthly power, and the other a wild would only compare the readiness and
defiance of
all

existing
its

human

institutions.
all exist-

fairness of the Cliristians with the false

statements, &c., which were usual in the was payment of these duties.f The Chrising human nothing in them which contravened the tians were accustomed to keep the above
Christianity gave

sanction to

institutions, as far as there

laws of

sors to walk in the laws and institutions

genuine profes- cited saying of our Lord, (Matth. xxii. 21,) constantly in their mouth and heart, which they found existing, even where as the rule of their daily conduct, and he thev were oppressive to them, with re- gives in opposition to those who used it, The spirit of according to his opinion, in too wide and signation and self-denial. love to God, from whom as its original indefinite a sense, the following interpreearthly power and order is de- tation of it "The image of Caesar, which source all rived, and for whose glory they felt them- is on the coins, is to be given to Ca;sar, selves bound to submit to all the ordi- and the image of God which is in man, therefore, thou nances of man which are not at variance is to be given to God the spirit of love to their with his laws * [Apol. Prim. p. 26. (ed. Thirlb. 1722.) H. neighbour, which endeavoured through J. R.] the means of such compliance to win Apologet. c. 42," Si ineatur (ratio) quantum
:

God

it

left

its

j-

vectigalibus pereat fraude et nicndacio vostraruni

[See Pont. Vit. Cyprian, p.

5. H.

J. R.]

profe


160
CLVIL

AND RELIGIOUS DUTIES.

new leaven in an old world, and as it was destined to produce a new creation in an old one, of a totally different character and
spirit,

must give the money, indeed, to Caesar, but thyself to God; for what will remain ?"* to God, if all belongs to Ca;sar The principles, according to which man must act in these respects, were easily laid down in theory, and easily to be deduced from Scripture, and from the nature of Christianity, and hence, as far as theory was concerned, all Christians
Avere agreed ; but the application of these principles to individual cases was a mat1

the inquiry would, therefore, arise

the sooner,

what of

all that

now

exists in

the world requires only to be reformed

of great difficulty, because this involves drawing the limits generally beter

tween which

that
is

which

is

Caesar's

and

that

God's, and deciding what things are indifferent in a religious point of view,

and what are

not.

The heathen
that
it

religion

and ennobled, and what must be utterly destroyed. There might be a great deal really existing at that time, which, under the direction of the corrupt Avorld, might appear utterly at variance with the essentials of Christianity, but which, however, by means of a different direction and another sort of use, might be brought into perfect harmony with Christian principles. The consequence of this would, of course be, that some men would con-

whole was not always easy to separate mere civil and social things from religious affairs. Much which had originally proceeded from religious sources, had long ago lost all connection

was so
civil

closely interwoven with the

life,

demn

the

good use of which things were

and social

capable, because of the misuse of them,

while others would advocate the existing itself, in virtue of the possible good use of them.

misuse

Many

institutions

also

might

exist,

concerns with the multi- which would never have been formed in a tude, and, becoming clear only to the state of society under the influence of learned antiquary, had lost all its reli- Christianity, and which were certainly gious character in the sight of the people. foreign to pure Christianity, but which, The question, therefore, arose, whether nevertheless, under the guidance of a persons were justified in considering such Christian spirit, might be so modified and things as indifferent in a religions point applied, that they no longer contained any As of view, and ought in them to follow the thing at variance with its principles. customs of the age, as merely civil and Christianity was not in the habit of prosocial matters, or whether they vvere not ducing any violent and convulsive changes bound, in consequence of the connection in external things, but reformed and these customs had with heathenism, to amended these by beginning from within, in the case of such institutions, for the set all other considerations aside.| And still further, the nature of Christi- avoidance of a greater evil, and in order anity was such, that it was certain to pass not to step out of its own peculiar sphere a sentence of condemnation on every thing of spiritual efficacy, it might very well ungodly, while at the same time, appro- allow them to exist, at least for a time, in priating to its own purposes all that was such a way that a new spirit might be pure in human relations and tendencies, imparted to the old form, which did not instead of destroying them, it would sanc- suit the spirit of Christianity ; and, at last, tify and ennoble them. But then, again, when men were prepared for the change, the inquiry would arise, what is pure in by the influence of Christianity, the form human things, and therefore, capable of itself might drop, and all become new. being received in connection with ChristiUnder these circumstances, therefore, anity, and what, on the contrary, originally the application of principles, on which all proceeding from the corruption of our were agreed, might yet cause difierences nature, bears on its very nature the stamp among the Christians, as a difference of of ungodliness, and therefore, must be habits of thought and dispositions was utterly rejected from Christianity Now, likely to give a different colour to the reinasmuch as Christianity appeared as a lations which things around bore to them ; a sort of difference, which in aftertimes TertuUian, de Iilololatria, c xv. often occurred again in the case of missions
Avitli

religious

.?

may, for instance, compare what Tertul\ liaii ami Clcnit'iit of Alexandria, out of the treasures of their learnint?, following in the footsteps of heathen writers, have said of the religious meaning and reference of the ceremonies of crowning things which certainly in common life no one

We

among strange people, in the organization of new Churches, and in the decisions which at various times were made about matters of indifTerence {a.St(po^ot.) An
error might here be committed on one side or the otlier, either by too lax accommo-

would have thought

of.

THE STRICT AND THE LAX

(lation or

FORBIDDEN PASSIONS.
how
to

161

by too abrupt

rejection.

With which they laid down, but the only question

was,

the exception of those few, who having already made a further progress in genuine evangelical freedom, had united enlightened considerateness with the depth of Christian zeal, the latter error was more prevalent than the former among real Christians ; they were more inclined to
cast

apply these principles justly.

trades contrary to

Those who exercised

the general and recognised principles of

Christianity, Avere not admitted to baptism,

before they had

relinquish them.*

pledged themselves to

They were

obliged to

begin a

new

trade, in order to obtain a

away much of tliat which, in the days livelihood, or in case they were unable to of heathenism, they had used to the ser- do so, they were received into the number Among these vice of sin or of falsehood, but which was of the poor of the Church. still capable of a very different use, than trades were reckoned all which had the to retain any thing which had the slightest smallest connection of any kind whatever savour of heathen corruption they were with idolatry, and might contribute to its
;

eager to cast

away every

thing which

furtherance, as those of artists and

came before them

heathenism
;

in contact with sin or

men, who employed themselves

in

workmaking

must have argued great lukewarmness and Tertullian, on the art so sophistically. contrary, declares with pious warmth, " And yet most assuredly, to obtain honour for idols, is to honour them yourself; you to show, that in all which relates to civil bring no offering, indeed, of any thing else order, men must obey the existing laws, to them, but you offer up your own spirit and give no useless offence to the heathen, to them your sweat is their drink-offerand besides, must not give them occasion ing, and you light the torch of your cunAmong these to speak injuriously of God, and in short, ning in honour of them."t that they must " become all things to all unlawful callings were also reckoned all astrology and magical arts, then men," in order to win them all to the kinds of Gospel. The other party could not deny such prevailing and profitable sources of that these principles were deduced from delusion and deceit. Scripture The cruel pleasure which the Roman but then, said they, while we consider all external and earthly things as people received from the sanguinary belonging to Caesar, our whole heart and shows of gladiators, gives a remarkable life still must belong to God*: that which proof how completely the moral and huis Caesar's must not come into competition mane feelings of our nature may be rewith that which is God's. If it be uncon- pressed by education and habit, and how ditionally true that we must give the a narrow-hearted political sentiment may heathen no opportunity whatever of calum- destroy the common sentiments of huniating the name of Christian, we must manity. This was a pleasure which those give up all Christianity. Let them calum- who aspired to the character of civilizaniate us forever, provided we give them tion scrupled not to partake in, which no opportunity of doing so by unchristian law-givers and statesmen, and even those conduct; let them continue to calumniate who claimed the name of philosophers, us, if they only abuse what is truly Chris- were not ashamed to approve of, and protian in us. In the proper sense, we are mote. The feelings, however, of univerwilling " to become all things to all men," sal love and charity, first called into life but not if we are expected to become * Apostol. The Constitut. lib. viii. c. 31. worldly to the worldly for we have it written, " if I please men, I am not the ser- council of Elvira also, can. 62., "Si auriga ct panit

they were inclined to do too than to nullify even the smallest portion of Christianity, that jewel, that pearl, for which they were ready to sell every thing and this was natural enough, for in the first warmth of genuine conversion, in the first fire of real love, man is more inclined to reject with abruptness all that belongs to the Morld, than to err by retaining it in a lax spirit of accommodation. One of these two parties appealed to the saying of our Saviour, that we must render unto Ciesar the things which are Ceesar's,

much,

far rather

Many or adorning images of the gods. who wished to continue these trades, as a
means of
subsistence, excused themselves under the plea, that they were no wor-

shippers of idols, and that they considered these images not as objects of religion, but as mere objects of art; but in those days
in religious feeling, to separate religion

voluerint, placuit, ut prius actibus vant of Christ."* It is easy to see that both tomimus credere suis renuntient et tunc demum suscipiantur, ita ut these parties were right in the principles Qui si faccre contra ulterius ad ea non rcvertantur.

interdictum tuntaverint, projiciantur ab ecclesia."

* Tertullian,

de Idololatria.

t Tertull. de

Idololat. c. \i.

21

o2

162
and action by
earliest rise,

SHOWS OF GLADIATORS FORBIDDEN.

them become murderers r" But it was not the participation in these cruel amusements alone, which appeared
transgression, should expressly lead
to

Christianity, must, from its have struggled against this cruelty, wiiich the laws and species of the prevailing sentiments of the Romans allowed and approved. Those who attended the combats of gladiators and of wild beasts, according to the principle which the Church established, were exIrenscus, with horror, connnunicated. extremes! denial of the calls it the

to the Christians incompatible with the nature of their calling, but this condemnation extended also to every kind of spectacle exhibited in those days, to the panto-

Christian character, when some among the vvUd, fanatical, and antinomian sect of the Gnostics would not even refrain
in those bloody shows, the objects of hatred at once to God and Cyprian is proclaiming the man.* While joy of a Christian, in feeling that he has departed Irom the corruptions of the hea-

from participating

then world, and while he is looking on these from a Christian's point of view, he says,| " If you cast your eyes upon
the towns,

you meet widi an assembly which is more frightful than solitude. A ^ia|3o^ot;,) gladiators is in preparation, in idolatry and Satan, (the vo/ji.Trv combat of order to gratify the thirst of cruel eyes which Christians were bound at their with blood. A man is put to death for baptism to renounce, by the pledge which the pleasure of men, murder becomes a they took upon themselves at their enprofession, and crime not only practised, but even taught." TertuUian says to the

mimic shows, the tragedies, and comedies, the chariot and foot races, in short to all the amusements of the theatre and the circus. As the Romans of those days were passionately addicted to theatrical entertainments, it was no uncommon mark by which a man's conversion to Christianity was ascertained, that he wholly withdrew from the theatre.* Theatrical exhibitions were supposed part and parcel of idolatry, inasmuch as they derived their origin from the heathen worship, and were still connected with many of the heathen festivals. These exhibitions were especially included in the pomps of

trance into

the

rank of soldiers of the

kingdom of God

In defended the shows of gla- litise Christi.) diators, and in their defence alleged, that took place which violated the moral feelwho were capitally guilty Avere often ings and decencies of Christians, and even those made use of in these combats, " who but where this was not the case, yet even then a criminal can deny that it is well crimi- the hour-long pursuit of idle and vain the unholy spirit which reigned nals should be punished } and yet the in- objects the wild uproar of nocent can never rejoice in the punish- in these assemblies ment of his neighbour; nay, it rather tlie collected multitude, seemed hardly to becomes the innocent to lament, when a suit the holy seriousness of the Chrisman, his fellow-creature, is so guilty, that tian's priestly character. The Christians he requires so cruel a mode of execution. considered themselves as priests, conseBut who will give me any security that crated to God for their whole life, as temonly the guilty are ever thrown to wild ples of the -Holy Ghost ; all, therefore, beasts, or condemned to any other capital which was foreign to that Spirit, whose punishment, and that innocence never dwelling-place in their hearts they were suffers this mode of death, from the love bound to keep ready for him, was to be " God hath of vengeance in a judge, from tlie weak- kept far away from them. ness of its advocate, or from the power commanded," says TertuUian, de SpectaBut at any rate the cidis, c. xv.,! " that the Holy Spirit, a of torture

heathen,!

who

sacramentum mi many of them much

(the

.^

gladiators
with

come
guilt,

lo the

combat uncharged

but solely to become the victims of a public passion. And as to those who are sentenced to these combats, is it proper that the punishment, which ought to serve as a means of amendment to men guilty of a venial

any

and kind, should be received with tranquillity and gentleness, with peace and stillness, and not be
Spirit essentially tender

disquieted

by passion,

rage, anger,

and the
can

violence of irritated feelings.

How

such a

up with the exhibitions of the playhouse } For no play goes

Spirit put
*

Irenacus,

lib.

i.

ch.

vi.,

'Qc /u-Ji th; jra^a Qfo,

Tertullian de Spectaculis,

c.

xxiv.

"Hinc

] Ep. ad Donat. j De ypectaculis,

maxiine ethnici intelligunt factum Christianum de repudio spectaculorum." j [Part" of this passage is in c. xvii. and part in
vel
c.

xix.

c.xxv. H.

J.

R.I

THEATRICAL AMUSEMENTS OPPOSED TO SERIOUSNESS.

off
j

163

without violent commotion of the sion for theatrical amusements, they were minds of the spectators. No one, in again by degrees drawn back into the the theatre, thinks of any thing else than vortex of heathenism. Amidst the claThe heathens and Christians of a light to see and to be seen. mour of the players can any man think, land trivial disposition were in the habit upon the promise of a prophet, or medi- of urging on the more serious the followtate upon a Psalm during the melodious ing arguments Why should they withNow, since draw from these public pleasures strains of an eunuch } Such with us all immodesty is an object of outward pleasures of the eye and ear need horror, how can we dare there to listen not banish religion from the heart. God to things which we dare not speak, while would not be injured by the pleasures of we know that all useless and trifling men, and to enjoy these, in their proper discourse is condemned bv the Lord .'" place and season, without any violation Ephes. iv. 29 ; v. 4. So of the fear or the reverence due to God, Malt. xii. 36. constantly had the Christians in their could be no crime.* So Celsus, when he judgment on all their relations in life, challenges the Christians to partake in the the pattern of the Divine word and the public festivals, says to them, " God is
. . .
I j

.'

'

common God of all, he is good and without wants, and free from jealousy. To Tertullian, who was, no doubt, in- What then should prevent those who are clined to behold in every kind of art a lie so especially consecrated to him from parnature of
their

Christian calling before

the

their eyes

which counterfeited the original nature taking in the public festivals.| This is created by God, the whole system of plays quite in accordance with the usual wavs appeared an art of mere representation of levity, and a cold-hearted love of the and lies " The Creater of truth" says world, which, in opposing itself to moral " loves nothing false, seriousness of a high order, generally puts he, 1. c. ch. xxiii with him all fiction is falsehood ; he who on a most imposing air of philosophy. condemns all hypocrisy, will never ap- Tertullian gives the following answer
i

prove of any man,

who

counterfeits voice,

''

But

it

is

then our business

to

show,

only such things were made use of as belonged to the gif^s of God, which he had bestowed on man in order that man might enjoy them. No place either of Holy continued to be prejudicial to them.* Writ could be alleged, in which plays Others, after they had once or twice, were expressly forbidden. In regard to against the voice of their Christian con- chariot races, the riding in chariots could science, suflered the love of pleasure to have nothing sinful in it, for Elijah was bring them to the theatre, again took a taken to heaven in a chariot. Music and liking for these things,| and by their pas- dancing in the theatre could not be for* Tertullian gives us some examples, 1. c. ch. xxvi. A woman, who went to the theatre, returned home from it in the miserable coiiclition of a person possessed by an evil spirit ; and when it was attempted to exorcise the spirit, and he was asked how he dared to take possession of the soul of a believer, he said, or the sick person, who imagined that he was speaking in the name of the
evil spirit, said, "

and tears. When persons of weak minds, who thought really that it was unchristian to frequent the theatres, yet suffered themselves to be carried away by the prevailthings ing manners, and frequent them would sometimes occur to them there, which inflicted a deep wound on their Christian feelings, produced remorse of conscience in them, and destroyed their peace of uiind, in a manner which long
sex, age, love, hatred, sighs,
;

how

these pleasures cannot possibly consist with true religion and true obedience

towards the true God." Another argument, by which some who were devoted to amusements endeavoured
to silence their Christian conscience,
I

was

the following

that in these exhibitions

bidden, for we read in Scripture of choirs, of stringed instruments, of cymbals, horns,

and trumpets; we read of king David's dancing and playing before the ark of the covenant, (1 Chron. xvi. 29,) and we find the apostle Paul borrowing for the exhortation of Christians, similes from the

I was quite justified in what I upon her while she was in a place documenta de his, qui cum diabolo apud spectawhere my dominion lies." Another, after visiting cula communicando a Domino exciderunt !" the theatre, saw a fearful vision in the night, and * Tertull. 1. c. ch. i.

did,

seized

it

which she was thrown by

days afterwards.

was, perhaps, in consequence of the alarm into it, that she died five T/
\ Tertullian, de Spectaculis, ch.

I Origcn,
t,'ji

c.

Cels. Lib.

viii.

c.

21.

'o

),

tut>VH n^vq y.-JLKi'nx)i,x'i7utifA9ii>\ii; adrrif

x.'Xi

Tctii

XX vi.

"Quot

164

CHRISTIAN PLEASURES.

TertuUian calls upon the Christians to gymnastic ^ames and the circus.* Ephes. 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8. Philipp. iii. 14. compare the real spiritual pleasures, which vi. 13. TertuUian, in reply to this sophistry, says, their faith gave them to enjoy, with those " Oh how acute in argument does hu- false pleasures of the heathen world, (Ch. man ignorance fancy itself, especially xxix.) "Tell me then, what else is our when it is afraid of losing some of the desire, than that which was also the wish pleasures and enjoyments of the world." of the apostle, to depart out of the world There is thy Against the first argument he says, " As- and to be with the Lord. suredly all things are the gift of God; but pleasure, whither thy wishes ascend. then the question is, to what purpose Canst thou be so unthankful, that thou were they given ? and how may they be art not satisfied with the many and great used in subservience to their original pleasures which the Lord hath already destination.? what is the original creation bestowed upon thee, and acknowledgest of them, and what their sinful abuse ? for them not For what is a subject of higher there is a wide difference between the rejoicing than reconciliation with God, original purity of nature and its corrup- thy Father and Lord, than the revelation tion, between the creator and perverter of truth, the knowledge of error, and the of it." Against the second he says, " Al- remission of so many sins already comthough no express, verbal prohibition of mitted What can be a greater pleasure games and shows is found in Scripture, than the contempt of such pleasures, and yet it contains general principles, from the contempt of the whole world or than which this prohibition follows as a matter true freedom, a pure conscience, and a All which is said in general guiltless life.? what pleasure greater than of course. terms against the lust of the flesh and of not to fear death, and to feel that thou the eyes, must be applicable also to this mayest trample the idols of the heathen If we can con- to the dust, mayest cast out evil spirits, particular kind of lust. clude tliat rage, and cruelty, and wrath heal sicknesses, and pray for revelations .-* are permitted to us in Scripture, we are These are the pleasures, these the games certainly at liberty to visit the amphi- of the Christian, holy and eternal, and theatre. Are we such as we call our- such as no man can buy with money. selves, and shall we delight ourselves in And what, too, are those of which it is said, witnessing the shedding of human blood .?" that no eye hath seen them, no ear heard Against those who perverted Scripture in them, nor hath it entered into the heart of the manner above mentioned, the author man to conceive them .?" The author also of the treatise "De Spectaculis," in Cypri- of the work we have cited as found in the writings of Cyprian, says " He can an's writings uses the following language " I may safely affirm that it were better for never look with wonder on the works of such men never to know the Scriptures, man, who hath reckoned himself a child He falls down from his high than so to read them, for the words and of God. examples, placed there to exhort to tlie and noble pre-eminence, who looks with Let virtues of the Gospel, they pervert to the wonder at any thing but the Lord.
! . .

.'

.''

defence of vices; for this was written to

the believing Christian give

all

his dili-

awaken our zeal in things of real im- gence to the holy Scriptures, and there he portance by the consideration, that the will find the shows of faith, shows worthy heathen show such great zeal and eager- to be looked upon, and shows such as he
ness in
trivial things.
. . .

Reason of

itself

may deduce from the propositions laid down in Scripture those consequences,

who has lost his eyesight may delight in." When Christians renounced even being
present
at

the

representation

of these

which are not themselves expressly un- games and plays, the trade of an actor folded.}* Let every man take counsel of must of course, a fortiori.^ have been forhis

own heart, and commune with the person he professes to be as a Christian, enim ponderis habebit conscientia, quae nulli se and lie will never do any thing unbecoming alteri debebit, nisi sibi. to him, for the conscience, which binds * In this enumeration, which in its higli tone itself to none but itself, will always have of conscience and feeling, speaks the Christian the most weight."| sentiments of these early ages of Christianity, we
*

The

treatise "

de Spectaculis" in Cyprian's

works. j- Ratio docet, qune Scriptura conticuit. i Unusquisque cum persona profcssionis suas lOquatur et nihil unquam indecorum geret. Plus

may, besides the general Christian spirit which pervades it, remark the characteristic spirit of TertuUian a spirit which was constantly inclined to I)lace too great stress on individual and striking gifts of grace, and too little to regard what is said in St. Luke x. 20, and 1 Cor. xiii. 1.

SLAVERY AMONG THE ANCIENTS.

bidden to them. In the time of Cyprian the case had occurred in the North African Church, that a player, although a Christian, wished to procure his living by instructing boys in the art which he himself had formerly practised. The bishop Cyprian was asked in consequence wheiher such a person could be suflered to belong to the community, and he expressed himself most strongly against it: " Since it is forbidden, iu Deut. xxii. 5, to a man to dress himself in woman's clothes, and a curse is declared against any one who does this,* how far more wicked must it seem to make a man act the part of a woman thus immodestly, to put on indecent gestures, and to falsify God's creatures by the arts of the devil ?" " Suppose such an one," continues Cyprian, "should bring forward the pretext of poverty, his necessity may be relieved, among the rest whom the Church maintains, provided he will content himself with a more moderate way of life, indeed, but an innocent one. He must not, however, imagine that his ceasing to sin should be bought of him at a price, because he does this, not for our sake, but for his ow-n If the Church, where he live, is too poor to maintain him, let him come to Carthage; here he may receive what is
the
brightest
feelings

16;'

of man's

nobler

nature are tarnished and stained by this defect, (selfishness,) so we find its traces even in the political spirit of freedom among the ancients, although, perhaps, the marks of the original worth of man's nature might shine through this spirit. It does, however, itself bear the stamp of that
j

by which every thing, which does not spring out of man's regenerate nature, is debased. The zealous friends of freedom robbed a large portion of their fellow-men of that which they thought the greatest of blessings, they deprived them of all enjoyment of those rights, for the possession of which, in regard to themselves, they were so jealous and anxious; and the bitterest enemies of slavery were perfectly contented to dwell surrounded by thousands oflheir fellow-creatures, who served them as slaves. Their zeal for freedom, which ought to be the common
selfishness,

ssion of all men created in God's image, limited itself entirely within the narrow confines of their native country they knew of the rights of freedom only as the rights of citizens, and not as the universal rights of man ; and much as the condition of slaves was often mitigated bv civilization and morals, yet they were always in many respects treated not as needful for him for meat and raiment, in men, but as things. In a judicial investiorder that he may not teach others, who gation all the cruelties of torture might be are without the pale of the Church, what used upon an innocent slave ; and if a masis criminal, but may himself learn in the terhad been murdered by one of his slaves, Church that which is salutary.'"'! according to the Roman law, an hundred Among the circumstances foreign to its of the slaves who were in his service,
i ; I ,

nature,
lished
in

which Christianity found at its first propagation, was

selfishness
is

eslab- although their innocence was as clear as the ex- day, were executed with the murderer,
I

istence of slavery.

As the natural man, Christianity

i

whom

the leading princi[

pie, impresses

on every thing which

is

the
|

ofFspring of man's natural condition, his

own
*

peculiar stamp
was, however,

and
it

character, as even

It

must be remarked, no

uncommon
which

error in these days for

men

to cite iso-

lated passages of the

Old Testament, a work

in

and political regulations are so and apply them immediately and unconditionally to the Christian Church, without inquiring whether they suited the peculiar temper and nature of the economy of the New Testament, without inquiring', for instjmce, whether they belonged to that eternal law, which was not to be destroyed but fulfilled by the Gospel. Al- ters, by becoming believers, were mutually though, however, the particular law here mention- bound together in the same bond of an ed no longer existed as a positive ordinance in heavenly union, destined for immortality, the economy of the New Testament, yet it is easy They became brethren in Christ with to perceive that the moral ground of the prohibi^^,^^,j^ ^^^^^^ -^ ^^^-^^^^^ bondsman nor freetion still contmued, and therefore, the law might r they became members of one body, still be appealed to and put in force anew. made to drink of one Spirit, and heirs of t Ep. vi. ad Eucrat. [Ep. bci. Ed. Pam. ii. the same heavenly possessions. ed. Ox.] Servants
religious closely interwoven,
j

prepared an entire change it taught the originally equal rights, and the originally equal destinies of all men created in the image of God, and because it represented God as the Father, and Christ as the Redeemer of all mankind, and every individual as an immediate object of God's providential care. Masters, as well as slaves, were obliged to acknowledge themselves the slaves of sin, and all alike to receive their deliverance from the slavery of sin, the true, the highest free do?}i, as the gift of God's free grace. Servants and masfirst

in

these circumstances, because

man ,11

166
often

CHANGE PRODUCED FROM WITHIN.

became
the instructors of their

mas- been bought by Christ, and bought,

too,

ters in the Gospel, after they had caused the light of their faith to shine before them

in their
ters

narrow earthly sphere

in their servants

saw

;* and masno longer their

;

servants, but their beloved brethren they prayed and sang together, and would sit

together at the feasts of brotherly love, and together receive the body of the And besides, by the very spirit and Lord.
practice of Christianity, such ideas
feelings

down

and were naturally engendered, as were

inconsistent with this institution of slavery, however well it might correspond to the then established notions. Christianity would necessarily introduce a wish that all men should be placed in those circumstances, in which theyvv^ould be the least hindered in the free and independent use of their spiritual and moral powers according to the will of God and thus St. Paul says to tlie servant, (Cor. vii. 21,) " [f thou mayest be made free, use it rather." Nevertheless, Christianity never began by external changes and alterations for these, wherever they did not begin from the inward man, and there fix their first and firm foundation, would always have failed in their salutary designs. The new creation, which it produced, was in all respects an inward one,
utterly
: :

very dear. How can the world give freeto him, who is already the servant of another All in the world is appearance For then thou only, and nothing reality. wast free in regard to men, as one bought by Christ and now thou art a servant of Christ, although set free by a man. If thou dost esteem the freedom which the world can give thee a real freedom, thou art again become by this a slave to men, and hast lost the freedom bestowed on thee by Christ, because thou esteemest it a slavery." One of the imperial slaves, named Euelpistus, being conducted before the tribunal with Justin Martyr and other " I also am a Christians, spoke thus

dom

.'

I have received freedom through Christ, and through his grace I partake in the same hope."* The servant

Christian, and

v/as to turn his state of service into free-

serving his master for the sake of God, with a free heart and spirit by recognising in his spirit God alone as his master, who placed him in this state, and

dom by

by keeping Him before

ing,

his eyes

by seekadvantage

with a

faithful heart, the

of his earthly master, rendering him due service and obedience, without the fear of man, in all things which did not contravene the laws of God, and ceasing to obey

from which all outward effects, in their whole compass and extent, were to flow, by degrees, and therefore, with more certainty and greater benefit. It left
at first

him, where the

condition,
ter

commands of men were

If an earthly which suited his destination as a man, and his calling as a Christian, bet-

against the laws of God.

external relations to exist for a time as they were, but by infusing into them a new
spirit,
it

were
it

offered to a Christian,
Avith joy.
St.

accept

he was to Paul says, " Art

.?

prepared their complete reforma- thou called, being a servant care not for internal eflijcts on men's minds. it, but if thou mayest he made free, use it It first gave to the slave that true and in- rather?'' But if this choice were not ward freedom, witliout which all earthly given to him, the Christian was not to and bodily freedom is but a name, and boast of his rights, or lift himself up, as a which, wherever it exists, no earthly bond, Christian, above his heathen master, but no earthly yoke, can overwhelm and sub- in the spirit of self-sacrificing love, of hudue. St. Paul .says, " He that is called in mility, and self-denial, which animated the Lord, while he is a servant, is the him, he was to let the light of his ChrisLord's freeman." Tertullian, in showing tianity sliine before his earthly master, how far exalted this heavenly freedom is that he might win him for the common above the earthly, says,t " In the world, Lord and Master of all in heaven. Irenajus,
tion,

by

its

have received their freedom, bishop of Antioch, writes thus to Polycarp, But thy freedom has already bishop of Smyrna, (ch. iv.,) Be not proud towards servants and maidens, but at the * The example of Onesimus was often repeated. same time they must not exalt themselves, Tertullian appeals to cases where a master, who but serve with more zeal to the honour of havin? patiently put up with the former crimes of God, that they may receive that higher a servant, when he found him quite reformed, but freedom at the hands of God. They must at the same time heard that this reformation was owing to Christianity, sent him to the house of not expect their freedom to be bought by correction, out of i)ure hatred to Christianity. the Church, lest they should be found the Apologet. c- iii., "Servum jam fideleni dominus servants of their own lusts."
are crowned.
''

those

who

dim

initis

ab oculis relegavit."
Militis, c. xiii.

f De Corona

* Acta Mart.

Justini.

IMITATION OF CHRIST.
Another question, on which men's opinions were divided, was this Whether a Christian could conscientiously accept a magisterial or a military office, and especially with regard to the latter. As the heathen state religion was so closely interwoven with all the relations of political and social life, all such olficos would be
:

16-

same under outward circumstances of very different complexions and the outioard
;

possession of earthly property, and of earthly splendour, when a man's condition

and circumstances required it, and the use of earthly power and might in an earthly
calling, M'as

not necessarily prohibited

likely to produce cases, in

all this might and ought to be sanctified which a man by means of Christianity. But it was

could not avoid partaking

tians,

in the

ceremo- natural that the Christians,

in

the

first

nies of the heathen religion.

All Chris-

natural, that in their first ardour they should willingly cast away from them all those earthly things, which they saw serving the purposes of heathen corruption, and reject earthly might and glory, which they saw so often opposed to the citizen."* will of God.* Under this point of view But the question, whether a Christian, TertuUian says, (de Idololatria, c. xviii.:) supposing his faith not compromised, was " Thou, as a Christian, must follow the at liberty to accept such an office, was model of thy Lord he, the Lord, came quite a distinct one, and was answered in in humility and low estate he was withthe affirmative by one party, and in the out any fixed habitation 'for the Son of negative by another. The question must man,' says he, hath not where to lay his he carefully considered, with a due regard head :' he came clad in the garb of poto the circumstances in which the Church verty, for otherwise he would not have was then placed. The prevailing idea of said, Behold, they that wear soft clothing the Christian life was this to follow a are in king's houses,' and he came withRedeemer, who had entered the world in out beauty or comeliness of appearance, poverty and low estate, and had hidden as Isaiah foretold, (ch. iii.) If he would his glory under the form of a servant to not even once exercise the rights of dofollow Him in humility, in self-denial, and minion over his own, for whom he perin renunciation of every thing earthly. formed the most menial service, if he, The Christian's glory was in heaven with fully conscious as he was of his regal his Saviour; in his earthly appearance, power, yet shrunk from being made a that which was utterly devoid of authority king, he gave a perfect example to all his and splendour, and most like the appear- disciples, to avoid all which is high and ance of his Saviour, was most befitting. glorious in earthly rank and power. For He depised the power and the glory of who had a better title to make use of these this world, while he felt himself exalted things than the Son of God What fasces, by the consciousness of partaking in the and how many of them, would lie iiave power and glory of a far dilferent one. made to precede hini what purple would But, then, this renunciation of earthly have flowed from his shoulders! what things consisted in the state of the mind, gold would have gleamed from his head and the affections of this might remain the had he not declared that the glory of the world benefited neither him nor his. He * De Corona Militis, c. xi. " A pud hunc tarn condemned also that which he rejected."!" miles est, paganus fiJelis, quam paganus, miles inMany Christians also imagined, with a fKleiis." have as reading
; ;
; ;

on this view of the question, proclaimed with one voice, that no necessity could ever excuse this, hi this respect, what Teitullian says is certainly spoken from the hearts of all Christians "Christ never changes. There is one Gospel and one Jesus, who will deny all who deny Him, and confess all who confess God with Him the believing citizen (paganus) is a soldier of the Lord, and the soldier has the same duties to perform as the
:

warmth of make these

should not between outward and imoard, and that they should be inclined to conceive in an outward manner
their conversion,

distinctions

the necessity

had appeared

in the

of imitating a Lord, who form of a servant it

;

was

'

.'

here translated

if

the

were "
tullian

for which emendation, what Terhad before said of " fides pagana," gives some authority. The common reading may, howfidelis,"

ever,

may

be taken in the following sense

"

The were
ipsi

faithless soldier,

he
is

who violates the

'

duties of Chrisin regard to

* Hence, the heathen in Minucius Felix, c. viii., describes the Christians as men who, while they themselves half naked, despised honours and " Honores et purpuras despiciunt purple robes.

tian fidelity,
his militia
;

is

to

him as a paganus'

seminudi."

he

the

'

milites

one excluded from the order of Christi,' the duties of which he has

violated."

f (Gloriam soculi) <quam damnavit in pompa diaholi deputavit." These are the words of 'J'ertullian, one of the most violent advocates of these

168

THE STATE AND CHRISTIANITY OPPOSED.

conscientiousness which, abstractedly con- he to render the emperor a more eflectual sidered, always deserves our admiration, assistance than the ordinary soldiers. We that passages like Matt. v. 39, were to be may also use the following argument with Your priests keep their This arose from not tlie heathen interpreted literally. CQusidering that the passages in question hands pure, that they may be able to offer disposition of the the accustomed sacrifices to the gods, chiefly related to the lieart, and that their object was to banish with hands unstained with blood, and you all thirst for revenge from- the hearts of do not compel your priests, even in times men, so that love alone might reign there, of war and difficulty to take the field. although even love itself is often obliged Their duty is, as priests of God, to comto inflict pain, for a season, on the very bat by prayer for those who are waging a objects whose real advantage it is seeking. just war, and for the lawful emperor, in Their Christian feelings would not allow order that all which opposes those that them to suffer themselves to become the have right on their side may be annihilainstrument of another's pain, and to assist ted. Tlie Christians render greater service in the execution oi the laic, where a spirit to their country than other men, inasmuch of severe justice, to the exclusion of the as they instruct the citizens, and teach spirit of mercy and love, was the leading them to become pious towards God, on whom the welfare of cities depends, and and the animating principle.* Christians, under the then existing cir- who receives those whose conduct in a cumstances, were generally accustomed poor and miserable city has been good, When to consider the state as a power hostile to into a divine and heavenly city."* the Church, and it was far from their Celsus argued that the Christians ought imagination to conceive it possible that to undertake the duties of the magistracy Christianity should appropriate to itself in their native country, Origen replied, also the relations and offices of the state.j " But we know that in every city we have The Christians stood aloof and distinct another country, whose foundations are from the state, as a priestly and spiritual in the word of God, and we require it race, and Christianity seemed able to in- from those who are competent by their fluence civil life only in that manner talent and pious lives, to take upon themwhich, it must be confessed, is the purest, selves the offices requisite for the mainteby practically endeavouring to instil more nance of order in the Churches." Those, on the contrary, who deterand more of holy feeling into the citizens When Celsus required that mined that it was allowable for a Chrisof the state. the Christians should take up arms for the tian to accept civil and military offices, protection of the rights of the emperor, and fight in his armies, Origen answered, * A few critical remarks are necessary to esta" We do, in fact render the emperor Divine blish the propriety of the translation here given of assistance, by putting on the Divine ar- this passage, which is taken from the eighth Book
:

'

'

mour,

in

of the apostle, more pious any

opinions,

which we follow the command 1 Tim. ii. 1. And the man is, the more able is
must be confessed, and a writer with

of Origen, against Celsus.

the reading
uine,
ii;

tov T6X<s5t

flssv

In the words of Origen appears to be the genIt is

and lU

rov Tcev o^aiv Smv a false reading.

easy to understand

how

the predicate contained

it

whom
*

they appear carried to the very extreme, as well as every thing else, which seized upon his

the former reading, which is very unusual in a Christian's mouth, should be changed into the latter, which is common enough ; but a change " vice

mind and animated him.

'I'ertullian,

in treating

separates those cases in

There is, versa" is difficult to be accounted for. however, nothing to startle us in Origen, even from on this subject, first a Christian point of view, calling God mxiaj;. as a which a Christian cannot, comparison with Zuc ttoxisj; was before his eyes.

under any circumstances, administer a magisterial " Jam vero quas sunt potestatis, neque juofllcc. dicet de capitc alicujus vcl pudorc, feras enim de
pecunia,
torqueat,

The word

ttcmcj so often repeated in this passage,

speaks for this play on words.

If

we

take this

neminem
si

vinciat,

ncminem

recludat aut

reading, the play on words further makes it probable that we ought to read dvxKct/A^dinvTa instead

hccc credibile est fieri posse."

The

Council of Elvira, canon 56, ordained, that no magistrate should be allowed to visit the Cliurch during any year in which he had to preside as

of uvxa^(S:<V'JVTK. [This passage is considerably abridged from the

this abridgment it appears to me that ; has slightly altered the turn of the passage in one sentence, although the general sense is adhered to. I mean the passage beginning, " Their duty," which I have translated from the German and not from the Greek. In the original this sentence appears to me to apply to the Christians, not to the heathen priests. The passage is taken from B. viii.

original

Decemvir over cases of

j-

and death. How little Tertullian imagined that the empf^rors themselves would ever be Christians, m.iy iifc judged of from the following expressions, Apolife

loget. c. xxi., " iScd et Ca;sares credidisbcnt

Christo,
earii

si ei

super aut Ciesares rion essent steculo neces-

out

et Christian! potuissent esse Csesares."

ch. 73, 74. ed.

De

la

Kue. H.

J. R.]

CHRISTIANITY OPPOSED TO EXTREMES.

169

supported their opinion by examples out world is opposed to the kingdom of God, A just and ob- and his conversation was to be in heaven, of the Old Testament. vious answer in this case was, that we riis whole life must, therefore, receive a are not at liberty to conclude that every new complexion \ it was to be a sacrifice of thing, which was consonant to the nature thaidisgiving for the grace of redemption, of the dispensation of the Old Testament, and consecrated to God under the influence would also suit the nature of tliat of the of the Redeemer's Spirit. With tliese feelNew.* Even when it was advanced, that ings was the Christian bound to use and to John the Baptist had not commanded the enjoy every thing he did enjoy, and these soldiers, who came to him, to give up feelings were to sanctify all the ways and their profession, but had prescribed rules all the pleasures of the citizen of heaven, for tliem to practice it in a manner agree- while his fleshly abode was still in the Among the heathen, the feeling able to God, it might be alleged in reply, world. that John had stood only on the limit be- which stood contrasted with a reckless tween the old and the new dispensation. enjoyment of all that youth and freshBut when they appealed to the case of ness can find to gratify their desires, was the centurion, whose faith Christ himself a mournful acknowledgement of the fleethad praised, (Luke vii.,) and of the believ- ing nature of the world, that melancholy, ing Cornelius, their adversaries had more which having found the nothingness of

reason to acknowledge the weight of their

appeal, and even TertuUian himself, the warm opponent of tlie profession of arms

all

on

earth,

abandons

itself to

despair,

or sinks into cold resignation, and flies enjoyments so deceitful, and a world,

Christians, did not feel himself whose false pleasures are so seducing or altogether to condemn those and delusive, with lofty contempt who, having become Christians while with the despair of one who, having they wece soldiers, continued in their old found that all below is fleeting and false, profession, provided it was unattended has nothing real and abiding, wherewith with any thing which caused them to to replace it. On the one hand, a lawless on violate their fidelity as Christians.! Many life of wild and reckless enjoyment;

among

authorised

also argued against the propriety of Christians becoming soldiers, from Matt. xxvi.

52, considering that Avhen our Saviour commanded Peter to put the sword into the sheath, He had given the same com-

mand

to

all

Christians,! although

this

passage,

taken with the context, can be considered as opposed only to an unauthorised taking up of arms, and as meant to reprove the self-willed spirit of man, which is desirous of furthering by of polytheism, deifying all the powers of means of outward might the cause of nature, and, under their influence, with God, which God alone is capable of con- fresh and vigorous feelings abandoning itself to all the pleasures which the naducting by his word and Spirit. Christianity was destined by its peculiar tural life is capable of deriving from indion the other, the dark, nature to conduct human life between two vidual objects, extremes, a vain devotion to the world, and proud spirit of pantheism, despising all a gloomy and proud contempt of it. The that is individual, together with all the centre and the fundamental doctrine of energies and pleasures which are derived Christianity, the doctrine of redemption, from it, as mere false appearances, as a here also stamped its peculiar spirit and delusion which carries man away captive, character upon the Christian life. The re- and as a narrow limit which cramps his deemed no longer belonged to himself, but views, a spirit which only sought by to his Redeemer in his inward life he had serious abstract contemplation to unite departed out of the world, as far as the itself with that one substantive Being,
!
j '

when

under the burden of the law, where the law has evoked the consciousness of guilt, and man, pursued by the feeling of impurity and guilt, carries this feeling into every thing around him, a life where to the impure all things are impure To one in this state, all nature appeared unclean, all its enjoyments defiling, and sense and matter the seat of evil. On the one hand, stood the spirit
the other, a
life

'

which hides
* TertuUian,
<lc

itself

under the deceitful

Iilololatria,

c.

xviii.

" Scito

non semper comparanda

esse vctera et nova, riulia

The first guise of these individualities. was certainly the prevailing spirit in the

et polita, cnnpta et applicita, servilia et liberalia."

t Tertull. do ('orona Militis, c. xi. TertuUian, de Idololatria, c. xix.

Roman and
old world

Grecian
tlie

heathenism;
youthful
life

but,

"Omnem
dis-

nevertheless, as

of the

postca militem
cinxit."

Dominus

in Petro

exarmando

was daily waning away, as

every thing grew old and died, the latter

22

170
spirit constantly

CHRISTIANITY OPPOSED TO EXTREMES.

gained ground ; and be- TertuUian thus answers these accusasides this, during these times of power- tions against the Christians, Apologet. c. spiritual excitement, and lively inter- xliii., " How can such an accusation lie ful course between the Western World and against those who live among you, who the distant East, the theosophic and as- share the same fare with you, and the cetic spirit of the latter had extended same clothing, and have the same comChris- mon wants of life ? For we are no itself also widely over the West. tianity, on the contrary, universally raised Brahmins, nor hidian Gymnosophists ; out of death, and only we are no dwellers in the woods, no men up a new life killed, in order that a nobler life might who have left the common haunts of life ; have power to rise up. As soon as it we feel deeply the gratitude we owe to had brought man to the consciousness, God, our Lord and Creator; we despise that the source of evil and impurity was not the enjoyment of any of his works not without, that it was not to be sought we only desire to moderate this enjoyin nature, or in sense and matter, but ment in such a manner, that we may We, therefore, in his own inward heart, in sin ; that avoid excess and misuse. to the impure all things are impure, and inhabit this world in common with you, to the pure all things are pure ; and as and we make use of baths, of shops, soon as it had freed him from this op- workshops, and fairs, and all that is used pressive consciousness of guilt and un- in the intercourse of life. We also carry cleanness, bv faith in the Redeemer, it on, in common with you, navigation, wary restored to him the universal range of agriculture, and trade we take part in nature, as a purified and ennobled temple your occupations, and our labour, when of God, where the redeemed must glorify needful, we give to the public service."* Still, although Christians did not by any The fruits of the Spirit, of his God which St, Paul speaks, are not a dark means retire from the business of life, yet and haughty moodiness, but love, joy, they were accustomed to devote many and friendship. It is joy in the Holy separate days peculiarly to examining their Spirit to which he appeals so often, as own hearts, and pouring them out before God, while they dedicated their life anew the characteristic of the Christian life. As Christianity opposed a thoughtless to Him with uninterrupted prayers, in thirst for pleasure with a holy serious- order that they might again return to their ness, so also it opposed to that ascetic ordinary occupations, with a renovated self-righteousness, that dark and proud spirit of zeal and seriousness, and with contempt of the world, the spirit of hu- renewed powers of sanctification. These mility and the childlike feeling of delight days of holy devotion, days of prayer in the grace of our heavenly Father, and penitence, which individual Christians which receives with thankfulness all his appointed for themselves according to gifts, even those of an eartlily nature, as tlieir individual necessities, were often a tokens of eternal love. The Christian kind of fastdays. In order that their senwas not to escape out of this corrupted sual feelings might less distract and imworld, but he received a call, by means pede the occupation of their heart with its of the spirit which animated him, as a holy contemplations, they were accus;

light, as salt,

and as leaven, to contribute

his share towards the general renovation

of

human
It

nature, and of the

human

must have thought Christianity a kind of pietism, a religion carried to excess, " immodica
ficient,

race.

siiperstitio,

was,
to

that

we must avow, natural enough, the heathen, who delighted in

inscription at Lyons, quoted

the pleasures of the world, Christianity by becoming too pious, 'quajdum nimia pia fuit, should seem a gloomy and dark religion, facta est impia.' and Christians appear as a race of men * A passage of Irenjeus, where he speaks of who abhorred the light, and, having ut- their dependence on the heathen, under whom terly died to the world, were no longer they lived, in respect of maintenance, will show useful in it.* (See above, p. 86.) But how foreign to the notions of Christians in general

In a monumental by Gilbert Burnet, in a lieathen husband says of his Christian wife, that she had become impious
pietatis."

nimium

the

first

of his

letters,

was
*

In Minucius Felix,

c. 8,

Christians "lalc^brosa
tainly

et hicifutja

the heathen calls the natio;" and cer-

that monkery, which grew up in later days. It occurs, lib. iv. c. .30. " Etcnim, si is, qui tibi hrcc imputabat, scparatuscst a gentilium coetu, et nihil

pleasure, or the

customed

the heathen, the frivolous man of est alicnorum apud cum.sed est simpliciter nudus, man of the worM, who was ac- et nudis pedibus et sine domo in montibus convcrcomply on the easiest terms with the satur, quemadmodum aliquot ex his animalibus, demands of reliction, and thought a few outward quae herbiS vescuntur: veniam merebitur, ideo ceremonies and a few good works were amply sufto

amon^

ORIGIN

AND EFFECTS OF ASCETICISM.

171

tomed Q^n these days to limit their corpo- selves, " philosopher and ascetic" were real wants more than usual, or to fast en- kindred* ideas, and from them this same tirely. In the consideration of this, we connection of ideas, and this same sort of must not overlook the peculiar nature of expression, passed over to the Christians, that hot climate in which Christianity whom it particularly suited to refer the was first promulgated. That which was name of philosophy to a system of pracspared by their abstinence on these days, tice: and in later times, therefore, the was applied to the support of the poorer name of (piMa-o^m was given to monkery. brethren. There were also many who, in Jt was in part tiie case that some of these
the first warmth of zeal, at their baptism, heathen ascetics, being led to made over to the Church chest, or to the by their serious endeavours

Christianity
after

moral

poor, a large portion of their earthly property, or sometimes all that they had, because they felt themselves bound to declare, with all their power, their contempt of earthly things, by which their hearts

perfection, continued their former habits

of life after their conversion, because they contained nothing, which necessarily of
itself

and by

itself

was repugnant

to

perhaps, that others, in had till enslaved, and to declare wliom Christianity had first produced a again with all their power what their heart seriousness of character, embraced these was now full of, their cheerful readiness habits of life, as a token of the change to ofi'er and to sacrifice all they possessed which was wrought in them. Tlie atto their Saviour, that they might win his tention which they attracted by publicly
Christianity, or,

now been

heavenly crown. They felt as if the Lord hud said to each of them, " If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to tlie poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven, and come and follow me.'" They led, in the midst of the community, a quiet retired life, maintained themselves by the labour of their hands, and remained unmarried, that undistracted by worldly cares, they might devote themselves to prayer and to the study of Scripture, to holy contemplations, and to endeavours after the kingdom of heaven. And what they could spare from the produce of their labour, living on the lowest possible allowance of the poorest food, they applied again to the purposes of Christian charity. Such persons were

appearing in garb of the

philosopher's cloak,t the philosophic ascetics, they might make use of in order to enter upon philosophical and religious conversations with those whom curiosity or veneration gathered around them in the public walks and porticos, and to represent to them
tlie

Christianity

as the new and heavenly philosophy,^ which had come to them irom the East. Justin Martyr is assuredly painting from the life, when he relates that when he appeared on a public walk early in the morning, a multitude came to him with the words, " Good morrow,

philosopher
that

!"|| and one of them said he had learned from his master in

philosophy, that the cloak of the philosopher was never to be slighted, but that called the ahstincnt^ the zealous aspirants those who appeared in it were to be welChristian perfection^ " continentes," comed in a friendly manner, and their after
a.ay.ma.1,.*

There were besides many who conversation sought

childhood, by means of a pious Christian education, were filled with so deep a love of the Divine nature, that they desired as far as possible to loosen all their earthly ties. People of this description were found in both sexes, and the females were especially called wa^Ge^o*, " virgines."t Among the heathen them-

from

after-, which then introduces a dialogue concerning the marks of true religion and on Christianity. Rejoice," says Tertullian to the philosopher's mantle, rejoice, for now a bet''

''

philosophy has deigned to enclose itself within thee, since thou hast begun to
ter

be the garb of the Christian." By what has been said, it will be judged
natural, that from the opposition to

* Aj-ks/v, ua-Kurn;.

These were common words

worldly
into

at that

time among heathens and Christians alike, to denote particular exercises and practices of a moral tendency.

pleasures

which Christianity

called

\ Tertulliaii speaks of these, de Cullu Foemin. lib, ii. c. 9. "Aliqui abstinentes vino et animalibus esculentis, multi se spadonatui obsignant propter rognum Dei." And Justin Martyr also, Apol. ii., TTO.KOt TlfK K-U 7nK>M 6^))JtiVTCUTC< H'U ifiSou<pi:^oi Jiu/jti/ou3-i.

purposely from the beginning embraced this course of life. * See, for instance, Artemidor. Oneirocrit. iv., where he speaks of an "Axs^ivefgif i c>/xs!rc<?cf,5/t.eA
Ji
cUjtu)

ovrt

aviet itTKHTM

oi/Ti

yi.fjt.'.u

dim

KCtta'H'M

(ilTi

TTKOVTOU

and

V.

8., {<fl/A:{7;97tV

EliTCVd'C Jtati

TOU

Kcyot; nxt rn d(rx.>iTU ^^uTi/uivot dx.oKcuSv(,

f This passage, however, will by no moans bear us out in saying that all of these
i

Tg//2v, T^ijiiivi'.v

pallium.
Jud.

Dial,

cum Tryph.

172
action, this

CLEMENT AGAINST LEVITY.

tendency to an ascetic life side of the new, it was to be expected, We cannot that the different dispositions of the old should have sprung up. look upon asceticism, abstractedly con- man, which at first opposed themselves in sidered, as any thing unchristian, and open array against the introduction of condemn it, as long as those who prac- Christianity, again, in a later age, having tised it considered it only as a means stolen unperceived into the Christian life, towards the furtherance of holiness, par- should, under a Christian form, oppose ticularly adapted to their own individual genuine Christianity, and under this insicharacter, or as a means, under certain dious form they would, of course, be far circumstances, particularly adapted to the more dangerous. This was also the case in regard to the furtherance and progress of the kingdom of God; as long as they did not make particular circumstance of which we have The two opposite and the means the end, nor forget the end in been speaking. the means ; as long as in the " opus op- false tendencies, the one to a giddy enjoyeratum" of asceticism no merit was ment of worldly things, and the other to claimed, nor the outward appearance of a proud contempt for the w^orld, which holiness deemed sufficient, while the real, Christianity on its first appearance had to essential, and inward purification of the combat, introduced themselves into Chrisheart, which is founded on love and on tian life, under a Christian form, not only
humility, was neglected or forgotten ; in a word, as long as men attended to the imin the sects

which opposed the universal Church, (where we afterwards find them

but also
herself.

portant words of the apostle, who utters " And though I the following warning bestow all my goods to feed the poor,
:

again,)

in

the

midst

of

the

Church

On

the one hand, as early as the time

and though 1 give my body to be burned, of Clement of Alexandria, there were and have not charity, it profiteth me no- those among the Christians, who rejected thing." But as soon as this was forgot- the exhortation " not to go, like the heaten, the
state,

transition would be rapid to a then, to the amusements of the tlieatre, where the inward charnel-house of and to consider deeply what is becoming corruption would be whited over with to the seriousness of the Christian chaWe and racter," with the following excuse the outward appearance of holiness under a Christian semblance, such an as- cannot be all philosophers and ascetics, ceticism would be most inimical to the we are imlearned people, we cannot read, Oh we understand nothing of the Holy Scripreal interests of vital Christianity. that all ascetics had been animated by ture how can people lay us under such Clement anthe spirit of humility and self-<lenial strict and rigorous rules .'" which the young Alcibiades showed swers these lightminded excuses in a among the confessors imprisoned at truly evangelical spirit such a distinction Lyons.* He had been accustomed, as between worldly and spiritual persons an ascetic, to live only on bread and could not be allowed among Christians, water, and he continued this habit also in who were all bound, as such, to live in prison, when it was revealed to Attains, the same self-denial, all alike bound to another of the confessors, by the voice of be a spiritual people. " Are we not all
''

'

What sayest ? then thy belief? what God bestows, and to create by that How canst thou love God and thy neighmeans a jealousy among the otiier Chris- bour, without being a philosopher ? (in tians. So Alcibiades immediately obeyed that practical sense in which ascetics are
the Spirit in his inward heart, that Alcibiades was doing wrong, not to enjoy
striving after eternal
life

thou

What

signifies

called philosophers.) Although thou hast without not learned to read, this forms no excuse distinction, in a spirit of thankfulness to thee, for thou canst hear tlie word of towards God."!" God. Faith is the possession, not of those As Christianity did not produce any who are wise according to this world, but change on human of those who are wise in God ; faith is momentary or magical nature, but imparted to it a Divine prin- learnt without letters; the writing by cijilc of life, which, with man's co-opera- which it is engraven on the heart, is a tion, was by degrees to penetrate and writing for the unlearned also, and it is cnoble his wiiole nature, as the old man nevertheless a Divine writing,and is called constantly dragged himself along by the luvc "* And where he intimates how
tills

exhortation, and without raising any

scruples, enjoyed

every

thing,

See Page 66-

f Euseb.

V. 3.

TlirTK it

oil

a-c^aiv

rccv Jt-iT* K'.tr/ucv,

uAA*

raiY

CONTRAST

EXTREME

ASCETICISM.

'4'5

to themselves, the corruptions of sense were likely to appear among spiI allude to culiar sanctity to the ascetic life and a state ritual things and pervert them of celibacy, promised them a higher de- these young women, dwelling and living From this in common with unmarried spiritual pergree of future happiness.^ fancy, joined with the false representa- sons, under the pretence of a connection tion of a peculiar priesthood, and a pe- of a purely spiritual nature.t culiar class of priests in the Christian When once Christian perfection was Church, there arose by degrees, in the made to consist in such a withdrawal course of llie third century, the error that from the usual habits of life, this inconthe single life belongs to the sanctity of venience was sure to follow, that the reThe notion of quisites of Christian perfection would be the spiritual condition.^ the meritorious efficacy of such a life, the lowered, and that the multitude would be reverence which men obtained by it, and at liberty to avail themselves of this, as perhaps, also here and there the hope of an excuse for the non-performance of obtaining a comfortable maintenance from those things even, which Christianity rethe reverence of the community without quires from every man under all circumpersonal labour, now moved many to stances, an excuse which, as we have enter into the order of women devoted observed above, Clement of Alexandria only to the Lord. Thence, therefore, had to combat. among these every kind of female vanity From the very first, however, voices of arose under the outward appearance of no mean account were raised against this holiness, and was fostered by general de- false ascetic inclination, and called attenference and honour, which is of all things tion to the essentials of Christian feeling,

Christianity ought to leaven all the intercourse of life, he says " Also the affairs of the world may be administered by a Christian, with God's will, after an unworldly manner, and thus those who are ia trade, publicans and the like, may show a spirit of philosophy."* On the other hand, a moral spirit was also formed on partial views, with an ascetic tendency, which under a false point of view, set the human in opposition to which overlooked and misthe Divine, took the character of Christianity by which it is destined to penetrate and enwhich sought noble ail human relations a merit before God and man in fasts and abstinences and which, ascribing a pe:

Cyprian was, therefore, obligi a letter of exhortation and

the subject of the variety of
the love

of pomp, which

hi

among

the rich damsels of Cai

were dedicated to God.* It L-,...cumes happened that these people, while they
despised the pure institution for human which God leads man by the voice of nature, and- which Christianity lias .sanctified, created for themselves artinature, to

which opposed nature, and opposed Christianity also relations in which, while men forgot the weakness of the flesh and trusted too
ficial relations,

therefore,

much

one of the most dangerous to mankind. by which alone

Kxra.
Qi'.v
itrri

all

external things can ac-

to xtx^m." ts

jS

Si

k-ju

ovoj ygcLfxutruiv

In the "Shepquire their true character. herd of Hennas," a writing much esteem-

'utTrauSiviTiJ- Jtai

(Tiiyyert./j.y.a.

a.-jrui,

to

liueriK'A'
lib. iii.

afx-x

x^i TO Bucv

&.yct7rn

nixyjitau.

Psedagog.

ed in the first centuries of Christianity, which represents the practical Christian

25.5.

* 'AAXa

KM TA

iv

KOTjuo) Kcvfjuom; Kara,

is

0kv

StTr-xyuv

ob KtnaKurai.

(there

here a play on the double

under an allegorical form, it is said,J " Above all things exercise your abstilife
* See the treatise de Habitu Virginum. f Those who were afterwards called o-vvturaKTU,

meaning of the word

KOJ
Ttfl/Tlt

KOT/uci, in

Greek, which can

Kid
ol

neither be translated into

(}>IX:.<7'C<pi'J]/'Ta!V

German nor English)

C^U.l'.t

Ot

a}

KavirXot.

f Expressly in Origen, Homil. 19 in Jerem. 4, Comp. Cyprian, de Habitu Virginum. \ The council of Elvira (from which, however, we cannot argue to the g(*neral use of the Church,)
in

which the

ascetic spirit prevailed strongly, or-

dered, canon 33, that those bishops, priests, and

deacons, who were living in the marriage state, should be deprived of their places.

" subintroductjE." On the other side, see Cyprian, Ep. Ixii. ad Pompon. Although, perhaps, Cyprian elsewhere speaks in too exaggerated language of the engagement, connected with the entrance into such a kind of life, as a " connubium spiritale cum Domino," he explains himself here with very proper moderation, "Si autem perseverare nolunt vel non possunt, melius est, ut nubant,

^mulatio

illas,

quando
Veland.

et ipse venter

non religio producit, Deus eorum, quia facile

ali-

quam

vir-

But the in igncm dclictis suis cadant." council of Elvira decreed, canon 13, that virgins,

gines fratcrnitas suscipit.

c.

xiv.

It

TertuUian, de Virgg. must be confessed that Tertul-

who had
turn to
^

it,

thus left their order, and would not reshould not be allowed to receive the
in the

lian is here .speaking as a violent

and exaggerated
1

communion, even
Lib.
iii.

hour of death.

accuser of the Catholic Church.

Similitud. v.

p2

17a

CLEMENT ON ASCETICISM.
external things.
that

gience in this, in abstaining from saying or listening to evil things, and purify your
polhition, from all revengeand covetousness, and on the day in which you fast, content yourself witli bread, vegetables, and water, and thank God for these. Reckon, however, how much your meal would have cost on this day, and give the price to which this comes to the widow, the orphan, or the poor. Happy is it for you, if you, with all yoiT children, and with your whole

the Redeemer,

They did not observe who saw even the

heart from

all

hearts of

ful feelings

men, laid this trial of self-denial on the young man just exactly for this

very reason, that he was most enslaved in this one point, and because he might best be taught by demanding this proof, how far short he still was from the moral perfection and fulfilment of the law, which he had flattered himself belonged to him. Clement of Alexandria, in his beautiful essay, entitled, " How shall the rich man

Cle- act, in order to be saved ?"* endeavoured to oppose this error, and the notions that many forms of heathen worship re- founded upon it, by showing that with quired celibacy and abstinence from meal our Saviour all depends upon the affec" Our Saviour," says Clement, and wine in their priests, and that among tions. the Indians there were strict ascetics, the " does not command us, as many superSamaneans,* and therefore, he concludes, ficially suppose, to cast away our earthly that what is found also in other religions, property, but to banish from our souls and also connected with superstition, can- the thoughts of money, and desires after that sickness of the soul, the cares, not be in itself and of itself peculiarly it Christian-, and he adds, "Paul declares the thorns of this earthly life, which that the kingdom of God consists not in choke the seed of heavenly life meals and drink, nor in abstaining from What is that which our Lord announces wine and meat, but in righteousness, as something new, as the only source of As life of which those of old knew nothing? peace, and joy in the Holy Spirit humility is shown, not by the chastise- What is this which is peculiar to him? ment of the body, but by gentleness, so What the new creation? He desires not also is temperance a virtue of the soul, that which is outward, which others have and consists not in external but in inter- also done, but something higher, more

household, observe these things."

to

ment of Alexandria appeals

the fact,

Temperance does not merely to any one individual thing, not merely to pleasure but it is also temperance to despise money, to tame the tongue, and to obtain the mastery over evil by reason-t
nal

abstinence.

divine, and
fied

relate

perfect, which is signioutward conduct; namely, that all whlck is foreign to the soul, must he torn out by the roots, and banished from the soul For they who of old despised outward things, gave away,

more

by

this

A method of interpretation of Scripture which does not penetrate into its spirit, but relies on passages isolated from their context, which it, therefore, must misunderstand, would necessarily often serve as the support of theoretical and practical errors in Christianity, and that was the case here also. Passages, where Christ
the

indeed, their earthly goods, but they cherished within them far stronger desires;
for they

says that the rich enter with difliculty into kingdom of heaven, where he requires of the rich young man, in order to attain

perfection, that he should sell all his goods, distribute to the poor, and follow him these passages were so misunderstood, that people concluded from them that the bare possession of earthly wealth was a thing incompatible with real Christianity, and that the renunciation of the world consisted in the renunciation of

were filled with vanity, pride, and contempt of other men, as if they had done something above the reach of simple humanity A man may have thrown away his earthly goods, and yet his desire for them being undiminished, he will be doubly disquieted by regret for his profusion, and by his deprivation of the necessaries of life How could one man impart of his goods to another when all had nothing? and how could this doctrine of our Lord escape being in contra-

many other of his glorious doctrines? Worldly goods are only to be considered as so much materials and instruments, to be turned to good purposes, by those who know how to put
diction with

them
[These are probably more familiar to the English reader under the name of Buddhists. See Encycl. Britarin. in voc. H. J. U.] j- Clemens, Strom, lib. iii. p. 446, Scc.

to their proper use."

When the Montanists (see below) wished

a-oc^ofjiivi!

jrhQva-tn;

DOMESTIC LIFE ENNOBLED.

impose upon the Church new fasts and laws of abstinence, the spirit of evangelical freedom among the Christians spoke out fully and powerfully against them. They were accused of not duly distinguisljing between the economy of the Old and of the New Testament, of making laws in matters where all is free according to the spirit of the Gospel, where every one
to

175

and both of these are the theme of the woman's praise, while God is the theme
of the united praise of all."
lian also:* "

And Terlulfor

What an union

two be-

lievers, to

must

act freely,

according to his

own

particular feelings

and necessities; as the

only abstinence which is commanded of God, is abstinence from evil in the heart.* If by a misconception of the opposition to the world which Christianity introduced, the moral life received an ascetic direction, this was again counterbalanced by the essential tendency of Christianity to display its chief glory in the unpretending stillness of domestic life, to ennoble domestic intercourse by a Divine life, and to form the family into a temple of

have one hope, one desire, one course of life, one service of God, in common the one wiih the other Both, like brother and sister, undivided in heart and flesh, or rather really two in one flesh, fall down together on their knees, they pray and fast together, they teach, they exhort, they bear one another mutually, they are together in the church of God, and in the supper of the Lord; they share with one anotiier their grievances, their persecutions, and their joys; neither hides any thing from the other, neither avoids
!

the other; the sick are visited

by them

with pleasure, and die needy supported ; psalms and hymns resound between them, and they mutually strive who shall best
praise their
his peace

God.

Christ

is

delighted to
;

God.

was Christianity which first presented marriage to the world in the light of an union of deep religious and spiritual import, the communion which belongs to a higher state of life, an union which reaches beyond this transitory world, and unites in one common life the mutual and consecrated powers of two beings to The marriage state the glory of God.
It

see and hear things like these

He sends

on such as these; where two and where He is, evil are, there is He comes not." It was anxiously desired that the Christian mistresses of families, by the seriousness of their whole demeanour, by their
;

was, therefore, ennobled, as giving scope to so many peculiar and Christian virtues, which, under other circumstances, could never be so far developed. Clement of Alexandria says against those who prized celibacy too highly, and despised marriage, " The genuine Christian has the
apostles for patterns, and, in fact, a man does not distinguish himself by choosing

a solitary life, but he obtains a victory over other men, who stands fast as a husband and father, amidst all the trials which befall him by anxiety for wife and children, servants and fortune, without allowing himself to be withdrawn from his love to But he who has no household esGod. capes many trials; as he has only himself to take care of, he is below that man who, more disturbed in the care of his own individual salvation,
still life,

modest, simple clothing, should give a token of their inmost sentiments, and that these sentiments should shine forth in such a manner more eminently, from their appearance in an age when extravagant pomp and luxury, and a general corruption of morals, prevailed. Here, however, two parties stood opposed to each other the one making humility consist in poverty of clothing, worn to be displayed, and carrying the notion of the form of a servant as necessary to the Christian life to the utmost extreme, while the other said, " It
is

enters

more

into

the intercourse of
in
itself."!

and really exhibits miniature a likeness of Providence

In painting the Christian mis-

tress of a family,j
is

he says, " The mother

the theme of tlie children's praise, the wife is the theme of her husband's praise

our hearts are such as those women ought to be; God looks to the sentiments, and regards not Wherefore should we outthe outside. wardly display the change that has been inwardly wrought in us.^ We ought far rather to give the heathen no occasion to accuse Christianity, as incompatible with We possess the customs of the world-t wherefore should these worldly goods we not make use of them ? Why should we not enjoy what we have.' For whom then are these excellent things created, if not for us.' For whom are costhj things

enough,

if

of Christian

to

be,

if

all

prefer

that

which

is

not

*
j-

Tertullian, de Jrjuniis. Strom, lib. vii. p. 741. Psedagog. lib. iii. p. 250.

Ad Uxorem.

lib. ii. c.

8.

\ Tertullian, de Cultu FcEminarum,

lib, ii. c. xi.

especially-

176
costly
V''

CHRISTIAN MARRIAGE.
Clement

of Alexandria answer- held, the husband will destine the day to ed thus to the latter argument: " Even if the use of the bath when a fast is to be all be given us, if all be allowed us, if all observed, he will iuA^ite company to a There will never be more impedibe permitted to us, yet all may not be be- feast coming, as the apostle says; God has ments from household business, than just created our sex for bestowing and impart- exactly when the duties of Christian ing, lie has created every thing for all, charity requires the wife to go abroad. and all is a general term, and the richer [The passage then follows, which we must make no exclusive use of his gifts. quoted, page 156, expressing the duties Those words are also neither humane, of a Christian wife, in which she would nor in correspondence with our social find impediments from her husband.]
;

Love would rather argue thus have these things, why should I not bestow them on the needy V "f Tertullian says, " What cause can you have to go out gaily dressed, for you are far from For you all wliere this can be required ? go not about to the temples, you require no plays, and know nothing of the festivals of the heathen! You have no other
affections.
' J

coidd one lead the other to sing } She will hear something of the theatre, or from the public house; where is the mention of God's name where is Christ called upon where will be the strengthening of faith by the quotation of Scripture in conversation ?* where
.''

What mutual songs

.'

the quickening of the Divine blessing ?

Spirit

where the

found a union already existing, which it could only sanctify, and not dissolve, from that where a Christian, of either sex, voluntarily engaged in a connection, which was sure lo bring with it your own peculiar armour, and the rather many distractions and heartburnings in it was that, going to unbelievers, you may show the inward life, and many trials them the difference between the servants one thing where a man found himself in a of God and those of Satan, that you may condition full of trial by a train of cirserve for an example to them, and they cumstances coming immediately from God, and therefore, walking quietly in the may be instructed by you ?" As long as the religious and moral path prescribed to him by God, might expoint of view in which Christianity first pect his protection in these trials, and his presented marriage was strictly adhered deliverance from them, and quite another, to, it was felt, that where the bond of re- when a man, of his own accord, threw not unite the consciences, himself into temptations. For the first, ligion did where, on the contrary, there was a de- there was the express command of the cided disunion in the highest circum- Lord, who permitted divorce only in one stance of the inward life, the true import case, and the consideration of this very
tianity
;

than serious matters which require you to appear abroad. A sick brother is to be visited, the communion celebrated, or a discourse delivered; and if the calls of friendship require your attendance on the heathen, why should you not appear in

The

case

was

different

where Chris-

of marriage could never receive its fulfil- matter by St. Paul. Tertullian says, ment. It was, therefore, wished that no therefore, "The case is different with marriages should ever take place between those who, when they were brought to Christians and heathens. Tertullian en- believe, were already married to heathens deavours to show how a Christian woman since such a marriage is valid in the eyes of piety, one to whom Christianity was of God, why should it not also continue the soul of her life, Avho belonged to the full of blessings, so that it should continue Church as a living member of it, and who to be spared many afflictions, distractions, felt herself happy in communion with it, and stains, forasmuch as it has on one must be distracted and limited a thou- side the protection of God's grace ? It is sand fold in the practice of her religion quite a different thing to enter into forby living with a heathen, and must also be injured in her disposition. He says, * " Ubi fomenta fidei dc Scripturarum interfec" When an assembly for prayer is to be ac iione ?" according to the reading of Rigaltius
: ;

cording to that of Pamclius, it is " interkctione'* " the mutual reading" of the Holy Scriptures. It Clemens, Pacdagog. Jib. ii. c. xi. is difficult to decide which is the genuine reading. jTertullian, in the writing we have quoted, As in the whole passage he is speaking of quotaand Cyprian (de Hahitu Virginum) expresses tion during conversation, the first reading is very similar sentiments. Tertullian had apparently appropriate. And if this reading be genuine, it seen this work of Clement, and Cyprian probably follows that both man and wife ought to read both. familiar acquaintance with the Bible.

CHRISTIAN PRAYER.
bidden connections, voluntarily and uncalled."
"

177
the following

tians,

we may judge from

:

passage of Tertnllian " IJow shall we be Ter- able to declare the happiness of that martullian, " may make a strong impression riage, which is concluded by the Church, on the heathen husband himself, so that sealed by the communion, and consecrated he would refuse to disturb her, or to by the blessings of the Church, which watch her too much. He has perceived a angels announce, and which our heavenly he has seen Father recognises as valid."* thing of much importance he Prayer was considered the soul of the proofs of that which God effects

The manner

in

which

his wife

was converted

to Christianity," says

become better. And whole Christian life. Men united in the acthus, those will be more easily won, to knowledgment of this, who, from the differwhom the grace of God is brought home."* ence in their dispositions and their habits of thought, were widely at variance on Jt must be avowed, that the observation of this change did not always make so many important matters. Where the spirit favourable an impression. Many a hus- of Christianity brings together two oppo-

knows

that she

is

band,

blindly

devoted

to

heathenism,

site natures,

when he observed

that his wife,

whose hardly make

tical

even the strongest differences their appearance ; as, for in-

conduct he had t'ormerly been obliged to watch most jealously, all at once became so fond of home and so modest, but at the same, lime found that this change was owing to Christianity, he divorced her. whose vices he had before endured. It also happened frequently, that a Christian woman, who, having married a vicious husband, had formerly, while she was a

stance, in the contrast

between the prac-

realism of Tertullian,

whose

habits

of thought led him to corporealise every thing, and the speculative turn of Origen, v/ho was inclined to run into the opposite extreme, and spiritualise every thing. Both of these show themselves alike penetrated with vjtal Christianity, when they speak of prayer both speak from heathen, herself ministered to his vices, their own internal experience and in both found herself, as a Christian, bound in the true spirit of vital Christianity here conscience to discontinue this conduct. breaks forth. In accordance with the She would endeavour at first to lead him usual mode of conception in the earlier to a better way, by exhortation and per- days of Christianity, Tertullian considers suasion. But when he rejected this with prayer as the exercise of the Christian " This is the spiritual sacriindignation, she would feel herself obliged priesthood. to withdraw from participating in his sin- fice," he says,t ''which has superseded ful habits of life, and to divorce herself the sacrifice of the old covenant." (Isa. i. from him ; and this became the source of 11.) "This passage shows us what God many persecutions raised by embittered does not require ; what He does require, Imsbands.j the Gospel teaches us. ' The time cometh As the religious view of marriage so when the true worshippers shall worship predominated, it was, therefore, ordained, God in Spirit and in truth for God is a in early times, that the sanction of the Spirit.' We are the true worshippers Church should be added to the civil cere- and the true priests, we who pray to Him mony. The pastor of the Church and in spirit, and offer up to Him the sacrifices the deaconesses were called together, and suited to his Divine Being, and well it was declared that this marriage was one pleasing to Him that which He requires. contracted after God's will, and not from What can the God, who desires this human passions, and that all was done to prayer, have refused to the prayer that the honour of GodJ. Bride and bride- comes from the Spirit and from tlie groom received the communion together Truth ? How much do we read, hear, they offered there a common gift to the and believe, of the proofs of its effi; ;

Church

and hence, again in the prayer of the Church connected with the communion, a blessing was particularly asked for the newly concluded marriage. How highly this consecration, on the part of the Church, was esteemed by Chris;

cacy
to

!"

He

pictures then the peculiar eftlie

ficacy of Christian prayer

correspond to

livered in the
*
j-

New
8.

how it ought form of religion deTestament, and how

Ad
C.

Uxor.
xxviii.

ii.

lished by
*

de Orat. in the pieces first pubMuratori, vol. iii. Anecdotorum Bibl.

p.

H.
j-

[This extract
J. R.J

is

from Tertull. ad Uxor.

ii.

8.

Ambros.
[Bishop Kaye (Tertullian,
his opinion
treatise

406,) states

it

as

V. Justin M. Apolog ii. Ignatii Ep. ii. ad Poly carp. 5.

that these additional chapters to the

de Oratione are not genuine.

H.

J. R.]

23

178

EFFICACY OF A LIFE OF PRAYER.

[

Christian prayer displays its real power, something which has a foundation in the not in savirif' men by miracles in the sea- internal life, considered as a whole proson of death and sufferings, but in making ceeding from one centre. The spirit of them capable of bearing death and suf- tliankfulness to a heavenly, redeeming ' ' 'Father tlie spirit of childlike devotion ferings with tranquillity and cheerful the feeling in regard to Him, of resignation. " By the power of the grace to him imparted, it abates not the pain of the the needfulness of his assistance, and the sulfering but it arms the suflerer, and him consciousness of being nothing, and of that feefs the pain, with power to bear it. being able to do nothing without him The prayer of the Christian brings not was to animate the whole Christian life. down retaliation from heaven, but it This life was, therefore, to be a continued averts the anger of God; it watches for thanksgiving for the grace of redemption, its enemies, it prays for its persecutors, a prayer of constant longing after an increase of holiness by communion with the it obtains forgiveness of sins, it frightens away temptations, it comforts the faint- Redeemer. This was t/ie view of prayer which the New Testament was destined hearted, it quickens tlie courageous prayer is the wall of faithy Origen to substitute in the place of that which says,* " How much has each one of us had previously prevailed ; a view, which to relate of the efficacy of prayer, if he is looked on prayer as an individual act, inclined to remember with thankfulness dependent on certain times and hours, Souls, which had and consisting in individual effusions or the benefits of God. long been unfruitful, and who were well particular forms. And thus the fathers of aware how dry they were, when fructified this age expressed themselves. Origen ys,* '^ He prays without ceasing, who by the Holy Spirit from the force of constant prayer, produceii words of salva- unites prayer and action together prO' tion, full of the conceptions of truth. perly, since works also are a part of What hostile powers that threatened to prayer; for the apostle's words, 'Pray annihilate our holy faith, have been often without ceasing,' are to be considered as brought to shame! We trust to that something which may be achieved, if we Some put their trust in consider the whole life of the believer as whicli says, chariots and horses, but we will think one continued prayer ,'\ of which prayer, on the name of the Lord our God,' usually so called forms only a part. And (Psalm XX. 8,) and we found that ' a the same Origen says, in regard to the horse is but a vain thing to save a man.' Lord's Prayer,;{; '' We cannot believe that He that confides in prayer has often van- words have been taught us, only to be 11 quished even tlie power of plausible rea- recited at a certain hour of prayer. sons, which were sufficient to terrify those we understand properly that which is said believers. How often in regard to ' praying without ceasing,' who were accounted do those, who have fallen into tempta- our whole life if we are inclined thus must say, 'Our tions, hard to be overcome, suffer no to pray without ceasing shame from tliein, and come forth from Father, which art in heaven,' since such a them unhurt, without even being touched life has its conversation, not on earth, but by the smell of the fire that was kindled by all means in heaven, since we are the And what further shall I throne of God, because the kingdom of against them
I

"

''

'

add

often has it happened tliat those who have been delivered up to wild beasts enraged against us, to evil spirits and cruel men, have brought these beings to silence, so that their teeth could not touch us, who are the members of Christ We know that many who had fallen from the commands of God, and lay already in the pit of death, have been saved by the But the very naprayer of repentance."
.''

How

heaven

who

and Clement of Alexandria

if
I

has its habitation in all tiiose bear the form of the heavenly man, by that means become heavenly."

"Prayer, says,l| speak so boldly, is intercourse If we only lisp, if we even with God. silently speak to God, the lips not mov-

may

*
"j"

De
i

ture of the Christian

nothing

in

it

life supposes, that can exist insulated from the

TTxvrx Tcv

Orat. 12 [ 31. ed. Reading.] yStiV Tcv ayuv (jliai a-jvaTrro/AWiiv

other parts of

it;

larly forward at

all that comes particuany one moment, is yet

Be

Orat. c. xxii. [ .57. ed. Reading.] In Reading's edition the passage runs thus

'Ry cuDuvQK, Sgovcic rvy^nfova-i t'm &(:u,

which

De

Orat.

13.

35

ed. Reading.

Lond.

the throne of God." from ihe German. H. J. R.]

in-

"in heaven have translated,

1728.]

II

Stromat. Lib.

vii. p.

722.

SEASONS OF PRAYER.
;

179
;

our hearts, for dismiss him without prayer he was to ing God listens always to the inward direc- feel as if he had, in this stranger-brother, The same seen the Lord himself in his house and tion of the heart to him."* person, when he wishes to represent an by the guest, the earthly refreshment ideal picture of a Christian in heart, which he had received, was not to be ripened in faith and profession, says of thought of more value than the heavenlv. him,t " In every place will he pray, which was offered to him at his depar"^ though not openly, to be seen of men. Undeir any pressing emergencies. Even when lie is walking for pleasure, which affected the community in general, even when he is in converse with other or those in whom they took particular men, in stillness, in reading, and when he interest, they all assembled for tlie purengaged in reasonable business, he pose of prayer, and all general deliberais And even also if he tions were opened with prayer. It was prays by all means. only think on God in the chamber of the in prayer that the brotherly communion souU and with silent sighings calls upon and the mutual sympathy of the members his Father; He jcill be near him and with of the one body were to be shown everv one was to pray in the spirit of all, and him, for he is still speaking to hini."J But althougli prayer be a direction of commend the circumstances of all the the heart whicli goes through the whole brethren, which he looked upon as his 9f the Christian life, yet it must, neverthe- own, to the Head of the Church, and less, become more prominent in special through Him to eternal love. Thus Cyeffusions of the hearty and in compliance prian says in the explanation of the Lord's with the wants of man, as a creature of Prayer '"The teacher of peace and comsense, it must make itself heard also in munion did not wish that each individual words ; and these particular seasons must should pray for himself, but that every form a kind of consecration for all the one should pray for all. We do not sav The Christians were ac- my Father,' but our Father,' and every rest of the life. customed to select those hours for prayer, one prays not for the forgiveness of his which had been usually so employed by oicn si7is alone, nor for himself alone, that he may not be led into temptation, the Jews the third, the sixth, and the ninth, according to the then division of and may be delivered from evil.' Ours the day that is, nine in the morning, is a common prayer, and when we prav, twelve, and three in the afternoon not we pray not only for individuals, but for as if prayer were dependent on any cer- the whole Church because we, as memtain times ; but as Tertullian declared, bers of the Church, are all one. God, " in order that those who were likely to the author of peace and concord, wished be withdrawn from the duty of prayer by that thus every one should pray for all, as earthly business, might be reminded of He has included all in one." And when The Christians were, besides, accus- bishop Cyprian, under the pressure of it." to sanctify by prayer all the more persecution, was encouraging his Church tomed " Let every important seasons of the day, and all to prayer, he wrote thus :J transactions of any importance, in regard one pray to God, not for himself alone, either to spiritual or temporal life for but for all hrethren, as the Lord has even all that is earthly was to be rendered taught us to pray." holy by being referred to that which is * I shall here subjoin a translation of the whole heavenly. " It becomes the believer,"
yet

we

cry to

Him

in

'

'

'

'

passage,

(TertuUian, de Orat.

c.

xxvi.,)

which

is

TertuUian, to take no food, to not wholly without its difficulties. "But ho himenter no bath, without the intervention of self (the brother who is come from foreign lands,) prayer ; for the strengthening and refresh- after he has been received* by the brethren, must ing of the soul ought to precede the not prize the earthly refreshment he has received higher than the heavenly for immediately his strengthening and refreshing of the body ; faith will be condemned," (that is, he will prove the heavenly ought to precede the earththe parting
says
*' ;

ly."

Thus

also the Christian,

who had

his unbelief, if

he esteems

prayer, the
host,

blessing

of his

Christian

brother,

his

as

received into his house a brother from a nothing, compared with the bodily refreshment afdistant land, and refreshed him wit!) all forded to him.) " or, how canst thou, after the
that lay in his power,

was bound not

to

command

of the Lord,

say,

'

Peace be

to this

in the house, the

house,' unless thou returncst, to those who dwell wish of blessing, which they
first

have
Kwrran
iTruta.

bestowed on thee

V
we must
read "ex-

t fctromat. lib. vii. p. 728. i 'O Ji iyyj; x.*t'tTi \!O,cuv^0f Trx^ffty. Lib. cit. c. XXV.

f Ep.

vii.

* I think, in this

passage,

ceptus" insteadof " exemplis."


180
As
it

SPIRITUAL WORSHIP.
was acknowledged and believed not admit of
up the prope. then pray, without apAnd because kneeling pearing to do so. confesses his is required when a man own sins to God, and prays for forgiveness of them, every one must perceive that this position is a token of a bowed down and humble spirit." Origen, Tertullian, and Cyprian, accordingly explain, Philipp. ii. 10, of such a spiritual bowing of the knee and self-humiliation, in the name of Christ, saying that it does not relate to the vain show of outward gestures, but to the disposition of the heart towards God. " God hears not the voice, but the heart," says Cyprian ; " lie sees
their offering

that Divine things could only be understood under the light of the Divine Spirit,
that by prayer the heavenly fountain was opened to man, prayer Avas considered as the necessary means to a knowl-

prayers, they

may

and

edge of Divine things, and a right underWhen Origen, that standing of Scripture. great father of the Church, who had called together all those human means for the understanding of Scripture, and the

development of its doctrines, which could only be had in his time, as well as directed all his learned and speculative study to the same purpose, was exhorting his disciple, the young Gregory (afterwards called Thaumaturgus,) to diligent '' knocking and seeking" in the study of Scripture, he added, " but let it not be enough for you to knock and to seek to a knowledge of Divine things, the
;

most necessary means

incite us to this,

is

prayer.*

To

our Saviour did not say merely, ' knock and it shall be opened to you, seek and ye shall find,' but also, ' pray and it shall be given to you.' " It was usual on those days which were especially dedicated to the memory of the resurrection of Christ, to pray standing upright, in remembrance that Christ had
raised up to heaven man who was fallen and sunk in worldly defilements but on other days they prayed kneeling. But
;

Origen, nevertlieless, cautions men against the notions which made them forget in-

ward things in outward forms he turned them from the latter to the former, and endeavoured to show, that outward things
;

have no importance except in reference to inward, and of themselves and in them" Beselves are matters of indifference. fore a man," he says,| stretches out his hands to heaven, he must raise his soul thither before a man raises up his eyes, the early Christians.
''

the thoughts of men, and requires not to be reminded by their cry; as Hannah, in the Book of Kings, represents to us the form of the Church, which prays to God, not with the outcry of prayer, but in the still depths of the heart. She spoke in silent prayer, but her faith was known to God." That which we have above extracted from TertuUian's picture of the blessedness of a Christian marriage, shows that spiritual songs in common, and a common reading of the Scriptures, formed part of the daily edification of a Christian family. Thus Clement of Alexandria also recommends united prayers and reading of the Bible together,* as proper morning occupations for a Christian couple. The controversial writings of TertuUian on matters of ecclesiastical life and of morality, where he considers himself as opposing laymen, show that these latter were also well acquainted with the Scriptures, and were accustomed to judge things that related to life out of them. From the general consideration of the Christian life, and of family devotion, we now pass to that of the public worship of

ment did not admit of any peculiar, outward priesthood, similar to that of the positions We Old, the same outward kind of worship, that this must be preferred, where no pedependent on certain places, times, and culiar circumstances exist for under ceroutward actions and demeanours, would tain circumstances, in cases of illness, composition. people may pray sitting or lying. And also have no place in its temple of the under certain circumstances, as for in- The kingdom of God, the Lord, were to be present, not in this stance, when men are on shipboard, or or that place, but in every place, where where
as giving

he must raise his spirit up to God; for we cannot doubt, that out of a thousand possible attitudes of the body, those with outspreading of the hands and uplifting of the eyes must be preferred to all others,

(2.)

On

the

Fuhlic Worship of God.

(a.) JVatiire

of Christian loorship in general.

Since the religion of the

New

Testa-

some

representation of the disproper to prayer. think

the present state of the case will

Christ himself

is

active in the Spirit,

where
Liayn^r^Tit/Tyi ya^

through

Him

the

worship
p. 194,

and of
D.

km

i Tn^t rou

nuv tx 6 tix"
Eu;in Kxi iyxyvotTK, Ptedag.
lib. ii.

f Chap. xxxi.

VALUE OP CHRISTIAN COMMUNION'.

God
in spirit

181

and in truth

is

established.

places of assembly of the Christians were

Every Christian in particular, and every only common rooms in private houses, Church in general, was to represent a just according as it happened that any the true wor- member of the Church had sufficient acspiritual temple of the Lord ship of God was to be only in the inward commodation for the purpose. Thus Gains heart and the whole life, proceeding from of Corinth, (Rom. xvi.,) is called the host such inward dispositions, sanctified by of the Church, because the Church was in faith, was to be a continued spiritual ser- the habit of assembling in a room of his vice this is the great fundamental idea of house. Origen says :* " The place, where the Gospel, which prevails throughout the believers come together to pray, has someNew Testament, by which the whole out- thing agreeable and useful about it ;" but ward appearance of religion was to assume then he only says this in respect to that a different form, and all that once was car- spiritual communion. " Christ," he thinks, nal, was to be converted into spiritual, and " with the host of angels, dwells in the This notion came forward assembly of the saints therefore, we may ennobled. most strongly in the original inward life not despise prayer in such assemblies, for the first Christians, particularly when they have a peculiar power for those who of contrasted with Judaism, and still more take part in them with an upright heart."
; ;
:

" Not the place, but the congregation of so when contrasted with heathenism; a contrast, which taught the Christians to the elect, I call the Church," says Clement avoid all pomp that caught the eye, and all of Alexandria-! TertuUian says.J multiplication of means of devotion, ad- may pray in every place to which accident dressed to the senses, while it made them or necessity brings us for the apostles, hold fast the simple, spiritual character of who prayed to God and sang to his praise It was this in prison before thi ears of the jailor, no the Christian worship of God. which always struck the heathen so much more contravened the commands of the in the Christian worship ; namely, that Lord than Paul, who celebrated the Lord's

"We

nothing was found

among them

outward pomp of

all

of the other religions " no

:

Supper
(Acts

in the ship before the

eyes of

all

:"

xxvii.)

This was a remarkable

This retemples, no altars, no images." proach was made to the Christians by Celsus, and answered thus by Origen ** In the highest sense the temple and the image of God are in the human nature of Christ and hence, also, in all the faithful, Avho are animated by the Spirit of Christ living images! with which no statue of Jove by Phidias is fit to be compared."*
,

proof of a free and evangelical spirit, although the application of the latter passage
is

erroneous.
is

Man, we must avow,

to fall
spirit

very easily led

away from
and

the worship of

God

in

Christianity impelled men frequently to seek for the stillness of the inward sanctuary, and here to pour forth their heaft to God, who dwells in such temples ; but then the flames of love were also lighted in their hearts, which sought communion, in order to strengthen each other mutually, and to unite themselves into one holy flame, which pointed towards heaven. The communion of prayer and devotion was thought a source of sanctification, in-

connect the religion of the Spirit with outward and earthly things as the apostle says, " having begun in the spirit, to wish to end in Watchfulness on this point the flesh." was constantly needed, lest the Jewish or notions should here intrude the heathen themselves on those of the Gospel, which was likely enough to happen as soon as the Old Testament and the New Testament notions of the priesthood had been
in truth,

and

to

Even in the time of Clement of Alexandria he found himself obliged to combat the notion, which allowed the essentials of the Christian life to be of one asmuch as men knew that the Lord was kind in, and of another out of, the Church. present by his Spirit among those who "The disciples of Christ," he says, were gathered together in his name ; but " ought to form the whole course of their then they were far from ascribing any peculiar sacredness and sanctity to the * De Orat c. xxxi. [C. Ixvi. ed. Reading. Such an idea would This extract is selected from different parts of the place of assembly. appear to partake of heathenism and men chapter. Origen supposes the disembodied spirits Avere at first in less danger of being seduced of the saints, &c., to be present in these assemblies. into such an idea, because the first general H. J.R.]
confused.
;

[The passage, from C. Celsum, viii. p. 400. I suppose this is taken, though not literally ed. Spencer. H. J. R.] 'translated, is p. 389,
*

f
if

O'j

yxp

TO

rovov, oXA* to

oSm/^^*
715, B.

Toir iKKuntev

iKKKna-tctv x-tAa.

Stromat.
c.

vii.

which

De

Orat.

xxiv.

i Paedagog. Ui. p. 256.

182

PLACES OF ASSEMBLY.
you assemble
the question of the preefect, "Where do ?" exactly corresponds to

which they life and conduct on the model assume in the churches, for the sake of propriety; they ought to be such, and not merely to seem so, as mild, as pious, and as charitable but now, I know not how it is, thev change their habits and their manners with the change of place, as the polypus, they say, changes its colour, and becomes like the rock on which it hangs. They lay aside the spiritual habit which they had assumed in the Church, as soon as they have left the Church, and assimilate themselves to the multitude, among whom they I should rather say, that they conlive. vict themselves of hypocrisy, and show what they really are in their inward na:

the genuine Christian spirit on this point. This answer was " Where each can and You believe, no doubt, that we all will. meet together in one place but it is not
:

of the Christians is not shut up in a room, but being invisible, he fills

so, the

God

both heaven and earth, and is honoured Justin every where by the faithful." adds, that when he came to Ptome, he accustomed to dwell in one particular was spot, and that those Christians, who were instructed by him,* and wished to hear his discourses, assembled at his house. He had not visited any other congrega-

ture,

by laying aside the mask of piety tions of the Church.f The arrangements which the peculiariwhich they had assumed and while they honour the word of God, they leave it ties of the Christian worship required, were gradually made in these places of behind them in the place where they assembly, such as an elevated seat J for heard it." the purpose of reading the Scriptures and
;

(b.)

The Christian Places of Assembly.

observed abov^, that the Christian places of Assembly were, at first, in the rooms of private houses ; it may, perhaps, be the case, that in large towns, where the number of Christians was soon considerable, and no member of the Church

We

preaching, a table for the distribution of the sacrament, to which as early as the time of Tertullian the name of altar, ara or altare, was given, and perhaps, not without some mixture of the unevangelic
at least, this idea
j

had any room

contain
all

in his

house

sufficient to
in

his

brethren,

or

places

Old Testament notion of a sacrifice or, might easily attach itself When the Churches into this name. creased, and their circumstances improved, there were, during the course of the

where men

did not fear

any

prejudicial

consequences from large assemblies, the

Church divided

itself into different sec-

tions, according to the habitations of its

century, already separate Church buildings for the Christians, as the name 6jo-jtwo-|U.(/t TOTToi of the Christians occurs
third
in

members, of which each section held its assemblies in one particular chamber of whole Church the house of some wealthy member of Now it is very unlikely, that the should have changed its place of assembly every or, perhaps, while it was the Church It is for time that Aquilas arrived at either place. usual to unite on Sundays in one general more easy to conceive that men, whose trade re;

the edict of Gallienus.

In the time

assembly, yet each individual part of the

Church met together daily in the rooms which lay the most convenient to it. PerI

such
1

quired a roomy habitation, wherever that might be, geneas that of Aquilas, the tent maker, rally gave up a room in their house for a part of

haps the passages in St. Paul's Epistles, the Church to assemble in and more especially when they were quahfied, as probably Aquilas was, which speak of Churches in the houses of by their gift and capacity of instructing, to serve jxirlicuJar persons., are thus to be underfor the edification of small congregations. The answer of Justin Martyr, to stood.* * This would accordingly be, k^t cliuv rcu
;
[

* "

The Church

in his house,"

'

kut'

oIk'.v

uinu
I I

iKKKna-m.

These passages

certainly cannot allude

to the places of as.sembly of

whole Churches,

for

found in the Act. Mart. I [This dialogue is Sanct. S. Justin, in Ruinarl, who professes to edit Papebroch (Act. Sanct. it after Surius and others.
Aprilis, vol.
ii.

in

many

martyrdom belongs to a dillerent Justin, and is Church, (1 Cor. xvi. 19, 20.) Herv^ we first have answered by Ruinart, p. .54-.'i8. H. J. R.] the Church, " that is in the house" of Aquilas and [Thus Constit. Apost. \ Suggestus, pulpitum. Priscllla, and then " all the brethren," which would ii. 57, MST-ic if' uvajvauTT*!; e^' t^Mw Ttvz^ i^tuK' be a piece of tautolop;y on that supposition. Comp. H J. R.] Coloss. iv. 15. And besides, there is another obIf the account of the Chro See page 82. jection to such an interpretation, which is this, that nicle of Edessa (in Asseman, Biblioth. Orienthen we must suppose Aquilas to have held the tal, t. i. 391,) is to be depended on, a Christian assemblies of the Church in his own house, both church must have been built as early as A. 1). 202, when at Rome, his usual abode, and when at at Edessa. The Chronicle was first published in Ephesus, (comp. Kom. xvi. 5, and 1 Cor. xvi. 19.) the sixth century, but the author made use of
expressly

of them, the xt' oIk'^v tivc^ 'mx-Xna-ix is distinguished from the whole of the

p. 104.)

contends, that this act of

183
systems of conceiving Divine things, the one after a sensuous manner,
different

NO IMAGES OF CHRIST.
of
tlie

external prosperity of the Church,

the

duriiifT

reign

of

Diocletian,
in

many

handsome churches arose

towns.

the great

the other after a spiritualising

realists

and

idealists,

mode, who, from these op-

use of images was originally quite posite habits of mind, might have very to the Christian worship and different views on this point, just as in Churches, and it remained so during this later times, different views of this matter whole period. The intermixture of art proceeded from such a fundamental differforeign

The

and religion, and the use of images for the latter, appeared to the first Christians As in heathenism a heatlienish practice. the Divine becomes desecrated and tarnished by intermixture with the Natural, and as men have often paid homage to
the beauties of nature with injury to the

ence

in habits of thought; these Churchteachers were, nevertheless, united on this point by their common opposition

to the mixture of the natural

and the Di-

vine in heathenism, and by the endeavour to maintain the devotion to God in spirit

and

in

truth,

pure and undefiled.

Cle-

cause of ^loliness, the

first

warmth of mens of Alexandria

Christian zeal, which opposed the idolatry of nature, so common to heatlienism, and

is as little favourable as TertuUian to the use of images. He says, against the use of images by

sought

to maintain the

Divine in

all

its

the
that

heathen,

purity and elevation,

to set holiness

was inclined rather

which

is

" We must not cling to sensuous, but elevate our;

selves to that which is spiritual the by nature, than to habit of daily looking upon the repreendeavour to grace it by lending it a beau- sentation of the Divine nature desetiful form. Men were more inclined in crates its dignity; and to wish to honour general to carry into extremes the idea of a spiritual being by earthly matter, is the appearance of the Divinity in the form nothing but to dishonour it by sensuousof a servant, which suited the oppressed ness." It is evident, from what we have condition of the Church in these centu- said, how foreign to the notions of the
in the strongest contrast

with what

is

beautiful

images of Christ; as, for instance, the conclusion Gnostic sect of the followers of Carpowhich was drawn from interpreting the cratian, wiio put his image beside those prophecy of the Messiah, in Isaiah liii. 2, of Plato and Aristotle. too literally. Thus Clement of AlexanThe use of religious images among the dria warns the Christians, from the exam- Christians, did not proceed from their ple of Christ, not to attribute too much ecclesiastical, but from their domestic life. value to outward beauty. "The Lord In the intercourse of daily life, the Christians saw themselves every where surhimself was mean in outward form and who is better than the Lord ? rounded by objects of heathen mythology, But He revealed himself, not in the beauty or by such as shocked their moral aiid of the body, perceptible to our senses, Christian feelings. Similar objects adorned but in the true beauty of the soul as well the walls of chambers, the drinking vessels, as of the body ; the beauty of the soul and the signet rings (on which the heaconsisting in benevolence, and that of the then had constantly idolatrous images,) body in immortality!"* to which, whenever they pleased, they Church-teachers of entirely opposite could address their devotions ; and the habits of mind, the adherents of two Christians naturally felt themselves obliged
in direct contradiction to it; a

ries, than to throw it into the back ground, and overwhelm it under the predominance of their aesthetic dispositions, and their love of art. This is peculiarly shown by the general belief of the early Church, that Christ had clothed his inward Divine glory in a mean outward form, which was

must who,

Christians of this period, images of Christ in general have been. Heathens,

like Alexander Severus,* saw something Divine in Christ, and sects, which mixed heathenism and Christianity together, were the first who made use of

to replace these objects,

older documents, which, however, if we may judge from the document about the letters that passed between Christ and Abgarus, cannot have been

their

which wounded moral and religious feelings, with

others
*

more

suited

to

those

feelings.

quite authentic.

of the given by Michaelis (Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek, pt. x. p. 61.) be just, this church must have been built according to the model of the Jewish temple, and divided into three parts.

If also the explanation

passage

in

that Chronicle,

Thus Eusebius
and

says,
first

(H. E.

vii.

18,)

that

heathens were the

Christ, St. Peter,

pictures of they looked upon, after their heathen notions, as benefactors of mankind. This may easily be explained from the
St. Paul,

who made

whom

Psedagog.

iii.

1.

spirit

of religious eclecticism, which then existed.


184

THE CUSTOM OF CROSSING.

SACRED SEASONS.

found its way very early into domestic and ecclesiastical life. This token was remarkably common among them; it was used to consecrate their rising and their going to bed, their going out and their andria says, in reference to the signet coming in, and all tlie actions of daily the sign which Christians it was rings of the Christians,! " Let our signet life rin"-s consist of a dove (the emblem of made involuntarily, whenever any thing the" Holy Ghost,) or a fish,J or a ship of a fearful nature surprised them.* This sailing towards heaven (the emblem of was a mode of expressing, by means perthe Christian Church, or of individual ceptible to the senses, the purely Chris;

Therefore, they gladly put the likeness of a shepherd, carrying a lamb upon his shoulders, on their cups, as a symbol of the Redeemer, who saves the sinners that return to Him, according to the parable And Clement of Alexin tlie Gospel.*

that the visible representation of the cross

whole course of their life, blem of Christian hope;) and he who is must be sanctified by faith in the crucified a fisherman, let him remember the apostle, Jesus, and by dependence upoj^Him, and and the children who are dragged out that this faith is the most powerful means from the water ; for those men ought of conquering all evil, and preserving oneBut here also again, men not to engrave idolatrous forms, to whom self against it. those can were too apt to confuse the idea and the the use of them is forbidden engrave no sword and no bow, who seek token which represented it, and they atas well as the
;

Christian souls;) or a lyre (the emblem of Christian joy;) or an anchor (the em-

tian idea, that all the actions of Christians,

for peace; the friends of temperance cannot engrave drinking-cups." And yet, jierhaps, religious images made their M^ay from domestic life into the churches, as early as the end of the third century, and the walls of the churches were painted in the same way. The council of Elvira set itself against this innovation, as an abuse, for it made the following order: " Objects of reverence and worship shall not be It is probable painted on the walls."||

tributed the effects of faith in the crucified

Redeemer

to the

outward

sign, to Avhich

they ascribed a supernatural, sanctifying, and preservative power ; an error of which

we find

traces as early as the third century.

pass from the consideration of the places of public worship, to that of the seasons of worship, and the festivals
of the early Christians.
(c.) Seasons of Public

We now

Worship and Festivals,

here shown again that the Gospel, Tertullian, de Pudicitia, c. vii. as it remodelled the former conceptions ipgse pictursE calicum vestrorum." C. x. " Pastor, of the priesthood, of worship in general, quetn in calice depingis." The likeness of Christ upon a cup does not appear to have suited the and of holy places, also entirely changed And, the then views of sacred seasons. Montanistic asceticism. here again, also, the character of the f Paidog. iii. 246, 247. i This refers to the same idea as that of the theocracy of the New Testament revealed fisherman, with a play on the anagram of the itself, a theocracy spiritualized, ennobled, name of Christ, 'ixer2 'lno-cv; Xpufc; Qku Tioc and freed from its outward garb of sense,
It
is

" Procedant

2l)T)Ig.

This was an allusion to the Christians, whom Christ, the Divine teacher the Quof TrcaSctyayoc

and from the

limits

which bounded

its

generalization.!

The Jewish laws

re-

leads to regeneration by means of baptism. " Ne, quod colitur et adoratur, in parietibus
II

depingatur."

Concil.

Illiberit.

c.

xxxiii.*

The

explanation of this canon, we confess, cannot altogether be determined with certainty. There is, in fact, a double uncertainty in it may under.stand the words, quod colitur et adoratur,' of religious objects generally, or in a more restricted sense, of objects of peculiar reverence, such as portraits of Christ, or symbolical representations of God and the Trinity and we may also understand the
:

were not merely abrogated by the Gospel in such a manner as to transfer these festivals to different seasons,, but they w^ere entirely abolished,
lating to their festivals,

We

as far as fixing religious

ticular times

worship to par-

'

The laws of is concerned. Sabbath, like all -the rest of the ceremonial laws of the Jews, could only arise
tlie
' Cf. Tertullian, de Corona Milit. c. iii. [From the last words of this chapter of Tertullian it would seem, that they made the sign of the cross on the

'

walls' in

two

dilfcrent

ways

the walls of churches

or those of houses.
[* I find this to be Can. xxxvi. Those who are curious in these matters, will be somewhat eniertained by the learned note of Mendoza on his canon, to prove that it refers only to pictures of (jod. He labours hard through nine folio pages of double columns, to prove this point, and to defend the use of images. Concilia a Labbe et Cossart. Paris, 1C71, vol. i. p. 1227. H. J. R.]

forehead: "Fr(>ntem

crucis signaculo terimus.'

See also ad Uxor. ii. 5. H. J. R.j Particularismus f [Von den Schranken des und von der fleischlichcn Hiille frci gemachten
neutestamentlichen Thcokratie.
its fleshly

Germ.

Literally,

" freed from' the limits of particularism,

covering."

H.

and from

J. R.]

ORIGIN OF FESTIVALS.
again in Christianity, by being spiritualized and ennobled, inasmuch as ci'cry

185

day was now to be sanctified by the dependence of the whole life on God through tiie more the fire of \hc first animation, Christ, on every day, and by the sanctifi- and the warmth of the first love of the It was no more cation which the prayers of the heart Christians, died away. shed over the whole of a Christian day. unevangelic than the gradual limitation of Inasmuch as the Cliristian every day pur- the exercise of many rights, belonging to sued the calling entrusted to him by God, the common priesthood of all Christians, with godly feelings, preserving his heart to a certain class in the Church, which in purity from all inward contact with circumstances rendered necessary.* But what is ungodly, and seeking constantly just as the unevangelic made its appearto keep holy the name of his Lord in ance, when men supposed the existence thought, Avord, and deed every day was of a separate caste of priests in the Church, to be a true Sabbatli to him. St. Paul which stood upon Divine right, when they
j

natures in himself, cannot always maintain himself to the carnal ; a dropping down, which became constantly more necessary,

'

expressly declares all sanctifying of certain seasons, as far as men deduced this from the Divine command, to be JeAvish and unevangelical, and to be like returning to the slavery of the law, and to cap-

'

forgot the

common
when

Christian priesthood

in the consideration of this peculiar caste

j I

of priests,
trast

they introduced a conspititual

between secular and

per-

sons
\

among

Christians, so also, in this

matter, the unevangelic appeared, when certain days distinguished from others and hallowed by Divine right, when they introduced a distinction between holy and common days into the life of the Christian, and in this distinction forgot his calling to sanctify all days alike. The confusion between the Old agapae, as well as to maintain the connec- and the New Testament notions manition between the common head of the fested itself here in the same manner and spiritual body of the Church and them- at the same time, as that which relates to selves, and between one another as mem- the priesthood. When the Montanists (see below) hers of this body. Traces of this are also found in later times, in the daily wished to introduce and make imperative assembling of tlie Churches for the pur- new fasts, which were fixed to certain pose of hearing the Scriptures read, and days., the Epistle to the Galatians was very of celebrating the communion. Altliough, properly brought to oppose them; but in order to meet the wants of human na- Tertullian, who stood on tlie boundary ture generally, consisting as it does of between the original pure evangelic times sense as well as soul, and those of a large and those when the intermixture of Jewbody of Christians in particular, who ish and Christian notions first took place, were only in a stale of education, and confuses here the views of the two reliwere to be brought up to the ripeness of gions, because he makes the evangelical Christian manhood, men soon selected to consist, not in a ?c/to//(/ fZ/yTfrcn/ ??ic/AofZ definite times for religious admonitions, of considering festivals altogether, but in and to consecrate them to a fuller occu- the celebration of difi'crcnt particular fespation with religious things, as well as to tivals and he makes the Judaizing, public devotion, with the intention, that which the apostle condemns, to consist the influence of these definite times should only in the observation of the Jeivish, inanimate and sanctify the rest of their lives, stead of the peculiarly Christian festivals.! and that Christians who withdrew themThe weekly and the yearly festivals selves from the distractions of business originally arose from the selfsame fundaon these days, and collected their hearts mental idea, which was the centre point

Such was the opinion of the early Church. At first the Churches assembled every day; as, for instance, the first Church of Jerusalem, which assembled daily for prayer in common, and for the public consideration of the Divine word, for the common celebration of the Lord's Supper and the
tivity to outicard precepts.

men supposed

'

'

of the whole Christian life ; the idea of well as in public devotion, might make imitating Christ, the crucified and the these seasons of service to the oiher parts risen, to follow Him in his death, by of their life; yet this was in itself., and appropriating to ourselves, in penitence of itself nothing unevangelic. It was and faith, the effects of his death, by only a dropping down from the purely spiritual point of view, on which even the * See page 110.
before
in the stillness of solitude, as

God

Christian, as he

still

carries

about two

j-

Tertullian, Je Jejuniis,

c. xiv.

24

q2

186
dying
to ourselves

SI

and

to the

world

to

as a

follow Him in his resurrection, by rising again with Him by faith in Him, and by his power, to a new and holy life, devoted to God, which, beginning liere below Hence in the seed, is matured in heaven. the festival of joy was the festival of the resurrection ; and the preparation for it, the remembrance of the suflerings of Christ, with mortification and crucifixion of the flesh, was the day of fasting and
pcnilencc.

day of joy by the circumstances, that did not fast upon it, and that they prayed standing up, and not kneeling, as Christ had raised up fallen man to heaven

men

The fesagain tlirough his resurrection. tival of Sunday, like all other festivals, was always only a human ordinance, and it was far from the intentions of the aposdes to establish a Divine command in this respect, far from them, and from the
early apostolic Church,
to

transfer

the

Perhaps, was the joyful festival ; and the prepa- at tlie end of the second century a false ration for it was a day of penitence and application of this kind had begun to take for men appear by that time to prayer, consecrated to remembrance of place the sufferings of Christ and the prepara- have considered labouring on Sunday as tions for them, and this was celebrated on a sin.* And further, two other days in the and thus also tlie yearly festhe Friday tivals were to celebrate the resurrection week, Friday and Wednesday, particularly of Christ, and the operations of the Re- the former, were consecrated to the deemer after He had risen again the pre- remembrance of the suflerings of Christ, paration for this day was in commemora- and of the circumstances preparatory to tion of the sufferings and fastings of our them, congregations were held on them, Saviour. From tliis general point of view and a fast till three o'clock in the afterwe shall now proceed to consider the noon, but nothing was positively appointed several weekly and yearly festivals in concerning them ; in respect to joining in these solemnities every one consulted particular. Opposition to Judaism introduced the his own convenience or inclination. Such particular festival of Sunday very early, fasts, joined with prayer, were considered indeed, into the place of the Sabbath the as the watches of the " milites Christi" first trace of this custom is in the Acts on their post by the Christians, (who XX. 7, where we find the Church assem- compared their calling to a warfare the bled together on the first day in the militia Christi,) and they were " stationes" week,* and again somewhat lafer^ in Rev. and the days, on which they took place, i. 10, where it is hardly possible to un- were called " Dies Stationum."! derstand the day of judgment by the The Jewish Christian Churches, [i. e., words " the Lord's day." Allusion is Churches consisting of Jewish converts,] also made to the festival of Sunday, as a although they received the festival^ of symbol of new life, consecrated to the Sunday, retained also that of the Sabbath ; Lord, in opposition to the old Sabbath, in and from them the custom spread abroad the episUe of Ignatius to the Magnesians.f in the Oriental Church, of distinguishing '* If they who were brouglit up under the this day, as well as the Sunday, by not Old Testament have attained to a new fasting and by praying in an erect posture hope, and no longer keep Sabbaths holy, in tlie Western Churches, particularly the but have consecrated their life to the day Roman, where opposition to Judaism was of the Lord, on which also our life rose the prevailing tendency, this very opposiup in Him, how shall we be able to live tion produced the custom of celebrating without Him ?" Sunday was distingushed the Saturday in particular as a fast day .J
in the

Thus

week

the

Sunday laws of

the Sabbath to Sunday.

'

The passage is not entirely convincing, because the impending departure of the apostle may liave united the little Church in a brotherly parting

meal, on occasion of which the apostle delivered his last address, although there was no particular celebration of a Sunday in the case. The pas.sagc

from the words Solo die dominico resurrect ion is non ab isto tantum (from kneeling) sed omni anxietatis habitu et officio cavere debemus, differenies eiiam negotia, ne quern diubolo
this conclusion
'

We may

draw

of TertuUian, de Orat. 23.

locum
f

dermis.'"

The name

" statio" occurs

first

in

Hermas

Cor. xvi. 2, is still less convincing for all may be quite competently explained, if we only consider the passage as referring to the beginning of the civil week.
1
-,

from

Pastor, lib. iii. Similitud. v., and often in TertuUian. " Statio" was the usual name for these half-fastdays, in opposition to the proper " jejunia." Tertullian

de Jejuniis,

c.

xiv.

j-

Sect. 9.

pressions here given

kind

is

unable to find the exact exalthough something of the found in 9.-11. J. R.]
[I
;

am

" Quanquam i TertuUian. de Jejun. c. xiv. vos ctiam sabhatum si quando continuatis, nun-

quam

nisi in

Paschate jijunandum."

TertuUian,

SABBATH. YEARLY FESTIVALS.

Tliis

187

customs would of the unily of faitli and spirit, in the bond course be striking, where members of the of love, but allowed all kinds of dilference Oriental Cliurch spent their Sabbalhday in external lhin<rs; and then they bejjan in the Western Church. It was only too to require unilorniity even in these things, soon that men lost sight of the principle Tertidlian spoke; on this controversy with of the apostolic Chuich, which retained Clirisiiaii moderation, before his conversion to Montanism. lie said of the few defenders of the Oriental custom, " The .. ^ uas a Montanist, is here making a reproach to his ^ n l l^"''" ^^1^1 bestow his grace upon them, SO Romish adversaries, that they deprived the SabdifTerence
in
|
' i

'

1.

bath of its becoming honour; and sometimes continued their fasts from Friday to the Saturday, whereas they ought only to make one exception to its observance as a feast, that is, in the case of the Passover (i. e., in Easterweek.^ This same custorn, namely, tkat of continuing the fast from Friday on to Saturday, which Tertullian here argues

^'^'i^
{
'

they

may

either give in, or follow

against, as a Montanist,

we

fuid in Victorinus,

in Pannonia (Pettau, in end of the third century. It is mentioned in his Fragments on the Creation, first published by Lave, Hist. Lit. He calls this conlinuance " superpoktio jejunii." The fast on the Sabbath appears here the preparation for the festivalof the communion on the Sunday, in opposition to the Jewish festival on the Sabbath, which " Hoc die solemus Christianity had abolished. superponere; idcirco ut die dominico cum gratiarum actione ad panem (the Lord s Supper) exeamus. Et parasceue superpositio fiat, ne quid cum Juda-is Sabbatum observare videamur." Galland. Bibl. Patr. T. iv. ; and Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae,

bishop

of Petabium,
at the

Stiria,)

Oxon, 1815,

vol.

iii.

p.

237.

their own opinion without bitterness towards others.* The learned Hippoly tus ^^as induced, as early as the beginning of . *i .i .i ^O"" ^^^^ '^"'"^ "^"^^^ "P'l ^'''^ troversy between ^"."'"^f tlie Oriental and the Occidental Church.| The first yearly festivals of the Christians proceeded from similar vi(iws and yet ^^ ^^st the contrast, which had in .i r n t"^^^, ^he most powerful induence ^^'^J ^ri the development as well of the churchly hfe as of the doctrines of Christianity, is here peculiarly prominent mean the I contrast between the Jewish Churches ad those of the Gentile converts. The ir .t -iz-x-i ^'''''}^' yef^n^ed all the Jewish festivals as "^^'ell as the whole ceremonial law, although hy degrees they introduced into them a Christian meaning Avhich spontaneously
:

'

'

'

ini

council of Elvira opposes the error of celebratmg the Sabbath as a festival, by prolonging the
,

The

offered itself
!

On
-^

the contrary, there

festival at all,
, ,

was

of the Friday, and making a fastday of featurday also-c. xxvi. Errorem placuit corrigi, ut
fast

probably no ' yearly

beginning,

from the
sort
is

among

the heathen converts,

'

orani sabbati die superpositiones

celebremus."
t 1

*<^''

"o

trace of

any thing of the

Dr. Neander appears to have deduced the proper sense from the passage of Tertullian, which is not, however, without its difficulties, especially in its immediate context. I beg to refer to the notes of Valesiiis on Eusebius, v. 24, which will throw

found in the whole of the New Testaiial notions of the first Christian ages, and were ment.t unable to find the reason for the custom of tasting; The Passover of the Old Testament on the Sabbath (Saturday,) in the Romish Church, I,^^g ^^^jly ennobled and converted to a they began to invent stories to explain it as, for Passover which suited the New Testain.stance, that St. Peter had fasted on that day, as a preparation for his dispute with Simon Magus.* ment, by merely substituting the idea of deliverance from spiritual bondage, that [* The reader win observe that Sabbath, in this lis from the slavery of sin, for that of note, is used lor Saturday, as the .Jewish Sabbath. , ii c rm delivereuce irom bondage.^

When

in later days

men had

lost sight of the origi-

'

/-

earthly

>

paschal lamb was a type

"'

oi"

Christ,

Fhe by

some
on

light on the subject, and also to Thorndike Reliijious Assemblies, p. 274. The following

* C. xxiii. de Oratione. f Cf. Hieronymi Ep. Ixxii. ad Vital.

+
J

aract Irom Bishop Kaye, on Tertullian, (p. 40'J, first edition,) will serve in part to confirm as well as explain Dr. Neander's note : " Even the Montaiiists. anxious as they were to introduce a more rigorous discipline in the observance of fasts ^yhcn they kept their two weeks ot Xeropliagia!, did not last on the Saturday and Sunday. The Saturday before Easterday was, however, an exception; that ims observed as a fast. The custom of observing every Saturday as a fast, which became general throughout the Western Church, docs not appear to have existed in Tertullian's time. That men who, like our author, on all occasions contended that the ritual and ceremonial law of Moses had ceased, should observe the seventh day of the week as a festival, is perhaps to be ascribed to a desire of conciliatinsi the Jewish converts."
that the Gentiles fasted

In

Cor.

V. 7,

there

peculiar
[

Christian

is no allusion at all to a Passover of the Corinthian

...... n , r .. -n . tt^ l^ri-.V ' ^?A.^'5 " ^"'/"'l" '"^rf'!'f'Now this is worth observing ' writing to a Church among the Heathen, and reckons by this feast. May we not suppose from

Church, but merely a contrast shown between a purification of the heart, proceeding from faith, and the oufwurd Jewish festivals. iBut St. Paul in
if', ,.,.; a ' ..^'p ,
'**
/. '

""V
"'^

'

this, that the Heathen converts made this season a solemn time also, and reckoned their years in some decree by it ' J R 1

^he
.

Alexandrians", who' translated the

.
t.

word

i found in .i haJ already c the ^^'^^^ ^'^ ^ fif "J"?/^^. Passover a .xymhol of the St^Rxcru .tto t'.u itiab^T-.u
i
i

Inanotconthispassage.BishopKaye remarks, on a Saturday .H. J. R.]

'<^
I

'^'-'

>"'"tov,

a deliverance of the spirit from the

bondage of the senses.

188

CHRISTIAN PASSOVER ANICETUS AND POLYCARP.

tlat

was wrought. and drinking, or in any kind of external went on the suppo- things. This difference, together with many sition tliat CInhit liad partaken his last meal with his disciples, as a proper Pass- others, between the Churches of Asia over, at the very time that tlie Jews were Minor and the Romish Church, was first This Passover was, discussed on occasion of a visit paid by celebrating theirs. therefore, always celebrated on the night Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, to Anibetween the 14th and 15th of the Jewish cetus, the bishop of Rome.* Polycarp month Nisan, as a remembrance at the appealed to having celebrated such a same time of the last supper of Christ. Passover with St. John, whose disciple Anicetas, on the other hand, apTliis was tlie fundamental notion of he was the whole Jewish-Christian Passover, on pealed to the circumstance, tliat his prewas built. The day decessors, (in a Chnrch consisting of which all the rest following this Passover was consecrated heathen converts, who followed St. Paul) to the remembrance of the sufierings of had established nothing of the sort.| But Christ, and tlie third day from it to the as it was not supposed that the apostles remembrance of his resurrection. On the had entirely coincided in such external contrary, in the greater number of heathen things, or thought that uniformity in J^hese Churches, as soon as men began to cele- things was necessary, it was thought that brate yearly festivals (a time which can- differences in these respects might connot be determined very precisely,) they tinue without prejudice to Christian comAs a proof that the followed the method observed in tlie munion and unity. weekly festivals. They appointed one bond of unity was not broken by this, Sunday in the year for the festival of the nor by other diflerences, it would seem, Resurrection, and one Friday as a day of of still greater importance, Anicetus alpenitence and fasting preparatory to this lowed Polycarp to celebrate the commuSunday, in remembrance of the sufferings nion in his Church instead of himself. In later years, about A. D. 171, this difof Christ; and they gradually lengthened this time of penitence and fasting, as a ference again became the subject of conMelito of Sardis, writing appapreparation for that high and joyful fes- troversy tival. \n these Churches they were more rently for the Jewish-Christian custom, inclined to take up a kind of antithetical and Appollinaris of Hierapolis, against turn against tlie Jewish festivals, than to It was * At all events we may concluile from the words graft Christian ones upon them. far from their notions to think of observ- of Irenseus, recorded by Eusebius, that the deter-

whom

deliverance

These

representations

The

ing a yearly Passover with the Jews. following was the view which they

mination of the controversy about Easter was not the object of Polycarp's journey to Rome; no controversies

took of the matter. Every typical feast and it was only incidentally, in touching on has lost its true meaning by the realiza- controversies, that this was also treated of.
tion

were as yet

in existence

on the subject,
other
It is

of

that

which

is

typified

in

the

not at

all

clear either, although

it

is

possible, that

sacrifice of Christ, the Lord's Supper, as

a deliberation

on those other points of

difference

the feast of the

new

covenant, has taken

the place of that of the old covenant.

here to liave been inclined, in Judaism, to come to following opinion, for which they might bring at laist " prima facie" evidence from the Gospel of St. John, namely, that our Saviour did not celebrate the last Supper at the same time with tlie
their opposition to

Men seem

More importance object of this journey. has been attached at times to this journey, than is warranted by history. It is a pity that Eusebius has not given us the whole of the letter of Irenseus; all depends on
was the
-j-

the

what we supply to the words Tn^ttv and ^;) th^siv; something must be supplied, wliich formed the whole subject of the controversy, and which makes Polycratns of its appearance in the letter of Ephesus, preserved by Eusebius,* namely, tv
TSfl-(ra^!(7K(/w*T)(v Tit/ TTxa-^ci;
i.

e.,

the celebration

Jews, but one day

earlier.

of (he
;

\Uh day of Nisan,

as the day of the Pass-

Tliis difference of outward customs, over and it depended on the observance ot this between the Jewish-Christian Churches day, whether the Passover was kept or not. If a and the Churches allied to them, on man did not trouble himself about the Mth day of Nisan, he considered the old feast of the Passthe yne hand, and the Heathen-Christian over utterly abolished, and deduced his Christian Churches foimdcd by St. Paul, on the paschal festival from a totally different view of the

other, existed at first without its being supposed that external things of this nature were of importance enough to lead
to a
:
'

case.
*

[Euseb.

V. 24.

vefv controversy they thought, that the to them on the kingdom of God did not consist in eating II. J. R.]

letter are

The notes of Valesius on this I have already reicrred valuable subject of lasting on Saturday.
:

POINTS IN DISPUTE.
it.*

189

But still there was no rupture of the the commemoration of the sufferings of individual Christ, let it fall on what day of the week Churches on this account Christians out of Churches, where tlie it might; the other party answered, it must Passover was celebrated after the Jewish always he on a Friday. notions, found a brotherly reception in (3.) When the one party appointed the Rome, were allowed to celebrate the Pass- third day after the Passover lor the comover tliere according to their own opi- memoration of the resurrection, let it fall nions, and were still admitted to the com- on what day of the week it might; the munion. Things remained in this state other party settled that this must take place on a Sunday. till the time of Victor, bishop of Rome.t But under this bishop, about A. D. 190, (4.) While the one party was keeping on the its festival of the Passover, the other the controversy broke out afresh was ranged the Church of Rome, party took an exactly opposite turn for one side in agreement with those of Cfcsarea in they were at this very time preparing Palestine, Jerusalem, Tyre, and Alexan- themselves for the celebration of the sufon the other were the Churches of ferings of Christ, by means of a day of dria Asia Minor, at the head of which was penitence and fasting; and this time of contrition only ended with their partaking Polycrates, the bishop of Ephesus.J The points which were controverted on of the communion on the morning of the feast of the resurrection.* this occasion, were the following
:
:

(1.)

tained,

Must the yearly Passover be reand must we, therefore, follow the
regard to the
}

Jews

in

this festival

by the which we have before time of celebrating observed in the Romish Church, renounced communion with the Churches
bishop, animated
hierarchical spirit
|

The Romish

of this opinion at least of Asia Minor, in consequence of this Apollinaris, Clement of Alexandria, and insignificant difference but this unchrisHippolytus, according to the fragments tian conduct must have experienced a preserred in the Alexandrian Chronicle, strong opposition from the unevangelical which we are not entitled to declare spu- spirit which then existed. Ireneeus wrote maintained the following position rious him a letter in the name of the Churches That the last supper of Jesus was no of Lyons and Vienne, in which he blamed
;

The opponents

Passover for, according to the account this conduct severely. He holds up the in the Gospel of St. John, Jesus kept it example of his predecessor Anicetus to on the ]3th Nisan, and on the following shame Victor, and declares to hini, " We day, which was appointed for the Jewish live together in peace, without regarding Passover, He offered up that sacrifice for these differences and the difference in mankind, which was typified by the Pass- our regulations about the fasts, makes over, and thence there is the less reason to our agreement in faith shine forth more suppose it possible that Christians should clearly." In the same letter, or in ancelebrate any festival of the Passover. other work composed in consequence of (2.) When the Jewish-Christian party these controversies, he says, " The aposappointed the day after the Passover for tles commanded us to judge no man in
; ;

*
j-

Euseb.

iv.

26.

The

tf/TstJa? urrccrroKUiu,

quoted by Epipha-

From

letter to Victor, represents

the circumstance that Irenaeus, in his only the Romish bishops

I

nius, Hreres. Ixx. 11, which appear to be very different from those that remain to us, wished to

before Soter as models of toleration,

formerly con-

cluded, that under this latter (Soter) things had

immediately been changed; but

in Irenajus the

if

we

observe that

words

01

(tt^o) SaxTJigoc Trgtr/ivri^u

and

01

TT^o

<rw TTgiT&uri^'jt correspond to each other,

we

shall see clearly that no particular weight can Irenaeus only be attached to the first expression. means to say thus much: this difTcrence of opinion, and therefore, this toleration, did not first begin under the later bishops, but were in existence

moderate this opposition, and to defend the followers of the Jewish-Christian custom against the reproach of Judaism and, therefore, they represented the case as if the Jewish Passover (comp. Deut. xvi. 3,) were a meal of humiliation, and the Christian a festival of joy as if the fast of the Christians, on the following day, on which the Jews had crucified the Redeemer, exactly corresponded to the Jewish meal of joy. The apostles say, " While the Jews are holding their feast, you
; ;

before Soter.
t
It

might, perhaps, surprise

us to find the

Churches of Palestine on
recollect that the

this side, but

we must

converts,

Church of Cajsarea, from the very beginning, had consisted chiefly of heathen and that the Church of .Jerusalem had
assumed more of the Heathen-Christian form

must fast and mourn on their account, because they crucified Christ on the day of their fcjist; but while they are fasting, eating their unleavened bread with bitter herbs, you are to hold your fivut."
'OT:tv iKinoi t'ua^^mTiti, Cult; vnT'Tej-.vrK

im^

J.jT'jfl

TTXUTrlKPKTlY,

during the reign of Hadrian.

190

CHRISTMAS-DAY AND THE EPIPHANY.

This embraced the whole season of fifty days from Easter, and was celebrated like a Sunday, that is to say, no fasts were kept during the whole of it, and men prayed standing, and not kneeling, and perhaps, also in some places assemblies of the Church were held, and the communion was celebrated everyday.* Afterwards two peculiar points of time, the ascension of Christ and the effusion of the Holy Spirit, were selected from this whole
Spirit from the heavenly Jerusalem.
originally
festival

respect of meats or drink, or fasts, new Whence, then, come ixioons, or Sabbaths. controversies } whence divisions ? celebrate feasts, but in tlie leaven of wickevil,

We

because we divide the edness and Cliurch ofGod, and observe outward matters, while we leave the weightier matters of love and faith untouched. We
have, nevertheless, learned from the prophets, that such feasts and such fasts are observed displeasing to the Lord." before, that a fast formed the introduction

We

to the Passover, and this was the only fast formerly established by the Chuch.

interval.

These were

the only festivals generally

necessity of this fast was deduced celebrated at that time, as the passage cited The fundamental from Matt. ix. 15, but it was by a carnal from Origen proves. interpretation of the passage, and an ap- notion of the whole Christian life, which

The

quite contrary to its real referred every thing to the suffering, the duration of this fast, how- resurrection, and the glorification of Christ, the imitation as well as the adherence, or, on the other ever, of the temptation of our Lord for forty hand, the opposition to the Jewish celedays introduced the custom of fasting bration of festivals, were the cause, that forty hours in some places, which after- these were tlie only general festivals. The wards was extended to forty days,| and notion of a birthday festival was far from thus the fast of forty days, the quadra- the ideas of the Christians of this period in general ; they looked upon the second gesimal fast arose.
plication of
it

sense.*

The

was not determined

was

closely connected with that of the resurrection, and this was dedicated to

men. The case must have been somewhat diflerent with the birtii of the Redeemer; human nature commemorating the first visible effects of was to be sanctified by him from its first the operations of the glorified Christ upon development; but then this last notion human nature, now also ennobled by him, could not at first come so prominently the lively proofs of his resurrection and forward among the early Christians, bereception into glory; and therefore, Origen cause so many of them were first converted joins llie festivals of the resurrection and to Christianity when well advanced in of Pentecost together as one whole.]] years, after some decisive excitement of The means of transition from an Old their life, but then it may have entered Testament festival to one befitting the generally into domestic life, though at first New Testament, were here near at hand. gradually. Nevertheless, we find in this The first-fruits of harvest in the kingdom period apparently one trace of Christmas

The

festival

of Pentecost {Whitsuntide)

birth as the true birth of

kingdom of grace
from Mount

Its history is intimately connected with the history of a kindred festiSinai the new law of the val the festival of tiie Manifestation of Jesus in his character of Messiah, his con The passage does not relate to the time of secration to the office of Messiah by the Christ's sufTering, but to the time when he should baptism of John, and the beginning of his be with his disciples no more. As long as they public ministry, as the Messiah, which enjoyed his society they were to give themselves up to joy, and to be disturbed in it by no forced afterwards called the eo^t ruv 'nn<pa.vtiuv^ We find in asceticism. But a time of sorrow was to follow or Tj; iTntpotvucti tov XpurTof. this time of joy, although only for a season, after later times that these festivals extended which a time of higher and imperishable joy, in themselves in opposite directions, that of invisible communion with Him, was to follow. Christmas spreading from the west to east, John xvi. 22.

of nature

the

first fruits

of harvest in the

as a festival.

the law of the ktter

j-

Irenaius ap. Eusel). v. 24.

i Origen, c. Ccls. viii. c. xxii., (p. 392, cd. Spenc.) where he places the yearly festivals of the frxa-^-x and the TriVTitx.'.Trn, with the weekly festivals, the Tru^to-tauxi and the Ku^mnxt, and considering the festival of the resurrection as the beginning of that of Whitsuntide, he says, "He who can truly assert, God hath raised us again with him, and pl.iccd us in the kingdom of heaven,' keeps one continual Passover."
'

* From Tertullian, de Oratione, c. xxiii., where he had said that men abstain from worldly business on Sunday, and where he afterwards attributes the whole solemnities of Sunday to the Pentecost, wc might be led to suppose that this abstinence from worldly business lasted during the whole time of Pentecost, which is hard to believe. In his treatise dc Idololatria, c xiv., where he wishes to restrain Christians from participating in heathen feasts, he

CHRISTMAS-DAY AND THE EPIPHANY.

j

191

and the other from east to west.* Clement rately, they celebrated it as a festival, and of Alexandria merely relates, that the the Gontext of the passage in which it is Gnostic sect of the Basilidians celebrated mentioned seems to indicate that Clement the festival of the Epiphany at Alexandria, had some meaning of this sort.* But We can hardly snppose that then tliis could not have been done by in his time. this sect invented the festival, although the Gnostics, of whom he speaks immethey may have had some dogmatical rea- diately afterwards, for the celebration of sons for celebrating it, for it is highly im- the birthday of our Saviour would have probable that the Catholic Church should been in flat contradiction to the rest of have afterwards received a festival from the their system. We proceed now to consider the seGnostics; and these Gnostics most probably received it from the Jewish-Christian veral parts of the Christian worship. Ciiurches in Palestine or Syria. It had apI

parently a Jewish-Christian origin, for this time of our Saviour's life would appear the

(d.)

On

the several parts of the Christian

Worship.

most important to the notions of the JewThe character of a spiritual worship of ish-Christians and the Gnostics would God distinguished the Christian worship afterwards explain it accordinirto their own from that of other religions, which conideas. Clement speaks at the same time sisted in symbolical pageantry and lifeless
;

attempted to fix not only the ceremonies. As a general elevation of day of our Saviour's the spirit and the heart to God, as well as birth ; but he appears to blame this pro- the enlightenment of the spirit and the ceeding, as an idle and unfruitful pursuit, sanctification of tlie heart, were the obin which they could arrive at no certainty. ject of every thing in this religion, inHe does not. however, say, that they cele- struction and edification, through a combrated the day which they attempted to mon study of the Divine word, and fix as a festival; but it is still probable through prayer in common, were tlie leadthat if they reckoned the day so accu- ing features in the Christian worship.
of those
year, but even the
says, "

who

adhere to the arrangements made about the congregations in the Jewish synaone day, is in the 43d Canon of the Council of gogues, in which also the element of a This canon is, we confess, very obscure; spiritual religious worship was the preElvira. but the most natural interpretation of it is by supvailing ingredient. As the reading of porposing that some persons had selected only the tions of the Old Testament had formed festival of the ascension out of the whole Pentecost. On the contrary, under the name of Pentecost, the the groundwork of religious instruction council only understood the festival of the Effusion in the Jewish synagogues, this custom of the Holy Spirit, and ordered that the 50th day also passed into the Christan congregaafter Easter should he kept holy, and accused the tions. First the Old Testament, and esfirst mentioned party, who had only made a false pecially tiie prophetic parts of it, were application of the name Pentecost, of having departed from the authority of Scripture, " L't cuncti read as things that pointed to the Messiah ; diem Pentccostes post Pascha celebremus, non then followed the Gospels, and after that
trace of a limitation of the Pentecostal festival to

Excerpe singulas solemnitates nationum, Pentecostum iraplere non poterunt." The first

And

in

this respect

it

might

in

its

form

quadragesimam,
*

nisi

The

feast of the

quinquagesimam." Epiphany, as the festival of

the Epistles

of

the apostles.

The
*
yiTif-.v Til
u\?.a.

reading of the Scriptures was of

i.

the baptism of Christ,

was held

in great reverence

at the end of the fourth century at Anfioch, while the introduction of the festival of Chritsmas, which

(Clemens, Stromat.
yivij-ii

p.

340

iloi it
/u'^i/ov
<'-7rc

o!

Trepup-

Tcy

!ra>T>ipit

iijuwv cu

irc^,

came from
In

the west, found great opposition there.

KXt

Tiiv >)fxif-j.v

^fi:aTi(ti\ne;, ci Si

/ixa-ixcScu

many of the eastern Churches, where Christmas was first introduced at the end of the fourth
but where the festival of the baptism of Christ had long been known, they joined the two festivals together afterwards ; as in the western Churches they gave a somewhat different turn to the new festival of llie Epiphany, which came to them from the east. The Donatists rejected the Epijjhany, as an innovation that came from the eastern Churches: "Quia nee oriental! ecclesiffi, ubi a[)(>aruit ilia stella, communicant,"' Augustin. Sermo 202. 2. I mention this now rather prematurely, but merely in some degree as a proof of the supposition I have thrown out, and I shall have to enlarge on the matter in the succeeding period.
later,

Kit

T'jV li-XTntTfA-JLTCi itilTiU TJIV HjUlflUV icpn^'-U^I.

century, or even

I [The Christian f stivals, as compared with those of the Jews and the heathen, are succinctly
considered in an essay by Dr. Ullman, appended
to Creuzer's

SymboUk>.

vol.

iv.

There are some

it

interesting remarks in this essay, but

does not
ac-

profess to treat the subject with chronological

The work of Augusti is the grand storehouse of information on this point. Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der Chiistlichen Archaologie. Leips. 8 vols. 1817 1826: For those who do not read
curacy.

German, the work of Bingham gives the

fullest

account of these matters. The little Ireitisc also of Thorndike on the Service of God at Religious Assemblies, is excellent, but it is, unfortunately, a
scarce book.

li. J.

R.l


192
still

INTERPRETERS,
Singing also passed from the Jewish
service into that of the Christian Church,
St.

SCRIPTURES READ

was

greater consequence then, because it desirable that every Christian should

be acquainted with them, and yet, by reason of tlie rarity and dearness of manuscripts, and tlie poverty of a great proor, perhaps, portion of tlie Christians also, because all were not able to read not be put into the the Bible itself could hands of all. Frequent hearing was, therefore, with many to supply the place The Scriptures of their own reading. were, therefore, read in the language which all could understand, and that was, in most parts of the Roman empire, the Greek or the Latin. In very early times different translations of the Bible into as every one, Latin were in existence wlio knew a little of Greek, found it need-

Paul exhorts the early Churches to What was used for sing spiritual songs. this purpose were partly the Psalms of

the Old Testament, and partly songs coinposed ivith this very object, especially songs of praise and thanks to God and Christ; and these, we know, Pliny found to be customary among the Christians.
In the controversies with the Unitarians, about the end of the second century, and the beginning of the third, the hymns, in which from early times Christ had been honoured as a God, were appealed to. The power of Church singing over the heart was soon recognised, and hence those who wished to propagate any peculiar opinions, like Bardesanes or Paul of Samosata, endeavoured to spread them by means of hymns. In compliance with the infirmities of human nature, composed as it is of sense and spirit, the Divine Founder of the Church, beside his word, ordained two outward signs, as symbols of the invisi-

word of God his own in the language to which he was accustomed.* Where the Greek or the Latin language was understood only by a part of the Church, that is to say, by the eduful to

make

the

classes, while the rest understood only their native language, as was the case in many Egyptian and Syrian towns. Church interpreters! were appointed, as in the Jewish synagogues, and they immediately translated what had been read into the language of the country, so that it might be intelligible to all.J

cated

ble

communion, which

him, the Head of the spiritual body, and the faithful, its members and also of the connection of these memlers, as with him, so also jvith one another. These
;

existed between

After the reading of the Scripture there followed, as there had previously in the

Jewish synagogues, short, and

at

very simple addresses in familiar guage, the momentary effusions of the heart, which contained an explanation and application of what had just been read. Justin Martyr expresses himself thus on the subject : " After the reading of the

visible means to represent the inheavenly benefits to be bestowed on the members of this body through lan- him, and while man received in faith the

were

visible,

first

sign presented

Scriptures, the president (S b-^oso-tw;,) instructs the people in a discourse, and incites

them

to the imitation of these

good

examples."
the taste

Among

the

Greeks, where

was more

rhetorical, the

sermon
a

from

the very earliest

times

was of

mofe lengthened

kind, and formed a very important part of the service.

||

Aug\istin. de Doctrina Christiana,

lib

ii.

c. 2.

to his senses, the enjoyheavenly communion and those heavenly advantages was to gladden his inward heart. As nothing in all Christianity and in the whole Christian life stands isolated, but all forms one whole, proceeding from one centre, therefore, also that which this outward sign represented must be something which should continue through the whole of the inward Christian life, something which, spreading itself forth from this one moment over the whole Christian life, should be capable of being especially excited again and promoted in return, by the influence of

ment of

that

t
t

The D*^^J")1ri Dragomans,

'P.fi/umturcti yhaxrviti:

tU yKonra-at,

m^rariv,

tou{

Troctro/xiKtctii;.

h txk <'i'*^- Romish Church there was no preaching Epiphan. Expos. Fid. this must not be referred by any means
ti

at all,

martyrdom under the persecution of Dioclesion, united in his own person at Scythopolis in Palestine, the ofiicea of a reader, an exorcist, and an interpreter (out of the Greek into the Syriac) Sec his Acta Martyr.
^ Apol.
II

Cathol.

c,

xxi.

Procopius,

who

suirercd

first

to the times ; but, if the account be true, we must gather from it, that the prevalence of sensuous shows, and liturgical rights, had banished the ser-

mon, in

later

days.

But an

Oriental

might

easily be mislead

by

false

accounts from the West.

And
that

ii.

[Apol,

1.

77.]
first
vii,

When Sozomen

the source of this error might perhaps be, the sermon did not occupy so prominent a

in the

half of the fifth 19,) that in the

century says: (Hist. Eccl.

place in the service in the the Greek.

Romish Church,

as in

BAPTISM AND THE LORD'S SUPPER.

isolated

193

Thus, baptism was to years. In Origan we find two classes of be the sign of a rirst entrance into com- these catechumens distinctly separated munion with the Redeemer, and with the from each other. 1. Those who were for the first time Church, the first appropriation of those advantages, wliich Christ has bestowed receiving private instruction. 2. Those who were admitted to the on man, namely, of the forgiveness of sins and the inward union of life, which congregations, and were under immediate
moments.
preparation for baptism.* it, as well as of the particiThere was no distinct Church officer pation in a sanctifying Divine Spirit of life. And tlie Lord's Supper was to be for the private instruction of the catechuthe sign of a constant continuance in this mens ; at Carthage it was customary to communion, in the appropriation and en- devolve this duty, after a previous probajovment of these advantages ; and thus tion, on some person, who was distinwere represented the essentials of the guished among the Church readers ; at whole inward Christian lile, in its earliest Alexandria, where men of education, even The learned men, and persons accustomed to rise and its continued progress. whole peculiar spirit of Christianity was philosophical thought, often presented

proceeds from

upon the mode in themselves for instruction in Christianity, which these external things were admin- it was necessary that the catechisls themparticularly stamped
istered,

and the mode of their administra- selves should be men of a learned educareturn exerted a powerful influ- tion, and such as might be in a condition ence on the whole nature of the Chris- to remove the" objections and the doubts this office, therefore, was tian worsiiip. The connection of the mo- of the heathen ments, represented by these signs, with there filled even by learned laymen, who the whole Christian life, the connection were capable of it, and these catechists of inward and Divine things with the out- formed the foundation afterwards of an ward act, was present to the lively Chris- important theological school There is found in the New Testament;|; but tian feelings of the first Christians
tion
in
;
."j"

it

was here prejudicial in a practical point itself some trace of a confession of faith, of view, as we observed before in regard which was made at baptism, and these to the doctrines about the Church, that confessions were afterwards enlarged, so men neglected to separate properly, and as to oppose Jews, heathens and heretics.
distinguish in their ideas, the things that came to their feelings in close connection

tinguishes those wh were at first instructed ntco' of baptism. ISixv, and those, who after a probation were first it was of great conseOriginally, as admitted into the congregation, and had their pequence that the Church should extend it- culiar place assigned them, Tnyfxx tsjv ligr; tg^c^usfirst

with one another. We shall speak

Origen

(c.

Cels.

lib. iii.

c.

54,)

clearly dis-

self rapidly, those (among the Jews) who vaiv x. ii:!-'iY'fx%'iom K.-U ovisro) to a-u/j.^'.Kr,v tc-j o-yroKiOne is led to inquire, whether acknowledged their belief in Jesus as the x.iSxqBui avayjitpcrcev. there was also a third class in the time of Origen, Messiah, or (among the heathen) who ac- which his obscure expressions render doubtful. I knowledged their belief in the one God formerly thought that this was the case but, on a and in Jesus the Messiah, were immedi- second investigation, I find my opinion to have been ately baptized, as appears from the New unfounded. I thought that the ujua^TuvovTEc among
;

gradually came to be Testament. It thought necessary to give those, who wished to be received into the Christian Church, a more careful instruction by way of preparation, and to subject them
to a

the baptized persons, might be there mentioned in the character of Pcenitentes and distinguished from The words, ci-j. J' those before brought forward.
f.a-riv

axiTTUv a.yuryii,

/hich

jr

little after,

appear
indi-

rather to refer to

what goes

before.

The

tc-ju

more severe

trial.

This whole

class

cates no distinction, and is not to be translated: " The conduct also which they pursue with regard
to the vicious
fers to the

of persons were called " auditores," xutdthat Yfiv^f.i^'n, and these names implied they were persons, who were receiving a preparatory instruction in Christianity, and who as yet were only in a state to listen to the Holy Scriptures, when they were read, and to the sermons. The time of probation must have been different according to the difi'erent condition of individuals ; but the council of Elvira determined generally that it should last two

members of the Church

is

:"

but

it

re-

following xw, and

to be

translated

the conduct which they pursue, as well with regard to the vicious in general, as with
thus,

"And

regard to the cxoxits-T^vovTE; in particular," &c. shall have more to say on this subject,
-j-

We

when we
\

treat of the school of Alexandria.

See

Pet.

iii.

21.

Tim

vi.

12.

The

latter
it

passage

is

not so decidedly applicable, because

relate to a confession made by Timothy from the fulness of his heart on a particular occa-sion,

may

when he was chosen and

sionary to the heathen.

consecrated as a mis-

25

194

SYiMBOL OF FAITH,

Yvi^^oXov
after analo-

These confessions of faith were supposed to include the essentials of Christianity, Men in which all Churches agreed. were persuaded, that the doctrine, expressed in these confessions of faith, descended from the tradition of the apostles, that it was the doctrine, which they had preached both " viva voce," and by their
writings, but

men were more ready to hunt

gies with the heathen

mysteries,

which

apostles had

no one imagined, that the composed any such confesIn this sense
it

sion in so

many words.

was

called the xn^vyjxa

i.iroa-rahty.ov.,

or the

wx^xSoaK; ^TToc-ToXmi) ; and the misunderstanding of this name afterwards* produced the fiction, that the apostles themselves had literally composed such a confession.

This confession of

faith

was

then pre-eminently named symholum. The inquiry suggests itself whether, when men made use of the word " symbolum" several apostles. This confession of faith was imparted in this case, they originally intended to use it in its general acceptation of " sign," to the catechumens as containing the eswith the notion that the words of this sentials of Christianity many who emconfession were the characteristic, repre- braced the faith after much inquiry, and sentative sign of the Christian faith, or the comparison of different religious writwhether they alluded to its more restricted ings, as well as from their own study of sense, in reference to the a-vn^oXo* ar^x- the Bible, of course, needed it not as a rnoTty.ov or " tessera mililaris," the watch- means of learning the first principles of
:

they did sometimes in a manner by no means suited to the simplicity of the Gospel, they rather caught at an illusion to the signal-word* of the initiated. Others thought of another meaning of theword " symbolum," namely, a commercial partnership,! ^'^ that they imagined it to be the covenant-token of a spiritual community. The fable about an apostolic confession of faith afterwards paved the way for a notion, that the confession had been formed by contributions from each of the apostles, and then they used the word {rv/^^o^oc or avfjt.Bo\D in a different sense, namely, that of a contribution, to indicate a confession, which was composed from the contributions of the

The only service it could the Christian soldier communi- Christianity. cated to each man at his first entrance be of to them was, to create in them a into the service of Christ (the militia persuasion, that the Church, which they Christi.) The first is the most probable, were about to join, coincided in its docword of
as far as

with the Holy Scriptures, from which they had drawn their faith. Cleplied to baptism, it is applied in its gen- ment of Alexandria accordingly desires the heathen to persuade themselves, by eral sense.| The word a-vfA^oMv, " symbolum," inquiries into the Holy Scriptures, what which has so many meanings, might in- the true Christian religion is, and where
are able to trace the history
it is first

we

trines

of the phrase, because,'.when

ap-

troduce

many

different religious allusions

it is

to be found,

saying that

it

only needs

the predominant one

which belonged

soon became tliat, comparison of the first Christians between their calling and a militia ;' in the Alexandrian Church, on the contrary, where
to the favourite
'

the use
true

of their faculties, to distinguish

reality, the real

the appearance from the

is deduced from the from that which has merely a semblance of being so.J

doctrine

that

Holy

Scripture

j-

Rufia. Exposit. Symbol. Apostol.

Thus

Tcrtullian, dc Pocnitciitia,
vitfc,"

c. vi.,

gays,

that baptism,
to those
sitions.
tra.

which by its own nature should be a became a "symbolum mortis" "symbolum

There were, nevertheless, others, who learned what Christianity is from the confession of faith and the instruction which accompanied it, and who did not
first

who

received it without the proper dispoAlso "symbolum" is used by him (Conlib. v. c.

Marcion.

1,) for

si<4n or

token gen-

done also in the letter of Firmilianus of CfBsarea, where the "symbolum trinitatis" is expressly distinguished from the confession of
erally.

This

is

* Stromal. V. p. 585. The xiUTMi- is compared with the K<fl<^3-(aof the heathen mysteries. Augustin. Sermon, 212. "Symbolum inter I se facient mercatores, quo eorum societas pacto

fidci

teneatur et vestra societas est commerciuni

faith used as

baptism.
tatis

denoting the distinguishing form of (Baptismus) "cui nee symbolum trini|

spiritualium."
t

Stromal,

vli. p.

754, 755 Ai

a'jraiy rcey

ypt^av

fuit."

nee interrogatio Icgitima et ecclesiastica deAnd besides, Cyprian, Ep. 7G, ad Magnum, says, " eoJem symlwlo baptizare," to baptise with Perhaps th' word at first only the same sign. denoted the "formula" of baptism, and was after

bititpiu.

(by perceptive intuition)* km tu

(deepest thought)

Kupt'jeTiru

'

>.'jyiTf/.ui

Toc<X)ifli;u7roTH/?^i'i/-<6vi/W.

[Pott.
|

88S.Sylb. 320.]

wards transferred

to the confession of faith.

Anschauuno.

BELIEF LEARNED BY HEART.

arrive
till

195

afterwards at a state in which of a Neo-Platonic mysticism, deduced they could compare what they had re- the following meaning from this custom ceived from the teaching of men with the " That what is most holy could not be Holy Scriptures* Such were the persons committed to writing, nor should it be of whom Ileracleon, the Gnostic, said,* produced before the uniniiiated, and thus
:

"

They are first induced to believe on the Saviour, being brought to this faith by
men, but when thev come themselves to his words, they believe no longer on the mere testimony of men, but for the truth's sake." Clement of Alexandridf -^ays also, "The first saving change from heathenism is failk^ and faith is a sliort confession (so to speak) of the most urgent truths

become desecrated
traditions of

,"*

and

this

they be-

lieved, in spite of the fact, that the holiest

Divine doctrine, the Scriptures, might yet come into the hands of every heathen and that the apologists themselves had no scruple in bringing forward the most sacred doctrines of Christianity to the heatliens. When our Saviour warned us not to throw pearls
;

On this foundation knowof religion. ledge is built, which is a settled conviction of the truths received through faith,
by demonstrations taken from
Others,
Scripture."

before swine, this

tion not to preach

was a recommendaDivine things to

;

men

who

are the slaves of

their senses, at

entirely uneducated could only learn from the mouths of others, and could never come to the knowledge of the Scriptures themselves ; and yet the Divine truth which they received from the mouths of others, preserved themselves independently in their hearts, as a Divine power. Where the word once found entrance, his own nature which is akin to holiness. This confession of faith was made by another, and not human teacher, never failed to accompany it; and that was the the catachumens at baptism, in answers Holy Ghost. " Many of us," says Cle- to separate questions.t The declaration of a moral engagement ment of Alexandria, " have received the Divine doctrine by faith, without the use was also connected with the declaration The view then taken of bapof writings, through the power of God." of faith. The few words of this confession of tism was this it #as supposed that the faith needed not, of course, to be com- person to be baptized was departing out municated in icrtting; they were to pass of the kingdom of evil, of darkness, and into the heart of the catechumen, to go of Satan, whom he had hitherto served from living lips into his life, and to be de-

who were
to read,

and unable

improper times and places but it was by no means an exhortation to withdraw holy things carefully from the eyes of the profane multitude. The very nature of holy things is such, that they need fear no desecration they remain what they are, however men's minds may be afleeted towards them; and man, by mocking that which is holy, can only desecrate that portion of
;

clared by him as his own firm persuasion. But when men were inclined to introduce a higher notion into this custom of oral instruction in the faith, the origin of which is so simply explained, the idea was near
at

hand, that the Christian doctrine could could create exactly whatever they pleased. not enter into a man from without, by \ According to the most natural interpretation means of letters, but that it must be writ- of 1 Peter iii. 21, it contains an allusion to the ten down in the heart, and there grow like questions proposed at baptism. 'ETSga>Ti is put

The same mystical fancies and ceremonies, which men attributed more than was orinrinally intended by them, afterwards gave room for the invention of a sort of indefinite and unhistorical notion of a "disciplina arcani," from which, just because it was indefinite and groundless, men
*
to

some
after

living thing.

(Jer. xxxi. 33. )J

In

metonymice,
'

for

the

pledge

that

followed

the

mystery, quite questions. TertuUian, de Corona Milit. c. iii. Ami)lius aliquid re>'po)idcntes,i\ua.m Dominus in foreign to the simplicity of the Gospel, Evangclio determinavit." And again, TertuUian, which first arose in the Alexandrian do Resurrectione, c. xlviji., says of baptism. Ctiurch, from its connection wilh the .\nima rerponsione sancitur." The council of heathen mysteries, and from the influence eighty-seven bishops, in the time of Cyprian, says of these questions, " Sacramentum inlerro* Origen, t. xiii. in Johann. 52. (' Sacramentum" gare." is here synonymous j- Clemens Alex. Stromal, i. p. 319, o< it n-u with "doctrina sacra.'") In a letter of Dionysius
times,

love

of

OHeJ ypl/XfAXTO)/ SvltfAU TC

TTf^;

S-.U il%

TriTTWi

TTJ.-

f^MVifAtt

[PoU. .376. Sylh. 137.] 212. "Hujus rei signifi\ So Augustin. j) candae causa auiliendo syinbolum discitur nee in
K'.y.i.

tabulis vel in

aliqua materia, sed in cordc scri-

of Alexandria, which is found in Eusebius, (vii. 9,) the following expression occurs: 'ET5^r/)if Kt! C7r.x.^i7it: Cyprian, Ep. Ixxvi. ad Magnum, [Ep. Ixix. cd. Ox.] quotes one of these questions: " (Jredis remissionern pcccatorum et vitam ter-

bitur."

nam persanctam

ecclesiatn!"

196
as a heathen,

BAPTISM OF JOHN AND CHRIST.

when devoted
to his lusts,

more predominant,

as

men imagined an
by ma-

he was now entering into the kingdom of God. He was, therefore, solemnly to renounce all communion with the kingdom in which he had formerly served. He gave his hand to the bishop, and pledged himself* to renounce the devil and all his pomps) among which, at that time, the heathen plays and shows

and

that

actual possession of the unbelievers

the evil spirit, and invented a proper

gical formula for banishing him,

and as

men were always

glad

to

increase the

were particularly intended) and his angels; and this latter declaration was probably owing to the idea, that the heathen gods were evil spirits, which had seduced them.f This pledge was considered, according to the favourite comparison of
these days, as the Christian soldier's oath, the " sacramentum militiai Christiana?,"

outward ceremonial in religious aflairs, so it came to pass, that the formula of exorcism, which was used in the case of the energumens or possessed, was introduced into the baptism of all heathens. Perhaps also another circumstance was closely connected with this change, namely, that in general a mere lifeless mechanical act, attached to a particular office in the Church, had taken the place of the real exorcising, which in earlier times had been a free grace or charisma.

the Christian bound himself to In the apostolic constitutions we find neiThe first and to fight as the "miles Dei et ther the one nor the other. unequivocal trace of exorcism in baptism, Chnsti." This form of renunciation, which we is found in the acts of the council of find in the second century, must be care- Carthage, composed of eighty-seven or fully distinguished from exorcism^ which eighty-five bishops, A. D. 256.*

by which
live

could not have proceeded so early from The tlie ideas of Christian antiquity. notion of a deliverance from the power of the evil spirit, in a religious and moral point of view, of a departure from out of the kingdom of wickedness, and of a participation, through the new birth, in a Divine life, which should be victorious over the evil principle; this notion, we acknowledge, suits the original and essen-d< the earliest times; but then, the whole act of baptism was to be a sensible representation of this idea, and therefore, there was no necessity to bring forward any thing individual and detached, to denote and effect that, which was denoted and represented as effective for the believer by the whole act of baptism. The case is slightly different with regard to the formula of renunciation, because this referred, like the confession of faith, to that which man must do for his (mm part, in order to become a partaker in the blessings of baptism. As faith and practice are so closely connected in Christianity, this renunciation followed immediately after the confession of faith. We find, therefore, in the second century, still no trace of any formula for banishing the evil spirit. But wlien the taste for magic, and the confusion between outward and inward, became more and
tially Christian ideas

As ftr as regards the outward form of baptism, this, as well as so much of Chrisdeduced from Judaism, whether it be an imitation of the baptism of proselytes, since this already existed among the Jews, or whether it be taken from their common habit of outward
tianity beside, is

purification.
sition

John the
''

Baptist, in op])o-

opus operatum" of the Jewish lustrations, brought forward his

to

the

baptism, as a sign of preparation for the

approaching appearance of the Messiah and his kingdom, a sign of repentance, by which man w^s to make himself capable of reception into the kingdom of God. Christ also retained this existing form of baptism, as a symbol of consecration for the approaching kingdom of the Messiah, and he ennobled it by the new and higher spirit, which he imparted to it, to which John the Baptist had already pointed. Instead of a baptism into the hope of a Messiah, who was about to appear among the people and

* The North African bishop, Csecilius of Bilta, here .supposes, in delivering his sentence, that exorcism belongs essentially to the integrity of baptism. The sentence of the flmatical Vincentius, bishop of Thibari, was, that the "manuuin impositio in cxorcismo," must precede the baptism of a heretic. But from the Ixxvith [Ixix.ed. Ox.] epistle of Cyprian, addressed to Magnus, we cannot prove the existence of exorcism in baptism * According to Tertullian, de M. c. iii., this generally, because there the subject of discussion happened twice first, before he was fit for bap- is exorcism of the energumens, and Cyprian is tism, at his first introduction into the congrega- inclined to show that baptism is far more powerful tions and then again at his baptism. than exorcism. " Spiritus nequam ultra remanere

\ 'A^TOKTtrwflaU

<TU>

StX^OKO)

KM

TJ) 'PrCfATTtt

KM

TOK

non possunt

in

hominis corpore,

in

quo baptizato

et sanctijicato incipit Spiritus sanctus habitare.

ORIGINAL FORM OP BAPTISM.

reveal himself to them,

19':

men were now

to

prove

from the use of the expressions

into
tliat

be baptized in the name of the Messiah, who had already appeared, and who was working by Divine power; instead of a negative kind of baptism to repentance, by wa}^ of preparation, the baptism of the Spirit was to make its appearance as the symbol of an inward renovation and elevation, by means of that communication of Divine life, which was to be shed upon this baptism from tlie Messiah, as the Redeemer of man estranged from God, and the founder of the kingdom of heaven among mankind, whom he had redeemed. As long as the fvdness of the Divine nature was hidden under the guise of an earthly and human existence, this Divine efficacy of the Messiah did not reveal itself, the Divine life was then his As 01C71 exclusive possession among men. He himself declared, the seed must first earth and die in order to fall into the It was only after bring forth much fruit. should have ascended into heaven, He that the glorified Son of man would be able to bestow that baptism of the Spirit It in its Divine and invisible efiicacy. was then that the true sense of the Christian baj)tism was fully expanded. We certainly cannot prove, that when Christ commanded his disciples to baptise in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, He intended to establish a particular formula of baptism. The purpose of expressing the true character of a consecration to the

flaTTTto-^o? iJ; ovo/i** Tov Xg7Tou, tii X^icrrov,

haptism
Christ.,

ike

name of
the

Christy into

in

apostolic

age

this

shorter formula was commonly used instead of the fuller one. For in the passages,
is

where this description of baptism met with, no verbal formula of baptism is meant to be given at all, but only the characteristic aim of baptism is meant to
be brought forward, the expression of a belief in Jesus, as the Messiah, and an engagement to live in faith and obedience to Him. It may be said, perhaps, that the revival of this simple formula of baptism by Marcion, is a proof that it was the original, and that the shorter one was of later date, for Marcion (see below, in the history of sects,) was desirous in respect to every thing to separate that which was original and apostolic from the additions of the Church in later times. But this argument is not to be depended on, for Marcion may have drawn conclusions from the common expressions of St. Paul on baptism, without any other historical grounds, and have been induced, solely from these conclusions, to accuse
the

Church

in this case, as well as in

other things, of an
original

adulteration of the of the Gospel and be reasons, why his own system of doctrine led him to favour the more simple formula. We should have better reason to conclude, from the re-

simplicity

there

may

kingdom spect which men showed in the Romish of God, and of declaring in a few words Cliurch for this formula in the controthe nature of his Divine efficacy among the versies which we are shortly about to human race, and the nature of his new reli- mention, that much might be said for its At all events, the fuller forgion, was decidedly of more importance antiquity. with Him, than that of giving a certain form mula, when properly understood, was of words, which should last for all ages. nothing more than the development of He wished to show the dependence of the that which was implicitly contained in Justin Martyr quotes Avhole life on the one God, who had re- the shorter form. vealed Himself through his Son as the the former as that which was generally Father of fallen man, and who imparls his prevalent in his day. Baptism was originally administered by Spirit to sanctify man, whom his Son has redeemed; as well as to point to the true immersion, and many of the comparisons worship of God, as He had revealed Him- of St. Paul allude to this form of its ad[

through his Son, in a heart sanctified by the Divine life, which is shed forth from Him. The proper nature of the peculiar theism of Christianity (God in Christ and through Christ) is briefly set On that very acforth in these words. count, therefore, these words were also eminently calculated to serve for a most formula of baptism, inasmuch as the essential character and relations of the Christian consecration were so clearly set We cannot, however, forth in them.
self

ministration

the immersion is a symbol of death, of being buried with Christ, the coming forth from the water is a symbol
:

of a resurrection with Christ, and both taken together represent the second birth. the death of the old man and a resurrecAn exception was tion to a new life. made only in the case of sick persons, which was necessary, and they received

baptism by sprinkling. Many superstitious persons imagined, from attaching too much importance to externals, that

r2

198

CLINICI.

INFANT BAPTISM
torical

ITS ORIGIN.

baptism by sprinkling was not valid, and therefore they distinguished those who were so baptized from other Christians, clinici."* Cyprian by the name of expresses liimself strongly against this fancy :t " The breast of the believer is washed in one way, and the soul of man is purified by the merit of faith in another. la the sactaments of salvation, when necessity compels and God gives permission, the Divine service, though abridged, con''

case turns.
period,

From

the deficiency of his-

documents of the lirst half of this we must also avow that the want of any positive testimony to the custom
cannot be brought as an arg-ument against antiquity. The first passage which its appears expressly to point to this matter, is found in lrena3us. We shall consider the whole of this remarkable passage with some degree of accuracy. Irenasus is endeavouring to show, that Christ did not stop the progress of the development of human nature, which was to be sanctified by him, but that he sanctified it, in all its successive stages, in conformity to " He came its essential qualities in each
.

fers

its

whole efficacy on the believer.;}; Or if any one supposes that

they have obtained nothing because they have only been sprinkled with the water of salvation, let them not be deceived so
they recover Avho have their health. already been sanctified by the baptism of the Cliurch, are not to be baptized again, why should their faith be troubled, and the grace of God made a reproach to them. Have they, then, obtained the grace of God, but obtained it with a shorter and a deficient measure of the gift of God and of the Holy Spirit, so that they may be reckoned as Christians, but not placed on the same footing with the rest.' Nay, then, the Holy Spirit is not given by measure, but is shed on the
far as to be baptized again, if

to

redeem

all

by himself;

all I

say,

who

But

if

those,

born again into God through him, infants, children, boys, youths, and the old. Therefore, he passed through every age, and became an infant to infants, sanctifying infants, he became a child
are

among

children, to sanctify those of this

age, giving

them at the same time an example of piety, of justice, and obedience, and for young men he became a young man, to set them an example, and to It is here sanctify them to the Lord."* of consequence to remark particularly,
that infants
(infantes) are expressly dis-

believer in

its

whole

fulness.

For

if

the

tinguished

from children

(parvuli,)

to

day dawns on all alike, and the sun sheds whom Christ can serve as an example an equal liglit on all, how much more and that these infants are represented as does Christ, the true sun and the true day, being only capable of receiving an objecimpart to all in his Church the light of tive salvation from Christ, who appeared in an age and condition similar to theirs. eternal life with impartial equality." As faith and baptism are constantly so This salvation is imparted to them iu
j

closely connected together in the New Testament, an opinion was likely to arise, tliat where there could be no taith, there could also be no baptism. It is certain that Christ did not ordain infant baptism left, indeed, much, which was he not needful for salvation, to the free development of the Christian spirit, without here We cannot appointing binding laws. prove tliat the apostles ordained infant baptism; from those places where the l)aptism of a whole family is mentioned, as in Acts xvi. 33. 1 Cor. i. l(i, we can dravv no such conclusion, because the inquiry is still to be made, whether there were any children in these families of such an age, that they were not capable of any intelligent reception of Christianity, for this is the only point on which the
]

consideration of their being born again in In to God, through Christ. Irenaeus the new birth and baptism are intimately connected, and it would be difreference
for one to imagine any thing else than baptism as meant by the new birth, when used in reference to this age. Infant baptism also here appears the means by which the principle imparted through Christ to human nature from its very earliest development, might be approprificult

ated to the
I

salvation of

children.

We

find here the essentially Christian notion,

from which infant baptism would derive itself spontaneously, the more Christianity
semctipsum venit salvare
per
" Omnes enim per omnes, inquam, qui renascimtur in Deum, infantes et parvulos et pueros ct juvenes et seniores. Ideo per
*

Irenseus, II. c. xxii. 4.

:

eum

omnem
See page 197. Ep. ixxri. ad Mae;n. [Ep. Ixix. ed. Ox.] f" Totuin crcdcntibus conferunt divina comi This passage has been slightly parapendia."
phraued in the translation to render
it

venit fctatem, et infantibus itifans factus,

sanctificans infantes, in parvulis parvulus, sanctifi-

cans banc ipsam habentes (Etatem, simul et exem-

plum

illis

pietatis efi'ectus, et justitite et subjcc-

tionis, in

juvenibus juveni.s exemplum juvenibus

mtellie^ible.

liens et sanctificans

Domino."

TERTULLIAN AGAINST INFANT BAPTISM.

penetrated
into

199

namely, infant baptism, that its defenders had that Christ, by means of that Divine life, already appealed to Malt. xix. 14, which which He commnnicated to human nature, it would be very obvious to any one to and revealed in it, has sanctified that quote: "The Lord did not reject little nature from the very first seed of its de- children, they were to be brought to Him, velopment. every thing was as it that He might bless them." Tertullian If ought to be, the child born in a Christian advises generally, that men should delay family would have this advantage, that he baptism, in consideration of the great imdid not first come to Christianity from portance of this rite and the preparation heathenism, or from a natural life of sin, necessary for it on the part of the recipient, but that he would grow up, from the first rather than hasten unprepared to it, and dawning of conscience, under the imper- on this he fakes occasion to declare himceptible and preventing* influence of a self particularly against haste in the baptism of children.* sanctifying and ennobling Christianity In regard to the saying with the very first seeds of consciousness of Christ which was quoted against him, in the natural life, a Divine principle, en- he answers, " Let them come, while they nobling nature, would be near him, by are growing up; let them come, while" which the diviner portion of his nature they are learning, while they are being might be attracted and strengthened, taught whither it is they come let them before its ungodliness could come into become Christians, after they have had an full activity and this latter evil spirit opportunity of knowing Christ. Why would here find itself overmatched by its does the age of innocence hasten to the Men will act more counterpoise. In such a life the new forgiveness of sins ? birth would form no division, that began prudently in secular affairs, if Divine at any one particular moment, but it things are entrusted to those, to whom would begin imperceptibly, and so con- worldly substance would not be entrusted. tinue its progress through the whole life. Let them first learn to seek salvation, that Therefore, the visible token of the new you may appear to give to one who asks Tertullian desires that children may birtli, that is, baptism, was to be given it." to the child from its earliest hours, and be brought to Christ, while they are being he was to be consecrated to his Saviour instructed in Christianity but he does not wish them to receive baptism until they from the very first. From this idea, founded on the internal have been sufficiently instructed in Chrisfeelings of Christianity, which obtained tianity, and from their own conviction and an influence over men's dispositions, the free choice, with earnest longings of the custom of infant baptism proceeded. Oh heart, desire baptism themselves. One that men had not so soon confused the may, perhaps, say he is only speaking of IJivine thing and the sign which repre- what ought to be done in ordinary cases sented it, and had not wished to bind the according to rule; but if any sudden danger work of the Spirit on the outward sign of death threatened, even on his own But immediately after IreucEUS,! in the principles, baptism ought to take place. latter years of the second century, Tertul- But then, had he thought this so necessary, lian appeared as a zealous opponent of he would hardly have omitted to state it then, from the It appears, infant baptism, a proof that it was not expressly. then usually considered as an apostolical grounds which he lays down, that he ordinance, for in that case he would hardly could not imagine any efficacy of baptism have ventured to speak so strongly against widiout the conscious participation of the We see from his arguments against person baptized, and his own individual it. faith and he also saw no danger to the [Zavorkommcnden. I have here used the innocence of infancy (although, according word preventing' in its old sense, as used in our to his own system, this is by no means a
domestic
life
;
;
;
I

'

collects. H. J. K.]
-( If any one were inclined to prove the existence of infant baptism from the passage of Clemens Alcxand. Pa;dag. iii. 247. i^ t'/aroc i)ia(j-7ra!fj.im-i n-iiiu\', which we quoted above, and

logical inference.)

But whilst, on the one hand, the docand guilt, inherited by human nature, as the consequence of
trine of the corruption

which certainly relates to baptism, we might re- the first transgression, was reduced into a mark that this is hardly to be considered any proof; more systematic and distinct form, which for as the notion of the Sa;? ^rWa^o^c was present was particularly the case in the North
to the imagination of

Clement, he might call all But he is undoubtedly here TrcttSta.. speaking of conversion and regeneration, in reference to all mankind.
Christians

De

Baptismo,

c.

xviii.

" Cunctatio baptism!

utilior est, prsecipue circa parvulos."


200

INFANT BAPTISM RECOGNISED,

in the history
1

A. D. 250.

African Church (see below, of the doctrines of Christianity ;) other hand, from want of a proper distinction between the external and internal things of baptism (the baptism of water, and the baptism of the Spirit,) the idea

impediment to bestowing heavenly grace on the upon it, since it is written, 'To the pure

was forever gaining ground, and becoming more firmly fixed, that without outward baptism no one could be freed from that
guilt, saved from the eternal punishment which threatened him, or brought to eternal happiness and while

inherited

the idea of the magical effects of the sacrament was constantly obtaining more and more sway, the theory of the unconditional

'from that idea.

of infant baptism developed itself This was generally received in the North African Church, as early as the middle of the third century. But there was still a question whether the child should be baptized immediately after his birth, or eight days after, as in the
necessity

case of circumcision

.?

The

latter

was

the

opinion of Bishop Fidus, who proposed the inquiry to a council at Carthage. come to believe, and no one prohibits Cyprian answered him, A. D. 252, in the them from receiving baptism and grace, name of sixty-six bishops.* His answer how much rather ought the infant not to shows us how full he was of that great be forbidden, which being newly born, Christian idea, which we have mentioned cannot have sinned, except in as far as above, from which the custom of infant being born of Adam according to the flesh, baptism proceeded and in this respect he it has contracted the contagion of the old It comes says much that bears the genuine stamp death from its earliest birth ? but we also observe at more easily to obtain remission of its sins, of Christianity how his confusion between because the sins which are forgiven to it, the same time are not its own, but those of another." outward and inward, his materialism In the Alexandrian Church also, which, prevented him from comprehending it with sufficient freedom and clearness, and led in regard to its whole theological and him to mingle much that was erroneous dogmatical character, was so essentially

None, therefore, of things are pure.' us ought to shrink from that which God has thought fit to make. Though the child be but just born, yet there is no reason even then, that any one should shrink from kissing it, to bestow upon it the grace of God, and give it the salutation of peace," (the brotherly kiss as a sign of the communion of peace in the Lord, was given to newly baptized persons,) " for every one of us, from his religious feelings, ought to think upon the creative hands of God, fresh from their work, which in some sort we kiss in a human being just born, when we embrace what God has But if any thing could premade vent man from the attainment of grace, it would rather be great offences, that would prevent those of riper age. But if the greatest sinners, and those who beforehand have sinned greatly against God, receive remission of their sins, after they
all

with the truth he brought forward. What he says against the arbitrary appointment of the time advocated by Fidus, is altoLet us hear his own words gether just. " None of us could agree to your opinion but we all determined that the grace of God is not to be refused to any human For since being, as soon as he is born. the Lord says in his Gospel, ' The Son of man is not come to destroy the souls of men, but to save them,' (Luke ix. 56,) we are to do all in our power that no soul For as God should be destroyed accepts not persons, so neither does he ages since he shows himself a father to all for the attainment of heavenly grace For witii rewith well-poised equality. gard to what you say, that the child is not clean to the touch in the first days of his birth, and that any one of us woidd shrink from giving it a kiss, this ought to be no
:

different

from the North African, we

find

bapOrigen, tism prevalent somewhat earlier. in whose system infant baptism stood very high,* though not in the same point of view as the North African Church, dethis notion of the necessity of infant

clares that

it is

an apostolic tradition,|

which cannot, in that century, be considered of any great weight, because men were at that time so much inclined to deduce the ordinances, which they
declaration

* With Origen it obtains a place in connection with his doctrine that human souls are heavenly beinajs that have sinned, and that they must be purified from the guilt that they brought with them. See below. This he does expressly in the fiflh book of
j-

Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, according to the Latin translation of Rufinus. Similar difficulties to those which were proposed by Tertullian, were also brought forward in the time of Origen. Compare his Ilomil. xiv. in
his

Ep.

lix.

[Ep. Ixiv. ed. Ox.]

Lucam.

(In the translation of Jerome.)

ORIGEN

GODFATHERS SPONSORES.
to
I
I

201
which they
by the niultiplithey were conthem a greater

thought of great importance, from the Divine ordinance itself, apostles and besides this, there were were attached, and that many partition walls between this age and cation of outward things the apostolic, which prevented a free in- stantly induced to give
;
j

share of importance. From the essentially Christian idea of infant baptism was allowed, yet it was far the spiritual priesthood of all Christians, from being generally prevalent in practice. another custom was derived, which was, And it was not always from pure motives, that just as anointing, in the Old Testathat men were induced to delay their bap- ment, was the sign of the priestly consetism. The same false view of baptism, as cration, so also the newly-baptized person an " opus operatum," which moved some should be consecrated to this spiritual
I

siglu into that age.

But although

in theory the necessity

of

usual sign of religious consecration, borrowed from the Jews, which was used in in other respects opposed haste in baptism, different cases as the sign of consecration, combated this fancy. as well to the common calling of a ChrisIt was probably, also, infant baptism tian in general as to its particular branches. which first gave rise to the appointment When the apostles or the pastors of the of baptismal idtncsses or godfathers ; for Church laid their hands on the head of as the persons to be baptized in this case the baptized person, they called upon the could not of themselves declare their conLord to bestow his blessing on the rite fession of faith, nor make the necessary they had now completed, and prayed that renunciation, others were to do it for
1 I : I I

hold the unconditional necessity of who mistook the nature of baptism far more and in a far more dangerous manner, to delay their baptism for a longer period, in order that they might give themselves up to their vices, and, notwithstanding, in the hour of death, being purified by the magical annihilation of their sins, might be received into eternal life. We observed above with what pious indignation, and with what force, the same Tertullian, who
to
infant baptism, induced others,

priesthood by being anointed with expressly blessed for that purpose.

find this
lian,

oil,

We

custom first mentioned in Tertuland with Cyprian it appears a neces-

sary part of the rite of baptism.* The laying on of hands, accompanied by prayer,

with which the ceremony of baptism was concluded, is undoubtedly older than this custom. The imposition of hands (tTriGfcrK
3(jtg&0o-,

\ru xfi^wc,

n!D\!jp) was the

them, and these engaged to take care that

the children should be duly instructed in Christianity, and should be brought up to

he would
that

suffer all

which

this rite typified

to be fulfilled in the person

now

baptized,

he would consecrate him with his Spirit for his Christian profession, and a life corresponding to the profession made shed his Spirit upon him. This was the at their baptism, and hence they were
called

sponsors (sponsores.)
it

Tertullian
j

closing

rite,

argument against infant baptism, that these sponsors must undertake an engagement, which they may be prevented from fulfilling, perhaps by their own death, or by the evil conduct of the
brings
as an
child.*

old act of baptism

*
I

inseparably united Avith the all here had reference ;

c. vii.

Tertullian, de Baptismo,

" Egressi de

lavacro perunguimur benedicta unctione de pristina

j

The si/mhorical
the pimple
rite

customs, connected with

of baptism, were afterwards gradually multiplied, at first hardly with any intention of increasing the holiness and significance of the thing by outward baptijsatus sit, ut accepto chrismate esse unctus pomp, but because men felt tlicmselves Dei et habere in se gratiam Christi possit," (the impelled from within, to express ideas following words about the Lord's Supper, are clearly a gloss, which destroys the sense of the and feelings, of which the heart was full, passage, ar.d which took its rise from the after in a manner perceptible to the senses. mention of the Lord's Supper,) " unde baptizati Only it was a pity that men soon did not unguntur oleo in altari sanclificato"*
[ I : ;

qua ungui oleodccornu in saccrdotiuni Adv. Marcion. c. xiv. de Res- Carn. c. solebant." viii. But in his book de Corona Militis, c. iii., where he mentions the customs belonging to baptism which are taken from the tradition of the Church, and not from Scripture, he does not name Cyprian, Ep. ixx., in the name the anointing. " Ungi quoque ncccsse est cum, qui of a synod
disci|ilina
:

know how

to

distinguish these
the

human
of
the
*

ligible, it must be observed, that in many editions " possit," and Tertullian, tie Baptismo, c. xviii. " Quid of Cyprian, there is a full stop after tbe next sentence is read thus: '^Porro autcm enim necesse est, Rpoiisorcs ctiam pcriculo ingeril Euctiarislia est unde baptizati unguntur, oleum in quia et ipsi per mortalitatem ilestituere promis- aliari sanctifieatum." J have put the words which siones suas pwssunt et provcntu malffi indolis falli." Dr. Neander condemns in italics. H. J. R.]
I ! I '

ornaments from

substance

[To make the passage

in

a parenthesis intel-

26

'

202
to

ORIGEN ON CONFIRMATION.
same
principal

from a wrong view of these was formed as early as the birth into a new life proceeding from God, end of the second century, that the comthe baptism of the Spirit, which was sym- munication of the Holy Ghost was entirely bolically represented by the baptism of dependent on this sign of imposition of water. But in after times, men were led, hands. Tertullian, therefore, considered by a misunderstanding, to separate these water baptism as the preparatory purifitwo things from one another in an errone- cation, which was to pave the way for the communication of the Holy Ghost to ous manner. In the apostolic age, when the Divine the person so purified, by the imposition first entered into human nature in its of hands ;* but yet, in Tertullian, the life rough state, which was gradually to be baptism and the consecration which folennobled by it, it manifested itself, as soon lows it, appear connected together as one as it found entrance, by many striking tvhole. appearances. There were the marks of But when oncef the notion of the exthe powerful energies it produced, which clusively spiritual character of the bishops ceased afterwards, when the foundations had been formed, and it was supposed of the Ciiurch being once laid, her pro- that they, as the successors of the apostles, gress was made more quietly, but which, had alone received all spiritual perfection
the

matter,

without But

which no man can be a Christian

still,

the

cases, a notion

in those first times, served to call the at-

by the magical consecration of

Ghost by means of

ordination,

tention of the carnal

man

to Christianity.

as well as the right of conferring the

Holy

The

indications of an extraordinary in-

their magical priestlv

which had accompanied the first functions, men ascribed also to the bishops Spirit, conferred on the first alone the power of producing a real bapChurch on the day of Pentecost, were re- tism of the Spirit. The unfounded view pealed also at the baptism of individuals. from which this notion proceeded was the It, therefore, happened, when baptism was following Philip was unable to confer a conferred on individuals, and the blessing true baptism of the Spirit, because he was bestowed on them at the last ceremony only a deacon the apostles supplied what of laying on of hands, that the Lord was was here wanting, by means of the seal called upon in prayer, to make this bap- of baptism (signaculum,) the laying on of tism constantly efficacious in them, and hands. So, therefore, presbyters, nay,
spiration,

baptism of the

active; such actual proofs of

its

efficacy

even deacons also,

in cases
;

followed in the case mentioned in Acts xix. 6. When St. Peter and St. John came to Samaria, in order to inquire more particularly into the efi'ects of the Gospel which had been preached by Philip, they observed that tliese tokens of the baptism of the Spirit, which were then usual, had not been manifested at all in those who had hitherto been baptized there. (Acts viii.) The passage does not speak of the baptism of the Spirit in general, but only of these outward marks of it, and this single case can, therefore, be applicable to tJiasc times only. The apostles only prayed (for the abridged account which is here given must be supplied from other similar cases,) while they consecrated the baptized
in

were

entitled to baptize

of necessity, but the bishop

fully

alone could complete the second part of

the holy
rite.

This idea was

formed

as early as the middle of the third century.

The
i

bishops were, therefore, obliged at times to travel through their dioceses, in order to administer what was afterwards
confirmation.!

called
[

to

those
In

who had
priests, the

been baptized by the parish

clergy
cases,
rite
j '

in

the

country.

common

where the

bishoj) administered the

of baptism himself, these two were nevertheless joined together, and together they made up tke cojnplcte rite of baptism.'l

* Tertull.

de Baptismo,

c. viii.

" Dehinc nianus

manner, that these effects imponitur per benedictionem advocans et invitans In his treatise de Res. Carn. of the baptism of the Spirit might follow Spiritum sanctum." c. viii., he names all those three things together In tlie first; here also and it was so. baptism, which afterwards were separated
their usual

case, with regard to St. Paul, (Acts xix.

5, 6,) baptism

with from

it,

and being united together

:

into

one whole,

and laying on of hands were formed the sacramentof confirmation in the liomish clearly one -ir/iole ; in the second case Church that is to say, the anointing as the con(Acts viii.,) where, nevertheless, Philip secration of the soul, the making the sign of the cross as a preservative against evil, and the laying appears to have given the laying on of on of hands as bringing with it the " illuniinatio hands and baptism at the same time, there Spiritus." were peculiar circumstances which had f See above. reference only to this particular time. i Cyprian speaks of a " sacrameotum duplex,"
i j

a
;

BAPTISM OF HERETICS.

203
which alone
all

The

newly-baptized
(in the

person

in

many
I

the orthodox Church, in

I

Churches

North African and

the

religious rites could be duly administered,

Alexandrian,) received a mixture of milk and honey, as a symbol of his childhood in a new life, which was the spiritual interpretation of the promise about a land which (lowed with milk and honey promise which referred to the heavenly country, to which the baptized belonged, with all its heavenly advantages.* He was

baptism of heretics was looked upon as of no value, and, tlie true baptism must be administered to one who came over from one of the sects, just as to a heathen. This is very easily to be 'explained from
valid, that the to be

was

therefore, that

the violence of the controversial relations wiiich existed between the Church and

then received into the Church with the the sects, just in these very regions, as well as from the nature of these sects, as, first kiss of Christian brotherhood, the God, for instance of the Gnostic, which had which he now shared with all Christians departed from the commonly prevailing and from this time he had the right of principles on the most essential points of saluting all Christians with this token of doctrine and rites. h\ the Romish Cliurch, on the contrary, where on other occasions brolherhood.f
salutation of peace, of peace with

Before, however,

we

leave this subject,

we have

a controversy to mention,

the most bitter controversial spirit existed which against heretics, men followed the dictates

created a great sensation in the latter half of a milder spirit in this question, because of the third century. The question was, here they looked on the objective part of is necessary to the validity of a baptism as of most importance; tliey pracbaptism ? What is to be done in regard tically set out from tiie principle, that to a heretic, who comes to the orthodox baptism, by virtue of the objective sign Church, after he has received baptism in of the name of Christ or of the Trinity, Before any particular which was invoked in its celebration, was his own sect.?" inquiries had been set on foot with regard always valid, hy tohomsoeevr and imder to this point, men acted in different coun- whatsoever religious notions it was adtries in different ways, because, as it com- ministered. Therefore the Church recogmonly happens, tliey involuntarily set out nised heretics, who came over to her, as from different principles. In Asia Minor baptized Christians; and in order that the and the neighbouring regions, the light in Holy Spirit might make the baptism which which it was regarded was this, that only they had received efficacious, the bishop such baptism as had been administered in administered confirmation to them under the idea which we have before explained the baptism by water, and the baptism of the Spirit (and we may observe that this was one represented by the laying on of hands, "Sacra- of the inducements to separate baptism and mento utroque nasci," and yet also of both as confirmation.) As Churches were inclined united in the Church rite of baptism. Ep. Ixxiii. to form themselves on the model of their ad Jubajanum, and Ep. Ixxii. ad Stephanum. We metrojSolitan Church (the sedes apostomust here certainly recur to the flucluating use licae,) most of the western Churches probaof the word " sarramentum," by which all holy things, all holy doctrines, and all holy signs were bly followed the example of that of Rome. But in the latter years of the second After introducing the example of Philip denoted. and the apostles, he says " Quod nunc quoque century, this custom, which had hitherto apud nos geritur, ut qui in ecclesia baptizantur, been observed in silence, became the subprsepositis ecclesia ofTerantur, et per nostram oraject of a particular investigation in Asia tionem ac manus impositionem Spiritum Sanctum Alinor; whether it was, that the Montaconsequantur et signaculo dominico constimmennistic Churches, following the principle tur." The same representation occurs in the book de Rebaptismate, which was most probably a con- which prevailed even there also, those temporary work. This rite is there called " bap- who were glad of any handle to oppose tisma spiritale." Cornelius, (cap. Euscb. vi. 3.3,) the Montanists, were induced to make in regard to a person who had not been able to rethis a subject of controversy, or whether ceive this confirmation from the bishop, makes the it was from some other cause. The following inquiry " How could he without this ruling party declared itself for abiding by become a partaker in the Holy Spirit]'' * See the above quoted passage from Tertul- the old principle. Afterwards, when this lian, de Cor. Mil. and Adv. Marcion. i. 14. " Deus matter was again the subject of delibera;" i. e. he remellis et lactis societate suos infantat tion, this, principle was solemnly concognises them as his new-born children. Clemens, firmed in two synods, assembled at Paid. i. p. 103, i'jiu; avx-yivvniii/Ti; Ttriy.MfjiAx Tf Iconium and Synnada in Phrygia. This also introduced the point as a subject of juiVii, IV /ui}j KM yx\x Ofxlifm uyxyiy^XTTTXi. " Osculum pacis," it^mn. See above. controversy in other regions. Tertullian,

"What

'

ii

j-

204

BAPTISM.

From Asia, the discussions relative to most probably while he was still a member of the Catholic Church, wrote a se- this matter extended themselves into Here a party had always parate treatise in Greek upon the subject, Nortli Africa. in which lie did not hesitate to dissent remained devoted to the old Romish cusfrom the Komish Church on this point. tom the earlier discussions had been forIt was natural that he should write on gotten, and, therefore, new inquiries and this occasion in Greek, because, in the investigations were commenced on the These induced Cyprian, the countries where this controversy was on subject. foot, Greek was the only language un- bishop, to propose the matter to two held at Carthage, the one of hi order to prove the validity synods derstood, of heretical baptism, the opposite party eighteen, and the other of seventy-six had already appealed to Ephes. iv. 5, 6, bishops, A. D. 255, and both these assem" One Lord, one faith, one baptism, one blies declared themselves in favour of God and Father ;" and they drew from it Cyprian's opinion, that " the baptism of Wherever we heretics was not to be acknowledged as the following conclusion As he was well aware how great iind that men call upon the one God and valid." the one Lord, there we must recognise weight the Romish Church and her adhe;
:

Tertullian, rents attached to the antiquity of customs, " This can only and that they gave out these observances, relate to us, who know and call upon the which were of long standing, as apostolitrue God and Christ; the heretics have cal traditions, although cases like these, not this God and this Christ; and these from their very nature, could scarcely words, therefore, cannot be applied to have arisen in the time of the apostles ; them and since they cannot duly admin- he expressed himself in the following ister baptism, it is all one as if they had manner in a letter to Quintus, an African bishop, to whom he communicated the no baptism at all." " But we are In the North African Church, men resolution of the council.* the validity of their baptism.
in reply,*

however, says

were generally inclined to follow the example of the mother Church at Rome but they were far from meaning to submit their own judgment to the authority of that Church.t Seventy North African
bishops, in a council held at Carthage, under the presidency of bishop Agrippinus, declared themselves for the opposite
opinion.
its

not to be governed by custom, but over-

come
Peter,

by reasoning.

For neither did

Still, no party wished to force views and practice on the others ; the

Cliurches which differed on this subject, did not think of breaking the bond of brotherly harmony, on account of a difference that was of such small importance in regard to the essentials of Christianity. But here again it was a Romish bishop, namely, Stephanus, who, moved by the spirit of hierarchical ambition and blind zeal, attributed so much importance to lie excommunicated this controversy. the bishops of Asia Minor, Cappadocia, Galatia, and Cilicia, about the end of the year 253, and gave them the name o( Rehaplizers^ Anabaptists^ {' AtxBaTnia-ra.i)]'^. a name which, according to their princifor tliey did ples, they did not deserve not wish to administer a second baptism to those who had been already baptized,

chose the first, and Church, insolently on and arrogantly, when Paul and He were afterwards a.t variance about circumcision, (Gal. ii.,)! take upon himself to say, that he held the primacy, and that the younger and newer apostle must obey him nor did he despise Paul, because he had formerly been a persecutor of the Church, but he received the counsel of truth, and easily acceded to the just reasons which Paul urged he gave us, therefore, an example of unity and patience, that we might not be too much enamoured of our own way, but rather make that our own way, which is suggested to us at times, with profit and advantage, by our colA leagues, if it be true and lawful." truth, indeed, which it is much more easy to acknowledge and express than to act upon, as the history of the Church, alas and even the example of Cyprian himself,
; : !

whom the Lord whom He built his

give us to learn.

lie

made known

the

resolutions

of the greater council to Stephanus, the bishop of Rome, in a letter which, while it breathes the spirit of

but they did not acknowledge the previous baptism by the heretics as a proper baptism.
*
i

Ep.
It is

Ixxi.

De Baptismo,
Ep. Ixxv.

r.

xv.
vii. 6.

| Sec above.
Firmilian. ap. Cy-

ihced and free-spirited view of

stantly

Dionys. ap. Euseb.

prian.

worth while to observe how the unprejutliis event had conbeen maintained in the North African Church.

205

THE PNINCIPLES OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

freedom, is written with delicacy ;* but Stephanus, in an answer written in a hauglity tone,! opposed Cyprian by the authority of the tradition of the Romish Church. He went so far in his unchristian blind zeal, as to indulge in unworthy abuse against his African colleagues, the

Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, whose Christian moderation we observed during a former controversy,* distinguished himself also in this

by the same

quality.

He

agreed on this point with the Churches of North Africa and Asia Minor in their principles^ which had also been for a bishops, who came to him as deputies long time those of the Alexandrian from the North African Church ; he Church ;t but then, it was with this difAvould not hold a conversation with them ference, that this frcchrarfcd man loas nay, he forbade his Church to receive viore inclined to make exceptions from the them in their houses. Still, Cyprian was rule in the case of certain sects, whose iiir from thinking of making his reason doctrines were altogether in harmony submit to the authority of the Romish with the Church.;}: But still, he endeaChurch. He called together a still more voured to maintain brotherly harmony numerous council, consisting of eighty- with the Romish bishops, and to make seven bishops at Carthage, and this assem- them disposed for peace. He begged the bly also abided by the principles which Romish bishop Stephanus, with most had been before expressed. The votes touching representations, not to disturb and sentiments of many of these bishops the Oriental Church again in the enjoyshow a narrow-hearted and fanatical ment of that external peace, which she had hatred of heretics, and a pharisaical idea received through the emperor Valerian, of the holiness of the Church. (A sort and of the inward peace which had acof prelude this to those struggles and con- companied it (after the schism of Novatian vulsions, which were produced in the had been got under.) He writes thus to North African Church, by means of the him " Know, my brother, that all the human passions that mingled themselves Churches in the East, and even further with spiritual matters.) And so it hap- also, which were formerly divided, are pened, partly on both sides, as is gener- now united, and all their prelates every ally the case among men blinded by pas- where are in harmonious agreement, resion, that while they were striving about joicing beyond measure at the peace the sign, they lost sight of the thing itself; which has been accorded to them against while they were quarrelling with one their expectation, and thanking another about what was required to make God in unity and brotherly love." It the outward sign of the birth of the was apparently in consequence of his spirit valid, they destroyed the nature of dealing with the Romish Church in this that birth of the Spirit Cyprian now en- spirit of love and judicious delicacy, that deavoured to form a connection between Stephanus did not venture to excommuhimself and the Asiatic bishops, who thought with him, and he, therefore, com* See above. municated the whole case to one of the f That the Alexandrian Church also rejected most honoured of the Asiatic bishops,
:

Firmilianus, bishop of Caesarea, in Cappadocia. Firmilianus signified to Cyprian

his entire concurrence in his views,J and at the same time spoke excellently on the

the baptism administered in the churches of heretics, is clearly deducible from the declaration of

advantages of general
spiritual things,

deliberations

on

the Spirit of Christ " Since the Divine doctrine surpasses the limits of human nature, and the soul of man cannot embrace it in

when

animated them.

whole compass and perfection, therenumber of the prophets is so great, in order that Divine wisdom, being multifarious, may be divided among many. Therefore, he that has spoken first as a
its

fore, the

Dionysius, in his letter to Sixtus II. bishop of Rome, (Euseb. vii. 7,) when he says, that the members of the Catholic Church, who had gone over to the heretics, when they returned again to the (Church, were not rcbaptized, for they had received the holy baptism already from the bishop but then, it was only in this case. They did not with this acknowledge the baptism administered out of the Catholic Church as a holy and valid one. That in the time of Clement the baptism of heretics was considered invalid in the Alexandrian Church, appears to follow from Strom, i. p. .317, D. where he explains Prov. ix. 8, (in the Alexandrian version,) allegorically, thus to
:

^XTrrta-fAi.

ro a/gsrw-v

oLn

oij>iiicv

)t,xi

yvn<ricv

Jtfoig

prophet, is commanded to keep silence if Koyi^o/uivn. t Thus he made such an exception in favour any thing is revealed to a second person." of the baptism administered in Montanistic (1 Cor. xiv. 30.) Churches, probably because he thought more
mildly than others on the relation of these to the

*Ep.

Ixxii.

-j-

See above.

Ep. Ixxv.

general Church.

206
nicate

OPPOSITION OF
him
also Vith the rest.

THE AFRICAN CHURCH.

con- of the Church, can become a temple of tinued his corrf'spondence with Sixtus, God, why should not the Holy Spirit also He who is Indeed, he be shed upon this temple ? the successor of Stephanus. himself asks the advice of Sixtus, in a sanctified by having laid aside his sins by out Irom the baptism, and is become a new man after matter w here they could set same principles, in order Lo maintain the the Spirit, is made capable of receiving bond of broilierly love.* These contro- the Holy S|)irit ; for the apostle says versies were shortly after silenced by ' As many of you as are baptized in Christ reason of the struggle which the Church have put on Christ:' and he, therefore, had to go through during the persecution who can put on Christ by being baptized of Valerianus ; and probably also the among the heretics, can surely far more as if Christ successors of Stephanus did not partake receive the Holy Spirit; could be put on without the Holy Spirit, in his blind zeal. We have now, in conclusion, to con- or the Spirit be separated from Christ !"* The other party maintained, on the sider more accurately the points in controversy between these two parties, and contrary, that only the baptism, which is the manner in which they developed performed within the true Church, as that There were in which alone the Holy Spirit is effective, tliemselves on both sides. If this were understood two controverted points ; the first of them can be valid. was this: the Romish party held that the only of being outwardly in the Church, on its having and of belonging to it outwardly, the devalidity of baptism depended been administered as Christ had com- cision would here be easy enough. But manded.! It was, according to this view, Cyprian here meant really an inward the formula of baptism wliich gave it all subjective union with the true Church through faith and feelings, and he presupits objective validity, the subjective condition of the baptizing priest, who was poses the baptizing priest himself, in virmerely an instrument, and the place tue of his faith, to be an instrument of where it was an instrument, and the the Holy Ghost, in order to properly place where it was administered, had complete the sacramental acts by the That magical power of his priesthood ; as for nothing to do with its validity. which is objectively Divine, they would instance to be able to communicate a say, can preserve its own power; the grace supernatural power to the watei-.f When, of God may work objectively in this mode, therefore, the matter was so slated, and if it only find, in the baptized person, a thus made to depend on the subjective consoul capable of this grace ; and he may dition of the priest ; then it would be receive the grace of baptism by his faith difficult in many cases to decide on the and feelings, wheresoever he may happen validity of a baptistn, and many scruples Cyprian reproaches his might arise on the subject, for who could to be baptized.^ adversaries here with an inconsistency, look into the inward heart of the priestj But the Romish party went still further against which they could not well defend in their maintenance of the objective imthemselves, it was this: if the baptism of the heretical Churches had an objective portance of the formula of baptism ; it validity, their confirmation must equally even declared that baptism which was adhave an objective validity also. "For," ministered in the name of Christ only, says Cyprian, " if any man born (that is without the use of the fuller formula.

He

to say, in the
*

new

birth) out of the pale

* Cyprian, Ep. Ixxiv. " Quomodo sanctificare f Cyprian, Ep. Ixx. aquani potest, qui ipse immundus est et apud quern Sed et pro baptizato Spiritus Sanctus non est 1

j Euseb. vii. 9. qui quoniodocuiiquo foris (out of the , Church) baptizatur, inente ct fide sua baptisini must not understand the gratiaui consequi."

Euseh.
"

vii. 5.

Eum,

We

quam precem
peccator?"

facere potest sacerdos sacrilegus et

meaning of the Romish Church

use of the i)roper formula of ba[)tism, evvn in cases where that baptism was, in all other respects, unlo bo, that the

Ep. Ixxvi. (Ep. Ixix. ed. Ox.) " Quando haec in ecclesia fiunt, ubi sit et accipientis et dantis
fides Integra."

like the orisfinal institution,

upon

it.

It

would confer was presumed on both side?,

discussion
related
to

validity

that the

a baptism, whidi was duly administered in other respects. If the opponents of Stephanus and bis party could have charged them with anj' thing on this

maiter

un<lcr

account, they would hardly have failed to do so. Dionysius of Alexandria, in the inquiry which he makes of the Romish bishop, (Euseb. vii. 9,) supposes also that- tliey were agreed on this point.

author of the treatise de Rebaptismate, found in Cyprian's works, might hence make the objection " Quid dii-turus es de his, qui plerumque ab episcopis pessimsD conversationisbaptizantur ?" in reference to such (bishops, &c.,) as had been deprived after their vices were discovered. " Aut (juid statues de eis, qui ab episcopis prave sentientibus aut imperitioribus fueiint
i

The
is

which

baptizati 1"

BAPTISM IN THE NAME OF CHRIST.

Cyprian, on the coiUiary, maintained that the formula was of no value, unless it was the full formula We perceive here appointed by Christ. the freer spirit of the anti-Cyprian party ;

207

was objectively

valid.*

the idea was before their eyes, that in the

belief in Christ every thing

which

really

belongs to Christianity was properly contained.j

Cyprian himself would not venture to bind ihe grace of God on such outward part in the worship of God in the Cluirch. things in regard to the cases where con- Having attended the baptism of some of verted heretics had once been received the catechumens, lie remembered that witliout a new baptism, and had enjoyed what he had received for baptism in the Church communion, or died in it. "God sect (probably a Gnostic sect) from which he had been converted, was entirely unlike that which he then witnessed. Had * It is undeniably clear that this was held by he known that he, who has Christ in faith, the Romish party, from the lettcrS of Cyprian, has every thing which is needful {or his and the treatise de Rebaptismate. If Firmilianus, (Ep. Ixxv. ap. Cyprian,) speaks only of the for- advantage and his salvation, this would mula in the name of the Trinity, it is, however, not have given him so much uneasiness. by no means clear that his adversaries also spoke But as this was not clear to him, he only of this. Firmilianus brings forward only the doubted whether he could look upon himpoint, against which in particular he wished to self as a real Christian, and he fell into a direct his arguments, namely, the principle that the formula gave an objective validity to the bap- state of great anxiety and disquietude, tism, and, therefore, he does not distinguish what because he thought that he was without ought to have been distinguished in representing true baptism, and without the grace of And yet one baptism. He fell down at the feet of the the opinion of his adversaries. catches a glimpse of the other proposition mainbishop in tears, and prayed him to give " Nun tained by his opponents, when he says him baptism. The bisliop sought to tranChristi invocant, onirics autem, qui nornen The book de Rebaptismate, which quillize him, and told him that he could attdiri" &.c. does not want acuteness, I think I may certainly not now be first baptized afresh, after he I cannot suppose cite as a contemporary writing had so long been a partaker in tlie body (after Gennadius, de Script. Eccles.) that it was and blood of our Lord. He told him that written in the fourth century or later, by a monk his having lived so long in tiie communamed Ursinus. The author speaks like a man who lived in the midst of these controversies, and nion of the Church ought to satisfy him, in the time of the persecutions, which one cannot and that he should come with a steadfast When he says faith and a good conscience to the holy expect to find in a later writer. that these controversies will produce no other fruit, Supper of the Lord. But the wretclied " nisi ut unus homo, quicunque ille est, niagnae man was unable to overcome his scruples prudentlae et constantis esse apud quosdam leves and his unhappiness. Here was an inhomines inani gloria praedicetur;" we see easily stance of the unhappy effects of holding that he means Cyprian, and none but a contemporary could have spoken of him in this way. too fast by outward things, and of the The expression, however, "post tot seculorum mischief which arises when men know tantam seriem" in regard to an old apostolic tradi- not how to raise themselves with proper tion, appears unsuitable in the mouth of a man of
:

powerful," he says, " to make allowances according to liis mercy, and not to exclude those who, having been received into the Church without further ceremonies, have fallen asleep in it."* Dionysius of Alexandria t relates a remarkable case, which touches on these points There was a converted heretic in the Alexandrian Church, who for many years had lived as a member of the Church, and had taken
is
:

middle of the third century. still remain very hyperbolical, even if we suppose it used by a writer at the end of the fourth century, and in general, strong hyperbole is not uncommon among the African ecclesiastical writers. -(-In the book de Rebaptismate " Invocatio hoDC ftominis Jesu quasi initium mysterii dominici, commune nobis et caeteris omnibus, quod possit
lived about the

who
But

this expression

would

the Spirit, which freedom to the things the inward man embraces through faith. We now proceed to the second holy sign which Christ ordained for his Church, the Supper of the Lord. We here again look back to the first institution of this holy festival, without

postmodum

residuis rebus impleri."

'i'lie

party

of Slephanus did not do badly to appeal to the joy which St. Paul expresses, on finding that only Christ had been preached, although not exactly in the proper manner, as was the case with those Cyprian, Philip, i. IG. Judaizing Christians. who wishes to prevent them from making. use of
this passage, does not understand
self.
it

which its history in the first Church canThe last meal which not be understood. Christ partook of with his disciples on earth would naturally be full of the
Ep.
I

Ixx.

[I

am

unable to find this passage

is

so well him-

H.

and

therefore suppose the reference

J. R.]
vii.

erroneous.

Ep. Ixxiiu

+ Euscb.

10.

208

THE LORD

SUPPER

LOVEFEAST.

deepest importance, as the parting meal of would he be present among them hereafter him who was on the point of giving his life in a spiritual manner, as truly as he was for their salvation^ and for that of all now visibly present among them ; and manJcind, and who, althongh no longer just as they now corporeally enjoyed this visible among tlieni, as at this meal, yet bodily sustenance, so should they receive as truly, and with more powerful Divine him, being present by his Divine efficacy, influence and richer blessings, was about wholly wit.hin them to the nourishment to prove his invisible presence among of their souls, they should spiritually them, and bestow upon them himself and eat his flesh and drink his blood, (see

The meal his heavenly treasures. which he chose for this purpose was a passover^ i\\e fimdamenlal covenant feast of the whole Mosaic religion^ which, in conformity with the development of the theocratic economy, was now to exchange
all
its

.John

vi.,) they should nieike his flesh and blood their own, and they should con-

stantly suffer their nature to be more and more imbued with the Divine principle of life, which they would receive from communion with him. Thus they were to

and

earthly character for a heavenly one, to stand in a similar relation to the

keep
eflects

this

feast together, to glorify the of his suflering for the advantage

of religion. The Jewish Passover was a feast of thanksgiving for the Church, which the Almighty Creator, the God who permits the productions of nature to grow for the advantage of man, had bestowed on the people, whom he honoured with his especial guidance^ when he saved them from the bondage The master of the house, who of Egypt. kept tlie Passover with his family, and distributed bread and wine among the guests, thanked God, Avho had given these fruits of the earth to man, for the favour which he had bestowed upon his people. Hence the cup of wine, over which this

new form

praise of
as

God was pronounced, was

called

the cup of praise or thanksgiving.* Christ, the master of the House, here spoke
;

the Messing
to

but this blessing was

now

receive a

new

application in reference

it was to relate to the ; deliverance from guilt and from the punishment of sin ; to deliverance from the

to the theocracy

human nature, and to celebrate their inward lively communion Avith him, and therefore, with one another also, as memthey bers of one body under one head were to keep this feast until, in actual possession of their heavenly country, they should really enjoy in all its full compass the blessedness which his sufferings obtained for them, and without again fearing any separation from him, they should be united with him in his kingdom, even with intuitive reality and certainty. After the model of the Jewish Passover, and the first institution of this rite, the celebration of the Lord's Supper originally was always joined with a general meal, and both together formed one tphole ; and because the communion of believers with the Lord, and their brotherly communion with each other, was represented by it, the two together were called the Supper of the Lord, (^eittvov tow xvfiov, or
of
;

bondage of sin, and the gift of true moral freedom by the sacrifice of Christ for men and to a preparation for the entrance into a hoavenly country, and this was the foundation of the kingdom of heaven, which was laid in the forgiveness of sins and deliverance from sin f^orall humanity. Hence Christ said, while he gave bread and wine to his disciples, that this bread and this wine were to be to them and hence to all the faithful in all ages his body and blood that body which he was offering up for the forgiveness of their sins, for their salvation, and for the establishment of a theocracy under new relations and as this outward sign represented to them his body and his blood, so truly
;

Smrvov xv^iuKo*,) or the lovefeast, (ay7ri).) It was the daily rite of Christian commu-

nion in the first Church at Jerusalem ; in Acts ii. 46, we are most probably to understand both together under the phrase, We find both connected toxXa a^rov. gether in the first Corinthian Church, and one is inclined to suppose tliat this was also the innocent simple meal of the Christians, of which Pliny speaks in his re(See above, port to the emperor Trajan.

'

On the contrary, in the picture Part L) given by Justin Martyr, we find the Lord's Supper entirely separated from those
meals of brotherly love, if, in fact, any such existed at all in the Churches which he had in his eye. The separation arose partly from such irregularities as those which took place in the Corinthian Church, Avhen the .spirit suitable to the following sacred rite had not prevailed in the previous meal, and partly from local

Tilt!.

[The cup of

blessing.]

^
209
tunity to the evilminded to represent the whole festival in a hateful light. As it

LOVEFEASTS, OR AGAP^.
circumstances, which prevented generally tlie institution of such meals in common. In Aict, these meals peculiarly attracted the jealousy of the heatlien, and gave oc-

usually happens in cases of this kind, some attributed too much importance to casion to the wildest and most abominable the mere form, as an " opus operatum/' reports;* and this miglit early cause their and others unjustly condenuied the whole abolition, or, at least, their less frequent thing, w ithout distinguishing between the proper use and the abuse; and the error celebration. now speak first of these meals of of both parties arose from their no longer brotherly love, as they were afterwards understanding the simple childlike spirit called (ayaTrai), when separated from the from which this rite had derived its origin. Supper of the Lord. Here all diflerences Certain rich members of the community of earthly condition and rank were to gave these agapae, and fancied that they disappear in Christ; all were here to be had done something particularly merito-

We

one in the Lord ; rich and poor, high and low, masters and servants, were all to eat Terat tlie same table with one another. tullian paints the celebration of such a feast in the following manner :t "Our supper shows its nature by its name ; it is called ogapp, which in Greek means
love.

rious

here, where all should be on equal ; terms, a distinction of ranks was made,

and the clergy,* who ought to set an example of humility to all, allowed themselves to be particularly distinguished by the undue exercise of an outward pre-

ference

to

their

order.!

An unkindly,

Whatsoever

it

may

cost,

it

is

gloomy,

ascetic spirit

wholly condemned

gain to be put to cost in the cause of piety, the agapae, and eagerly caught at all the since we delight all the poor by that re- abuses which ever attended their celeAs the cause of the bration in any place whatever, in order to freshment supper is honourable, judge ye with what paint them in exaggerated p olours, and so I'egard to religion all besides is conducted to render the whole tiling odious; and this in it; it admits of no vulgarity, it admits was the case with TertuUian in his Monof no indecency ; Ave do not lie down to tanism.J Clement of Alexandria speaks

been offered to more temperately on the subject, although which hunger re- he declares himself against those, who quires, .we drink only what it becomes thought that they could buy the promises men of sobriety and modesty to drink of God by giving feasts, and who appeared we do not forget, while we are satisfying to lower the name of heavenly love by our wants, that God is to be adored by us limiting it to these agapae. He says
table before a prayer has
;

God

we

eat only that

tlu-ough the night.

that of

The men, who know

conversation is that God hears

["

Die Geistlichen." German.

have some

After difficulty in translating this word, in consequence (After die meal is over.) them. of Dr. Neander's notions on the subject of the we have washed our hands, and the lights priesthood. In using the words, " the clergy," I have been brought, each person is required give the notion of a body of clergy, at a time when, to sing something to the praise of God for perhaps, he would hardly allow of any thing of the the instruction of all, just as he may be sort. I suppose he means the presbyters and able from Scripture or from his own deacons; but if so, it would seem that they became body rather early. H. J. R.] resources; and tliis shows what a man a distinct -\ Thus the clergy received a double portion, in has drunk. The feast is concluded with consequence of a perverted and carnal application prayer." These agapaj gradually lost their of the passage in 1 Tim. v. 17.* TertuUian, after true original meaning, which could only becoming a Montanist, says, in his treatise de

be maintained in the simple habits of the Jcjuniis, c. xvii. " Ad elogium gulce tua; pertinet, very earliest Churches; and they often quod duplex apud te praesidentibus honos binis Comp. Apostol. Constit. deputatur." became nothing but a dead form, which partibus lib. ii. c. 28, where that which TertuUian properly was no longer animated by the spirit of blames is prescribed as a law. Clemens, Strom,
:

that brotherly love,

distinctions

which removes all between man and man, and

vii.

759, says of the Gnostic

sects,

'

nuvcruui
te

it%

unites all hearts together.

abuses crept into them, which gave an oppor* In speaking of the impediments a Christian wife would find in her marriage with a heathen, TertuUian says, (ad Uxor. ii. 4,) " Quis ad convivium illud dominicum, quod infamaut, sine sua

Many

agape in cacabis fervet ; major est agape, quia per banc So adolescentes tui cum sororibus dormiunt." passionate an accuser will naturally appear uni

De

Jejuniis,

c.

xvii.

"Apud

worthy of credit.
Pffidag.
*
ii.

141. [Pott. p. 166.

7.

Sylb. p. 61.]

buspicione dimittef?" \ Apologeticus, c. xxxix.

[This passage has been already adduced on another occasion, p. 108. I must refer to the preface for a few further remarks upon it. H. J. R.J

27

s2

210
" Love
. .

^
is

CONSECRATION OF THE LORD

.
.

S SUPPER.

really a heavenly sustenance.

;

In heaven is this heavenly feast but though the earthly feast arises from love, yet it is not love itself, but only the proof of a benevolence, which is ready to impart and communicate. Take care, therefore, that your treasure be not ill-spoken of, for the kingdom of God consists not in meat and drink, but righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. He that partakes of this meal will obtain the best of all things, the kingdom of heaven, while he strives even here below to belong to the holy assembly of love, the heavenly Church. Love is a pure thing, and worthy of God, and to bestow is one of its deeds .... but these feasts have only a spark of love, which is lighted by earthly food." We now go to the separate consideration of the Lord's Supper.

of nature, and that for the blessings of grace, were closely connected together, for it was only after man was redeemed, when he returned to the condition of a child in regard to his heavenly Father, that he could justly know how all has been given to him by the love of liis heavenly Father ; all earthly gifts had for Him a higher meaning, as pledges of an eternal love, about to bestow far higher
gifts

on man. All nature, Avhich had before been desecrated by him, when he
benefits

We have already observed that the prayer of praise and thanks in the Jewish Passover was transferred to the Christian Supper of the Lord ; this prayer of praise and thanksgiving was always looked upon as an essential part of this rite, which hence obtained the name of li-jfa^iaTia..* While the principal minister of the Church [the Gemeindevorsteher, or president,] took up the bread and wine from the table that stood before him, he thanked God in the name of the whole Church, because he had created the things of nature, which were here represented by the most essential means of sustenance, for the sake of man, and that he, the Creator, had, for the sake of man also, allowed his Son to appear and to suffer in the nature of man. Both of these, the thanksgiving for the
The expression ^^^^ftv'nx is a metonymical one, entirely to be compared with that of St. Paul,
s-crhgKV
tyr,
6
fvX'-'j./ac,

was in the service of sin, and stood estranged from God, was now sanctified and given back to him, a redeemed creature and in the Supper of the Lord, the earthly and the natural became ennobled as the symbols or the bearers of the heavenly and the Divine. A higher and heavenly food for the life of the inward man would now be connected with this earthly food, which had been sanctified by the prayer of thanksgiving, through the power of that same God, who had caused this earthly food to grow for the use of man. (The different representations of the relation between the sign and the thing signified, we here leave un;

touched.)

This connection of ideas was a very favourite one among the first Christians, and was often used by them in controverting the contempt of nature shown by
the Gnostics.
in the

And

here also there was

an allusion to a peculiar custom observed

ijK'.y.tjfxti,

or that of Justin
o/i/oc,

Marbless-

ev;^:<g<!rT6a? c^to?

x.u

the bread and

wine over which the prayer of thanks (the

ing,) has been spoken.

The latter says expressly, that as soon as the president had uttered the prayer over the bread and wine, and the Church had said
amen
i. c.

after

it,

the supper

was

distributed.

[Apol.

Ixxxv.]
tjiv

He
</V

mentions no other consecration;

ei';t'<c

he says:
X^ta-Tcv)

Aojct/

tcu tt-x^ auTou (tcu

f'j)(_ct.^t<7Tif()(i<rav Tficipnv,

to a form of

which cannot allude words handed down from Christ

Church at this time ; the members of the Church themselves brought the wine and bread as free gifts, and out of these offerings the elements were taken for the Lord's Supper.* These gifts \fere considered as the spiritual sacrifice of When the thanksgiving of Christians. minister took the elements of the Lord's Supper from these gifts, and consecrated them to God with praise and prayer, he represented the whole Church, considered as one priestly race, as one in the Lord, and he represented her readiness again to consecrate to the service of God all which she received from God. This Christian sacrifice of thanks was considered as a spiritual sacrifice, which existed only in

was nothing of the kind, but only in general to Ihe thanksgiving which was established by him, and which was used at this festival after his example. It is possible that the words containing the institution of the feast, may have been interwoven into this prayer. In the words of Cyprian, Ep. Ixxx.: "In vocatione non
himself, for there

* This custom, which may be pretty clearly presumed from the allusions of a Justin Martyr, and of an Irenteus, is expressly stated by Cyprian in his work de Opere et Eleemosynis, where he blames the rich woman for coming to the communion without giving an offering of love for the contemtibili sanctificare pancm et tucharistiam necessities. of the Church. " Locuplcs et dives es facere;" there seems to be a notion conveyed of a ct dominicum celebrare te credis, quce in dominiconsecration, by which common bread became cum sine sacrificio vcnis, quse partem dl sucrijicio, changed to the Supper of our Lord. quod pauper obtulit, suraisi"

OBLATIO AT FIRST SYMBOLIC.

the heart, and as the free expression of childlike love and thankfulness, and was contrasted with the sacrifice of victims in the Jewish and the heathen service. Partly tliese gifts of the Christians, partly the thanksgiving prayer of the minister, by which they were consecrated to God, and at last, partly tlie whole of the Supper of
the Lord

211

Accordingly, the idea of a sacrifice in the Supper of the Lord, was originally entirely of a symbolical kind, and this idea originally had not the least reference to the sacrifice of Christ. It was only the spiritual offering of praise by the Christians, which was thought of, but
this certainly

presupposed the

sacrifice o*"

Christ for man.* Afterwards, however, and called ir^oa<pof*, 6j^o-a, but it was at the reference to this latter sacrifice became more prominently brought forward; In this point of first only in this sense.* view, Justin Martyr says,| "The prayers but still, only as implying the symbolical, and thanksgiving that come from worthy or the commemorative, representation of men, are the only true sacrifices, well the sacrifice of Christ. But as one error pleasing to God ; for tlvcse alone have produces another, the false representation Christians learned to make, and particu- of a particular priesthood in the Chris-

was considered as an

offerings

remembrance of their sustenance, tian Church which was to correspond to which consists of dry and moist things,J that of the Old Testament, might occaby which they are also led to remember sion the erroneous notion of a sacrificial the sufferings which Christ underwent for worship performed by the pretended priest, their sake." He considers this a proof of which would also answer to the sacrifice the high priestly character of Christians, of the Old Testament; and this false because God receives sacrifice only from comparison, and this transference of noIn this sense Irenaeus, while tions from the Old to the New Testahis priests. he is contrasting this spiritual sacrifice ment, was the cause that the idea of a with every kind of sacrificial worship, sacrifice in the Supper of the Lord, which speaks thus " It is not sacrifices^ which was originally quite symbolical, received sanctify the man, but the conscience of him a turn entirely at variance with its real a turn which gave it something that offers, if it be pure, sanctifies the character offering, and causes God to receive it as of a magical character, of which we find
larly in
:

from a friend."
*

traces as early as the time of Cyprian.

The
Hence comes
the expression so

usual

sort of bread,

which was

common

in

Cyprian, " Oblationem

alicujiis accipere, ofTerre;"

and to receive these gifts from any one for the Church, to take the elements for the Supper of the bread," (xoo5 agro?;) those who Lord from them, and to consecrate them, was a mon proof that such a person was considered as a regu- went on the supposition that Christ celebrated the festival of the Passover a day lar member of the Church.* f Just. M. Dial. Tryph. Jud. p. 345. [p. 340, earlier than usual, had no reason at all to
cd. Jebb.]
t

brought by the members of the Church, was used for the Supper of the Lord. Justin Martyr calls it expressly, " com-

[The

bread, wine, and water of the Eucharist.

J. R.]

See Jebb's note. H.

Iren.
*
iv.

18.
far the Lord's Supper is far too wide a field to enter upon think, however, that the compari-

use any thing but the common sort of bread in the celebration of the Lord's Supper; and even those who were of a different opinion, did not think the use of

[The question, how

is

a sacrifice,

by
I

in this place.

One
is

place of Irenaeus seems to

(iv. 18.

contradict

son between the Jewish prayer

the Christian,

o( benediction atifi

is a subject which demands a fuller investigation than is here given. Those who consider the Eucharist a proper sacrifice, do not allow this comparison to hold they coniend that Christ had before " performed the office of a master at the Paschal feast." and that, after supper, when the Paschal meal was over, he blessed the bread and cup as pledges of the new covenant, and that he "did then, under the 8yml)ol of l)rcad, offer his body, and under the symbol of wine, pour offerinfr these symbols to God as out his blood ;" typical of his own sacrifice. It is impossible here to do more than to hint at this view of the matter, and to recommend its thorouph investigation. The works which take the strongest views in defence of the proper sacrifice, are perhaps, Johnson's Unbloody Sacrifice, and Hickes oti the Christian Priesthood. The words in inverted commas are from the former, vol. i- p. 178. H.

what quod
per.

here advanced,

4.)

"Verbuin
itself,
t. f.

ofTertur

Deo ;"

as if the
to

Logos

Christ, were offered

up

God

in the Lord's

Sup-

existence, this at

if there were no other readincf in any rate cannot be the genuine such an expression would not only plainly contradict the rest of the system of Irensus, which

But even

one

for

is clearly

fertur

declared, but here it would not suit what He had just said, " Ofimmediately goes before. Deo ex creatura ejus," (this relates also to the offering of bread and wine,) and in the preceding chapter, 6, he says, "per Christum offcrt Undoubtedly, therefore, the reading of ecclesia." other MSS. must be received as the genuine read-

ing,

"per quod

offcrtiir."

It is

the constant re-

ference to Christ as the high-priest, which gives the proper consecration, as well to this spiritual
offering as to the

whole

life.

This was the mean-

J. R.]

ing of Irenseus.

: !

212

COMMUNION UNDER ONE KIND.

I

unleavened bread an essential part of the performance of this rite. We find, however, one exception in the case of some Judaizing Christians,* which arose from for as they the very nature of the case kept a festival in commemoration of that Last Supper of our Lord, only once a year
;

But
in the

in

many Churches,

as for instancp,

North

African, the daily

enjoyment

of the communion was held to be necessary, because they looked upon it as the daily bond of union between the Lord

'

at the Passover,

as Christians

it naturally happened that, who were continuing in the of the Jewish ceremonial law, observance

they would eat unleavened

bread."j"

As

among

the ancients, and especially in the

East, it was not customary to drink pure wine, unmixed with water, at meal times, it was hence supposed that Christ also used wine mixed with water. The taste for higher and mysterious meanings, however, did not content itself with this simple, but apparently too trivial, explanation

and the Church, and the daily means of strengthening, enlivening, and salvation, for Christians. Hence, Tertullian and Cyprian understand the prayer for daily bread in a spiritual sense, and apply it to an unbroken and sanctifying union with Christ, by means of the Supper of the Lord. But as the daily service and celebration of the Lord's Supper no longer, existed, there was no other means left to accomplish this object, than to take home some of the consecrated bread, which might stand, in case of necessity, instead of the whole communion. (This is the

custom, which had become general. first trace of a reception of the Lord's mixture of the water and the wine, Supper under one kind, which was introwas to represent the union of the Church duced through error and abuse.) Thus every man, after the morning prayer, bewith Christ.J Originally, the general celebration of fore he went to his eartldy business, enjoyed the sacrament with his family in the Supper of the Lord, united with the celebration of the lovefeast, was a mark his own -house, in order that the life of When the whole following day might be sanctiof daily Christian communion. Oh these daily assemblies could no longer fied by communion with the Lord. take place, the Supper of the Lord be- that men had known how to distinguish came an essential part of the Sunday properly the spiritual feast, which was to worship, as it appears in Justin Martyr, continue throughout the whole of the and the whole congregation took part Christian's life, from the outward Supper in the communion, as they had respond- of the Lord, perceptible to the senses I* ed to the preceding prayer by their munion of an absent individual could, therefore, bread deacons brought
of
this

The

Amen.

The

the

and wine to each of the assembly in of that It was held necessary that all the order. Church.

only bo considered in the light of a conttnuatior> general communion of the assembled But when Cyprian speaks of the

town should union with the Lord and with his Church, by partaking and the deacons, of this communion
Christians resident in
the

constantly continue in

" presbyter! apud confessores offerentes," he probably there means, that the Lord's Supper vfas

therefore, carried a portion of the consecrated bread and wine to the strangers,

consecrated by the priests themselves. * The following passages refer to this custom Tertullian, (ad Uxor. ii. 5,) in speaking of the
jealousy of a heathen husband towards a Chris,
" Non scict maritus, quid secreto ante omnem cibum gustes? Et si sciverit panem, non And also, in the ilium credit esse, qui dicitur."

tian wife

the sick, or the prisoners who were prevented from attending the congregation.

Epiphanius (Hteres. xxx. 16,) says of the

parts of the treatise deOratione, first published by Muratori, c. xix., " Accepto corpore Domini et re-

Ebionltes of his time, that they celebrated the communion once a year with unleavened bread (The latter was because their ascetic and water.
habits would not allow the use of wine.) See below, in the remarks on the Ebionites. " Quando in calice vino aqua niiscetur, Chrisi
-(

servato (by the Christian mistress of a family,)

area sua, in qua Domini sanctum fuit." Cyprian, de Lapsis, ed. Baluz. p. 189. [p. 132, ed. Ox.]' In the book de Spectaculis, ascribed to Cyprian,

Cyprian, Ep. Ixiii. Sec the passage which we have already quoted that of Iren;cuH,in Euseb. from Justin Martyr, and V. 24, TrijUTTitV 1-j-^J.iilTTlM TC "^5 TCcl' ^T^glW^iV Taerju^tv, where he is speaking of the Komisb bishops.
tus populo adunatur."
It

he says of a man who runs from church to the theatre, "Festinans ad spectaculum, dimissus e dominico et adhuc gerens secuih, ut assolet, Eucharistiam."

* [I suppose there is some misprint in this note. The Latin words hrfore the parenthesis are from custom arose of communicat- Tertullian, those after, are from Cyprian. They are tindivided in both editions of Dr. Neander. ing with elements that had before been consecrated Possibly, however, (as the words in Cyprian are (which were afterwards called Tg^oifyfx'rfA.irx.) The "arcam anam," &c.,) Dr. Neander has intended notion, on which this was founded, was that a to join the two quotations, and complete the meaning in sense communion could oidy have its right by putting " area sua" in the ablative case. the midst of a community and hence the com- -H. J. R.]

was thus

that the

CYPRIAN ON MOURNING.

2113

Others, perhaps, set out from the notion, women called " propficaj ;" and yet it rethat men ought to partake of the Lord's quired no cold stoical resignation and Supper only after a whole course of parti- apathy, but only softened and ennobled cular preparation of the inward man, and the bitterness of lamentation by the spirit therefore, only at stated seasons, chosen of faith and hope, and of a childlike ac-

quiescence in the dealings of eternal love, a love which takes away only to give again in greater splendour and reality; which divides only to unite again those on the question whether a man ought to whom it has divided, in a glorified state communicate daily, or at stated seasons ?* for all eternity. When multitudes were As it was in the North African Church carried away by a desolating pestilence that the necessity of infant baptism was at Carthage, Cyprian said to his Church first peculiarly insisted on, so also did " Our brethren are not to be lamented, they join with this notion that of infant who are freed from the world by the call communion; for, as men did not distin- of the Lord ; surely we know that they guish the sign and the Divine thing signi- are not lost, but sent before us, that fied by it sufficiently from one anotlier, they have taken their departure from us and as they understood all that is said of in order to precede us. We may long eating the flesh and drinking the blood of for tltc7iij as we do for those who are abChrist, in .John vi., of the outward parti- sent from us on a voyage, but we may cipation of the Lord's Supper, this sacra- not lament them ; we may not here below ment, they concluded, must be entirely clothe ourselves in the black garments of necessary for the attainment of salvation mourning, while they are already clothed in the white garb of glory above ; we from the very first.l The celebration of the Lord's Supper must not give occasion to the heathen to was the seal of every consecration to a reproach us with our inconsistency, bereligious purpose ; it was used at the cause we lament those as annihilated and conclusion of a marri.age^'l as well as at lost, whom we declare to be living icith the service for the commemoration of the God ; and because we do not prove by dead. We shall take a somewhat nearer the witness of our hearts the faith which we profess with our lips view of the latter of these rites. We who Christianity did not annihilate the live in hope, we who believe in God and natural feelings of man, but only ennobled trust that Christ suffered for us and rose them ; it was as much opposed, on the again, we who abide in Christ, and rise one hand, to a corrupted civilization, that again by Him and in Him, why should woukl overwhelm natural feelings, as, on we ourselves be unwilling to depart from the otiier, to a wild, unbridled indulgence out of the world, or why should we laof them in a rude state of nature ; and ment and sorrow for those among us ivho thus also it showed the same character in are departed f Christ himself, our Lord regard to mourning for the dead. From and God, exhorts us, and He says ' I am the very beginning, Christianity con- the resurrection and the life ; whosoever demned the wild and often hypocritical believeth in me, though he die, yet shall expressions of grief, by which funeral he live; and he that liveth and believeth processions were accompanied, and it in me, shall never die !' Why protested against the shrieks of the hired hasten we not to see our country, to salute our parents ? There a vast multitude * See Jerome, Ep. Ixxi. ad Lucin. [This is of them that are dear to us, await our arEp. xxviii. in the edition of Victorius. Paris, rival, a multitude of parents, brethren, and \?>n, torn. i. p. 247, d. H. J. R.] children, who are now secure of their f Thus it happened that they gave only wine to own salvation, and anxious only about children who could not eat bread. Comp. Cyprian, ours. What a mutual joy will it be for de Lapsis. This is another example of the man

according to the particular convenience of the individual. The learned Hippolytus, who lived in the first half of the third century, wrote, even in those days, a treatise

ner in which a superstitous abuse, contrary to the insiitution itself, led men to separate the elements of the sacrament, and communicate under one kind. [There is a very elaborate Treatise by

them and

us,

when we come
receive
their

presence and

embrace

into their !"*

Zomius on
fants.
ristiae

The

the subject of the Etirharist of Intitle is "Petri Zornii Historia EuchaBerolini, 1736.
xii. 4,

Infantium, &c."

Bingham, Antiq.
t

7; xv.

7, 4.

H,
the

See also
J.

R.]

of mind the Christian cusremembrance of the dead should be celebrated on the anniversary of their death by their relations, husband or wife, in a manner suited to the
this turn

From

tom arose,

that the

" Oblatio pro matrimonio."

On

meaning
Cyprian, de Mortalitate, (sub fincm.)

of this word "oblatio," see above.


214
nature of the Christian

NATALITIA MARTYRUM.
faith

and hope.
celebrated

The Supper of

the

Lord was

birthday, (in the sense mentioned above,) they were and the story of their confession of the still living members of the Church ; and faith and of their sufferings was told, the Lord's Supper was celebrated, in the conit was hence, probably, that the prayer for peace to the souls of the departed was viction of a continued communion with interwoven with the prayer of the Church, them in union with Him, of whom they preceding the communion.f had given witness by their death.* The But even this custom, which really pro- pure Christian character of the commemoceeded from a pure Christian feeling, re- rative festival is shown by the manner in ceived a. false, unevangelic turn, from its which the Church of Smyrna, in their connection with that false notion of a sa- account of the martyrdom of Polycarp, It was their bishop, answered the reproach of crifice in the Supper of the Lord. fancied that the magical efficacy of tha the heathens, who were unwilling to give celebration of that sacrifice would con- up to the Church the remains of the duce to the advantage of the departed per- martyr, in order that the Christians might son, although it really entirely depends not forsake their crucified Redeemer, and on the dispositions which each man gives begin to worship the martyr. The Church proof of in his life, whether that sacrifice writes thus " Ye know not that we can of Christ shall be a source of salvation to neither forsake that Christ, who suffered him individually or not; although the for the salvation of the whole world of efficacy of that sacrifice of Christ can be the redeemed, nor can we worship any appropriated to no man by the instrumen- other. We pray to Him, but we love the tality of others, unless he has appropriated martyrs, as they deserve, for their exceedit to himself by his own lively faith, ing love to their King and Master ; and and in this case, no man can impart more as we also hope to become their compato him, than he himself has received from nions and fellow disciples." The Church his life of faith. The germ of this false then continues We take up his bones, view of things is to be discerned as early which are more precious to us than gold as the time of Cyprian, and precious stones, and we lay them As individual Christians and Christian down in a becoming place ; and God will celebrated in this manner the re- grant that we may gather together there families membrance of their near relations, whole in peace and joy, and celebrate the birth;

on this day,* in the consciousness of an inseparable communion with those who had died in the Lord a gift was brought
to the altar in their

again into their service, when more glorious form. There was a congregation formed round their graves on the anniversary of their
after

come

called into another

name, as

if

''

Churches also celebrated the remembrance who had died in the midst of them as witnesses of the faith the day of their death was looked upon as their birthday the day of their birth into a glorified existence. J The remains of their bodies were carefiiUy buried, as the holy organs of holy souls, which should hereof those
:

day of his martyrdom,

in

remembrance

of the departed warrior, and for the practice and exercise of those whom the battle cainiot, however, deny, still awaits." that in the time of Cyprian, and even earlier (for TertuUian, as a Montanist,

We

had already combated this error,) the seeds of an exaggerated honour to the martyrs, which had consequences preju* [Tn the Books of Common Prayer, published dicial to the purity of Christianity, showed luring the first years of Queen Elizabeth, there themselves. So inclined is man univerwas a separate offiice f^r the administration of the sally to overvalue what is human, and to It is given in Sparrow's sacrament at funerals. idolize the instrument, which ought only Collection of Articles, Injunctions, &C., p. 199. to direct his heart to Him, who works by It is found in It is in Latin its date is 1560. means of that instrument. some English editions also. H. J. R.] " Oblationes pro defunctis annua die facimus." I * These " oblationes, sacrificia pro niartyribus," TertuUian, de Corona Mil. c. iii., where it is spoken
;

He also says to a husband, of as an old tradition. in regard to his deceased wife: " Procujusspiritu postulas, pro qua oblationes annuas reddis commendabis per sacerdotem," &c. Dc Exhortat.
:

originally

other sinful men,

tian intercession
fore, this

presumed that the martyrs were like who might well need the Chris;

in

its

original intention, there-

Castitat.
t

c. xi.

The

"dies

natales,

natalitia

martyrum,"

custom was in contradiction with the extravagant reverence paid to martyrs; and hence it was afterwards found necessary to give a new meaning to this old custom.

THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

In presenting to the public the second

volume of

this translation

of Dr. Neander's
its

History of the Church,

may
little

be allowed to express

my
first

regret that the promise of

speedy appearance (made at the publication of the

realized.
It

volume,) has not been duly

would be of

interest to detail the causes of this delay, as they are

chiefly of a personal character, if they

were not calculated

to

show

that

some of them

are unlikely again to operate, so as to prevent

lation of the

my

rapid progress in finishing

my

trans-

succeeding volumes of

this able

work.*
first

The circumstances
left

of our took

country, at the period of the publication of the

part, as
I

volume,

those,

who

own much

did then, in periodical literature, but

little

time or thought for studies of a less

more remote interest; and the presume that such a work then would find but few readers. University employments, and many other avocations which I had not anticipated, at first took me away from the subject, and every one knows with what difficulty employments once suspended are again resumed. About the beginning of this year, however,
stirring character, in value, of a

and however higher

to

same cause

led

me

the pubhshers having informed

to finish the

me

that the
it

first

volume was out of print,

determined

second immediately, part of

having been printed some years ago, and

three centuries,

the result has been the present publication.

The second volume, now

and the
tion.
first

published, completes the history of the

first

portion of the

work

is

now

finished.

must, therefore, take the present

opportunity of offering a few remarks, both upon the original

work and on

the transla-

With
nor

regard
first

to the

former,
I I

have expressed

my own

opinion very fully in the

I should wish to have the same opinion

preface to the
retract,
is

volume, and

do not see any thing there which

think
it
;

there

much which

necessary to add.

I entertain the same dissent from some would here offer, are rather to be taken as cautions to those younger readers, who apply to these volumes for instruction. I would suggest to them the unsatisfactory nature of some of its statements, and attempt to point out one of the causes from which this circumstance proceeds. With regard to the whole of the Church question, I have spoken so fully in the preface and the notes to the first volume, that I need not touch upon it now. But the great doctrinal point, which I thmk is treated in an unsatisfactory manner, is that of the Trinity, (see pp. 255, and 280-90 ;) the most important of all the doctrines of Christianity. The author may, perhaps, think it foreign to the province of the historian, to express a decided opinion on doctrinal points, a view in which I cannot wholly coincide. I

of the candour and integrity of the author

and

of his opinions.

The few remarks which

think a perfectly impartial statement of the arguments of those

who

differ

from us, and

confess

a perfectly fair account of their conduct, are quite compatible, not only with entertain-

ing a decided opinion on such matters, but with the expression of

that
it

it.

And

would have given me great which

I

satisfaction to find in Dr.

Neander's statements with

regard to the great doctrine of the Trinity, something less indistinct and shadowy, than
the passages to

have here pointed

attention.

think such statements might

have been made, without any

appears to

fear of appearing to explain that mysterious

dogma.

It

me

a question rather of fact than of speculation, as one might attempt

to

* Should no unforeeeen obstacles occur, I trust, in a very short period, to publish two more volumes, which will contain the same proportion (three Bands, or Parts) of the original.

215

ccxvi

THE translator's preface.

following manner.

show

in the

ourselves the doctrine of the Trinity,

Without any presumptuous attempt to explain to if we ask ourselves one or two simple questions,

we must
ture, in

bring the matter to an issue at once; viz. Is our Saviour spoken of in Scrip-

language inapplicable to any created Being, and at the same time is the idea of the Father suffering on the cross entirely excluded? And again: is the Holy Spirit spoken of in Scripture in a manner inconsistent with any thing but a clear objective
sense?

These things belong

to

the class of facts, rather than to that of opinions, and

the doctrine of the Trinity does nothing

more than enounce these

to

facts

the Athanasian
it.

creed

itself

contains no speculative explanation of them, and no attempt at

this

Let us,

therefore,

with

impression before our minds, inquire

I think
it

what

the remarks of

Dr. Neander are really applicable.

construction, by

will be seen that they not only admit a

which they do not oppose the doctrine of the Trinity, even as laid down in the most precise manner in the Athanasian creed; but that they properly apply to further speculative attempts to explain this doctrine. But still I think they are expressed in so indistinct a manner, that a very large proportion of readers would consider them as directed against any positive declarations of the necessity of a belief in and I think the tendency of the language, and this doctrine, as held by the orthodox the manner in which it is used, calculated rather to lower the notion of the absolute
;

necessity of a right faith, even in such essential points as this

other hands, might be carried

feelings of Dr.

much

farther,

a tendency, which, in and where the moderatian and Christian

forget that the disciples of

Neander were wanting, might produce great mischief. We must never any erroneous system or tenet, always diverge more widely
their master.

from the truth than

operation.
I

The divergency
which
I

of error

is

invariably a progressive

regret, therefore, the indistinctness, of

I

speak, both for these reasons, and

because

think

it

the province of ecclesiastical history to give witness to the great

doctrines of Christianity, and

vC^hich

warning

to future

generations from the errors of those

have passed away.

The

author, however, of this

work appears

to

be chiefly

solicitous about the

improvement of the heart and the affections of man by Christianity, for which solicitude no one can do otherwise than honour and respect him but at the same time it is certain, that to effect this great end, the maintenance of all the great doctrines of Christianity in their integrity is absolutely essential. Whatever is revealed, whatever has been universally maintained in the Christian Church from the first ages,
;

I believe to

be necessary

to

be received, in order that Christianity

may produce

its

full

effect

the amelioration of

man's nature, and

I

that

any departure from them

is

Avill

soon

be

felt in its

practical influence.
to

The

next point

which

would draw

attention,

the general

view which the

author takes of the progress of Christianity, in regard to the formation of the opinion
of the Church on great questions of doctrine.
three

We

can scarcely conceive more than

to

ways

in

recognition in
1.

which Christian doctrines may be supposed the Church in express formulse.

first

have obtained

their

They may

be supposed to have been explicitly maintained in the same words, and

with the selfsame limitations from the very

ages of the Christian Church,

a view

which
2.

the amplifications of doctrine, as exhibited in the history of existing creeds,

sufficiently

shows

to

be untenable.

They may

be supposed to have been held implicitly,* and in some degree only as

matters of consciousness, until the prevalence of opposite errors required this consciousness to be embodied in definite terms, and expressed in public formulae
3.
;

or

We

may suppose

that

all

doctrines

were

in

a mere chaotic state

till

controversies

arose, and then that the doctrines

were

actually

formed during the controversies, and

new

doctrines

were thus, as

it

were, thought out and made by these controversies.

* Thus a bclirf in the Trinity implied a belief in the eternity of the Son, &c. must rememlier, however, that the shorter confessions of faith (for liaptism, &c.) are summaries, which vouched for more than they eApressed. See Bull, Judicium Eccl. Cath. cap. iv.

We

THE translator's PREFACE.

Of
these views the second appears to

CCXVll

most consistent with history, and the third appears to be that which I should derive as my impression from reading tliis work. It may not he the opinion of the author, and he might probably disavow it. if placed thus before him; but still I think jt is the impression, which would generally be
the

me

entertained by most of his readers.

I
I

am

not about to argue the question here, as that

would, of
positions,

itself,

require a volume.*

only point out the difference between these two

it

and request the readers of

I

ecclesiastical history to bear

it,

in

mind, and judge

for themselves.

should deeply regret

I

if

in

any way

have misrepresented the

view of

my

author.

only state that this

is

the impression

left

upon

my mind

by close

attention to his work.

The last point to which I would draw attention is the manner in which the views which Dr. Neander has embraced, appear sometimes to influence the judgment he forms on points only incidentally connected Avith them. His aim, indeed, is to be perfectly impartial and unprejudiced,^ an aim which, we know, it is almost impossible for any man entirely to attain; and, therefore, we may not wonder if sometimes we see,

in his case, preconceived opinions affecting his decisions.

The

point, to

which
I

particularly allude,

is

the

judgment he passes on the genuineness and

integrity of

of the most remarkable remains of Christian antiquity.

As

a single example,

more some would

only mention the decision of Dr. Neander, that

40 of the Epistle of Clement, of

Rome

is

an interpolation.

The

learned and amiable author of this

is

work

believes, that

the transference of Jewish terms to the Christian priesthood

of later date'than the time

of Clement of

Rome, and
it

accordingly decides that this must be an interpolation.

alleges, indeed, that

contradicts the rest of the Epistle; but this

term appears

to

He me

too strong to apply to the case in question.

To

a person

who had

not formed so strong

an opinion on
to

this subject as

Dr. Neander, such a contradiction would hardly appear

exist.

No

doubt,

arrived at an opinion, hke that to

to militate against
it,

whenever so learned and candid a writer as Dr. Neander has which I have adverted, every passage, which appears
its

challenges an inquiry, at least from him, into

its

genuineness

but

such an opinion
sole

is

no argument against

genuineness in the minds of others, whose

hardly a just method of proceeding on this
is

opinions differ on that very point; and

it is

ground
I

to refuse the

testimony of one of the witnesses before the controversy

is

decided.f

think in these respects there

a degree of caution required in admitting

some of

the conclusions of this

work; and
is

my

conviction of the necessity of such

caution probably

may

originate,

and

certainly strengthened

by the circumstance, that

as likely to prevent
its

on many points our views do not coincide. These are the principal circumstances which
this

would point out

it

work from being

as generally acceptable

and useful

in this country, as
become.:]:
I

great

merit in other respects would lead us to expect that

might

trust that, in

expressing

my

opinion on these points,

have been betrayed

I

into

no presumption, and
I

shown no
* I

disrespect to the author,

whose work

have translated, and also that

have

would only suffffest to my younjrer readers one or two works on the great doctriiio of the I mean the works of Bp. Ilorsley, Dr. Trinity, from which ihey will denve great advantage. Waterland, Bp. Bull, and as a very convenient and useful work of reference, Dr. Burton's " Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Fathers." t Of course these remarks* are not meant to apply to clear cases of anachronisms, which are often of service in detecting forgeries. Take for example the will of St. Patrick which mentions
.

in

Indulgences. Which word was not in upc for centuries after his death. I I might, perhaps, justly appeal in this point to the almost unanimous opinion of those writers whose works I have seen any notice of those of Dr. Neander. All bear testimony to the They all e.xpress their unfeigned excellence of the author, but all with a reserve on some point. respect for ilie learning of the author, his excellent qualities of head and heart, as well a.s the general usefulness of his works, hut all qualify it by expressing a dissent from some of his views. See, for instance, tiie Bishop of Lincoln's preface to his work on Tertullian, where he controverts many of Dr. Neander's statements and opinions; or Dr. Burton's introduction to his Bampton Lectures, where, in speaking of this very history, and expressing a hope that it would be translated, he adds, " 'I'he writer is a theorist, as are many of his countrymen and I could wish that some of his observatic)ns had not been made. But he has investigated with groat patience of research, and with a very original train of thought, the early history of the Church; and if he carries into execution what he has partly promised to undertake, a full and special history of the Church in the time of the apostles, he will probably confer a lasting benefit on literature in general." p. xvii.
;

28

ccxviii

THE translator's preface.

It

not stepped beyond the proper province of a translator.

coincided in
as
I

might be supposed
far

that I

all

the views here maintained, if

intimated nothing to the contrary

I

some I should feel that opinions. But havuig pointed out what appear
think

of

them unsound,

was thus
me,
I

to

after

and ; promoting erroneous paying considerable

readers to exercise

attention to the
their

work, the sources of

its

chief faults,
all

leave

my

own judgment on

the subject, and to derive

it is

the advantage and instruction from

this history,
"\\^ith

which, in most respects,

calculated to bestow.

regard to the translation

in

itself,

must, as

before observed, leave others to

I

judge of the manner

which

my

humble

task has been performed.

remain of the
is

same opinion
first

still

as to the duty of a translator.

to

In works of this nature fidelity

for this reason,
I

his

merit,

and ought

be his chief aim

and

think Ave ought very

rarely to resort to a paraphrastic version.*

The

style of this

work

in general

is

not such as to render

;

it

particularly easy to bring

into English,

with fluency and freedom

the subjects of

but

this difficulty is, of course,

very

much

increased,

when

which

it

treats
it

physics.

large portion of this volume,

will be seen,
to

of the various systems of Gnosticism, and

metadevoted to a development an explanation of the views of Manes

is

approach the

subtil regions of

and his followers.

obscurity
5

Oriental mysticism and theosophy has long been noted as full of and even the acute and learned Bayle has not hesitated to express his utter
it.

inability to enter into

After speaking, in his article on Zerdusht, or Zoroaster, of

the Persian notions of light and darkness, he adds,

"This chaos of thought

is

incom-

prehensible to us western people. None but the eastern nations, accustomed to a mystical and contradictory language, can bear such excessive nonsense without disgust horror." This is too sweeping a position, and too strong language; and much "has been done since his days to introduce us to a more intimate acquaintance with the ideas of the eastern nations, but still this difference in the habits of thought between these two families of the human race, will always tend to make the speculative views of the one difficult to the other. Dr. Neander has done much to arrange and systematize the various theories of Gnosticism but their obscurities have not been entirely removed,
;

nor are they in

physics.

all
is

cases lessened by a passage through the regions of

There

one

difficulty,
it

except those

who have known

German metahowever, which no one can properly appreciate, by experience, in every attempt to present the

German Avriters to English readersfrom the copiousness of the German metaphysical vocabulary, and the poverty of our own.
metaphysical and philosophical speculations of

and

that difficulty arises

Without passing any judgment on the various systems of philosophy which have

made their appearance in Germany within the last fifty years, we may say that the Germans have paid more attention to metaphysics latterly than our countrymen have
done
and, whether these systems be true or false, they have certainly carried to a very high point of refinement their analysis of the subtle processes of thought within us.
;

In reducing their analysis to systems, they have

these processes,

which they have been enabled

to introduce a definiteness into their

hardly capable.

And

besides this,

made minute distinctions between embody in their language, and thus copious vocabulary, of which our own language is the lax manner in which all words in English,
to

referring to mental processes f are used, renders it impossible to represent such distinctions inteUigibly, without expressly defining beforehand in what sense Ave mean to use the words. Conception^ thought, idea, notion, perception, apprehension, and other

am

fully

aware that a
'"

^'"^ """'"" ^'h''' passages. It must be obvious that this ''''^T^'' ""^r ^"^'"''' "''" "^^''' '*'^'^^^''' "^ "'>"d ""^l pi"i<^" *' ^'^e author ; " is always dcJi^a'bie"^ + The same is true in -some degree in respect to our mental.faeuliies also. """"'"""' '" ^18 Prodromus (more particularly mentioned in the next note) has, how.!,

Smc^W "

' .''rf P'^^r'"^

ll
,

different principle has been maintained, and that some translators h<^"- "'">' ^''-nse raiher than his words;

f^T

from and have ihou^lu

nJin<;

i-"'!

^ fin ^h idea nhn.'l" and substitute ""V"banish altogether,

"^^

'"''''^

^'^""' "T u im-e "'" or

for

""^

'^^''^ ''''"^'-

perception.

He

" ^^ems rather inclined to says, " an idea must either be


THE translator's PREFACE.
CCXIX

words are used synonymously, which might be devoted to different processes, and the very distinction of the Reason and the Understanding, on Avhich so much stress is laid These circumstances in Germany, is seldom brought forward in English works.* make it difficult adequately to represent in any English translation the exact views of
the author in those passages,

of the distinctions

common among

where any words occur, which presuppose a recognition I have endeavoured to grapple his countrymen.

the equivalent of a perception, or a conception and these two words are merely abstractions, that could have no sense, if we did not refer them respectively to tlie only assertion any of us can truly make; namely, I perceive Things, and I conceive Stales," p. 20J. It must be remembered Every word necessarily means nothing more that' Sir G. Haughton's fundamental principle is this. than THixG or state, " and even the last of these two terms is a mere sound a symbol boldly He says also, p. 45, "that all invented by the intellect, for the purpose of reasoning," p. 5. reasoning is effected solely by means of words, either single or linked together in those chains which we call Conceptions", but ko sini^le word, State even not excepted, can be a conception in any other sense than as a sound preserved by the memory." To the class of Perceptions according To Conceptions to him belong all objects we perceive when we see, hear, smell, taste, or touch. belong all the Combinations, Relations and other States, of the objects or things we perceive, and of which we are enabled to think or conceive by the mysterious operations of the intellect, aided by the almost equally mysterious mechanism of language which it had previously prepared hy and for the process, to which we give the name of thought. To this class must likewise be referred those essences which we derive by strict infeiencewhen we observe the design, harmony, and operations of nature, such as God, Soul, and Power." This is detinite enough, and this author will perform a service to our language and to our habits of thinking, it we can persuade ail writers to be more precise in the use of such terms, whether they adopt his definitions or not. But let not my meaning be misunderstood. I do not here pretend to give any judgment either I only point out the existence of certain about the German systems or Sir G. Haughton's book. refinements of speculation among our German neighbours, which our language scarcely enables In professedly metaphysical works, the difficulty to present in the symbols which it affords us. may, perhaps, be obviated by definitions, but where these words only occur incidentally, as in this history, the difficulty introduced by this consideration is not slight. The cause, perhaps, lies deeper, and this has been most ably touched upon by one, whose memory I revere, whose guidance I daily miss, and whose correcting hand would have rendered these pages far more worthy of conand it would be injustice not to quote his words: sideration " The English are not a thinking and speculative, but a practical people, and they are accustomed to look at things only in a practical point of view. This habit is carried into their literature, and he who wishes to gain their attention must not deal in abstractions, or he will write in vain. 'I'hings must be presented in a definite tangible form, or the English capacity cannot receive them. It may be a very good or a very bad stale of the intellect; oti that point I say nothing; but I maintain that this is the state of English intellect, and this will sufficiently account for the neglect The State of Protestantism in Germany, experienced by many valuable works of latter days."
;

by the
*

late
this

Hugh James Rose,

p. 208.

sweeping remark there are of course some exceptions, and among these it would be wrong to omit mentioning the late Mr. Coleridge's admirable little volume, entitled " Aids to Reflection." I may also add that Sir G. Haughion in his Prodromus has distinguished between Reason and Uiiderstandifig, but not exactly in the same manner as the German metaphysicians. Of the understanding he says, " The first great delusion we are under, is in supposing that ihe word Understanding represents any thing whatsoever. We, that is, our thinking selves, may understand what we hear or see; but when we employ the Abstract word Understanding for some When we understand any thing, we necessarily part of ourselves, we do so clearly by a fallacy. feel, are conscious, and intelligent; and were I to analyse the term Understanding, according to the usual mode in these cases, I would consequently say, that it is compounded ol Feeling, Consciousness, and Intelligence. For, if I analyse one Abstraction, I shall most likely do it by the help of others; but in reality there is neither Understanding, Feeling, Consciousness, nor Intelligence; and instead of these, we must remember that it is the union of soul with matter, Of which, being organized into human frames, understands, feels, is conscious and intelligent." the Reason, on the contrary, he says, " Of all the divisions into which we separate the Mind,' Reason is the only one which is not a misconception arising from the delusive nature of language. It is not a faculty, but a real agent, aiding and assisting the intellect of man in all its varied operations." The view which Sir (i. Haughton develops is briefly explained thus: " Intellect," (that which thinks.) " Sensorium" (that portion of the brain which is conscious,) and Nerves," (the seat of sensation,) " constitute the mysterious agent called Self;" and he elsewhere says of the Intellect, " It is this unknown organ so highly endowed, and constituting the thinking, reflecting agent, resulting from the combination of soul with matter duly organized, that I call in these pages by the name of Intellect." The author immediately after the above assertion about Reason as an Agent, not si faculty, begs his readers to suspend their judgment on the point till he has devel(ped his vi^ws in some future work. It would be altogether foreign to the subject of these volumes to enter at any length into metaphysical disquisitions, but in noticing )he difficulty which arises to the English translator of a Gernjan work, from the difference in the mental condition of the two nations, it is rot, perhaps, altogether out of place to allude to an English work on the subject of Metaphysics, written with considerable clearness and ability, which proposes to throw a new light on all the phenomena of our minds, and to show that all metaphysical systems have hitherto been founded on delusions, That the work deserves arising from our mistaking the nature and force of the words we use. serious, and impartial consideration, as a remarkable exposition of Nominalism given in a systematic form, and applied ia a novel manner, few persons would be inclined to deny; but whether

To

'

CCXX
with

THE TRANSLATOR
I was was something, which could

PREFACE.
I

this difficulty as well as

able; but in order that

might apprize the reader

exactly

that there

not be rendered by a

word

synonymous

have occasionally inserted the German word, and sometimes referred This is particularly the case with to the preface for some observations on the subject. such words as .inschmamg, Begriff, Bewusstseyn, &.c. and I have thought that it might
with the original,
I
;

be advantageous to the English reader,

if,

at the

end of

this Preface,

threw into the

form of a brief vocabulary a few remarks on such words, and a translation of a few passages from German philosophical works, in which they are expressly defined. To this I will, therefore, refer those readers who require further satisfaction on this point.
It will

be seen that in some passages, where

have thought a

literal translation

might appear obscure or ambiguous, I have given a paraphrase in a note, or vice There versa, in order that I may not appear to evade a difficulty in this manner. is, however, one passage in which, if there is no incorrectness in the text, I have It left it without any attempt lo explain its meaning, which is certainly obscure.

may, perhaps, be

right to state the sense

deduce from

it.

It

appears

to

express

a notion of Origen, in which he intimates that the word of God, through which the Logos communicates himself to the soul of man, is called the flesh and blood of Christ, and is also the heavenly bread, (symbolized under the sacramental bread,) of

which we must

eat in order to live forever; and that the breaking of the bread,

and

pouring out of the wine, are symbols of the multiplication of the words, by which it is made effectual to the heart of each individual believer. This I believe to be the general
purport of the sentence, although there
in the original
is

an awkwardness about the construction of

I

it

which

cannot entirely clear away, and

of
it.

have accordingly

left

only an

exact and

literal translation
is

on which the statement

is

founded,

the references did not enable

that of

me

to

I been able to consult the passages of Origen, might have been able to remove all difficulty; but do this. The only edition of Origen which I possess I

Had

Huet; and in this place Neander does not refer to that edition, nor does he give means by which it may be traced in that edition. With regard to the quotations generally from Greek and Latin Fathers, I have
followed the same course as in the
able,
first

volume.

have

verified

them whenever

was

and have generally enabled

my

readers to do so with

much

greater ease than

the author establishes his views, I do not undertake to decide. I think, however, in some instances, When he speaks of our attachment to the Church, our author's Nominalism carries him too far. the State, the Constitution, a principle, &:,c.,as showing the hold which Abstractions have upon that not one our nature,' and hosv much we are swayed by mere words;' when he observes, of these designate any thing that has a real existence, except as a sound: still we are ready to sacrifice our lives for them Without language, not one of these conceptions could have had an existence; nor could one drop of the torrents of blood that have flowed from such causes can hardly reaso!i on have been shed,' is not the author carried away by his own theory? what we should be " without language ;" but it can scarcely be said that we are ready to sacrifice our lives in these cases lor mere abstractions. Had the author here used his usual clearness and acuteness, would he not have seen that if these words are mere abstractions, they are only convenient symbols (abridging as symbols do the processes of reasoning,) which stand for matters which exert a very practical influence on men's happiness? When we say a man is ready to sacrifice his life for the Constitution, what do we mean but that he is ready lo resist changes in all the relations Let us take of life, which he considers likely to bring misery on himself and all around him. another instance to make this clearer. The words Slavery and Freedom express mere abstractions, exactly as much as the words cited by Sir G. Haughton; but would the resistance to the one, and the struggle for the other, appear to him to be a struggle about a mere abstraction? In these cases men contend about changes of condition involving practical consequences to themselves, and it is in vain, in order to persuade them to lay aside their differences, to tell them that the watchwords of their cause arc mere abstractions. And tlie same reasoning is applicable, mutatis mutandis, to the instances selected by Sir G. Haughton. With regard to the Church,' to those who believe that our Saviour hound men together under certain laws, to contend for the welfare and extension of the society, comprising all who embrace those laws, must be a duty. The term niay'be an abstract term, but it comprehends truths and realities, for which men are bound to contend, though they cannot be justified in using persecution for the sake rtf them. Men talk about these abstractions, but they contend about realities, included among the complicated notions, of the aggregate of which these abstractions are the conventional symbol. I trust in making these observations I have not misrepresented, nor mistaken this author, for although he appears to despair of a fair hearing in England, and looks for it to the truth-inquiring spirit of Germany, I can say that I opened his essay with perfect impartiality, and shall look with much interest to any further development of his views.
'

'

'

We

'


THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
myself, by referring to other editions.

CCXXl

This

is

particularly the case with the very

which Dr. Neander and unfortunately it happens to be the most inconvenient one possible for those who possess any other. There are no divisions in it, but that of pages, and these pages are not marked in other editions. The
numerous quotations from Clemens Alexandrinus.
Tlie edition to
refers is almost invariably the edition of Paris, 1G"29;

pages of Sylburg's and Potter's editions are marked in that of Klotz, (Leipsic, 1831

:)

and I have in almost every instance given the reference to each of these. The books of Clemens Alexandrinus are of very considerable length, and a reference to the page of the Paris edition is of no value except to those who possess that particular edition. I
have not always given the reference
to

Klotz; but the pages of Potter and Sylbui-g

it is

being found in the margin of that edition,

I

by no means necessary.

now

proceed

to

give a

list

of such words as

may

be productive of some obscurity

authority, especially

or difficulty, with an explanation of

the Philosophical

them from German works of

I

Lexicon of Krug.*

insert also a

few words, of which Dr. Neander

makes frequent use, and respecting which some brief remarks may be acceptable. " Anschiuung (intuitio,) in its most restricted sense, is synonymous with an image presented-to-us-through-the-sight,t from the verb schauen, to see. But because the representations of-the-sight [Gesichtsvorstellungen] have the greatest clearness and objectivity of all our sensuous perceptions, under the term Jlnscluniung, taken in a more extended sense, we understand generally an objective representation to any of our senses, and contrast with it an Empjindung, or sensatioti [sensatio,] as a subjective, sensuous representation. This contrast is, however, not to be understood exclusively,
but only as the predominant distinction.
(the condition of the object represented)

In the case of an Anseliauung, the Objective

comes most strongly

into consciousness

in

an
the

Einpfinduag, or sensation, the Subjective, (the condition of the subject in

representation takes place.)

which

In

its

widest meaning, Aiischaimng

is

is

equivalent to a
anscliauliche,

sensuous
intuitive.

representation.:}:

Hence, sensuous knowledge^

called

or

" Pure or a priori intuitions [Anchauungen] are those which are referred to space and time generally, and to that which can be constructed therein independently of experience (purely mathematical magnitudes;) empirical, or a posteriori intuitions, are those

which
lectual

are referred to objects of experience, perceivable in space and time.

An

intel-

Anschauung
as

is

one which proceeds from the Understanding; a rational one, that

which proceeds from

"

the Reason.

As soon

we

distinguish the

Reason and the Understanding from Sense,

it

be-

comes inconsistent to speak of perceiving intuitively [anschauen] as an and at the same time as an act of the Reason or of the Understanding.
be said that the imagination performs this act [anschauet,] because
but an inward sense.

act of the senses,

But

still it

may

it is

itself

nothing

But the Sense

itself is called also

the

Anschauungsvermogen, or
[or

faculty-of-intuition (facullas intuendi.)

*

The Anschauungsweise\\

mode

of intuition]

All^emeines Handworterbuch der philosophischen Wissenschaften, nebst ihrer Liieratur und GeschicTite. Nach dem heutigen Standpuncte der Wissenschaft bearbeitet und herausgegeben von D. Wilhelm Traugott Krug, Professor der Philosophie an der Universitat zu Leipzig, &c. Zweite verbesserte und vermehrte Auflage. Vier Bande. Leipzig, 1832. Fiinfter Band, ala Supplement zur zweiten Auflage. Leipzig, 1838. t The original word is Gesichts-vorstellung, representation-of-the-sight. Object of sight would not be a just translation, as this would leave out the notion of the subject in whom the representation
is

formed.

Of

Vorstellu?ig,

Krug says

(sub voce,) Vorstellung (repraesentatio,)

is
;

properly

an outward operation through which we set any thing before ourselves, or before others on which account this word is also used when any one at court, or in society, allows himself to be presented But since "with that outward act [Thaiigkeit. act, agency,] to others, to personal acquaintance. there is always conjoined an inward one also, by which something is made present to our consciousness this making-present to us is also called a vorsleUen, [or setting before us,] and the inward effect is called a Vorstellung, [or representation.] And every [Vorstellung] representation is a more or less clear and striking image of something, which is the circumstance or the object
;

of the representation, as the ego is the subject of it. X Perhaps impression would give the best translation of this word. ^ Sinnliche Erkenntniss, a cognition obtained through the senses.
further on in this preface. This expression is used, rather
II

See the word Erkenntniss, See

note.]

more

laxly

by Neander,

p.

242

t2

ccxxii
the

THE translator's preface.

on which account the word .Anschtninngsform is sometimes nothing but the law, according to which our Sense performs the act of
iiituitionis,

forma
is

used

intuition

" Anschauungs-

or Intuitiones-Philosophie

is

opposed by
to

many

to

Verstandes- or

But they ought properly to be taken together, because the ideas derived from intuition, [Anschauungen] and from reflection [or Begriffe, see the next word] are the elements of all human
Reflexions-Philosophie, and they prefer the former
the
latter.

knowledge."

Krug's

Lexicon,
I

vol.

i.

p. 160-1.

To

this extract

from Krug,

may append
all

the following

from Kiesewetter's Logik

All repre-

zum Gebrauch
" All
not,

fur Schulen, Vienna, 1824:

are representations, but
representations are not thoughts.

thoiiglits

sentations

must present something;

this
to

something which they present (which does

however, on that account require

have a

real existence)

is

called their object [or

Gegenstand.]

Now

that representation

which

refers itself to a single object,

is

too, immediately,

(without any intermediate representation)

called

and that, an Anschauung

which are not [Anschauungen or] Intuitions, and more than one object, as also all mediate The representation [or image in the mind,] which I have representations, are thoughts. of the picture of my friend, which is hanging before me, and Avhich I look upon the representation I have of the tones of a violin, which I am actually listening to; the representation which I have of the flower I am smelling, the tea I am tasting, or of the pain of burning, which I feel at the moment; the representation of the late king, which my imagination recalls into consciousness; or the image of a mountain stream presented to my fancy the representation of the present condition in which my mind all these are intuitions [Anschauungen,] because they refer to 07ie object, actually is
[or Intuition.]
all

All representations,

also

representations

which

are referred to

and

we

see at once that this reference

is

immediate, and that they do not require any

intermediate representation.
tions, for they

The
one

representations of
object, but

Man,

Flower,
;

&,c.,

are not intui-

do not refer
to

to

do not refer immediately

tion,

Man,

for instance, is

comprehend many and still further, they an object, but do so by means of intuitions (the representareferred first to the intuition of individual men, as Caius,
Dr. Kiesewetter then proceeds to
*

Titus, &,c.) and hence are thoughts (Gedanken.)

that the statement,
'

show
is

Caius

is

sick,'

and the syllogism,

All

men

are mortal, Caius

man, therefore Caius is

as in the
first

mortal,' are thoughts [Gedanken,] not intuitions

[Anschauungen,]

case
is

we
I

do not rest in the simple image of Caius, but unite the proposition

with

it

that he

sick,

&c."
article

To

this extract

might add the

from the Conversations-Lexicon,

in

which

the

writer draws a distinction between outward and inward intuitions, the former being the
intuitions of all objects in space, the latter of all objects only in time,

which we

per-

ceive only as changes in ourselves, such as the images of our imagination [as in the

examples of Kiesewetter, the mountain stream, or the

late king,]

our thoughts, &c.

He

then proceeds to say, that

all

outward things, having a representation, and being

necessarily in

some

time, are also inivard,

;

and thus by our imagination

we

can repre

sent the objects of space in our minds

'

but on the contrary, that inward representations,

being only representable

in time,

not in space, cannot at the

same time be outward

any work of
art

things,

and hence that the

chiefly

latter class

of representations have no form.'

After speaking of the

fine arts, he then proceeds farther to say, that the "effect of

depends
its

on

its

Anschaulichkeit, and

is

more

lively

and will please more, the more

representations resemble our intuitive representations."

I

might accumulate more extracts on

is,

this subject,

but the above will be sufficient for

our present purpose, which

Philosophy, but
to bring

not to write an Introduction to the elements of

to illustrate the

German
It

forward sufficient

use of some of the terms

will

which occur

in sections iv.

and

v., (see

pages 239, 242, 243, 244, 263, 264.)

{ihilosopiiical sense, JlnscJuiuung

be seen from these extracts that in

its strictest

means an
it

image of one outward object

in the

mind, conveyed thither by the

sight, but tiiat

is

THE TRANSLATOR
used generally
for

PREFACE.
that

CCXXIU
I

any

ideas

of sense.
it

may, perhaps, observe,

should

have done
Intuition

better to translate

by intuition than by perception.

In page 2t>i also.

note and the translation

will

In page 242, I believe that the would, perhaps, be the best translation. when compared with the above extracts from other writers,

convey the meaning of

my

author with tolerable justice.

He

there contrasts the

v^nscfumimgen of the Eastern people with the abstractions of the Western,

pictures

the

lively

which the former raised in their imaginations with the abstractions of the latter. Thus Sophia became with the Eastern people, not an abstract idea of Wisdom,* which they would not attempt to reason upon, but a person, whom they could picture to their minds, and to which they could attribute all the qualities and actions of a person, and
thus represent to themselves
all

that related to her, Avith the

most graphic livehness.

set of pictures, called

Their whole system of ^Eons, Pleroma, &c., are nothing but a

up and

figured in their prolific imaginations

and

it is

in this respect in

which they are

and pictorial

said to be so devoted to Anscluiuungcn in preference to Betfriffe.

representation to
in all
I
tlie

Intuition

which we must turn our attention passages where the word Anschauung occurs, and these two leading points will,
mind, are the two chief points
to

think, explain all

I

such passages
to
is

in this

work.

now

pass on to the next word, which

may

be

much more

briefly treated, in conse-

quence of the length

which

the preceding discussion has been carried.

is

"

Begriff.
is

Begriff

a representation, through which something

thought upon

but

an object

by means of certain sipis.f From the collecting together of these signs (a concipiendis notis,) such a representation is called
thought upon,

when we

represent

it

a [Begriff, or] Conception (Conceptus, notio.) a mediate and general [or

tially

The

Begriff or Conception
is,

is,

therefore,

common,
;

gemeinsame~\ representation, and

therefore, essen-

distinguished from an ^iiiscfumung, or an Empjindung, through

is

which something

individual

always represented

as

when any one

beholds a house, or feels a pain.

we call a house or a pain, he has a [Begriff] any house or pain whatsoever. A Conception, therefore, [or Begriff] is the unity of a multitude [eines Mannigfaltigen,J] which multitude may be greater or less, but is always more comprehensive than the multitude of
But
he,

who

only thinks upon that, which

it,

conception of

which he may

refer to

the

Anschauung.

He who

looks

upon

the starry heaven, beholds

it

many

stars,

but the

comprehends those under the horizon, and even those which are invisible by reason of their distance. So also, he who thinks upon a house or a mountain by means of conceptions, has a more comprehensive representation of it, than he who merely looks upon many houses and mountains,
conception [Begriff] of a star goes far wider;

although the intuitive representation [or Anschauung]

matter, and therefore,

is

fuller

of contents or subject

more

lively

than the conception [Begriff] which only contains

what
any

is

common

to these things.

[Begriff, or] Conception,

If we wish to become thoroughly acquainted with we must analyse it, that is, divide it into its signs or

marks, as

far as this is possible.

We

thus learn

its

contents
is,

[its

subject matter,

its
it

complexus,] and
applies," &c.

we

can then determine

vol.
i.

how

far

it

goes, that

to

how many

things

Kiesewetter

Judgments, and Conclusions,^^ (Begriffe, Urtheile, und Schlusse,) and then characterises
the
first
:

" There of them thus " A Conception

(1. c.

Krug,

p. 306.

p. 14

17,) says,

are three kinds of thoughts. Conceptions,

[Begriff]

is,

like

an Anschauung, a single
it

representation, but not like the latter, a representation of a single object, as

represents
is

many

objects;

it is

also mediate,

whereas on the contrary, an Anschauung

imme-

* I do not by the use of this word mean to assert we can have really any abstract idea of wisdom, or that wisdom is more than an abstract term, which we must unite with a Being, before we can conceive it : in which case it becomes a concrete, not an abstract idea. I do not enter into tliis quesiion at all, which most metaphysical writers discuss at great length. t Under Be^reifen, Knig says, This word means to feel with the fingers, as we do in order to acquaint ourselves accurately with any thing. Bui bcf^reifcn also means to form Begriffe, because these exist by means of the taJiin^ lopelher of a variety of things.' the unity of ihe Multifarious,' which is always more comprehent This might be translated, eive than the Multifariousness of the Anschauung.
' '

CCXXIV
diate.

THE TRANSLATOR
conception

PREFACE.
to

The

Man,

is

a single representation, but refers

many

objects
oi'

do not obtain the Conception On

but mediately."

Man

immediately, as

do the Anschauung

Caius,

He
'

afterwards says

first conceptions arise out of intuitions, but it is quite clear that we do not merely separately our conceptions only from intuitions, as explained above;* but can Thus abstracting from also create new conceptions from our existing conceptions.

Our

Lion, Tiger, Wolf, Stc,

all in

which they

differ,

and combining what remains,

we have

new

conception,
suffice

'

a quadruped of prey.' "

not necessary
to enter into the

This will

on the subject of Begriff.

It is

Beivusstseyn, Consciousness.
tions connected

philosophical questo

with

this

word, as Dr. Neander seems generally

apply

it

in

its

common and usual sense, although sometimes, by a more lax usage of language; he may unite with the common meaning of consciousness, a moral sense, which renders
it

more nearly equivalent

to

The

note subjoined to the

our word conscience. word Gottesbewusstsein,

Erkenntnisse, Cognitions.
to

Avill suffice for its

explanation.

Erkcnnlniss, Cognition.

" Erkenncn (Cognoscere) means not only

to refer one's representations

represent or to think of any thing, but

to real objects,

(Vorstellungenf)

and

to distinguish these

objects
is

from each other, as things of a

it is

definite character.

This Erkennen, or cognizing,

also

more than merely thinking;

old

a real laying hold (erfassen, or ergreifen) of things

it

on which account the philosophers designated place by means or coraprehendere but then
this takes

by the name

jtAToxiz/jgava/,

of representations (Vorstel-

lungen.)
intuitions

These representations are partly sensiious [derived from the senses,] or, are [Anschauungen, see the word,] and sensations [Empfindungen,] which refer
from

to the Individual (this or that particular object,) and, partly intellectual [derived

the Understanding,] or Conceptions [Begriffe]

which

is

common
it

to

many

things.)

But

if

which any thing

refer to

the General (or that

real is to be

known {erkmnt,
i. e., it

cognized,)

must be given (datum,)

or at least capable-of-being-given (dabile,)

must be capable of being seen, or felt; or to speak more generally, of being perceived (wahrnehmen.) Whatever is not in any manner perceivable (neither inwardly nor
outwardly) that
is

also not cognizable (erkennbar, knowahle;)

in
its

it

cannot be pointed out

and defined objectively

reality,

although subjectively in the consciousness of the

its

EgoJ

there

may

be grounds for maintaining

latter

existence. In this case

it is

an object of
objective

Belief, not of

knowledge, the

being only said of

what we maintain from

or real sources of cognition."

''

Erkenntniss (Cognitio.)
is

Cognition, as the result of cognizing (Erkennen, see the

foregoing article,)
things, cognition

said both individually

and generally.

In the case of individual

is

the reference of a representation to a given object, by

which

it is
it.

distinguished as a definite thing, from other things

Thus we have
perceive
it

a cognition [or knowledge] of the

which more Moon, when it

or less resemble
is

represented as a

heavenly body revolving round the Earth, and undergoing certain changes.
competently, and consider
it

Thus we
is

a real thing, although to us

for

it

only an

manner which it is represented to us, i. e., what it is in its own nature^ Ave do not know. The same is true of other things which we perceive, as we do the moon, constantly in
appearance [Erscheinung, a Phenomenon;]
in
it is,

what

independently of the

a certain manner, and necessarily represent according

therefore, justified in laying

to this

perception of

it.

We

are,

down

as a general

principle-of-cognition the following

proposition.

All which

is

necessarily represented in the case of a real thing, as far as

* He had explained the process of abstraction in another section. t It must be remembered, as an able writer has well stated it, (Ed. Rev. Oct. 1832,) that Vorstellung is the genua of which Idee, Anschauung, and Begriff, are the species. Of these, Idee is used in strict philosophy only for the ideas of the Reason. X The word here stands for the thinking subject. Aa a thing-in-itself, is the literal translation, Ding an sich.'
'5>

'


THE translator's PREFACE.
It

CCXXV
it

appears, according

to

our original

mode

of perception, belongs to
it

as an objectof

cognition, and
valid.

may,

therefore, be predicated of

in
is

The sum

[Inbegriff"] of these

judgments

judgments which are universally Hnman-knmvledire genemlly. We

also consider ourselves as the containers, or bearers of cognition (the subjecta cognitionis, or subjects in

know
to the

are

its

objects (objecta cognitionis.')

which these cognitions reside,) and the things which we thus Krug, vol. i. p. 816-17.

In the Conversations-Lexicon the writer, after giving an explanation nearly equivalent above, and distinguishing between Sense, Understanding, and Reason, goes on to
is

say,

" Reason

elevated above Sense and Understanding, and

e. g-.

its

peculiar representa-

tions are called Ideas, as

the representations of
far

Godhead, Freedom, Immortality,

Duty, Virtue, &c.

these Ideas,
is

Whether and how

any thing can be known [erkannt] through

that

taught by the Theory of the Faculty-of-Cognition, which investigates

the laws and limits of this facuhy.

But presupposing

something can be known by

is

our Reason,

it

must be

called the highest faculty of Cognition, as there

nothing in
are often

human

nature higher than the Reason.

The Understanding and

the

Reason

classed together under the

faculties in

name

of the higher faculty of Cognition, because these two

scientific precision

common

language are not distinguished so accurately as

requires.
*

The

distinction

(from

i/utTv^ia,

experience)

between empirical and rational cogntion belongs here. The former is a knowledge whose validity rests on experience, and herein

upon

the

validity of

lower or sensuous faculty-of-cognition. The latter is a knowledge, the which reposes on grounds which can be known only through the higher,

the intellectual,* or the rational faculty-of-cognition.

The

Avhole knowledge of

man,

however,

is

an indivisible whole, connected together within him, and as such, a com-

mon
I

production of Sense, Understanding, and Reason, jointly."

need not add more on the subject of the word Erkenntniss, which the reader will
;

into

but the above observations may serve to rectify any mistake which the translation might otherwise lead. The word is, perhaps, in neither case used by our author in its strictest philosophical sense but if it be, ' definite conIn another place I have ception,' would not be accurate, but simply 'cognition.' translated ' speculative Erkenntnisse' by ' speculative ideas,' which in popular language
find used frequently
;

may
to

adequately represent the original, although

it is

not philosophically just.

'

Spe-

culative cognitions'

would be
call
'

the accurate translation,

which would be nearly equivalent

to

what we should
practical.
I

a philosophical knowledge,' or theoretical, as opposed

'

imral

and

(See Krug's Lexicon, under the word

speculative.')
;

may

here conveniently point out an inaccuracy in p. 270 of this translation

it

which, although

does not lead

to

any great misapprehension of the author's meaning,

is

deserves correction.

The
such

sentence

to

which

allude

the following:

"All
is

the

powers and modes of

to

operation of the soul, which are directed to that which

as. its
is

temporal and perishable

powers of
is

reflection
l'jx>'t

and the understanding,

in

which, according

Valen-

tinus,

contained the

will then utterly cease."t

I

The

error here

very easily corrected.

:

Avould substitute for the latter part of

it

the following translation

" such

as

its

faculty of reflection, the understanding, the

is

sum

of Avhich powers, according to Valentinus,

the 4u;^, will then utterly cease."

Verstand

is

in apposition

with das Reflexions-vefmogen

is

Avith

which

it is

Der synonymous,
'

and. therefore, the connecting particle 'and'

erroneous.

The former

translation

in

which
latter.

is

contained the

4t';t''>'

is

neither so accurate nor so free from ambiguity as the

But the error which I am anxious to correct is the making two faculties out of two words used synonymously. These are the chief words which require illustration, or give me reason to fear that
*

The

EvPti in this sentence the Understanding and the Reason seem too little distinguished. original is: Wie das Reflexions-vermogen, der Verstand, deren Inbegriff dem Valentinus
ist,

die "l^X"

&,c.

ccxxvi

THE translator's preface.

may
in

my

version

some degree

fall

short of the full

meaning of the

original

but

think, after this full explanation, no one can find

any

difficulty in placing

himself in

the condition of a reader of the original

work

in these passages.
in this work, For instance, the words Mensch-

There

are,

however, one or two other words or phrases, Avhich are nsed

baffles exact translation.

manner which almost

and

Iieit

die menschliche JVatur, are

used with a twofold reference.

the renovation, improvement, &,c., of

human

nature,

a general renovation and improvement over the

When we speak of we may mean two things, either whole mass of human beings, or im-

provement in every part of man's nature, his will, his affections, &c. Now it is not always easy to determine to which of these notions it is to be referred, or whether to a sort of notion compounded of these two. But this cannot offer any obscurity which a little thought and consideration will not readily remove, and it has hardly, therefore, been deemed worth while to add any explanatory periphrasis, which would only encumber the text, already sufficiently complicated in its structure. Again, the word Leben ' Life,' admits of an use, which is inadequately represented by our word ' Life,' although the word ' vital is used in a kindred sense. It is used in a religious sense for all in religion which animates and excites us to an endeavour after improvement in our spiritual condition all which raises us from the death of sin to the life of Righteousness all which raises us up from a dead and lifeless unconcern about
'

our souls
affections.

to a lively interest in

themall

that excites, raises,

'vital,'

and

purifies

our religious

Now,
to this,

although 'lively' and

are

applied

in
this

a sense somewhat

analogous
cept

our English word 'Life,' hardly represents

range of ideas, ex-

would be legitimate to use it in a phrase like the following, "There is no life in that man's religion;" and such a phrase would be intelligible, but the word hardly bears so wide an application as the German
it
'

the combination of particular phrases.

Thus,

Leben,' in

the

first

sentence, in section v.

have, however, ventured to

use

it

would explain it. The word there translated ' understanding' is BegrifT, which is more properly 'conception;' but the word 'understanding,' or ' knowledge,' in the popular acceptation of th# terms, perhaps, conveys the meaning of the author better than a translation more philosophically accurate. At all events, with the context, and these few observations, there can be no difficulty to any one in fixing
there, as the context

the exact import of the phrase.

Eudcemonism, (section
p. 848,)
(ij

v.)

Perhaps, the following explanation from Krug, (vol.

After showing the meaning of

i.

may

be of service.

Eudamonie

to

be happiness,

and
:

ceeds

" EmUemonist,
is

SMf^mv,

too, his

like that of a good genius, or happiness,) Krug promeans one who strives only after happiness, and that, own happiness; and Eudcemonism means that line of opinion and conduct

having a condition

therefore,

which
to it."
I

thorouglily

imbued with such an endeavour, as well as a system adapted

to

may, perhaps, be allowed

In

mention that

adjective, to express abstract terms,

position.

I have employed the article and the more frequently than is common in English com;

German
ii

it

is

a phraseology of most frequent occurrence

to

and

have

sometimes foundit.

almost impossible
to

express the meaning of the original without

the circumstance, usually prefixed a capital

have, in order

call attention to

letter to the adjective.

In translating the Avord Kirchen-lehrer,

have generally avoided the more convenient

and common phrase of

authors.

when reference is made to them as more appropriate in the translation of a work of this kind, where the author speaks of what was actually fcxught in the Church, more especially as the phrase of ' the Fathers' is used in German, as well as
'

the Fathers,' except

The

phrase, Church-teachers, seems

English.

Where

have given explanatory additions, &c.,

[
],

brackets of this form

to distinguish

I have enclosed them usually in them from the parentheses of the author.

THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

which
are within the

CCXXVll

common

parenthetical signs.
I

regret to observe, that in a

few

cases this precaution has been overlooked, but,

trust,

not so as to create any confusion.

I

With

these remarks on the phraseology, &.C., of the original and the translation,
this preface.
to
I

now close
descended

by those into

have too minute particulars, and to explanations which can hardly be needed whose hands this volume is likely to fall. But as some of these words
fear

some

readers

may

think

it

too extended,

and that

refer to most interesting portions of the original (e. g-. the explanation and development of the Gnostic systems,) I am desirous to place every one as far as

and explanations

possible, in the condition of a reader of the original,

my
to

and to obviate by every means in power, any difference between the original and the copy. It is a matter of interest see the light in which a mind, like that of Dr. Neander, views the subjects he here
;

treats

and the more

faithful

can make

my

transcript of the original, the

It is still

more

shall

have done
it is

for the satisfaction of those

who

feel this interest.

my maxim

that

the chief business of a translator to 'say every thing

which the author

i. ii. iii.,

says, and noI

thing whatever Avhich he does not say.'

(Pref
judge.

to sections
I

p. vii.)

How far

have

succeeded in

this

must leave others

in

to

will only add that, both in translating

the work, and in the observations

single object
if
I

have had

those

who

are entitled

I have made on any of its tendencies or views, the view has been to serve the cause of truth and religion; and to judge on these great questions, shall think that I have not I

entirely failed in that object,

shall feel that

my

labour has not been in vain.

H.
Hmighton Conquest, 1841.

J.

Rose.

' !

229

SECTION
THE HISTORY OF

IV.
UNDER THE FORM OF

CHKISTIAIVITY, AS CONCEIVED AND DEVELOPED A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES.

(1.)

Gmtral
in

Introductoivj

Remarks.

doc- by means of one fundamental principle. be no Now this inward unity laid its foundations in the hiward life of men, together with Christianity itself, as soon as they had remoting its own free development, a liv- ceived Christianity into their hearts by a ing spirit that made alive also. It was lively faith and yet it was only by denot given to man as a compact, dogmatical grees that out of this inward unity Christisystem in one definite form, which was to anity could develope itself as a systematic be propagated from the very beginning whole, in thought as well as in all other as something unchangeable in a lifeless branches of life, with clear and full perchannel of transmission, but the One truth ceptions and consciousness. In relation was to be developed in various forms, to its spiritual, as well as to its moral reand manifold relations, and applications, ception, it proved itself by its peculiar through die means of its Jirst instruments, efficacy a leaven destined by degrees to so characteristically distinguished from penetrate the whole mass of human life. each other, and sanctified for the work This is true, as well of the individual docand particularly by the ybi^r pillars of the trines of Christianity as of the Avhole Church, the apostles Paul and James, religion itself. Peter and John, who represent whole As Christianity, therefore, considered in characteristic dispositions of human na- the light of a whole, could only by deture, when enlightened by Christianity. grees, and with a constantly increasing It was left to the free conceptions of each clearness, unfold itself in the spiritual conindividual human spirit to recognise the science of the thinking man, as a connected oneness of divine truth under the variety system, rejecting every thing foreign to its of human representation, and just as each nature which attempted from without to man felt himself more attracted by this or join itself with it; so also it was only that form of apostolic Christianity, accord- gradually that the full scope of the single ing as his peculiar nature was more akin doctrines contained in this one whole to this or that disposition, and according could stand forth clearly and definitely in as the peculiarities of his nature and his this same conscience. As in life, so in individual education conducted him from thought Christianity found a world already this or that side to Christianity, which in existence, which was formed on differmay be approached from so many difTer- ent principles, and in which it must first ent sides. It was left to each man also to create a way for itself by means of its appropriate Christianity to himself in his overcoming and reforming spirit. As in own individual mode, and when once ap- life, so in the regions of thought it was propriated to exhibit it again in his own necessary for Christianity to contend individual mode in his spiritual life. In against the opposite dispositions which those first documents of the communica- were then in vogue, and which opposed tion of the grace of the Holy Spirit the holy it not only with open enmity, but by partruths were revealed in their simplicity tially stealing something of Christianity, and loftiness, and made capable of a mani- and making it their own, threatened to This was the fold lively application, but not set forth mix themselves up with it. happen then, because in a perfecdy formed human system. more likely to organic unity lay in the thing Christianity appeared in a period so full SystPm and itself; there was the real inward uriify and of ferment and of expectation, and exertlie inward connection of Christianity as cised a power which attracted tlie oppoOne whole, in which all individual parts site elements and dispositions of human develope Uiemselves from one centre point, nature from so many difTerent sides; and and are harmoniously interwoven together those peculiar dispositions which were
itself
life
j

Christianity showed

trines as well as in

human

to

constraining, dead, and killing letter, but a spirit developing itself freely, and pro-

230
unable to
Christidiiity

EARLY SECTS.
resist the attractive

LATE REJECTION OF THE LAW.

power of roughly new
i
I

were yet unwilling to give themselves up to it wholly, and suffer deficiencies to be supplied by it, their own but they were inclined to set up a Christianity of their own for themselves, and capriciously to sever what in that religion But still the is one and inseparable. opposition against these adulterated and partial conceptions of Christianity and of
Christian doctrines served well to bring

and its effects, by which Christ is distinguished from all the sages and saints of the
in Christianity

as well as that

old Testament.
(a.)

Tlie JiMlttizing Sects.

The
into

origin of these sects carries us

back

'

forward more clearly and definitely in the thinking conscience the peculiar nature and inward unity of Christianity, and the peculiar import and character of its several doctrines.

those things of which Christ said that the apostles could not yet understand them, and that they should first be revealed to them by the illumination of the Spirit, one of the most pre-eminent was the doctrine which is so intimately interwoven with the nature of the gospel, the doctrine of
age.

the

apostolic

Among

But since the development of the Chrisscheme of doctrine can only be fully understood by means of its connection and its contentions with these manifold oppotian

sitions to it, we shall find it absolutely necessary previously to give these oppositions, as they appear in the various Christian sects, a more accurate consideration.
(2.) TJie History

kingdom of heaven in all mankind., only by faith in the Redeemer ; from which the abrogation of the ceremonial law of Moses followed as a matter of course. Even after the apostles, by the illumination of the Holy Ghost, had attained to the right knowledge of the Redeemer, they were, nevertheless, not
the foundation

of

the

immediately in clear possession of all the consequences which flow from this doctrine in regard to the all-sufficiency of faith
in

Him, and the needlessness of the Mosaic ceremonial law. Even when they perreligious character; the one a carnal ceived that the preaching of the gospel was spirit, that endeavoured to lower every to reach the heathen also, and that they thing to the level of sense, and the other were to become fellow-partakers in the an exclusively spiritual disposition, that kingdom of Christ, (as indeed, many of spiritualized and refined every thing away the better spirits among the Jews had too much ; which opposed Christianity already deduced this from the prophecies,) from the very beginning, or threatened to even then they had no other notion than adulterate it by mixing themselves up with that the heathen, together with the gospel, it.* The one party rested wholly on the were to embrace the whole ceremonial law earthhj appearance of the (Z)me,and in it of Moses. It was only when St. Peter, overlooked the higher Spirit which ani- having been called to the conversion of mated it; the other thought that they Cornelius, by means of a vision connected could grasp the overwhelming Spirit with- with this call, the meaning and object of out the reality of the appearance the one which the Spirit of God had taught him would have in Christianity only the human to understand, had been persuaded that without the divine ; the other only the God made no difference between Jew and divine without the human. When first Gentile, and when he saw faith in the Christianity arose out of Judaism, it was Gospel working with the same divine from Judaism that the first intermixture of power among the heathen, that he became these two dispositions with it proceeded the man to stand up among the apostles also. The first disposition was the most at Jerusalem as a witness to the truth prevalent among the great mass of the which he now recognised ; and the apostles Jewish people, and therefore, this came the then, by the light of the Spirit, attained to first into contact with Christianity, and a knowledge of that which hitherto had thence proceeded all those sects, which, been sealed up to them in the counsels of mistaking the peculiar and characteristic God in regard to man's redemption. When difference between the law and the gospel, St. Paul afterwards was chosen out espemade out of Christianity only a perfected cially as the instrument of God for the Judaism, and which were unable to com- preaching of the Gospel, what he calls the prehend and acknowledge what is iho- mystery of Christ, into which he had received so tleep an insight, was announced Compare the introduction to this work, to the rest of the apostles, as well as to page 36. himself, (Ephes. iii. 4, 5 ;) and here also

of Sects.

There were two main

divisions of the

! ^

JEWISH AND HEATHEN CHRISTIANS.

no contest of principles could take place among llicm, as is beautifully declared in the apostolic council at Jerusalem. (Acts
XV.) ti(m
i

231

religion,

and giving them a Jewish-Christian ceremonial w,orship, instead of the Therefore, living faitii of Christianity.

But ilie dillln-cnt spheres of opera- the apostle St. Paul the very same perchosen by the apostles, introduced an son whose principle it was to become to outward difference in their mode of pro- the Jews a Jew, in order to win the Jews to Christianity was obliged so expressly ceeding. Tliose apostles, whose exertions lay to oppose himself, as a defender of Chris\ [

entirely

among

the

Jews

in

Palestine,

tian

freedom, to the Judaizing teachers,

themselves observed the ceremonial law, who wished to force the Jewish ceremoand left its observance to be contined, for nial law on the acceptance of the Churches this was a matter of perfect indifference, formed from heathen converts also. Tlie Churches, which consisted entirely being only an outward thing, as long as the conscience made no more of it, and of Jews, who, in their Cliristian faith, still as long as people did not profess to seek lived entirely as Jews, must have formed

But a striking contrast to the Churches formed from heathen converts, in whom the pure spiritual character of the Christian worship was the most prominent feature, and from simply dirowlng away the ceremo- among whom religion was connected with But for what was founded no outward ceremonies whatever. nial law at once on persuasion, could only be removed by the communion of faith and love was not If the belief, that sanc- to be broken in consequence of all these persuasion also. tification and holiness can only be attained differences in the outward circumstances through the grace of God in Christ, had and form of life; Christians of both deonce been able thoroughly to penetrate scents and classes were to look upon Those vvho had the consciences of mankind, ceremonies each other as brethren.
justification
fdHcij,

and

sanctification

by

it.

might be found in ceremonial observances, could destroyed by an outward attack, not be

the

that

sanctification

would have fallen away of themselves. But if men were persuaded overhastily to throw them away, many weak-minded people might be led away to do things which their consciences might reproach them for, and others, who might have been won to the Gospel by degrees, had they only been able to join it outwardly at first, would then be wholly inclined to This reject it from the very beginning. was always the plan pursued by a pure

attained to the full ripeness of Christian

,

knowledge,

to tsXeiota?

X^io-tw,

were

to

bear with those, who were not so far advanced, in a spirit of love and tenderness,
the hope that God would reveal to those also in his own time, those views which they were deficient, if only all in would endeavour to apply faithfully to the purposes of a Christian life the measure
in

spirit, not to begin with an ouhoard amendment, but to suffer only the inward power of truth to effect every Their limited and thing itself, working from within to things the ceremonial law. narrow-minded representations of the nawithout. The case of St. Paul, whose sphere of ture of Christianity, and their limited exertion lay among the heathen, was dif- views as to the person of Christ himself, Among them, the connection of served admirably to go hand in hand. As ferent. Christianity with the ceremonial law in their opinion the difference between would only increase, to the utmost de- the Gospel and the law was only a dif-

evangelic

of knowledge, which was vouchsafed to (Phil. iii. 15.) them. The knowledge of many of the Jewish Christians was deficient also in regard to other things, besides the importance of

the difficulty of its propagation; ference of degree, they could also perbecause the prevailing peculiarities of the ceive between what Christ was, and what heathen people were so strongly opposed Moses and the Prophets were, only a difThe only thing which could ference of degree. They knew, thereto that law. possibly have brought them to submit to fore, in this point of view, tlie Messiah
gree,

a yoke so burthensome to their peculiar more after the ffesh than after the Spirit; habits, and to make so great a sacrifice, they knew him rather as the Son of Dawould have been the persuasion, that vid, than as the Son of God. And yet, their justification and salvation depended in the first place, the belief in Jesus as upon it; and to introduce or to further the Messiah was to be a point of union such a persuasion, would have been for all, even amidst all other diircrences in nothing else than undermining in them their measure of Christian knowledge, the whole foundation of the Christian and in their other religious opinions ; and

232
from
this

CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES.
reckoned by any means as genuine Christhese people vaunted their freer tians Gnosis, and by their contempt of the Jewish people, and by their exaggeration
:

down by St. Paul, between the law and the Gospel, they were in danger of being seduced into despising the Old Testament itself They would acknowledge Christianity only in the mode in which it was represented by St. Paul, and St. Paul was to be their only fellow-labourers in the same work, this apostle. He, however, would acknowledge their agreement was, nevertheless, not only one Christ for all, and only one acknowledged by all, who called them- Church of Christians sanctilied by Him, selves their disciples. There were Jewish- and calling on their common Lord and Christians, who were not content with he would know nothing of PauVs party, having toleration and tenderness shown and Peter''s party. But still, where the to their narrow-minded notions, but who genuine evangelical spirit and the power wished to Ibrce those notions on all of love did not quench these diffi^rences, others, and persecuted every freer evan- it was necessarily the case, that this oppogelical spirit with blind zeal. These sition should be developed still more dis men maintained most strictly, that no tinctly as time went on. In the first half of the second century person could have an equal share Avith the Jews in the blessings of the Messiah's we find again the four parties, which had kingdom, unless he received the Mosaic formed themselves in the apostolic age. 1. The Jewish law in all its extent and these were the zealots the pseudopeople who endeavoured to destroy the Petrians. 2. The more moderate, and genuine foundation of Christianity, laid by St. Paul in tlie Churches of the heathen evangelical Jewish Christians. 3. The zealots among the heathen conconverts, and to introduce, instead of it, doctrines which savoured more of Ju- verts the pseudo-Pauline Christians. daism than of Christianity. They would 4. The more moderate and genuine not, therefore, acknowledge St. Paul, who apostolic heathen Christians. Among these latter was Justin Martyr. opposed their influence so strongly, for an apostle. In their opinion, those only He says in his Dialogue with Trypho,* were apostles whom Jesus himself had " There are persons who will have no instructed during his life on earth, and intercourse with those who observe the had placed in their apostolic calling. St. ceremonial law, and will not share the Peter and St. James* were the pillars of hearth with them, and say that they canthe Church, to which they more parti- not be saved. I do not agree with these cularly appealed, although they did not persons but if the others, from weakact in accordance with the spirit or the ness of persuasion, wish to observe as far notions of those apostles. Hence there as they can, even those laws of Moses, arose a pseudo-Petrian and a pseudo- which we think were given on account Jacobite parly of Jewisli-Christians. if they It of the hardness of man's heart was natural enough that the spirit of op- will only, at the same time, rest their position on one side shoidd call forth a hope on Christ, and do that which is similar spirit on Ihe other ; and a party lawful and holy by its own nature, and by of zealots among the heathen converts, eternal laws, and have no hesitation in who prided themselves most haughtily living with other Christians, witliout enon their freedom, as Christians, opposed deavouring to compel them also to the themselves to these narrow-minded Jew- observance of these things, then we say, ish-Christians, and would not allow the that such persons are to be looked upon observers of the ceremonial law to be as our brethren in all respects. But if those from among your people (the Jews)
of the contrast laid
;
:

one point all further development of Christian kiiavvletlge was to proceed. The apostles left it to the guidance of the Spirit, to lead all men from this one point to the unity of the faith, and knowledge of tlie Son of God. But, although the apostles agreed in their principles, as to the relation of Christianity to Judaism; although the apostles in Palestine and St. Paul recognised each other mutually, as independent

The

J.imcs,

who

is

known under

the

name

who

say that they believe in Christ, com-

of the brother of tlio I>ord, probably tlie apostle, the son of Alpheus or Cleophas; being the relation of Jesus by l)lood. He was also called his brother by a use of the word in an extended

pel those of the heathens, who the faith in this same Christ,
* Ed. Colon, p. 200. 266. Ed. Paris.]

embrace
to
live

[P. 137. Ed. Jebb.

P.

^LIA CAPITOLINA.
entirely according to the law laid

233

down
j

by Moses, or

else decline all intercourse

with them, then I cannot approve of such persons ul all. And yet I believe tliat, per-; haps, those who follow them in the observ-j ance of the ceremonial law, if they believe in Christ at the same time, will be saved." The Church of Jerusalem, which must have been induced by the Jewish war to take refuge in Pella beyond the Jordan,* from its origin till the first half of the second century, consisted entirely of Christians of Jewish descent, who, therefore, unitedly continued in the observance of the ceremonial law. By means of this
j
j

time of Irenapus all those Christians of Jewish descent, who considered it necessary to continue in the observance of the ceremonial law, were designated by the common name of the sect of the Ebionites. In regard to the derivation of the

name, Tertullian is the first who makes mention of a founder named Ebion, and
others have followed

him

in this

account.

Better informed writers, such as Irenaeus

'

'

and Origen, know of no such person ; and it is clear that the invention of such a person only arose from the not underOrigen standing the name of Ebionite.

gives us the proper derivation of the term, outward bond thf^y were all united to- amely, from the Hebrew tV2X (Ebion) ' ffether, whatever difierences besidesjnight , i,u w-e a^A ft but the meannig which ,^ find ^ Jpoor: u .1 be lound ni their opinions on doctrinal \, ^ * .u i t.u* ;^ t^ ... ,. ,. attributed to the word hy him, that is to , t points and their rehgmus dispositions. ^^ containing a reference to the powas a peculiar circumstance of an out-l /^^^ conceptions and ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ward nature which first caused a separa,.. ^u r m * ,.^c<,;ki.r be the of their faith,* cannot possibly k tv,^ II t.on amongs them In fact, when Ha-, ^^ ^he^term, for they ^^^^^^. ^ j dnan was induced by the rebellion of the ^j^^-^^^^,^^^^ gave their own sect this name, Jews under Barchochab to prohibit them ^j^^^j^ ^^,^^jj ^^^ j^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^. ^^^ ^^ entirely from setting foot on the ^^^M^^x.es ix^,.me\vhichv^ovMhe?. re^ro^i.-h and the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, since -j. ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^j^^^^^ g^^^ ^^^^^ they generally drew upon themselves the name was given them by others, and by jealousy of the Roman governors, it was such as were of sentiments hostile to their natural enough that the Christian Church, sect, Avho were the persons who would which apparently had returned back to have branded them Avith this name underJerusalem in this interval,! should wish Could it be Chrisstood in this sense } to escape being confounded with the These might, tians of heathen descent ? Jews. Those, therefore, who were reindeed, have applied the name to them in strained by religious scruples from doing this very signification ; but then we can what might enable them to attain this hardly imagine that they Avould have object, were obliged to separate themchosen an Hebreto name. Or was it the selves from the rest. The others joined Jews, who were angry at Christianity in themselves with Christians of heathen This might be possible, if we general } descent, and formed with them a Church modify in some degree the notion of in the heathen colony, ^lia Capitolina, poverty of thought, after the idea of a very which had arisen on the site of old Jeruacute inquirer, who has recently distinsalem, and in this Church the ceremonial guished himself in this walk of knowlaw was entirely abandoned-^

'

.'

We often find it the case in the history of sects, that people describe under one
common name
sects

Origen, t xvi.
TTipi

Matt.

xii.

Tec

i^ioDium

ksu

which

are really difin

.

TTToe^ii/cvTi

ferent, but agree witli

one another

some

hardly

points, without remarking

difference

the points of,

1

between them, so that they attribute to all these sects what may justly be said only of one or other of tliem. This was the case here also from the
;

Euseb.

iii.

5.

f Epiphanius de mensuriset pondcribus, c. 1.5. i Sec Euseb. iv. 6, and the remarkable words
of Sulpicius Scvcrus, after he has quoted that prohibition of Hadrian; Hist. Sacr. ii..31. "Quod quJdem Christiana; fidei proficiebat, quia turn poene

Origen can an etymological explanation but he is only making an allusion ; \^\^ own way to the meaning of the word, However, in the hook c. Celsum, ii. c. 1, he says expressly, i^aiw^uo/ tw aTa tm ixJi^xnv Trruxti^ too """" [In Neander's earlier work, Genetische En twickelung der Vornchmsten Gnostischen Systeme, Berhn, 1818, there is a long appendix on the subject of the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, and on the Ebionites. In Burton's Bampton Lectures, note 80, the authorities may be found by whom the existence and the non-existence of
T;)V

ik 'Jn^cuv

TTicnt)/.

mean

in this place to give

omnes Christum
credebant."

Deum

sub

legis

observatione
j
'

Ebion are respectively supported. Matter, Hist, du Gnosticisme, vol. ii. p. 320, says, that "at least it is certain there was no such founder of a H. J. R.] sect as Ebion."

m2

234
ledge, *and
if,

EBIONITES.
putting the

ORIGIN

OF THE NAME.

word

into the

according to the contrast hetween the king-

mouth of those Jews who expected a dom of God and the kingdom of Sata7i^ Messiah to come in visible glory^ we tohich they misunderstood, (as if the whole imagine them to designate by this name earthly world, not merely in regard to its
the faith in a poor and crucified Messiah. And yet this meaning, taken by itself, does not appear to be tlie simplest nor the most natural; for even this learned writer
sinful misuse, but of itself

and by

its

very
;)

nature, necessarily belonged to Satan

this

in

book we find it required of those who wish to belong to the kingdom of God, that

himself connects this meaning with one they should renounce as far as possible If we follow all possessions in a world which was none are about to mention. the interpretation of the name which we of theirs, but which belonged to Satan ; find in the later Ebionites of Epiphanius, that they should possess nothing but what was absolutely necessary to their bare subit originally denoted a class of poor men. This may have been applied to them sistence, that they should only possess either as consisting of poor persons of bread, water, and one garb, and even these the lower orders^ whom none of the rich necessaries of life they should obtain by and the learned had joined (see John the sweat of their brow.* vii. 49,) a reproach which the heathens Many among these Judaizing Christians made to the Christians,! and which had brought their carnal Jewish habits of the proud and the wise in their own thought with them into Christianity, and opinion have constantly made to the dis- they had thus only applied the common ciples of simple truth ; or they may have Jewish representation of the 3Iessiah to been persons who had voluntarily re- Jesus. According to this representation nounced all earthly property, and volun- they considered him a man, like other tarily given up all this earth's wealth, in men, who had been chosen as Messiah by order that they might devote their whole a peculiar decree of God's counsel, solife to Divine things and in this case we lemnly dedicated to this office by Elias, should be reminded of a similar name in that is, according to their notions, by John the case of later sects.J The latter idea who represented Elias, and at this mocorresponds the most nearly with the ment had been furnished with the Divine explanation given by the later Ebionites power requisite for the accomplishment themselves in Epiphanius ; for they ap- of his office. This was the only class pealed to the conduct of their ancestors of Ebionites known to Irenseus, and they in laying down all their goods at the feet appear to us as the offspring of those of the apostles. Like Jn truth, however, this old Jewish opponents of St. Paul. is no decisive proof, for we may certaiidy them, these Ebionites considered circumimagine it possible that these later Ebion- cision as an indispensable condition to a ites had introduced a meaning into the perfect participation in the kingdom of term which was foreign to its original God the earthly Jerusalem was still to sense. According to either of these ex- them the true city of God., and they abused planations this appellation may have been St. Paul as an apostate from the law.j originally a general name of the Christians in Jerusalem, or it may have been the Clementines,) yet he belongs far more to this from the very beginning the name of a class of Judaizing Christains than to the class of certain ascetic sect among the Jewish the Nazarenes.'' He therefore, considers the work

we

Christians, which the Church teachers written by a man of Ebionitish views. See also afterwards extended by mistake tq all Matter, Hist, du Gnosticisme, vol. ii. p. 329. H. J. R] Judaizing Christians. Such an appella*

tion, in
spirit

such a sense, suits admirably the

Clemcntin. Homil. 15.

c. 7, 8, 9.

of the ascetic Ebionites, who paint themselves to us in the apocryphal book

called the Clementines
;

alibi. I am no longer so f IrensEUs, i. 26, and strongly of the opinion, that the difTicult passage, " Quae autcm sunt prophetica, curiosius exponere

for in that

book.

nituntur,"

is

to be understood after the ideas of

and Tzschirner's Archive for Ancient and Modern Ecclesiastical History, iv.
j-

* Dr. Gieselcr, in Staiidlin

the Clementine, of a too subtile investigation into the meaning of true prophecies, as I endeavoured

to show in my book on the Gnostics, p. 391 ; for Band. Second Part, p. 307. only the common sort of Ebionites, whose noSee page 4 1 tions were entirely those of carnal-minded Jews, aj)pcar to have been known to IrensEUs ; and the 4 Huniiliati, pauperes dc Lugduno. [In Neandcr's Genetische Entwickelunpr, idea brought forward in the Clementine, of true &c., lie says, p. 367, "although all the opinions and false prophecies, would be qui'e foreign to which the first Fathers, who have given us hut their spirit. can say nothing more than that very scanty notices of the Ebionites, attributed to Irena;us found himself at a loss among interprethem, are not to be found in him (the author tations of the prophets after the Jewish Rabbinic

We

"

EBIONITES.
mild manner in which Justin Martyr speaks of these opinions of the Ebionites on the person of Jesus,* is '" There are wortliy of observation some," lie says, "of our people, who acknowledge him to be the Messiah, and yet consider him a man, born of men with wliom I do not agree: and the greater number also, being of my opinion, do not say this ; for we are commanded by Christ not to follow the doctrines of men, but to hold that which has been proclaimed by the holy prophets, and taught by him."t Thus OrigenJ sees in the Ebionites weaker brethren, who did not reject Christ, who was their Messiah, and to whom they looked for all assistance; although they recognised in him only the Son of David, and not the Son of God. He gives a very pretty allegorical turn to the account of the blind man
:

235
!

The

the

same measure and degrees

But even

Origen considered the Ebionites as heretics against St. Paul, and as persons who were but little dillerent from Jews.* Frenaius judged all Ebionites together, by those of u)ho/n he had heard, and attributed to all the same ideas with regard to the person of Jesus. On the contrary, Origen, a man of more accurate investigation, who had been iij Palestine himself,
distinguishes the Ebionites into two of which one denied the miracu; lous birth of Jesus, and the other admitted
classes
it.| may see from this difference having been overlooked by earlier writers,

We

ferences

overlook the difbetween different branches of the same party. It is not

it

how

easy

was

to

in

opinion

unlikely that those who acknowledged the supernatural operations of the Divine
Spirit at the birth of Jesus,

and considered 46 he makes the blind man, his birth as a miracle which stood forth who calls on Jesus, an Ebioiiile, and the from the chain of usual human events, multitudes around, who commanded him supposed also a certain original union of
in

Mark

x.

to hold his peace, believers

from among

generally held the more exalted notions in regard to the person of the Messiah ; and he then continues

the heathen converts,

who

God man

or of the Divine Spirit, with the hunature of Jesus, and then they

would already have

the opinions of the

retreated farther from

narrow-minded Jews,

multi- and more nearly approached those of the yet he Christians, because they did not make the cried the more, because he believed in peculiar operation of the Divine Spirit on Jesus, although his faith was of an hu- the man Jesus begin all at once, at one

tudes

thus: "But although the commanded him to be silent,

and he cried out aloud, and definite moment of his life namely, the Son of David have mercy season of his consecration to the office oi Messiah, by John but instead of isolating on me.' How different would many things have the human nature of Christ, tliey allowed been, if men, in this spirit of love and that it developed itself from the very befreedom, had always allowed the grace ginning, in union with God; and from the of the Redeemer to fall on all u-ho call very beginning they made a very essential upon him ! if they had ahcays taken into difference between Christ and the other their account the various stages in tlte organs of God among men. In the representation of the Ebionites Christian progress up to the ripeness of manhood in the faith, and had not wished given by Epiphanius,+ we actually find some who believed in the higher nature to force different spirits all at once into of the Messiah, and busied themselves in method, which were in vogue among the Ebion- speculations upon it. One party of them
kind
;
;

man

said to him,

'

ites,

tian

but entirely at variance with the usual Chrismethods of interpretation, and, therefore, that

he took occasion to accuse them as hypocritical

subtilties.

It is

at least probable,

although not certain,

that he had the Ebionites here in his thoughts;

hut, notwithstanding, they arc not
l)ini at all

mentioned by

reading utto tm ti/ui^ip'.u yc/c-ji;, does not, therefore, appear to me Not only the authority of manususpicious.
as a peculiar sect.
scripts, but the antithesis to the phrase,
vfjteev,

The

nu

yivcu;

recognised in the appearance of Jesus, from the very beginning, a spirit of an higher kind, which could not proceed from the chain of the natural progress and development of human nature that pure outpouring of the Divine Spirit (the original form of human nature) which first existed in the person of Adam, and then again appeared on earth, at various
;

which precedes, appears

to

support this
[P. 142. Ed.
*

reading.

t Dial. c. Tryphon. Jud. 48. Jebb: p. 267. Ed. Par.]

t

Jerem. Homil.

(Ja-C.irTOA.CV ']3-iU

Matt.

t.

xvi. c. 12.
fAit
iTTl

xi. B. 12.
v.y6^arroutTifi!.f

xviii. c. 12. TvTTourt tov Mstt. t X^ITTCU Xt^J/C Sui7-<plt/U'A(. 'Oxtya JuKft^cvTn; Tcty '\<,vJoua>t.
c.

II/3-Ta/W

T6 'UlTCUV,

Si

-j-

Origen

Celsum,

v. c.

61.

i Haeres. 30,

236

THE CLEMENTIXE.
;
i

EPIPHANIUS.

times, as the renovator of fallen hu- certain attachment to the ceremonial law ; manitv until at last it returned in the per- and they are as different from his other ' ... " Messiah, in order to bring all usual antagonists, as those Ebionites of son of the "" children to himself, and to raise them Epiphanius, to whom the author of the with himself to the eternal kingdom, Clementine belonged, were from those
; . ^

where he
from
cares.
is

will repose with

his

them forever usually

all

called Ebionites,

which was the

all

wanderings, and

his

This is the same found in the apocryphal book of Clementines, from which we have been able in this representation, to fill The up the account of Epiphanius. othws adopted the common Jewish idea, that Jesus was first invested with Divine powers, while yet merely a man, only
the
his solemn consecration to the office But, instead of the indeof Messiah. finite notion of Divine power, they imagined a Spirit elevated above all angels, and, the highest representation of God according to them, this was the real heavenly Messiah* who united himself with
at
;

doctrine which

the man Jesus, as his instrument, at his baptism, and effected every thing through

him.
It may be said, that we cannot judge of those older Ebionites by the Ebionites of the fourth century, mentioned in Epiphanius, for these latter may have appropriated to themselves, in latter times, notions

only party known under that name to the We recogolder Fathers of the Church. nise here one peculiar family of the Juthe seed of which, as daizing Christians well as of the common sort of Ebionites, is to be sought in the apostolic age*. If we compare the Clementine with the accounts in Epiphanius, the example of this sect will make it very clear, how people of this kind might have so inward a feeling of religion in one point of view, while in another they adhered so closely to its outward things on the one hand might prize so highly an authority given by God, while on the other they subjected it so capriciously to the theosophic system estabJlshed in their schools, and separated at the dictates of their own will, whatever did not suit their ideas. They supposed a simple original religion, which that first pure man, who received the immediate outpouring of the Divine Spirit in his heart, and learnt from
;
:

quite foreign to their original dispositions,

many other theobut then these sophico-ascetic sects notions bear completely the stamp of a far more ancient Jewish theosophy ; and their agreement with the ideas of the Clementine bespeaks a higher antiquity ; for the Clementine, at least in its groundwork certainly cannot come to us from a later period than the second century. Nor can we be surprised at finding theosophico-ascetic dispositions among the Judaizing Christians for there were many sects of that kind among the Jews, who united a certain attachment to the ceremonial law with these dispositions, and many of whom would be attracted by Christianity in some one point of view, without being
by intercourse with
: :

all divine truth, had in the first instance This religion was to be always propagated pure and unmixed, by means of oral transmission it did not, however, maintain its purity, but was constantly adulterated more and more by the interspersion of the evil principle. Many new institutions, proceeding from God, were, therefore, needed to purify the original religion from these adulterations. Moses was one of the restorers of this it was to be spread by original religion oral delivery, and thus it was also to be
it

delivered to his children.

constantly propagated among a number of initiated people. But when the revelations of God imparted by Moses were set down in Scripture, many errors mixed themselves

up with
*

it,

being strewn

among them by

able to receive

it

quite pure, and

by

itself,

and would, therefore, endeavour to amalgamate it with their earlier habits of

tho\ight.
St.

And although we usually find Paul engaged in controversy with Jews, of entirely gross and carnal habits of thought, which were only directed to
earthly views, yet, in the Epistle to the

Colossians, his adversaries are those Judaizing and false teachers, who united a theosophico-ascetic disposition with a

Only Methodius, who lived at the end of the and the beginning of the fourth century, apknown them, when he says of them, (Symposion Decern Virgin. BibUothec. Gnecor. Patr. auctor. noviss. T. i. Paris, 1672, fol. 113,) that they had denied the inspiration of tlie Holy Ghost in the Prophets, and maintained that they wrote only i^ icTwc xm^rmi; and although we cannot here with certainty recognise the whole of the Clementine notion of prophecy, it is at least certain, that he speaks of persons, who, unlike the usual
third

pears to have

much lowered the authority oftlie Prophets, and would not acknowto be inspired in the same deledge their writings
.lews of a Pharisaic cast, very

gree as the Pentateuch.


PURE RIOSAISM ONE WITH THE GOSPEL.
tlie

237

evil

principle, as

God

order to try in mankind

permitted, in their sense of

find that the

secret doctrines
for the

made known

common

had been good of all

divine thintrs, and their love to God, by their separation of the truth from falsehood,

and their rejection of every thing which opposed the pure idea of God. (Under this head was reckoned every passage in

which God lets himself down

to the

notions

of liumanity in order to instruct mankind, and is represented after an anthopopaihical manner,* as well as all that related to the sacrifice of victims.) "But the mass of struggling, as for his own children, and carnal-minded Jews did not know how to yet he loved those who hated him, and and distinguish the original Mosaism from yet he wept over their disobedience, these. adulterating additions. And then yet he blessed them that blasphemed him and that pure outpouring of the Spirit of God, and yet he prayed for his enemies the Foreljither of the human race, out of all this he did, not only as a father himlove to his children scattered over the self, but he taught his disciples also to conwhole earth, was impelled to appear again duct themselves towards other men as
:

mankind, which he had never before thought possible. He saw in Jesus a new appearance of that Adam w,hom he had always honoured as the source of all that is true and Divine in human nature. Only a father could love his children as Jesus loved mankind ' But what gave him most sorrow was, that he was opposed from ignorance by those for whom he was

on
to

eardi in the person of Jesus, in order

their brethren.""*

purify the original religion from the

it.

The

following
this

conclusion would
:

be

tween the acknowledgment of this law, and the loving and perfecting it, or of * Although in the author of the Clementine a the diflerence between the letter that lively eastern power of imagination prevailed too kills, and the Spirit that makes alive and strongly over the powers of conception, to allow therefore, he was unable to recognise the him to form to himself a pure spiritual idea of God, real diflerence between Mosaism (of which he himself looked on God as an higher Being, of radiant appearance in a human form. [" Ein he had formed an entirely arbitrary nohoheres Lichtwesen in menschlicher gestalt." that is to say, the tionj and Christianity

himself points out this object of his appearance, when he says. Matt. v. 17, " Ye must not imagine that I am come to destroy the law, but to fulfil it."t That which he destroyed cannot belong to that which he called the law, cannot belong to that original religion.^ He appeared particularly for the purpose also of extending his blessings over the rest of his children, the heathen, of imparting that original religion also to them, which had been always propagated among the initiated. The doctrine of Christ is, therefore, entirely one with the pure original Mosaism. The Jewish Mystic, an Essene, or something of the same kind, converted to Christianity, did not need to receive any new doctrines ; the doctrine of Christ was to him only a ratification of his earlier theory of religion, and he was only delighted to

additions which deformed

He

one and the same original religion is in pure Mosaism, and in Christianity; lie who has the former can dispense with the latter, and he who has the latter can very well dispense with
deduced from
the former; at least
if

the

blaspheme Christ,

whom

nor the Christian Moses,

whom

Jew will not he knows not, he also

knows not. The doctrine is given by God, and man has received it without any of his own co-operation, and all depends on this, whether the Jew practises what Moses commands, and the Christian what
Christianity is also here Christ appoints. (in this system) only the doctrine of another law ; the author of the Clementine, like many other ascetics and mystics, had experienced nothing of the opposition

between

this

law of God and the law

nature,

of sin in

human

of

the gulf be-

Geum.] [The word

timi

real, peculiar,
I

have translated powers of concep.

is " begriffsvermogen." It must be remembered that Bcgriff. means an abstract idea. See the Preface. H. J. R.] } The words twc 5r/ic<f>;)Taf are here capriciously left out, because this sect did not acknowledge the Divine illumination of the prophets, and saw in them, in fact, only the propagators of many errors as, for instance, of the error of an earthly political kingdom of the Messiah. i Clementin, Homil. iii. 51.

tianity.

He

fundamental nature of Chrissays, in fact, " There would

have been no need for the appearance,

either

of Moses or of Christ, if men would have chosen to acknowledge what

right of themselves.*'!

is
'

Which means,

they would have suffered themselves to be brought to a proper understanding

if
>

Tst L?r

itlttvd!

iv

KfuTTTii

c^i'jit

7r!t^aJiS'.y.na.
\

* Homil. iii. \ Horn. viiL

19.
6.

Ei.r^

d<p"

isLvrav to luKiyc

238

THE NAZARENES

JUDAISM GNOSTICISM.
;

and while they of the original religion, by means of that ship of the Pharisees part of their own nature which is akin to themselves observed the ceremonial law, they did not force it on the heathen. the Divine.' He perverts in a remarkable manner They acknowledged the Apostle Paul as those glorious words of Christ, Matt. xi. a teacher of Divine wisdom, whom God 25, which require childlike resignation had peculiarly chosen for his instrument, and simplicity.* He finds nothing in this for the purpose of bringing the tidings of They passage more than that God had hidden salvation to the heathen nations. the Divine Teacher, Jesus, from the wise lamented the unbelief of their own peoknew already from ple, and longed for the time when they among the Jews, who Moses what they had to do, as he had, on also should be converted to the Lord,
the contrary, revealed him to the heathen, who did not yet know, how they ought
to live.t
all

is

In the Clementine a certain asceticism recommended, and yet at the same

time the holiness of the marriage state is maintained, and to mislead mankind to celibacy is represented as the mark of a this appears as a false prophet. characteristic mark of the Ebionites also in Epiphanius, and the comparison of

Now

they had crucified, and renounce Then nothing would be done by the power of man, but every thing which Satan set up in opposition to the kingdom of God, would fall down by the power of God, and all who had hitherto pleased themselves, in the fancy of their own wisdom, would be converted They thought that they to the Lord. found this promise in the prophecies of The conclusion Isaiah (xxxi. 7, 8.)*
their idols.

whom

these two accounts shows that this dispo- which we are entitled to draw clearly sition in the Ebionites did not arise after- from all this is, that from the very times wards out of opposition to the monkery of the apostles various sorts of Jewof the predominant Church, but that we ish Christians spread themselves abroad,
are to recognise the original
it,

Hebraism
a

in

and therefore,

it

may have been

trait

common

to the different Ebionitish sects.

which people have been led into confueach other by the common names which were given to them.
sion with
(b.) Tlie Sects

Traces of the enmity of the Judaizing parties to celibacy are to be found as early
See his first Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. vii. In these Clementine Ebionites there are also symptoms of a Judaizing sect, /vhich although it could only consider the apostle St. Paul, who opposed so strongly their doctrine of the identity of Mosaism and Christianity, and other ideas peculiar to themselves, in the light of a perverter of the doctrine of Christ, was yet mildly disposed towards the heathen, and by no means wished to force the ceremonial law upon them. In
as the time of
St.

Paul.

oftlie

which arose from the mixture wiental Theosophy with Cliristianity.

1.

The Gnostic
and

Sects.

(a.)

General remarks on their origin, character,

differences.

pass from the' Judaizing sects to the Gnostics, who, proceeding from 07ie common stock with the former, developed themselves afterwards in a manner which set the two parties in a constantly increasing opposition. If we contemplate
the
characteristics of

We

pushed

to the extreme,

both dispositions we cannot con-

Jerome, on the contrary, under the name ceive a stronger opposition than that beof JS'azarcne (the original name given to tween the narrow and carnal disposition cleaves to outward all Christians by the Jews, see Acts xxiv. of Judaism, which the descendants of those things, and comprehends every thing only 5,) we find Jewish Christians of a genuine evangelic after the senses, and the spirit of Gnos-

disposition,

who would

not allow the

ticism,

which gives
its

itself

up

to unbridled

existence of any contradiction between the apostles, the same people, of whom we found the last trace in Justin Martyr,

license in
ters,

speculation on I)ivine matletter, idealizing

They pointedly combated (see above.) the regulations and the ceremonial worApocryphal Gospels, he certainly robs these words in some degree because he quotes the words of their simplicity,
*

every reach beyond the limits of earthly existence and the matedespising the
thing,

and striving

to

rial

world; and

yet, just as

one

is

often

As we usually

find in the

led to observe, that dispositions, which in our conceptions are widely opposed,
really are connected together in the out-

(r(,<f(rv

with the addition of ho adds 6)iX3(<^(M/o-/v. Horn. viii. 6. I

7riiiT0urt^ctv.

To

vnmu!
*

Hieronymi commentar.
t. iii.

in lesaiam. ed.

Mar-

tianay,

p. 79, 83,

250, 261.

UNCHRISTIAN GNOSIS.

239

ward world* by various means, and unite on authority, and entertained by the sensetogether by many points of communica- bound multitude, who held fast only the
tion, so the

following considerations will

verify such an observation in regard to

this

very

dijf'crcnce.

At the time of the first propagation of Christianity, the name yu.o-i:;., [g7iosis, knowledge,] in the widely extended phraseology of the Jewish divines of
Alexandria, denoted a deeper insight into
the nature and the inward connection of the various doctrines of religion.
as the
it

As

far

word denotes only //us general idea. might be used in regard to Christianity, Mithout prejudice to the peculiar nature of Christian i'ailh. Nay, even here, in conjunction with other charismata more immediately connected with what is practical^ there might be a charisma of Gnosis, which, setting out from its own peculiar position, migfit exert a general and beneficial effect on the development of the Christian life and, in fact, St. Paul men- but were to proceed, in all, out of their tions such a thing in the first Epistle to inward Christian life, and out of their the Corinthians. Thus the name Gnosis, own inward experience, although, neverin the epistle ascribed to Barnabas, be- theless, peculiar depth or clearness of view tokens that deep insight into the spirit of might be a particular charisma. Christ, the Old Testament, and the object of the indeed, thanks his heavenly Father for economy of the Old Testament, which having revealed to children what he had was afforded by Christianity. hidden from the wise and St. Paul reAlthough this idea was applied in an quires that those who are wise in this arbitrary, and therefore, in a false manner, world should become fools that they as, for instance, in that very letter, (see might receive Divine wisdom. But then, below) yet, considered in itself, and by such Gnostics as these were unable to itself, it contains nothing repugnant to the comprehend these truths and to become simple nature of the Gospel, because that children, in order to enter into the kingGospel, in its very simplicity, is destined dom of heaven, and to he poor with the to imbue and appropriate to itself all the rest of mankind, and to be rich only in powers and dispositions of human nature, Christ they wished to have precedence even those that are spiritual, and in its of the multitude of the believers by very simplicity it opens the inexhaustible means of a pretended higher kind of depths of Divine wisdom in the eye of wisdom. the Spirit. Among the mystical sects of Another disposition belonging to this the Jeios and their philosophical teachers Gnosis, which is at variance with the peof religion at Alexandria* we have culiar nature of the gospel, is closely conalready remarked the germ of a Gnosis, nected with that of which we have just conceived under an entirely different no- treated. It was because Christianity pretion. Here, under the name of "the Re- sented religion in its independence and ligion of the Perfect^ an esoteric system elevation above every thing earthly, that of doctrines, containing only pure ideas, it was able to find entrance and extend itwhich could be comprehended only by a self among all the different habits of life small number of initiated persons, con- which mankind adopts, and form a Church sisting of men distinguished for their differing in its constitution from all other high intellectual gifts of perception,^ and social unions aniong men, and indepentheir high spiritual nature, (the TrtiviA.a.rt- dent of them and thus also it presented was opposed to the faith founded religion, considered in a doctrinal point of Koi,)
; ;

symbolic covering of these pure ideas, and were utterly incapable of understanding them in their real meaning. (These were the ^J,t;x"o^, the 9roA^o^.) Such an opposition, although necessarily grounded on the very nature of the religion that preceded Christianity, would entirely overthrow the fundamental characteristics of Christianity, because Christianity pulled down every such partition wall between man and man, and Greek and barbarian, educated and uneducated, were to become one in Christ, and one source of Divine life and inward illumination was to be present in one common faith; this illumination was to develope itself in proportion to their advances in holiness, and Christian views were not to be made dependent on intellectual powers, bestowed only on a certain class of men,

view, in a sulistantial form, entirely independent of all speculations as well as of [" Erscheinungswelt." Lit. World of Apall mythology, and in a form adapted to Tn.] pearances, or phenomena. all the various degrees of advancement See the Introduction, pages 30, 31.

f
^

[Anschauungsgabe.

See Preface.]

which

are found in

human

nature,

and

all

240

MIXTURE OF RELIGIONS IN THE ROMAN DOMINIONS.

In order to perceive clearly the forma-

the various periods of its progress. That Gnosis, on the contrary, brought the doctrines of religion into connection again

one must put oneself into that remarkable lime of fertion of those Gnostic systems,

A with all the inquiries which can occupy ment from which they proceeded. a speculative reason, as was the case in lively intercourse and an unusual interthe old Oriental systems of religion, such change of ideas was then taking place beas those of Zoroaster, of Brahma, and the tween the nations of the western and A speculative cosmogony, the eastern world, which are otherwise so Buddhists. desirous of explaining what is incompre- widely separated by their situation and hensible, and a theosophy, which would by their dilferences in their peculiarities
anticipate the views reserved for a higher

were made the basis of the of religion, and these would, therefore, be unintelligible to the greater consequence of mass of mankind, and, this, an opposition would necessarily folstate of being,

doctrines

an intercourse that arose of character from the overgrown empire of Rome, which embraced within it all these nations, or at least brought their boundaries into The close connection with each other.
;

spirit,

which sighed

after

new

revelations
excite-

low between
religion.

the esoteric and the exoteric

from heaven, and

after

some new

This mixture of religion and ment of the

spiritual life, unsatisfied alike

speculation would besides necessarily be by the Hellenic mythology and by dangerous to the essentially practical dicta of philosophical systems among character of Christianity, in virtue of Greeks (Hellenes,) mingled together which all is made to turn on the acknow- these various elements of religion, and ledgment of sin, the application of the re- deavoured to put together out of them

the the
all

enthe

demption provided for man, and the sanctificalion which proceeds out of it by means of faith working by love. It appears, then, that the view of religion on which this Gnosis was founded, was the old Oriental system, to which
also the Platonic joined
itself,

fragments of a system of truth which had been lost. The comparison of different systems of religion would of course open many resemblances to their view, which

to the surprised inquirer would seem as evidences of truth ; for the religious development of human nature is a mirror the new Platonic. Jt might happen that which reflects partly, the original revelamen who were altogether devoted to some tion of a Divine Being who draws man to such Oriental theosophy would constantly him, a revelation which has been varifind themselves attracted on one side or ously propagatad by tradition, either more partly, the needs, dethe other by Christianity, which is calcu- or less corrupted

as well as

lated to lay hold

on human nature from

sires,

and wishes that

arise
;

missionary, Martyn, with the Persian gelical Siiphi, in the very instructive biography of that j>er6on, will give proofs of this assertion.

gious eclecticism.* Accordingly, in the Gnostic systems the elements of the old Oriental systems of religion, (especially the Persian, but certainly the East Indian also,) of Jewish theology, and of Platonic philosophy, may be found melted down together, and a more extensive acquaintance with the different religious systems of the interior of Asia might, perhaps, give us a great many * The English Missionary reports from the East new disclosures as to the connection beIndies, ami the conversations of that genuine evantween these systems ; but then at the
;

so many different sides, while yet they might be unable to conquer themselves so far as to sacrifice their former habits of thought entirely to Christianity and hence they endeavoured to form for themselves a theosophistical Christianity of tlieir own, and a theosophic Christ of their own, after their own manner. And thus also, if the Gospel were now to make its way powerfully among the Persians, the Brahmins, and the Hindoos, it is most probable that similar phenomena would the real and genuine take place again Christians would be accompanied by converts who would endeavour lo amalgamate Su|)hism, Buddhism, and Brahminism with Christianity ; and in fact we find traces of such an attempt here and there even now.*
,

gious nature of

man

from the reliand partly also,

that speculative reason

up

in all religious

which mixes itself contemplations, which

has its own fundamental principles that constantly recur under different forms,

and which
vain to
limits of
it.

is forever wearying itself in pass over that line, Avhich the

human knowledge draw around At Alexandria, and in different parts even Jewish theologians were of Asia, unconsciously carried away by this reli-

See the Introduction,

p. 38.


ANTICHRISTIAN GNOSIS.
same time we must
selves
that

241
faith that

carefully guard ourj

tion,

and a

would

set limits to

agcinst immediately concluding speciilation, would have opposed Chrisan outward communication has at tianity in general, had it been carried some tune or other taken place solely to extremes, and had it been clearly from finding an agreement which may aware of its own principles and, indeed, ^ise from an inward source, namely, in the traces of an tmchristian, and also of the selfsame essential dispositions of hu- an openly antichristian Gnosis are to be man nature, from which similar pheno- found, perhaps, in a certain class of the mena will result under similar circum- Ophites (see below), in the Jewish Cabbalists, and iu the Zabians, or the discistances. This Gnosis opposed Judaism as a re- ples of John. Although the Gnostic systems containtoo earthly, too narligion too carnal, row, and too little theosophical for how ed elements selected out of various old little spiritual, how cold, how little, and systems of religion, yet they can never emptv must Judaism appear to men of be entirely explained from the supposithis disposition, when they compared it tion of an intermixture and joining towith the old colossal systems of religion gether of these alone there is a soul and in Asia, although to one who knows what spirit of a peculiar kind* which anipurpose religion is to serve for man, the mates most of these collections. In the very comparison v/hich led them to de- first place, the time in which they origispise Judaism would be the first thing nated, has impressed up(5n them a wholly which would lead him to recognise its peculiar character, just as it often hapfull value for the religious development pens in times of great ferment, that cerof human nature. Those old religions, tain dispositions communicate themselves
I

'

'

''

in their enigmatic form, in

which men are

I

to a
i

whole

series of spiritual

phenomena,

inclined to look for lofty

for

wisdom

rather

than in a simple one, appeared to promise more decisions on the quesfio7is which Mere Platonexercised their inquiries. ism appeared to them too jejune* and too measured ;t it appeared to them constantly to confine itself entirely to the narrow limits of finite reason, and to have no sense and perception of higher intercourse with the spiritual world. Gnosis Avas desirous, by means of the new ideas opened to it by intercourse with the East, of obtaining higher and more recondite conclusions about the nature of things, their origin and development, than Platonism had to offer. Had this Gnosis

even without any outward connection or intercourse. Now the prevailing tonet in most serious minds of that time, was the feeling of disunion, and of being unsatisfied b)^ the existing world a longing which would overclimb the limits of the earth a desire after a new and higher order of things. This tone of feeling pervades also the Gnostic systems, and Christianity worked in an especial manner on this tone and without Christianity, the Christian Gnostic systems would have become an utterly and entirely different thing. The idea of redemption was that which formed the peculiar nature of Christianity and this idea suited that
;

been consistent in its disposition, and had it not been carried away by the mighty attracting power of that which is Divine in Christianity, it might have come in

peculiar tone of feeling prevalent

among

those systems, although it could be cmbraced by them only in a partial manner, and not in its whole extent, and all the

good earnest

consequences deducible from it. The and ideas of restoring an harmonious tone to human a nature, and as a religion that did a world in which it had been broken, of not raise itself enough into the superna- restoring a degraded creation to its original
into controversy with Christianity as a religion of too practical
tural regions. The selfsame character state, of restoring the lost connection beof mind which in the Christian Gnostjcs tween heaven and earth, of the revelation of opposed only the ecclesiastical disposi- a mighty and Divine life in man, elevated above the limits of human nature, as well Zu niichtem Germ. Perhaps it may mean as the notion of a new course of detoo sober, too temperate. Zu besonnt.n. Germ. Too ratiocinative, too velopment, which had entered irito the whole economy of the world ; these much the result of deliberative meditation. [I add the German words here that those of my

-j-

readers
their

here

[Ein eigenthiimliche.'i beseelendes Princip. who understand that language may draw own conclusions as to what Neander intends Germ. Literally, a pcciiliar animating principle.] for I am not aware of any expressions in [Grundton, key-note. The word translated
-j-

English, which are entirely synonymous with

his.

-H.J.R.]
31

is zwiespalt, which expresses consequence of a violent rent.]

disunion

division, in


242
FAITH INDEPENDENT OF SPECULATION.
were the ideas which communicated a of a material world so foreign to his new and imposing character to Gnosis al- own nature ? Whence come those wide differences of nature among men, from the together. Those theosophists busied themselves man of truly godly disposition, down to with the investigation of the great in- those who appear given up entirely to quiry, the answer to which has always blind desires, in whom no trace of the rabeen the highest problem of human spe- tional and the moral creature can be culation but in answering which human found .^* Now it was exactly here that Chrisreason must always recognise its own in;

or, if it will explain that tianity made religious faith independent of ; incomprehensible, must always speculation, and cut off" at once all that deceive itself with mere phrases, or with could lead to those speculative cosmogoThese Gnostics, nies, by which the element of pure relithe fictions of fancy. as Oriental theosophists, in whom, at least gious faith was only troubled, and the for the most part, the Oriental element confusion between the ideas of God and predominated over the Hellenic, must in nature furthered, inasmuch as it (Chrisno manner or degree whatever be com- tianity) directed the eye of the spirit bepared with the thinking people of the yond the whole extent of the visible Western world they engaged themselves world, where, in the chain of cause and far more in representations and visible effect, one thing is constantly unfolding Where itself out of another, to an Almighty work images, than in abstract ideas.* the thinking man of the west would have of creation performed by God, by which formed to himself only an abstract con- the worlds were produced, and in virtue ception, with them a living appearance, a of which the visible did not spring out of living personality stood before their souls, that which appears. Heb.xi. 3. Creation for them absolutely to look upon in reali- is received here as an incomprehensible ty. They disregarded the abstract notions fact, under the constraint of a faith, that of the mind as a lifeless sort of thing; raises itself above the position occupied every thing hypostasized itself in their by the understanding, which wishes coneyes, where nothing but abstract ideas stantly to deduce one thing from another, were presented to the thinkers of the and to explain every thing, while it deWestern world. The image, and that nies all that is immediate.f This, which which was represented by the image, is the only real point of practical imporwere so constantly joined together in tance, the doctrine of the Church endeatheir modes of thought, that they were voured to maintain in its conception of the unable to separate the one from the other. creation out of nothing; opposing itself

sufficiency

which

is

They were

manner, not as an independent original Creator, but as a being who acted on and formed pre-existing matter. Gnosis their nature. The inquiries which chiefly would not acknowledge any such limits to occupied them were these IIow is the speculation; she wished to explain and transition from infinite to finite t How represent to the mind hozo God is the can man imagine to himself the be- foundation and the source of all existence. ginning of a cieation How can he *
:
.?

far rather carried away unconsciously by the ideas that floated before their minds, or that inspirited them, from one mental picture to another,! from image to image, so that they were not in a condition to develope these ideas with any thing like a clear consciousness of

thus to the old methods ofj representation, which limits tli creation of God by supposing matter already in existence, and
represents him, after an anthropopathical

think of
* Sic

God

as

the

On
ii.

this portion

of the subject, see the 5th

original

projector Book of Beausobre's Histoire du Manichisme.

Vol.

Germ. I understand by immediate acts of the Divinity, such as [It is ilifiicult to render these words exactly. The word translated understanding, is creation. Anschauung, (hituitio) looking upon, in its ori- verstand, and we must Iiear in mind the distincginal sense, means the representation or image of tion usually made in Germany between verstand an object conveyed to the mind by the sight ; and and vernunft, the understanding and the reasmi. it is used also secondarily of the notices conveyed See Coleridge's Aids to Spiritual Development. by other senses. It is here used oijinixihle repre- H. J. R.] sentations or images, as opposed to Begriffcn or Germ. I suppose this t [Anschauungsweise. For some further remarks on word to mean a habit of considering these subjects, abstract ideas. H.J. R.] these words, see the Preface. where all the operations of the Divinity are preI [PVom anschauung to anschauung. See sented to the view of the mind in a palpable form last note.] or image. See Preface. H. J. R.]
viel

bewcgtcn sich

mchr

in

gen und Bifdcrn,

als in Begrlffcn.

Germ.

Anschauun-

especially p. 205, [Alles unmittelhare.

&c. H.

J.

R.]

this all

SYSTEM OF jENOS
As
it

ORIGIN

OF EVIL.

243

dicated
Philo.

misunderstood the negative import Divine powers, therefore, unfolding themof the creation out of nothing, it opposed selves into substantiality, are the seeds to it the old principle, " out of nothing- and elements of all other developments of comes nothing." Instead of this it pre- life. The life contained in them developes sented to its imagination the idea of an and individualizes itself constantly more outflowing of all Being, from tlie highest and more, and in such a manner also, that Being of the Divinity. This idea of an the degrees of this development of life emanation would allow itself to be con- constantly go lower down, and the spirits ceived under a variety of images under constantly become w'eaker, the more disthe form, for instance, of a numerical de- tant these developments are from the first velopment from an original unity of an link of the chain. We must remark that outslreaming of light from an original a Gnosis which, in its endeavour to exlight; of an unfolding of spiritual powers plain the incomprehensible, was forever or ideas, which obtained substantiality, falling into anthropopathism, has here unand of an utterance of a series of syllables consciously attributed the relations of and sounds, till they were re-echoed. time to the Eternal. The idea of such an emanation corresGranting now that the existence of a ponds to a feeling deeply rooted in the pure spiritual world, akin to God, was human mind, and found in it something fairly to be explained, men could repreto fasten itself upon but at the same sent to themselves the development of time, it gave occasion to manj'^ specula- diflferent degrees of perfection but how tions by which men might easily be led was it possible to explain the origin of away forever, farther from that which is the material world* by means of an emaof practical importance for religious belief, nation' from God ? and how the origin of and indeed, might lose it altogether. evil f Even in respect to tlie latter, a proIn this mode of representation God ap- blem on which speculation has made shippeared as the incomprehensible original wreck so often, to the prejudice of God's source of all perfection,* and shut up holiness, and the freedom of man, a being within himself; and no means of transi- gifted with reason, and destined for motion between this incomprehensible Being rality even in regard to this point. Gnosis of God, and finite existence could be im- would not allow any limits to be put to agined. Self-limitation^ a letting dovm^ speculation. If God gave freewill to man. is the first beginning of a communication and if this freewill is the cause of evil, then life on the part of God, the first re- the origin of evil, said the Gnostics, falls of vealing of the hidden God, from which back on God himself. They would not every other revelation of God, which un- hear of a difference between a permission, folds itself further, proceeds.! Now from and an actual originating cause, on the forth of this first member of the chain of part of God.J Now whosoever does not life there develope themselves, first, the follow the necessities of his moral nature, manifold powers or attributes, which and tlie law inscribed upon his inmost dwell in the very Being of God, which, conscience, and with immovable certainty up to that first time of his letting himself of faitii, and with the assurance of inward down had been shut up in the abyss of moral experience, firmly hold, that evil his Being, every one of which represents can be founded in nothing else, and be the whole Divine existence, in some one explained from nothing else, but can only particular point of view, and to which, in be comprehended as the act of a wilfulthis point of view, the names that belong ness^ that falls away from God\s hohj law^ These and a self-seeking ichic/i opposes itself to to the Deity were transferred.* the will of God^ he must necessarily The unfathomable BoSse, according to Valen- either prejudice the holiness of God, and tinus, the Being raised above all description, of take away the objective importance of whom nothing can be suitably (cigentlich) pre- the opposition between good and evil, and
:

See pages 33, 34.

the

(Sjc.tTor./u:t!rTcc

of Biisilidas, the iy of
the
Trpocrov

therefore, utterly
:

remove

in its

foundations

KrnMTTTov t:i/ Qi.u hvpostaticaJly embodied (hypostasirt. hypostasizcd) in av;yc or Acyict Hence conies the difference in the use of the word 'xlotiv among the Gnostics ; accor<l ng to its etymological meaning, namely, eternity, it sometimes denotes the eternal, a.s a distinctive predicate ot" the Supreme Being; sometimes it denotes those Divine original energies, and sometimes the
Trectm *Tax>J,/c tixn-.v

\ A

whole world of emanations, TrKMoijux, in opposition to the temporal world, ft occurs in the
latter sense in Pleracleon ap. Origen. 7, xiii. in Joh.c. 11. f [Sinnl'che, that which is the object of the

senses.

The

external, or material world.]

To fjix KcuKuov xTiov io-Ttv wiis thcir usual motto in opposing the church doctrine.

244
the idea

EMANATIONS

ALEXANDRIAN GNOSIS.
;

and this perfect than the preceeding again is represented under various iiT^yj forms as the Darkness that stands by the as Emptiness (xsca^/z-a, side of the Light y.evov) in opposition to the Fulness of the Life of God as the Shade that stands and as Chaos and tlie dation of that evil beyond God, by which beside the Light This matter of italso, in fact, he fundamentally removes dark stagnant water. the idea of evil in a moral point of view, self being lifeless, has by its nature no impulse every kind of life is foreign to it from without, and because he deduces makes of it an independent nature, which it, and of itself it makes no attack on the operates necessarily, by which means he Divine being but inasmuch as the Divine involves himself at the same time in a developments of life, (the beings that contradiction with himself, through the proceed from the preceding emanation,) idea of an independent being besides God, the farther they are removed from their of a God who is not God, who is not good. first member, become always weaker and The Gnostics, avoiding the first rock, weaker, because their connection with that first member is always less close, made shipwreck on the second. They united a Dualism with their sys- there arises in the last grade of tlie devetem of emanations, and endeavoured to lopment an imperfect work, which cannot explain the origin of tliis whole earthly maintain itself in connection with tlie world, in which good and evil are mingled divine chain of life, which sinks from out together, and which does not answer to of the world of ^ons into that Chaos, or which is the same representation the ideal of the spirit, from the intermix- else something ture of two opposite principles and their a little diilerently modified and this endeavour to froths over out of the fulness of the Dimutual operations explain, opened a wide space to their vine life into the neighbouring chaos.* Lifeless matter now receives, by means speculation and their formation of fantastic theories. There now developed them- of its intermixture with the Living Being, selves here two modes of viewing these that of which it was in want, a quickenmatters,* which, however, in those days, ing ^l but then the Divine Being, the Living of religious and philosophic eclecticisms Being, is also injured by means of its inBeing muldid not always come into sharp opposition, termixture with the chaotic. but came into connection with each other tiplies itself; a subordinate, deficient life by the amalgamation of various interme- arises ground is taken for a new world, diate members, while tlie same idea, in and a creation forms itself beyond the but, as fact, forms the foundation of both these bounds of the emanation-world modes of view, only that it was conceived the chaotic principle of matter on the in the one case after a more speculative other hand, has obtained a spirit of life, a fashion, in the other after a more mythical. clear, active opposition to the Divine nature In the one mode of conception the element now comes forward, a blind, undivine of Grecian speculation more prevails, in natural power, of an entirely negative the other the element of Oriental imagery character, which opposes itself hostilcly [anschauung,] and hence these two modes to all formation through the Divine Being of vieAv make the difference between an and thence come as the works of the Satan, Alexandrian Gnosis and a Syrian Gnosis, spirit of the trA) (the wnK/.ia vMy.ov) (the latter being determined particularly evil spirits, and wicked men, in all of by the Influence of Parsisnij) as far as we whom no reasonable, no moral principle, can oppose, in abstracts, these two kinds no principle of freewill prevails, but only of Gnosis to each other, without regard to blind desires. As Dualism carries in itself the intermixture of them together, which a self-contradiction, it cannot maintain its we find in the phenomena of those times. ground with any clear speculative thinker, In the first the Platonic notion of an vXri who is conscious of the course of his prevails ; this is dead and lifeless matter; reasoning. The more Gnosis inclined the boundary of which from without, to this side, and became clearly conscious limits the development of life, that proceeds by regular gradations, in virtue of * According to the representations (anschauwhich imperfect beings develope them- ungsweise) of the Ophites, and of Bardesanes. of the perfect, each more imselves out [Eine Beseeking Germ. Literally a quick-

of moral good and evil, considered in themselves, because he throws back the origination of the latter upon God, or else he must prejudice the omnipotence of God, because he establishes an absolute evil, and an independent foun-

t,

-j-

ening, an animation, the infusion of a soul of

life,

[Anschauungsweise.]

H.

J. R.1

RELATION BETWEEN THE ALEXANDRIAN AND SYRIAN GNOSIS.

to itself of this disposition,

245
were

which

to say

Even among

the Platonists there

the triitli rarely happened, because of the some, who supposed that from the very prevalence of oriental imagination over beginning, together with an unorganic, occidental abstract comprehension, in all dead matter, as the materials for the bodily Gnostic systems, the more must if have 20orld^ there existed also a blind, unendeavoured to lead back, this Dualism to a bridled, moving power, an undivine soul, higher unity. It then declared expressly as the originally-moving and active prinwhat the Cabbala and the Neo-Platonism ciple. Thus, while that unorganic matter taught, that Matter is nothing else than was organized into the bodily world by the necessary limit* bettveen existence^ the formative power of the Deity, that which can be conceived as any thing hav- formative power communicated also law ing an independent existence, only by the and reason to that wild, tumultuous,- and power of abstraction :t it is the opposi- reason-opposing soul. Thus the chaos tion to being, which arises as a necessary of the vK-n was formed into an organized limit on every development of life from out body of the world, and that blind power of the Deity .J In such a manner Dualism into a reasonable principle of the soul of

contrary to reason comes from all that is impelled by desire course for the Gnostic sects, especially and passion all evil spirits are its prothose which were formed in Syria, to ap- ductions. One sees easily how the idea propriate to themselves. This mode of of this -^fv^fi u.\uyo<;, floating over the view supposed an active, wildly-raging chaos, might fall in with the idea of a dominion of evil or darkness, which Satan, who originally presided over the by means of its attack on the empire of kingdom of darkness.* light, introduced a mixture of light and \\\ the system of the Zabians or disdarkness, of the divine and that which ciples of John, Avhich is undoubtedly opposes it. Different as these two modes connected in its origin with the Syrian of conception may appear in their way of Gnosis, although there appears an inderepresentation, yet the selfsame funda- pendent kingdom of darkness with its mental idea may be recognised in them. own peculiar powers, yet this has no inWhen the latter mode of view takes fluence on the higher kingdom of light-t a somewhat more speculative turn, it It was the thought of one of the genii of passes into the first, of which we shall find the kingdom of light, to tear himself loose traces in the views of Manicheeism, which from the source which every thing ought bears upon it far more than all Gnostic sys- to glorify, and to form an independent tems the mark of Parsism (see below;) and world that should exist for itself it where the first mode of view takes a more
all that is

might finally resolve itself into Pantheism. The other mode of viewing these matters engrafted itself more upon the Parsic doctrine of an Ahriinan and his

the world,
in

Thus, while

human
:

that animates the universe. all reasonable spiritual life nature descends from this last,

kingdom, which

it

would be an obvious the other

poetical character, and endeavours to picture itself

upon

the imagination,
last.

it

passes

especially
:

* See Plutarch de AnimaeProcreat. e Timseo. c. 9. Opera Ed. Hutlen. t. xiii. p. 29G.

over involuntarily into the

It

f This sect of Zabians, (^x.^Tiariu, from

Nazarenes,

VHV')

Mandaeans,
fx^fiiiraj

(according

to

iSorherg,

was thus

also called the exterior rind of

|

from y"1*5

or yvuivTMu,) clearly derives its

existence,

Hflvpycfloc

f By means of a
Neo-Platonists.

hoyo; according to the

t Thus the Gnostics in Irenaeus, (ii. 4,) expressly defend themselves against the reproach of

DuaUsm.

'

Contincre omnia Patrem

omnium

ct

extra Pieroma esse nihil et id quod extra et quod intus, dicere eos secundum agnitionem et ignorantiam, sed non secundum localem distiintiam." The

lower creation was contained in the Pieroma veluti

in tunica maculam.

John the Baptist, who, contrary to his spirit and feeling, after his martyrdom took up an hostile disposition towards Christianity. Traces of such persons are to be found in the Clementine, and the Kccognitiones Clementis, and perhaps, also in the in/Aip'.&j.rTiTTui of Hegesippus. See F. Walcli. de yuhiK'jKJt Sabseis comment. Soc. Keg. Gott. t. iv.. Part. Philolog. From these a sect afterwards formal itself, whose system being formed out of the elements
of older Oriental theosophy, is of great importance for the history of Gnosticism. critical on their most important religious book,

origin from those disciples of

example, where Plotinus paints matter as seized with a longing after light or the soul, and speaks of it as darkening the light, while it endeavours to embrace it, Plotin. Enneas I.
for
lib. viii., c.

Thus,

treatise

the Liber
object.

Adami, would contribute much to this See the critique of that work by Gesc-

14.

'rA*i Traif.urx

7rg',<ra<T, text

iUv

m-

nius, in

1817, No.
TO IKubty
<fft)C iff-JtOTOOfl't

T>l /M^ti-

it

in the

the Literatur Zeitung of Jena. Jena. 4851, and (Klcukcr'sl) critique on Anzeigen of Gottiniren.

X 2

246
was

INTERMIXTURE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN AND SYRIAN GNOSIS.

tions,

thought that first became the cause of a mixture between the two kingdoms, the first foundation of this visible world, built upon an earth won from the kingdom of darkness; i. e. from chaos, which world the powers of darkness at
this

and the

strictest asceticism, the chief

object of morality.

As, on the contrary,

the Alexandrian Gnosis considered matter

as unorganized materials for formation, and

once endeavour to seize upon or to destroy, because they will not suffer any strange rule in their domain. Now, while this genius, Matur^ who formed the third stage in the development of life, was looking into the dark water of chaos, there arose out of his reflection in it an imperfect genius, formed from a mixture of this form of light with the being of darkness, and to be ennobled by degrees hereafter, namely, Fctahil^ the former of the world, from whose imperfection all the defects of this world are derived.* In the system of the Syrian Bardesanes also, matter appears as the mother of Satan.f This sufliciently shows how the modes of view of the Syrian and the Alexandrian Gnosis pass into each other on this side. It may, indeed, very fairly be asked, whether one is justified in speaking of a Gnosis as originally Alexandrian, or whether Syria be not the birthplace of all Gnosis, whence it was only transplanted to Alexandria, and received a peculiar stamp at this latter -place in consequence of the Platonizing, Hellenizing
disposition,

the Divine Being as i\\e formative principle^ one would think that it would rerecognise no such negative system of morality, but would establish a more active formation and improvement of the world, by the power of the Divine principle as the foundation of the moral system. This supposition might, perhaps, appear still more probable on a comparison of many Alexandrian and Syrian systems. And yet on a more accurate investigation, it appears that such a difference in the practical influence of these

two sys-

tems is by no means necessary. Even a system, in which the Parsic Dualism prevailed to the utmost extent, might recognise in the whole universe a higher life, which was only bound prisoner in the bonds of matter, and might recommend co-operation towards the freeing of that life, by victory over the empire of darkness, by means of a practical forming and improving hifluence over nature. And so, in fact, Parsism commanded an outward activity, because it represented all formative influence upon the outward world,
especially agriculture, as a struggle against
the destroying

and order-opposing power and as an activity which Alexandria, such a Gnosis would pro- was employed in the service of Ormuzd. bably find much to engraft itself upon in And therefore, the dualistic Manicheeism certain Jewish idealistic philosophy of furthered a great reverence towards nareligion, already in existence there but ture, and by no means an enthusiastic in this the platonic and occidental element, and ascetic contempt of it; although on which keeps itself more on the pure ideal- another ground this system led to a strict istic point of view, and does not imme- asceticism and certainly it cannot be diately hypostasize ideas, and make repre- denied, that the prevailing feeling of sentations of them, was two predominant Oriental notions, as we may even now to sufler the peculiar character of Gnosis see from the people of the East, in general to proceed forth from it, without the in- shone forth in highly prizing an ascetic fluence of the pure Orientalism from Syria. and contemplative disposition, which eleOne might imagine that this double vated itself above the ordinary earthly life. mode of view would have produced a But this disposition had also spread itself peculiar distinction in the practical spirit already in the district, where a Grecian of these two systems. As the Syrian spirit prevailed, and had found reception mode of view supposed an active empire particularly in Alexandria.* The pure of evil, which was destroyed with the Platonic doctrine of gross matter, as empire of matter, one might be led to being the source of blind desires, and of imagine that it made the avoidance of this the guilt contracted by the soul in a former abominable matter and its hostile produc- life, might become a point for a strict asas in fact it ceticism to fix itself upon

which prevailed

there

.'

In

of Ahriman,

Lichtnatur, Being of light. Germ. is entirely to be compared with the ophiomorphos of the ophitish system, (see below,) although in the ophitish system this appears of a lower kind ; and the ophitish system, in

did to

I This idea

many The most

Platonists.
essential difference

between
reli-

the difl^erent Gnostic systems, the influ-

ence of which was very great on the

See the introduction.

its

speculative notions,

is

yet akin to the Alexan-

drian system of ValenUnus in

many

respects.


; :

THE DEMIURGOS.
and spiritual character of these sects, concerns their diflbrent view of the relation of the temporal, earthly system of the world, to that higher and invisible
gious
the

24*; this

Supreme God on
;

lower stage of

existence he does not act independently, but only according to the ideas given to him by the Supreme God, as the worldone, of the relation of Christianity to the forming soul of the Platonists creates every thing after the ideas imparted to M'hole development of human nature, (whether they supposed a* gradual deve- him by the supreme ov? :* but these ideas lopment of the theocracy, as an organi- are elevated above his own limited being; cally-connected whole or whether they he is unable to understand them ; he is made Christianity out to be a fragment only their unconscious instrument, and is, wliicli appeared all on a sudden, without therefore, unable himself to understand previous preparation,) and of the relation the meaning of the whole work wrought as an instrument guided by a of Christianity to Judaism. All these by him considerations are closely connected to- higher inspiration, he reveals what is above his own comprehension. Here, gether. All Gnostics agree in this, that they therefore, they grafted themselves on the
;
:

suppose, as

we have above remarked,

is

of an angel that served him as the organ of his will ; and that the Mosaic legisabove that creation which was produced lation was derived from such an angel. And they considered the Demiurgos as from without by means of the formative power of God, and was limited by matter the representative of the Supreme God previously existing ; and they agreed in in this respect also; just as the rest of this also, that they did not allow the the nations of the world were partitioned Father of that higher emanation-world to among the other angels, as tlieir guides, be the immediate Former of this lower so the Jewish people, as the peculiar peo-

a pure development of life out of God ; a creation, wliicli is nothing but a pure unfolding of the Divine Being,* as being elevated far
in

world

which there

current ideas of the Jews, in supposing that the Supreme God had revealed himself to their ancestors

through the medium

creation

but

they brought

down
its

the
far

ple of Jehovah, that

is,

the

Supreme God,

Former of
below

the world, (the

Srifji.iov^yo<;,)

were committed
urgos, as
his

to the care of the

Demi-

that higher

system and

Father,

representative.f
in

because he (the ^-yifitotrgyo?) was connected with the universe, which was formed and governed by him. But the ditierence among them was this namely, that though they agreed as to the existence of this inferiority, they were at
;

revealed

here

the

also establishment of
in

He

their religion, as well as

the creation

of the Avorld, those higher ideas which he himself could not understand in their Neander

Das

ideal

variance as to the mode of it. One party, setting out from views which had already

dem

tvcrdenden,

zeitlichen

der gottlichen vernunft in darzustellen strebt.

long

antlrian

God had produced, and

been prevalent among the AlexJews, supposed that the Supreme still governed this world, by means of the angels, who were his ministering spirits. At the head of these angels stood one, who guided and ruled every thing, and on that account was especially called the Former and the

Governor of the world. tliis Demiurgos with the

They compared

spirit that formed and animated the world, after the system ing in opposition to an unorigiaated Being, (eterof Plato and the Platonists, which also nal generation,) was somewhat refined, was (according to the Timajus of Plato, en- .somewhat incomprehensible nay, it appeared deavoured to form the image of the even contradictory to Arius, who had but little of Divine reason in that which belonged to the speculative or intuitive, Scc. Neander," &c. time, in that which was " Becoming to H. J. K.]
;

have no word that answers to wtrdetidcn, which expresses the bei^inniiig of existence, the becoming, not the actually being. H. J. R.] [Since the above note was written a friend lent me " Bockshammer on the Freedom of the Will translated by A. Kaufman, of Andover, 1835:" in which the word becoming' is used substan" Yet this connecting love, tively, e. g. p. 75 according to the representation of the above named treatise, is rather an originated becoining, man, an original being :" and a note referring to Neander is added by the translator, to this effect " The idea of a secondary Being, without beginning, anfangslosen werdens, an originated becom-

We

'

be. "I

This angel

*
is

a representative of

I'he
6s'/f

or the

{3-T/ (faisv (in opposition to the ywimv, yohTi; of Plato,) the Trxfijyix% of the

f [As Neander has only

the Timseus,
translation

referred generally to

Divine reason hypostasized. \ According to the Alexandrian version of Deuteron. xxxii. 8. 9, sti Jiifju^i^tv o i/4<'T'C eSv*,

have taken this phrase from the I by Taylor. I add the original of

248
true meaning.

THE DEMIURGOS.
The
old Testament, like
creation,

the

whole

was the veiled symbol

itself

of a higher system. But in the Jewish people

cated by the Demiurgos by rewards and punishments, and the means of terror; but these latter required no such means they of discipline; they raised themselves up

complete distinction, after the Alexandrian fashion, between the great multitude, which is only a representative type of the people of God (the Israelites according to the flesh, the 'lo-^arjX tV9)Tof, xa,Tct 0-a^xa,) and the small number of those wlio l3ecome really conscious to themselves of the destination of the people of God. (The souls of this number are
a

made

by the force of their spirit to the Supreme God, who is a source of blessing only to
those M'ho ace capable of communion with him, and they love him for his own
sake.*

Now, when

these Jewish theosopliists

the spiritual
crated to
ioc, the
sition
latter

men

of Philo, the 'la-^unX

the generation consereally lived in the
toi'

weviJi.cx,rtKO(;, to-nto;,

God which
'TniivfA.otTtxoi^

contemplation of God, the uvm^ o^uv

yvuffTtKot,

in

oppo-

to

tlie

-^v^tKoi or m-iariKoi.)
'^''^

The
fleshly

(the

thoughts

4'^X^'^^') kept fast to that

;

their

which was out-

Avard only

they did not observe that this was merely a symbol, and therefore, they did not recognise the intention of that

symbol.*

Those sensuous-minded men

did not recognise the angel through

whom
Demi-

of Alexandria had embraced Christianity, and interwoven their former notions with it, they saw the spirit of the Old Testament entirely unveiled in Christianity, and the highest ideas of the whole creation brought clearly before the light; and now for the first time the object of the whole creation, and of the whole development of human nature became clear. As far as the highest ^on,! who appeared in the person of Christ, was elevated above the angels and the Demiurgos, so far is Christianity elevated above Judaism and the whole earthly creation. The Demiurgos himself now recognises a revelation which entered into his kingdom, and from henceforth serves
as its instrument, conscious that he was only an instrument.^ The other party of the Gnostics consisted especially of persons who had not been attached to the Mosaic religion before their conversion to Christianity, but had formed to themselves in former times an Oriental Gnosis opposed to Judaism as well as to all national religions, a kind of system of which we find some traces in
it

revealed himself in all the appearances of God (the Theophanies) in the

God

Old Testament,

that

is

to say, the to the

hidden Supreme God, who never reveals himself the world of sense they confused in form and prototype, symbol and idea.| They did not elevate themselves above the Demiurgos, but considered him as the
iirgos, in his just relation
;

Supreme God himself. Those spiritual men, on the contrary, have clearly recog- the books of the Zabians, and which is nised the ideas which were wrapped up in constantly found in the East among the
Judaism, or at least have a presentiment of them ; they havg raised themselves up beyond the Demiurgos to recognise the Supreme God, and thence they become peculiarly his true worshippers {di^a-n-ivTlie religion of the former class rai.) was solely founded on a faith which they took upon autliority, while these latter lived in the contemplation of Divine things. The former required to be edu*

They did not, Persians and the Hindoos. like the former, consider the Demiurgos and his angels merely as subordinate and limited beings, but as beings entirely
hostile to the

Supreme God.

The Demi-

urgos and his angels wished to establish themselves in their limited condition as independent beings and would suffer no foreign sovereignty in their dominion. Whatever of a higher nature comes down into their sphere they endeavour to keep

Thus

a moderate Gnostic,

who had

not
* See page 33, et seqq. on the twofold views mentioned by Philo.
j"

Gnosticism formed by the mixture of Alexandrian idealism with Syrian theosophy, determines (in the letter ascribed to Barnabas,) that the .lews had entirely misunderstood the whole ceremonial law, by ol)scrvinK it outwardly, instead of seeing in it only an allegorical representation of general religious and moral truths. It was Gnosis, which first opened this true sense of it. represented j [The form, and the original form by it; the symbol, and the idea symbolized. The
rcaclioJ that refined

Net/; or xoj/oc.

We

see easily

how

the passages of the

X'-j-cf

New
rUu

these Gnostics might use Testament where the

German
urbild,

is, i^ie

is compared with the iyyiKm, (see e. g. Heb. ii. and Ephes. iii. 10,) in order to form their artificial superstructure of doctrines, by means of tlieir fanciful and idle speculation, on the foundation of a verwechselteii auch hier bild und Jew, hints only thrown out, en passant, by the

x^xjiSac

it*-

Tcu

Acycc xa^6ac

St

symbol und

idee.]

apostle.


DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE GNOSTIC SYSTEMS.
imprisoned there, that it may never be able to raise itself above their narrow limits. In this system it is probable that the empire of the world-forming angels coincided for the most part with that of the deceiving spirits of the stars, which are hostile to man's freedom and exercise a tyrannic sway over the afi'airs of this world.* The bemiurgos (according to this system,) is a limited and limiting being, proud, envious, and revengeful, and
this

249

whelm. He can be acknowledged and honoured in the highest degree only in the mysteries, by the few who are spiritual
1
\

'

his

character declares itself in the

Old Testament which is derived from him. As tliese Gnostics were unable, from want of the requisite exegetic and hermeneutic knowledge, as well as of the proj

per pffidagogo-historicalt point of view, to understand the Old Testament, which was so opposite to their system, and were
yet, nevertheless,

accustomed

to give their
:

and now (according to thein,) this has let himself down all at once, without previous preparation, to this system of the world by means of his highest JEon^ in order to draw up to himself the higher spiritual natures akin to himself which are imprisoned Uiere. Christianity can lind no point in all creation to attach itself upon, except in some mysteries and philosophical schools, in which a higher kind of wisdom is propagated as their common doctrine. This difference between the Gnostic systems was of the greatest importance in a theoretical and practical point of view. As the Gnostics of the first class recognised in the Demiurgos the instrument of

men God

judgment upon every thing, they attributed all die errors which arose from a gross and sensuous anthropopathical view of the Old Testament among the common sort of Jews, to the Old Teslameni itself.

the

Supreme God and

his representative,

But, according to their view, the error of the Jews consisted solely in this, that* they considered the Demiurgos who reveals himself such as he is, in the Old Testament, to be the Supreme God, who
differs

nature according to the ideas of the Supreme God, and conducted the development of the kingdom of God, in history, they might, in accordance w^ith their principles, search for the revelation

who formed

of the Divinity in nature and in history; they needed not of necessity to be entangled in an unchristian hatred of the
2corld.

They might acknowledge

Uiat

from him

infinitely.

The Demi-

urgos is (according to them,) really such a being as that which the Jews represented to tliemselves under the notion of the SuThese Gnostics believed preme God. that they recognised the form of that in fact we find was the case with many hateful Demiurgos in the Old Testament, of this class, although the practically inand also in nature, which they judged jurious disposition of deducing evil only with the same dogmatical human rashness. from the existence of objects of sense, The Supreme God, the God of holiness must easily have arisen from their notion and love, who stands in no connection of the vXn and aUhough their overprizing with the world of sense, has not revealed of a contemplative Gnosis must have been himself in this earthly creation by any in danger of becoming prejudicial to the thing, except by some Divine seeds of spirit of active love. life which are scattered abroad in human On the contrary, the other sort of nature, and whose unfolding the Demi- Gnosis, which considered the Creator of urgos endeavours to stop and to over- the world as a being entirely at enmity with the Supreme God and his system, * Thus the seven star spirits, and the twelve would naturally produce a wild, dark star spirits of the zodiac, which were produced liy hatred of the world, entirely at variance the evil connection between the deceived Fetahil with the spirit of Christianity. This exwith the spirit of darkness, in the Zaliian system, hibited itself outwardly in two ways; it It is play an important part in all that is evil. either showed itself with nobler and more from their deceitful artifices that Judaism and Christianity, which are so hateful to the Zabians, rational men in an extravagantly strict asceticism, and an anxious avoiding of all are produced. suppose Neander here considers the Jew- intercourse with the world, on which, I [I
;
I j

might be revealed under earthly relations, and that every thing earthly might by this means become ennobled. They might, therefore, be very moderate in an ascetic point of view, as
the

Divinity

ish history

a-s afTording an instructive lesson to man, as containing the Divine mode of education

however

the Christian

is

bound

to exert

nature; but as I am not certain that this is his view, I have only put the German compound word into literal English; {iridagogischfor

human

a forming iiiduence, and then, at

all

events,

geschicbtliche gesichtspuncht.

H.

J.

K.]

morality would be a thing merely of a negative kind; nothing, in short, but a way of purification as a preparation for

23


250

DIFFERENT VIEWS OF MARRIAGE.

or else it showed itself laws of this world, and all morals, for contemplation, in men of an impure nature, and inclined there is nothing good to be found in this to wild fancies, and in men of ungoverned abominable world."*
j
i j

of individual moral relathis whole tions. The Gnostics of the latter class set out from this principle, limited ungodly either prescribed celibacy and abhorred world is the work of a spirit, it is utterly incapable of all revela- marriage, as something unclean and protion of the Divinity, and we higher natures, fane, or else, according to the principle who belong to a far higher world, are im- that every thing relating to the senses is this conclusion would entirely indifferent, and that people here prisoned in it,' immediately follow; 'Every thing out- must only defy the Demiurgos by conward is utterly and entirely indifferent to tempt of his limiting laws they justified the inward man; nothing of an higher the indulgence of every desire. Those of nature can here be expressed, and the the former class, on the contrary, honoured outward man may give himself up to marriage as an holy state, by which the every kind of lust, provided the inward natural state of man was to be ennobled. man be not thereby disturbed in the tran- And the Valentinian Gnosis, in fact, as it

passions, in a licentious contem'pt for all Wiien once these Gnostics jiioral laws.

This

diflj3rence

is

also

shown

in

the

consideration

'

very universally considered the lower world as a symbol and mirror of the higher, and as tempt and our defiance of this wretched it sought for the revelation of the highest and hostile world, is by not suffering our- law of that higher system in the different selves to be affected by it in any condition stages of existence in manifold degrees, whatever. The means by which we must so also it recognised, in the marriage" conextinguish the empire of our senses, is by nection, the image of a higher connection, remaining undisturbed in our tranquillity which runs through all stages of existence, of spirit, while we give ourselves up to from the very highest link of the whole every kind of desire. " We must struggle chain. (See below.) Besides, the influence against our lusts by the indulgence of of the originally Jetoish yiotions, which them," said these freethinkers; " for there were inclined to prize the marriage conquillity of his contemplation.

The

means by which we must prove our con-

nothing great in abstaining from pleait; but it if w^e have never tried argues greatness when a man finds himself in the midst of pleasure, and yet is not overcome by it."* The heathen philosopher Plotinus makes a very striking
is

dition highly,

is

also

shown

here.

sure,

remark against these men, which all, who view the matter even from the ground of recognise as true, Christianity, must namely, that while they venture with more boldness than Epicurus, who denied any overruling Providence of this world, to throw out the same accusations that he (lid, they must necessarily bring men to which tlte same result^ in regard to morals result would be this: "That nothing is
;

The difference between these two classes of Gnosis is still farther brought prominently forward in their different mode of Jill considering the person of Christ. Gjwstics, however, in a certain respect agree in this, that, as they separated the God of heaven and the God of nature

from each other, and as they, therefore, severed also the invisible and the visible system, the Divine and the human, too widely from each other; so also they would not recognise the union of the Divine and the human in the person of Christ. And yet, just as we have observed a remarkable difference in regard to the left for us here, except to give ourselves first of these matters, between the two up to our desires, and to despise all tiie chief divisions of the Gnostic system, we shall also be able to remark such a dif1

* Clemens, Stromata, lib. ii. p. 411. Porphyry de Abstinentia Carnis, lib. i. 40, &c., paints the notions of these men in a manner quite accordant with that of Clemens. " It is only some little standing water," say they, "which can be defiled by receivinK into it something unclean ; not the ocean, which receives every thine;, because it knows
its

ference in regard to the latter of them. shall find here also an essential gradation in the views entertained of tlie relation between the Divine and the hu-

We

man

in Christ.

recognised the

The one manhood of

party, indeed, Christ as real,

own

greatness.

So

also

little

men may

be over-

powered by what they feed upon, but not he who is an ocean of power (j^ot/or/, ajjparently an expression jjeculiar to them, founded on a misuse of that of St. Paul in 1 Cor. viii. 9; vi. 12,) which receives all things into itself, and becomes not defiled."

and also conceded to it a certain dignity, although, as they made two Gods out of the one God of heaven and of nature, and
;

* See the excellent argument Ennead. ii. lib. ix. c. 15.

in

Plotinus,

CLASSIFICATION OF GNOSTICS.
allowed the Creator of the latter to be only the instrument of the former, they also divided the one Christ into two Christs, a higher and a lower, a heaverdy and an earthly one, in such a manner, that the latter was merely the instrument of the former; and these two they held were not
originally indissolubly
for the first time, at
1

251
fragment

C/<m//rtn(7y only an insulated

in the history

plain
|
\

it

of man ; or, as we may exmore shortly, the sects 2vhich

founded their viejcs on Judaism^ anil those which set themselves entirely at enmity against it* It is, we avow, natural
enough, that between these opposite extremes many intermediate opinions should be found, which do not, however, invalidate the correctness of the division,
it

bound
tlie

together, but

'

the former had united himself to the latter,

baptism in the
'

lowing centuries. With a ready-formed nor into the historical development Theosophic system, based on its own of human nature. The view, wliich suited fundamental principles, they went to the the fantastic disposition of the East, and Holy Scriptures, and sought to find in had long since been spread abroad among; them something to hang theirsystem upon, the Jews, namely, that a higher Spirit And this they might easily find, because might' represent itself^ to the eye of sense they were wholly unacquainted with the in a multitude of delusive forms,* which rules of grammatical and logical interpreappeared to the senses, but had no reality, tation,|and despised attention to suchmatthis notion was applied to Christ, and ters as carnal.+ for their inward intuition one whole essential part of his earthly was to open every thing. But they were existence and his personality, Avas thus punished for the pride, which, trusting to argued away the lohole of his human a certain inward light, only granted to nature was denied; the whole human j:>- higher natures of a certain class, despised pearance of Christ was made a mere do- the usual human means of knowldege. ceptice appearancey a 7ncre vision and Therefore, they were given up to every this was Docetism^ the direct contrary to kind of error which can arise from the
|

Jordan. But the other class of Gnostics, as they denied the connection of Christianity with Judaism, and with all historical development of God's kingdom among mankind, and as they made out of the God of Christ and of the Gospel a diflerent God from tliat of nature and of history, so also they rejected tlie connection of the appearance of Christ with nature and with history. Christ did not here, (according to them,) enter into nariver
ture,

is

peculiarly instructive to consider

'

mode and manner by which these Gnostics were able to come to tlie persuathe
tliat their doctrines, so foreign to the simple Gospel, could have been delivered by Clirist and the aposdes, and how they endeavoured to prove this. We find here the same phenomena, which, arising out of causes that lie in the very inmost nature of man, were often repeated in fol-

sion,

'

'

'

'

mere Ebionitism, wljich would recognise want of considering the occasion and the nothing but the human in Christ. And this connection in which any thing is said, from view might, at last, be carried so far as it the confusion hetween different meanings was among the more fanciful Basilidians ^^j^'.^'O" has this circumstance in its as exactly to despise the most holy , *

points in the

human

life

most profane manner.

of Jesus in lhe\^:^:^l'!^,!':^^^l}'l'^_^T'^_!^_}^^_V^ culiar system ofMarcion which, however,

The Gnostic systems

by means of

will also admit

f)-oiii

of a very natural division into two classes

their

most

fluential differences. . ,1 ^. sisting of those seeis o

/.
.

The
I

the connection betioeen the visible

essential and infirst class, conI'l 7 which acknowledge a common -17 ^

_ I

with the Gnostic systems only find its proper place among them. Clement of Alexandria in a certain degree confirms this division, when he calls Valentinus [!^ >^^f'^9fr.fjmrrpiT/ii^,viu<vr,y khv^txt^. (Strom. lib. VI. 641,) ^ the leader of those who mamtam
cessarily connected

one side,

can

invisible loorld,

and

the

amomr mm, and do

Christianity with

, , /.,, , ni nource of the revdati(ini)j lite Divimtu not deny the co.mection of

n-

beticeen the relation

of
\

all

earlier revelations
IS'it.v

of God.
^^lio

God

in

nature, in history,

and

in Chris-

The

^r^tj-fiiw.vTK

to

t:i/

xP"''^''-^^'^f*"-"y

and the connection between the Old and theMw Testament, as the development of one whole theocratical scheme and the second class, of those which tear asunder these connections, and ichich make
tianity,

^o"''! ""^ acknowledge any such

(^hristianity

K-Av<,T-^i between and any other revelation whatever of Divine truth, according to him, also, would be the

contrast to this class.

f Grigen

(Philocal.

c.

14,)

shows how much

strengthened in their errors the Gnostics were by their Seyvux raiv kcyuutv in their interpretation of
the Bible,
j

My readers may rememlwr the Indian and many other Indian Myths.

]\Iaja,
j

Only

fit

for the ft';^;^^.

252
of a icord* from
the

DOCTRINE OF ACCOMMODATION.
want of
distin-

guishing leticccn metaphorical and proper expressions^ and from the arbitrary application of single traits in comparison, u-ilhoui regard to that which constitutes the real points of comparison. The subjective caprice of the imaginative faculty, of the feelings, and of speculation, without an objective law, proceeding from the application of the rules of thought and language, might find whatever it chose in the Scriptures and introduce it into them. The Parables, for the simplicity and practical depth of which they had no feeling,
M'ere, therefore, peculiarly acceptable to

small circle of initiated men, who were capable of receiving such truths in virtue of their higher spiritual natures (as tthvthese truths they indicated fA.oe.riy.oi,) and only in detached images and hints, which could be understood by none but such natures. That higher wisdom they had delivered (as St. Paul says, 1 Cor. ii.6,)

only orally
orally

among the perfect, and only was it forever to be propagated in the narrow circle of the initiated. The knowledge of this secret tradition, therefore, first gives the true key of the
of
Irenajus

deeper interpretation
says,

on

the

the Scriptures, contrary,* " For

them, because an arbitrary interpretation, when they had once put the real point of comparison gut of their view, had the But contention against freest play here. the arbitrary biblical interpretation of the Gnostics had also the advantageous effect, that it made their opponents attentive to the necessity of a more accurate gramjuatical and logical interpretation of the Bible, and induced them to the establish-

the apostles,

who were

sent forth to find

the wandering,

and to give sight to those who saw not, and to heal the sick, did not address them in language suited to
their then notions, but

according to the of truth For what physician who wishes to heal the sick, would act according to the desires of the sick man, and not according to that which is proper to cure him ? ment of the first Hermeneutic Canons, yThe apostles, who are the disciples of as we may observe from various proofs the truth, are far from all lies ; for a lie in the writings of Irenajus, TertuUian, has nothing in coiiimon with the truth, any more than darkness with light. Clemens, and Origen. Our Lord, who is the truth, The bolder among the Gnostics used a
revelation
. . .

theory of interpretation likely to lead to They arbitrary principles of criticism. said, Christ and the apostles spoke according to the different conditions and views of the man to whom they spoke they took these different positions themselves. With the -i^vx^^oi those who were in the condition of a blind unintel-

lied not."

Or else they said, " From the account of the apostles itself, we cannot learn the pure doctrine of Christ, for the apostles were fettered by psychical, and Jewish
opinions; and the Pneumaticus (i. e. the man,) must separate the psychical from the pneumatical in their writOr they even ventured to sepaings." rate, in the very discourses of Christ himself what the psychical Christ spoke in him by the inspiration of the Demiwhat the Divine wisdom, still urgos, hovering between the dominion of the Demiurgos and the Pleroma, and not yet
spiritual

lectual

faith

(those

who were

by Jewish prejudices) they spoke only of a Dcmiurgos, because their limited natures could not understand any thing
higher.
the

fettered

(The Gnostics

are the fathers of

theory of an accommodation as used

in the Christian Church., in an exegetical

jjoirit

theory
as the

of view, although of itself the of an accommodation is as old

diflerence

arrived at
the

its

full
kjkj,

perfection,+

and what
out
the

highest

uttered from

between

an

esoteric

Pleroma.

and an exoteric religious system.) The If these Gnostics had been thinkers of liigher truths from the world of iEons, the same sort with the people of the and those above that world, they (i. e. western world, they would have separated Chirst and the apostles,) had (according in their composite (construirten) Christ to this view,) communicated only to a what he said under the influence of immediate inspiration, out of an intuition * As, for example, where they found the word elevating itself above all that belongs to
" world" used with blame in the New Testament, these passages served them for a proof, that this whole creation is something imperfect, and could

Contra

Jlseres.

iii.

5.

not come from the supreme and perfect (lod for it never entered into their heads, that the word " world" might be used in the New Testament in
;

f [This passage,
rest of the quotation
i

in the original, precedes the

H.

J. R.]

" Sophia," or

"Achamoth."
lib. iii. c. 2.

See below.

a diiVerent sense.

See

Irenoeus,


time

BY
PRIDE.

GNOSTICISM FAVOURED
;

253

and what he said speaking from a spirit of Christianity, as we shall see when reflection disturbed by ideas belonging to we come to consider the theological debut they wouhl only have been velopmeitt of spiritual knowledge in the time expressing the same notions in diflerent Church, awakened two different dispositions, which, uniting in this warfare, oplanguage. These Gnostics were, in part, not posed Gnosticism. That Avhich procured an entrance for thoroughly resolved to break from the rest of the Church, and to found separate Gnosticism, was a pride (founded, we communities. They were, indeed, per- confess, on one side in human nature,) suaded that the 4'f%t'<ot, as they were con- which has always especially contributed ditioned, could receive Christianity in no to further those dispositions which are not that they willing to content themselves with that other than the churchly form could arrive at no higher degree than that which is simple, but are always anxious of faith upon authority, that their faculty to have something of their own, which for the higher spiritual intuition was sets them above others, a pride whicli utterly gone, and therefore, they wished finds it very hard to let itself down so far, not to disturb these men,* whose views as simply to receive and accept^ together were more of the common ecclesiastical with the rest of mankind. Irenreus and kind, in their tranquil faith, but tliey Plotinus, two men of such thoroughly wished, after grafting themselves upon different characters, both point out to us
;

conmion Church assemblies, to found, connection with them, a kind of theosophic schools, and of Christian mysteries, into which all those in whom they believed they could observe that higher faculty, not conceded to all, might be received. They made complaints also that men would not suffer them to remain in the communion of the Church, and called them heretics, Avhereas they entirely agreed with the doctrine of the Church.| But what would have become of the Church, if this intention of theirs,J of extending themselves in the Church by this distinction of two different stages of religion, had succeeded } How deeply would it have injured the simplicity, the confidence, and the clearness, of the Christian faith, the practical spirit of Christianity, the bond of Christian communion that unites all hearts, and reason also which attains the development due to its nature in the light of Christianity, while it is conscious to itself of its natural limits,,
the
in

how

the pride of

human

nature

is flattered

by the phantasies of the Gnostics.

former says,* "

The

has given himself up to them becomes instantly puf!cd up; he believes himself to be neither in heaven nor on earth, but to have entered into the Pleroma, and carries himself most proudly." And Plotinus says, " Irrational men are at once caught by such speeches ' Thou shalt become better, as these not only than all men but than all Gods also,"
:

He who

for great is the pride of

men.

The man

who was before humble and discreet, now hears with pleasure ' Thou art a son of God,"!" but the rest, whom thou lookest

up

to with admiration, are

no sons of

God; thou
pose.'

art also higher than heaven,

without doing any thing for that pur"

On
its

that every prevailing error of

the other hand, as it usually happens any age has opposite in another error, by which it

has been called forth, and the combating of which lends it a plausible appearance

limits

which a presumptuous

intellectual

intuition pretended to pass over.

and as, for the most part, it happens that But the whenever any false tendency spreads itself abroad among one part of mankind, it has

Touc

Kt/Vii^c iiMKiKrtoLc-'riiuiii;.

\ Queruntur de nobis, quod cum similia no- prnposition is fake when it- is used, as in the biscum sentiant, sine causa abstineamus nos a notions of Plotinus it might be, to oppose Chriscommunicatione eorum, et cum eadem dicant et tianity in general, which gave us an objective eandcm habeant doctrinam, vocemus illos here- source of knoivhdfre of Divine things, elevated Iren. lib. iii. c. 1.5. ticos. above human reason, in a revelation of God, from ^ In which they themselves were conscious of which reason, as an organ (or instrument) is to no impropriety, because this sort of proceeding draw (its knowledge) under the illumination of a was founded on the entice view wliich they enter- higher Spirit.
tained of religion. The doctrine of Plotinus,
'iTTCv i^ce
it

rou v.u to Tnrm,

ro it

iyTVif

mi/v, ;!/

is

quite just, in as far as

opposes the Gnostics, who spoke of a higher origan than reason for the knowlcdi^e of the Divine
nature, that
is

* Lib. iii. c. 15. [This passage is paraphrased, but not translated, by Neander ; in fact, the first must part of it almost baffles translation. remember that part of Irenaeus has descended to

Wo

to

say, the

^rveu^wjiTutdv,

a faculty

which

resided only in certain natures.

But

this

H. J. K.] us only in a Latin translation. \ A TrvBJU'jLTiKoi:, who alone could descend immediately from the Supreme God.

254
for
its

UNSATISFIED LONGINGS.

CERINTHUS.

foundation some truth, which is misunderstood, and partially conceived, and some want of human nature, which, in itself, and of itself, is real, but has been so it happened here also. It led astray, was opposition against a gross and sensuous conception of Divine things,

and took a false and destrucbecause they would not know Christianity from its own peculiar and essential nature, because they mixed heterogeneous elements with Christianity, which is complete and sufficient in itself, because they did not regard the natural limits of among the Jews and Christians, which human knowledge, and because they were unable to perceive the limits which becalled forth Gnosticism; and it furthered its propagation the more, because Chris- long to religion, and those which belong
led astray,
tive turn,

tianity had awakened also new spiritual wants, which could fnid no satisfaction in a mere faith founded on authority, which despised every thing ideal, cast away from it all higher contemplation and intuition, and abruptly rejected all speculation, li' the Gnostics did imagine faith so mean a thing, and if they did not attain to a

to

knowledge.

Their tremendous errors

stand in history as an instructive warning

and example.
After these general reflections,

we now

knowledge of what
tianity,

it

is

in

vital

Chris-

may
by

and in the ideas of St. Paul, they have been induced to such a course
to

their opposition

men,

who

either

proceed to the individual Gnostic sects, and, according to the division which has appeared the most suitable, we shall first speak of those Gnostic sects loJiich, engrafting themselves on Judaism, supposed gradual development of the theocracy to take place in mankind, proceeding from one original foundation.
($.) Tlie individiud sects.
(1.) 77ie Gnostics,

did not in their lives manifest the true power of faith, by showing that it was an

animating principle of life, or at least did not understand how to show, in its full development, the truth, that faith is something more than a mere belief on the strength of authority, and than a mere
subjection to outward authority, that

071

whose system was engrafted Judaism.

(a.) Cerinthus.

As

the doctrine of this Gnostic

shows

it is us clearly how Gnosis formed itself out an inward, living disposition and an inward of Judaism, he forms the natural transiprinciple of life, the source of a new life tion-point from the Judaizing sects to the within. Gnostics. In the accounts which remain Many have been led to Gnosticism by to us of his opinions, we find contradicdesire after a deeper Chris- tions and difficulties which can only be an unsatisfied tian knowledge, and after a knowledge explained by taking a just view of the of the inward organic connection of the manner in which Gnosticism was deduced doctrines of Christianity.* The Gnostics from Judaism. Cerinthus, according to made the first attempt to develope the an old tradition which we have no valid Christian doctrine as a whole, and in its reason to doubt, lived at Ephesus at the individual parts, according to their interior same time with St. John. He lived in connection, and to form out of Christianity those regions, where corruptions of Chrisconnected mode of view- tianity had already in early times threata continued and ing divine and human things. The desire ened Christianity; which were, however, and endeavour after an inward connection different corruptions from those* with and an inward unity of knowledge, is not to which Christianity had to contend in its be mistaken among them although we ac- very birth, and which proceeded from a knowledge this endeavour of theirs, which Pharisaical Judaism, while these rather in one point of view was right, was sadly a^cise from a mixture of Jewish theosophy
;
j

with Christianity.

of whom and to whom the great Oriajen (who converted him from the errors of Gnosticism,) said " From want of persons who
*

As Ambrosius,

The most striking contradiction between the accounts of the doctrines of

Cerinthus
lrena!us

appears

to

lie

in

this;

that

preach the better truths, while you could not, out of your love to Jesus, bear an unreasonable and ignorant folth (at/T6c yow Trc^iaToi* Tr^itrffiw.yTm ru
>

makes him out a complete Gnos-

tic, while the Presbyter Cains of Rome, who wrote at the end of the second cen/vSJ-iV KM iJioniKy.v mtTTiy, if/* KfilTTCVCt, /MO tfl^aiV TDV tury, and Dionysius, bishop of AlexanTuv TTKc Tcv ^U^ivv ly^TTuv.) you pavc yours<'lf up third century, formerly to doctrines which afterwards, using the dria, after the middle of the understanding bestowed upon you rightly, you See Acts XX. 29. Comp. 1, and 2, Epistles knew to be erroneous, and cast away." Origen.
(

T.

V.

Joh. towards the end.

to

Timothy, and the Epistle

to the Coloasians.

CERINTHUS.
ascribe to

BAPTISM OF OUR LORD.

teach, the
that

255
iliose
;

him a gross sensual Chiliasm, Perhaps he did not whicli bears upon it the garb of the carnal angels did not know

Supreme God

might, however, but only that they had a very imperfect notions of Judaism. bring these two accounts nearer to each knowledge of God, and of the highest other, if we were at liberty to subtract a heave s, and not the perfect knowledge
little from each. It may easily have happened to Jrenaeus, that, where he found a few traits resembling Gnosticism, he made out of them a whole Gnostic system. To the Presbyter Caius, as a zealous opponent

We

which was

first

to be

communicated by
At

the revelation of the Divine Logos.

the head of these angels, Cerinthus (ac-

cording

Irena;us) a power, which was taken from among them, an(l

to

placed

lie maintained alst), according to the apparently common representation of the Jews, that the Mosaic law had been revealed by means of this angel.* While he said this, he still desired strictly to bring forward and elevate the dignity of the Mosaic law, as compared with all human systems, and all other national religions but then when compared willi the revelation of the 3Iesbesides, it was natural that Irena^us, in siah, he desired to sink this same law as whose persuasion a belief in Chiliasm low as the angels are below the highest was necessary to a perfect orthodoxy, Logos. In his doctrine as to the person should not quote such a view among the of the Messiah, he was in some respects pecidiar opinions of a Gnostic, whom he entirely inclined to cling to the usual We shall now endeavour, from Jewish notion. (See above.) The man hated. the fragments which we can gather from Jesus was (in this view) a son of Joseph the above cited reports, compared with and Mary, begotten in the natural way, the account of Epiphanius, to put together. provided with no sort of miraculous gifts, a whole. who had distinguished himself O'om the According to Irenaeus,*Cerinthus taught rest of the Jews only by a superior dethat the w'orld was created by a powerf gree of obedience to the lawf and wisdom. quite subordinate to the highest God, By these qualities he made himself worthy which did not even so much as know this of being chosenj from among all mankind God who was elevated above every thing. as the Messiah. He himself knew nothing According to Epiphanius,^ he held that of this destination appointed for him this the world was created by angels. The was first revealed to him in his baptism by Jewish element, which is the foundation John, at the time destined to his consecraof all this, is here easily recognised; he tion for the office of Messiah, and at the thought that the God, who was elevated same time he was furnished with thepov/ers above all contact with material things, necessary to him for the fulfilment of this and vvho came not forth from the hidden destination. That Supreme Logos or recesses of his incomprehensible nature, Spirit of God appeared and descended had created this world by means of min- from the heavens which opened above istering angels. He supposed, in accord- Jesus, in the radiant form of a dove, and ance with the Jewish theories, different it sunk down into the heart of Jesus. The ranks and degrees in the higher world of narrative given in an Ebionite recension spirit^;, and ascribed to the angels or of the ^vcx.yyi>.iot v.a9' "E^gatou?, where it powers, through which God had created is said, " While the people were being
:

of Chiliasm, every thing was welcome which could serve to place Chiliasm in an unfavourable point of view; and certainly he was not inclined to explain the expressions of a system whicti he detested, in the mildest manner; and was the less likely to do so, because these expressions might easily be misunderstood by a person not accustomed to the .Jewish-Oriental mode of speaking allegorically. And

presided over them.

II

earthly things, a lower stage in this gradation ; just as he chose to place earthly
things,

According
the

to

Epiphanius, by one of those,

without denying their divine perhaps the origin, yet far below heavenly things. sentative of
* The passage which is most to be used for this purpose, hcin? that in which Ircnseus mixes up

presiding one, to

whom, as the repreSupreme God on this stage of

being, the guidance of the people consecrated to

God, was especially confided.

j-

By

StK^Ktrvyn in its usual

Jewish sense.

Cerinthus
is lib.
-{
i.

less

than elscwiiere, with other Gnostics,

Tit 6iKcyri X^/cTTic.

26.

Virtus, /wa^i.-,

nTl^JI'

terminus

tech,

cus of .Fcwish theology.

Hreres. 8, or 28. 'I'he if of Phtio.
i

It is quite allowable to suppose that Cerinthus, like many Jewish theologians, considered the ?r\Bjfj.^ ayioi and the Kcyc; as identical. [This extract is taken from Kpi[)hanius n

Hseres. xxx. Ebion. 19, and is printed in Grabe II. J. K.] Spicilegium Palrum Sseculi I. p. 27.

256
baptized, Jesus

CHRISTOLOGY AND JUDAISM OF CERINTHUS.

proof that the
Spirit of

the mifn, now left to himself, Cerinthus apparently ascribed no part of the redemption.* According to Epiphanius, this theoof God, in the form of a dove, descending sophist, who arranged every thing anew (The luminous so as to suit his own notions, denied the into him."* and entering form descended visibly upon his head, resurrection of Jesus Christ, hi purdisap- suance of this idea ]?e may have supposed It now and entered into him. peared ; a proof that the Holy Spirit or that the Divine Logos would unite itself Logos had wholly united itself with his again to the man Jesus, only when it was " And there was a voice from about to appoint him the victorious king person.) heaven which said, Thou art my beloved of the Messiah's kingdom, and to raise Son, in thee I am \vell pleased;" and up all the faithful with him to take their The account of again, " this day have I begotten thee ;"t share in that kingdom. that is to say, I have brought thee to the Epiphanius, however, is not entirely to be because as he proceeded on dignity of a Son, that is of the Messiah, by relied on means of the connection with this Spirit the supposition that St. Paul was contendof God ; " and immediately there shone ing in every place against the followers

came and suffered himself to be baptized by Jolin," (probably withconscious that he was different out being from the rest of those baptized by John, or that any thing peculiar would take
place in regard to him,) "-and when he came forth from the water, the heavens were opened, and he saw the Holy Spirit

God which was

united with him, had been beforehand separated from him, and had gone up To the suffering of again to the Father.

around a great light."J By means of a of Cerinthus, he may have attributed to connection with this Supreme Spirit, Jesus Cerinthus a doctrine which he did not now first attained to a rank, a power, and hold, in consequence of the passage in a wisdom, elevated above this whole 1 Cor. XV. Cerinthus further agreed with the world, and the angels that preside over it. He now first attained to the perfect know- Ebionites in holding the perpetual obliledge of the Supreme God, and of hea- gation of the Mosaic law, in a certain venly thhigs. JYow the angels themselves sense, upon Christians. He might well and suppose that the highest meaning of Jumight learn from his revelations now he performs miracles by the Divine daism, which was not clearly known power of this Spirit which is united to even to the lawgiving angel himself, the him. This is that which used him as its lov^ciia-[A.o<; 7rvv^aTJxo?, the heavenly Juinstrument in every thing; this is the daism, which was shadowed forth by the earthly, had been first revealed by the TTvivfjict rov X^ia-Tov, the Messiah himself, The revelation of the Logos, and that yet that in the highest sense of the word. idea of a Messiah, who should redeem by earthly and shadowy form was still to means of his sufferings, did not suit the last till the triumphant approach of the notions of a Cerinthus, who had no feeling kingdom of the Messiah, or to the beginfor the Divine nature in the form of a ning of a new and heavenly order of But as Epiphanius says of him, servant, and who was attached to the im- things. posing grandeur of a magical and theoso- that he partlyf held fast to Judaism, ^ml phic system.il I" union with the mighty it is not likely that the latter should have Spirit of God, Jesus could not have suf- invented any thing of this sort; we may fered by this union he must necessarily conclude from it, that Cerinthus did not have triumphed over all his enemies. look on every thing in Judaism as equally The very fact of suffering is of itself a divine; and that in some degree, like the author of the Clementine, and many * EiSi TO TrvWfjt-'Ji Tit/ Qiciv TO ayiov, h uSu cripi^iifAt other mystic sects of the Jews, he made auT'-v. K!frixbr,v7i; K-JU itcihBcu^x; ik a distinction between an original Judaism, "[ tyai uajumv ytyftviiKH erf. and the latter corruptions of it and that i [I have distinguished the parts which occur he insisted on the continued obligation the rest is in the Greek text by inverted commas only of that part of the ceremonial law the interpretation put upon it by Neander, which which he considered as among the genuine It is hardly distinguished enough in the German. As a sort of middle and contains his view of the interpretation the Gnos- parts of it. H. J. R.] tics put upon this passage. transition point from the earthly system of The am K^icrroi, the Xpia-rct 4Tot/pav;of of whom the world to the new, eternal, heavenly Jesus was only the human instrument, the xjit*
;
:

Xg'^'TCf.
II

[Literally,

who

loved magic-theosophic gran-

See

p. 257,

under the head Basilidcs.

deur.-H.

J. JR.]

CHILIASM.
system,
Cerinthus,

BASILIDES.

DIVINE ENERGIES.

HIS OGDOAD.

257

with many Jewish theologists, supposed a thousand-year season of happiness, under the government of the Messiah rendered triumphant tlirough the power of the Logos, which was to take place in Jerusalem as the A centre point of the ennobled earth. too literal interpretation of the passage in Vs. xc. 4, led people to suppose, that as a thousand years in the sight of God are but as one day, the world would last in its present state six thousand years and then at the conclusion of the earthly course, a Sabbath (a lime of undisturbed blessing) of a thousand years would take
place on earth for the pious,

hidden God, elevated above all represenThe middle point tations and images.* between this incomprehensible origin and all following developments of life, is the unfolding of that Being in his several

powers which individualize themselves, and become in fact, so many names of Man can only the unnameable Being. think on God after the analogy of his oivn spirit ; and an objective truth forms the foundation of that analogy, inasmuch as the spirit of man is the image of God. He can form to himself no representation of the most perfect Being, without breaking the idea of the most perfect, which
resides within his spirit, into the several
parts of

now
made

delivered
to

from

all struggles.

We

are certainly in-

which

it

consists
to

and he

feels

clined to ask, whether he

self so gross

him- himself

compelled
of

distinguish

the

and carnal a representation several attributes

of the blessings of this thousand-years' Sabbath, as Caius and Dionysius accuse him of, which does not appear to harmonize well with the general character of his opinions. He spoke of a marriage feast, which was at that time an image commonly used to represent the happy union of the Messiah with his own people ;* but those who explained his words with a feeling of bitterness against him, might misinterpret such images. Dionysius says, that when he spoke of fasts

most perfect Being, in order to make this idea comprehensible to himself: but a deep thinker is well convinced, that this is merely a necessary expedient to assist human imperfection, and knows how to distinguish that which is objective, from that which
this
is

subjective. And yet the Gnostic was not capable of entering into this distinction what is necessary to human conceptions^ he attributed to the objective dein velopment of existence ; as thus order to bring forth life out of himself, which contains all perfection and sacrifices, he was only endeavouring the Being to gloss over his gross and carnal repre- within himself, must first unfold himself
:
:

sentations.

But what was there

to justify

into the several qualities

which the idea

;

him

of absolute perfection contains and then, instead of the abstract conception of attri(b.) Basilides. butes, that suits not with Oriental habits pass now from Cerinthus to Ba- of thought, there come livings personisilides, who wrote in the first half of the fied [hypostasirte] po7vers, vjhich continue second century. It is most probable that working in independent activity ; as, for instance, first, the intellectual powers, the Alexandria was the sphere of his activity
in this declaration ?|

We

the stamp of an Alexandrian Jewish education cannot be mistaken in him and in

his his

Spirit,

(vov?,)

Reason,

{\oyo(;^)

Thought,

Wisdom, (aoipix,) and then son Isidore, whose name points out Power, (Jvoti^ii,) by which God puts the Egyptian birth. But the account of resolves of his wisdom into execution
{(ppovncTii,)

Epiphanius, that Syria, the general birthplace of Gnostic systems, was also the native land of Basilides, is not in itself improbable, although it is on the other hand not a sufficient proof The doctrines of emanation and dualism were the foundation of his system; at the fountain head of these emanations he placed the
The Gnostics also pictured the happiness of the Trvwixa.TtKoi received into the Pleroma, under the image of a marriage festival, a marriage between the (ra)T5 and the 3-o<|)/5t ; between the spiritual natures and the angels. (Sec l)clow.) So in Heracleon ap. Origen. t. x. Joh. 14, we find

and, lastly, the moral attributesj without

which God's almighty power never shows active namely, holiness or moral perfection^ ((JixKwt;>),t a word which must be understood according to the Hellenistic and Hebrew phraseology, and not in the narrow sense of the German word,
itself
;

gerechtigkeit, unless people will under-

SiKtu<,^vvn

sense, to

\ Euseb.

Hist. Eccles.

iii.

28.

remarkable that Basilides used the word according to its Hebrew and Hellenistic denote moral perfection, while other Gnostics, especially those of the second class, used it only to denote a more imperfect moral condition ; an idea of righteousness (gcrechtigkeitsbegrilT) in a more confined sense.
\ It
is

33

t2

!:

by its own energy, and supposed the intermixture to have taken place bv an aggressive assault of this empire upon the Empire of Light. In a fragment* which is still extant, Basilides quotes the opinion
;

258

ABRAXAS.

DUALISM.

PROCESS OF PURIFICATION.

stand this German word in its original etymological sense,) and then, after moral perfection, follows inward tranquillity, peace [il^nvr,^) which, as Basilides justly acknowledged, can only be there where
holiness
is
;

is the of the Persians on the two opposite emand this pires of Ormuzd and Ahriman but as forms the close of this inward Divine the passage which follows has not been seven preserved to us, we cannot with certainty development of life.* The number Avas a holy number to Basilides, as well conclude whether he quoted this doctrine

and

this

tranquillity
life
:

characteristic of the Divine

as to

many

and thus,

in

theosophists of these times his system, these seven

^vvd^n^, together with the first original, which had unfolded himself into them, formed the v^uTn oySoocq, and the root of
all existence.
life

From thence

the spiritual
j

went on developing

itself,

constantly

farther and farther into manifold degrees

of existence, every lower one being always the impression, the resembling image (civIf we may draw TtTi^TTo?) of the higher. conclusions as to the doctrines of the original school from what we find of the later Basilidians in Irenaeus, and from the

gems and amulets of

the Basilidians, as

the seven days of the week, always supposed seven similar beings in every stage of the spi- the Parsic and Manichaean.|| ritual world, But howsoever this intermixture of so also, in consideration of the days of the year, he supposed there Light and Darkness, of the Divine and were three hundred and sixty-tive such the undivine, might have arisen, it would regions, or stages, in the spiritual world. nevertheless, according to this system, This is expressed in the mystical word necessarily be subservient to the glorifia^ga|a? (which was a symbol of his sect) cation of the Divine Being, to the fulfillwhen it is interpreted by the usual method ing of the ideas of the Supreme' Wisdom, of reckoning Greek letters numerically.! and of the law of all the development of Within this emanalion-ianrld everything life because the empire of evil is of itself was tliat which it ought to be in its own naturally nothing worth. The empire of proper position but out of an union be- the Divine Being is the real empire, and tween the Divine and the undivine there that which is naturally victorious. arose a disharmony, which was to be Lights Life, Soul, Good ; on one brought again into harmony. Darkness, Death, Matter, Evil, side There is, alas in this place, an hiatus on the other these in the system of in our accounts of the Basilidian system. Basilides, were the members which anIt is a matter of question whether Basilides swered to each other, and maintained the followed the mode of conception in use opposition which he supposed to exist with those who supposed the intermixture to take place by the falling down of some * Disputat. Archel. et Mani. opp. Hippolyt ed. of the Divine sead of life into the chaos Fabricii. lib. iii. p. 193. ii. f. bordering upon it; or of those, who ima! TOffi^o; Kcu <ruy^ui7l( ifX'^"' C!lem. gined an empire of evil, which was active 408.
Basilides, in accordance witli

approbation or disapprobation. If we that he belonged to those who wished to complete the propositions of the Grecian, that is, the Platonic philosophy, by means of the profounder wisdom of the East, the first of these suppositions will appear the most probable. Also, when he spoke of a confusion and intermixture of principles,! this might very naturally lead to such a conclusion. The accusation made by Clemens of Alexandria against Basilides, that he deified the devil,! leads also to the supposition that Basilides gave occasion to this accusation by his representation of a substantial evil Being. And, besides, the Basilidian doctrines have much that is akin to
in

remember

1.

Clemens Strom,
Ai-j^ji-.Koc,

lib. iv. p.

507.

7nf

cuk ^Skc,

* Iren.

lib.

i.

c.

24,

lib.

ii.

c.

16.

Clem. Stiom.
.-=1

!|

Ahriman.
1.

lib. iv. 5,39.

-j-

If Basilides,

c. in

[*

_1

4- y2_ 2

*=1 -I- c 200'. H. J. R.] 60 tura, sine radice et sine loco rebus superveniens, It may be that this name, which desitmatcs the must not these enigmatic words be taken to express whole emanation-world as development of the .Su- the doctrine- of an ein[)ire of evil, witiiout beginpreme Being, had also another meaning; but all ning, which, in its poverty, is smitten with desire attempts at an explanation of it will forever be after the treasures of the kingdom of Light; and merely arbitrary ones, for there are no sure grounds penetrating into the light, would wish to seize in existence from which one could argue about it. these, and carry them off for itself.

=100

+*

+ I=

laus,

speaks in his

own

the Dissertation of Archeperson of a pauperis na-

METEMPSYCHOSIS
rerse.
itself

DEVELOPMENT OF
j

LIEE.

259

throughout the whole course of the uniIn

is

general, just

as

rust fastens

from without on

iron, so

Darkness

constantly kept steadfastly in view, and the soul is supposed to be banished into the bodies of animals, only as a mode of

and Death cleave to the fallen seed of Light, and Life^ Evil cleaves to Good, and the imdivine to the Divine, without, however, effecting the annihilation of the original Being; it must only by degrees purify itself from every thing foreign
order to attain to its original splendour, just as iron must be cleansed from rust in order to obtain again a higher polish.* Such a process of purification the whole course of this ivorld
to
it,

in

affords

to

the fallen being, as a system

which was
of
this

formed
is

for
in

the

perfection
to

purification,

order

sepa-

Divine from that which is foreign to its nature, and to conduct it again to what is akin to it, and to a reimion with its original source.
rate that

which

One would
system
in

be inclined to think that a

which a moral retribution was

the prevailing idea, might, perhaps, admit

\punishment : the other, when it is conceived under the more physical notion of ja gradual development of the spiritual seed of life, which constantly becomes more freed from matter, which keej)s it prisoner, and constantly attains more and more to consciousness, and to the development of its original nature. Basilides appears in one passage to favour this latter notion, and appears to be declaring how the soul struggles itself into consciousness, in the body of an animal out of an unconscious state. The words in Rom. vii. 9, about a life without the law, he understands as relating to such a life in the body of an animal, whether that where of a quadruped, or that of a bird no law for the soul could exist.* The view, that the soul might be still more imprisoned and hemmed in by matter, in yet lower degrees of existence, would
I j I
I

the notion of a passage of the soul into easily engraft itself on this interpretation various human bodies, according to the and also that in plants, and in stones, there measure of its deserts in a former state of is a soul, only more imprisoned, wliich, existence, so that it might be placed, ac- by degrees, freeing itself more and more, cording to its deserts, in a different hu- developes itself from stone to plant, from man body, and in different circumstances, plant to animal, and from animal to man. and a different situation, and so that it might iThis mode of representation suits also have to expiate by penitence ihe guilt con- with his whole system ; because he contracted in its former state, although only siders matter not as any thing that lives, conscious of it in a mysterious and gen- but oidy as that dead stuff, which has But the doctrine of a ban- joined itself with that which is living. eral manner. ishment of the soul into the bodies of And beside, there is with him no such animals does not appear to suit so well thing as a dead nature ; but in all nature the prevailing moral notion of the system, there is a life which is held prisoner as one cannot imagine any penitence by matter, and striving to set itself free.
I [

tems of this nature, the moral element is not purely and abstractedly conceived, but is always mixed with physical considerations. We have, therefore, no reason to doubt an account which makes Basilides introduce such a metempsychosis in his own words as it is a doctrine which, by means of the intermixture of Orientalism, Platonism, and Jndaism, was cert;iinly at that time widely diffused even among many Jewish sects. Two modes, however, of viewing this doctrine may now be thought of; the one, when the notion of moral retribution
;

taking place where there is no moral And thus he might well say, that all exconsciousness at all. And yet, in all sys- istence is connected together one part with the other; and that, according to
the will of

God, man must love

all

that

mutual connection.-jTwo different views were here also united together: the one was, a gradual development from the lowest to the highest, from M'hich that original intermixture and that original fall had proceeded; and the other, a voluntarily-incurred degradation into a lower state of being. And yet, one is inclined to ask, whether Basilides really supposed that the being of light (lichtnatur) or soul, which had once attained to humanity, in the process of its
exists, in virtue of this
I

Basilides speaks thus in general terms about

*
vol. iv.

the sufferings of all fallen Beings of Light "Trouble and anxiety naturally fall on things, as rust on iron." 'O xovic ift o <;)c/?of irfju/u0ouv(t tkc
?rgxyuu<ri
lib. iv.
itr i

See Origcn Commentar. 0pp. p. 549.

<fifjii

in

Ep. ad Rom.

l:;

Tct (n<fiiga Clciliens

Alex. Strom.
I

t,;re;wi
(^(.uii

T6

iyLTTf)!.!!

p.

609. a.

rfi( to toui uTra-tTa,

Strom,

lib. iv. fol.

508.

260
purification

PROVIDENCE

WISDOM OF THE PATRIARCHS.

It and development, could ever the temple of God." (See below.) sink back into the body of an animal; or was a great object to him to justify Prowhetherhe did not, on the contrary, con- vidence against every reproach. His contine the process of purification for a na- elusion always was, " J will rather say ture which liad once attained to this any thing whatever, than cast the slightest point, entirely within the limits of human imputation on Providence."* With regard to the relation of Judaism nature. To the whole earthly system, or to to the revelation of the loftiest truth and
| i

this whole purifying process of nature to Christianity, it is in the highest degree and history, Basilides assigned such a probable that Basilides thought in a manCreator (of whose place in the Gnostic ner analogous to the Alexandrian Jewish systems we have already spoken in the notions on this point, and to his own nointroductory remarks,) as he called by tions as to the relation between the earthly the name of the Ruler, or the angel that world and the loftiest system of the unihas the government of this world, (5ci- verse. He supposed that the Archon, in ;^w^,) and yet, according to the doctrine the conduct of the Jewish people, as well of Basilides, this Archon does not act in- as in the conduct of the universe, had dependently and by his own power in the served the Supreme God as an instrument, conducting of the universe; all at last pro- which was not itself conscious of the ceeds from the providenceof the Supreme ideas which were implanted in it, and that the Archon had been taken by the great God, which presides over every thing. In the first place, all beings develope mass of the Jewish people for the Supreme themselves according to the law implanted God himself, whom he was to represent. whicl It was only those higher natures, which in their peculiar individual natures law, together with their nature, proceeds were to be found dispersed among the from the Supreme God. The Archon only Jewish people it was only the " people gives the first impulse to this natural of God," in its true sense the irvtvjjLX'ncourse of development, and then he him- ko? 'ic^u-nX, that had been able to raise self becomes guided in his whole conduct themselves above the Archon himself, to by the ideas of the Supreme God, who a recognition of the Supreme God repreanimates every thing, without being able sented by him, and thus, above the sento comprehend them.* We c*nnot, there- suous covering of Judaism to the confore, in any way accuse Basilides of an templation of those ideas, which were unchristian contempt of the world, a contained under this covering, but not An denial of a revelation of God in the uni- understood by the Archon himself. verse, or an unchristian dualism, which example of his allegorical notions is does not recognise the God of grace as found in the following saying, " The one the God of creation, and which tears temple of Jerusalem is the type of the asunder the harmonious connection be- one world, which is the temple of God."t But he supposed also the existence of tween revelation and nature such a violent dualism can by no means be laid to written documents, in which the liigher wisdom was brought forward, perhaps his charge. It was rather that he made it a matter of great consequence to set more unreservedly than in the writings of forth the law of unity which bound every the Canon of the Old Testament. h\ acthing together, from the highest to the cordance with an idea then widely spread, lowest " the world is only one, and is he traced the tradition of such a philo;
I

Clem. Strom,
rcu d^^ovTct
avv
Toi; cuiriajc

lib. iv.

p.

509.
o^a'V

'H

Trcovcia,

X2i/ iXTTo

nivittrBai

if^naj, dx?C
yvur'u

iyic<i<Ti<7--

?rx(h

km

tm

tciiv

TTfoi

tou

Tut ihuv Qku.

iii. lib. ii.,)

Thus, also, in Plotinus (Ennciul. on the subject of vrptvciet as a natural

sophical secret doctrine up to the Patriarchs in particular and it would appear to him hardly any thing else than natural, that the great mass of the sensuousminded Jews should not receive those
;

writings, of

which they could understand

lib. iv. p.

development in virtue of an indwelling eternal law of reason, we find the following remark: tv TTfcvimv Tat ra.vTt iivti, to xtTM. Viuv auro Hint. There is, however, this difl'erence, that in Basilides there is a more Christian consideration brought forward because he supposes, in co-operation with the law of nature, a personal God, who acts independently, and guides the development of that law of nature ; and, by means of the act of redemj)tion, brings
;

Clem. Strom,
)

506.

c.

nai'T* ifo jag

fASlXKOV,
j-

XOXiV TO

TrgiVOit/V i^ce.

Clem. Strom,

lib.

v.

p.

583. D.

'Ev* vmv

lifuT-jfAVio;

KiLTny-yfiKi.
lib.
ii.,

Tov &iou (o Md'crxc) fAovoywi Tt Koa-fA(.v Similarly also, Philo says, ysg/ ^5vg;^/c.
fj(iv

TO
TOV

uvceTUTce xa; tt^oc

<iX>iSv3.v

li^oy

mo

tO/Uli^ilV

a-U/ATr^LVTO.

K'jO-/U0V

llVil,

'

Xis^o.

to perfection

higher results, than could proceed

I

/unToy.

'I'his

idea

is still

farther carried into par-

from the mere development of the law of nature,

ticulars both

by Philo and Josephus.

,
:

DOCTRINE OP REDEMPTION.
nothing, as canonical.

CHRISTOLOGY.

261

According to the into activity. And while spiritual natures, Alexandrian fashion, he deduced all the by the act of redemption, are raised to traces of truth found in the best Greek tlie highest position, the influence of rephilosophers,* Which he eagerly hunted demption at the same time extends itself '' Let also to the subordinate stages of being; after, from that original tradition. no one believe," says Isidorus, the son harmony becomes universally re-estaof Basilides, *' that that which we call a blished, and every class of being attains peculiar possession of the elect, was ear- the condition which is conformable to its lier said by some philosophers ; for it is nature. But although Basilides on the not their discovery, but they have taken one side brought forward an element in the doctrine of redemption, which was it out of the Prophets, and attributed it to their pretended sages (or to their false entirely foreign to the fleshly Judaism that wisdom.")! It certainly deserves to be clung to eartli, he was on the otlier side, remarked (as Gieseler has remarked,) that like Cerinthus, altogether Ebmiitish^ inasBasilides supposed even Ham to have much as he supposed a sudden entrance been among those who handed down this of the Divine nature into the life of Jesus, liigher wisdom, and perhaps, he deduced and did not recognise any God-man, in peculiarly from him the (pt^oc-of Ba.^Bot- whom the Divine and the human natures foj,J which he probably, as a recogniser had been inseparably united from the first. of the higher wisdom, set above the He supposed, as his fundamental position, Greeks. a redeeming God, but no redeeming GodThe fundamental Christian doctrine of man. The man Jesus was not to him the a redeeming grace had its essential place in the system of Basilides, as the Supreme Redeemer, he was distinguished from God was to manifest himself to human other men only in degree and Basilides nature, and communicate to it a life akin does not appear ever to have ascribed He was, in to his own, in order to raise it above the absolute unsinfulness to him. limits of the mundane system, or the the notions of Basilides, only the instruworld of the archon, to communion with ment w^hich the redeeming God chose, in himself, and to the higher world of spirits. order to reveal himself in human nature, It is clear that this operation of the Su- and to seize on that nature so as to work preme God, according to the system of upon it. With him the Redeemer, in the Basilides, could only relate to those spi- peculiar and highest sense of the word, was ritual natures which were destined by the highest iEon,* who was sent down their very constitution for a higher world, from the Supreme God for the fulfilment of but which found themselves prisoners in the work of redemption; this Being united These might, through the himself with the man Jesus at his baptism a lower one. progressive development of the metem- in the Jordan. From this point the whole psychosis raise themselves from one stage work of redemption set forth from that time the man Jesus spoke things w'hich to another in the kingdom of the Archon but they could not, in compliance with were far beyond the reach of this lower the desire implanted in them, attain beyond creation. The Archon himself, as well as John this kingdom and the Archon himself, to communion with the highest system of the Baptist (who was, in the name of the the world, and to clear knowledge, as well Archon, to consecrate Jesus to the office
j

as to the free exercise of their higher nature,

of Messiah, in the subordinate sense in

Supreme God himself which the Archon wished, and had probrought his Divine life near to their kin- mised a IMessiah,) was surprised, and dred seed of life, and thereby first set this seized with astonishment, when he saw
unless
the

when he heard at same time the voice that sounded from heaven, and perceived the accompanying XW x/rr'j rivani <p<A.C(r;cci)V, oii yij> sstt/v adnctv iCpn/uoi, appearances,! and heard this Jesus, whom he had supposed a man of his own kingIt appears to me now, dom, announce such extraordinary things. vrr^ifXj.v'rt kxt adircu; a-!.<pa. passage requires no emendation, if we He now himself, for the first time, recogthat this may take the word o-o^pa cither as masculine or neuter. The expression that follows, d Trfonrot" Or VM(, which is called cfisowvoc, as serving to cufAivu <p;hca-'.<fi^\/, confirms this explanation of it.
the Not/? descend, and
the

As with

j-

Clem. Strom,

Plato and Aristotle. KiU vi. 641.

^ji

t/c

oiVSm,

^ The traces of the higher wisdom, among the Persians and Hindoos.

to be

found

the salvation of mankind. ! Which Basilides apparently learned from an

apocryphal GospeL

262

THE ARCHON UNDECEIVED.

We see here how Basilides conceived higiiest system of the world, to both of which and painted after his own eccentric manhe had mvoluntarily served, till now, as ner, that which Christianity effects, as a an unconscious instrument, which be- divinely animating, freeing and enlightennises the Supreme God, and the

He ing principle, as the matter which sets that it acted iudependently. These submits himself willingly to a higher human nature in fermentation. astonishment; effects, partly judging by the deep penePower, imploring it with this moment he works freely tration of his own mind, and applying its and from and consciously, as the instrument of inward operations to outward things, he He now recognises traced to some fundamental law of Christhat higher Power. the truth, that even in the kingdom in tianity, and partly from observation of which he had hitherto believed himself to the phenomena of his own time. That be supreme, there are beings imprisoned, which Christianity effected generally, in which are elevated above himself and his reference to the history of human nature, world, and which the Not;? will free from Basilides represented as an impression these bounds, as well as the man Jesus, made on the Archon which represented
lieved

now

to the higher system of he recognises the essential distinction between the natures that belong to him of right and are akin to him,* and those which, by their kind, belong to a higher kingdom, and are capable of communion with the Not;; he separates each from the other, and lets the latter go free out of his kingdom, without putting any impediment in the way of their elevation. We shall now quote the very words of this man, who conceived every tiling under his own peculiar imagery "When the ruler of the world heard the words of the Redeeming Spirit,! he became astonished at that which he heard and saw, as he heard unexpectedly the glorious message and his astonishment was called fear." The words, "The fear of God is the beginning of wisdom," are they mean that thus to be understood the fear of t/ns God is the beginning of

and

raise

them
;

that nature.

the world

Like Cerinthus, he also attributed the

whole work of redemption to the redeeming heavenly Genius, and most probably coincided with him in the supposition that this Genius had left the man, whom
he had hitherto made use of as his instrument, to himself at the time of his suffering. According to his system, the suffering of Christ could have nothing to do with the work of redemption for, according to his narrow views of justice, it was not consonant to the Divine justice that one, who deserved it not, should and it was required, suffer for others that all evil should be atoned for by suffering. He considered not merely suffering in general, but also every suffering in He particular, as a punishment for sin.
; ;

words of Ps.

cxi. 10, or of Eccles.

i.

to the Basilidian system, gives a

16, according remarkable ex-

ample of the caprice of a theosophical exegesis, wisdom, which separates the different which, without regard to the context in which the kinds of beings from one another, allows words stand, lets them, according to this system, to come to perfection, and leads mean any thing which they can possibly mean in them them all to the stage of existence for any context whatever. If the announcement of which they are destined; for he that the heavenly itumvo; is called an ilaL-^yixtcv for the then it is clear (they conclude,) that he did rules over all does not separate merely d^X^'v, not merely submit himself by compulsion to the tliose which belong to the world, but
freely
*

even the elect, and suffers them from his dominion.J

to depart
I

higher powers, but that his first astonishment passed into a mingled feeling of delight and reveThe prospect, as soon as the elect natures rence. should have attained tiie glory destined for them,
of becoming freed from the tiresome regimen of this world, and of entering into rest with his own people, (to which expectation of the Demiurgos

The

K^fjio;,

the

ktio-k,

the

Kt>r/uiKOi,

the

Also in the Eittyyo^nv xaS" 'Efi^nou;, which Jerome had received from the Nazarenes, the the Gnostics referred, Rom. viii. 20, 21, according words which sounded from heaven, are ascribed to to Origen, t. i. in Joh. p. 24,) must assuredly have Comp. Didascal. the "fons omnis Spiritus Sancti, qui requievit been a joyful one for him. anatol. opp. Clem. p. 79t> D., where the fact that super Christum," who descended from heaven. Stromat. lib. ii. p. 375, ti A^-^ovthl the Demiurgos established the Sabbath, is adduced Clemens,
'

j-

'

ir

as a proof
'i>L7rK:tyi'y!U

Tai ts

vM.aicrfx-xTi

km tm

fiiJf/.u.Tt icxi

thv

haps

it

how disagreeable labour is to him. Permay occur to some persons, that we ought
iTti Tra-ai

to read rcn
^Uk'.K^lV>}T:Klli

instead of

o 6?r/ 7ri.<n,

so that

it

TS *3U
oil

itm^nlKK

X.M TS\SaT))C

KH

^TT'j-

would mean that the Archon

freely leads the elect

KJ.TX(7r:i7tK>i;,

ytp

JUOVOV TOV KCCTfAlJV, u\K!l x.at TV

lukoyhv (fwKg/v,

iTi TTdirt Tr^oTrijuTru-

Wc

must

natures out of his kingdom to the God who is above all, to whom it is their last destination to
elevate themselves.

here add a few remarks.

The

explanation of the


THEODIC^A.
held
the

NO OBJECTIVE JUSTTFICATION.

263

which Christ .with that heavenly redeeming Spirit (the spoke in John ix. 3. Luke xiii. 2. Every .Jiaxoo?.) hi order to become worthy of one suffers for his actual sins, or for the being redeemed before all others who evil present in his nature, evil which he needed redemption, and being used as an bro'ight with him out of a former state of instrument to extend farther the operatheory
against
i t

existence, and which, nevertheless, had not yet come into a state of activity.* And thus, by reference to evil of this kind, he justified Providence in the suf-|
ferings inflicted

tions of the

redeeming

Spirit to others,

it

on children. If him from the suffer- here observe that the Basilidian system, iiigs of acknowledged good men, he had which at any rate supposed a proportion fair right to answer by an appeal to the between the sin and the degree of punishgeneral fact of the presence of sinfulness ment, was certainly liable to the followin human nature, and to say, "Be the ing objection: "How does so great sufman you show me what he may, he is fering consist with the smallest degree of But, apparently he was not still a man, and God only is holy; who sinfulness .?" will find harmony among those, where at a loss for an answer here, if we may judge from what he says on the subject there is no harmony ?"| Job xiv. 4. But then the case was different, where of martyrdom. He says, "The conscioustliis proposition was applied to the Re- ness of serving as an instrument for the deomer, who, as sure as he is the Re- highest and holiest things of human nadeeiner, must be free from sin. Clemens ture, and of suffering in this office, (perof Alexandria expressly blames Basilides haps also, a prospect of the glory into because he went so far in the extension which he should enter by means of his of this proposition. But in those icords suffering,) sweetened his sufferings to him of his which Clemens quotes, this is not so much, that it was to him as if he did he says only, not suffer at all. necessarily implied " But if you, leaving this whole inquiry According to the same principle, he on one side, come to this, that you put also consistently acknowledged no justime into a difficulty by particular persons, fication in the sense indicated by St. Paul, Then he has no objective justification before God no if you say, for instance, It may forgiveness of sin as a release from sin sinned because he has suffered.' " According to be said that Basilides here speaks only of and the punishment of sin. persons held in particular reverence, his doctrine, every sin, whether before or certain and in great fame for holiness and that after faith in the Redeemer, or baptism, Clemens has allowed himself to draw an must be alike atoned for by suffering. That But, in the first place, the re-; is a necessary law of the system of the inference. proach which Basilides here suffers to be: world, which nothing can annul. The made against his proposition, would lose only exception he makes is in the case of its proper force and signification, if it were sins proceeding from ignorance, or invoand in the second, luntary sins :* but it is a pity that his exnot so understood

most excellent and purest man, and the most advanced in the process of purification, had merely any one the minimum of sinfulness. We must
i

was

suflicient if he, as the

made an

objection to

'

'

the extension of

tliis

proposition dins

far,

planation of this very indefinite expression has not been preserved to us.
if,

cation (iJixanwo-Ki Siy-ccKjo-vtrt,) be understood an inward subjective making just, a sanctrfication through tlie communication of Divine life, then such a doctrine would hold a very necessary place in the system of Basilides. Among the religious and moral notions of the Basilidian school, there is much * Sutferings, the penances and purifications that deserves attention, which we are deof aurtpTtu., or u/xc^;/T:v. *^tromat. iv. 506. sirous of bringing forward particularly. Potter, p. 600. Klotz, vol. ii. [Sylbui),', p. 217. In regard to the idea of Faith, the Bap. 322.] silidian school distinguished itself by this: [Germ. " Wcr will eine Stimme finden bei f denen, da keine Stimme ist T" The Hebrew of
i !

altogether coheres also with his theory of the relation of suffering to sin, and with his theory of the Divine justice, and of the process of purification, to which pvery nature belonging to the kingdom of The Jesus which the Archon is subject. belonged to this kingdom required redemption even himself, and could be made partaker of it only by his connection

But

on the contrary, under the term

justifi-

the passage, however, is different from this, and H. exactly agrees with our English translation.

M.0V3K Tic
iv.

iji:.VTIt<

KM KtT

iyVOti-t

i^llJ^H.

Strom,

536.
ii.

[Sylb. p. 229.

Potter, p. 633-4.

J. R.]

Klotz, vol.

p. 362.]


264
that they

DOCTRINES ABOUT FAITH.

to their nature, belonged higher or a lower grade of the spiritual world, so also they were capable of a higher or a lower kind of view. Those higher ideas need no proof, but they prove themselves through themselves, to those higher spiritual natures which are akin to them, and which beto

expressly opposed the usual Jewish and Jewish-Christian notion of Faith, as another kind of opus opcratum, an acknowledgment of certain religious
truths,

men, according
a

which

exists

as

something indi-

vidual in the soul of man, and operates no farther on the whole inward life, a mere outwardly existing traditional belief, which

brings forth no fruits in the

life

of

man

come

involuntarily attracted

and also

that they, with a deeper penetra-

lation of the higher world,

by the revewhich is their

tion into the spirit of St. PauPs doctrines, proper home. Therefore, Basilides says, represented Faith as an inward thing, an " The faith of the elect finds out doctrines entire bent of the inward life, an entrance without any demonstration by means of a of the Spirit into a higher sphere, and a spiritual comprehension" (an intellectual real communion with that higher system. sight 5)* and in this sense he gives this But, on the other hand, he receded from definition of faith " an assent of the soul the genuine notion of St. Paul, because, to something which does not act upon the like all Gnostics (except Marcion) he con- senses, because it is not present."! That sidered religion in its contemplative, more is to say, although the elect live in this than in its practical, character ; and also, world as strangers, nevertheless, by the
;

in his notion of Faith,

made

the contem-

influence of faith, they recognise, as real,

plative element
practical.

more prominent than the those things of the higher world which With him Faith is a certain beam upon them from afar. And hence kind of view,* which includes in itself a he supposes the degree of faith to which
certain intellectual appropriation of that

beheld, and a new spiritual life also in it. On the contrary, according to the genuine Christian idea of St. Paul, Faith is a practical appropriation of Divine things, by a devotion of the will, a

which

is

a person can elevate himself as a stranger in this world, to correspond to that grade of the spiritual world to which he belongs.J

From
nature.

the principles of Basilides, his

In his morality the ruling princi-

moral doctrines must have been of a severe

practical entrance into a

new

relation with

'

God, given by a peculiar revelation from ple must have been this^ that man should him, from which an entirely new direction free himself from that foreign admixture, and employment of the inward life pro- which having attached itself to his original ceeds. From this we acknowledge, as nature, disturbs and controls it, and that the whole spiritual life is formed anew from he should constantly attain more and this foundation, an entirely new kind of more to a free development and exercise religious view must develope itself. When, of that original nature. According to this therefore, Basilides supposed different system, man is a little world; just as,
degrees in this view [anschauung] (in respect of purity, clearness, elevation and depth,) no objection could lie against him

according to his

spirit,

he may be akin

to

the different natures of the higher spiritual

world, so also, in accordance with his

on any genuine Christian lower nature, he bears within himself grounds, had he only recognised the com- that which is akin to the different grades mon foundation of faith in all Christians, and natures of the lower earthly world. and deduced every thing only from the He has within himself many admixtures different degrees in which the influence of a foreign nature, wherein the different of that faith developed itself on the qualities of the world of animals, of spiritual life. But he, confounding be- vegetables, and of minerals, are reflected tween faith and sight,t supposed, instead of one and the same life in a Faith, Avhich * Clem. Strom, ii. .363, i ma-rK tmc sx^cjof t is the same in all Christians, different
that account,
:

on

kinds of Faith, according to the dillerent sorts of natures. That is to say, just as

fjtt&nfjtUTtt

dvarroJfiKTax

iii^ttr)icu<r^

jcxTiAx^s'

vitiT/Jtu.
ii.

[Sylb. p. 156.

Potter, p. 433-4.

Klotz, vol.

p."l28.

I Clem. Strom,
froc

ii.

371.

4"/^"^

ovyKUT'^Bitri:

T/

See the former notes on this word, and the Preface H. .1. R.] j[Aiischaiiune;. Between faith and that faculty, by which IJasilidcs supposed a view, an image or visible representation, to be present to the mind of the believer. See Preface. H, J. R.]
[Anschauiincf.

[fevlb. p.

Tuv jun Ktvcvvrm ctla^nvtv, Ji* to /um o-u^uvm. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 159. Potter, p. 443.
ii.

139.]
i

Clem. Strom,
It

363,

iria-T/f

xoj 'ntxcyn

oIkh-jl

ii7rifx.C(Tiuii,v

K'tr/MKii

ma-TK.
5r/i6-afTJi//aTa.

Appendages of matter,

! '

GRACE AND FREEWILL.

and thence come the desires, passions, and affections corresponding to these (as, for example, the imitative and pranksome nature of the ape, the murderous propensities of the wolf, the hardness of the
[

265

I grant that port of the Divine power.* the doctrine of certain higher natures, which are elevated above the weaknesses of other men, migiit always easily create

diamond ;) and the

collection of

all

these
j

dangerous self-deceits of pride, because it the existence of is irreconcilable with

Christian
humility.

influences of the world of animals, plants, and minerals, forms the blind unreason-; able soul,* which always opposes the operations of that part of man's nature which IS akin to God. It seemed of importance to Isidorus, the son of Basilides, to guard this doctrine from the objection,
' j

There were

later

corrupted this doctrine in a most pernicious manner, and thence deduced the freedom of the saints, which was to be bound by no law.l (See below.) The doctrine of matter might have led to an exaggerated and partial ascetic tenor the misunderstanding, which would dency in morality: but the acknowledgrepresent it as endangering moral free- ment of the communication and the interdom, and holding out an excuse for every lacing which exists between the visible wickedness, as- if it proceeded from the and the invisible world, as well as the irresistible influences of these foreign ad- recognition of the Divine nature as a mixtures. He appealed to the superior victorious forming-principle for all creapower of the Divine nature " Since we tion, had here a counter-balancing effect, have so much vantage-ground by means as we have already observed in regard to of our reason, we must, therefore, appear this whole class of Gnostics. Basilides as conquerors over the lower creature in considers marriage as a holy state, in no He says also, " Let a man only way inconsistent with tlie existence of us."t desire to do good, and he will attain it."J Christian perfection; and, under certain It is already to be deduced from the whole circumstances, as a means of guarding
Basilidians,
:
i [

who

connection of the Basilidian scheme, that while he placed the power of the will so higb, yet he by no means ascribed to it an independent self-sufficiency, nor at all denied the necessity of the assistance of grace from a higher power. According to his theory of redemption, he acknowledged it as necessary that the Divine in man should receive power from its connection with a higher source in order to
give

And it was only under certain circumstances that he allowed celibacy to be efficacious, as a means of attending to Divine things, with less interruption from earthly cares.J
against evil propensities.
(c.)

Vahntinus and

his Sclwol.

Next
j
j

to Basilides

we

place Valentinus,

who was contemporary with

a little later.
If
j

we judge from

him, although his Hellen-

it a just activity. How far men were istic expressions, and the Aramaic names, admonished by him of their need of help, whicii appear in his system, he was of is shown by the advice which Isidorus Jewish origin. He was born an Egypgives to him who is^ suffering under tian, and most probably he owes his
\ i

temptations: "Let him only," he 'says, education likewise to Alexandria. He ' not withdraw himself from the brethren; travelled thence to Rome, where he aplet him only confide in his communion pears to have passed the latter part of his with the body of saints; let him saVi ' I life; and this gave him an opportunity of am entered into the sanctuary, nothing making his doctrines more known, and evil can happen to me.' " It is also propagating them in these regions also. proved by the distinction which he made, In his fundamental notions he agreed of the two conditions of the inward life, with Basilides; it was only in (he manthe one, where a man in temptations ner of explaining them, and in the repreprays for strength to conquer, and the sentation of the images in which he other, where he gives thanks for the vie- developed his ideas, that he differed from lory, which he has obtained by the sup- him. But as people did not carefully dis; { | ; '

tinguish from one another, the doctrines of the founders of Gnostic schools, and

j"

The 4%"
Att
Si

w^i^-owc

a>,cyc(.

Toi

X'.yi^'rtKw

KgiiTTiv^c

y&zfxtycu;.,

ruf
*

Strom.
Strom, Strom.

1.

o'rav ii

ji

ti^t^is-TM

tm

tif

umoiv

Strom,

iii.

427, dsKuroLrai
lb. p.

ju'^voy

oLTrnfrtraj

to

UTroTiT-ll.

xi>.:v

KM

'trriTw^mi. [S3
ii.

183. Potter, p. 510.

last

Klotz, vol.

p. 213.]
iii.

Strom,

427.

[See the

note for

references.]

427. [See note first column.] Ill), iii., from the beginning. i According to the account given by Epiphanius.
jiii.

34


266
SELF-LIMITATION OF

THE BYTHOS.

those of their later followers, by wliora these doctrines had only been modified in a peculiar manner, and as they joined with the Valentinian system many kindred
doctrines,

which flowed from one com-

mon

source, it is difficult, from the representations whicli have come down to us, to determine with certainty what doctrines

properly belonged to Valentinus himself, as the founder of the school. What the Svfai/.ai were with Basilides, the jEons* were with Valentinus ; but the following notion is peculiar to him, namely, that as the veil (or covering) of all life resides in the original source of all existence, (the Bythos,) but is not yet unfolded, together with the development of life that proceeds from that first source, members which mutually supply the defects of each other form themselves, that is to say jEons, both male and female, one of which is chiefly generative^ the other

depends on limitation. When every thing remains within the limits of its peculiar sphere, and is that which it ought to be according to its assigned position in the development of life, then every thing can dovetail together well, and a just harmony exist in the chain of the development of As soon as any being endeavours to life. overpass these limits, as soon as ever a

being, instead of recognising God in the revelation which he makes of himself to

that

being, according to his

to

position,
to

emboldens himself so as
trate

wish
it

into His hidden

Being,

peneruns a

risk of sinking into annihilation.

Instead

of laying hold of that which is real, it loses itself in that which is without existence. The Horos (o^o?,) the Genius of limitation, of bounding, (the power of truth personified, which assigns and sets fast the boundaries of each individual being, which watches over those bounda-

receptive ;] and that by the mutual com- ries, and when they are broken restores munication of these J^^ons the chain of them,) therefore, takes an important place

development of life constantly goes on. in the system of Valentinus. Gnosis is female is the supplement of the male, here, as it were, giving testimony against The ideas of the Horos and the TO 7rAuw/xa,J and the perfect line of ^ons itselfl considered as a whole, as the Redeemer must have been much akin to is now fulness of the Divine life streaming out of each other in the Valentinian system, and the Bythos, which must again be con- in fact the Horos was called by many the stantly rendered fruitful, as it were, by it, \v'v^uryj<; and aurri^, the Redeemer and (the Divine life,) and it is called, m rela- Saviour; and we find traces which indiThe cate that he was meant to represent only tion to him, the female, the Pleroma hidden being of God cannot be known by one mode of operation of the one redeemany one it is the absolutely uyniXTrov it ing Spirit, that Spirit which, according it only in as far as he has revealed himself to the different places of his operations, in the unfolding of his powers or iEons, that extend themselves throughout all the All individual stages of existence, and according to his that he can be recognised. iEons, in their varied modes of revelation, diflerent modes of operation, is betokened are called forms and names of that Being, by different names, and by others is dithat

The

who,

in

his secret

existence

is

incon- vided into different persons, (Hypostases.)

not-to-be-named, and elevated The Valentinians ascribe two modes of above conceptions and images, just as the operation to this Horos; the one of a neMonogenes, that first self-revelation of gative kind, by means of which he lays the hidden Being, is called peculiarly the down the limits for all existence, and seInvisible Name of the Bythos. It is an parates and removes from it all that is idea deeply rooted in the Valentinian sys- foreign to it;* and in virtue of this power and the other tem, that since all existence has its founda- he is properly called h^oi tion in the self-limitation of the Bythos, is that operation, by means of which he so also the existence of all created being sets fast and establishes, in their peculiar sphere and forms, all those beings who are * See the explanation of this won], p. 261, purified from that, which, being foreign
ceivable,
;

the creation, which f Just as in all the rest of represents an imacje of that higher world, this twofold line of agents is to be found.
t

and

to tlieir nature, troubles their existence \\ in virtue of this power he is called

nxipM/za.

These Theosophs, who

strict

certainly

<lid

grammatical meaning of terms, i)erhaps understood this word both ill an active and a passive sense at the same time, and applied it both to to TrKhpuuv and
not scrupulously adhere to the
TTKWjVfJLi^'.l.

a word which is used both for a and a slake or bulwark to both of which meanings the Valentinians here made allusion. Their remarks on those
aTctv^oii^

cross,

To

The ^ons

are

fji.of<^M

tow sow, oyofxxTit tow

*
j"

asmofA.stT'riu.

The The

hifiyv^ /utfiJ'Tuyt **/ JiipiTruui.

hipyux

hSfi-j.yTiK>i x.3U <rriipi(TTiKn.

THREE STAGES OF BEING.

i \

267

sayings of the Redeemer in which they are akin to aotptx, to tlie soul of the thought they recognised the Horos, make world, and to the Pleroma. Thus 2. The (pvarn; -vj/v;^.**!, or such natures their ideas on the subject plain. they referred Luke xiv. 27, to the es- as proceeded from the life that had been tahlishing power of the Horos,* and divided by admixture with the bxr, ; and Matthew x. 34, and Mark x. 21, to /(/s an entirely new stage of being begins with In the first of these these natures, an image of llie higher separating power.1[ passages, according to them, our Saviour world, but in a subordinate position 3. The ungodly, which is opposed to means that only those persons can be his disciples who bear his cross, i. e. who all improvement ; the being which can power only disturb, and is entirely the slave of give themselves up to that Divine
j \ ' i j \ J

of the Redeemer which is symbolically blind desires and passions, There is only a difference of degree. represented by the cross, and suffer themselves to be formed and firmly established between all, which proceeds from the unby it in his own peculiar way. In the folding of the I)ivine life (which flows second passage our Saviour hints at his forth from the Bythos through the iEons,)
i

Divine purifying power, by which he clears that which is akin to God from the admixture of the ungodly, and produces Both are the annihilation of the latter.;!: intimately connected togedier, the clearance from the foreign admixture of the iMi from intermixture with which this irregular, indefinite, and unquiet vacillation between existence and non-existence proceeds, and a firm establishment in a definite, peculiar. Divine existence, unmingled with any thing else. ]f Basilides deduced the intermixture of the Divine with matter from an assault of the kingdom of darkness upon the kingdom of light, on the contrary, Valentinus deduced it from a commotion that arose in the Pleroma, and a descent of the Divine seed of life from the Pleroma into niatter, consequent upon that commotion, He acknowledged, as well as Basilides, a Divine wisdom, which revealed itself in but here, also, in his view, the the world lower is only an image of tlie higher. It is not the Divine wisdom itself, not the jEon o-oifjja herself, but the untimely fruit
;

is

from the Pleroma downwards to its seed, which has fallen down into human nature that seed which, being sown, must attain its ripeness in the earthly world but between those three classes of being there
;

an

cs5('7J/ta/

difference o/na/ifre.

Each

one, therefore, of these classes must have its own independent principle which predominates in it, although every process

of improvement and development leads back in the end to the Bythos, which works on every thing by means of various organs in the various grades of being, and whose law is the only ruling one. He cannot, however, himself enter into any
inmiediate connection with that which is foreign to him, and, therefore, in that subordinate grade of being

which

lies

be-

'

tween the perfect or Divine, and the ungodly or material, there must exist a Being as the image of the Most High,* which,
while
it

thinks that

it

acts independently,

must yet serve the universal law, from which nothing is exempt, for the realization of the ideas of the Supreme even to This the very extreme limits of matter. of her travail, which is to unfold itself Being is in the psychical world, what the and arrive at its maturity only by degrees, Bythos is in the higher world, only with He distinguishes between an uvu and a this difierence, that it involuntarily acts
j j i j j

xaTO)

o-&<pa
tlie

Achamolh

:) this latter is

the

as the organ of the former

is

and

this

being

soul of

world, from the admixture of which with the iM all living existence is produced, and is in difierent stages, higher, in proportion as it can keep itself clearer from connection with the u^r), and lower, in proportion as it is attracted and affected

Tlie Demiurgos of Valentinus. Hyle also has its principle, which represents it, and through which it operates; but by its very nature it is not of a formthe

ing and creative, hut of a destructive kind

this is Satan.
1.

fore, these three stages of being.

nature of the Trveu^aTixo* is that essentially akin to God {the The (pvam vtiv/xeiriKen, or those o/jkuova-iov ru ,) and thence comes sim1. Divine seeds of life, which arc elevated pie and undivided existence,! the life of above matter by their nature, and which unity or oneness (ovaia. inxv fj-oton^n^.)
exist,

by matter.

There

there-

The
is

which

The iyu>}ft3L <rr:pt7TiKM )ii 'bf^ua-TMn The ivifyii^ /utifio-rix. mu iiopij^iiut.

i.

i Irena?us

c. 3. 5.

^wcTf. is here " das Lebcn der Einthink in English the same idea would be H. J. R.] rendered oneness of existence.' better
j-

The
I

[The German
'

heit."

268
2.

VALENTINUS ON REDEMPTION.

The doctrine of the redemption took of the -^vyjKoi, divided into number and variety, but still sub- also a very important place in the Valenhigher unity, and allow- tinian system, and peculiarly forms its mitting itself to a ing itself to be guided by that unity, at first centre point; but it was by him, even more than by Basilides, removed from the reunconsciously, afterwards consciously. 3. The Being of Satan and his whole gions of practical things into those of spekingdom mere opposition to all unity culation and metaphysics. As, according to the Being divided and distracted in itself, his system, a process of the development without any capability for unity, or any of life pervades all regions of existence, point for unity to begin from ; and with and as the disharmony, which, as far as its all this, an endeavour to destroy all unity, seed is concerned, first arose in the Pleto spread its oum indwelling distraction roma itself, beginning thence, has spread over every thing, and to distract every itself farther,* so the ichole course of the world can only then first attain its proper thing.* In that first grade of being, the life, object^ when harmony shall be again reall grades of existence ^ as well as which, by its very nature, is eternal, stored, exists as something inalienable, a neces- in the Pleroma ; that which happens in the Pleroma must be imaged in all other sary afGafo-ia; the v)/v;)(;;Ko, on the ConAnd thus, therefore, trary, stands in the middle between im- grades of existence. mortal and mortal. The -^vx^tyioi obtain as the work of redemption takes place in immortality, or they become subject to different stages of existence and the same death, according as they give themselves law is here fulfilled in difl'erent forms, up by their inclinations to the Divine or and in different conditions, it is the same The nature of Satan, agent of the revelation of the hidden to ungodliness. like that of the ix*), is death itself, anni- God, the same agent, through whom the hilation, the negation of all existence, life that streamed forth from God bewhich, in the end, when all existence, comes united with him again, who, conwhich has been divided by its means, tinuing his work, till the completion of the shall have developed itself to the full ex- whole, is imaged (or reflected) in different tent of all its properties, and sliall have hypostases, wherever he is perfecting his So fixed itself sufficiently in itself, shall then work in different stages of existence. destroy itself in itself, being overcome by it is the same idea which is represented in the power of the positive, after it (the a Monogenes, a Logos, a Christus, and a The Soter is the Redeemer for negative, annihilating power,) has drawn Soter. to itself all its kindred ungodliness. The the whole of the world that lies beyond existence of the first is the pure develop- the Pleroma, and therefore, also the plastic ment of life from within, an activity Being for that world ; for in this system, which is not directed outwards, and to form and to redeem hang closely which has no obstacles to overcome; and together, as is already evident from the twofold operations of the Horos. By a tranquillity which is a life and action.
The Being
:

2.

The
;

and by
death
into
in

its

existence of the v>.v) is of itself, own nature, the stillness of

life
it it

means of

this

formative

process^

the

but after a spark of

has fallen
a certain

it, and communicated to something analogous to life,

becomes

its

representative, Satan, a wild

kmd

of self-contradicting impulse. 3. To the Demiurgos, and to those that are his, namely, the Psychical, there is peculiarly assigned an activity directed they outwardly ; an impelling activity
:

do much, as it usually happens with such busy people, without rightly understanding what they do,f without found in the writings of Heracleon, quoted hy becoming themselves properly conscious Origen, torn. xiii. Joh. c. 16, 25, 30, 51, 59; torn. XX. c. 20. of the ideas which direct them.]; * The foundation of the whole of the new * The oua-ti TroKva-^iim, which endeavours to creation, lying licyond the Pleroma, which new
desire to
j

higher nature is first made free from the matter that adheres to it; and out of an unorganic, formless being, is unfolded into a definite, organized being, gifted with individual qualities."]" It is by means of redemption that the higlier property first attains to its mature and perfect development, and to clear consciousness. Redemption is the completion of the formative process. All the Divine life of the Pleroma concentrates itself, and is

assimilate every thing to

itself.
j

creation can proceed from division alone.

The documents on

wliich this rests will be

f [Literally, "into a definite, individual, and organized being." H. J. R.]

'

THE PLASTIC SOTER.

reflected
in
its

IMAGE OF GOD IN THE CREATION.

him of
[

269

the Soter, and through

the glory of

God, sketched by the

operations for the individual- Soter, as by a painter. But, to say the truth, as every image, from its very nature, life, in order that the spiritual natures, which are akin to the is an impeifect representation of the oriPleroma, may be sown abroad in the ginal prototype, and can be rightly underM'orld, and ripen into perfect existence. stood only by him who has the power of The Christus of the Pleroma is the work- behoKling tiic original, thus also the ing principle, the Sotqr beyond the Ple- Demiurgos, with his creation, is only an

extends

izing of the Divine

and imperfect image of the glory of God; and he alone who has received in his inward proves his redeeming soul the revelation of the invisible Divine and forming power on that still imperfect Being, can rightly understand the world soul of the world, which came from the as the image, and the Demiurgos as the Pleroma, as this soul must, at some lime propliet, of the Supreme God. The inor other, spread itself abroad over all the ward revelation (which is the portion of spiritual natures that are akin to it, and the 7rvf/L*aTixot) is an authentication of which sprouted forth from it, as the uni- the outward, an authentication of the versal mother of spiritual life in the lower Demiurgos as the representative of God. world. (See above.) The Soter is the Valentinus himself expresses this thus:* proper fashioner and governor of the " as much as the picture is less than the world, as he is the Redeemer; for the living countenance, so much the world is formation of the world is the first begin- less than the living God. And what is ning of the process of development, which the cause of the picture ? The greatness can only be brought to completion by of the countenance, which afforded the means of redemption. The Soter, as the original to the painter, in order to beinward active principle, puts into the soul- come honoured by the manifestation of of-the-world,J destined to make up a his name ; for no form has been invented syzygy with him, the formative ideas, as an independent thing. But as the and she communicates them to the Demi- name of the thing itself supplies that urgos, who imagines that he is acting which is wanting in the paintings, so independently; and he, unconsciously to also the invisible Godf acts for the himself, under this cultivation becomes authentication of the image which is animated and influenced by the power of made." Whilst Valentinus|| reprethese ideas. It is a fundamental notion of the Valensented the Demiurgos and the world tinian and of all Gnostic systems, that fashioned and animated by him as one man is destined to represent and to mainwhole, he paints this whole as an image tain the connection between the higher world and the empire of the Demiurgos,

roma*

is

the receiving, the forming,

first

the perfecting principle.

The

Soter

j-

In the

TCTTOf ^KTOT^TiC.
I

that

is,

to reveal the

says of the Soter, in relation to Christians, that the former receives the Divine seed out of the Pleroma from the latter, as a yd undeveloped seed; and that he communicates to
it

Thus Heracleon

Supreme God

in this

world. Human nature, and the revelation of God, are here kindred notions ; and

hence
I

i\\e first mavi^,

[Urmensch] was one

the formation into a definite and separnv nitinw nut

(puriiTfx'jV,
/jii^f^mT-iv
tcrti

rate being

tuv a-^tx ytn^iv,

aytnyoiv x.^

iU

Mi^ifJiv,

7rifiiyg:t<p>iv

civaja|af.

light,

To bring to Origen, Joh. t. ii. c. 1.5. to individualize, are identical The indefinite, the ideas among the Gnostics. unorganic, corresponds in spiritual beings to the Thus in the Valentinian fragment in Irei,K>f. na;us i. c. 8. 4, the /j.'.^<p'M\i, <^ufTi<^uv, (favai'.uv, is opposed to the 7ri>c0:txkuy (rm^/uiTiKox tv o\>'v bia-Ktv. Christus sows the seed, the Soter harvests it. Origen, Joh. i. 13. p. 48.
loform, and
t

of the Valentinian J?Lons; and, according to other Valentinian systems, it was said, " When God wished to reveal himself,
I

was called ??ir/?i." The Demiurgos man, to image and represent himself; he breathed into him a soul akin to
this

created

*
I

Clem. Strom,

lib.

iv.

509.
ii.

[Sylb. p. 218.

Potter, p. 603.

Klotz, vol.

p.

326-7.]

KsiTOJ

o-i<pi!t,

Achamoth.

[The quotation from Valentinus is probably corrupt, and recjuires the alteration of ejrwi^a'a-ay into iTKwucri)/, which the common interpreters, as well
as ISeander, have made.
in the latter part,

the

be remembered that in this system all ^^ons were evolved by pairs, or syzygies.
[It will
I

which

The only difficulty lies here quote t/c -.w ctWut.

:

H.
II

.T.

R.]
'

After Plato, who considers the Spirit that fashions the world, and the world animated by

^a^-)f)u<pai

Tov

TUTr'ji, ivu.

Tiunb^

Si

iyi'.[/.i.'r(.<;

olutcu: au

him. as one whole, one e^c

after the

^jvxtoc,

sv ^itcv

and

TO

ClTTtf.n'T^V JV TTKrtlTti.
j-

H.

J. R.]

example of Philo, who represents the

I

God's invisible Being.

Ac^c, and the body of the world animated by him, as one whole.

\
'

The Adam Kadinon

i.

of the Cabbala.

See Iran. Ub.

c.

12. 4.

z2


270

VALENTINIAN NOTION OF INSPIRATION.

I

But, even here, he was his own being. acting as the instrument of a higher Being. Man was to represent that first man. Without the Demiurgos being conscious of it,
the Sophia communicated to him the spiritual seed, which he transplanted into the
it happened that man at once revealed something which was more elevated nature than the whole of a so that creation, into which he entered the Demiurgos himself, and his angels, were seized with astonishment, for as yet they knew nothing of a higher world. The Demiurgos thought that he himself was an independent ruler; but now, to

soul of

man; and thence

is contained the 4't/;!^^*), will then utterly cease.f The attractive power, with which the man, limited as he is, being animated by the ideas of a higher world, expresses Divine Being works on every thing, withthem in his works, as in art, and indeed, out those who receive the impression ununiversally, where the hands of men exe- derstanding it, or being able to explain it cute any thing in relation to tlie name to themselves, is a favourite notion with

saw a higher power enter into his dominions. This astonishment is universally repeated, wherever
his astonishment, he

aim shall have been attained, the which is only destined for the life of intuition,* will leave thatvehiculum in and every spiritual the lower sphere nature, as the female and recipient element in regard to the higher world of spirits, will be elevated in the Pleroma to its syzygy with the angelic nature which corresponds to it. Only the highest and immediate intuitive powers (that is the meaning of Valentinus,) will then come into operation. All the powers and modes of operation of the soul, which are directed to that which is temporal and perishable, such as its powers of reflection, and the understanding, in which, according to
this
spirit,
;

Valentinus,

He being conscious of the reason of it. made them, therefore, prophets, priests, and kings. Therefore, it ha{)pened that self: "And just as the angel was seized the prophets were enabled especially to with fear at that creature (7r^(7/>l,) when hint at the higher order of things, which should be brought among men by the it spoke of loftier things than such as According to Valentinus, a foursuited its creation, by means of him who Soter. had invisibly communicated to it the seed fold principle acted upon the Prophets 1. The psychical principle, the human of the life from above, (namely, the Soter,) and when it spoke with freedom and con- and limited soul, the unassisted soul. 2. The spirltualization of this -^vxty so also, in the race of the men fidence, of this world, the works of man become which is derived from the Demiurgos
:

of God. Thus it happens that men fall down and worship their own images, being filled with a reverential astonishment by the sensation* of a higher power, which is unknown to them. We will bring forward the words of the man him-

Valentinus.

The Demiurgos was

attracted

by

the spiritual natures

tered

which were scatamong the Jewish people, without

a terror even to those who made them, such as pillars, and statues, and every thing which the hands of all men execute

working upon
3.

it.

4.

The unassisted vvtviJiciTtyoy. The pneumatical spirltualization,

is

honour of the name ofGod."t But that which human nature was universally to represent, became now really brought to pass only in those spiritual men.t Through them was the life-giving,
in

which

derived from the influence of

the Sophia.J

purifying principle of the Divinity to be spread abroad, and penetrate oven to the and meaning, and a higher and lower utmost limits of the vXv] these spiritual sense, which differed from each other, in natures are the salt and the light of the the same passage. 1. The mere human sayings. earth, the leaven for all the race of man. 2. The single prophecies of future The ^vxri is only the vcluculum for the

Thus Valentinus, in reference to these four principles, could distinguish in the writings of the prophets, different promises of a higher and lower character

order that it may be able to events, which the Demiurgos, who, enter into the temporal world, in which although not Omniscient, yet looked into When a wider circle of the future, was able to it is to develope itself to maturity. communicate; and the prophecies of a
7rrff*aTt>!oc, in
* [AhnuniT. Literally, a pre.te/t/nen/. It expresses here a feclinp; inclicating a sen>!e that leads

H. J. to recoijiiise this hi<,'her power. [Sylb. Strom. Ill), ii. 375. f Cletn. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 145.] Potter, p. 448. \ The i^wjttz wiUfAXTUM.
us

It.]

p.

161.

H.
4

[Das Leben der Anschauung.

i. R.]

See Preface.

f Comp.

Aristot.
i.

de Anima.,
c. 16,

lib. iii, c, 5.

See Iren. Ub.

3, 4.


TRACES OP TRUTH AMOXG HEATHENS.
Messiah, which came also from the same source, but were still enveloped in a teinponil and Jewish form ; the prophecies of a Messiah, such as the Demiurgos Avould send, a Psychical Messiali for the Psychical world, the ruler of a kingdom of this world. 3. The ideas which verged upon the Cliristiau economy, and pointed to it, the enlightened Messianic notions, brought forward in more or less purity, according as they proceeded purely from the higher
turns
itself

2T1
formation

to

tlie

of idols,

allows us to conclude that he. judged the polytheistic system more mildly than the common Jews, to whom the idols were only evil spirits, and that he, supporting himself by Acts xvii. 23, believed that even in this system, although it was sullied by the prevalence of the hylic principle, there might be observed traces of an unknown God, who spread his unrecognised influence over all things.

Thus

Valentinus,

in a still

extant frag-

spiritual natures, or the itrmiediate influ-

ment of

a homily,* actually hints at the

ence of the Sopliia. This view might lead to remarkable investigations as to the mixture of the Divine and human in the prophets, and introduce conclusions which would be fruitful towards the interpretation of the prophets themselves. The Valentinian view was opposed to the determination of those, who, in spite of the words of Christ in Matt. xi. 9, &.C., and in spite of 1 Pet. i. 12, attributed a perfect and Christian knowledge to the prophets. It may be asked, whether Valentinus recognised the beams of higher truth only among the Jews; whether he allowed the existence of spiritual natures only among the Jews, or whether he acknowledged that they were spread abroad also among the heathen. According to Heracleon,* he held the Jews to be the kingdom of the Demiurgos, the Heathen the kingdom of Matter, or of Satan, and the Christians ttie people of the Supreme God but this does not prove that he excluded from the heathen all that belongs to the superior race because, although he expressly assigned Judaism to the Demiurgos, he supposed that it contained some scattered seeds of the higher pneumatical system and although he assigned Christianity to the Supreme God, he saw also, even among the Christians, a large class of Psychical persons. He, therefore, only speaks of the prevailing ingredients ; aiul therefore, notwithstanding tlie prevailing state of the Ixrt among the heathen, he might recognise scattered seeds of the pneumatical. He was in fact obliged to confess this according to his own principles, according to which the higher spiritual principle of life (the irvtvj.ci.TiKov) was to pervade all grades of being even to the very I. mils of matter, in order to prepare the universal ahnihilation of the uAj). What Valentin us says, in the passage above quoted, of the power of art, which

spread about even in the writings of the heathen, in which the inward being of the spiritual people of God, or of the sri't;/x:tTKoi, who are spread abroad in the whole world, reveals " Much of that which is written itself. in the books of the heathen, is found written in the Church ai God; this common part is the voice out of the heart,
traces of truth

the

law written

in the

heart; this

is

that

people of the beloved (t. e. this higher consciousness which is found in common, is the mark of the scattered community of the Soter, the 7rri;/xaTitot,) which is beloved by him, and loves him in return." The Soter^ who from the beginning had conducted the lohole process of the development of the spiritual seed of life, which had fallen down from out of the Pleroma for the formation of a new world, the invisible Faskiont'r and Ruler of this new world, was now obliged at last, himself, to act upon the course of the world, without any inferme' diate agency, in order to spread forth the act of redemption, which he had originally perfected in the mother of all spiritual life, the soul of the world, or the Sophia,

upon all the spiritual life which had flowed forth from her, and thus to bring the whole work to completion. All being, even down to the very hylic matter that struggles

against

all

being,

was

ennoblement, each after its The Soter must, tlierefore, enter into connection with all these stages of being, in order to fashion all, both the lower (the Psychical) as well as the higher (the Pneumatical,) into the degree of the hisihor life, of which each is capable. Except for this, according to the usual course of nature, the Soter could enter into connection only with the spiritual nature, which is akin tohim,and such a nature could enter into this temcapable

of

own

degree.

* Clem. Strom.

lib. vi. p.

641.

[Svlb. p. 272.

* Origen, in Job.

t. xiii.

^ 16.

Potter, p. 792.

Klotz, vol.

iii.

p. 128.J

272

PSYCHICAL MESSIAH.

THE TWO UNITED.

This latter had appointed in which he would unite with tliis psychical Messiah as himself his instrument, in order to fulfil the work which had been prepared and promised by the Demiurgos in a far higher sense than he himself anticipated, and to found a Messianic kingdom of a far higher kind, to the real circumstances of which only the most elevated predictions of the prophets, and those not understood by the Demiurgos himself, had pointed. The psychical Messiah, who did not perceive the destination which was to fall to his lot through his union with tlie Soter, in the mean time laid before man the He was able to Ideal of ascetic holiness. exert an extraordinary dominion over matter from the peculiar nature of his body. He let himself down, indeed, to man, so as to eat and drink ; hut still without being subject to the same affections as other men: he carried on every thing after a divine manner.* At the baptism in the Jordan, where he was to receive his solemn consecration to his calling as the Messiah, from John the Baptist, the representative of the Demiurgos, the Soter, who had thus conducted every thing through his invisible guidance, united himself with him, descending under On this questhe symbol of the dove. tion, whether the psychical Messiah from the first bore a spiritual nature within him, which, descending with the vehiculum of a soul, was to develope itself to maturity in this world, that it might then first become capable of redemption ; or
of the Soter.
the

poral world only in connection with a

moment

Valenlinus might here coincide with the doctrine of Basilides, only with this diflerence, that with the first of them, the human part in the person and in the life of the Redeemer received a somewhat higher character, although not the right

and hecoming one; the Christ, composed and decomposed hy him, according to his own notions, was always very different from the Idsloriccd Christ. Tlie Deniiurffos had promised to his own people a Redeemer, a Messiah, who would release them from the dominion of
the hylical, introduce the annihilation of

every thing which opposed itself to his rule over every thing in his empire,

name,
with
sent

and

rejoice all

that

obeyed him

He kinds of earthly happiness. this Messiali, who represented the very image of the Demiurgos, out of his own heaven ; but this elevated Being could not enter into any connection with matter ; nay, as it was to introduce the annihilation of every thing material, how could it receive any thing whatever from matter There would then have been joined with the material body a material spirit* of life, akin to it, and the source of every thing evil ; and how could he have been the Redeemer, if the principle of evil had been present in his own nature } The
all

down

.''

Demiurgos

also formed a body for the psychical Messiah out of the finer ethereal matter of heaven, out of which he sent him down into this world. This body was so formed, by some wonderful contrivance,! that he appeared visibly, and could subject himself to all sensuous actions and afiections, and yet do this in a manner entirely different from the usual kind of bodies.! But the miracle of the birth of Jesus consisted in this, that the psychical nature which came down from the heaven of the Demiurgos, together with the ethereal body brought from thence, came into the light of the world through the body of Mary only as through a canal. But yet this psychical Messiah Avould never have been able to complete the work laid upon him by the Demiurgos there was need of a higher power for the conquest of the empire of the bx-n \ the Demiurgos acted as well here as in everything as the unconscious instrument
:

whether it was only at his descent, into this world that the Soter first received from the Sophia a spiritual nature as a
veliicle, in

self

order to be able to unite him with the human nature, and that also the higher pneumatical nature was communicated to the Messiah of the Demiurgos during baptism on this point there might be a diversity of opinions even in the Valentinian school itself.|
:

sage of Heracleon

Clem. Strom. Lib. iii. 451. latter view is apparently found in a pasOrigen, t. vi. 23. Grabe Spicileg. t. ii. p. 89, where I once (see my Genetische Entwickelung, &c., p. 149,) erroneously supposed that I could recognise the doctrine that the Soter himself became man, and that of his union with the human nature from its first de-j-

The

velopment.
*

He

explains John

i.

27, in his

man-

The

\'U)(jf

dxcyc;.
"I"

'E^ owovoMWf.
oiicrioi.;.

i Se,iju!t in TDc u9i'c[/c 4"A;,""'f

Theodot.

ner, first justly, according to the sense expressed by the words, " John avows that he is not worthy
to render the smallest service to the

Redeemer

;"

DiJascal. Anatol.

'(if

and then afterwards he

arbitralily

introduces a

Si*

caiXJivof.

higher sense into the simple words, according to

THE PASSION NOT THE CHIEF MATTER.

''

2T3

Accordinor to the doctrine of Valen- altogether, after it has become dissolved in tinus, as well as that of Basilides, the ap- itself.* By the words, Into thy hands, pearance of the redeeming Spirit in human O Father, I commend my spirit^'''' he comnature, and its union with the psychical mended the 7ri'ff*TiJtO aiTf^ixx which

Messiah would be the chief business

the

was then leaving him, in order that it might not be detained in the dominion with Basilides in this, that tlie Soter had of the Demiurgos, but that it might raise left the psychical Messiah to himself at itself up free into the higher region, and his passion, but he ascribed more impor- that all those spiritual natures, whose
in

work of redemption.

He

also agreed

tance than Basilides to the passion of the Messiah, although a theosophy, which sought peculiar mysteries every where, despised a simple explanation, and in consequence of its multitude of mystical and speculative relations and meanings would not allow the feelings of the heart to show themselves although this theosophy was too contemplative and superIniinan to be able rightly to comprehend the passion of Christ in its human and moral aspect. As the psychical Messiah spread himself upon the cross, and with the cross spread himself over the lower Avorld, this was an image of that first act of redemption by which the Soter (see above,) had extended himself over the Sophia with the aTa.v^o(;. Just as in the higher region this effected the freeing of the Sophia from that which is foreign to her, so also it effected in the lower the freeing of the psychical from the material,
;

representative this spiritual nature united

with him was, might also be raised up with it. The psychical Messiah raises himself up to the Demiurgos, who transfers to him in his name the sovereign might and rule, and the pneumatical Messiah raises himself up to the Soter, whither all freed spiritual natures are to follow him. The most important matter, the chief concern for the pneumatical natures in the work of redemption, is still the redemption, which was imparted to human nature by its union with the Soter at the baptism in the Jordan. This must be reValenpeated in every individual case. tinus speaks thus of the sanctifying effects of inward communion with the Redeemer. " But there is one Good,

(whose

which
evil,

is

the

groundwork of
final

all

that

is
it
,

free appearance is the revelation through the Son,) and through Imn alone can the heart become pure after all evil spirits have been banished out of the

even to the

annihilation of

heart, for

many
it

spirits

inhabiting

it

will

,;

his
ii

own
\ul

theosophic ideas
xxtsaSji
Trtpt

oix,

iyai ii/ui

iKaivi;,

hm.

drrs
i; w

y.!ry^ovi

X-M

irafKt
cii

K^ji-^,

L;
cuSi

vrr'.ixiA.A,

sjco \'.ycY u7r:icuvuj

iwi.fx:u,

Sii}-}>KTia6*t

imwatt

Txv

7rtf,i

airx;

eu.vo-

'

can hardly here, under the term " the Soter, who came down out of the higher region from the bounds of the Pleroma and the tctoc ^75ttoc, had received, understand the body of the psychical Messiah, forme-d by some peculiar oixovc^ui^ ; for he is certainly here speaking of the Soter, who revealed himself to John at the baptism, and at all events, according to the Valentinian doctrine, he did not unite himself with the body but with the psychical Messiah who bore this body. And then John, who here represented the person of the Demiurgos himself, would never have uttered his aiStonishment thus at this wonderful body, formed by the latter person himself (the Demiurgos.)
/uixv-

We

Hesh," which the

But

vehicle for a higher being,

the Valentinians called every coveriiif^, every which lets himself down

Each one of be pure. these fully performs its oAvn work, while they defile it in manifold ways by unseemly desires. And it appears to me to be with such a heart as with an inn, which is trampled upon and trodden down and often filled with dirt, while men dwell within it without restraint, and take no care whatever about the place, as one Thus in which they have no concern. also the heart, until it attains heavenly grace, remains unclean, as being the abode of many evil spirits. But where the Father, the only one that is good, takes possession of it, then is it sanctified and jit shines with light; and thus he who possesses such a heart, is declared to be blessed (/xaxagj^ira*) because he will see
not allow
to
1 I ! ' !

God."t
already a

into a lower region, a o-af^.

a-^Tt'fjft mzjfjturiicov,

gave a in order that he might let him-

The Sophia

He who is thus united with God is member of the heavenly comThe

declaration of Heracleon in Origen,
t.

self

down

to the earth in this as a vehicle for his

vi.

appearance, and

with the
cal.

might thereby enter into union '^^^ opening words of the Didasl^'^X"' Anatol. give us the proof of this, for it is said, TTji-.i^-iKiv 7-:)fiia'A' ^ui Kcym (as well as to the Soter)
3"6<f(*

23,

KiKtxv,

TM o-rM^CD u}/>iKu'7B:u Kxt ii^u.via-BAi TrsLo-^f rnv must be understood in connection with the
lib.
ii.,

whole Valentinian system.

t Strom,
[Sylburg,
ii.

TO

7rVSJJUlX.TIX,'^V O'nflfJI.X,
triDTufi.

TOUTO (TTCtaO'X/UWO!

p.

409.

[Ed.

Par.

1629.]

KrLTntSa

It

was

also of this wonderful

p.

176. Potter, p.

4889.

Klotz, vol.

apparatus that Heracleon spoke.

p. 191.]

35

274
is

PNEUMATICAL AND PSYCHICAL.

1

already incorporated by the deemer, and led to him, the men of the munity, power of the Redeemer into the host of Spirit therefore, tliey who possess that blessed spirits, which is thus expressed in seed are the salt and the soul of the outthe language of the Valentinian school: ward Church, those through whom Chris" As every pneumatical soul has its other tianity is farther propagated as the forming By these half in the higher world of Spirits (the [principle of human nature.* angel which belongs to it) for union with spiritual men the illumination of all this earthly universe, the final annihilation of it is destined, so does it receive which
;
I I j

through the Soter the power to enter at all that is material and evil, is to be preonce into this syzygy in regard to its pared, after matter has been deprived of
j

spiritual life."*

As
their

the psychical and pneumatical be-

ings are difierent from

one another
destination,

in

nature
is

and

their

so

they remain different also in Christianity.

There

a j^gto-rancr^ot
7rf/xaTi)to{.

-^vyjuioi;

and a

^ptaTtuvis'fjLai

St.

aul de-

clares to

the psychical, that for

them he

has known nothing and could preach nothing but Christ crucified ;t that he could not preach to them that wisdom of the perfect which is hidden even to the Demiurgos and his angels. Tiie Valentinians distinguish also, according to their system, a twofold signification of redemption and of baptism, in regard to the psyThe psychici chici and the pneumatici. must be led to believe by means of miracles and other acts that strike the senses ;J they are only capable of a belief ujwn authority^ and not capable of a pcrsuasio7i which proceeds from the inward essence of truths nor of the intuitive perception (anschauung) of truth itself To such

which it has seized upon for Valentinus thus addresses these 'pretended spiritual men: "Ye are, from the beginning, immortal, and children of eternal life, and ye have been desirous to divide death among yourselves,| in order that ye may exhaust and expend it, and that death may die in you and through you ; for when ye dissolve the world, (prepare the dissolution of the material v/orld,) but ye yourselves will not be dissolved, ye are lords over the creation, and over all that is corruptible.";|; Although at the bottom of these highsounding words, as far as they were applied to the calling of Christians, as instruments for the revelation and extension of God's kingdom, there is something of truth ; yet this truth is here mixed with a pride, which in the case of
all

the

life

itself.

might easily introduce the most mischievous excesses of If the Valentinians had been able to found a Church according to their men Ciirist speaks in John iv. 48. The own notions, the Pneumatici would have spiritual men, on the contrary, need no been the Christian Brahmins. Now, when the end prepared by these such outward means of instruction in virtue of their kindred nature they are at- spiritual men should have been attained, tracted by truth itself without any inter- then, after the dissolution of the whole When truth reveals it- material world, the Soter, united into a mediate nieans. self to them, there follows instantly in syzygy with the Sophia, and under him them a confident belief, such as could the matured spiritual natures in pairs not be effected from without, and could with the angels, were to enter into the only proceed from the immediate influ- Pleroma, and the last (lowest) stage of ence of truth upon their kindred spiritual the spiritual \vorld was to receive the nature.ll Their worsliip of God founded psychici under the Demiurgos; and they on tlieir knowledge of the truth is the also were to receive that measure of haptrue "reasonable service of God." piness, which was suited to their peculiar That seed of the spiritual nature is that nature. The Demiurgos rejoices himself
certain peculiarities,

fanaticism.

by which men
*

are attracted

by the Re* See the proof of this in Heracleon, to be given almost immediately. I While they were sent down into the midst of the material world. [Ed. Pari?, 1629.] i Strom, lib. iv. p. 509. B.

Heracleon, ap. Origen,t. 13, l], x.c/uii^i^u

Itll lyOXTtt

7TA^ ctUTiU TUV Sul^ fjltV X.il TT^Ot TO Try^H^UtfAX ctUTK.

(-

H3t TKV dvax^iaiv

Diilnscal.

Anatol.

ytvif'Tiy

preaching of St. Paul.

iKupv^i Tcy
i
<rft)T)if

a twofold mode of In regard to the Psychici,

Of

'Aw' '^X"' '6'-'*T(u io-Ti K1J Twcx ^ainr K*/ Tiy BauXTcv /flsAfTS /Ai?tT*ab-u th
JrtTTxyiia-nri ou/tcv

sfTTe diiaivn.;.

iavnu;
o

lyx

kji Tra&tiny.

k-u

MXayrMtt k-u

rrS^yy
juty

BxyxTCi

At

ie^-^aiv i^uo-iv s;^;(;vT4

kji

St
f.

ata-6n<rtre-

CfAtv

K-u

it

v/JCfty.

'OT-av

y^

Tcy

cr/mcy

MxTt,

Kcucv^i Ao>
faixc JtxdiTtc.
J

TTto-Tiuiv.

Orig.
t.

xiii .59.

CfJ.U:

Si ftM KtT(t\U>lirSt, KU^IfOiTt

Tur nrKTlai^ Ktt TOC

Heracleon in Joann.

xiii. c.

20, the Siktpoi

'fQopxr avicnig.

lSylb.p.218. Potter, p.603. Klotz,

vol.
<fint.

ii.

p.

326.]
Tcwftf /Mjj-oTjrref.

'H lJiuk^ith k-u tcxTcUJoiKc; th

The

ALLEGORICAL INTERPRETATIONS.
appearance of the Soter, through wliich a hi<fher world, to which he had hitherto been a stranger, is revealed to him, and through wliich also he, being freed from his harassmg service, is enabled to enter into rest, and receive an echo of the glory of the Pleronia. He is the friend of the Bridegroom (the Soter) who stands there and belongs to him, and delights himself in the voice of the bridegroom, and delights himself in the fulfilment of the marriage.* John the Baptist spoke those words, John iii. 29, as the
in the
I

275

and involuntarily introduced its views and ideas into the Holy Scriptures, which he considered as the source of divine truth. As a proof of what is here said, we will take a closer view of Heracleon's
explanation of the glorious conversation

of our Saviour with

I

the

woman of Sa-

maria. with

He

could not stand by the simple

historical
j

narrative, nor content himself

'

representative of the Demiurgos.

Distinguished

profound, psychological conthi.s Samaritan woman in her relation to the Saviour. Immediately in this Samaritan woman, who was attracted by the words and the appearance of Christ, an image is presented to his mind
the

sideration of

<j

Men

(f the School of
the Valentinian

Valentinus.

Among

the

men

of

school, the Alexandrian Heracleon is distinguished by more learning and profoundness than the others. He composed a commentary on the Gospel of St. John, from which Origenf has preserved some fragments of importance, perliaps also a

of ail spiritual natures, which are attracted by that which is divine and, therefore, in this narrative the whole relation of the Tcvtvix-ccrixoi to the Soter, and to the higher spiritual world, must be represented. And therefore, the words of the Samaritan woman must bear a double sense one, a sense of which she herself was conscious, and the other that higher sense, which
;
;

commentary on that of St. Luke, from she uttered as which (if such be the case,) Clement of whole class of
Alexandria^ has handed down to us a fragment, the explanation of Luke xii. 8. It is easy to understand that the deep and inward spirit of St. John's writings would be attractive to the Gnostics. Heracleon brought to the explanation of this Gospel a deep religious feeling directed to interior things, together with an understanding which was clear, whenever he was not led into error by theosophical speculations ; but that which was wanting in him was a feeling for the simplicity of St. John, and a knowledge or a recognition of the principles of grammatical and logical interpretation in general, without which free room is given to every caprice, even in the interpreta-

the representative of the wntiftaTtxo*, without being conscious of it ; and therefore, the words of the Saviour in reference to these things must also bear a twofold sense, a higher and a lower, a notion which involves the unnatural supposition of a double conversation going on at the same time. And yet he had seized upon the fundamental idea of the words of the Redeemer in a very understanding spirit, if he could only have prevented himself from being drawn away from the main matter by seeking too much in subordi-

nate particulars.

He

explains justly the

words of Christ, (John iv. 10, 13, 14,) which are to be understood spiritually:* " The water which the Saviour gives, is from his spirit and his power tion of the Scriptural writers, inasmuch His grace and his gift are something which as they, as men, although inspired men, can never be taken away, nor corrupted, obeyed the laws which regulate the modes nor consume away in him who partakes Al- of it They who receive that of speech and thought among men. though as far as we can see, Heracleon which is abundantly given to them from intended honestly to deduce his tlieology above, themselves also let that which is oLt of St. John, yet he was altogether given to them bubble over for the eternal But then he draws the taken possession of by his own csystem, life of others." and so thoroughly entangled in it in all false conclusion, that because Christ his modes of thought and conception, meant the water which he wished to
that he could not stir a step free from

it,

give, to be taken in a symbolical sense,

The union of the Soter with the Sophia, and of the angels with the spiritual natures in the
Pleroina.

f In his Tomi upon John, in which he frequently refers to the explanations of Heracleon. [Sylliuri;, p. 215. Potter, Strom, iv. 503. I p. 593-6. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 316-8.]

consequently also the water of the well of Jacob must be understood in a It was to be a symsymbolical sense. bol of Judaism, which satisfies not the
*
ii.

[This passatjc

is

quoted. Grab. Spicileg. vol.

p.

94-5.H.

J. R.]

2T6

VIEWS OF MARTYRDOM.
fession before the civil

desires of the spiritual nature, and of its When the Saperishable earthly glory.

power

only thing

but this

is

to be the wrong, for even

maritan woman says, " Give me this water, that I may not thirst, that I may

the hypocrite niiglit

make

this confession.
;

This
the

is

a particular confession

it

is

not

not come hither to draw ," then the burdensoineness of Judaism was to be betokened by this, the difficulty of finding in it (Judaism) the nourishment of the

common confession, which ought to be made by all Christians, of which he is

here speaking; it is the confession through works and conduct, which answer to a This common confession belief in him.* is followed by that peculiar one, if it be needful, and if reason enjoins it Those persons who confess him with their mouth, may deny him through their works. Those only can truly confess him, who live in the confession of him, among whom he himself confesses, because he has received them into himself, and they have received him into themselves.! Therefore can he never deny

inward

life,

and

its

unsatisfactoriness.*

When
half in

the

Redeemer

desired the
spirits,

woman

to call her husband,

he meant her other

the angel

the world

of

which belonged to her, in order that she, coming with him to the Saviour, might receive power from him to bind herself
with this her other half, and thus unite with him.f The ground for this arbitrary " He could not interpretation was this speak of her earthly husband, because he was well aware that she had no lawful According to the spiritual husband. meaningl; the Samaritan woman did not know her husband she knew nothing of the angel, that belonged to her according to the literal meaning, she was ashamed to say that she was living in an unlawful connection." Heracleon further concluded, that as the water is the symbol of the divine life bestowed by the Redeemer, so is the pitcher a symbol of the capacity in the disposition of the Samarit an woman for this Divine life. She left the pitcher behind with him ; that is to say, as she had such a vessel with the
:

himself'J W^e next make mention of Ptolem.cus, who to judge from the work of Irenreus, (which was specially levelled against the party of this man^) must have laboured

much
it

for the propagation of Vafentinian

principles.

One

is

led to inquire

whether

Saviour, as was fitted to receive the living water, she returned into the world, in order to announce the coming of Christ
to the psychical.il

Heracleon properly opposed the habit of prizing martyrdom as an opus operatum. " The multitude," he says,t " hold con*

To

iVlfAO^&OV, IteU

SuTTTOfltO-'TCiV

Kill

"[

To

TrKii^uy.^ ttint^.

See above.

^
(j

KtfTSt TO VOrMfAitai.

be true, as TertuUian asserts, that Ptolemaeus was distinguished from Yalentinus, because he imagined the ^ons rather under the form of Hypostases, while Valentinus conceived them to be powers in-dwelling in the being of God or at least one inquires, whether this difference was of so much importance ; because, in fact, the representation of the iEons by the Gnostics, far from being mere abstract notions of attributes, always must have bordered on hypostasizing. A very important piece of Ptolem?eus, which has been preserved his letter to one Flora, whom he endeavoured to gain shows over to the Valentinian principles|| that he was extremely skilful in presenting his views to others in a manner likely As he was appato recommend them. rently writing to a Christian lady of the
\

^,

KTa
,

TO aTTKCUV,
, ,
.

II

that only

^ ,^ The thought of Heracleon ,s here a just one,, he who IS in union with the Saviour by
,
,

his feelings can preach

him properly to others,although this just thought is introduced into this place by an arbitrary interpretation of that which historical. must here do Heracleon the justice to acknowledge, that Origen, here as well

Catholic Church, he had particularly to ohjcclion, which she would j -' v ? i'"a^e on the contradiction between his
, ,

doctrines
[

and

those

of

the

Church, and

We

other places, attacks him unjustly, as if he contradicted himself; " for how could the Samaritan," says he, " preach to others, when she
as in

many

what Heracleon says is in itself and yet his explanation, which has no reference whatever to the context, is quite false.
*

Here

again,

quite just

'Ev6/\))jMjMSvoc
"t"

airov;

nm

i^c/uivoi utto Tcinav.

had

left behind her, with the Redeemer, from whom she departed, her organ for the reception of the Divine lifel" But Heracleon was here quite consistent in his application of the allegory ; he did not think of any local leaving beldiid. ^ In the fragment of his Commentary on St. Luke, quoted above.

Which would

necessarily happen, if those

who are in connection with him were to deny him. Nominibus et numeris .(Eonum distinctis in personales substantias, quas Valentinus in ipsa summa divinitatis, ut scnsus et aflcctus et motus,
incluserat.
II

Adv. Valentinian. c. 4. Epiphan. Hares, ixxiii. .3.

PRINCIPLES OF PTOLEM.EUS.

277
Mosaic

against the supposition that the

Old Tes-

3.

The

oldest additions to the

tament and the creation of the worlds did law.* not proceed from the Supreme God. In The Saviour clearly distinguishes the regard lo the first, he appeals to an apos- law of Moses from the law of God (i. e. tolical tradition, which had come down to of the Demiurgos,) in Matt. xix. 6, Sac. him through a series of hands, as well as to He, however, exculpates Moses again, and the ivords of our Saviour., according to seeks to show, that he gave way to the which men must determine every thing. By weakness of the \>eoy)\e only when forced, tradition he probably means an Esoteric in order to avoid a greater evil. That tradition, which he, being self-deceived, wliich proceeded from the Demiurgos he doubdess deduced from some pretended divided again into a threefold division ; disciple of the apostles; and as to the 1. The purely moral enactments, diswords of our Saviour, he could easily turbed by nothing extraneous, which are bring them into accordance with his own properly called " The Law," in reference

system by the Gnostic exegesis. In re- to which, our Saviour says that he is gard to the second point, we may well not come to destroy the Law, but to
conceive that he has represented his prinunder the mildest possible form, in order to obtain acceptance for them with one who was uninitiated ; but still we lind in his conclusions nothing which contradicts the Valentinian principles. He combats two opposite errors, the error of those who held that the creation of the world, and the Old Testament, were the work of an evil Being, and the error of those who attributed them to the Supreme God ; in his opinion, the one party was in error, because it knew only the Demiurgos, and not the Universal Father., whom Christ, who alone knew him, had been the first to reveal the other, because it knew nothing of an intermediate Being, like the Demiurgos. Ptolemaeus, also, would probably say, the first view is of men, who remain Jews even in that Christianity ; the other that of men, who, without any intermediate state of transition from the service of Matter and Satan, in heathenism, had attained at once to the recognition and knowledge of the Supreme God ; and who believed, because they had made this sudden spring in their religion and knowledge, that a similar sudden transition took place in nature. " How can a law," he justly inquires, " which forbids all evil, proceed from an evil Being, who wars against all morality .^" And he adds, " They who do not recognise the providence of the Creator in the world, must be blind not only in the eyes of the soul, but even in those of
ciples
:

fulfil it

for as

it

to the nature of the Saviour,

contained nothing alien it required

only fulfilment

as, for instance, the

com-

mandments. Thou shalt do no murder, Thou shalt not commit adultery, were

fulfilled

in

the

commands

neither to be

angry, nor
2.

to lust.

ture of evil, as that part,

law, disturbed by the intermixwhich permits of revenge, Levit. xxiv. 20 xx. 9 "He
:
-,

The

evil for evil, does no because he repeats the same conduct, but in a difTerent order." The Gnostic has here only one measure for all cases ; he could not discover the distinction of the politico-juridical from the purely moral, nor the necessary connection between the two, from the very nature of the economy of the Old Testament. And yet he recognises here, as well as in Moses, an element of instruction. "This command," says he, " was, and remains still, in other respects a just one, given on account of the weakness of those who

who recompenses
evil,

less

receive the
the

Law, though
;

it

transgresses

pure Laio

but

it

is

foreign to the

nature and goodness of the Father of all, perhaps not consonant to the nature even of the Demiurgos,t but probably only

him ; for while he who forbade one murder, commanded a second, he suffered himself to be surprised by neHe cessity, without being aware of it."
forced upon

means

to say,

that the

Demiurgos was

the body."

wanting, not in the will, but in the power, to overcome evd ; and this part of the Law is entirely abolished by the Saviour,
Holy Scriptures,
is

He throws
1.

the Mosaic religious code

:

quite conformable to the Valenthe theory of the Clementine,

into a threefold division

tinian notion of Inspiration.

* viz,

That whicii proceeds from the Demiurgos 2. That wliich Moses settled after the
dictates of his

According
that

to

when

the fiuw
it,

was written down from

the oral tradition of

many

foreign additions

own

unassisted reason

:*

This distinction of

diflerpnt agents (factors)

were mingleil with the oldest part of it. j I have translatd after an emendation of the iacec text, 1. c. c. 3, which I consider necessary
:

who worked

together in the composition of the

dlii Toxrtu,

or

m tcwtcw jciraxAJiAov. 2A

278
as contrary to the nature of the

TYPES.

MARCOS.
are

Supreme guished persons among those who

called

God.
3.

the

disciples

of Valentinus

we

The

typical ceremonial

Law, which say,

(see above) contains the type of the higher

Law of Sacrifices, of Circumcision, of the Sabbath, of the Pass" All this, which was over, and of Fasts. merely type and symbol, was changed The senafter the truth had appeared. suous and outward observance is removed, the but it is transferred to the spiritual names remain the same, but the things are changed. For the Saviour has commanded us also to offer sacrifices but not sacrifices by means of irrational animals, nor such incense, but through spiritual praise and thanksgiving, and through charity, and doing good to our neighbour. He wills also, that we should be circumcised ; not, however, by the circumcision of the foreskin of the body, but the spiritual circumcision of the heart. He wills also, that we should observe the Sabbath, because he wishes us to rest from doing evil. Also, that we should fast; but not with a bodily fast, but a spiritual, in which abstinence from all evil consists. Our people, however, do observe the external fast, because it may be of some service even to the soul, if reasonably used, and neither used in imitation of any one, nor out of habit, nor on some particular day, as if some one day were appointed for that purpose,^ but where it is used also with remembrance of the real fast, that those who are unable to keep that fast, may be reminded of it by outward fasting." And yet what true insight into the spirit of the system of religion proposed in the New Testament; what tlioughtfulness and mildness of judgment does he show here Marcus and Bardesanes* are distin
spiritual things, the
:

who are called the disciples,'''' because it would probably be more correct to state that both of them drew from the same sources in Syria, the native land of Gnosticism, which Valentinus had used. Marcus apparently came from Palestine
"

the latter half of the second century. His coming from Palestine appears probable, from the aramaic liturgical formulre, While in an of which he made use. Heracleon and a Ptolemseus the Alexandrian style of knojvledge and learning formed rather the characteristic of their theosophy, so on the contrary, in Marcus the poetic and symbolic was the prevailing character. He brought forward his doctrines in a poenij in Avhich he introduced the iEons speaking in liturgical formula, and in imposing symbols of worship. (We sliall hereafter introduce specimens of these latter.) After the Jewish cabalistic method, he hunted after mysteries in the number and the position of letters. The idea of a Xoyoi rov oi'to?, of a word as the revelation of the hidden Divine Being in creation, was spun out by him with
in

the greatest subtilty

inexpressible.*
life,|

he made the whole

creation a progressive expression of the

As the divine seeds of

enclosed in the jEons, conthis

which

lie

tinually unfold themselves wider and in-

dividualize
that these

themselves,
tlie

represents,

names of

unnameable being

divide

sounds.

themselves into their separate An echo of the Pleroma falls

the
i;^),

down

into

and

becomes the
inferior crea-

formative principle of a

new

*
j"

To

appDTcy puTci ytniBwui.

tT-TrlpudTA TrVlUfAiTIKH.

The

can only mention Secundus in a cursory manner; for the only thing worth remarking about him is his modification of the ideas of Valcntinus, l)y which he made a distinction in the first ogdoad

We

it is a peculiarly Gnostic idea, to i conceive that the hidden Divinity expressed himtill it was re-echoed, and died away, self aloud and then again that the echo fashioned itself into a

In general,

clear note [or /one,

ton] and

into a clear lourd,

;

and a Tng^rtf opi^ripx, naming and the second, darkness: this is remarkable, because it shows that, like most mystics, in the pride of his speculation he placed tilt (>ris;inal foundation, of evil in God, while he elevated God above the opposition of good and evil, but supposed that the seed of the division took its rise when the development of life began to proceed from God. Iren.TUs, !. i. c. 1. 2. A similar view is found with those magi among the Parses, who taught, after Scharistani, that " Yezdan cogitasse secum nisi fucrint mihi controverit^in

between a tst^c
the
first,
l'f!;/it,

and this idea they could apply under a variety of different relaThus Heracleon says. The Saviour is the tions. Word, as the revelation of the Divinity, all the
for the revelation of the Divinity

Hi;B,

quomodo

erit

Hancque

cogitatioiiem pra-

vam, naturaj

lucis

tencbras, dictas

minus analogam, j)roduxisse Ahriman." (Hyde, Hist. Relig.

Vet. Pers. p. 295.)

body of prophecy, which predicted him, without being justly aware of the idea of the Messiah, in its spiritual sense was only one note [ton,] which preceded the revealing word John the Baptist, standing in the middle between the economy of the Old and of the New Testament, is the i^oice [or tone, sfimiuc,] which is akin to the word, as the word expre.sses thoughts, with a consciousness of their meaning. The voice [stimme, voice, note, or tune,] becomes a word, when John becomes the disciple of Christ, and the note [or sound, ton] becomea a voice [stimme] when the prophets of the
:

BARDESANES.

FATE. MORAL

FREEDOM.

279

of these, Bardesanes, who vated above the whole world, in which is still less to be reckoned as a proper the temporal consciousness of man dedisciple of Valentinus, lived at Edessa in velopes itself; the human soul being a seed Mesopotamia, as we learn from his name, shed abroad from out of the Pleroma ; its " the son of Daisan,'' derived from a river essence and its powers, which are derived of tliis name in the town of Edessa: he from higher regions, remain, therefore, made himself known by his extensive hidden even from itself, until it shall have learning; many among the older writings arrived at a full consciousness and use of give notices of changes in the system of them in the Pleroma.* This, however, According to the account according to the Gnostic system, could Bardesanes. of Eusebius, he was at first devoted to only be true about the spiritual natures ; the system of Valentinus; but when he but according to that system he must had seen, after accurate inquiry, how un- have ascribed to the psychici also, a moral tenable much of it was, he went over to freedom, elevated above the power of the
I

The second

influences of nature, or the power of the He, therefore, although like many of those inclined to Gnosticism, he busied sect. According to Epiphanius he went himself with astrology, contended against over from the orthodox Church to the the doctrine of such an influence of the Valentinians. But Ephraim Syrus, the stars (an sJ/Lta^fitu)) as should be supposed learned Syrian writer, in the fourth cen- to settle the life and affairs of man by tury, who lived in the land of Bardesanes, necessity. Eusebius in his great literary and wrote in his language, and who had treasure-house, the Trpovcc^otcT-nevri evccyyeread his writings, gives us absolutely no Aix*}, has preserved a large fragment of notice whatever of these changes in the this remarkable work; he here introduces doctrinal notions of Bardesanes, and it is among other things the Christians diseasv enough to explain how those false persed over so many countries,! as an reports arose. Bardesanes, when he spoke example of the absurdity of supposing publicly in the Church, like the rest of that the stars irresistibly influence the the Gnostics (see above,) made the pre- character of a people. " Where they are^'' vailing doctrinal notions his starting he says of the Christians, " they are neivXi).

the orthodox Church ; and yet at the same time retained much of his old doctrines, so that he became the founder of a peculiar

point: he let himself down after his own ther overcome by abominable laws and fashion to the capacities of the psychici. customs, nor does dieir nativity, deduced On many single points he really coincided from their prevailing stars, compel them with those notions more than other Gnos- to practise the wickedness which is for-

and he might also, from sincere con- bidden by their Lord. But they are submany other Gnostic ject to sickness, to poverty, to pain, and sects, at that time prevailing in Syria, as to that which is accounted shame by against those who denied the connection men. For as our freeman does not suflier between the Old and the New Testament, himself to be compelled to slavery, and or those who derived the visible world if he is compelled resists those who comfrom an evil being, or those who held pel him, so on the other hand, the man the doctrine of fate to the prejudice of who appears to us a slave,J does not easily moral freedom; just as the Gnostic Ptole- escape from subjection. For, if every nifEus (see above) notwithstanding his thing was in our own power, we should Gnosticism, had also written against such be TO jTo.v (the universe,) as, if we were people. not able to do any thing, we should be It was in entire accordance with the the ynere instruments of others, and not Valentinian system, that Bardesanes ac- of ourselves. But when God helps, every knowledged something in the nature of thing is possible, and no obstacle can man, incomprehensible to itself, and ele- exist, because nothing can resist his will.
tics,

viction, unite against

Demiurgos, together with the Demiurgos himself,

arrive at a consciousness of the higher worl<l-sys;

5.53
j-

See Ephraem. Syr. 0pp. Sys. Lat.

.5.

t.

ii.

p.

which the Messiah reveals, and serve that system knowingly and willingly. Origen, t. vi. Joh. 12. 'o K-.y^Q /J.IV lanti^ imv, ^etvn Jf iv
tern,

See pages 46, 47.

10.)
["

(Euseb. Prtep. Evang.

b.

vi. c.
\

ru
tic

i^tijuai

TTdLTx Tf04)HT/K

Tat^r,

T<iv i^aiv^vojxa'.TSgav

barer,"

Unser Erscheinungsmensch alsein dienst&c. The original is thus: 'iioTri^ ytp o

uibt^THTit tc/c
i-vuyii.ii^'.urn, iVTcei ivSi o

<tmin /xeT:i^:M]i, /xaSxrcw

/J.a

^t>X'-uTn
i-UKiU ii

w xcycv

X^P*^'

^'^'''' Ti) f*irit-

livaj -/5^
<?3uv;/.(svo:

<fa)v>t
t't!

(it

ought rather

to be tv,)
1

i/xmv i'.vKo( uv9gaiiT3f Tf t/-TTj)),-

TJI ua-0 tt)(^iU

(^HV.

fuJiu; JuVATOU.

H.

iK^vyuv

J. R.]


280

THE OPHITES AND VALENTINIANS.

if

any thing does appear to op- ment happened to predominate in each pose him, it then happens so because he case. The Ophitic system represented the is the Good^ and suffers every nature to retain its peculiarities and its freeioill.^''* origin of the Demiurgos, who is here In accordance with his system he searched called Jaldabaolh, exactly in the same and even in the for traces of truth among all nations, and way as the Valentinian he remarked in the East Indies a class of doctrine of his relation to the higher

And even

(the Brahmins, Saniahs)

who

lived

order of the world, the point of transition

rigid ascetic life, and amidst idolaters (i. e. from one system to another,) may preserved themselves free from idolatry, be easily recognised. The Valentinian Demiurgos is a limited Being, who imaand worshipped only the one God.

gines, in
2.

his

finite faculties, that

he acts

which denied the connection between the Old and JVeio Testctrments, and between tlve visible and the
sects,

T%e Gnostic

invisible world.
(a.)

independently. The higher order of the world is a thing altogether strange to him; he serves it without being conscious of it. In the phenomena which pro-

Tlie Ophites.

ceeded from
a loss, he
the fault

As Cerinthus formed

the

most natural

point of transition from the Judaizing sects to the Gnostics, so the Ophites make the most natural point of transition a condition of unconsciousness, attains at from the Valenlinians to this second class length to a state of consciousness, and he of Gnostics ; for it is here shown how now serves the higher order of the world the same ideas, by a slightly different with delight. According to the Ophitic turn, may lead to entirely different pro- scheme, on the contrary, he is a being

this is not of a wicked disposition in him, only of his ignorance. At length he is attracted by the Divine nature, and out of
;

it, he was at first was surprised but

entirely at

positions.

In die system of this sect, as well as in that of the Valentinians, the notion of a

reflection

soul of the world prevailed, of a weak of light from the Pleroma,

which

falling

down

into matter, animated

the dead mass, and yet

was

itself affected

by matter

also; this soul

of the world,

the source of all spiritual

tracts again to itself all

life, which atwhich has once

flowed from it, this Pantheistic doctrine, of which the seed had already been sown in the Valentinian system, in the Ophitic scheme, only comes forward in greater prominence, as the essential doctrines of
Christianity are driven
further into
in
this

the
to

back ground
again,

and even

respect

different

modifications appear
in diflerent

have found place

the Ophitic sects.

branches of

The same fundamen-

same time, be conceived and applied in diflerent modes, just according as the Christian, the purely oriental and theosophic, or the Jewish eletal principle might, at the

lected is so limited that

[The passage which Neandcr has here seit does not give an adequate view of the meaning of Bardesancs. The argument of 13ardesanes appears to be of this kind Some things arc etvrt^'.va-iu-t and these things
:

not merely finite, but entirely at enmity with the higher order of the world, and obstinate in his hatred of it. Whatever of higher light he derived, in virtue of his descent from the Sophia, he only misused, that he might set himself up against the higher world, and make himself an independent Lord. Thence came the desire of the Sophia to detach him from the spiritual being which had accrued to him, and to draw this latter again to herself, in order that Jaldabaoth, with his whole creation, deprived of all reasonable being, might be destroyed. On the contrary, according to the Valentinian scheme, the Demiurgos forms, for all eternity, a sub ordinate grade of rational and moral ex istence ; subordinate, indeed, but required for the harmonious development of tlie Avhole. And yet, here again, kindredideas are found in the two systems, in the circumstance that the Demiurgos is obliged, without knowing it or wishing it, to serve the Sophia, and to bring to pass the fulfilment of her intentions, and in the end, even his cum fall and annihilation. This, how^ever, is here no
distinction for the

Demiurgos,

as in

the

Valentinian system ; but in this very circumstance he is placed exactly on the are changed sometimes in nations, others are not. same footing with the Absolute Evil (the The things that are in our own power are not evil principle itself.) It flows not from bound down in stern laws of necessity by climate. Such things may be instanced, as circumcision the excellence of his nature, but from the and keeping of the Sabbath these the Jews cele- omnipotence of the higher system of the brate every where. H. J. K] world. Even the Evil Spirit, the serpent;

NATURE OP THE SERPENT.

spirit.,
o(p0|t*o(po?

THE

FALL.

281

and thereby of slavish serfrom ihe circumstance that Jaldabaoth, vitude. It was from the jealousy of Jalfull of liatred and envy against man, dabaoth, who was thus limited, tiiat there looked down into the iA), and formed a proceeded that command to the first man reflection and image of himself there, but the sold of the world made use of the even this being was obliged, against his scrpcnt-spiril (of the oipto^o^ipof) as an will, to become only an instrument for the instrument in order to frustrate the design accomplishment of her designs. The doc- of Jaldabaoth, while through it she entrine of the origin and of the destination ticed the first man to disobedience. Acof man, in this system, has, however, cording to another view, the serpent was much in common with the Valentinian, itself a symbol, or a veiled appearance of but at the same time, also, much which the soul of the world ;* and those Ophites belongs to another branch of the Gnostic who held this doctrine are the persons, systems. who, properly, bear the name of Ophites^ In order to establish himself as an in- because they worshipped the serpent as dependent Creator and Lord, and to hold a holy symbol, to whicli a kindred noin subjection the six angels* begotten by tion of the Egyptian religion might have him, and to distract them, so that they led them, because in that the serpent is should not look up to and observe the considered as the symbol of Kneph, or higher Light of the world, Jaldabaoth re- the uyx^ola.ii/.ut^ which was similar to the quired his six angels to create man, as cro(pa of the Ophites, At all events it their common form, that such a work was the soul of the world, by which, might set the stamp upon their indepen- either mediately or immediately, the eyes dent Divine power.f They now create of the first man were opened. man, who is, however, as their likeness, The fall by sin (which gives us a chaa monstrous mass of matter, but without racteristic trait in the Ophitic system,) soul crawls upon the earth, and is was the point of transition from a condia he unable to hold himself upright. They tion of unconscious restriction to a condibring, therefore, this helpless being, man, tion of conscious knowledge. Man, beto their father, that he may bestow come a being of knowledge, now reupon him a soul. Jaldabaoth communi- nounces his allegiance to Jaldabaoth, who, cated to him a living spirit ;J and by that being irritated at his disobedience, pushes means the spiritual seed proceeded, with- him out of the ethereal region, where he out his being aware of it, from out of had hitherto existed in an ethereal body, his being into the nature of man, whereby down into the dark earth, and banishes he himself became deprived of this higher him into a dark body. Man finds himself principle of life the Sophia had so de- now in such a condition, that on the one creed it. In man (i. e. in those men who hand the seven star-spirits attempt to keep have received any portion of the spiritual him in imprisonment, and to overwhelm
sciousness,
;
:

whose existence arose

seed,) the light, the soul, the reason of

the

whole

creation, concentres

itself.

Jal-

dabaoth is now seized with surprise and anger, because he sees a being, created by himself, and dwelling within the limits of his dominion, on the point of raising himself above him and his kingdom. Thence arose his endeavour, not to allow him to come to a consciousness of his higher nature, and of the higher world to which he is allied in virtue of that nature, and to keep him in a state of dull uncon-

higher principle of consciousness within him, while, on the other, the evil spirits of a purely material nature, enthe

It must be observed, that according to Ophitic system, Jaldabaoth and his six angels are the spirit-s of the seven stars, the sun, the moon, Mars, Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, and Saturn the same from which, in the books of the Zabians, and in many systems of Jewish Theosophists, a variety of delusions and seductions of mankind

seduce him to sin and to order that he may become lial)le to the punishments of the severe Jaldabaoth. But yet the Sophia constantly strengthens anew the men who were of kindred nature witli herself, by new communications of that higher spiritual nature; and she was able, during all the destructions and storms, to preserve a race of people belonging to herself from the the time of Seth, whom all Gnostics look upon

deavour to

idolatry, in

The

serpent, an image of the

7juK,y:v:i: (To<pi*;

the form of the intestines winding itself represents

the image of a serpent, a symbol of that

wisdom

have proceeded.' [ Thus they explain the words of Genesis i. 26. ^ This they thought they found in Genesis ii. 7.

of nature, that soul of the world, which winds itself concealed through all the grades of life found Theodoret. ha?ret. fab. vol. i. 14. in nature.

One

sees how far more the pantheistic principle here sliines through these notions.

36

2a2

282
the

PANTHEISM OF THE OPHITES.

wEtijM,Tixo, same soul was extended throughout the men of a contemplative character, in whole of nature, animate and inanimate which race she preserves the seed of the and that, in consequence, all the life which was scattered abroad and held in imprispiritual nature. The doctrines of the Ophites corres- sonment by the bonds of matter in the ponded with those of Basilides and the limited state of individual existence, would Valentinians, as to the relation of the at last be attracted by the original source, psychical Christ, or Jesus, to the Christ the soul of the world, the Sophia, from of the u-orhl of JT-ons, who united him- which it had flowed forth, and thus flow self to the former at his baptism. This back again into it through this channel. only is peculiar to them (the Ophites,) Such persons would say, when we use

as the representative of the

the higher Christ descended through the seven heavens of the seven angels, or traversed the seven stars, in order to arrive at the earth, he appeared in each heaven, in a form akin to that heaven, as an angel allied to it, and that he concealed from them his higher natnre, and attracting to himself all which they still possessed of the spiritual seed, he But now, thus weakened their power. when .Jaldabaoth, the God of the Jews,
that while

the objects of nature to our sustenance,

we draw

to ourselves seed

tered over them,

and

we

raise

which are scatthem with

us to the original source of all things.* Therefore, in an apocryphal gospel of this sect, the soul of the world, or the Su-

preme Being himself, spoke

tiated thus
:

to the iniI
;

by Messiah did further his kingdom as he had wished expected him to do, but announced
his

saw

expectations

frustrated

his

Messiah, and

when

this

not

and
the

unknown

father as the instrulnent of the

higher Christ, and destroyed the law of Jaldabaoth, or rather Judaism, Jaldabaoth then brought about his crucifixion. Jesus remained eighteen months on earth after his resurrection, obtained through the inspiration of the Sophia a clear knowledge of the higher truth, and then communicated it only to a few of his disciples, whom he knew competent to receive such mysteries. Jesus is now raised by the heavenly Christ into heaven, and sits at tural excesses.f the right hand of Jaldabaoth, without the * Epiphan. Haeres. 26. latter being conscious of it, in order that

am thou and where thou art, there am I, and I am spread over every thing. Where thou wilt thou canst collect me, and where thou collectest me, there thou collectest thyself." (Chap, iii.) Pantheism, and the intermixture of the natural and the Divine which flowed from it, by their very nature could not be very exacting in a moral point of view, although in those men who had embraced Pantheism, their previously existing moral sentiments might communicate even to the system itself a moral spirit which was foreign to its own nature. Pantheism, and a wild enthusiastic spirit of defiance towards Jaldabaoth, and his pretended restrictive statutes, appear in fact to have misled a part of these Ophites into the most unnaart
1,

"

Thou

and

c. 9.

he
is

may

attract to himself,
all

As the -f and receive into a^ree with

himself,

the spiritual substance,

which

set free and purified by the operation of redemption among mankind, as soon as that substance has been detached from its by no means justified in calling their correctness the fact alleged here be covering of flesh. Tlie more Jesus, by into question. Nor can considered a thing to astonish us at all similar tin's drawing to himself all that is akin to
;

accounts of Epiphanius in this matter those of Clement of Alexandria, a person more worthy of credit, and of Porphyry, about similar Gnostic sects, and as they bear an entirely characteristic stamp upon them, we are

him,

is

enriclied in his

own

spiritual na-

ture, so

much
all

nuded of
of

the more is Jaldabaoth dehigher qualities. The object

all this is
is

to set free all the spiritual life

which
soul

conduct
:

it

held captive in natm-e, and to reto its original source, to the

arising from a pantheistic mysticism, have been often found, not only in the east, but in the west also, as the history of the sects of the middle ages and of modern times will prove. The latest examples may be found in De Potter's Via de Kicci. v. i.
excesses,

The

instances are too well

will,

known
he

to readers of

any general information

I\o references

to require specification,

of tlie world from which all proceeded Jesus is the channel through which this happens. The s/ar.s also must at last be deprived of all being gifted with reason which is found in them. In this family of Gnostics there were some who maintained even a more consistent pantheism,

therefore,

given.

It

is

enough

to state the fact as illustrating a

and spiritual phenomenon, but it is unfit upon. [Other instances might be found in modern days where what was originally, perhaps, only a highly wrought speculative doctrihe, became subject
to

mental to dwell

this

dreadful
it

perversion.
is

They could
and perhaps,

and supposed

that the

easily

be cited, but

needless,

PSEUDO-BASILIDIANS.
of great importance towards the history of the Gnostic sects to inquire, altiiough the inquiry be difficult of solution, whether these Ophites sprouted forth from a religious sect, which originally had no connection at all with Christianity, and whether, on that account, as a part of this sect had already appropriated to itself much which was Christian, a party existed also of those Ophites, who were quite out of the pale of Christianity, and who rather set themselves in hostility to it ? The latter appears to be attested by an account given by Origen, who says, that the Ophites were no Christians, and that they suffered no one who did not curse Christ to enter into their assemblies. He
ft

283

is

end a token to show that men were discipies of the higher Christ. Something similar is found in the sect of the Sabians^ who referred much which they took out of the history of Christ to a heavenly ^C7i/s, </<e ow^e/ of ///e, Mando di Chaje, whom they worshipped as the proper Christ, from whom the true baptism proceeded, while they referred the rest to the Antichrist Jesus, (who had counterfeited the baptism of John,) who was sent

by

the star-spirits for the

seduction of

mankind,
(b.) Psendo-Basilidians.

As we see

in the Ophitic

system

how
may

entirely different a direction

the princi-

names a

certain Euphrates,
their
sect.*

who may have

Christ, as the

ples allied to the Valentinian system

lived before the birth of

receive
tion

by a

slightly different modificafind a similar

founder of

The

Ophitic

and application, so we

pantheism may very probably have been circumstance in the relations borne by a borrowed from an older Oriental system variety of the Basilidian scheme, the docof religion, and have been set in opposi- trines of which are often confused with tion to Christianity only by some, while those of the genuine Basilidians. The
It may have been clothed a Christian garb by the others. The remarkable likeness between the Ophitic system, those of the Sabians, and the Manichemis may indicate an older and a common source in an antichristian Gnosis. But, on the other hand, it cannot be denied, that the Ophitic formulae of adjuration, which Origen quotes immediately after this de-

claration,

plamly contam

allusions

to

Christian notions.

And

it

may

still

be

the case, that although the Ophitic sect appeared from the very first as a Christian sect, yet the contrast to the nature of Chnstianity which lay in its peculiar

some portion of the Ophites, a opposition to the tormert (the psychical;) so that, to curse the finite
at last
in

making a mockery of deluded Jews. To these men the iJoctrine of the cross M'as foolishness g^d in the conceit of their theosophic Messiah of the psychici, became in ihejprjde, they mocked those who confessed lit as the confessors of a mere illusory r. 7~r~, improper, as it might lead to inquiry on a subject, ,, o v .1 11 " Such men," they would say, which could end only in disgust It is enough to Phantom. state the fact as a mental phenomenon, and to "are no Jews, neither are they Chrisinvisible world,

constitution also constantly became outwardly more prominent and that, as the contrast between the Demiurgos and the Supreme God was so strongly brought forward by them, so also, in consequence of the distinction between the psychical and the pneumatical Christ, there arose the
;
^

calm and moderate spirit of the Basilidiaa system* was here entirely extinguished, and the direct opposition to the Demirgos, and the Antinomianism, which was connected with it, degenerated here into a wild dreaminess that made light of all that is most holy. According to their theory, the redeeming Spiriff could enter into no connection with the detested dominions of the Demiurgos, and he took pon himself only the semblance of a When the Jews were corporeal form. ijnmded to crucify him, he, as a highly gifted Spirit, knowing how to clothe himself in every kind of corporeal appear^nce, and to cast every sort of illusion |)efre the eyes of the gross-minded multitude, caused Simon of Cyrene, (Mark xv.,) to appear to the Jews in his likeness ; j^e himself took the form of this Simon, ad raised himself up unencumbered into
| [

the

hostile

'.

'

leave any specification

question.

till

H.

the assertion

is

called in
I

J. R.]

Were

it

Origen c. Gels. lib. vi. c. 28, &c. The obscure and uncritical Philaster, who sets the Ophites at the head of the antichristian sects, cannot be valid as an authority.
f I am indebted for this observation to the profound critique on my work about the Gnostics, written by i)r. Gieseler.

'

spoke of practical errors

not that Clement of Alexandria in pretended followers of

Basilides, similar to those found in this sect,

we

might be
Basilides.
j;

led to suspect that those

whom
to

Irena;us

calls Basilidians

had nothing whatever

p. 2.57,

do with

The

tcus.

See

on the system of Ba-

silides.

284
tians."

SATURNINUS.

Seth appeared at last in the percations merely to con- son of the Messiah.* " Those The Cainites, on the contrary, were fess in the name of a phantom. who are initiated into the true mysteries abominable Antinomians they M^ent to well, that only one out of thousands such a length in their hatred to the Demiknow can understand them as your nou? was urgos and to the Old Testament, that they able to make himself invisible to all men, made all those whom they found represo could they* also, like this your jot/;, sented in the latter (the Old Testament) hide themselves in all kinds of phantoms, in the worst colours, their Coryph.'Ei, as and pretend to take a part in every thing, being sons of Sophia and enemies of the in order to deceive the gross multitude, Demiurgos; and hence they claimed Cain these persons It was and to withdraw from their persecu- for their party. who, while they considered the rest of the tions."! apostles as narrow-minded men, ascribed the higher Gnosis to Judas Iscariot, who (c.) Sethites and Cainites. effected the death of Jesus, because he The example of the Sethites and knew, in virtue of his superior illuminaCainites, who most probably are derived tion, that the destruction of the dominion from the same source as the Ophites, of the Demiurgos would by this means teaches us how the same Gnostic princibe brought about. ples, by being differently applied, may produce an opposite kind of Gnosis. The (d.) Saturninus.
despised tha martyrs as
their life
:

They

men who gave up

first of these two sects We recognise a peculiar branch of the from the beginning two human pairs Gnostic systems in the doctrines of Sawere created, the one by the angels of turninus, who lived at Antioch in the darkness, from which the race of ^oixoi but we have, it must reign of Hadrian

maintained, that

or i^ixot arose, the other, by the angels of the Deiniurgos, from which the race of -^vxiy-oi was derived; that Cain sprung from the first, Abel from tlie second ; and, the two opposite natures contending together, that the weaker psychical nature

was overborne; but that then Sophia allowed Seth to be born in his stead, in whom (viz. Seth,) she had implanted the higher spiritual seed, by which he was rendered capable of overcoming the hylic
principle.

From

Seth the
;

iTeviJ.a.Tmoi

de-

rived

their

origin

but,

the

opposing
to defile

powers now seeking constantly

the propagation of this spiritual race by the intermixture of ungodly natures, So-

phia, on this account, produced the deluge, in order again to purify the degenerated race ; but her adversaries contrived
to
suffer

Ham

to

insinuate

himself

those who were saved out of the mass of mankind that was destroyed, and by him their dominion was again to be Thence came new set up and extended.

among

mixtures and disorders, and again Sophia had to endeavour to produce new purifi-

be confessed, in both the principal sources of information,! too imperfect data, to be able to recognise this system in its whole connection. (We pass over without mention whatever he has in common with the Gnostics, whom we have already described, as to the emanation-doctrines, and as to those of dualism.) In the lowest grade of the emanationworld, on the very borders between the domain of light and the region of darkness, or of (Hyle) iA), stood the seven lowest angels, those star-spirits; they unite together in order to win from the region of darkness a land on which they may carry on an independent kingdom. Thus arose our world, tlie eartii, into different parts of which these star-spirits apportioned themselves, the God of tlie Jews being at their head : they carry on a constant war against the reign of darkness and Satan its prince, who will not suffer their dominion to be extended at the expense of his, and who constantly attempts to destroy that which they conOnly a faint gleam from the struct.
higher regions of light shone down upon them here. This gleam of light filled them with a desire of it, and they wished
to possess themselves of
1

amons; the Cabbalistic arts also. A very remarkable instance of this fancy is to be found in Maimonides' history

This

art of

becoming

invisible is

it,

of his

own

life;

and there are generally many

in

weak
*

to

do so

it

constantly

but were too recedes

interesting echoes of Gnosticism to be found

the latter Jewish sects, which Beer has delineated in his instructive history of the .Jewish sects.

'

See the representation of the doctrines of the

(Briinn, 182'2.)
I

j-

Irenaeus

i,

24.

Clementine, jtages 236, 2.37. ! Epiphanius and Irensus.

SATURNINtJS.
a^ain, just as they desire to lay hold of
it

^TITIAN.

285

therefore, in order to higher beams of lig^ht into ceived in the same tone of thought, in their dominion by means of a form cast which, however, there was much which after the image of that form of light which might afterwards afford an opening for played before them. But the form of the Gnosticism. Tatian in this writing, as his angel rs unable to raise himself into master Justin had done, received, after heaven ; he cannot stand upright ;* he is Philo, the Platonic doctrine about matter, The in its whole extent, into his system, little a lump of matter without a soul. supreme Father, from the kingdom of calculated as that doctrine was to suit his light, at last takes compassion on man, system, as he at the same time maintained being thus helpless, although made in his the notion of a creation out of nothing.
unite,

They

And even farther, after the death of Justin, he composed an apologetic writing,* con-

drive these

likeness

he communicates a spark of his

This Platonic theory also prevailed upon

to maintain the notion of an undivine

own

divine nature to him, and man,

now him

becomes a being endued spirit of life, united with and akin to with a soul, and can lift himself up to matter, a reason-counteracting soul; and heaven. In the human natures^ into whicli hence he deduced evil spirits, whom he
for the first time,
it is

transplanted, this divine seed of

till it

life

represents as iniviA.xT

vM>ioc, little as this

is

to develope itself

arrives at inde-

pendence, and

after a certain time to return to its original source. Those men who, bearing this Divine seed w'ilhin them, are destined to reveal the Supreme God on earth, are constantly opposed to those who bear within tliem only the hylic principle, as being the instruments of the kingdom of darkness. The Supreme God, therefore, in order to destroy both the kingdom of the star-spirits, of the God Jews, which endeavoured to render of the itself independent, and that of darkness also, and in order to set free those men who w^ere akin to him (the Supreme God,) by means of the Divine seed of life, from the imprisonment of the star-spirits, and to procure them a victory over the kingdom of darkness, the Supreme God sent his ^on ot;j down ; this iEon being unable to enter into union in any way with the kingdom of the stars, or with the material world, could hence only show himself in the phantom (or semblance) of a corporeal form. The doctrines of Saturninus led to a strict system of asceticism, and to the precept of celibacy, which was possibly, however, observed only in its strictness by those who were peculiarly initiated into the sect, and not by its ordi-

accordance with the Christian doctrine of the nature of the evil Even in the origin of evil. spirit, and of this writing he already maintained a proposition which was elsewhere transplanted by many of the first Christian Fathers from the Jewish theology ; viz. that the souls of men, like every thing else, are formed out of matter, and are akin to it,! and therefore, by their nature, mortal;
theory was
in

that the

first

man.

living in

communion

with God, had within himself a principle of divine life, of a more elevated nature than this soul, sprung from matter, and that this principle was properly the image By of God.J whereby he was immortal. losing this through sin, he fell under the

power of
mortality.

matter,

and was subject to

It is easy to see how these opinions, which, according to Titian's system, were not very consistent with each other, might

serve as a means of introduction to the Gnostic ideas of the v\yi, and of the dif-

ference

7tviV(xa.riKoy

between the \,v'j(^y.ov, and the and a system of asceticism,

;

which strove after a complete detachment from the things of sense, might be the
result.ll

Irenfeus^f

According to the account of he formed for himself a system

;

nary members.
(e.)

of jEons, like that of the Valentinians

the Encratitcs.

Tatian and

Tatian, of Assyria, lived in Rome as a rhetorician, and was there converted to Christianity by Justin Martyr, who had

His Ac>oc

TTfji

'Exxxv*;.

"(

TTVauX* jKlK'iV.
tlicaiv

i Qi-.u

K!U ojucia^rt:
J.
i.

[Entsinnlichiing. H.
II

R.]

much

Accordins; to Irenjcus, 28, he maintained at with him, in virtue of first the condemnation of the first man, which the similar mental education he had unwould harmonize well enougrh with the difTcrcnce dergone, as having formerly been a Pla- we have remarked t)Ctwecn the -[uyjit.i and the As long as Justin lived he ad- cTvai^T'-v in the nature of the first man, which tonist. hered to the doctrines of the Church. latter [i. e. the Tvec/w^Tix-.v] he lost by sin. [Sylb. p. ^ Comp. Clem. Strom, iii. 46.5. C.
in

common

See the history of the Ophites, page 280.

100.

Pott. p. 553.

Klotz.

voL

ii.

p. 259.]

286

-ASCETICIS.M.

^JULIUS CASSIANUS.

but this is not a sufficient ground to conclude with certainty that his system was connected with the Valentinian. According to Clement of Alexandria* he belonged to the class of anti-Jewish Gnostics he referred the contrast made by St. Paul between the old and the new man to llie relation between the Old and the N ew Testaments; but this also he might express according to the Valentinian Gnosis, which sets by no means an absolute opposition between the two systems of religion. A remark of Tatian, which has been preserved, appears to indicate, that he by no means so entirely detached the Demiurgos, the God of the Old Testament, from connection with the higher The words of Genesis, " Let world. t there be light," he considered (an instance,
;

picture of Christ had already been

after a theosophico-ascetic

drawn

by

the

way, of

his arbitrary

mode

of Scrip-

tural interpretation) not as the

words of a

commandment
the
sitting in

given by the Creator,butas words of prayer. The Demiurgos,

dark chaos, prays that light may His wild, from above. ascetic turn, however, may have arisen from the following circumstance, namely, that he made a more direct opposition between the creation of the Demiurgos and the higher world, and hence, also, between, the Old and the New Testaments, than could find place according to the principles of the Valentinian school
shine

mode], much such direct opposition, that it might have removed him from this mode of thinking. But we see by an example how Tatian was able, by means of his illogical mode of interpretation, to explain into an accordance with his opinions the passages of Scripture the most unfavourable to him. since he could find in the passage in 1 Cor. vii. 5, that St. Paul sets marriage and incontinency on the same footing, and calls them both a service of Satan.* As the disposition for such a theosophic asceticism was then, having arisen in the east, widely diffused, it cannot surprise us to find that there were different sects of such continentes,\ who had no immediate connection with Tatian. To these belonged Julius Cassianus, who considered Adam as the symbol of souls sunk down out of a heavenly condition into the world of bodies, and he,

must have met him here

in

down

therefore,

made

it

a chief point that

man

should detach himself from matter by a strict asceticism, and on that very account also would not allow any appearance of Christ in the world of bodies; he was therefore, one of the Docetce. He may, probably, have been an Mexandrian Jew;
his peculiar opinions, his doctrines of the

for that practical opposition to the creation of the

Demiurgos was usually foundTatian wrote a

after the
in

ed in a theoretical one.

book on Christian perfection

example of our Saviour^'l

which he

sets forth Christ as the ideal of a single

materializalionj of souls and about matand his docetism, which last theory Philo had already applied to the Theophanise (appearances of God) of the Old Testament, fitted on remarkably well to notions which had long been current among the Alexandrian Jews, and in his
ter^

and abstinent life. If in this he kept simply * St. Paul gives permission in that passage only to our canonical Gospels, and used no apparently he withdraws again instantly from that apocryphal narratives, in which the which he permits, by saying, that those who follow his permission serve two masters. By their
;

[Sylb. p. 197-8. lib. ill. 460. D. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 2.59.] Potter, p. 548. Origeties TheJot. Di<]a.scal. Anatol. fol. 806. f tie Oratione, c. 24.

Stromat

i Ilipt

u x,ir% Tcv a-enDipt Kfrttpria-jucv.

We

should
Stt

know more

of this matter,

if

the

mutual abstinence united with pwyer they would God by the opposite conduct they would Strom, iii. p. serve immodesty, lust, and Satan. According to Euse460. (See note to p. 109.) bius iv. 29, he was accused of having made many changes in St. Paul's expressions but from the words of Eusebius, tnu^ aurcv /uiT-X'^pta-st.t
serve
;

tj-j-yyiktvi

iM-trvpaiv

had been preserved.

This <^yit
T-i^iv,

'i'"

iTriSr.pBcvjuiviiv

oLuTm tdv

'Di:

cfp 'erne:

avv-

writing ap[)eare<l to the ancients to be a short harmony of the four Gospels, Euseb. iv. 29 ; l)ut it is a question whether Tatian did not use, for that

we cannot

see plainly whether they were

work, many apocryphal Gospels at least; as, acthe notice of Epiphanius, p. 26, cording; to which is, however, very indefinite this collection appears to have had some similarity to the t'j i.yyiMv K 6' y.p.fxi'.v: Theodoret found more than

changes in favour of his own doctrinal and ethiHebraistic exprinci[iles, or changes from and then one is led ; to inquire whether Tatian really allowed himself to use such licence as a critic (which may have been the case,) or whether he had only difierent
cal

pressions into purer Greek

readings.
f'F.j-xftr/Tsu iTTcrtiiTiKU. ^ P^inkorperung ; Lit. Embodying, Incorporation.

two hundred copies of this writing in use in his Syrian diocese, and he found a necessity for sendirig them out of use, because, probably, he found much that was heretical in them. Theodoret.

t. ii.

Haeret. Fab.

i.

20. Tatian.

See Philo on Exod. xxiv. 13. Opp. Ed. Mang. p. 679, 636. de Abrahamo, 366. Ed. Francof.

ANTINOMIANS.
i^rtyrtnxa.*
lie

CARPOCRATES.
a point

EPIPHANES.
it

2S7
could fnul

endeavoured

apparently and the old popular religions,

to introduce these notions into the Old Testament by an allegorizing mode of interpretation, an example of wiiich is to be found in his explanation of Gen. iii. 21, by applying it to the material bodies in which fallen souls are clothed. Such also were the persons who, after

on which it might engraft itself. Suck an antinomian Gnosis is shown in the system of Carpocrates and his son
Epiphanes.
the

The
of
tlie

first

probably lived in

a certain Severus, called themselves Severiani, of whom we know nothing more than that they rejected tlie epistles of St.

Paul and the acts of the AposUes. The of these circumstances might lead us to suppose that they were derived from but this cannot the Jewish Christians be considered as a proof, because it is
first
:

emperor Hadrian, at Alexandria, where, at tliat time, there was a religious eclecticism which had struck the emperor himself* Me laid out a system of religion, whicli was propagated and extended by his son Epiphanes, a young man, who, by the perverse turn of mind given to him by his father, had abused great talents, but who died in the As Clement seventeenth year of his age. of Alexandria says, Carpocrates had busied
reign

also possible that, instead of taking refuge

in forced and arbitrary interpretations, in

himself much with tlie Platonic philosophy, and had instructed his son in it. order to bring the authority of those The Platonic notions of the pre-existence writings into harmony witli their own of souls of higher knowledge, as being the principles, they found it an easier plan to remembrance brought from a former existthrow away those writings entirely and at ence in heaven, are prominent parts in this system ; and the originators of this once.j system seem to have appropriated to Carpo- themselves much out of the Phscdrus of (f.) Eclectic Jlniinomiaa Gnostics;
j
j

crates

and EpipUanes, Prodicians, Antitacti, Plato.

j

They made

their

Gnosis to consist

JSicolaitiviis,

Simonians.

As on the one hand, we observe a tendency of Gnosis to a strict asceticism^ and to which all being strives to return. which opposes itself to Judaism as to a The finite spirits, which had rule over the sensuous and carnal religion, so we re- individual places of the earth, endeavoured mark, on the other, that it has also a ten- to counteract this universal endeavour dency to a wicked antinomianism, which, after unity; and from their influence, their

recognition of one supreme first existence,! from which all being proceeds,
in the

confusing Christian freedom and unbridled license, set Christianity in opposition not only to the killing letter of a law, whose commands are outwardly, but to the very inward nature of the law itself, and which therefore, contended against Judaism, and witli Judaism also against all moral law,
as a thing too limiting for the inward life, and as proceeding from the limited and
limiting Demiurgos.

and their institutions, proceeded every thing which restrains, every thing which destroys and checks, the original and fundamental connection,;]; which is found in nature, considered as the revelalaws,

This was a misun-

derstanding against which St. Paul had given warning, when he developed the We redoctrine of Christian freedom.^ cognise in this a pantheistic mysticism, which opposed itself under various forms to their original source. From these limitto the popular religions of the East, which ing spirits of the world proceed all popuhad now mingled itself with the doctrines lar religions. But those souU, which by of the Greek philosophers of Alexandria, the remembrance they retain of their forin consequence of the then intermixture mer higher condition, elevate themselves of Oriental and western modes of tliought, to the contemplation of that Supreme

Supreme Unity. These spirits unden their subjection those souls, which, having flowed from out of the Supreme Unity are akin to it, but have sunk down into the material woild, and are imprisoned in the body, so as to compel tliem, after death, to enter into new bodies, and to ren(U;r them unable to raise themselves up in freedom
tion of that

endeavour

to retain

and which imagined

as a

that in Chrisitianily,
for all

Unity, attain the true freedom and tran

common

religion

mankind,
See his Letter
to the consul
c.
ii.

which destroyed the Jewish exclusiveness,

Vopisci Vita

Saturnini,

Servianus in Flavii qui Serapin Illi,

Clom. Strom,
378.

lib.

i.

320.
ii.
i.

[Sylb. p. 138. Pot-

colunt, Christiiini sunt ct devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Ckr/sli EpLscupos dicunt.
-|-

ter, p.

Klotz, vol.

p. 71.]

Ifencc,

comes the phrase^i/aKTc ^cuj/jtH, which

\ Tlieodoret.
%

hseret. fall.

21

Galat.

V. 13. et alibi.

occurs ill (element of Alcxiin Iria. ^ [Gemeinschaft, communion, common nature.]

1; !

288
quillity,

ABOMINABLE ANTINOMIANISM.
which nothing again can

himself free from all that can limit his Epiphanes wrote a book on nature* righteousness, wherein he carries out the that universal nature reveals a principle, struggle after unity and communion \ and to belong to this class of men, and Jesus that the laws of men, which are against among the Jews. To him they ascribed this law of nature, but which are unable only a peculiarly pure and powerful soul, to conquer the desires planted by the bv means of which, through reminis-1 Creator himself in tlie heart of man, first cences brouglitfrom his former existence, produced sin. Thus did he pervert what he raised himself up to the loftiest contem- St. Paul had said of the insufficiency of plation, freed himself from the limiting the law to make man holy, and of its oblaws of the Jewish God, and destroyed ject, viz. to call forth the consciousness the religion which had been established of guilt, in order that, with profligate hy that God, although he himself was pride, he might despise the ten commandbrought up in it. By his union with the; ments. These sects used to traffic much in magical arts, which they deduced from fjiova-^ he obtained Divine power, in virtue of which he was able to triumph over the tlie power of their union with the First spirits of the world, and the laws which One, who is victorious over all the worldthey had imposed on nature, to perform spirits ; they worshipped an image of miracles, and to endure suflerings in un-; Christ, which was said to have come from disturbed tranquillity. By this divine Pilate, together with the images of heathen power he was afterwards enabled in free- philosophers, who, like Christ, had raised dom to raise himself up again to the Su-I themselves above the popular religion preme Unity, beyond the power of the and they worshipped it with heathen cerespl.^its of the world. Thus this sect put' monies, which latter certainly were not no difference between Christ and other! in accordance with the system of Carposages of all nations they taught that crates and Epiphanes, but proceeded from every other soul also which could elevate the superstition of their followers. At itself to the same height of contemplation, Same, the chief town of the island of Cewas to be put on the same level with phalonia, in the Ionian sea, from which the Christ. This sect hardly deserved the maternal ancestors of Epiphanes were name of a Christian sect, since they only sprung, this young man is supposed to appropriated to themselves some proposi- have made so great an impression on the tions, taken at their own will and plea- multitude, that they erected a temple, a sure, out of Christianity, and then connect- museum, and altars to him, and offered As Clement of ed them with other ideas totally foreign him divine worship. to them. They preverted, after their Alexandria,^ a writer by no means of own Pantheistic mysticism, the assertions great credulity, relates this circumstance, made by St Paul of the nothingness of which appears by no means incredible, if the merit of works, and about justification, we take into account the circumstances not by works, but by faith; for under the of those times, we have no reason to doubt name of faith they understood nothing the fact. But, perhaps, it was only some but that mystical brooding over the ab- members of this sect, which might have sorption of the spirit into the original found peculiar success on the island ; who Unity. It needs only faith and love, they offered this honour to him, as one of the
limit or destroy, and such souls raise themselves above the popular gods and popular reliThey considered a Pythagoras, a gions. Plato, and an Aristotle, among the heathen,
j | I j j 1 \ i

all outward things are indifferent greatest sages.J he who introduces a moral meaning into outward things, makes himself dependent * Iren. i. 25. [Sylb. p. 183-4. Potter, upon them, and remains subject to the f Strom, ill. 428. dominion of the spirits of the world, from p. 511. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 214-15.] t The spiritof these antinomian, eclectic Gnoswhom all religious, moral, and political tics, who arbitrarily jumbled together all religions, ordinances are derived, he cannot raise and all systems of philosophy, in which they could himself up after his death, out of the mere find a point whereon to fix their own sy.stem, as circle of Metempsychosis. But he who they might do in separate tenets detached from gives himself up to all kinds of pleasure, that with which they are connected, is shown in without being affected by it, and so des- a marked manner in two inscriptions which were found very lately in the territory of Cyrene, and pises the laws of those spirits of tlie world, which prove the propagation of this sect to have he raises himself up to union with the lasted till the sixth century. They were published

said

One First Ihin<^^ with whom, being and explained by Gescnius in his Christmas already united here below, he has made 1825, [in dem Weihnachtsprogramn:i.]

thesis,

PRODICIANS.

NICOLAITANS.
To
this family

289

penetrated the meaning of the Revelations in this case, and whether the the king there was no written law; and name of Nicolaitans is the proper name hence they were lords of the Sabbath, of a sect, and still farther, whether it is lords over all ordinances. They appa- the name of a Gnostic sect. The passage rently placed the worship of God only in relates to such persons as seduced the
really
I

unbridled Jintinomians belongs the sect of the Antitacti (whose fundamental principle it was to set themselves in opposition to the Demiurgos, or the God of tiie Jews, who had sown evil, imperfection, and weeds, among the works of the Father of good,*) and the Prodicians, the followers of a certain Prodicus. These last maintained that they, as sons of the Supreme God, and as the royal race, were bound to no law', because for
these

To

of Gnostics belong also the Nicolaitans, if the existence of any such sect can be proved. Irenaeus, indeed,

names such a sect as existing in his time, deducing them from Nicolaus the deacon
I

mentioned in the Acts, and he believed that he found their portraiture in the second chapter of the Revelations.* But it may be tloubted whetlier Irenajus has

the inward contemplation of the Divine nature; they rejected praver, and probably

Christians to partake in the heathen feasts

'

at a sacrifice,

(Num. xxv.) The name of Nicolaitans might also be a merely symbolical name, as such an usage of it would suit very well with the whole character The first of them, in which the sect conceals of the Revelations " destroyer of the itself under general expressions, which may, howpeople," " seducer of the people," like ever, be taken in an innocent sense, ascribes the Balaam, and thus Nicolaitans might mean following words to Simon of Cyrene, whom the it was a pseudo-Basilidians, who had the same sentiments, Balaamites in this senscj
Aloabites.
I

only for puny spirits, who were still under the dominion of the Demiurgos; and they appealed to apocryphal writings that went under the
all

external worship, as

fit

upon them,
fered

and the excesses consequent Jews had formerly sufthemselves to be seduced by the
as the

name

of Zoroastcr.'f

Now

made

a subject of their fictions <pu6 (Hermes Trismegistus, under whose name there exist spu:

favourite

idea

with

Irena;us,

that

the

apostle

St.

John had

actually contended

rious writings containing much Gnosticism,) Kpovo^,

Zai^caiTTpiif,

Uu^xyo^^c, ETrwjue^o;, M^a^Suivic.

(Mas-

dek, the founder of a Persian sect in the time of

the
cus, to have

Emperor Justinian, who appears, like Prodidrawn from apocryphal writings that Gnostics, in the writings of St. John. As went under Zoroaster's name. See Gesenius, c. he found several of those errors, which 'laxfwc, X^/3-Tcc T= X.1U ol >i//.m^ct Kcupx- are blamed in the Revelations, among the p. 17.) vaucot KiBttynTAt, (with which last Clement 1. c. p. Gnostics of his own day, he concluded
1.

with many different sorts of Gnostics; and he was in the habit of searching for remarks which were meant to oppose the

722, also classes Prodicus,)

hutv
/AnSiv clKitc7r.ii:T6v,

a-vy.'^m'ui^

iv^-iKXaiTiv

tck J'i v./xoK i^piiyiiv, (f/'Cy nnderatood hy these words, according to //jeir sense of them, the vc^oc ci^-ca^ii?, which is derived from
the Supreme,
after
ro/uo;
is

that the practical errors contended against

by the Apostle had also had

their founda-

tion in a theoretical Gnosticism,

communion and

implanted in nature, and strives unity, with which (i. e. the

name induced him

the well

to

and the deduce them from

ay^jiaoc) the separating and limiting ordinances of the Demiurgos, the spirits of the world and of men, are at variance,) km tuv ;rag*yo//jxv Ku.rxTToXi/uiiv. T:uTi yjf, TXi SiK^arun; Triiyn (Jwxt:o-wn here has the meaning of the divine natural justice, founded on that v://i? feaoc, on which Epiphancs

But, in fact, Nicolaus. only such indefinite expressions in regard to this sect, that it by no means follows necessarily that he wrote from any decided view of them. If we had only the account given by Irenreus,

known

we

find in Irena;us

wrote a

The
ii

forward without disguise,

TTUs-aiv cixrui^v

treatise,) touto to fAayLi^im: h ic.ivyi (Jw. other inscription, in which the sect comes is in the following terms

we must acknowledge
the story of this sect

it

as possible that

may

have arisen

Kut yvi-Jnnm xi:T;)?

7ri\yit

tc 6a*c

'utti

iiKiwiruvK, tl^xvM

n TSXa: tci; rcu rvaxcu, o^k<.u iKKttkm

ni/Saj-c^xc,

solely out of a misunderstanding of the Revelations. Although it might then surprise us that Ireneeus,

TOK iyiAoK

uvifAo-n, cJc Zagst/jic ts

widiout any ex-

Ta)v ti^c<^Avrcev (ftrvA, Kuvri <7vfA^:aniiii (rt/v.fVTo.

We

cannot, however, exactly maintain more that these inscriptions proceed from the sect of

decidedly,

Irenteus
11,

i.

26.

This

refers to their practical

Carpocratians, because so many similar sects, as the Prodicians, the pseudo-Basilidians, the Nicolaitans,

errors: qui indiscrete

cit.

(uSioip-.pai;)

vivunt.

In
is

loc.

he speaks of their

sfioculative errors, but

&c. had the same

,

principles.

he does not altogether separate them from other

Gnostics, in order to bring forward
liar to

To

LvTlTX^^iTb-JU.
i.

what

pecu-

304. [Sylb. p. 13 f. Potter, p. 357. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 50;] iii. 438. [Sec Sylb. p. 189, et seq. Potter, p. 526, et seq. Klotz, vol. ii. [Sylb. p. 306-7. Potter, p. vii. 722. p. 230.] 854-5 ; Klotz, vol. ii. p. 236.1

f Clem. Strom,

them. according to the f Balaam, that is, v/x'Aasc; etymology which deduces this name from V'^Il

and

D^-

37

2B

290

NICOLAITANS.

glMONIANS.

have Nicolaus bears a very apocryphal stamp made a man, distinguished by having a upon it; and perhaps, that sect had a life public office coni'erred on liim by the of that Nicolaus, in which all this was apostles, the founder of a heretical sect. found, put together by themselves or by But such a mistake could never be laid others from fictions and unauthentic traIf this sect be not the same to the charge of that learned Alexandrian ditions. Clement, an unprejudiced man, and one which was in existence in the apostolic accustomed to historical criticism; and times, a point which cannot be decided he appeals to facts which could not have with certainty,* the name of the NicoThere v\^ere people who laitans in the Apocalypse may have inbeen invented. had the corrupt principles which we have duced the later sect to name itself after mentioned before, viz. that man must Nicolaus. But as they probably belonged conquer his desires by giving himself up to the party of anti-Judaizers, and thereto them and not allowing himself to be fore, acknowledge only St. Paul as an affected by them, and that he must abuse apostle, they would also be induced by his flesh and annihilate it by its own what they read in the Apocalypse to instrumentality, in order to show his con- maintain the antiquity of their sect, as tempt for it: their motto was words to one which the Judaizing St. John had this effect, which they ascribed to the opposed; and the name induced thera deacon Nicolaus.* The same Clement naturally to deduce it (i. e. the sect) from We have before found afterwards, in another passage, quotes that Nicolaus. another trait out of the life of this Nico- instances in which the Gnostics chose iaus, which this sect used in order to for their founders persons who appear in justify their own excesses.! The apos- an unfavourable light either in the Old or tles, it would seem, had reproached him the New Testament. with his jealousy about his wife, and in The Simon ians are also to be mentioned order to show how little this reproof here, an eclectic sect, which it is difficult would attach to him he brought her for- to bring into any one definite class, beward and said, " Let him that will, marry cause they appear to have attached themher." But Clement was far from holding selves, sometimes to heathenism, someJSTicolaus to be the founder of this sect, times to Judaism, or to the religious opialthough the sect itself claimed him. He nions of the Samaritans and appear to have clears the character of that man of the been sometimes strict ascetics, sometimes Apostolic Church, and quotes the tradi- wild despisers of all moral laws (the EntySimon Magus was their Christ, tion, that this Nicolaus lived in unspotted chites.) wedlock to the end of his days, and left or at least a form assumed by the redeemchildren, whose conduct was irreproach- ing spirit which had appeared also in able, behind him. We see, therefore, that Christ, whether it was that in their first Irenaeus did not err in sufposlnq the ex- origin they had^ really proceeded from the istence of Slick a sect, but only in not party founded *by that Goeta (magician,) examining more carefully its pretences. mentioned in the Acts, or whether the It was the fashion for such sects, as we sect which arose later, merely to please have often before remarked, to engraft their own fancies, had made Simon Magus, themselves to some great man or other whom the Christians abominated, their of antiquity, in tlieir choice of whom they CoryphiEus, aiul had forged under his were often guided by accidental circum- name pretended books relating to the What some learned men stances. Thus the Nicolaitans made Nico- higher wisdom. laus, the deacon, their founder, without liave supposed, viz. that another Simon, any fault of his. Clement thought that distinct from that old Simon Magus, they had only corrupted liis words and founded their sect, and that he was conactions in a perverted manner, and he fused with that older Simon Magus, is too endeavours to explain both one and the arbitrary a supposition, and is by no means
ternal evidence to induce him, should
;

other in a more favourable mode; but * Even supposing that tlie name Nicolaitans one is led to inquire whether Clement has viewed it in a sufficiently critical in tlic Apocalypse should be really the proper name of a parly founded by a person named manner. All which is here ascribed to
Nicolaus, and tliat the mere existence of the name there had given occasion for allusions to Balaam, it would still not be a necessary deduction from these premises that this party which was then in
existence

To

Jiiv 7rai>n^p<rci3-Qet:

tm

a-jfKi,

Strom,

ii.

p.

411.
f Strom,
ill.

p.

436.

was a Gnostic

sect.

291
required for the elucidation of the liistorical phenomenon presented to us*
(g-.)

Marcion and
the

where speculation was the prevailing characteristic, and tlioroughly opposed a character of mind
the Gnostic turn of mind,
to speculative Gnosticism.

his Scliool.

Christian feel-

most natural close ing is far more appealed to by him than to the series of the Gnostics, because he by other Gnostics, because his whole being belongs to the Gnostics only 07i one side-, was far more deeply rooted in Chrisand, on another, rather forms a contrast to tianity, because Christian feeling was the them he stands on the boundary between keynote of his whole inward life, and his whole religious and theological character,

Marcion forms

This Simon Magus, to whom properly no place belongs among the founders of the Chriaiian sects, has obtained an undeserved importance in the old Church, by being made the father of the Gnostic sects. As the representative of the whole
thcosophico-goctic character, in opposition to the

wliile

among

the rest of the Gnostics this

simple faith in revelation, he has become in the same manner a mythical personage, and given
rise to

many

(although sometimes the prevailing turn of mind,) formed only one of the dispositions belonging to them, and was intermixed with much of a diflerent character. It is instructive to mark how an endeavour, which proceeded from the very

fables

as, for

instance, that of his

disputation with St. Peter, and his

unhappy

at-

tempt

at the art of flying

is the place where the fable But it was an extraordinary circumconducted. stance that Justin Martyr, in his second apology before the Roman emperor, should appeal to the

and the Ckiitcntine is most ingeniously

depths of Christianity, could receive aix unchristian turn by means of a gross

it is a warning and a startling ; circumstance to see a man, whose errors themselves were connected with a spirit of love, only that it was a mistaken spirit, and a man, to witom the Christ who filled

partiality

fact, that there was a statue Simon Magus, on an island in

at

Rome

to
(jv

this
to,

the Tiber,

Ti^ipt

TT'.TJ-fjtu)

ui^a^u

Tttv /i/3 jf^i/f&v)

scriplion,

Simoni Deo Sancto.

GoetfE at that time found much with the highest classes, yet one can hardly believe that it could have amounted to the erection of such a statue and to a decree of the senate,

with the mAlthough such acceptance even

was one and all, misunderstood and called a heretic by most of the Chrisof his own day, because they were tians unable to understand /;/smode of concephis heart
tion, and indeed, chiefly by those who might have dwelt iu the most intimate

by which Simon Magus was received into the should be number of the Dii Romani.

We

communion with him,

in virtue

of that

obliged to

question the correctness of Justin's assertion, even if we were not able to explain the But this seems now to be ascause of his error. certained, as in the year 1574, at the place designated by Justin Martyr, a stone was dug up, which

which they bore within their hearts, if any other mode of communication had existed besides those of words and definite ideas, (begrifl":) any other mode than that which is only a dim reflecseemed to have been the pedestal of a statue, and a source of so tion of the inward life, it bore the inscription, " Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio

Sacrum."

Now

certainly this

statue

was not

erected by the
tories

Roman

senate or emperor, but by

full

one Sextus Pompeius; but Justin,

of the his-

then current about Simon Magus, overlooked this, and confused the Scmo Sancus (a Sabine Roman deity, which might have remained unknown to Justin, well acquainted with the Greek, but not with the Roman mythology,) with

many misunderstandings and mutual mistakes among men, which would be removed if one man could read the inward and conscience of another! What life
Marcion had in common with the Gnostics, and particularly in common with the

Gnostics of this class, was partly the distinction which he made between the God deity Sanctus was sometimes written instead of of nature and of the Old Testament, and Sancus. Tertullian, indeed, as better acquainted the God of tlie Gospel, and the distinction with the Roman antiquities, might have been able between the Divine and the human gento form a better judgment on the matter, but in such cases he was too prejudiced, and too little erally, as well as many speculative eleinvestigate any far- ments, which he connected with his sysinclined to the critical art, to ther an account which was to his own taste, and tem of religion. And yet he had evidently came also from a man of reputation. The more arrived at tliat which he had in common

Simo Sanctus,

especially as in the

surname of that

critical

stance,

in Clirist that he first found his and that glory of God which had knew him from the Acts of the Apostles, seems revealed itself to him in Christ, he was himself to stamp the story of a statue erected to never able to find again in nature and in him at Rome as a fiction. The Samaritan Goetaj spenilative elements, which

Alexandrians do not mention the circumand Origen, lib. i. contr. Cels. c. 57, by say-

with them by an entirely diflerent road.

It

ing that the

name

of

Simon Magus was known

to

was
;

beyond Palestine only

the

Christians,

who God

and founders of

sects,

DosUheu.i and Mcntmder,

a
disciple

history.

The

(who

is

made out

to be

of

Simon

Magus,) are even less deserving still of any particular mention in a history of Christian sects.

he borrowed from other Gnostics, were to him only neces.sary aids to fill up the gaps which his system, being founded on

; ;

292
an entirely
plan,
different

MARCION NO PRESUMPTUOUS CHRISTIAN.

and a ivholly practical to the extreme, must lead
It

to

arbitrary

would necessarily have.

was

results.

The opposition between Trurrn; and evidently not his intention, like that of other Gnostics, that Christianity should yvua-ti, between an exoteric and an esobe completed by means of the speculative teric Christianity, belonged to the essential conclusions of other doctrinal systems, attributes of the other Gnostic systems but he wished originally only to restore but it was impossible that such an oppoagain to its purity Cliristianity, which sition could be recognised by Marcion, had, in his opinion, been adulterated by whose attachment was chiefly to the admixtures foreign to its nature. The practical St. Paul. With him vis-tk; was partial point of view, from which he set the common source of Divine life for all out with this disposition, was the occa- Christians he knew nothing higher than the illumination which all Christians sion of most of his errors. He did not make a secret doctrine the ought to have that which he recognised source of the knowledge of this genuine as true Christianity was to be known and Christianity but he would not suffer recognised as such by all who were genehimself to be bound by a general Church rally capable of receiving Christianity tradition., because, in his opinion, foreign and the only difference he could make matter had already mixed itself in such was that between mature Christians, and a tradition with pure Apostolic Chris- those who still needed farther instruction tianity. As a genuine Protestant (if we in Christianity (i. e. Catechumens.) This may transfer to an ancient day this appel- characteristic of Marcion's doctrine, so
; ;
;

which arose, indeed, later, but denoted a genuine primitive Christian turn of mind,) he wished to consider the word of Christ and of his genuine disciples e. original apostles, Tr.] the only [i. valid source of a knowledge of the true Gospel. certainly, instead of recogHe nising the many-sidedness of Christianity from the variety of the instruments selected for its propagation, allowed himself to make an arbitrary division between them, founded on a one-sided view. His endeavour to tind the genuine documents of pure original Christianity, led him into
lation
historical

wholly unlike the usual

ticism, leads us
to

spirit

of Gnos-

and critical investigations, which removed from the contemplative of the other Gnostics. But he gives us here a warning example, how such inquiries, as soon as they are swayed

were

far

disposition

by
in

the preconceived doctrinal opinions,

which the tlioughts are fettered, must lead to unhappy results, and how easily
an arbitrary hypercriticism is formed in opposition to an uncritical credulity how
;

easily, in short, man, in struggling against one class of doctrinal prejudices, falls into another. The other Gnostics united a mystical allegorizing interpretation of Scripture with their theosophic idealism. The single hearted Marcion was a zealous * Pecuniam inpriinocalore fidei Ecclesia; conenemy of this artificial mode of interpre- tulit. TertuU. adv. Marcion. lib. iv. c. 4. When tation. He was, on the contrary, a warm Epiphanius calls Marcion a fj.'jVJ.^u>v, he is only adherent of the literal interpretation making a confusion between the circumstances of which was in vogue among the opponents his own and' of earlier times and by the word ^cva^^av we must understand an do-*))T,-. Ephraem of the Gnostics and it was shown in
; ;

conclude that it received its development also in a wholly different mode. But, alas, we have no authentic accounts of the life of Marcion, so as to enable us to inquire into that point satisfactorily. Many gaps in that life can only be filled up by conjecture. He was born in Pontus in the first half of the second century. If the account of Epiphanius is founded in fact, his father was bishop of that Church; but even then, if it be true, it is still most probable that he was elected to that office when Marcion was already a youth or arrived at the age of manhood for it is most probable, if we may judge from the development of his system, that Marcion lived the early part of his life as a Heathen, and afterwards turned to Christianity from the free impulse of his own heart. Like many others, he felt himself, in the first glow of faith and love, impelled to renounce every thing earthly he bestowed his goods or a part of them on the Church, and began to live* as a continens or iax)T)?f His contempt of nain strict self-denial. ture, which was at first only of a j)ractical and ascetic kind, proceeding from a falsely conceived opposition between the natural
; ;

his

case,

how
it

tion, if

is

even this mode of interpretanot combined with other her- Sermo

if
it

Syrus, blames Marcion for acquiring a delusive reputation through his asceticism. 0pp. Ed. Lat.
i. p. 438, and seq. f See above.

meneutic principles, and

is

carried

MARCION

ENMITY TO THE OLD TESTAMENT.

293

and the Divine, might now, under a va- naturally be induced by opposition only

man to develope himself more strikingly in his of a soul so impetuous in its apprehen- partial views, and to harden himself in sions and so abrupt in its determinations them. In reality he had to contend with as his, to a theoretically conceived sepa- such an opposition, and this contention ration between the God of nature and the had, no doubt, a remarkable influence on God of the Gospel. Nature appeared so the formation of his religious and doccold and stiff to his heart, filled and trinal views. There was, in existence, to glowing widi the image of the God of say the truth, at that time, particularly in love and mercy, as he appeared in Christ. A^ia Minor, a false turn of mind, which He was, doubtless, right in the belief interpreted the Old Testament without
riety of dilTerent influences, lead a

that the contemplation of nature cannot sufficient spirituality, which did not suflead to the knowledge of that Father of ficiently distinguish between the different love and mercy; he was right in his positions taken in the two dispensations, opposition against the Deist, who sets the and which in many doctrines (as, for

preaching of nature on the same level with that of the Gospel, and who finds in nature alone and by itself a temple of eternal love but Marcion was always inclined to push matters to the extreme. Even in history, Marcion, full of the glory of the Gospel, thought that he could find no trace of the God who had revealed himself to him there, (i. e. in the Gospel ;) he, like many other zealous Christians, would look back into the heathen vvorld only with horror, and it appeared to him notliing hut the kingdom of Satan; but even in the Old Testament he could not find again his God and his Christ; his fiery and impatient spirit, which was too deficient in calmness and reflection, to be able properly to investigate the relation between the Old and New Testament, was now at once struck with the contrast between the two forms of religion. He had no notion of a gradual (literally pa?dagogical) development of the Divine revelation, and Judaism appeared to him too carnal to have proceeded from the same source as the spiritual religion of Christianity and he believed that that same God of love, of mercy, and compassion, whom he knew from the Gospel, was not to be recognised here, (i. e. in the Old Testament.) It is easy to see that (after this nolion of the contrast between the Old and the New Testament had once be;

example, the doctrine of Christ's kingdom, the idea of a millcnarian kingdom,) mixed up a carnal Judaism with Christianity. This disposition he combated with violent zeal, and blamed, not wholly without foundation, those who were its slaves with adulterating the Gospel, and hence there might easily arise in his mind a suspicion of the genuineness of the whole traditional system of the Church,
{irapocSoat^,) and of the Biblical documents which he had received from that tradition; and hence, also, he may have been induced to endeavour, by his own inquiries,

form for himself a Christianity, purifrom all that was foreign to its naHis contention with this too Jewish disposition then drove him also constandy to conceive the contrast between the Old and the New Testament more and more sharply, and in many things to suppose unjustly that Christianity had been adulterated by Judaism. This enmity of his towards the Old Testament, and many of his opinions connected with it, were, proto
fied
ture.

bably, the cause of his being excommunicated at Sinopc. On this he travelled

come
the
find
this

the prevailing idea in his soul,) if he, standing in this position, considered

Old Testament, he would be able to many points on which he could rest opinion. We must add also, that, ac-

cording to his principles of a thoroughly literal interpretation of the Bible, he believed that all the anthropomorphical and anthropopathical expressions of the Old Testament must be maintained to the very letter, without distinguishing the
idea from the dress in

Rome, witli a view of seeking whether he could not, in the Church of the metropolis of the world, discover friends to his opinions, which, he was fully persuaded, were the principles of genuine Christianity and the numl)cr of antiJewish feelings then prevailing in the Roman Church* migiit give him hopes of success. If the account of Epiphanius is to be relied on, JMarcion must have inquired of the Roman clergy hov/ tlicy explained the passage in iMatt. ix. 17, in order to elicit from their own mouth the avowal dial the new wine of Christianity cannot be poured into the old botdes of Judaism widiout destroying them.
to
;

But

in

Rome

also his

Dualism

in

the

which

it is

clothed.
See in the history of the Cultus,
p. 300.

A man

of Marcion's character would

2b2

294

MARCION AT ROME.
which had been imparted to him. He, therefore, made several voyages he spent his life in many struggles both with Heathens and with Christians to be hated and to suffer he considered as the destination of Christians. " My fellows in being
truth
; ;

doctrine of the revelation of God could meet with notliing but contradiction, be-

cause the acknowledgment of the one same God and of the one same Revelation in the Old and in the New Testament was a portion of the Catholic doctrine of the

Church.

Rejected here also hated,

my fellow-sufferers," ((ry/*/*irot;jixE>ot

was liis usual address ing his anti-Church dispositions into a to his disciples.* Perhaps, he was at firm determinate system, and founding an Rome, when Polycarp, the aged bishop of independent community. Up to this time Smyrna, visited Anicetus, bishop ofRome.f
KCii ffvyrct\a.iiTu^oi,)

by

the Church, he

was driven into form-

system had been only founded on Marcion, who, in his youth, apparently considerations the conviction had lived on terms of friendly interthat Christianity had appeared in human course with the former, and saw him nature as something wholly new, unex- again now after a long lapse of years, pected, and unforeseen that it had com- went up to him and addressed him thus, municated to human nature a Divine life, " Dost thou remember me, Polycarp .'" to which there had hitherto been nothing But this old man, otherwise so fidl of akin in man; that the God, who appeared charity, refused to receive none but the in Christ, had never before revealed him- enemies of the Gospel into his kindly self, either by nature, by reason, or by the affections and such Marcion appeared to Old Testament, and that nothing bore him, for he was unable to recognise in witness to him, nothing was his work but him the Christian character, which was Christianity; this was the conviction in fact the very foundation of his errors. from which Marcion set out. (Ft may be He answered him, therefore, " Yes I a question, whether he had at that lime know the first-born of Satan !" Tertulcarried out his system farther than this.) lianj relates that Marcion at length testiBut these persuasions, proceeding from fied his regret at the schism which had his inward Christian life, must have led arisen in the Church that he had prayed a thinking man to many inquiries which to be again received into the communion he could not answer. A Gnostic system of the Church, and that this prayer had would be able to fill up these gaps in his been granted, on the condition that he doctrinal views he might there learn to should bring back to the Church those acknowledge a Demiurgos, different from who had been seduced away by him, a the perfect God, as the God of nature and condition which his too early death preof the Old Testament; and a contempt vented him from fulfilling. It must be lor nature, and a hatred towards matter, avowed that we cannot implicitly trust as the source of evil, would correspond this account, nor are we able to say to his ascetic dispositions. The Syrimi whether there be any foundation for it in Gnosis, which, as we have remarked, truth nor even in that case, what foundamaintained these points very definitely, tion there is. Since with Marcion every would naturally suit him exactly. And thing proceeded from the heart, it might thus it happened that he joined himself easily happen that while he sighed after to one Cerdo, a teacher of this Gnosis, Christian communion and perceived the who came from Antiochia, and he bor- evil consequences of schisms, he should rowed from him the principles needed at last be softened as his age increased, for the completion of his dogmatical and should seek again to attain peace with
his
practical
:

the majority of Christians. nature of Marcion's opinions It still remains for us to consider somenecessarily implied that he would labour what more closely the system formed by for the propagation of his princii)les Avith an union between the practical disposimore zeal and activity than other Gnos- tion of Marcion, and the Gnostic princitics for, while others believed that they ples of Cerdo. In its fundamental princould impart their higlier knowledge only ciples this system harmonized with the
t;yst.eixi.

The very

small portion of Christian.*, to the Marcion, on the contrary, was persuaded that his was no other than the
to a
spiritual,

Gnostic systems of this second only with the distinction, that it was always made pre-eminently clear, original Cliristian doctrine, which ought that he conceived every thing jnore from and he would, to belong to all mankind
other
class,
;

therefore, feel

himself impelled to com-

J-

TertuUian,

c.

M.

iv.

36.

iv. 9.
c.

municate to 'all Christians the light of

See above

Prtescript.

30.

JUSTICE AND HOLINESS CONTRASTED.

295

a practical than from a speculative point be confessed, that while he opposed jtisof view, and that he was not so deeply- fice to holiness^ and under the former
interested inwliat

was merely

speculative.
princi-

name

He assumed
ples
1.
:

three

fundamental

collected together all the marks which he believed that he could find in the Old Testament (when interpreted and

iA!,

which had existed from

,

all

considered in his
as

own

prejudiced views,)

eternity.
2.

characteristic of the

Demiurgos, he

The perfect^ almighty holy God; made to himself a conception of justice, the God who is Eternal Love, the Good, which was by no means consistent or 799j, who alone is to he called God tenable intimate consistency, with him,
;

any proper sense who, in virtue of always depended more on the heart than his holy essence, cannot come into any on abstract conceptions. contact whatever with matter who forms As far as our present means of informaonly through communication of himself tion extend, the mode in which Marcion a lite akin to himself, and does not act on considered the relation of the Demiurgos that which is without. to the perfect God, in reference to the ori3. The Deminrgos, a subordinate Be- gin of the latter, appears very indefinite. ing, of limited power, standing between As we find elsewhere, among the Gnosgood and evil, who is named a God only tics, nothing but Dualistic systems, and in an improper sense (as the name of God none in which three principles, wholly
in
;

is

transferred also

to

other beings, Ps.

it

independent
origin.,

on each

other

as

to

their

Ixii.,)*

who

is

in

avowed enmity with

matter, and endeavours to bring subjection to himself, and to form

is

never able wholly to subdue

its

were acknowledged, it seems most on the matter in the folit, but lowing light, viz that Marcion also deoppo- duced the origin of the imperfect Demiinto

natural to look

sition.!

The ungodly Being

of matter, urgos, according to a certain line of de-

and forming, velopment, from the perfect God and is the source of all evil; and this ungodly certainly it is the notion which comes Being, concentrated in that power of blind most readily into the human mind, to impulse which is associated with matter, deduce that which is imperfect from that is Satan. The distinction he draws be- which is perfect. There is nothing to tween true moral perfection, which con- contradict this supposition for, even if sists in holiness and love, whose essence we grant that no passage is found in anit is only to impart itself, only to bless, to cient authors, from which it can strictly be make happy, to redeem and bare right- proved that Marcion derived the origin of eousness, justice, or uprightness, which the Demiurgos from the Supreme God,* weighs every one according to merit yet, at any rate, there is no passage, in rewards and punishes, recompenses good any writer worthy of credit, on such a with good, and evil with evil, and which point, from which the contrary can be brings forth only outward propriety of proved. We can only say, that the inconduct, this was the fundamental prac- definiteness in the accounts of ancient tical notion, on which all Marcion's other writers arises from the circumstance that notions rested. Whilst some;}; formed to Marcion, interested only in the practical themselves assuredly too gross anthropo- view of tliese subjects, has not declared
resists all fashioning
;

which

of tlie retributive himself with sufficient definiteness, in a justice of God, which could not well be speculative point of view, on the relation reconciled with the idea of a God, who is of the Demiurgos to the Supreme God. Love. JMarcion, in combating these reThe point, then, which Marcion deemed presentations, (as he was generally, from of practical importance, was to maintain his impetuous and rugged nature, inclined, the doctrine of a wholly new creation, in controversy, to carry matters to the by means of Christianity, and to cut in utmost extremity,) made out an absolute sunder that thread, by wliich Christianity contradiction between justice and holi- might be connected with the world, as it ness, so that it was impossible, in his was in its earlier condition. The Demipatliical representations

side

opinion, that both attributes should exist by side in the same being. It must

urgos, therefore, of Marcion, did not act in obedience to more lofty ideas, to whifli he was subservient, .as an instrument,
* And yet one of the Fathers, RhoJon aji. Euseb. V. 13, says that Marcion acknowledged only Suo dpx*^'

01cm, Strom,
lib. i.e.

lib. iii.

p.

425.

Tertull,

c.

M.

715.
p.

f Ephr. Svr. Oral. 14, i See Part I.

463, D.


296

CHRISTOLOGY
REDEMPTION.

over the heathen and sinners, and lead his people to an undisturbed enjoyment of all earthly happiness, in a kingdom that should rule over the whole earth. But the perfect God, whose nature is compassion and love, could not allow this severe sentence, upon men who were overcome by their own weakness, to take effect. It is consistent with his character not to look to merit, like the Demiurgos, but out of free love to take care of those who are altogether alien to him, of the lost and not to begin with proposing a law, on the observance or nonobservance of which the fate of man should depend, but to reveal and impart himself, as the source of all holiness and blessedness, to those who are but willing to receive him. The appearance of Christ was the self-revelation* of the Supreme God hitherto wholly hidden from this lower creation. Perhaps, before Marcion became a Gnostic, he had, in his own country, embraced that form of the so-called Patripassianism'\ which was current in Asia Minor, which main;

although unconsciously, or even against his own will, bat he was an entirely independent, self-existent, Creator of an imperfect world, which corresponded to On this account his own limited nature. Marcion did not assume, with the other Gnostics, that to man, as the image of the Demiurgos, a still higher principle of life was imparted by the Supreme God but he recognised in the whole nature of man, as a work of the Demiurgos, only such elements as could proceed from such a
;

created man, of his creation, after his own image, to represent and to reveal it. The body of man he formed out of matter, whence its evil desires ; to this body he imparted, out of his being, a soul
Creator.
as the highest

The Demiurgos
work

akin to himself. He gave him a law, in order to prove his obedience, and to reAvard or to punish him according to his

desert. But the limited Demiurgos could never have imparted to man a Divine principle of life, capable of triumphing over evil. Man yielded to the temptations of sensual pleasure, and thereby was sub- tained that the same Divine subject was jected, with his whole race, to the do- betokened by different names only as minion of matter, and the evil spirits, spoken of under different relations ; as Avhich were its offspring. Out of the the Father, when spoken of as hidden, whole race of degraded man, the Demi- as the Son, or the Logos, when self-reurgos chose only one people for his own vealing; and that it was only this selfespecial guidance. He revealed himself revealing God who had united himself peculiarly to this people, the Jews, and with a human body. At all events this gave them a religious code, consisting view was the most suited to the system as it corresponded to his own nature and and the mind of Marcion. It was a welcharacter on the one hand of a ceremo- come thing to him, to remove the distincnial religion, which busied itself only in tion which the Church doctrine acknowexternals, and on the other of a positive ledged between Christ and the Supreme (literally, commanding,) imperfect mo- Being ; he was thoroughly imbued with rality, without an inward Divine life, the conviction, that Christ and Chriswithout any power to produce a true in- tianity are nothing but a communication ward sanctification, without the spirit of of the Supreme God himself to man in his love. He rewarded those who faithfully limited condition. (It is well to remark, observed this law, with a happy condi- generally, that among the Palripassians tion after death, adapted to their limited the practical view of Christianity was esAs now nature, in company with their pious fore- pecially the predominant one.) Marcion, in tlie character of a Patripasfathers.* The Demiurgos was not powerful enough sian, would admit of no perfect human to make his people the ruling nation, and personality in Christ, it was the more easy to extend his dominion over the whole for Docetism to insinuate itself into his This Docetism was not only earth but he promised to those who views. were devoted to him, a Redeemer, a Mes- founded in his view of matter, but it was siah, through whom he would at last ob- thoroughly suited to the whole nature and tain this object in a contention with the spirit of his dogmatic views in every reChristianity, according to him, hostile powers of the t-Xjj, and through spect.
:

\fhom he would gather together the scat- was tered Jews, exercise a severe judgment
*
*

to

appear as a fragmentary, thing.

Tertullian, c.

M.

lib.

i.

c.

11.

Apud
lib.
iii.

inferos in sinu
c.

M.

24.

Abrahami. Tertull. c. Clom. Strom, lib. v. f. 546.

Klotz, vol.
iii.

f Of which
section
doctrines.

we

shall speak,

more

at large in

our

relative

to the formation of the

Church

[Sylb. 233.

Potter, 645.

p. 4.]

DOCETISM.
entirely witliout preparations for
it,

THE

PASSION.

297

and bring about his death through the Jews, not to be attached to any thing else as who were devoted to him, [i. e. the DevilTertuilian excellently said, with Marcion tirgos^ Tr.] but he could etl'ect nothing every thing is to be suddcii. His gospel, against the surpassing power of the Sutherefore, began with the journey of preme God. The passion of Christ would Christ to Capernaum in the fifteenth year serve only for the fulfilment of his [i. e. of tlie reign of 1'iberius and his sudden Marcioii'^s, Tr.j benevolent designs, in respect to human nature: the heart of appearance as a teacher.* According also to the theory of Mar- Marcion must have been interested in a cion, Jesus was not the Messiah promised love, that suflered, and obtained the vicby the Demiurgos through the prophets, tory through suflering; in him, whom as many of the tokens of the Messiah alone he acknowledged as our apostle, he found a great deal about the sufferings of contained in them are wanting in him and yet this and, on the contrary, tliat which is pecu- Christ for human nature, liar in his character, and in his operations, did not well consist with his Docetism. is by no means to be found among tlie Marcion appropriated to himself the docMessianic traits delivered to us in the trine which already existed in the tradition prophets. Marcion endeavoured to go of the Church about the descent of Christ through with the contrast between Christ, into the world below ;* but one is inclined as tlie history of the Gospel represents to inquire whether he can have taken a him, and the Christ of the Old Testa- doctrine on the mere authority of the trament even in this we see how deeply the dition of the Church and it will surely image of Christ had stamped itself upon prove to be the case, that he has been his warm heart; but even that very cir- willing to overlook that which would not cumstance rendered him unjust, by lead- otherwise be satisfactory to him in this ing him to expect that the foretype, authority, for the sake of its value in a which was given to the prophetic view dogmatical point of view, because its docunder a veil, which was to be for a time, trine suited so \yell with his whole sysshould fully equal the reality that ap- tem. This doctrine is, indeed, distinctly peared. It was then to be considered proclaimed in the first epistle of St. Peter; only as an accommodation^ when Jesus but with the ultra-Pauline Marcion, St. Still, he called himself the Messiah, in order to Peter was no genuine apostle. find a point by which the Jews might might think, perhaps, that he found this of St. Paul himself, unite themselves to him to win their doctrine in an epistle Other Gnostics confidence through a form which was namely, in Ephes. iv. 9. familiar to them, and then to insinuate gave it a diflijrent application, because It was with them this earth itself was tlie lower the higher things into this form.f natural enough that Christ, who pre- world [unterwelt, under-world] into which supposed only a sense of the needful- Christ descended, in order to set free the Marcion understood the exness of that which had hitherto been captives. wanting to man, a feeling of the need pression, lower world, in the sense given in Avhich man stands of help and re- to it by the Church doctrine, namely, the demption, and recjuired only an accept- general abode of departed spirits. Only ance, in childlike faith, of the divine he did not receive the common opinion, source of life wliich he communicated to that Christ descended, in order to place man; it was natural, according to these the saints of the Old Testament in conThese were, like views, that he should find no acceptance nection with himself. with the self-righteous servants of the the Jews on earth, incapal)le of enjoying Demiurgos, self-contented in their own the blessings of a redeeming, eternal love, limited nature, and should find a more in consequence of their self-righteousready entrance into the hearts of the hea- ness, and tlie enjoyment of a happiness But then, who had abandoned themselves to which satisiied their limited nature. The Demi- Marcion, the friend of tlie heathen, could the feeling of their misery. urgos would of course necessarily attack never have adopted the notion, that so him, as one that wished to destroy his many heathens who had died previously kingdom, under the pretence of being the should be given up to the power of the Messiah promised by him. He wished to Demiurgos, and be excluded from the benefits of redemption; Christ, therefore, descended below, in order to preach the Tcrtull. iv. 17. Ut per solonnc apud eos et familiare nomen The Descensus Christi ad inferos. irrcperet in Judaeorum fidem, c. iii. 15.
;
; 5

f-

38

298
Gospel to the heathen, and to bless them.*

MARCION

MORAL DOCTRINES.
dead,

the predominant errors of the times ia allowable, or through the principle that seem, although it cannot be outward things are a matter of no conIt would decided upon with absolute certainty, that sequence, made it a very easy thing to Marcion taught that the Messianic pro- escape the duty of martyrdom the Mar;

who were

phecies of the Old Testament would still be fulfilled with reference to the believers The Messiah proin the Demiurgos.

mised by the Demiurgos was to and would execute a severe penal sentence against those who were not freed from his power by faith in the higher Christ, would raise up the dead saints of the Old Testament, and unite all in a millennial reign of earthly happiness. The eternal heavenly kingdom^ to which Christians belonged, would then form the proper contrast to the transitory earthly kingdom. The souls of the Christians

on the contrary, certainly believed themselves bound to give their witness to Christianity,* which was deeply appear, engrafted in their hearts. But how all
cionites,

that belongs to our nature is sanctified and ennobled by Christianity, was a truth which Marcion could not acknowledge, because he did not recognise the God in

In this Christ as the God of Nature. point of view, the teachers of the Church might justly make this reproach against

him, that his Dualism, in union with which always pursues the view of an ennoblement of nature through
Christianity,

their gross bodies, as the a divine principle of life, is practically chicken raises itself out of the egg, as the illogical ; as, for example, in the celeThe ascetic kernel throws away the shell, or leaves bration of the Sacraments. the outer covering in the earth, and raises turn which Marcion had, even when he itself up free into the light of day as the was a member of the Catholic Church, and in which, as we have before observed, ripe fruit falls away from the stalk.f A doctrinal system like that of Mar- his system had found a natural point to contrast between the engraft itself upon, was now again still cion, in which the Law and the Gospel was thus declared, more furthered and strengthened by his could be followed only by a holy, moral more fully formed views of nature, and system; for he made out the difference of the creation of the Demiurgos. He between the two to consist in this, that reckoned a mode of life, such as was led the first (the law,) could communicate to in the Catholic Church only by certain man no true inward sanctification, no classes of ascetics, to be an essential part Christians were, even power for victory over evil ; but the of Christianity second (the Gospel,) brought man, through here below, to lead a heavenly life, enfaith, into connection with a divine source tirely freed from all defilement through of life; which connection would neces- matter; he who was incapable of leading sarily reveal itself through the conquest such a life, must remain in the class of of evil, and through the sanctification of Catechumens, and could not yet be adEven the most zealous oppo- mitted to Baptism-t the life. Whether Marcion recognised only St. nents of Marcion, who were glad to rake together all the evil they could possibly Paul as a genuine apostle., and cnndemned, accuse him of, and who did not recognise after the fashioiiof ultra-Paulitcs, all the the essential difference between tlie sys- rest of the apostles, as Judaizing adultem of Marcion and all other Gnostic terators of Christianity ; or whether he systems, could not deny that the Mar- only declared the writings that were pubcionites were entirely distinguished by lished under their names to he spurious their conduct from those Gnostic antino- documents, counterfeited hy Judaizing mians, who preached up a life of lawless- Christians, cannot be decided with certliey could tainty from the unsatisfiictory natin-e of ness after man's own fancies not deny, for instance, that they (the the existing accounts ; but the first is the were on a par with the most probable. This supposition suits Marcionites,) strictest Christians in their abhorrence best with the character of the abrupt and of the heathen theatres and public pleaWhile many Gnostics, through sures.;}; * See, for example, Euscb-iv. 15; vii. 12. De their doctrine, that an accommodation to Martyr. Paltestinre, c. 10.
;
:
,

would lay aside

Tertull.

c.

M.

lib. iv. c.

34.

Quomodo nupet foniinam,

See IreniBUs.

i.

c.

27, 2,

c.
;

i.

24.
iv.

tias dirimis ?
;

nee conjungens marem

\ Tertullian,

iii.

3, 4,

&

24

29

iii.

29.

Eph. Svr. Orat.

\

.52, 6, p. 5.'Jl-2.

TertuU.

c.

M.

i.

28

conjunctos ad sacramentum baptisinatis et eucharistia) ad mittens, nisi inter se conjuraveriat ad versus fructum nuptiarum,.

ncc

alibi

'

MARCIONITE SECTS
violent Marcion,

CHARACTER

OF APELLES.

299

ready to piignant to the whole character of the make points of contrast than to hiok for Alarcionitish system for, according to means of accommodation. It is certain the ideas of Marcion, until the appearthat he acknowledged as the genuine ance of Christ, nollimg whatever that sources of Christian knowledge nothing was akin to the Supreme God could have While hut the epistles of St. Paul, and an original been in existence in tliis world. Gospel, which, by mistaking a passage, [Marcion would not make any further conhe supposed to have been cited by St. elusions relative to tlie ultimate fate of , Psychici ; on But as he set out from the settled the Demiurgos and of the ^ Paul.
;
]
j

who was more

opinion, that these documents were no longer found in their original condition,

the contrary,

Lucanus the 3Iarcionite deall

termined that

w-hicli

is

Psychical,

is

but had been adulterated by the Judaizers, whose form seems to have haunted him like a spectre, he allowed himself to use criticism ad lihitum^ in order to restore them to their original form. His pretended original Gospel, used (as he fancied,) by St. Paul, had arisen from a mutilation of the Gospel of St. Luke.* Certainly his criticism
logical-, for

perishable, and that nothing but the imvf^anxov, which has become participative
j

of the divine nature, is immortal.* Apelles had for a season withdrawn

himself from the predominant practical turn of Marcion, and had indulged in

many
j

original Marcionite

speculations, entirely foreign to the system but at length

;

was by no means much remained, which no-

the
!

original practical

disposition broke
in

forth

again, and became prominent

him

thing but a forced system of exegesis, in a remarkable manner. TertuUianf gives through ignorance of right hermeneutic an unfavorable account of the morals of principles, could possibly bring into har- this man; but a teacher of the Catholic 'Church, at the beginning of the third Marcion. mony with the system of -'
j '

century,
Marcionite Sects.

named Rhodon, whose

testi-

While among other Gnostics the caprice _^ ^ ^ _^^^ ^ and the multifariousness of their speculations and" fi7ti^nrcaused""thriaterdisdpies, in many respects, to depart from the doctrines of their Master; on the contrary, ia the system of Marcion, the pre dominance of a practical turn, and the meagreness of the speculative part in comparison of the other Gnostic systems, were the cause of the changes which his
disciples,

'

and was not so predominant as with forgotten her calling as a woman, consequence, fallen into a sort him, made in his doctrines. Many ap- having, in
sition

among whom

a practical dispo-

unsuspicious as being that of an enemy, defends him against this reproach, represents him as a man generally for he respected on account of his conduct.^ Probably there was no other origm to these accusations, than tjie entirely^ mno^ cent intercourse of Apelles with a female phdosopher, named Philumcne, as people were always ready to lay every thmg that is evil to the charge of a person who has once been branded as a heretic. Ph.lumene can only be reproached with havmg

mony

is

propriated to themselves the elements of other Gnostic systems, which did not suit that of Marcion, in order to fill up tlie

gaps which they believed they found in rev<ilations, which he took the trouble to in it. ?^Iany,like the Marcionite Marcus,! But the notice which 1 ertulreceived the doctrines of the Syrian >nterpret. considerable use, viz Gnosis, relative to the creation of nian ;J han gives us is of at Alexandria sunamely, that the Supreme God had com- that his long sojourn his originally municated to man something of his own perinduced a change in for all which we Divine Life (the ^at.^a,) but that m^n .^t'^rcionilish views; scattered accounts hadlostitbysin,a view which wasre-;ean deduce from the ^in TertuUian, Origen, Epiplianius, and in : Ambrose de Paradiso, in An elaborate discussion of Marcion's Canon the treatise of system of the New Testament would be out of place here, dicates the remodeling of his but on this subject see more in the learned and throuirh the inlluence of the Alexandrian
j I i

"f ^^reamy enthusiasm, and Apelles, with having encouraged her in this, an( look"? o" her fantastic essays, which proneeded from an unhealtiiy condition, as

acute

investigations

Olshausen, and in

my

of my friends Hahn and Genetic Development of

See Tcrtullian de Resurrect.

c.

Cam.

c.

2.

the Gnostic systems. -( In the Dialog, de Recta Fide.

Orig.

Cels.

lib. iii. c.

27.

See the 0pp.

I
\

Prescript. Hffiret. c.

30
which
is

Origen. T.
t

i.

Euseb.

V. 13.
<f

See

p. 280. the

account of the Ophites, and

Saturninus, p. 284.

His book of extant.

avfaara;,

no longer


300

APELLES AND PHODON

GNOSTIC WORSHIP.

Gnosis. And hence it arises, that he set heaven, provided only he shows his faith the visible and the invisible order of the by good works." world, the Deniiurgos and the Supreme

and the Old and New Testaments, in more connection with each other than the system of Marcion perWhile he set out from the prinmitted.

God,

ADDITIONAL REMARKS.

On

the Cidtus

of the Gnostics.
the

We have hitherto considered

;

Gnos-

were often repeated in after times. Many as, for example, Ptolemseus in virtue of their more inward Christianity says, while J gather together that wliich and their predominantly intellectual chais useful.| lie appealed to that declara- racter, were able to conceive the relation tion, so often quoted by the ancients, and of all exterior observances of religion to which is, perhaps, attributed to our Sa- its real essence, more justly than other viour, in the EvayyiXl'^v y.a.^^ "EjS^atoy?, Church-teachers, who could not separate " Be ye trusty money-changers, who are the outward from the inward^ in religion, able, universally, to distinguish between with such clearness of conviction and the genuine and tlie counterfeit gold, the view. There were, besides, some, who, true and the false." (Taea-St (Joxif^ot r^xvi- like the Jewish religious idealists* at AlexGnostics

Old Testament comes from partly from the inspiration of the Soter, partly from tliat of the Demiurgos, and partly from that of the evil sj)irit, who has every where troubled and defiled the Revelations of the Divine,* he was desirous of culling out in all cases that which is good. J use all the writings of the Old Testament, he
ciple, that the

different origins,

tic sects only in reference to their faith and moral systems it will be instructive, however, just cursorily to compare their

diflferent dispositions

in

regard

to

their

modes of worship,
here also

(their CuUiis.)

we

find the differences,

Even which

^trat.)

In age, Apelles, finding

no

satis-

andria, out of their theosophic idealism re-

conclusion in his speculations upon the incomprehensible, took refuge in the faith which obeys an inward necessity without being able to solve every difficulty to itself, (difficulties which, in his case, met him even in that which he could not choose but to recognise ;) he could do no other, he said; he felt himself obliged to believe in one eternal God, as the original cause of all existence, but

lactory

jected

all

exterior worship, as only

fit

for

he could not
existence

scientifically })rove

how

all

to be traced one original principle. The Church-teacher, Rhodon, to whom he made these communications in confidence, laughed at him as one who pretended to be a teacher, but only believed what he taught, and acknowledged that he could not prove it; but one is inclined to ask, whether the laugher in this case was wiser than the man whom he laughed at, and whether Rhodon himself, in the strict sense of the word, could prove that which Apelles avowed that he only believed. Apelles appeared to have no more taste for controversy on these .sul)jects. "Every one," he said, "may keep to his own faith; for every one who places his confidence on him that

was necessarily

back

to the

imprisoned in the bonds of their senses, and are unable to raise themselves up to the pure spiritual view [anschauung ;] and these persons would allow nothing to be availing but a religion of the inward spiritual view [Geistesanschauung,] raised above all that is outward and sensuous. These persons would say, that man cannot represent the overwhelming and divine mysteries by sensuous and transitory things, and that real redemption consists only in knowledge.| But the same theosophic disposition might also bring with it a symbolic Cullus^ full of mystic pomp, as we see in the case of the Marcosians^, from
the Psychici,

who

are

still

whom
ances.
tion

Irenccus traces those idealists,

all

who

threw aside
In

outward religious observ-

accordance with the distinc-

between a psychical and pneumatical

Christianity, they

made a

distinction also

of a twofold baptism.
*

See Part
10.

I.

p.

34.

f
i.

Iren. 1. c. 24. 4.

Theodoret. Hseret.

fab.

c.

If the C/a7is, asrainst

whom

Tertullian

writes in his book De Bnpiismo, were identical with

was
*

crucified, will
In
a

come
he

to

the bliss of
Conclusions,

work

whicli

called

(^'S.VKMyiTfAci,) he endeavoured to indicate the contradictions to be found in the Old Testament.

f Xgai uTTo 7ra.7iM: ypu<pK, Epiphan. Hteres. 44. 3.

uvxf^iycev

rx

^>ii7iju:t.

whom they arc sometimes confounded, then we must place these latter in the same class, which well suits their whole character ; bat the grounds on which those Caians determined against the necessity of the external rite of baptism, do not look like the wild dreamy s[)iritof the Cainites; and besides, there is nothinof peculiarly Gnostic in them, [namely, the Caians.] ^ Followers of Mark.
the Gnostic Cainites, with


BAPTISMAL RITES.
baptism into Jesus, the MesFiah of the Psychici, through wliich the believing Psychici obtained remission of their sins, and the liope of an eternal life in the kingdom of the Demiurgos. 2. The pneumatical baptism, a baptism into the heavenly Christ who was united with Jesus, through whom spiritual na1.

EXTREME UNCTIOX.

301

The

ointment (balsam,) for the widely extending perfume of this was to be a symbol of the overpowering delight of the Plcrmna, whicli the redeemed were destined
to enjoy.

Among

these Mnrcosians

we

tures attixin to a self-consciousness,

and

to

perfection, and enter into

communion with

the Pleroma. Their ceremonies, and the formula? they used in baptism, were pro-

according as a person obor the second baptism, and was received into the class of Psychici or PncumaticL The latter was apparently
diflerent,
i\\e first

bably

tained

accompanied with more pomp than the other. According to the Gnostic idea, (see above,) viz., that the baptized and redeemed pneumatical nature entered into spirit was essentially different from the a spiritual marriage (a syzygy) with its rest of the Gnostics, so also did he differ other half in the world of spirits, the from them in respect to his principles angel which makes one whole with it about the ordinances of worship. By according to this idea they celebrated his simple and practical turn of mind, baptism as a marriage feast, and adorned he was far removed from that mysticism the chamber where it was to take place that delighted in outward pomp; but then as a marriage chamber. One of the for- he was far removed, also, from that proud mula} used in the baptism of a Pneuma- contemplative idealism. His endeavour ticus, was this [You are baptized] " Into was here also to bring back the original the name which is hidden from all the Christian simplicity of the service of God Divinities and Powers (of the Demi- and he combated many new ordinances, urgos,) the name of Truth,* which Jesus as corruptions of that original simplicity .| of Nazareth hath drawn up into the Light- And thus, with respect to the practice Zones of Christ, the living Christ through which was then about in its commencethe Holy Spirit, for the angelic redemp- ment, of dividing divine service into two tion,! that name through which all at- parts,!; the one, which the Catechumens The baptized per- were to stay out, and the other, at the tains its perfection." son then said, " I am confirmed and commencement of which they were to redeemed ^^ I am redeemed in my soul be dismissed, he appears to have confrom tliis world, and from all which pro- tended against it, as an innovation foreign ceeds from it, through the name of Je- to the spirit of Christianity. He said, hovali, who has redeemed the soul of Just as iit any other good thing, let the Jesus, tlirough the living Christ." Then mature Christians sufler those who are the assembled throng spoke thus: "Peace yet under instruction, such as the Cate;
:

use of extreme unction; they anointed the dying man with that ointment mixed with water, and used with it formultc, to tlie puqport that the souls of the departed must be able to raise themselves up free from the Demiurgos and all his powers, to their mother, the Sophia* The Ophites, also, had these same forms of adjuration for the departed. And that mystical table of the same sect, which contains a symbolical representation of their system (their Siay^ccix-^a.,) is well known. As Marcion in his whole character and
lind, at first, the

(or health) to
rests."

all,

over

whom

this

name

also they imparted to the baptized the consecration to the Christian priestliood, which was used also in the
this
*
j-

Then

* Iren. I. 21. Exorcism in Baptiam also, was well suited to the Gnostic theory of the indwelling of manifold Trvwy.^Ta. C>Jitu. [si)irits of a gross and

Church, by means of anointing; but in case it was performed with costly

The
E(,lo^dita.,

sensuous nature, derived from their connection with matter. H. .1. K.,] till the redemption [of

the

KuT^axriv uyyiKiniiv.

the self-revelation of the Bythos. For the redemption

Exorcism (wfa-g 'i^:g>ai^'./uiv(,v) individual.] makes its appearance at first, even earher than in the North African Church, (see above,) in the But here it Diadascal. Anatol. p. 800, col. iv. D.

of that, of which this spiritual nature, as well as the angel which belonged to it, must become a partaker, in order that both together might become

may
drian
liarly

be quoted as being a custom of the .AlexanChurch in general, and not as a custom pecuGnostic.

capable of entering into the Pleroma, which was only possible to them in their mutual union, and

had the Marcionilcs f Apparently, Tertullian especially in his view, when he says of the heretics, Praiscript. c.

not in their state of separation.

:t:

41, " Simplici/atern volunt esse

'Ej-TK^iy/uui nxt Kv.uTfa>fj^3.t.

See above, about prostrationem discipline, cujus penes nos curam

Icnocinixiin vocant."

florus.

think, that in that formula

we must

read

Tsu 'hv'.v, instead of ai/Tw.

the Missa Catechumecalled t Afterwards norum, and the Missa Fidelium

2C

302

MANICHEES.
:

ACTS OP ARCHELAUS.
it had, by the struggle that took place, awakened the powers of the soul, and

chumens, to take part in prayer also they must not reserve any thing Irom ihem on this acconnt; nor exclude them on it from participation in the prayers of the Church.* We must, however, limit the praise which has been bestowed upon Marcion, if he was really the original author of the superstitious custc^i, founded on a misunderstanding of the passage in Scripture, 1 Cor. XV. 29, namely tlie custom of be-

stowing baptism on a living person, which was to be availing to a Catechumen who liad died without baptism; but it is altogether without foundation, that the introduction of such a mistaken baptism has been laid to the charge of Marcion, to wliose simple evangelical spirit such
superstition

was

entirely

unsuited.

If

such a superstition prevailed afterwards

among

spread themselves among the country people of Syria, in the fifth century, we can only say that it is not fair to charge the founder of the sect with that which is found

the Marcionites,

who had

by the contrast it offered, it had brought the meaning of the chief doctrines of Christianity into a clearer consciousness and acknowledgment.* But in the third century a new and remarkable phenomenon, thoroughly akin to Gnosticism, arose out of the intermixture of oriental theosophy with Christianity, namely, Manicheeism. No essential difference is to be found between this system and those of the Gnostics, especially of the second class, except that here the Christian element was far more crushed by the intermixture of strange materials than in most of the Gnostic systems, and Christianity was properly used only as a symbolical covering for ideas foreign to it, so that one might often throw away the Christian terms which are used, and find notions, which, in their application here, appear to resemble a mixture of Parsic, Brahminical, and Buddhist religious doctrines,

more than

Christianity.
is

And

further, the

among men, who

not at all mixed, as it him.j is in the Gnostic systems, with Jewish theology and Platonic philosophy. The II. Manes X and the Manichees. comparison of the Manichean system The power of the simple Gospel had with the Basilidian, the Saturninian, and bv degrees triumphed over Gnosticism, the Ophitic, and with the religious sysalthough the remains of Gnostic sects main- tem of the Zabians, hardly allows us to tained themselves in the East down to escape recognising one common source later centuries. Gnosticism had produced for all. As far as relates to the history of the effects it was calculated to produce Manes, the founder of this sect, we have two kinds of sources of information, * Marcion, according to .Terome, Comment, in which coincide with each other only in b Ep. ad Galat., appealed to Galat. vi. 6, while with a few circumstances, and in all besides thorough disregard of the context in that passage, very
oriental element

are certainly very unlike

he understands nwaivm
translates the verse
:

in

an intransitive sense, and

are entirely different; these are the

Greek

" Let the

Catechumen

par-

all that is good, together with his instrucHence, the notion of the Gnostics was also mind of TertuUian, when he reproached the heretics, I. c. in this manner: "Imprimis quis catcchumenus, quis fidelis incertum Pariter adeunt (ecclesiam,) pariter audiunt, est.

take of

tor."

present to the

accounts of Cyril of Jerusalem, of Epiphanius, and of the ecclesiastical historians of the fourth and fifth centuries, point our at-

and the Oriental sources.

The

This tention to one commom source.| source is the Acts of a disputation .said to pariter orant." have been held with Manes by Archelaus, But these Acts are f TertuUian, De Resurr. Carnis, c. 48, & Adv. bishop of Cascar.j Marcion. lib. v. c. 10, by no means speaks as if, preserved to us in at least a very unin his time, such a ba[)tism, which violates the satisfactory form, as they have descended passage on which it is founded, had been actually with tlie exception of some fragin use in any place; only he supposes the possi- to us,
*

bility that such a custom may have existed in the time of the apostle, who may have alluded to that; and ill the latter passage he considers another ex-

See Section
doctrine.

v.

on the development of the

Church

planation of

Cor. XV. 29, to be more probable. But what Chrysostom remarks upon this passage can only be applied to many ignorant Marcionites of his time, and not, by any means, to Marcion himself, and the older Gnostics. [Neander constantly uses the name Mani, but
1
:|:

jEusebius, who wrote before this document to relate any thing of the personal history of Manes. It ^ Kaskar ; if the name be not a corruption. may, perhaps, (although on the evidence of a very uncertain conjecture,) be a corruption for Charran

was promulgated, was unable

as

believe
I

Manes

is

the form usually adopted in

it.

English,

have changed

H.

in
J. R.]

Mesopotamia

(nnO

SCYTHIANUS
merits in Greek, only in the Latin trans-

BUDDHA.

303

from a Greek writing, which peris only an unfaithful translafrom a Syriac original.* These Acts plainly contain a narration, which hangs together ill enougli, and bears a tolerably fabulous appearance. Even supposing
lation

haps, itself

tion,

is some truth as a foundation for these Acts, which may well be as there is much in the mode of bringing forward the doctrines which bears marks of truth, and is confirmed by a comparison with other representations, yet still the Greek writer appears to have mixed with it

there

much

that

is

false,

oriental languages

from ignorance of and customs, by inter-

mingling and confusion of different narrations, and by exaggeration and a deficiency in

critical

with Manes; we find letters of I\Ianes addressed to a man of this name, who was also probably an oriental Theosophist.* The heir and disciple of this Scythianus appears to have been one Terebinth, who was afterwards called Buddas. The name Buddasf reminds us of the old system of religion, opposed to Braliminism, which took its origin from Eastern India, which is still prevalent in Ceylon, Thibet and the Birman Empire, and has extended its influence even to the tribes of Tartary. Tiie relation of the miraculous birth of Buddas reminds us of the similar accounts given of the birth of the Indian Buddha. The pantheistic portion of Manicheeism may be compared, in many respects, with the patitJieislic parts of the
old Buddhaism. I\Ianes is represented, in fact, to have travelled to the East Indies and China, and many of the later Mani-

qualifications.!
difficult
it

We
to a

are well aware

how

was

Greek
tion,

to place himself in

the condition

of a people totally foreign to his own naand to conceive it altogether justly. In some points, even from the scanty means which we have for the unravelling of this historical enigma, we are enabled to detect traces of the mistakes which have formed the foundation of these accounts. The first origin of the Manichean doctrines is derived from a Saracenic merchant, called Scythianus, who is represented, during long travels in Asia, Egypt, and Greece, to have acquired great riches, and procured himself an intimate acquaintance both with Oriental and Grecian philosophy. This Scythianus is represented to have lived near the apostolic age; but this, even according to this narrative itself, appears to be an anachronism, for jllanes himself is not made to live till some generations after that age. this Scythianus we recognise Still, in an historical personage really connected
Jerome, De Vir. Illustr. 72, informs us that these Acts were originally written in Syriac ; but among the Orientals, the first Father to whom these Acts were known is Severus, bishop of Asinonina, in Egypt, who wrote about the year A. D. 978. See Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandr p. 40. His relation of the matter diflers in many respects from the edition of these Acts which has descended to us, and it is far simpler, which seems to indicate that the Acts of which lie madt' use, were not ours, but another document akin to it, and that, perhaps, which furnished the foundation of ours. Heraclian, bishop of Chalcedon, in Photius cod. 9.5, says that a person
*

checs

appeal

to

the

circuinstance

that

Manes, Buddhas, Zoroaster, Christ, and the Sun (the higher spirit which animated the Sun,) are the same that is to say, all
;

these founders of a religion are only different Incarnations of the Sun,;i; and therefore, there
is, in these different systems, only one religion under different forms. In the Oriental accounts there is far more internal connection but these are found in writers very much later than the Greek documents. Tlie Orientals have, however, without doubt, made use of earlier documents, and in their use of them they were not exposed to the same causes of error, as those which led the
;

Greeks astray.

It

See Fabricii Biblioth. Grnec. vol. vii. .316. has been justly remarked, that the Greek
is

T^f.iS/vSsf,

perhaps, only a translation of the

Chaldce
is

X^iOll

by which the Hebrew IlSt;^

rendered in the Targum, and which the Alex andrian translators render by Ti^i/ii\6o:. And besides. Terebinth, or Buddas, like Scythianus,

may have been an much that belongs

historical
to the

person, to

whom

Indian

Buddha may

have been transferred.

I The later offsets of the Manichees, when they entered into the Catholic Church, were ob-

liged to

condemn
:

the doctrines before maintained

x.:u n-JJ

by them
K-u Tct

TiV Z^ptSiv
iv^

B'.uJsv

ku.i

toy

X^imt
See
1696.

M-xvi^ii'.v

Tcv

ctiiTcv

I'lvui.

Jacob.
p.
1.34.

ToUii

Insignia

Italic.

Trajcct.

named Hegcmonius drew up

these Greek Acts. { Beausobrehas properly discarded the Western accounts, which he was well persuaded were untenable, and confined himself wholly to the Oriental. There is nothing striking in what Mosheim has advanced against bim in this matter.

The Oriental accounts are to be found in Herbelot, Bibliotheque Oricnta!e,sub v. Mani ; in

the History of the Sassanidx-, by the I'ersian historian,

Mirkhond, ap. Silvcstre de Sacy, Me moires sur diverses Antiquittis de la Perse Paris, 1793; in Abulpliaragc, and Pocock, Specimen
:

Histor. Arab.

304
In

PARSISM AND CHRISTIANITY.

order

properly to appreciate the ception and connection in each, so tliat phenomenon presented by the appearance from the very first he had only formed of a man like Manes, we must compare a peculiar religious system for himself by together the circumstances and the rela- an amalgamation of the Persian and the It is easy to explain, in any tions under which he was formed. Manes Christian. was born a Persian, but we are led to in- case, how a man brought up in tlie Perquire whether this geographical term is sian religion believed that he could obin its strictest limits, or serve a striking connection between the to be used whether we are only to understand by it ideas of a kingdom of Orniuzd and Ahrisome one province of the great Persian man, and those of a kingdom of Light empire. Tiie latter view is supported by and Darkness, of God and Satan ; bethe circumstance that Manes composed tween the Persian doctrine which allows his ivrithigs in the Syriac language, from man to struggle for the kingdom of Orwhich we might be led to conclude that muzd against the kingdom of Ahriman, he derived his origin from one of those and the Christian doctrine, which would provinces of the Persian empire, where make man struggle in the service of Syriac was the language of the country. Christ against the kingdom of Satan. In But this argument is not entirely demon- the Persian religion, tlie centre point of strative ; for without this supposition it all was the idea of redemption out of the may well be conceived, from the intimate kingdom of Ahriman, and the final triconnection between the Persian Christians umph of the kingdom of Ormnzd. In and the Syrian Church, the Syrian lan- Christianity he found the tidings of a guage miglit already by that time have triumphant appearance of Ormuzd himbecome the language of theological books self upon the earth, through which the among the Persian religious teachers, and complete triumph of the kingdom of that Manes also might, in consequence, Light, and the complete destruction of the have been induced to make use of it, kingdom of Darkness were prepared. Exacdy at the time in which Manes although it was not his mother tongue, more especially as he might thereby hope appeared, after the Persians had freed to further a more general reception of his tliemselves from the Parthian dominion, doctrines in other districts. If these ac- and re-established their old kingdom counts, indeed, are to be relied on. Manes under the dynasty of the Sassanida?, the was born in a family of the class of Magi, endeavour was again awakened among (the priests of the Persian religion,) was tliem to purify the old religion of Zoroconverted to Christianity in the days of aster from the foreign admixtures which manhood, and became the presbyter of a had made their Avay into it during a Christian congregation at Ehvaz, or foreign rule, and to restore it again to its

and glory. But contests what the pure docespecially on those points on which the Zend books embraced Christianity. contained only hints, (e. g. on the relaWe do not know enough of the pro- tion of the good and the evil principle to gress of his life to be able to decide each other.) Councils were held, in order whether he was at first fairly and tho- to decide the disputes, at which pretended roughly converted from the religion of prophets appeared, who professed to dehis fathers to Christianity, but that after- cide every thing according to Divine illuwards being repulsed by the form in mination.* The religion of Zoroaster, M'hich the latter appeared to him in the thus refreshed with new power, and setdoctrines of the Church, he freshened up ting itself up in hostility to all foreign
Ahvaz, the chief town of the Persian province Huzitis. At all events, it is most probable that Manes was brought up in the religion of Zoroaster, and afterwards
original purity

had

now
of

arisen as to

trine

Zoroaster was,

the fundamental ideas of his earlier religious habits of thought again in his soul, and then believed tliat the true light could not be given to Christianity till it was united with them; or whether from the very first he had been attracted by the analogy of Christianity to many Persian notions, without remarking the essential difference ideas in Christianity and

religions, wliich liad hitherto

rated,

been tole-

now

also entered on a contest with

Christianity, which under the Parthian domination had been able to propagate itself vvithout obstruction. Under such circumstances, it was easy for a man of an ardent and bold spirit, like Manes, to

between similar
in
tlic

See Hyde, Hist. Relig.

vet.

Pers. p.

276;
Perse,

Persian

religion according to their peculiar con-

Memoires sur diverses Antiquites par S. de Sacy, p. 42.

dc

la

MANES THE PARACLETE.

celebrated these

30c

indulge the thought of establishing the identity of Chrislianity, purified, as he wowld think, from all extraneous matter, with the pure doctrine of Zoroaster, and by tliis means to be the first to make clear the proper meaning of the Christian doctrine, and at tlie same time to furdier the extension of Christianity in the Persian empire ; he wished to be looked upon as the Ref<irmer, both of Christianity and Parsism, called and enlightened by God. Christianity appeared to Manes to be far more akin to the doctrine of Zoroaster than to Judaism. He derived the adulteration of the doctrine of Christ from the mixture of Christianity with Judaism, which was entirely foreign to nature. its He was shut out from the communion of the Christian Church, and turned himself now to Christians and believers in the religion of Zoroaster, with the desire that they should recognise him as an inspired (Zi/. enlightened.) reformer of religion. He maintained, like Mahomet in later times, that he was the Paraclete*

among
:

Manes, chosen to be an Jesus Christ, through the choice of God the Father. These are the words of salvation out of the living anu eternal source."* It was in the latter part of the reign of tlie Persian king Shapur I. (Sapores,) about the year "^70, that he first came forward with these pretensions. With an ardent and profound spirit, and with a lively imagination, he united varied knowledge and talents for the pursuits of art and science, which he used for the propagation of his doctrines. He is represented as having been distinguished among his contemporaries and countrymen as a mathematician and astronomer ;f the fame of his skill, in painting was long
aposde of

words

the Manichees), with

remembered
prince
;

in Persia.

At

fh-st

he suc-

ceeded in obtaining

of that but when his doctrines which, in the opinion of the magi, were heretical, became known, he was obliged to seek. safety from persecution, by flight. He
the ftwour

promised by Christ, and under

;

this

now made long journeys

dies, as far as

name he by no means understood Holy Ghost, but a human person an

spired

the
in-

to the East InChina, and probably used

teacher promised by Clirist, who should carry on' further the religion re- for a time in the province of Turkistan, vealed by Christ in his Spirit (i. e. the and prepared there a series of beautiful Spirit of Christ,) should purify it from pictures, vvh4ch contained a symbolical the book the mixture made in it by Ahriman, es- representation of his doctrine, pecially from those corruptions which which was named by the Persians ErtenIt may. probably, have hapfrom its amalgamation with ki-Mani. proceeded Judaism, and should make known those pened that he withdrew into solitude in

these journeys towards the enriching of his religious eclecticism. He remained

order to receive the revelations of God, he declared that he devised these Through him Christianity was to be set images (which represented his concepfree from all connection with Judaism tions) amidst calm reflection in a cavern, which had proceeded from Ahriman; and and maintained that he received them Whether it that which the evil spirit, in order to in his mind;}; from heaven. adulterate Divine truth, had intermingled be true, as the Orientals relate, that in v/ith the New Testament, which by no order to deceive the credulous populace, means contained the uncorrupted doctrine he gave out that he raised himself in the of Christ, was to be separated from it. body up to heaven, and thence brought Through him that perfcrj knowledge was down those emblems with him, we must to be given, of which St. Paul had spoken * Augustin. c. EpLstol. Fundamenli, c. 5. as of something reserved against a future It must, however, be acknowlegcd that they season, (1 Cor. xiii. lO.jt T'lus Manes pos.sessed no great knowledge in these subjects. Paraclete and It is in the highest degree probable that much in might name tlie promised the apostle of Christ at tlie same time, as his system, even if we cast away tlie mythical dress in which it is enveloped, was closely conhe began the letter in which he wished nected with an imperfect knowledge of these to develope the fundamental doctrines of sciences. his religion (the Epistola Fundamenli, so This may be explainetl, [In seinem Sinnc
truths wjiicli

mankind

in

earlier

times

had not been

in a condition to understiiud.

as

j-

f.

See Mirkhoiul ap. Sacy, p. 294. Tit. Bost. Manich. lib. iii. in Canisii Lection, antiq. cd. Basnage, and Bibl. Patr. Galiand, t. v. p. 326. See the Acta cum Felice ManichiEO, lib. i. 9. opp. Augustin. t viii.
-j-

I meaning impressions on ike scnsurium. have used the word mind, taken in a lax sense H. J. R.] He must secretly have caused himself to be supplied with provisions in the cavern, where he remained, according to some, /our years, according

as

to others,

one year.

39

2c2

306
at least leave undecided.

DUALISM OF MANES
After the death
in the

PARSI3M.

from whom nothing but year 272, he returned to good can proceed, from whom every idea Persia, and found a good reception for of destroying, of punishing, and of corhimself and his pictures at the hands of ruption is far removed, the original Light, his successor, Hormuz (Hormisdes.) This from which pure light flows ; .... on prince assigned him as a secure residence, the other hand, the original evil, which a castle called Deskereth, at Khuzistan, can only destroy and undo, and whose But after this prince had very being is wild confusion that fights in Susiana. matter, darkness, from reigned two years not quite complete, against itself, Behrarn succeeded him (Baranes.) This which powers strictly corresponding to prince showed himself favourable to him itself proceed, a world full of smoke and at first, but perhaps, only out of dissimu- vapour, and at the same time full of fire, lation, in order to give him and his ad- which only burns and cannot give light.* herents a feeling of security. He caused These two kingdoms originally existed The a disputation to be held between him and entirely separate from each other. which the result was that Supreme God, the King of the kingdom the magi, of Manes was declared a heretic. As he of Light, existed as the original source of would not retract, he was* flayed alive in the world of emanations akin to himself, the year 277,t and his skin stuffed and and those iCons, the channels through hung up before the gates of the town which light was propagated from the Djondischapur, in order to intimidate his original source of light, were most closely connected with him and to these, as followers. The main point of dispute among the representatives of the Supreme God, his Persian theologians which was treated of very name was transferred, which were preat the restoration of the original religion thence called Divinities, without by the founders of the dynasty of the Sas- judice to the honour due only to the first sanidai, was one which is most obscurely of Beings.! In the epistle in which expressed in the documents of the Zoro- Manes brought forward the fundamental astrian creed, (the Zend-avesta,) namely, doctrines of his religion.jJ; he thus porthe inquiry, whether we are to believe in trays this Supreme God at the head of his an absolute Dualism, and consider Or- kingdom of Light : "Over the kingdom of Light ruled God muzd and Ahriman as two self-existing beings from all eternity opposed to each the Father, eternal in his holy nature, other, or whether om original being is to (geschlcchle^ lit. generalion^ or race^ or be supposed,;}; from whom Ormuzd and kind^ species^ genus,) glorious in his Ahriman received their existence, and power, the TRUE, by the very nature of that Ahriman is an originally-good being, his being, always holy in his own eterbut a fallen one. The former doctrine nal existence, who carries within himself was that of the Magusaic sect, among w'isdom and the consciousness of his life, the Persians, which Manes joined for it with which he comprehends the twelve was his object to represent the opposition members of his Light, that is to say, the of light and darkness as absolute and ir- overflowing riches of his own kingdom. reconcilable, although either consciously In every one of these members there are or unconsciously, a pantheism, which was hidden thousands of innumerable and imoriginal good,

of Sapor,

enveloped in a mystical dress, might be at the bottom of this Dualism, in which the idea of evil was conceived more in a physical than in an ethical light.|| He imagined, therefore, two principles absolutely opposed to each other, together with their creations of an opposite character also on the one hand, God, the
:

measurable
himself,

But the Fatlier splendid in his glory and incomprehensible in his greatness, has
treasures.
is

who

connected with him holy and glorious ^ons, whose number and greatness cannot be reckoned, with whom this holv
* The emblems under which Manes represented kingdom of evil bear the most striking resemblance to those which we meet with in the reliTt was said, and gious system of the Sabians. not badly, by Alexander of Lycopolis, in his trea-

the
*

cruel

mode

of putting criminals to death,

it must be confessed, very tise, TTgcc Ta.c Muvix'J-icu iTc^ac, c. ii., that Manes, under the word Cm, understood tuv iv iKxa-rci toiv Zcrvan Akarcne, the time that has neither be- OVTft'V uTiKTOV KlViia-lV. ginning nor end, answering to the a.\m Bi;9oc. f As the Amschaspands Ized, of the Religion of the Parsees. Schahristan. ap, Hyde, p. 20.5. See p. 238, the hitroduction to the History of i The Epistola Fundamenti. the Gnostic Sects. Augustin, contra Epist. Fundamenti, c. 13.

common in the East. I The ehronology is,

\

uncertain here.

II

DOMINION OF LIGHT

THE

MOTHER OF
The King

LIGHT.

307

of the kingdom of Light kingdom none dwells subject either to caused the iEon, the Mother of Life* to want or to weakness. His resplendent emanate from him to protect its borders. kingdoms, however, are founded on the The very name of this Genius shows that blessed earth of light in such a manner, it represents " the supreme soul of the
all-glorious Father lives, for in his lofty
that they can neither be rendered

weak,

loorld,''''

that the Divine

light giving
light,

of in wild confusion, until in their blind career of strife they came so close to the kingdom of liglit, that at length a gleam out of this king-

nor shaken at all."* darkness fell together

The powers

the unity of the

kingdom of

now

to divide itself into a multitude,

itself in the struggle against

up was and
the

develope

ungodly into separate beings, each with a pecul iar existence. The Mother of Light,
like the uvui (ro^ of the Valentinian sys-

dom, which had hitherto been

entirely

unknown to them, streamed upon them. tem, may not have been afft;cted as yet They now left off their contention against by the kingdom of darkness .... and
one another, and, involuntarily
attract-ed

herein

would

also

lie tlie

difference be-

by

tween the higher soul of the world, belonging to the kingdom of light, and a dom of Light, and to appropriate to them- re/lection of it, which had mingled itself It apwith the kingdom of darkness.f This selves some portion of this light.f pears here somewhat inconsistent in Mother of Light produced the First-man impurturbable (original-man,) in order to set him in Manes, who ascribes an
the shining of the Light, they united together to force their way into the king-

firmness to the

kingdom of

Light, to say,

" But when the Father of the most blessed Light saw a great devastation arise from the darkness, and threaten his holy iEons, had he not sent a special Divine powerj to conquer and annihilate the race of darkness at once, in order that after its annihilation peace might be the portion
of the dwellers in the light."
Simplicius

and Euodius have reproached him here

with a contradiction to himself; but this accusation relates rather to the mythical or symbolical mode of representation^ than to the train of thought which it enThe fundamental notion of forth through its fruitful and enlivenmg velopes. Manes, as of the Gnostics, was this, that power, as fellow-champions against the the blind power of nature which opposed destroying influence of Ahriman. But that First Man was conquered in the Divine Being, being tamed and conquered by mixture with it, would be ren- the contest, and became in danger of falling into the kingdom of Ahriman ; he dered utterly powerless. prays to the King of the kingdom of as This earth of light Manes did not conceive any thing distinct from tbe original Supreme Simplicius in Epictet. p. 187. ed. Salmas. Being, but all was only a dilTwent modification of gives an excellent portraiture of the Manichajan the one Divine Being of Light. We recognise the idea which is the founda- doctrine in this respect olrt to vga>T;v uytBov
-j-j-

opposition to the kingdom of darkness and here is the idea of the dignity of human nature, which we observed among the Gnostics.J The First man sets out upon the contest Avith the live pure elements, fire, light, air, water, and earth. We here also recognise the character of Parsism, the veneration of an originally pure nature, which was troubled only by being intermixed with Ahriman ; and according to the Parsic doctrines, a life streaming forth from the kingdom of light is acknowledged among the original elements, and they are called
. , . .

is at enmity with and unites only when it engages in a contest with Good, which is the aUractive power with which Good acU upon Evil itself; a thing which

tion of this, namely, that Evil

itself,

<Ji-/Jt-

sti/TU

(T-JVOVTi.,

Tm

/MITifX

T))C

('oBXf,

KJU TOY

Jx/uKuey-'V (the

is a contradiction to the Dualistic dogma of an Absolute Evil. i Aliquod nimium ac pr.-eclarum ct virtute potens numen. In the system of Zoroaster also the Am-

cerUiinly

^av ttvuiuu.) nai tow; ix.u stufvat. 6vBe^u>r<,( of Manes is to be comi pared with "the ;rgai/ avWvTif of the Valentinians, the Adam Kadmon, and especially the Cajomorts of the Zend-avcsta, about whom there are many

The

xgaTi?

points of resemblance.
that

It is

most highly probable

Parsic idea
into his

schaspands
for the

is

represented as an armed champion

in

Manes

received

this

kingdom of light. The Epistola Fundamenti

system.

theBookrfe^rfe

contra Manichxos, c. 11, which, perhaps, proceeded from the pen of Euodius, bishop of Uzala, in Numidia. (This is to be found in the Appendix lo the viiith tome of the Benedictine edition of and the

notion of Manes, every According to thing which exists in the kingdom of Light has The its counterpart in the kingdom of Darkness. dark earth stands opposed to the earth of li^ht,
the
five

elements of darkness are opposed to

Augustine.)

the five pure elements.

'

308
Light,

THE SOUL OF THE WORLD.

who
had not been
raised

YX).

causes tlie Living Spirit to emanate in order to assist him.* This lifts him lip again into the kingdom of Light ; but the powers of darkness had already succeeded in destroying a portion of the armour of the First Man, and swallowing up a portion of his existence as a being of light ; and thus we arrive at the notion of the Soul of the World mixed with matter.! Here we find also an affinity with the Gnostic notions, according to which the xcctu cotpia. was saved out of the kingdom of Hyle by means of the Soter sent to her assistance but still it was, nevertheless, a seed of the Divine Life, falleii down into the matter,

affected

by connection with

matter, or with the Being of Darkness,

up above the earth, so that he its place in the sun and it should have in the moon, and thence should spread
its influence, in order to free the souls which were akin to it, and which v.'ere held captive by the kingdom of Darkness, and spread abroad over all nature, through the purifying process of the development of the vegetative and

forth

animal

life,

and thus to

attract

them

to

itself again.

Manes also, in a manner similar to the Parsic conception of the universe, beheld

the same struggle between Ormuzd and which (i. e. the seed,) must be purified Ahriman, and the same process of purifiand developed.;!; This must necessarily cation in tlie physical as well as in the happen through the magical power of moral world, hi contradiction to the the Divine Life, of the Light of the Soul, spirit of Christianity, he mixed the phythe wild stormy kingdom of darkness is sical with the religious and ethic, founded to become involuntarily softened, and at doctrines of belief and morals on specula;

rendered powerless. The taming of stormy, blind power of Nature is just the very object of the formation of the world. Manes is said to have attempted to make his doctrine intelligible by the following parable A good shepherd sees a lion fall upon liis flock, he digs a pit, and throws a he-goat into it the lion runs up eagerly in order to devour the goat; but he falls into the pit and cannot get out of it again. The shepherd, however, succeeds in drawing up the goat again, while he leaves the lioli shut up in the pit, and thereby renders him harmless to his flock ; just as
last

that

tive cosmogonies, and a natural philosophy, which being deduced more from inward conceptions than from experimental knowledge, must often have been imintelligible. Such a mixture was alike pre-

judicial to religion,
to

which became flooded

by a multitude of things wholly foreign which thus is it and to knowledge, compelled to lose that soberness of understanding which is necessary to her.* Just as in the Parsic system of religion, Ormuzd and in the struggle between Ahriman in the physical and the spiritual world, the sun and the moon perform an important part in the conduct of the genthe kingdom of Darkness becomes harm- eral system of development and purificaless, and the souls swallowed up by it * How little Manicheeism understood the inare at last saved, and brought back again terests of religion and the nature of Christianity to their kindred liabitution. But now how little it understood the one thing needful for after tlie Living Spirit had raised man man, is shown by the remarkable words in which again to the kingdom of Light, he began Felix, the Manichee, endeavoured to prove that preparations for the process of purifying Manes was the reformer of religion (the Paraclete,)

the soul (hat

intermingled with the kingthis is the cause of the whole creation of the world, and the object of all the whole course of the That portion of the soul which world.
is

dom of Darkness^ and

promised by Christ/ " Et quia venit Manichseus et per suam predicationem docuit nos initlum, medium et finem ; docuit nos de fabrica mundi,
quare facta est et undo facta est, et qui fecerunt docuit nos quare dies et quare nox ; docuit nos de cursu solis et luna; ; quia hoc in Paulo nee in cajterorum apostolorum Scripturis, hoc credimus, quia (dass, that) ipse est Paracletus." Augustin. In AlexActa. c. Felice Manicha;o, lib. i. c. 9. ander of Lycopolis, in Egypt, the opponent of Manicheeism in the beginning of the fourth century, we find the opposite error to this of a dilution of Christianity, which, mistaking its peculiar and css^ntial features, refers it only to certain general

II

* The ifajv TrnvfAtt in the Gnostic Acta Thomtc, which contain much that resembles Manicheeism.
j"
i,

The. \u^)f aTrrtvrm. Titus of Bostra, lib.

portrays
the

i.

excellently

c. Manich. c. 12, thus Manichccan doctrine:

religious

Disputat. cum Archelao, c. 2.5. This parable bears altogether the stamp of genuineness, at least it is in the spirit of Manicheeism.
II

operates after he has

Just as in the Valentinian scheme, the Soter first raised the Sophia.

and moral truths, torn away from that with which they are connected in Christianity. With him the chief matter of Christianity is the doctrine of an eternal God, as Creator, and good See the beginning of morality for the people. his treatise against the Manichees.


CHRIST CRUCIFIED EVERY WHERE.
tion, so

309

also

Manes. for this intermixture of religion with tem taught of Mithras as the Genius (Ized,) of tlie Sun, was attributed by Manes to the knowledge of nature was more heathe Manichees might liis Christ, the pure soul, whose opera- then tlum Christian tions proceeded from out of the sun and use heathen myths as a covering for their the moon. As he derived this soul from ideas; and thus the boy, Dionysos, torn the original matu he made this the expla- to pieces by the Titans, as celebrated in nation of the Bible-name, the Son of Man^ the Bacchic mysteries, is nothing but the (yiof uvb^uTTov.,) and as he distinguished soul swallowed up by the powers of darkthe pure, free soul, whose throne is in ness, the Divine life divided into pieces the sun, from the soul which is akin to it, by matter.* The Powers of Darkness were now and extended throughout all nature, but defiled and imprisoned by its mixture with threatened by the danger, that by means matter ; he also made a distinction be- of the operation of the Spirit of the Sun tween a Son of Man elevated above all upon the purifying process of Nature, all connection with matter, and subject to the Light and Life kept prisoners in their no suflering, and a Son of Man crucified, members would be by degrees withdrawn as it were, in matter, and subject to suf- from them, namely, the soul which had fering.* Where the seed sown burst been seized upon by them, which struggles forth out of the dark bosom of the earth, after a release, and which is always atand developed itself into plants, blossoms, tracted by the kindred spirit of the Sun, and fruit, there jManes saw the victorious constantly frees itself more and more and development of the principle of Light free- flees away, so that at last the kingdom of ing itself by degrees from the fetters of * See Alexand. Lycopol. c. 6. The followinir matter ; and he saw here that the living

was it in the system of per according to their own sense. Just Almost what the Zoroastric sys- as well, also, or rather with greater justice

'

soul, as

it

were, which

is

Manes the following passage being released from them, soars up aloft occurs " Viva anima, qus carundem (adversarum in freedom, and mingles in the pure at- potestatum) rnembris tenebatur, hac occasione mosphere,'\ where tlie souls, which are lunata evadit, et suo purissimo aeri miscetur: ubi perfectly purified, ascend the Ships of penitus abluts anim adscendunt ad lucidas naves, qua; sibi ad evectionem atque ad suae patrise transLight (of the sun and of the moon,) Id vero quod adhuc fretationem sunt prfeparatse. which are prepared to conduct them to adversi generis maculas portat, per sstum atque
the Thesaurus of
:

in the limbs of the Princes

kept bound of Darkness,

are a

passages, as proofs of the expose given above.

few peculiarly characteristic Manicheean In

their native place.

But

that

upon
and
itself

it

multifarious stains

is

which bears by degrees

from

calores

particulatim

descendit

atque

arboribus,

cffiterisque plantationibus

in

small
the

quantities

distilled

themlj;

by

power of

heat,

with

all trees, plants,

and mingles and vegetables.

j

ac satis omnibus misceEuodius de Fide, c. 14. From the Letter to the maiden Menoch, we have this of Manes passage " agnoscendo ex quo genere animarum emanaveris, quod est confusum omnibus corporitur."
:

These were samples of his mystical philosophy of nature, which were brought

bus, et saporibus

et

speciebus variis

cohaeret."

forward sometimes in singular myths, which, although occasionally indecent, were nothing very remarkable to the century, in which the Holy Ghost is represented as the enhvening and sanctifying power of God, imagination of Oriental people, and some- working through the air towards the purifying times under the covering of Christian ex- process of ISature; and the doctrine of the birth Thus the Manichees could of Christ from the Virgin (which the Manichees, pressions. speak of a suffering Son of Man who being Doceta;, cannot agree to in its proper sense,) hangs on every tree, of a Christ crucified is represented as a symbol of the birth of that patibilis Jesus from the virgin bosom of the earth in every soul and in the whole world, through the operation of the power of the Holy and they could explain the symbols of Ghost: "Spiritus sancti, qui est inajcstas tcrtia, the suffering Son of Man in the Last Sup- aeris hunc omnem ambitum sedem fatemur ac
1

Augustin. opus imperfectum contra Julian, hb. iii. There is also a passage of Faustus, the 172. Manichee, who Uved in the first half of the fifth

'

The

vim

M^fomu

i/nTra-Sn;

and the
is

ulo; avSporct/

diversorium, cujus ex viribus ac spiritali profusione terram quoque concipientem gignere patibileni

exactly in accordance with the Parsic Worship of Pvature, and common term in the Zend-avesta. a
air,
t

\ The pure holy

which

[I

have some doubt as

to the construction of
I

Jesum, qui est vita ac salus hominum, omni suspensus ex ligno. Quapropler et nobis circa univcrsam (i.e. all productions of Nature, considered as revelations of the same Divine principle of lift, suflering under the imprisonment of matter, revelations of the
liter

the original sentence.

But

conceive the 'ihnen,'

souls,

same Jesus
c.

Patibilis,) et vobis simi-

'from

them,'' to refer to the purified

that

erga
c.

panem

et calicem

par rcligio est."

Au-

these stains are separated from them.

H. J. R.]

gust,

Faust,

XX.

310

MAN A MICROCOSM.
means concentrates in himself all the Light-Existence which was spread abroad among the individual Powers of Darkness, and he produced Man, in whom all the powers of the kingdoms of Darkness and of Light, which had here intermingled with each other, assembled to-

Hence Man is considered as a gether. which the Powers of Darkness microcosm, a reflection of the whole kept imprisoned in their members, and world of Light and of Darkness, a mirror which was constantly more and more en- of all the Powers of the Heaven and of ticed away from them by the power of the Earth.*
ture, all

Darkness, robbed of all its stolen Light, should be wholly abandoned to its own inward hatefiilness and to its death. What then was to be done ? A Being was to be produced, into which the Soul of Nature, that struggles to free itself, should be driven and fast bound, in which all the scattered Light and Life of Na-

the

Sun,

is

concentrated

this

is

The
his
* Manes, Ep. Fundamenti Augustin. de NaConstruebantur et continetura Boni, c. 46. bantur omnium imagines, coelestium ac terrcnarum virtutum ut pleni videlicet orbis, id quod formamust not batur, similitudinem obtineret. here suppress the fact, that in respect to the main matter of the formation of man a so/newhai different construction of the Manicheean system is possible ; which Mosheim, with his peculiar acuteness, has thoroughly worked out, and for which certainly something of weight may be advanced. Unfortunately, the gaps which have been left in the extant fragments of Manes, which are the most secure foundation for any account of his system, are loo great to allow us to decide the have followed inquiry by his own words.
; :

Man,

the image of the Original

Man, and

therefore, already destined

tlirough

the original

form to rule over nature.* The matter stands thus. The Lofty Light-Form of Man (which was also apparently peculiar to the

We

Son of Man dwell-

ing in the Sun)! sends down light from the Sun into the kingdom of Darkness, or the Material World ; the Powers of

Darkness are seized with desire after the Light-Form, but with confusion also. Their Prince now speaks to them: "What think ye that great Light to be which rises up yonder ? Behold how it shakes
!

We

the pole,

how
!

it

strikes to earth

many

of

that

our Powers Therefore, is it fitting, that ture, in order to keep fast in Nature the soul ye should rather bestow on me whatso- whose tendency was to escape. The last quoted ever ye have of Light in your powers and words of Manes appear to support this representhen I will make an image of that Great tation. So also does the Disputat. Archelai, ^ 7, One, which appears full of glory, through as well as the words of Alexander of Lycopolis, which we may rule, and may hereafter about the form of man shedding down light from It would then be the same Spirit of the the sun. free ourselves from our abode in DarkSun, who. after the lirst separation of Light from
;

supposed

mode of construction by which man was to be created later than the rest of Na-

ness."
in

nature is the image, dark world, of higher existence, through which the higher (every thing of a higher nature) may be attracted hither and held fast. Afier they had heard this, and had consulted together for a long time, they thought it best to fulfil his desire, for they did not believe that this Light could long maintain itself among ihcm^X and therefore, they considered it best to offer it to their Prince, because they did not doubt that by this means they should obtain the predominance. The Powers of Darkness now paired themselves, and begat chihlren, in whom
this

Thus human

Darkness, operating upon the purifying process of Nature, had put the Powers of Darkness (who feared to be therel)y robbed of all their spiritual being which constantly escaped from them) into confusion, and which afterwards appeared in To this the passage of Christ as the Redeemer. Alexand. Lycop. appears to point, c. 4, t;v Sh
XwtTTCv siva/
v'.vv,

oh J h-ju a.<ptK'^uivcv Trcn, (then,

when

the Powers of Darkness endeavoured, by the formation of man, to retain the soul which threatened to escape from them, and thus to frustrate the work of the Spirit of the Sun,) wxt-o-Tcv t; t
rai/rx;,

SvvJfAiui;

w^ic

rev &i'-v Kiwuv^ti

mi

Stt

to

TiXi-jToitcv,

&c.

in the preface to the

Bostra,

may

fragments also of a Manichee Third Division of 'J'itus of be conveniently explained in the

also,

The

their

common

natures and powers were

same manner. But we might

mation of
ivltole

again represented, and in whom every thing which tliey had of the essence of

Man

in the

with Mosheim, set the forsystem of Manes befu7-e the

The Powers of creation of the world. Darkness were disturbed at the appearance of the

Light and Darkness in them reproduced <J&)V TTvwuu.. which threatened to tear away from Hence itself All these children of theirs the them all the souls they had seized upon. Prince of Darkness devours, and by this they now united themselves in order to form Man, after the image of that original Man, wlioni they saw shining from afar (this was that 'ille niagnus * Compare the parallel doctrines of the Ophites. qui gloriosus apparuit,') in order that they might -\ Alcxand. Lycopoiit.c.4, ducvi Si h KKm laf^a-through him enchant and hold fast tlic souls
6a; TctituTnv,
^

CM

io-'ri

ro tcu

&v(i^a>7rcu tiJo;.
I

which the Living

It

Spirit threatened to rob tliem of.

This

the most important matter.

was, then, after the intention of the Living

ALLEGORICAL MEANING OF PARADISE.

That which is here described, is repealed conslanthj in the course of JS'ature, when at the birth of a man, the wild poioers of Matter, the Powers of Darkness, pairing themselves together, produce a human JVature, in which they mingle together whatsoever they have botJi of the higher and of the lower Life, and in
ivhich they

311

endeavour

to fetter the

Soul

of JWUure, which, while it struggles after freedom, is held prisoner by them* Also, according to the Manicheean scheme, the Powers of Darkness are involuntarily subservient to a higher law,

and by
for

their

machinations
Light,

against the

kingdom of

prepare

destruction

themselves The Light, (lit. Liglit Nature, or particles partaking of the essential attributes of Light) or the Soul, concentrated in man's nature, thereby only arrives the sooner at a consciousness of itself, and at the development of
its

own

peculiar nature.

As the common
i.

Soul of the World endeavours to subject

to itself all existing Matter,
e.

the great

of the World, so must this Soul, derived as it is from the same origin as that, govern this miniature material world. "The first soul," says Manes,t " which flowed forth from the God of Light, received this form of the body, in order
that
it

Body

was, therefore, endued with pre-eminent powers. But yet, in consequence of its double descent, the Nature of the First Man consisted of two opposite parts the one a soul akin to the kingdom of Light, already in possession of the fulness of its power, and the other a body akin to the kingdom of Darkness, together with a blind matter-born capability of desire, which it derived from the same kingdom.* Under these circumstances, all depended, with the Powers of Darkness, on their being able to oppress the Light-Nature which had been superinduced on -man, and to retain it in a condition of unconsciousness. Tliey invited man to eat of all the trees of Paradise, that is, to enjoy all earthly desires, while they only wished to restrain him from eating of the tree of the knowledge of Good and Evil, that is, from attaining to a consciousness of the opposition between Light and Darkness, or between the Divine and the Ungodly in his own nature, and in the whole world.f" But an angel of Light, or rather the Spirit of the Sun himself, persuaded
;

man
that

to
is,

transgress

the

commandment,

might govern the body by

{lit.

its

restraints,

soul of the First Man,j; as standing nearer to tlie Original Source of the kingdom of Light,
bridle.")

The

Spirit, to free at once the imprisoned souls, had been frustrated by these machinations, that he for the first time thought of the creation of the world, in order to effect by dcgreai, what he had been prevented from accomplishing at once. The words of Alexander of Lycopolis, who, however, did not find himself quite at home in the train of thought belonging to the Manicheean system, appear to support this view, when he accuses the Manicheean system of inconsistency, (Inconse-

he led him to that consciousness which the Powers of Darkness wished to withhold from him, and thereby secured him the victory over them. This is the truth, which is the foundation of that narrative of Genesis, only we must change the persons engaged in the transaction, and instead of God we must put the Prince of Darkness, and instead of the Serpent we must put the Spirit of the Sun.\ As now the kingdom of Light had triumphed over the Powers of Darkness, the latter made use of a new means, in order to take prisoner the Light-Nature, which had now attained to self-conscious
|-

The

[yx."

<>^5>5c.

SeeDisputat. Archelai,

c.

10.

queiiz

:)

c.

23,

iWite

ii Tuy

tixiva (rcu ufS/Kn^ot/)

u-jtcu; dTro

taigaa-Sa; Krycuyiv, oc iytJiTo

kxt

m;

tt^o;

mv

Ckhv ^iTTsgcv inKfiTUD^, for, according to these

(if

words,

Alexander has understood Manes pro-

Manichce whose works he read, has properly represented the doctrines of his master,) Manes must have imagined the separation of the soul unaffected by Matter, or of the Spirit of the
perly, or the

This would be the explanation of the doctrine of Manes, if the representation given by the .Manichee in Titus of Bostra, (at the end of the preface to Section III.,) be the original one and it may be said that it suits the Manicheean system extremely well, and dovetails in with the ac%

count given of
It

it

in the Disputation of us, that

Archelaus.

may, perhaps, surprise

Manes, who was

Sun,

to

have taken place before the

rest

and

after

the formation of man. * The words of Manes,

1. c, are these, "sicuti etiam nunc fieri videmus, corporum formatricem naturain mali inde vires sumentem figurare." These words seem important as a hint, which indicates the symbolical meaning of the whole nar-

brought up in the Parsic religion, should have made tlie serpent, which among the Parsees is the symbol of Ahriman, into the symbol of the Good Spirit; but according to the view given above this consideration forms no difficulty. As he saw in
the religious documents of the Jews so many corruptions derived from the Spirit of Darkness, he saw his corruptions and falsifying influence exerted also in a wilful corruption of this narrative,

ration.
-j-

In the letter quoted above. " Quasi de primae facta floro substantia;,"
1.

by changing the places of those engaged in the

transaction.

says Manes,

c.

"

312
ness, and to detach
it

DESTINATIOX OF MAN.
from
its
its

connection hast become Light, by recognising what before, and from what race of the First Man, by means of the Eva be- Souls thou art sprung, which being interhim as a companion, into mingled with all bodies is connected with stowed upon giving himself up to fleshly desires, and various forms ; for as souls are engenthereby, becoming untrue to his nature dered by souls, so is the form of the body as a Being of Light, to make himself the composed of the nature of the body. servant of a foreign domination.* The That also, which is born of the flesh is consequence which flowed thence was, flesh, and that which is born of the .spirit
with
original Source.

They seduced thou wast

that the Soul,

which by

ought to raise

itself into the

Light, divided itself

its original power is spirit. But know that the spirit is the kingdom of soul, soul of soul, flesh of flesh."* lie by propagation, and then appealed to the custom of infant

became enclosed anew in material bodies, so that the Powers of Darkness could forever repeat what they had done at the production of the First Man. Every man also has now the same destination as the first, namely, to rule by means of the power of the Spirit over matter. Every one consists of the same two parts, of which the nature of the first

bcqjfmn, loMch roas even then prevalenf. in Parsic Church, as a proof that Christians themselves, by their mode of proceeding, took for granted such an original " I inquire," defilement of man's nature. he says, in the Letter| we have quoted,
the

" whether
fore, then,

all evil is

actual evil

Where-

man
upon

consisted, and therefore,

this,

all

depends

man remembering his origin, should know how to separate these two parts properly from each other. He
that

who

thinks that he has received his sensuous nature, (sinnlichkeit,) together with its appetites, from God, lie who does not know from tlie very first origin of

human

nature, that

it

(viz. this

sinnlich-

and sensuous endowments,) proceeds from the kingdom of Darkness, Avill easily allow himself to be seduced into serving his senses, and thereby lose his higher Light-Nature, and
keit, or his corporeal

unfaithful to the kingdom of Therefore, does Manes say in his of Principles, (Epistola Fundamenti,) " ff it had been given to man to

become
Light.

Letter

whole condition of origin, they would of the kingdom of Light. The Law, never have been subjected to decay and however, presupposes the original power
clearly

know

the

does any one receive purificaby means of water, before he has done any evil, as he cannot possibly liave been obnoxious to evil i7i Jiis own ]}crson ? But inasmuch as he has been the subject of no evil, and yet must be purified, they point out ipso facto, a descent from an evil race even they themselves, whose fancy will not allow them to understand what they say, nor what they assume." The particle of Light (UtcraUy, the Light-Nature,) which from its removal from the source of that concentrated Existence-of-Light (literally, Light-Being) in the person of Adam, from which all souls emanated, was constantly becoming more and more defiled through its continued connection with matter, so that it now remained no longer in possession of the original power which it had, Avhen it first flowed forth fresh from the original source
tion
;

Adam's and Eve's

And hence, also, he writes to of the Light-Nature, to be still in existdeath." " May our ence, in order that it (the Law) may be the virgin Menoch| thus God himself enlighten thy soul, and reveal put in practice. " The Law is holy, to thee thy righteousness, because thou says Manes, " but it is holy for holy souls, art the fruit of a godly stem.J Thou also the commandment is upright and good,
j

* As we have no accounts of the arrangement of these events in the Manicheean system as to the time of their occurrence, we may also place their relations to each other in a different manner. It may be supposed that Adam first allowed himself to be seduced into sin, but afterwards being brought by the influence nf the 8un-Spirit to a consciousness of the opposition between the flesh and the Spirit, and Light and Darkness, that he began a more holy life. See Augustin. de Mori-

bnt for upright and good souls?''X He says in another passage,^ "If we do good, it is, not the work of the flesh, for the works of the flesh are manifest, (Gal. v. 19 ;) or if we do evil, then it is not the work of the soul, for the fruit of the Spirit is

According to the Light-Emanation

System

bus Manichfeorum, lib. ii. 19. f Augustin. op. imperfect,

172.
i

adopted by Manes, he could not make any dillerence between the Spirit of God and the spirit of

c.

Julian,

lib.

iii.

man, between spirit and soul. \ Augustin. op. c. Julian,

187.
I

imperfect,

lib.

iii.

The

Revelation

consists

in

man's

being

Drought

to a

consciousness of his Light-Nature.

L.

c. c.

Julian,

iii.

186.

L.

c.

177.

' ' }

INCARNATION OF CHRIST
peace, joy.
Avhich
I I

THE
59,)

SUN-SPIRIT.

313
to stone

And
1

the apostle exclaims,

|

viii.

when

the

Jews Avished

in the epistle to the

Romans, "The good him, escaped through

do not, but the
that
I

the midst of

would,

evil

Avithout their being able to lay hold

them on

Ye per- him, and also that Christ at his transfiguracon tend- tion appeared to his disciples in his true ing soul, which defends its i'reedoni against Light-Form* He assmned improperly the lust, for it was distressed, because Sin, name Christ or I\Iessias, in accommodatthat is, Satan, had worked all lust in it. ing himself to the notions of the Jews."]" The reverence for the Law discovers all The Prince of Darkness endeavoured to its evil, because the Law blames all its effect the crucifixion of Jesus, because he practices, which the flesli admires and es- did not know him as the being elevated teems for all bitterness in the renuncia- above all suflering; and this crucifixion tion of lust is sweet for the soul, which was, of course, noUiing but an apparent is nourished thereby and thereby attains one. This appearance represented the to strength. -At last the Soul of him who crucifixion of the Soul overwhelmed with withdraws himself from every gratifica- matter, which the Spirit of the Sun desirtion of lust, is awake, it becomes mature, ed to elevate to himself. As the cruciand increases but the gratification of lust fixion of that soul which was spread over is usually the means of loss to tlie soul.* all matter only served to facilitate the anAnd now, in order at last to free the souls nihilation of the Kingdom of Darkness, which are ikin to him from the power of so also still more did that apparent cruciDarkness, to animate them anew, to give fixion of the Supreme Soul. Therefore, tliem a perfect victory over it, and to Manes said, " The adversary, who hopqd attract them to himself, the same spirit that he had crucified the Saviour, the of die Siin, who has hitherto conducted Father of the righteous, was crucified the whole process of purification for himself; that which happened, and that Nature and for the spiritual world (which which seemed to happen in this case, two, according to the principles of Manes were two different things.";j; The Manihere laid down, make up only one cheean view, which made the doctrine of whole) must reveal himself in human Christ crucified merely symbolical, is nature."!" clearly displayed in an apocryphal writing But between Light and Darkness no ahout the travels of the aposlles.\\ While " The Light John is in anxiety during the passion of communion is possible. shines in Darkness, " said IVIanes, using Christ, the latter appears to him and tells the words of St. John, after his oxi'ti inter- him, that all this happens only for the The hupretation^ " but the Darkness cannot com- lower multitude in Jerusalen. prehend it." The Son cf the Original man person of Christ now disappears, and Light, the Spirit of the Sun, could not instead of him there appears a cross of he pure light, surrounded by various other ally himself with any material body could only envelope himself in a phantomic i'orms, which, nevertheless, represented senses, in order only one form and one image, (as a symform, perceptible by the that he might be perceived by man as a bol of the various forms under which the " While the Supreme one Soul appears.) From above the cross creature of sense. Light,'' ]\Ianes writes,;]; "put himself on there proceeded a divine and cheering a footing with his own people as to his voice, which said to him, "The Cross of nature, he assumed a body among mate- Light will, for your sake, be called, somerial bodies, although he himself is every times the Logos, sometimes Christ, something, and only one whole nature. " By an arbitrary mode of interpretation, he See the Fragment from the Epistles of Manes, appealed for a proof of his Docetism, to I.e. Kxret Xi"''' the circumstance, that Christ once, (John f Ttm XgiiTTou TTfinyt^Kt cvouct iirri
which
would
ifbt,

do."

ceive, therefore, the voice of the

il

rtiicY.

1.

c.

the Incarnations of the Sun in the old Oricntiil religions, see Kreuzer's Symbolik, (New edition, 2J Part, .53, 207.) It was quite consistent,
*

On

fid. C.
fla/

the Epistola Fundamenti, Euod. de 28. ThV iwu-jxti Tv Saav tvng^iirSaw evs^Tau^ayChristus"" in Alex. Lycopolit. c. 4. T Im.

From

according to the Manicheean System, for the Manichees to say, (ap. Alexander of LycopoUs, c. 24,)
that Christ, as the
also in the
iiV
i-juc

omni muiido ct omni anima crucifixus. Secundin. The words of Faustus tho Ep. ad Augustin.
:

was t^ ovto. tt^vta. So Manichce are these Augustin. c. Faustum, lib. Crucis ejus myslica fixio, qua nostra; Acts of Thomas, p. 10, xi/^/s, o h Trcitrn xxxii.
ttao-i

iQU;

tuc K'JJ Siip^'jUii/ci; hi-TTxyTOiV Kit iyniiuivo; <rwx.:u Slit rx; irsLVTuv hiQUU.; <p*vi^'.ufxivrj;. j In the Letter to one Adas or Addas. FabricU Biblioth, Grseca, ed. nov. vol. vii. p. 316.

anima; passionis monstrantur vulncra. 5T5<ccf6< dTTis-TdXai'. Concil. Nic. II. actio Mansi, t. xiii. p. 167.
II

v.

ed.

40

2D

314
times
the

THE FINAL FATE OF

EVIL.

Door, sometimes the Way, sometimes Jesus, sometimes the Father, sometimes tlie Spirit, sometimes Life, sometimes the Truth, sometimes Faith, and sometimes Grace." As Manes joined those among the Par-

have loved, for they did not separate themselves from them, while they had the

opportunity.* In regard to the Maiflcheean view of the sources of knowledge of religion, the revelations of the Paraclete or Manes^ the highest, the only infallible sees who maintained an absolute dualism, were propose as the object of the sources, by which all others must be he did not whole course of the world a reconcilia- judged. They set out from the principle tion between the good and the evil prin- that the doctrines of Manes include the abciple, which would not have suited his solute truths, which are evident to our reatheory, but an entire separation of Light son ; whatever does not accord with them,

from Darkness, and an

ulter annihilation

of the power of the latter. After matter had been deprived of all Light and Life, which did not belong to her, she was to be burnt up into a dead mass.* All souls might become partakers of redemption in virtue of their Light-Nature ; but if they voluntarily gave themselves up to the service of evil or of Darkness, by way of punishment, after the general separation of the two kingdoms, they were to be driven into the dead mass of matter, and set to keep watch over it. Manes in his Epistola Fundamentl expressed himself thus on this point: those souls which have allowed themselves to be seduced from their original Light-Nature through love of. the World, and have become enemies of the Holy Light, that is, which have armed themselves openly for the destruction of the Holy Element, which serve the fiery Spirit, and have oppressed by hostile persecution the Holy Churchy and the elect to be found in it,;]; that is, the observers of the commandments of heaven tiiese souls will be detained far from the blessedness and the glory of the Holy Earth. And because they have suffered themselves to be conquered by evil, they will remain in company with this family of evil, so that that Earth of peace and those regions of immortality That will hapare closed against them. pen to them for this reason, that, because they gave themselves up to evil works, they became estranged from the Life and Freedom of the Holy Light. Thus, tliey cannot be received into tliat kingdom of peace, but are chained down into that terrible mass (of matter left to itself, or Darkness,) for which a guard is necessary. These Souls will thus remain entangled among those things, which they

'

contrary to reason, and false, wherever be found. But they now accepted also the writings of the New Testament in part; but, while they judged of them according to the paramount principle stated above, they allowed themselves a very arbitrary line of criticism in respect to their dogmatical and ethical use.t Partly, they maintained that the original documents of religion had been adulterated by various interpolations of the Prince of Darkness,;]; (the tares amidst the good wheat;) partly, Jesus and the aposis
it

may

tles

were supposed

to

accommodate themprevalent
truth

selves

to the opinions

among
in
its

the Jews, in order, gradually, to render

men

capable
;

of receiving

purity

and partly, the apostles themselves were supposed on their first entrance upon the office of teachers, to have been under the influence of many Jewish errors. Thence they gathered that it was only by the instruction of the Paraclete,
from the
could learn to separate the true false in the New Testament. Faustus, the Manichee, thus brings forward the principles of Manicheeism in We only receive that this respect : part of the New Testament, which was spoken to the honour of the Son of Glory, either by himself or by the apostles, and even then, only that which was spoken when they were already perfect or beWe will take no account of the lievers. rest, neither what was spoken by the
that
'

men

apostles

and ignorance, simplicity in while they were as yet unacquainted with the truth, nor of that which was attributed to them with evil intentions by their enemies, nor of that which was imprudently maintained by their writers,|| and
*
-j-

De

Fide.

c.

4,

J-

Tit. Bostr.

!.

c.

30.

Alex. Lycopol.
sect.

c. 5.

That

is,

the

Manichcean

A
this

persecution of the

chces, or the Electi,

all

Brahmins of the Maniwhich was a special crime;

was

in full accordance with the oriental

Titus of Bostra says this of them in the very heginning of his third book. See above, the similar principles used in the Clementine in regard to the Old Testament. Ap. Augustin, lib. 32. Namely the Evangelists, who were not
:t;

II

ideas of the priesthood.

apostles.

; ;

SOCIETY

AUDITORES ELECTI.
clothing, but they received
as to their interior

315
no explanation

handed down to their successors. I think, however, that HE was born of a woman in sin, was circumcised as a Jew, that he sacrificed as an Heathen, that he was baptized in an inferior manner, and was carried about the wiUierness by the Devil, and exposed to the most painful trials." The same Manichees who were content that their reason should be fettered by all

and hidden meaning.* can easily imagine how the expectation of the auditores was put to the stretch, when they heard these enigmatical and mysterious high-sounding things laid before them, and, as it often happens, hoped that they should find lofty v/isdom in what was enigmatical and unintellithe decisions of Manes as divine revela- gible The esoterics were the Elecli, or the Caste of Priests, tions, were zealous for the rights of Perfecti,-\ the reason, and wished to be looked upon as Brahmins of the Manichees.l They were the only reasonable men, when they em- to lead, in celibacy, a strictly ascetic and ployed themselves in separating what is wholly contemplative life ; tl*ey were to conformable to reason in the New Tes- refrain from all strong liquors, and from tament from that which contradicts it. all animal food ; they were to be distinFaustus, the Manichee, speaks to one, who guished by a holy innocence, which inbelieves without critical discrimination jures no living creature, and a religious in all which is contained in the New Tes- veneration for the Divine Life which is tament, " Tkou. that bclievest all blindly spread abroad throughout all nature and, ihou^ that dost ba7iish reason, the gift of na- hence, they were not only neither to kill ture, out of mankind ; thou, that makest it nor wound any animal, but not even to a scruple to thyself to judge betioeen truth pull any vegetable, nor to pluck any fruit and falsehood ! and thou., that art not less or flower. They were to be provided afraid to separate good from its contrary, with all that was needful for their subsistthan children are afraid of ghosts .'"* ence by the auditores, by whom they The Manichees had a composition of were to be honoured as beings of a sutheir religious society, entirely peculiar to perior kind. From this caste of priests themselves, in which the character of the leaders of the whole religious society Oriental Mysticism may be recognised. were chosen. As Manes wished to be Manes separated himself wholly, as it looked upon as the Paraclete, promised follows from what is said above, from the by Christ, he chose twelve apostles also j^nd this greater number of the Gnostic founders after the example of Christ, of sects, as these latter wished to change arrangement was to be constantly mainnothing in the existing Christian Church, tained, that twelve such persons, under but only to introduce a secret doctrine of the name of Magistri, should lead the Above these twelve stood a the 7rV/xTiKo to run parallel with the whole sect. Church belief of the 4/f;i/iKoj. Manes, on thirteenth, who, as the head of the whole Under these the contrary, wished to be looked upon as sect, represented Manes. a Reformer of the whole Church, sent from stood seventy-two bishops, who were to God, and endued with divine authority answer to the seventy or seventy-two he wished to give a new form to the disciples of Jesus, and then below these, which he thought entirely dislo- presbyters and deacons, and lastly, roving Church, cated by the intermixture of Judaism and missionaries of the faith. Christianity ;t there was to be only 07ic There is considerable obscurity abotit true Christian Church, which was to be the question, what the Manichees held as moulded after the doctrines and principles to the celebration of the sacraments. This of Manes. In this, only two orders were arises from the circumstance, that natuto exist, according to the distinction be- rally enough, no aulhentic account could tween an exoteric and an esoteric doctrine, be known of that which took place in the which was a fundamental feature of the assemblies of the Electin which were held The audiOriental systems of religion. * It certainly follows from this, that the writings tores were to form the great mass of the exoterics ; the writings of Manes were of Manes must contain a certain interior meaning,

We

||

read to these, and the doctrines laid before them in their symbolical and mystical
*

Au^stin.

c.

Faust,

lib. xviii.

and also

lib. xi.

understood only by the ekcli. to 'J'iieodoret, an appellation f TtAWi/, according which re-appeared again among the Gnostic Manicheean sects of the middle ages. ^ Faustus, as quoted by Augustine, calls them
the " Sacerdotale Genus." According to the well
i

f Hence he
tians,

called other Christians, not Chris-

but Galileans. p. 316.

Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol.

vii.

known
46.

varia

lectio.

Augustin. de Hteres

c.

MQ
;

SACRAMENTS.

BAPTISM. FESTIVALS.

of the sacrament of the Lord^s Supper might be perfectly well interpreted according to the mystical natural philosophy* of Augustine, as one of the the Manichees. auditores among the Manichees, had Electi. The belief, heard that the electi celebrated the Lord's celebrated among the that we are justified, in consequence of Supper; but he knew nothing of the It is only the inference, which has been quoted, as mode in which it was done.| made by Manes from the prevailing cus- certain, that the electi could drink no tom of infant baptism, in supposing that wine, but whether they used water, like infant baptism prevailed among the Mani- the Encratites, the so-called i/o'^oTra^aa-rahas Tai, or what other measures they took, chees, is unsound, as Mosheim The already shown in that passage. Manes we have no means of determining. intended to*controvert his adversaries out sign of recognition among the Manichees of their own conduct in respect to princi- was the giving of the right hand to each ples, which that conduct necessarily pre- other when they met, as a symbol of supposed, without intending to convey their common redemption from tlie kingany approbation of that conduct. And dom of Darkness through the freeing while besides, the use of baptism might appear power of the Spirit of the Sun to the Manichees, according to their own that was repeated in them, which had theory of the pure and holy Elements, as taken place in their Heavenly Father the a suitable ceremony for initiation into the Original Man, when he was in danger of
very secretly and as the auditores might be supposed to answer to the catechumens, and the Electi to the Fldeles of the general Church, it may at once be imagined that the sacrament could only be
; ;

interior of the sect, or for reception into

sinking
ness,

down

into the

kingdom of Dark-

and was again lifted up through the right hand of the Living Spirit.;}; In regard to i[\e festivals of the Maniable to this symbol, as being a Jewish chees^ we may observe that they celebrated one, which came from John the Baptist perhaps, from the very beginning no other Sunday, not as commemorating the reIvind of initiation was practised among surrection of Christ, which did not suit them, than that which we find afterwards their Docetism, but as the day conseamong the offsets of the Manichees in the crated to the Sun,|| who was in fact their middle ages and perhaps, the use of bap- Christ. In contradiction to the prevailing tism had only proceeded in certain parts of usage of the Church, they fasted on this The festivals in honour of Christ, the sect from an adherence to the prevailing day. custom of the Church.* The celebration of course, did not suit the Docetism of While, indeed, according the Manichees. * From the words of Felix the Manichee, lib. to the account of Augustine, they somebaptizati sumusl we cannot prove times celebrated the festival of Easter in i. c. 19, ut quid
the

yet it may also be thought that they were not favour-

number of

the electi.

And

that the Manichees considered baptism as a neces-

sary initiatory ceremony, for here also the Manichee is rather using an argumentum ad homincm, and he may have received baptism before his
oonversioii to Manicheeism.

accordance with the prevailing usage of the Church, yet the lukewarmness with which this celebration took place, ma}''

From

the passages
sit

agendum in the various relations of family life, and Appendix to and administered earthly property, by no means the 8th. vol. of the Benedictine edition of St Au- proves that among the electi there was a class of gustine,) where a distinction is made between persons, who, having voluntarily submitted to those Manichees, who had been received, at their baptism, were the only persons who, through an inconversion to the Catholic Church among the violable engagement were bound to a strict ascetic Caiechumens, and those who were received, as life; for the iniELKs and the baptizati, two being already baptized, into the number of the exactly equivalent expressions, here have a genePcenifentes, it is also entirely impossible to draw ral correspondence with the electi of the ManiMosheim's distinction, therefore, between the conclusion, that baptism was in use among the chees. Manichees and still less does it follow, because baptized and unbaptized electi, however natural it such a distinction is made between baptized and un- may appear when abstractedly considered, seems
in the

Commonitorium, quo modo

cum

Manichffiis (to be found in the

the electi themselves, who transgressed, that baptism was voluntarily received only hy a. certain part 0? the electi; for here also the author may be speaking only of such persons as had

baptized

among

altogether arbitrary.
*

In accordance with the notion that the fruits

of nature represented the

nature.
j-

Son

of

Man

crucified in
in the

received baptism in the ('atholic (Jhurch before

Augustin. contra Fortunatum,

lib.

i,

The conversion to the Manichecan sect. passage in Augustin. de Moribus Ecclesiaj CatholiciE, c. S.'j, where he makes the Manichees offer it as a reproach to (Jatholic Christians, that even fideles et jam baptizati lived in marriage and
their

addendum.
+
II

c.

Disputat. Archelai, c. 7. Besides many other passages, see Augustin. Faiistum, lib. xviii. c. .5, " Vos in die, quern
solis,

dicunt

solem

colitis."

PERSECUTION OF THE MANICHEES.

317

be explained from the circumstance that The Emperor Diocletian (A. D. 296,) isthey could not be touched by any of sued a law (whicli has been quoted, sec those feelings, which gave so much holi- p. 84,) against tliis sect, by which the ness to this festival in the eyes of other leaders of it were condemned to be burnt, Christians. On this account they cele- and their other associates, if they were brated the more solemnly the martyrdom of an ordinary rank of life, were to be of their founder, Manes, which took place beheaded and suffer a forfeiture of their

month of March. It was called estates.* (suggestus, Cathedra,) the festival In regard to the train of tliought and the of the Chair of the Teacher, the festival dedicated to the memory of the teacher language, in which the edict is composed, it conilluminated by God. A teacher's chair tains all the internal marks of genuineness. It is difficult to conjecture by whom and with what ingaily ornamented and enveloped in costly tention such an edict could have been invented in cloths, was placed in the room where A Christian, who might have been this form. their assemblies were held, and five steps, inclined to palm such an edict upon the world, in symbol of the five pure order to drive the emperors to a persecution of the apparently as a Elements, led the way to this chair. All Manicheean sect, would not exactly have chosen the Manichees testified their reverence Diocletian, and still less have attributed such language to him. Although the later Christians, in for this chair, by falling down before it their notions of a dominant religion, transmitted to the earth, after the Oriental fashion.* traditionally to them through the Fathers, had As far as the moral character of- the much that was analogous to the thoughts of the
in the
Bi7n*a,

Manicheean sect is concerned, since it is necessary on this point accurately to distinguish between the different periods in
the history of a sect,

we have

too scanty

Heathen, yet a Christian would never have expressed himself altogether in this fashion. should not the Manicheean sect already have been able by that time to extend itself towards Proconsular Africa; for the Gnostics had

Why

notices of the first adherents to it, to been preparing the way there, the Manichees cerallow us to pronounce any definite tainly were at an early period spread abroad in opinion on the point. Thus much only these districts, and the chronological data relative

may

be asserted, that Manes intended to maintain a severity of morals in his doctrine ; but it must be acknowledged, that the mystical language in which it was conveyed, which was occasionally indecent, might introduce among uneducated and unrefined men the intermixture of a sensuous extravagance, likely to prove dangerous to purity of morals.

to the first history of this sect arc so uncertain

It is

said in the law, "

si

qui sane etiam honorati aut cu-

juslibet dignitatis vel majoris persona} ad

banc sec-

tam

se transtulerunt," but

it

does not necessarily

follow from this, that the emperor had any certain

account of the propagation of this sect among the first classes, and it would not be surprising in the then attachment of persons of distinction, (who arc always glad enough, besides, to have something that implies distinction in religion,) to Theurgical studies, and to endeavours after sublime determiI

Almost immediately that the Manichees began to spread in the Roman empire, a
violent persecution broke out against them. They were peculiarly obnoxious to the

nation relative to the World of Spirits, if a mysterious religion of this kind, with such lofty pretensions, found a ready acceptance with them.

Besides the

argumentum

e silcntio, in historical
;

if no particular circriticism, is very uncertain a sect, which drew cumstances conspire to give it greater weight, and its origin from the Persian empire, then the fact that the ancient Fathers of the Church did at war with the Roman, and which was not quote a decree of Diocletian against the Maniconnected with the religion of the Parsees. chees, easily admits of a satisfactory explanation.

Roman government as

Augustin. contra Epist. Fundamenti, Faustum, lib. xviii. c. 5

c. 8, c.

And who

is quoted as early as Hilarius, wrote a commentary on the epistles of St. Paul, fai the comment on 2 Tim. iii. 7.

yet this decree

2d2

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE

TO THE THIRD PART.*

I HERE publish the conclusion of the first volume of my History of the Church. I must at the same time acknowledge in some degree the justice of the remark made by excellent men, viz. that the representation of the Apostolic period ought properly to have preceded the whole of the work. There were, however, many reasons which were certainly more of a subjective than an objective character, which induced me still to delay the history of this period. At the same time, after I had once followed this plan, I found also, upon close consideration, that it might prove convenient to attach

this representation [of the

Apostolic period] as an appendage to the completion of the

it

whole

and therefore,
I

have thought

best to complete this volume, according to the

to

plan on which

had begun, and according

have come
full
life

the decision

had previously announced,

to reserve the representation

I

of the Apostolic period for a separate treatise.f

to this

The more

believe myself to

undertaking by an

mward

calling [durch einen

innern Beruf,] the more

of the whole of
the realization

of importance the idea of

I

my

and study, the more

ideal

falls

below the

it appears, as it forms itself out acknowledge on that account how much conception, by so much the more -(velcome will it

be

to

me,
I

if

other unprejudiced friends of truth,

who

are

men

of sound knowledge, will

;

point out to
as far as

me any
it

deficiencies in

it

as a whole, or in
to the

its

several parts

and certainly,

can do

without prejudice

fundamental views maintained throughout

the' whole

work,

shall use

nearer to

its

proper object.

hearty thanks to the

to bring the work in a future edition And, in this feeling, I must first express at once my most excellent man, who, with an unprejudiced love of truth, with an

such remarks, in order

earnestness of mind, and with profound knowledge, and in a friendly spirit, wrote a

March, 1827, (p. 60 62.) and as he has himself brought forward this difference in our dogmatical views, I must on that account the more prize and acknowledge Avith gratitude the calm love of justice, and the kindhearted moderation of the writer and I do this the more also, because it is so rare amidst the party passions of our present theological and ecclesiastical criticism, to find
notice

upon

the

work

in the Literatur-Zeitung of Halle, for

As

do not agree in

my

doctrinal opinions with the critic,

this spirit of to

genuine toleration, which, in the decision of one's own opinions, is ready acknowledge the rights of another, and is mindful of the necessity ^xSejuv iv ayt?r>i. And yet I might find fault with the author, for having accused me of an inclination to
a pietistic character,
if

he had used the name pietism in as indistinct a manner, as

is

and as has been the case always in the application of those names, by which the predominant spirit of the times stamps the character
usual
certain parties at present,

among

of heresy on

all

which

is

opposed

to its

own

views.

But as the author expressly

states

* This part contains Section V. + This has since been publislied, and Hamilton.

is

now announced

as in the course of translation

by Mr.

319

CCCXX

PREFACE TO THE THIRD PART.

I

acknowledge as my dogmatical persuasion "the view of Christianity, as healing the corruption implanted in human nature, and as destined to represent the Divine in the form of a servant, with which [view] the supra-naturalistic principle is connected, that it communicates a knowledge [Erkenntniss] which lies beyond the range of human nature." As, I say, I acknowledge this as my belief, I can find no fault with the reviewer, either on the ground of injustice or unfairness. Only I might contend with
really
viz.

what he understands by it, and as what he designates by this name,

him about
will

the use of the

name

pietism, according to a just development of

;

its

meaning
it.

both etymologically and historically

but this would not be the proper place for

make,

besides, only the following remark, that

when we speak

here of a knowledge

lying beyond the reason of

the curing of that corruption

man, I mean thereby such a knowledge as is necessary for which lies in human nature, and not the revelation of a
;

speculative dogmatical system

and yet

my

belief in regard to this, [viz, the revelation

I

of a speculative system,]
far as
it

may

be recognised in the third part, which

this.
I

now

publish, as

can be done in such a historical representation as

will only add that

what

the critic represents as the object of Christianity, "that

man

should attain

to

free moral change of mind, and to a childlike reliance on a

God

of love," according to

my

doctrinal belief,

is

by no means

in contradiction to those principles,

to

which appear
views

to the critic to

denote an inclination
it.

pietistic

character of

mind

but are far rather

founded upon
exist,

Where

certain differences in philosophical or dogmatical

to

misunderstandings are hardly

be avoided, even where there

is

the most candid

love of truth and the most perfect good will, and

in

I think, without meaning to impugn any way the reviewer's love of truth, that still some of these mistakes have crept into this review, which is a sound one, when considered from the position which its

author takes.

When, for example, the

jta^ov aaj/aflo)-,

reviewer opposes

to

religions, the Hellenic

and thinks,

that, reversing

my statement of the heathen my sentence, men might

of Beauty [the Beautiful,] Avith the same justice that I Heathenism the idea of Holiness, I must reply, that when I say that in the religions of antiquity the idea of the Beautiful, and not the idea of Holiness, was the animating principle (as every one must acknowledge who sees in antiquity the position of the development of religion in an aesthetical direction,) it by no means follows that the idea of Holiness was mltogether wanting; which I freely confess can never be the case, where the Qod-consciousness implanted in man beams through the surrounding corruption, and therefore, any one might justly say, conversely, [literally reversing the

deny

to Christianity the idea

deny

to

proposition,] that the animating principle of Christianity

that of the Beautiful,
is

is

the idea of Holiness, not

from which
;

it

by no means follows that the idea of the Beautiful

altogether wanting

only with this difference, that Christianity does not stand in

opposition to the one-sided heathenism, as itself a one-sided modification of religious

materials
;

but that

it

is

the highest element,

is

which

receives into itself

all

inferior

elements for the fashioning of man, and

destined to set forth the

nature from the highest position, so that here also the Beautiful,

harmony in human which in heathenism

appeared oftentimes at variance with Holiness, must become ennobled into a form under which Holiness is revealed. When, further, the critic accuses me of maintaining that myths are sysonymous with lies, I must beg leave to observe that in the passages
(i. p. 6 9,) I have represented, not my own view of the and existence of the heathen religion, but the view of the old legislators and statesmen, who were accustomed to consider religion only in the light of a handmaid of the state. To suppose an absolute lie, which existing as a lie could maintain a

alluded to by the reviewer,

origin

dominion over the hearts of

men throughout centuries, is

truly

something

unintelligible.

There
the
first

exists as the foundation of all religious

phenomena, somewhat of

that revelation
spirit

which beams through and

reveals the undeniable connection of the

human
lie

with

God

in

whom we
is,

live

and move and have our being.

itself

But

the

which

exists at

unconsciously, or the error, engrafts

in the lie,

upon

the Original and the Divine.

Universally there

which

exists involuntarily, a

misunderstanding and a

PREFACE TO THE THIRD PART.

falsification of

CCCXxi
this point in p. 12,

what

is

true,
I

and

think that

have spoken plainly on

and
that

in other passages.

am

from

my

very heart an
spirit

enemy

to the

harsh one-sided
all

mode
is

of considering history, so unsuited to the

antichristian, exclusive of

of the Gospel, so as to see in

Judaism, nothing but the works of Satan, and so as

not to trace throughout the whole history of

human

nature, as through every individual

human
It

life,

the progress
it is

onward from

father to son

and

hold this

mode

to

be as

unchristian as

unintelligible.

would carry me

too far to offer explanations

in individual cases for

any future new

editions,

on other points, and I must reserve this where I shall with pleasure make use
corrections, or

of

all

the observations of this excellent

man, whether they suggest

by

being opposed to

my
I

views, they excite

me

to further

inquiry.

From my
seek
(o

heart

coincide Avith the declaration of the reviewer against those

spirit

" who
by a

banish the life-giving

by formula;, and
the

to

deaden the force of

faith

new-stamped orthodoxy."
hearts of

Certainly, as

consideration of Christianity,

human

nature and history teaches us, formulas and symbolical books cannot bring into the

men

vital Christianity,

ceed
It is

but they

far rather introduce in its stead

from which alone the cure of man's nature can proa dead, delusive and limiting substitute.

only where truth wins the heart and spirit of

man

through her
faith,

own inward power,

faith,

utterly

unsupported by outward means, that the power of

and the true right

to

can be estabhshed.
I

As

far as regards the anxiety

expressed by the reviewer, (for which

spare

heartily
to

thank him,)

lest I

should be determined by outAvard circumstances

space

the injury of the work, the excellent arrangements

made by our esteemed

have put me in a condition to meet the wishes expressed, and at same time a cheaper edition, with smaller type, will lighten the expense of the work to those who are in indifferent circumstances. As far as the judgment of those is concerned, who recognise nothing which does not
friend, the publisher,

the

coma under a

certain definite form, adapted to their

first

own

particular school, and

who

arrange d priori

a dogmatical system, and then an interpretation and a history, after the formulae of certain schools, which must suit every thing, and Avhich can only impede freedom of thought, studies and life I can do nothing but despise the judg;

and, ments that proceed from such a quarter, whether expressed or implied in silence indeed, all this arrogant and pretended knowledge of certain parties of our times is my and may God I willingly stand on the position of a general history detestation. preserve me from such a plan as can be deduced from a few miserable formuhr, without
;

study and without

life

a true pest both for the

spirit
is

and the heart

nothing

It

we would if we would
if

learn from general history, that there

new under

would be well the sun. and

hear

how John

of Salisbury characterizes this disposition in the twelfth

century

morabantur,

" Itaque recentes magistri e scholis et pulli volucrum e nidis sicut pari tempore Sed quid docebant novi doctoces etqui plus somnisic pariter avolabant. orum quam vigiliarum in scrutinio philosophic consumpserant? Numquid rude aliquid
aut incultum,

numquid

aliquid vetustum aut obsoletum?

innovabatur grammatica, immutabatur dialectica, contemnebatur rhetorica,

totius quadrivii vias, evacuatis

Ecce nova fiehant omnia, et novas

priorum regulis, de
naturae aut

ipsis philosophia; adytis proferebant. in ore

Solam rationem loquebantur, argumentum sonabat

vel

omnium

et

asinum nominare
et

hominem
this

aut aliquid

operum

ineptum nimis aut rude,

a philosopho

alineum."

Let

work, therefore, be dedicated

to all those Avho,

with an humble heart, and

in

freedom from the service of man, seek the truth which

is

with

God

alone,

and comes

from God.

Deo

soli gloria,

omnia hominum

idola pereant

A. Neander.
Berlin, 1827.

41

323

SECTION

Y.

THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPjMENT OF CHRISTIAINITy AS A SYSTEM OF DOCTRl\ES IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, WHICH FORMED ITSELF IN OPPOSITION TO THE SECTS.
(1)

The genetic development of Church Theolos^y in general, and the characteristic of individual religions and dognwtical dispositions which have peculiarly injluenced it.
in religion, as elsewhere, precedes
j

tlve

free Gnostic conception of it would be forms itself most consonant, would become constantly out of the iornier. Christianity had at more predominant, and of itself, the influfirst taken root in the inward life, and ence of the deep and comprehensive had liere become the ruling principle Gnosticism, would be more important, but then the full import of tlie doctrines more prolific, and more lasting, than of that faith, into which man had been at that of the meagre and dry Judaism. No first led through a new life within, and the phenomenon of this age had so general power of which he had first experienced an influence on the development of the

Life

understaiitling,

and

this latter

'

':

Christian Faith and Theology, as Gnosand clear con- ticism had, by means of the opposition sciousness, by means of a form of thought which it excited. corresponding to this inward life, and exAs far as regards this influence in press^ed in definite ideas, with constantly general, without reference, however, to increasing clearness and distinctness. As the most important doctrines, (of which we have before observed, this end was we shall hereafter speak more at large,) peculiarly furthered by the struggle against men were necessarily induced, through
in his spiritual life,

was necessarily
full

to be

brought out into a

those tendencies of the religious spirit, which, although they were in some degree touched by the influence of Christianity, yet constantly adulterated real Christianity on one side or the other and which, therefore, by means of their opposition, still more called forth the endeavour to set this (i. e. pure Christianity,) in a clear light, and to hold it steady. The opposition against Judaism and rieatlienism, from the very nature of things, could influence only the most general development of Christian knowbut the opposition against those ledge Judaizing, Orientalizing, and Ilellenizing tendencies, which laid hold even of the inward life of tlie Church, and threatened to corrupt it, had this efi'ect, that tlie import of the peculiarly Christian doctrines was unfolded and brought befcire the mind of man with more clear and distinct consciousness. But yet, as Christianity was constantly limiting its propagation more and more to the territory of heathenism, and passing out nf the circle of Judaism, the connection of the Catliolic Church, as it formed itself Avith Judaism, must liave become less and less, while its connection with Gnosticism, the more Christianity was spread among the educated heathens, to whose views the more
;

their opposition

to the Gnostics, to give

an account to themselves of the sources from which a knowledge of the Christian faith was to be obtained, for tlie Gnostics denied the authenticity, or at least the sulhciency of the documents, M-hich alone liad hitlierto been silently received in the Catholic Church, namely, the received body of Scripture, as well as of the traditions of the Church, and in opposition to these they set up a different source of knowledge in a pretended secret doctrine, transmitted down from Christ and his apostles, or from a chosen number among
the apostles.

And

since,

besides,

the

Gnostics, by means of a capricious and allegorizing mode of interpretation, or by a literal one, which was just as capricious, and which did not regard the context in ascertaining the sense of words, and which set at nought all laws of thought

and speech, made

it

easy for themselves

by these means

to introduce all their

un-

biblical meanings into the Holy Scriptures, and to deceive the unwary who iieani tfiem adduce so many passages of Holy Writ; so their adversaries were obliged to oppose this capricious mode of interpretation, by establishing the objective grounds of a logical and gramniatical interpretation, and thus the first seeds


324
POSSIBILITV OF UNION.
of a biblical hermeneutic proceeded from was also shown then in the prnna^ation When the Gnostics of the Gnostic sects. 'I'he best means of these controversies.
successfully combating errors, which arise from a fundamental disposition of human nature which has only been led astray, been removed by Christianity, and which is always to recognise this disposition was contrary to its very nature, the oppo- with its just rights, and to satisfy its
transferred to the Christian religion that

contrast between a religion of the people and a religion of the initiated,* wliich had

cause that an essential religious faitli, independent of philosophy, and not interwoven into any mythology, but clear in itself and self-sufficient, was brought before the light as the foundation of a higher life for all mankind, and more distincdy defined. While the Gnostics were here applying the position of tlie earlier religions to Christianity, their opponents were obliged on that very account to bnng the peculiar religious position of the latter more clearly before their own minds. And yet, while on the one side an opposition to Gnosticism would naturally arise here, yet on the other, this struggle,
sition to
this

error

was the

first

'

demands in the mode that nature dictates. This would have happened in regard to the Gnostics, if men, while they maintained the dignity and the independence of faith, had yet aduiowledged tlie just and right feeling on which that struggle after a Gnosis was founded, and if they had endeavoured to set forth such a Gnosis as proceeded from faith, and was only the natural production of faith in human reason enlightened by that faith. Thus the germ of a Christian Dogmatic (system of doctrines) systematically hanging together, and of a Christian philosophy, would be formed and these two,
;

like

which

Vv'as

right in

itself,

and quite

in
I

the

many other dissimilar new spiritual world of

elements of
Christianity,

union with tlie spirit of Christianity, which was first conceived in its chaotic would present a point on which Gnosis stage of development, might by and by might engraft itself This was a struggle be separated from each other. The establishment of a faith indepenafter a deeper knowledge of the inward
!

connection of the doctrines of the Chris- dent of speculation, of the practical nature faith, a struggle to proceed forth and the practical tendency of Christianity, from the position which Christianity on one liand, and on the other, the devetakes up and thence attain to a mode of lopment of a Gnosis built on the foundaviewing liuman and divine things, which tion of faith, these were the two cornerstones from which the formation of the should form one systematic whole. Gnosis of itself was not necessarily false, Churchly theology proceeded, and here but that false pride of Gnosis was so, its two proper chief divisions may be which, instead of going forth from the recognised. Here also the progress of foundation of faith, and unfolding thus the development of human nature brought the import and the connection of that this consequence wiUi it, that these two Aviiich had been acquired in a lively dispositions did not immediately work, manner through faith, thought to be able together harmoniously, and did not imto raise itself above a life in faith and mediately fall into the just and natural considering this life in faith as valid only relations whicli ought to exist between for a subordinate position, tliought that it them, but that by mutual departure from could bestow something of a higher kind. die just harmonious mean, and by a partial Abrupt contradiction can never persuade love of dominion in both of tlieni, those the erring, and never efiectually stem the two tendencies of die Christian spirit, the progress of any false views which happen one, a predominantly realistic, the other,
tian
;

from the selfsame foundation of Christherefore, such a contradiction furthers the tianity, and were united together by the errors, inasmuch as one spirit. of that Christianity. Tiius was propagation of these Christianity to prepare the way for its it lends them an appearance of justice, aiul a point on wliich to attach themselves in own development in the midst of^ the conand this tradictions of human nature, which find the real wants of human nature
;

any particular age. Abrupt which condemns the true together with the false, is more likely to provoke more fiercely an erroneous opposition party which is conscioiis of having some grounds founded in truth and
to

exist

in

contradiction,

a predominanUy idealistic turn, fell into collision with each other; as well in the

development of the Church doctrine, as in opposition to it; only with this difference, that here both dispositions set out

in
[

it

their reconciliation.
first

Literally, " the perfect."

H.

J.

R.]

The

of these was originally the

PRACTICAL CHRISTIAN DISPOSITION'.

prevailing tendency in the development
I

325
practical Christian
itself

sentative of that

first

ot'

Cliiirclily

theology, for this theology

disposition
ticism.
I '

which opposed
is

toGnos-

originally formed itself

from a

realistic

He

distinguished as a partaker

and practically Christian spirit, the desire in all the ecclesiastical events of his days, of defending the unchangeable ground- and, as a dogmatic writer, by his sobriety work of the Christian faith against the and his moderation in holding fast the
foundations of the Christian well as by maintaining what is of Asia Minor, in Polycarp of Smyrna, practically important in his treatment of Papias of Hierapolis in Phrygia, Melito all individual Christian doctrines. In his of Sardis, and in Irenajus, who was chief work against the Gnostics, he says formed in the school of Asia Minor, and of the one unchangeable essential fundahaving transferred the sphere of his acti- mental doctrine of Christianity, to which vity to Lyons and the western Church in the agreement of all Churches gives wittlie latter half of his life, transplanted ness, and which every luiprejudiced perthat disposition thither also. These son could himself adduce from Scripture,* Fathers of Asia Minor acted as pastors " Although scattered over the whole of these Churches, in which they endea- world, the Church as carefully maintains voured to maintain the pure and simple this faith as if it inhabited only one apostolic doctrine, and to defend it against house. It believes these things as if it corruption. They Avere, hence, compelled had one soul and the same heart, and it to enter into controversy with the Gnostic preaches! them as harmoniously as if it sects which were spreading around them liad only one mouth As the Sun, in Asia 3Iinor. A truly Christian con- the creature of God, is one and the same sciousness animated them in their struggle over all the world, so also the preaching against the idealism of Gnosticism ; but of the truth shines every where, and illuyet they often opposed to it only a grossly minates all men who are willing to come sensuous, anthropomorphic, anthropopa- to the knowledge of the truth. He thical apprehension of spiritual matters, among the presidents of the Churches, v/hich arose from a deficient and ignorant who is mighty in eloquence, can preach cast of mind, not sufficiently penetrated nothing else but this (for no one is above and illuminated by the Spirit of Chris- the teacher-,) nor does he that is weak
find
\

caprice of Gnostic speculation.

this

We

essential
faith, as

disposition

among

the

lirst

J'alhers

'

'

tianity.

Although there were among them

in

preaching diminish the doctrine de-

him ; for as the faith is one and the same, he who is able to speak much concerning it, can add nothing to it, and he who is able to say but litde, We cannot diminish it."J He thus opposes this disposition in the Western or Romish Cliurch, under which we reckon all those the speculative sopiiistry of this prinunsuspecting, pious countries in which the Latin language ciple : " Sound, Although the peculiar cha- reason, that loves the truth, will with joy prevailed. racter of the Romish people received a meditate on what God has given into the difierent modification under the influence power of man, and subjected to our of difierent climates, and according to the knowledge, and he will advance in it, nature of the original inhabitants on rendering the learning of it easy to him-

men

of a variety of isolated literary acquirements, yet they were deficient in tlie essentials of a learned and systematic training of the mind. further find

livered to

II

which

it

was engrafted,*

as, for instance,

self

by

daily exercise.

Now this consists

among

the Carthaginian people in the hot

part of Africa; yet

we may

of those things that fall under our own look upon eyes, and those things that are expressly
as
*
liib.
i.

ihe peculiar character of the the generally

Romans

prevailing character

here,

in the infiuence it had upon the con- The ])revious section, which contains this universal ception of Christian doctrine, we cannot creed, is one of very great value, as it sets forth but recognise the prevailing realism of one of the most ancient confessions of faith in

3.

and

[I. c.

X. 2,

Ed. Massuet.

p.

49.

the

less

variable

Romish

spirit,

which

language very closely resembling the Apostles'

stifiy

holds fast what it has once received. Creed. H. .T. K.] f [" It preaches, it teaches, and it hands down," VVe may consider Irenajus as a repreis the translation of the Greek phrase.
exact

II.

J. R.]

Although we must take

in

far less

account of
Christian

[This

is

evidently an allusion to the

these circumstances

the case of

Exod.

xvi. 18.
ii.

Churches

in large towns, because in

them fewer

Lib.
II

c.

45.

traces of the old inhabitants remained.

I'mvJuvj;, sicher ihres

See Massuet's note. H. J. K.] [c. xxvii. Ed. .Massuet.] Wogcs gehcndc]

manna,

2E

326
said
in

IREN^US.
the

MONTANISM,

of how much greater value a pious comunambiguously." It is better and more mon man is, t!ian a blaspheming and imadvantageous," says the same writer,*" to pudent sophist."* be ignorant and to come near to God by We may consider Montaaism as one of love, than for a man, who seems to be a the forms of error which this anti-Gnosman of great learning and knowledge, to tic religious realism assumed, because, be found blaspheming against his own where it was carried to the extreme, it Master. Therefore did Paul exclaim, opposed the predominance of extravagant ' knowledge pufleth up, but charity edi- speculation, by the predominance of extrafieth.' Not as if he had blamed the real vagant feelings. It was a system, which, knowledge tbat comes from God, for then while it professed to have a source of illuhe would have accused Jiimself the first; mination besides the Holy Scripture, and but because he knew that many, elated by the reason, as 'enlightened by those Scripthe pretence of knowledge, departed from tures, became, in a different way, a prey to

Holy

Scriptures openly and

''

the love of

God It is better, therefore, that a man should know nothing, should not know the cause of any one of
created things,

self-deceptions of a caprice whicli confused what belongs to man with what belongs to God.
the

religious development, and the origin of nothing else than his peculiar religious opinions. But the Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who was personal history of this man cannot be crucified for us, thanj to fall into impiety here of the same importance, as the by subtile questions and petty cavilings scandal which he brought upon a habit " It is no wonder," says Ire- of mind then prevalent, in consequence at words." na3us, " if we find many difiiculties which of the effects which it produced. The we cannot remove, in spiritual and hea- idea proclaimed by Montanus was no venly things, in those whicli are known new idea it was one, which had in many to us only by revelation, wlien in that persons arisen from a one-sided turn of which lies before our feet, I mean in tliat mind in regard to Christianity, and had
better to

it was created, but persevere in love of him, thaaj that being puffed up by this kind of knowledge, he should fall away from the love that makes man living; it is

why

With regard

to

Montanus

himself, from
to

believe in

God and

whom

it

arose,

we

have, alas, too slender

satisfactorily

documents

to allow us

explain psychologically the course of his

wish

to

know

which we perceive by

the senses,

much become
inward
it.

to

them the centre point of

their

that this idea became the centre of a compact and separate set of opinions, and the point of union for a Church party which formed itself upon that set of opinions. What had probably been brought forward by Montanus only in a Holy Scripture, the whole of which is fragmentary manner in the language of spiritual, we should be able to unravel feeling, was conceived by the spirit of a some by the grace of God, while others Tertullian with a more clear consciousare still reserved to the knowledge of ness, and was worked up into a systematic God, and that too, not only in the present whole. We must, therefore, in order to world, but in that which is to come in characterize the opinions of Montanus, order that God may always teach, and use also the writings of Tertullian, man may always learn from God." although we should not be justified in atI I j

escapes our knowledge, and these things we leave to God, who mnst be elevated above every thing. But if in the things of the creation, something is within the reach of our knowledge, and other things are reserved for the knowledge of God, how can we think it a difficulty, that out of those things that are sought in the

It

without their being aAvare of was only by means of Montanus

life,

"They

complain," says Iren;cus of the Gnostics, " of the ignorance of ihe holy
presbyters,|i
'

tributing to the less formed and cultivated

Lib.

ii.

c.

f This part
to

us in a Latin triinslation, where the translator has evidently rendered by aut instead of quam. Neander has very j)ropcrly translated it as if it

mind of Montanus all the thougliis exbecause they do not consider pressed by one like Tertullian, whose more advanced development of mind 4,'i. [c. 26, Ed. Mas.suct, p. 1.54.] renders his views more definite and of has unfortunately only come down more importance.
sense in which the
all

New

Testament applies

it

to

were quam. H. J. K.] i See last note.

1

true Christians,
*

Lib.

V.

c.

20.

" Idiota"

by

Idiot,

[Neander has translated which may answer in (unman,

Lib. ii. c. 47. Irenaeus uses

[c. tiie

word "holy" here

28, Ed. Massuet, p. 1.56.] in the

but would lead to a wrong notion in English.

J.

H.

K.]

', '

527
the ecstasies of the priests of Cybele and

CHARACTER OF MONTANIS.M.
The one
'

side of Christianity, the idea

{

of a communication of a Divine life to Bacchus. liuman nature as a means of reforming it As many in the first ardent zeal of conthe idea of a new Divine creation, which version gave up all their earthly goods, shouUl reform every tiling, and of an over- and devoted themselves to a strict ascetic powering dominion of the Divinity in life, such an ascetic zeal also seized man's nature this idea, which forms a Montanus as a new convert. We must keynote to Christianity, was predomi- remember, that he was living in a counnant in Montanism, and made its centre try, where there was a widely extended point but the other side of Christianity, expectation, that the Church, on the scene the idea of the harmonious amalgamation of its sufferings, and on earth itself before of the Divine and the human* in man's the end of all earthly things, would enjoy nature when renewed by tlic Divine prin- a thousand years of triumphant empire
;
1 ^ \ |

'

of life, tlie idea of the free and independent development of the ennobled faculties of man's nature as a necessary consequence of this amalgamation, this idea and the other keynote of Christianity which flows from it, were thrown into the back ground. In this system (.Montanism) the influence of the Divine power appears as a magical i)ower, taking an irresistible hold on man, and overwhelming all his human qualities; while that which is human appears to be only a blind instrument involuntarily borne on.
ciple

the expectation of a final reign of Christ

upon
\ \

diousand years and where many images of an enthusiastic imagination about the nature of this expected kingdom, were then current.* The time at which he lived either during those
the earth
it

for

(chiliasm

as

was

called)

calamitous

natural

events of which
p. 60,)

we

have spoken above, (see

and the

persecutions of the Christians which followed upon them, or during the bloody persecutions of Marcus Aurelius,"f was al-

together calculated peculiarly to promote Montanism, when carried to the extreme, such an excitement of feeling, and such a would necessarily lead men to set Chris- turn of the imagination. There was just

know- at that season a violent contest in Asia ledge and art, as if either were an adul- Minor, between the speculative Gnostics, teration of that which is Divine by man's * Papias of Hierapolis, having lived in Phrygia, intermingling his own activity with it. Montanus was a new convert in a vil- had already heen active there, and many passages
tianity in hostile array against all

lage of Mysia, called Ardaban (Ardabau) of the Pseudo-Sibylline point to Phrygia also. There are certainly no grounds for .supposing, on the confines of Phrygia. What hapwith Longuerue and Blondel, that these passages pens to individual men, happened here came from Montanus or the Montanists, for there with provinces in a body, that their way are no ideas whatever peculiar to Montanism in of conceiving Christianity bears the stamp those Pseudo-Sibylline oracles. We should rather of their previous national peculiarities, just here recognise that selfsame peculiar Phrygian as with individual peculiarities, whether spirit, which is also reflected in Montanism. If
t |

it

Mount Ararat be supposed transplanted to Phrythemselves gia, wc should recognise here the same prejudice and rise up among the Phrygians in favour of their native again in it in an ennobled form, or! land, for which they claimed the credit of beirtg whether they mingle themselves in a dis- the oldest country on earth, as when Montanus turbing manner with the energies of makes the village Pepnza in Phrygia the seat
be that these subordinate
|

to the spirit of Christianity

Christianity, and that the former iniqui-

of the Millenarian empire.

break out again, only covered with a Christian garb. Of the latter process many traces are to be found in regard to
ties

the Phrygian national

peculiarities.

In

and trustworthy any thing certain with regard to the time, in which Montanus first appeared but from the very nature of the thing, the beginning of a matter like this is always
j-

We

are without sufficient

data, to determine with precision,

the old national religion of the Phrygians we recognise the character of this moun-

and suand easily induced to believe magic and enchantment, nor can we wonder if in the ecstasies and somnambulism of the 3Iontanists we find again the Phrygian spirit, which showed itself in
tain people, inclined to fanaticism

perstition,

in

terpenetration.

[Durchdringung. Literally penetration H, J. R.j

in-

Eusebius, in his Chronicon, places the first appearance of MonBut if we suppose tanus in tlte year 171. that the Roman T3ishop, wiiom Praxeas induced to excommunicate Montanus, was not Victor, but Ekuf/icros, (for which opinion I have slated the reason.s in my work on Tertullian, p. 486,) it would follow, that .Montanus had appeared in the time of the Roman Bishop Anicetus, who died in the yearlGl. Apollonius (ap. Euseb. v. 18,) and Epiphanius, who place the appearance of Montanus in the year 157, are both in favour of the
ditiicult

to

be determined.

earlier date.

328

ERRORS OF MONTANUS.
persecutions in enigmatical and mystical expressions ;* he exhorted Christians to a more strict ascetic life, and to an undaunted confession of their faith ; lie praised the blessedness of martyrdom,

and the defenders of the old simple doctrines, and men were speaking much of impending corruptions of Christianity. All this might work upon the mind of the newly converted Phrygian, inclined as he

excitement of the feelings. and incited Christians to use their utmost to obtain it; and during tliese from the time of the first preternatural transports he also announced the near influences of the Divine Spirit on tlie na- approach of God's judicial punishment ture of man, to the season in which the of the persecutors of the Church, as well new Divine principle of life was to be de- as of the second coming of Christ, and veloped by the natural channels and in a the establishment of the Millenarian quiet harmonious manner, in man's na- kingdom, the blessedness of which he At last he ture sanctified by that very principle of painted in attractive colours. life as an instrument affecting it-, and it desired to be looked upon as a prophet was natural that this transition should be sent from God for the whole Church, as accompanied by many disturbing circum- an eidightened reformer of the whole rethe Christian stances, and that a disposition should ligious life of the Church arise, which, opposing the development Church was through him to be raised to of Christianity in man's nature in a man- a higher degree of perfection in conduct, ner consonant to its usual course, should and a highei moral doctrine was to be wish to keep that first season of the ap- revealed through him for the manhood of pearance of Christianity as an abiding the Church in its state of maturity and condition of things, and then to the gen- he referred to himself the promise of nine working of the Divine Spirit there Christ, that through the Holy Ghost he would be joined an overheated excite- would reveal things, which the men of ment of the mind, which imitated that that time Avere unable to comprehendo working, but was in fact a violent excite- He also believed himself called to comment of the imagination. All this must municate nev/ decisions with respect to be taken into the account in order to doctrinal points, in order to clear up the explain the rise of a character like doctrinal controversies then particularly Montanus. common in those regions, and to preserve We do not desire to deny, that Mon- the doctrines of the Faith against the attanus had experienced something of the tacks of Heretics. more spiritual (literally, higher) life of It is likely enough that Montanus did Christianity ; that mixture of truth and not aspire to all this at once., but that his error could liardly have existed without views with regard to his own person and this in the soul of Montanus, but in indi- calling, and his claims in regard to what viduals as well as in whole masses the he was to be to the Church, were graold proverb is sure to be found true dually formed and extended under the ' where God builds himself a temple, the influence of circumstances, in conseDevil builds himself a chapel near it." quence of the acceptance which his preThe old Phrijgian nature crept in unper- tended oracles obtained but the informaceived so as to trouble the pure Christian tion we have is not sufficient to enable us feelings, and Montanus took for an in- to deduce from it a genetic development of spiration of the Spirit, what really was the history of Montanus. Two women, from the flesh while no one of sound Prisca or Priscilla, and Maximilla, who judgment with a Christian care for his also desired to be looked upon as prophesoul warned him against the mixture of tesses, joined themselves to Montanus-t light and darkness, and brought him back Montanism maintained the doctrine of to sobriety ; or, perhaps, if they did, the * ^ivo<pa)vi:ii is the cxpresssion of a eontcin multitude, who reveradmiration of the See Plutarch porary, ap. Euseb. v. 16. yKM^T-M. enced him as a Prophet, made a greater on tlie ancient oracular responses, <le Pyth. Orac, impression upon him ; and tlius appa- c. 24. [I find only the verb ^ivc^unsv, not the rently the most dangerous source of all word '^iK<pai-itAi applied here to Montanus, The self-deception and all enthusiasm, vanillic word Entziickungen, which I have translated traii:^transport, was added to these disadvantages. He ptn-fs, expresses any kind of ecstacy, or trance, the Greek phrase in Euseb. v. 16 tz^jxused to fall into a kind of transport, state of excitement,'' in 3-Tc is used here for a during which, widiout consciousness, but which a person is beside himself. See Valesius as the passive instrument, as he thought, in loc H. .1. R.] the Montanistic party of a higher power, he announced new f All the doctrines which

was

to fantastic

The

transition

was then just taking place endeavours

SPIRIT OF
fl

MONTAMSM.

329

gradual advance of the. Church accord- velations through the Paraclete, as the ing to a general lato of the development perfecter of his Church, through whom of the kingdom of God. In the works of He would reveal what men at that time grace, say the Montanists, as well as in were unable to comprehend. They did the works of nature, both of which not, however, by any means, M'ish to come from tl:e same Creator, every thin;^ maintain, that this promise did not refer
developcs itself according to a certain to the case of the apostles, to whom all gradation from the seed first comes a odiers referred it; but merely that it did shrub, which gradually increases to a tree not refer to the case of the apostles alone.^ the tree first obtains leaves, then follows in whom it was not fulfilled in its whole the bloom, and out of this comes the fruit, extent, and that it had reference also to which also attains to ripeness only by the new revelations Uirough the prophets, degrees.. Thus also the kingdom of who were now raised up, and that these rigliteousness developes itself by certain last were necessary, in order to the comdegrees first came the fear of God in pletion and advancement of the first reve:

accordance with the voice of nature wiUiout a revealed law (tlie Patriarchal Religion then came its infancy under the Law and the Prophets, then its youth under the Gospel, then its development to the maturity of manhood through the new outpouring of the Holy Ghost, together with the appearance of Montanus, and through the new teaching of the promised Paraclete.* How could the work of God stand still, and not develope itself
,)

lation.*

They

the

new prophets must

declared expressly that distinguish them-

progressively,
in

when

the

kingdom of

the

wicked one was always extending itself all directions, and always acquiring new powers They maintained, therefore, a progressively advancing action of the Holy Ghost in redeemed man the
.'

and certify their Divine calling by their agreement with the doctrines preached by the apostles, as they had been disseminated in all Churches. The essential fundamental doctrines recognised in the whole Church, they recognised also as unalterable foundations of the development of the Church but the whole system of Christian morality, and the whole religious life connected with the Church system, was to be farther advanced by these new revelations for men who were just converted from heathenism, and only just emerging from an entirely carnal state, were unable to
selves from false teacliers,
; ;

progressive revelation of the Divine, opposed to the progressive revelation of the Evil one. They opposed those who would place arbitrary limits to the operation of the Holy Ghost, as if his extraordinary operations had been confined entirely to the time of the apostles, as it is

receive the
perfection.

whole demands of Christian

And

farther also, the Chris-

said in a jMontanistic writing,! "-lest

any

weakness or want of
efficacious only

faith

should lead

which were attacked by the heretics, who were now extending themselves in every direction, were to be firmly established by these new revelations. While these heretics, by means of arbitrary and false explanations, made the Holy Scriptures, out of which tliey might
tian doctrines

us to believe that the grace of

God was have been

among

the ancients, for

God always works what he

as a sign
to

has promised,
as a

the unbelieving, and

mercy

to believers."

They

appealed to

die promise

made by

He would

give to the

Christ himself, that faithful the Re-

brought forward, were not altogether peculiar to it they were often only ideas which had l)ecn in existence for a long time, and were current in the Church just at that time, and which, being carried to the extreme by the Montanists, called forth also an opposition to them. * Tertullian de Virgg. Velandis, c. I.
j-

best confuted, speak their language, Uiese new revelations were to offer the means of opposing them with settled Lastly, these new revelations authority. were to communicate decisions and determinations respecting those jnatters of doctrine and practice which were dien made the subject of controversy .| The Montanist Tertullian, therefore, at the

Acta Pcrpctuaj

et Felicitatis, Prjef.

conclusion of his treatise, concerning the Resurrection, calls thus to those who desire to draw from the well of Uiese new revelations, " yc shall not thirst after any instruction ; no inquiries shall torment you." This notion of a progressive develop-

[Ruinart, in his preliminary observations, ento show that this is not a Montanistic writing, and to explain this passage, as merely

deavours

Tertullian dc Pudicit.

c.

12.

comparing the then workings of God with former

ones, but not with those recorded in

H.

Scripture.

J. R.l

Virgg. Velandis, as the adminI Tertullian de Paraclcti, quod disciplina dirigitur, quod Scripture revclantur, quod intellectus rcformatur.
istratio

42

2e2

330
ment of
on
the
the one

MONTANISTIC VIEWS.
led the Montanists,

the Holy Ghost the mark of the true Church hand* to a genuine evangelical Church, when contrasted with Cathoopposition against a narroiv-hearted and licism,* whose characters are too exstiff Church view, ivhich clung only to ternal, leads to a more spiritual conception outward things ; a view which was unable of the notion of the Church, and one to distinguish between what is changeable whose view was more directed to inward

unchangeable in the Church, and which looked its forms, its outward usages, which might properly change with time and circumstances, as grounded upon apostolical tradition, and settled irrevocably for all ages. The Montanists, on the contrary, were better able to distinguish between the changeable and the unchangeable in the development of the Church, because they would allow of nothing but tiie immutathey hility of the dogmatic tradition maintained, that the arrangements and ordinances of the Church might be changed and improved, according to the necessities of the times, by means of the progressive

and what

is

things.
in

TertuUian says,| "

is

{churchhj

life, literally,)

the peculiar and the

The Church, most excellent

whole

upon those of ordinances and

sense,

the Holy Ghost, in which the

therefore, the

Three are One, and

union of those

agree in this belief (viz. that God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost are one,) is named the
after its

who

Church,
(the

founder and sanctitier

to the

Holy Ghost.") As farther, according

Montan-

instruction

of the Paracl.te.\ And

farther,
I

while the ecclesiastical view considered the bishops as the only organs for the shedding abroad of the Holy Spirit in the Churcli, as the successors of the apostles, and the heirs of their spiritual been limited to the clergy, were extended

theory, prophets might be raised up out of every class of Cliristians, as the Montanists looked upon it expressly as something characteristic of this last epoch of the development of the kingdom of God, that, according to the prophecies of Joel, ch. iii. [ch. ii.] then in course of fulfilment,^ the gifts of the Spirit should indifferently be shed abroad over all and classes of Christians of both sexes, as those requirements, with respect to Christian conduct, which had till then
istic

power, Montanism, on the contrary, although, upon the whole, it acknowledged the existing order in the Church as one founded by God, yet maintained that there are still higher organs to conduct the development of the Church than these ordinary ones, namely, the extraordinary
organs, the prophets inspired by the These alone, according to the Ghost. Montanislic view, were the successors of the apostles in the highest sense, the

<

as such, they
I

by these new revelations to all Christians were induced by these circumstances to bring forward the idea of
the " dignity of the Christian calling in general, and of the dignity of the priest-

hood as belonging to all Christians." But although, on one side, the idea of Holy the Church was conceived here in a more
free

heirs of their perfect spiritual power. TertuUian, therefore, sots the Church of the S])irit, rchich reveals itself by means of men enlightened by the Holy Spirit, in opposition to the Church, ivhich consists Thus those in its number of bishops.'^^ who followed the voice of the Holy Ghost, speaking through the new prophets, as being the spiritually-minded, the genuine Cliristians, were considered to make up the Church ; while, on the contrary, they called the opponents of the new revelations, the carnally-minded

and spiritual manner, although Montanism opposed the idea of a progressive development of the Church to that formbound system, which was more Jewish
* [Literally, "co7itra^ied ivith H. J. R.] Cathulicism."

ward
-j-

the

too

out-

[Nam

et Ecclesia proprie et principaliter ipse

est Spiritus

in

quo

est trinitas

unius divinitatis

'

lUam EcPater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus. clesiam congregat, quam Dominus in tribus jwsuit. Atque ita exinde ctiam numerus omnis qui in hanc fidem conspiravcrint, Ecclesia ab auctore et Test, de Pudicit. xxi. consecratore censetur. Comp. also de Baptismo, vi.; where, after mentioning the Church, TertulUan adds, " quoniam ubi tres, id est, Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus,

(Psychici.)

Montanism,

therefore,

which
I

TertuUian ibi Ecclesia, quaj trium corpus est." himself, in another passage, supplies an excellent
antidote to the heretical notion of an appeal to

made

farther
^

the inward fact of the operation of

.

any

[See the counterbalancing error a page or two

on. H.
Pudicit,

J,

R.]
c. 3.

f Tertull. de Corona Mil.

De

c.

21. Ecclesia spiritus per spiritepisco-

gifts being of themselves sufficient marks His rule, though directed of the true 'Church. again.st other heresies, applies to this notion also. See the well known passage de Pra;script. HsreL " Edant origines suas," &c. H. J. R.]

inward

alem homineni, non ecclesia numcrus porum.

Prajfat. act. Felicit.

e, g.

As.

TertuUian do Monogamia.

MONTANISTIC PROPHECY.
than

331

Evangelical, yet, on another side, the Holy Ghost says through IMontanus,* this idea fell even still more than the "Behold! man is like a lyre, and [ flutter Catholicism of the Church, into a confu- over him like the instrument which sets

Tlie man sleeps, but theocratic views of the the lyre in motion. Testaments ; for, according I awake. See, it is the Lord vvho sets the to the Montanistic notions, that progres- hearts of men out of themselves, and sive development was not, as the nature gives the heart to man ;" and in another of the Gospel would require, to proceed oracle he says, " No angel comes, no from within outwards, by the develop- messenger, but I the Lord, God the ment of the self-sufficient principle of Father, am come."t This idea of inChristianity in the nature of man, in virtue spiration was certainly nothing new in of the Divine power indwelling in it, but the Church, it was the oldest conception they (i. e. the Montanists) maintained that of the idea of inspiration which existed the in the theological schools of the Jews, and progressive development of this Church must be promoted by new out- which we find in Philo, in the legend of ward additional and extraordinary com- the origin of the Septuagint version, and munications of God; they maintained that it passed from the Jews to the Christian the Church must he farther fashioned and fathers (teachers,) just as they received completed hij means of a completion of with the Old Testament the idea of inBut the apostolical instruction, through pro- spiration also first from the Jews. phels, who would be excited and enlight- this whole view of the matter came under ened in an extraordinary manner by the suspicion, in consequence of the manner Holy Ghost, and they ascribed to the de- in which the Montanists pushed their noclarations of these prophets a positive tion of ecstatic possession (/(7. ecstasy) The controversies with authority, which bound men to obey to extremes. them. In fact, they transferred the pro- them introduced more accurate investigaphetical government of the Old Testa- tions, concerning the idea of Divine inment to the Christian Church. And it is spiration, and concerning the difference worthy of observation, that by the Catho- between a genuine and a counterfeit inspilie Church, which afterwards in a general ration (or, as it was then called, an inspiraway received much which it had at first tion by evil spirits.) Unhappily, none of
sion between the

Old and

JS''ao

'

'

justly and on right evangelical principles the writings, in which these controversies blamed in the Montanists, much of what were handled, have come down to us. the Montanists maintained, about the re- The Montanists might justly be accused lations of the new revelations through of having prized beyond their value these their prophets to the foundation of scrip- unusual conditions of the mind during an tural tradition and scriptural doctrine, was extraordinary inward excitement, in which
j
j \ '

applied to the rehition of the doctrinal de- the common consciousness of man is set crees of General Councils to both these aside, the same accusation which St. Paul makes against the Corinthians, in 1 Cor. particulars (i. e. tradition and Scripture.) The Montanistic view of this new pro- xii., where he speaks against overprizing
!

<

phetic gift [Prophetenthum,] and of the mode of the operation of the Holy Ghost It was in acin it, was also peculiar. cordance with this whole cast of thought,

the TTvev/xaTi or yXua-a-ri T^aXtiv (the speaking in the spirit, or with tongues;) it
; '

might justly be said, that these conditions of mind belonged more to the economy that the Montanists should altogether ex- of the Old Testament, in which the inelude from the true prophetic gift [Pro- fluence of the Divine Spirit on the mind phetenthum] the co-operation of any was rather of a transient and a fragmentary
I
j

nature, than to that of the New Testament, in which the Divine life enters as ment for a Divine communication, and an enlivening, and leavening (///. penethat they should assume an operation of trating) spirit into llie natural developthe Holy Ghost, which entirely destroyed ment of man's nature; or it might be said

human

faculty,

endowed with

self-con-

sciousness, and serving as a free instru-

all

individual agency on the part of man ; the condition of a complete ecstacy was reckoned by them as an indispensable

Epiphan.

H.-Erc*. 48. 4.

mark of

the Montanistic speaking in the

Therefore, in is not man prsDsertim cum gloriaiii Dei conspicit, ril cum per name of God, but God ipsum Deus loquitur, ncccssc est e.xcidat sensu, speaking through the voice of man. Tlius, obiimbratus scilicet virtute liivina."
a true

prophet.
oracles,

such an ecstacy in the f The definition of Montanistic spirit is to he foiinrl in Tertuilian c. "In spiritu homo coniHitutus, Marcion. IV". 22.

it

332

MONTANISTIC MORALS.
In the Montanistic dinary spiritual gifts. congregations, it was chietly among females, a circumstance easily explained, that people expected to find in these preternatural communications, such a knowledge of Divine things, as no sound practical Christian feeling would ever induce meiT to expect at all, or at least to look for any where else than in Scripture, or in the Reason, enlightened by Scripture. It was a punishment for despising the just limits of that-which-naturally-belongs-to-

that such conditions of mind belonged pecuharly to those epochs of the Chris-

which the new life, which it, is for the first t.im'' communicated to an entirely unprepared (lit. rough) portion of mankind or
tian

Church,

in

Christianity brings with

when

new

era of the outpouring of the

Holy Ghost follows upon a long reign of But the ungodliness and worldliness.
violent opponents of the Montanists* ap-

pear to have fallen just into the opposite extreme, by condemning altogether every thing, which bore the appearance of an
ecstacy in the Montanistic sense, and by wishing to limit to one form all the ope-

man,

{lit.

the Naturally-Human,)

will assert its

own

rights

which and be recog-

of the Holy Ghost. They rejected at once the whole Montanistic idea of a prophet, and on the contrary, they afterwards maintained with regard to the prophets of the Old Testament, that they liad already possessed a clear knowledge of the Christian economy predicted by
rations

it nised and cultivated in its own place, was a punishment for such contempt, that

Naturally-Human) should thrust itself into a higher region and trouble it, and that the symptoms of a morthis latter (the

bidly excited nature should be promoted, and should be honoured, as the inspiration

them.j
It

trine

In this manner the heathen system af- oracles and auguries might be appears also to have been the doc- introduced under a Christian garb into the of the Montanists, that the season Christian Church.

of the Spirit.*

As the attainment of perfection in of the last and richest onlpouring of the Holy Ghost loould form the last age of Christian conduct, of which Montanism the Church, andprecede the second coming was inclined to lay the foundation, was of Christ, and be the fulfilment of the not deduced from the nature of Christhe tianity, working outwardly from a prin})rophecy of Joel, ch. iii.;{; [ch. ii.] only doubtful point is, whether according ciple within, but was to repose on new to the Montanistic doctrine, this last out- commands, which were added to Chrispouring o-f the Holy Ghost was to be tianity through a pretended Divine auclosed by the appearance of Montanus, thority, and were first delivered outand his prophetesses, or whether other wardly so tliis pretended perfecting of prophets were to succeed after -him. the moral doctrine of Christianity might Maximilla, indeed, as quoted in Epipha- in fact be only an error, deduced from nius, says, "that no other prophetess the essential nature of Christianity itself would follow after her, but that the end according to which all is contained in of the world would immediately take Love, and Love is the fulfilling of the it might become only a counterfeit place ," but a question arises, as to whe- Law ther the Montanistic oracles were always of that, by means of a new legal op7is Even on this side, Montanism exactly in harmony v.'ith themselves, and opcratum. with one another, unless, perhaps, Monta- joined itself to an already existing tennus and his two prophetesses were looked dency of Christianity, which it only carried upon pre-eminently as oracles for the to the extreme. That ascetic tendency, which attributed a merit to certain outwhole Church. It is besides certain from the Avritings of TertuUian, as we may also ward works of abstinence, and which infer from the use made by the Monta- would make the essence of humility,
;
I

nists

of the prophetic passage quoted whose foundations are within, consist in above, that they supposed that all Chris- certain outward gestures, by which hutians would be partakers in those extraor- mility would easily be feigned (was also
*

As

Miltiades in the book

in Joh.

tcu

^ im

rr^c-

j-

E. g. Origen.
TTs^i

T. VI.
i!Lf

2.

Tr^oTriTai;
fj-n

iJ-c<f>)i'5'6(
K'-lCrt

T^O'^iiTaiv,

ou

iro<fa";,

vivo>i-

T-X iTTO

th'.V O-TO^tf-TOC.

i Prsfat. in acta Perpetuas : majora reputandii, nobiliora qua;que ut novissimiora, secundum cxu-

berationem
cietam.

gratioe

in

ultima sseculi spatia deI '

* Thus in a Montanistic consrregation at Carthage in the case of a Christian female, who during the service had fallen into an ecstacy, which resembled those described as the eflect of Magnctic Somnambulism, they expected to obtain from her not only the healing of diseases, as the Heathen did in their incubations in the Temple of Esculapius, but also information concerning the

invisible world.

See TertuUian de Anima,

c.

9.

THEIR VIEWS OS MARRIAGE.

taken up by Montanism.*) The Montanistic prophets, wished to prescribe as binding on all Christians, the fasting on the dies Slatioman^ which up to that time (see above,) had been considered as left
to their free choice, and they
this fast to be

333

Christian tenderness of feeling, in thi expression of xAIontanus: "Desire not to

I

die

upon your beds, or

in childbirth, or

in the debility of a fever, but desire to die

I

as martyrs, that he

commanded
j

died for you."

may be glorified who Thus Montanism went

extended

to three o'clock in the

I

to the very farthest point in an abrupt re-

in the afternoon.

For two weeks

year they prescribed for all Christians, as

a

compulsory ordinance, such a spare

conlinentes, or
acry.)T

diet

civil institutions,

observed Against these Montanistic positions the spirit of evangelical freedom expressly and becomingly remonstrated; but in later times, in this respect also the spirit, which then gave utterance to its sentiments in IMontanism, passed over into the Catholic Church. That enthusiastic tendency, which in- secret assemblies.! duced many Christians to give themselves Although the ascetic spirit of Monup to martyrdom was carried by Mon- tanism promoted a false over estimate of tanism to its flirthest height. The Mon- celibacy.]]; we must still acknowledge tliattanists condemned flight in seasons of Montanism expressly brought prominently persecution, and other innocent means of forward the Christian view of marriage as a saving life, while they laid down a prin- spiritual union, sanctified by Christ. The ciple, which, if consistently carried out, Montanists considered it essential to a would have overwhelmed every social genuine Christian marriage, that it should constitution, and destroyed all activity on be accompanied by a religious sanction, the part of man, viz., that man giving and that it should be celebrated in the himself up wholly to the will of God, Church in the name of Christ a marriage must use no means in order to avoid the celebrated in any other manner they looked persecutions which the will of God has upon as an unpermitted union. From permitted to impend over Christians, for * [We may observe from the History of St. trial of their faith.J The Montanistic the Paul, that he did not sanction this disregard of prophetic spirit incited men to strive to prudence, as on more th;in one occasion he aswin the martyr's crown for themselves. serted his privileges as a Roman citizen see e. g. We recognise that morbidly excited, over Acts xxii. 2.5; xxv. 11, yet no man can accuse wrought state of feeling, which was alto- him of shrinking from persecution, or fearing martyrdom. H. J. R.] gether deficient in Christian reverence for
as the
j

from

free

inclination-!

'

jection of all customs, which, though they were to be looked upon as mere could in no wise be deduced from a heathen origin, and in a neglect of all the prudential measures by which the jealousy of heathen rulers might be obviated.* It appears to have been objected, among other things, to the Montanists, that, by their frequent assemblies for prayer, combined with their fasts, they violated the law of the state against

all

an or.icular be found in Tertulli in de words in a parenthesis have been added Exhortatione Castitatis, c. 11, but only in the [The to the original, in which the sense is left quite in- edition of Rigault,) that the genuine servant of The sentence stands thus " Jene the Temple, who is an instrument of the Holy complete. ascetische Riclitung, welche gewissen ilusserlichen Ghost, must live in celibacy. In this also MonWerken der Enthaltung ein Verdienst beilegte, tanism led the way for the Catholic Charrii. [I welche das Wesen der im Innern begnindeten have searched this treatise in Rigault's cili'io'i of Demuth an gewisse (iusserliche Geberden, wo- 169.'i, but am unable to verify the quotation. H. durch leicht die Demuth erhcuchelt werden J. R.] konnte, binden wollte." H. J. H.] Penes nos Tertullian de Pudicitia, c. 4. were called, Sun- occultae quoque conjunctioncs, id est non prius j- The Xerophagia, as they day and Saturday, were exempted from this fast apud ecclcsiam profcssjc, juxta mocchiam et forniThe Montanists were also in controversy (see cationem judicari periclitantur, ncc inde consertai above,) with the Romish Church, about not fasting obtentu matrimonii crimen eludant. According on the Saturday. In the time of Jerome, in which, to the principles of Montanism, the essence of a however, the Montanists appear to have departed true marriage in a Christian sense would consist considerably from their original views, (e. g. in the in this, (Tertullian de Monogainia, c. 20:) " Cum matter of the constitution of the Church,) they Deus jungit duos in unarn carnem aut juiictos dehad three weeks of Xerophagire. These may be prehendens in eadem came conjunctioncin sigcompared with the Quadragesimal Fiists of the navit." (Where to a marriage concluded between later Church, a name, indeed, which .Jerome ap- two parties while they were yet heathens, the sancplies to them. Ep. 27, ad Marcellum, " illi tres in tifying consecration of Christianity was added.) anno faciunt quadragesimas." Montanism prepared the way for the notion of considering matrimony as a sacrament. I Sec Tertullian de Fuga in Persecutione.
t

that

is

pure in

human

nature, and in

De

Jcjuniis,

c.

13.

Priscilla

exjiressly declares in
is to

response, (which

334
this

VIEWS OP MARTYRDOM.
walk in the Light."* It is true, that Montanism, as we observed above, promoted a wild enthusiasm for martyrdom, and honoured the over estimate of martyrdom as an opus operatum, for, according to the Montanistic doctrines, martyrs were to have the advantage of attaining immediately after death

to a higher state of blessedness,! to which other believers had no access ; but nevertheless, the to bind down every thing by compulsory struggle for the severity of penitential rules.] The Montanists also belonged to discipline led the Montanist Tertuilian to the zealots for the strict principles of contend against an exaggerated reverence penance^ as were afterwards the Nova- for the martyrs. For while many, to tianists, (see above,) and there was here whom Montanism refused absolution, shown by the Montanistic teachers an could obtain it in the Catholic Church ardent zeal for sanctification, and an honest by the interposition of the confessors, apprehension, lest men should make them- Tertuilian thus expressed himself against selves secure in their sins by a false re- a false reliance on the sentence pronounced their legal spirit,^
[i.

view of marriage it would follow also, that Montanism would admit of no second marriage after the death of the first husband or loife ; for marriage, as an indissoluble union in the spirit, and not in the flesh only, was to endure beyond the grave.* Here also the Montanists only carried a view to which others weve inclined, to the extreme, in consequence of
e.

their inclination

liance on priestly absolution

but

it

must

in

their favour

by

these confessors, and

be confessed that the Montanists might against their spiritual presumption. " Let easily have come to an explanation with it be sufficient for the martyrs to have their opponents^ by means of candid dis- cleansed themselves from their own sins. cussions on what is objective in the for- It is unthankfulness or pride, to lavish giveness of sin, and on the relation of upon others also what a man must think absolution to that (see above.) The zeal it a great thing to have obtained for himfor sanctification, as opposed to a false self. Who has atoned for the death of reliance on the forgiveness of sins, with- another by his own, except the Son of out any entrance into an inward Spiritual God alone.'' For it was for this communion [literally, Life-communion, purpose that He came, that He himself or communion of the Life] with Christ, is being pure from sin, and perfectly holy, beautifully expressed in those words with might die for sinners. Thou, therefore, which the Montanist TertuUian opposes who endeavourest to rival Him in the those who appealed to I John i. 7, in their forgiveness of sins, suffer for me,if thou opposition to the severer doctrines of hast never sinned thyself! But, if thou penance. John says, " if we walk in art a sinner thyself, how can the oil of the Light, as he is in the Light so have thy litde lamp be sufficient for me and we communion one with another, and for thyself too ?"J the blood of Jesus Christ, his Son, makes If the Montanists laid especial stress us free from all sin. But do we sin also, upon the doctrine of an approaching Milv/hile we walk in the Light, and shall we lenarian reign of Christ upon the earth, be purified, if we sin in the Light? By in this part of their faith they agreed with no means. For he who sins, is not in a large portion of the rest of the Christhe Light, but in darkness. He shows tian world. also, liow we may become purified from What promoted the spread of Monall yin, if we walk in the Light,m which tanism, was partly this circumstance, that no sin can take place ... for such is it only carried to extremes such disposithe cjficacxj of the blood of Christ, that tions and views as had already long been those whom it has purified from sin, and in existence with multitudes, and partly thus raised to the Light, it thenceforth that impulse of enthusiasm, which carries preserves from sin, if they continue to every thing along with it, and the manner in which it nourished spiritual pride, because all those who acknowledged the * See TertuUian de Monogamia, and his Exhortat. Castitatis. new prophets seemed entitled to look f Athenagoras Legal, pro Christian, p. 37, cd. upon themselves as really regenerated, ('oion. calls y^fAOi; Siur^o; ijTrejTDn: /uoi^ua. Origcii, and as members of the elect assembly of

....

Horn,

in Malt. Ibl. 363", says'that for a

the permission

death of the
\

first

Paul had given second niarriage after Ihe husband, or the first wife, 7r^o(

De
De

Pudicitia,
is

c.

19.

+ That

to

Paradise.

See Tertuilian

de

The

bo^ok of Tertuilian de Pudicilia treats

Aninia,
^

c. .56.

of thia controversy.

Pudicitia, c. 22.

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF MONTANISM.

the spiritually minded, and to despise all other Christians, as carnally minded, and

335

cumstances. It wrote a letter to Rome to the Bishop Eleutheros, and the Presbyter not yet regenerated. Montanistic con- Irenseus was the bearer of the letter. gregations were at first formed in Asia Much light would be thrown on the Minor, bnt there arose up violent oppo- transaction, if we had a more distinct acnents to it among the Church-teachers of count of the contents of this letter, but weight, authority, and influence, who Eusebius* says merely, that their judgplaced the Montanistic prophets in the ment in this matter was very pious and same class with the Energumcni, (or pos- orthodox. Now, as Eusebius decidedly sessed,) and called attention to the danger looked upon the Montanistic views as which threatened pure Christianity and heretical, we may conclude, from this the order of the Church, if this unclean expression, that the judgment delivered in spirit should gain ground. It must be the letter was against the Montanists. confessed that these teachers, by their But in this case the letter could not have blind condemnation of Montanism alto- had the object which Eusebius attributes gether, as a possession of the Evil Spirit, to it, of adjusting the controversies. It without separating what is false from suits this object better, to suppose that in

what
this

is

true in

it,

result,

that

the

contributed exactly to this letter the prevalent sentiment was enthusiastic spirit a spirit of Christian moderation, which

should harden
spread
still

itself

further.

more and more, and endeavoured to lower the importance of Synods were held the difierences, to rebut many exaggerated accusations against the Montanistic

for the investigation of these matters, in

which many declared themselves against Montanism: the transactions of these synods were transmitted to more distant Churches, and thus these latter were also

Churches, and also to maintain Christian unity while they diflered in their estimation
prophetic gifts. If can easily be explained how Eusebius came to pass so favourable a judgment on the contents of the letter, which could not have happened, if the letter had spoken a fZeciVZed/j/ Montanistic language. This coincides best also with

of the value of the

new

we suppose

this,

it

implicated in the controversy. But, unhappily, from the want of sufficient information, great obscurity prevails with respect to these transactions, and thence also with respect to the gradual formation of the Montanistic party in the Church, the character of Irenaeus, which we know and its relation to the rest of the Church. to have been peaceful and moderate, as Although the Montanists looked upon well as with his habits of thought, which, themselves alone as the genuine Chris- though by no means decidedly Montatians, and their adversaries only as im- nistic, were not so entirely opposed to perfect ones, who occupied a lower grade, the Montanists. Eleutheros was probably and believed themselves raised up above induced by this ambassage to conclude on the rest of the Church, yet it does not terms of peace with those Churches, but

appear that they directly separated them- afterwards there came from Asia Minor selves from these latter, and renounced to Rome a violent opponent of Montancommunion with them ; they only de- ism, named Praxeas, and he induced the sired to be the ccclesia spiritus, the spi- Roman bishop, partly by representing to ritalis ecclesia in the carnalis. But it him the opposite conduct of his two premust be acknowledged, certainly, that decessors, Anicetus and Soter, and partly they could not be permitted to remain in by prejudicial representations of the conthis relation to the rest of the Church, in dition of the Montanistic Churches, to which they were continually endeavour- revoke all that he had done. The Moning to extend themselves farther, without tanists now propagated themselves as a great danger to the Churchly life, for they schismatical party [literally^ a separated claimed only toleration at the first, in Church party :) they were called Cataorder to attain afterwards gradually to phri/glans, from the country of their domination. origin, and also Pepuzians, because Mon-

As the Church at Lyons (see above,) tanus taught that a place called Pepiiza, in it was visited by the sanguinary Phrygia, whicii was, perhaps, the first persecution under Marcus Aurelius, had locality of a ]\Iontanistic Church, was at that season many members of the selected as tlie spot from which the MilChurches in Asia Minor, among which lenarian kingtlom of Christ was to prothe Montanistic movements had chiefly ceed. taken place, they were induced thereby [ to take a lively sympathy in these cir Lib. V. c. 3.

when

336

THE OPPONENTS OF MONTANISM.

distinguish

between the Christian Church, in its youthful life, to We must moderate and the violent opponents of allow of its finding much acceptance. The second jninc'ipal direction of the Montanism, who carried their opposition against it to the very highest pitch. There theological spirit proceeded from the were some who, in their opposition to it, school of Alexandria. The peculiar spinot only condemned all Chiliasm as ritual life in this city, then of so great sometliing altogether unchristian, and as importance as a middle point of union beone of the unchristian doctrines which tween the East and the West, communiproceeded from the detested Cerinthus, catid then, as it had done formerly to the
but also maintained that the gifts of pro- Jewish, a peculiar character to the Chrisphecy, to which the Montanists attached tian theology, which formed itself there. so great importance, were altogether The Christian theology which proceeded foreign to the Christian economy, inas- from Alexandria, bore the same relation much as the line of the prophets had ne- to the different directions of tlie Christian cessarily been closed by John the Baptist, religious and theological spirit, that the after wliom, the end and aim of all pro- Jewish-Alexandrian theology had borne phecy had appeared. The words, that to the different directions of the Jewish the Law and the Prophets should only religious and theological spirit.* But a last till John, (Matt. xi. 13.)* were for pecidiar institution of the Alexandrian ever in their mouths and certainly they Church had an especial influence on the were thus far in the right, that prophecy formation of this Christian-Alexandrian in the economy of the New Testament theology, I mean tlie Jilexandrian Catecannot be looked upon as something es- chetical School, about the early rise of sential and necessarUy belonging to the which, however, and its gradual compledevelopment of the whole, and that by tion, we are without authentic informathe prophetic office of Christ every other tion. It is natural to inquire, whether the prophetic office is altogether done away original destination of this school was with as a necessary means for the forma- merely to give instruction to those heation and maintenance of the Church. tliens who were converted to Christianity, They, therefore, declared the Apocalypse, or who desired to become better acwith which the Montanists occupied quainted with it, or whether a sort of themselves a great deal, and from which school for the education of Christian they endeavoured to demonstrate the truth ministers, a kind of spiritual theological of their Chiliasm, to be a spurious book, seminary, existed there from the very forged by Cerinthus, which was at vari- first. The accounts of Eusebiusf and Jeance with the very nature of the Christian romej are too indefinite to decide this economy. They also considered the first inquiry and, indeed, both these fathers season of the foundation of the Church, were scarcely in a condition to be able to the time of the apostles, as the limit of distinguish accurately between the state tliose especial and extraordinary opera- of this school in their oion days and that tions of the Holy Ghost in the gifts of
; ;

grace.

To

the one-sided state of feeling

* See p. 29. It appears that from ancient I Lib. vi. c. 10. times there had existed there a StSxtnt^Kuov ngcoi which would, according to the ecclesiastical ytjKuv, usage of terms, most naturally be explained as "a School for the interpretation of Scripture," and

predominant among the Montanists, these overwrought opponents of Montanism opposed a predominant one-sided and cold state of mind, dericient in warmth of inward Christian feelings and in virtue of this they rejected much which was of a genuine Christian character, from too great fear of falling into something mystical.! But this last disposition was too
;

determine the nature and kind of the Alexandrian School but when once one is acquainted with the nature and character of that school, these words may be made to
this is certainly insuflicient to
;

strange

to

the prevailing

spirit

of the For

Tertullian makes frequent allusion to this watchword of the anlimontanistic party but wc must confess that it would not be used by all in the same sense many would intend by it only in
;
:

oppose that iritermixtureof Law which lielongs to the Old with that which belongs to the New Testament, which they found in Montanism. j- See the account of the Alogi, given hereafter.
a general

way

to

and

Gosi)el, of that

all that belongs to its theological studies. its Gnosis was intended to give tli key to the proper understanding of Scripture, and would be deduced out of Scripture by allegorical interpretation. cannot, in this age of the Church, which as yet jumbled every thing together in a chaotic fashion, expect to find any division of theological discipline into various classes, such as Exegesis, (hgmutics, S^c, as Professor Hassellwch of Stettin has justly observed, in the explanation of these words in his treatise, "de Schola, quaj Alexandria floruit, Catechetica, Particul. i. p. 15."

contain

We

De

Viris Illustr.

c.

36.

REQUISITES FOR A CATECHIST.

which
it

337

must, there- ing to the so-called 9ra^a^c/o-ci but it was fore, confine ourselves to the considera- necessary with the better informed catetion of that which is known of the opera- chumens to trace things up to the original tions of individual catechists, as presidents source of religion in Scripture itsell', and of this school, in order thence to gather to endeavour to lead them to the undersome conclusions as to the general cir- standing of Scripture ; they desired a cumstances of the school itself. We find, creed which would bear a learned and then, originally at Alexandria only one enlightened investigation. One of these person appointed as a catechist by the very catechists, Clement gives a hint of bishop, whose business it was to com- what is required for the successful dismunicate religious instruction to the hea- charge of the duties of the catechist office, tlicns, as well as to instruct the children when he says :* " lie who desires genof the Christians of the place in their erally to select that which is useful for religion also* Origen was the first who, the advantage of the catechumens, and as catechist, divided with another person more especially when there are Hellethe duties of his calling, which had be- nists,! (but the earth is the Lord's and all come too much for him, while he was that therein is,) he must not, like the desirous of prosecuting at the same time beasts devoid of reason, refuse to leara his learned labours in theology ; and on much but he must seek to gather tothat account he formed his catechumens gether as many aids as possible for his into two classes. But although in other hearers." He shortly afterwards adds.J })laces the catechist might not need to " All cultivation is useful, and especially possess very high spiritual qualities and the study of the Holy Scriptures is necespeculiar knowledge, the case was different sary, in order to be able to prove that in Alexandria, wliere they often had to which we bring forward, and also, where instruct men of a literary and philoso- the auditors are persons of Hellenic eduphical cast of mind, who had already inves- cation." It was, therefore, necessary that tigated a variety of systems, in order to great care should be used in the choice find out a system of religious truth adapted of these Alexandrian catechists, and the to their wants, and where they were often office was assigned to men of literary and obliged to converse with such men on re- philosophical attainments, who liad themligious subjects, and philosopiiical matters selves come over to Christianity after a which are connected with them. learned investigation of it, such as PanIn that place men were required who tajnus iuavrxivoq) who is the first Alexpossessed a learned acquaintance with the andrian catechist, who is known to us Hellenic religion, and the philosophical and such also his disciple Clement. systems then peculiarly in vogue in the Now, as these men formed the suceducated classes, among which the Plato- cessors to their office out of the circle of nic-eclectic was chiefly predominant, and their scholars among the converted Heawho would thence be in a condition to thens, and as many of their scholars, inset forth the insufficiency of these things cited by their lectures and conversation, to meet the religious requirements of the devoted their learning, as well as all they heathens; to counteract the prejudices had besides, only to the service of Chrisagainst Christianity which arose out of tianity, and became afterwards zealous their philosophical habits of thought, in a ministers of the Church, and as many manner suitable to them ; to compare young Christians also joined them and Christianity with the prevalent religious endeavoured to attain a learned well and philosophical systems ; to seek grounded Christian knowledge, as well and to point out the part of their phi- as an aptitude to instil the same into losophically-developed religious know- others, it happened of itself without enledge,! on which Christianity might be Stromal, lib. vi. 6.59 B [Pott. 785. Sylb. engrafted ; and generally to set before

had originally.

We

them the Christian doctrines

mind.
It

in a

manner
it

suited to their learning and cultivation of

was not

sufficient here, as

279. Klotz, iii. 1.52.] may thus supply what is requisite to ! complete the sense he need not fear to seek even in Heathen literature the traces of truth, and ap-

We

was

in other

Churches, to bring forward

propriate to himself

the main doctrines of Christianity, accord Eiisebius says, lib. vi. c. 5, that Origen, when a boy, had been the scholar of Clement. \ Bewusstseyn consciousness or knowledge ;
is

what is useful there, comes from God, and as such is pure.

\

for all

Strom,

vi. CfiO

C.

the word in the German.

H.

4 We must here compare tot^ether generally, what Clement says of those with whom the faith must receive 'a demonstration after the Hellenistic
fashion.
-

J.

R.]

43

2F

338

WIDE INFLUENCE OP THES^ SCHOOLS.

however they might differ from each other in intellectual culture, might be united into one Divine community. They even also opposed the unity of the Caall,

deavours for that object, that their sphere

of exertion enlarged itself, and a kind of theological school, a learned seminary for ministers of the Church, was formed around them. In order properly to understand the de-

tholic

Church, founded on

this faith, to

the discrepancies of the Gnostic schools

(.Jiar^i^ai,) the one with the other, and they did not assume different sources of knowledge for wo-tk and yvuaK;, but the namely, the tradition of different parties, in connection with which, same for both and in opposition to which, it was form- the main doctrines of Christianity, existed, and the different spiritual dispositions ing in all Churches, and Holy Scripture of which, it hoped to be able to reconcile they ascribed to Gnosis only the work, and to unite together by means of a higher of bringing into full consciousness, that principle, which would smoothe down the which was first acquired by faith and received into the inward life, of developing contradictions between them. it according to its full extent and its inThese relations were, 1. Their relation to the Greeks^ who ternal connection, of grounding it upon sought after wisdom, who despised Chris- knowledge, and presenting it to others

velopment
its

spirit

into

of the peculiar theological of this school, we must fully enter relations with regard to the three

They used here for motto the passage of Isaiah, which appears already to have been used as a motto in more ancient days, and which afterwards was the motto to designate the relation between faith and knowledge from the days of Augustine to those of the scholastic theology formed upon Augustine the passage found in Isaiah vii. 9. This passage, indeed, if taken only in the religion. 3. Their relation to that first class of Alexandrian version, and without referpastors of the Church, whose views were ence to the context, may bear this meanof a Practical-realistic natttre, and par- ing :* lav 'TTiCTTtva-nrs, ciiSi fxri crvvnn, if ticularly those among them who were ye believe not, neither will you attain to very zealous, to whom from the specula- knowledge which words they first took whosoever does not belive pride and presumption of the Gnos- in this sense tics, all speculation and pliilosophizing, lieve in the Gospel, cannot attain to an and every attempt at any thing like a insight into the spirit of the nature of the Gnosis, were objects of suspicion, and Old Testament; and then in the sense were always fearful of the intermixture of which is akin to it without faith in
phers and heretics.
their

and only strengthened in their contempt of it, by the sensuous conceptions of the uninformed and abruptly repulsive Christians by which they were met. 2. Their relation to the Gnostics, then very common in Alexandria, who at the same time spoke with contempt of the blind belief of the sensuous multitude, and by the promise of a higher exoteric religious creed, attracted to themselves the Heathens who were inquiring after wisdom, and the Christians who were unsatisfied with the common instruction in
tianity as a blind, reason-hating belief,

with knowledge, of proving that

the genuine doctrine,
Christ, of giving a reason
fi)r
it,

this is

who were

which came from

and of

against the reproaches of its adversaries among the heathen philosoit

defending

fji.n

foreign philosophical elements with Christianity.

Christianity
the deeper

man cannot

penetrate

into

knowledge of the nature of the By means of a Gnosis,* proceeding Christian doctrines.J Thus Clement says, from faith, and engrafting itself on that * Just as in later times, many passages of the faith in harmony with it, the Alexandrians expected to avoid the one-sided and false translation of the Bible by Luther have become views of these three dispositions, and to current, as proofs, for some proposition which had
appropriate to themselves whatever there was of truth in each of them, nay, even to be able to reconcile them to each other. In their theory of the relation of yvua-K;
to
7r*i7T{

they differed from theGnostics

life

in

this respect,that they recognised ttio-ti? as

Hfe, to Christian faith, or Christian although this application of them was not in conformity with the meaning of the original. [How often c. f'. have the words, " Search the Scriptures," been cited as a command, by persons who (lid not dream that the original would bear a Ye search the Scriptures ;' very diflfercnt sense,

reference

'

the foundation of the higher

Christians, as the

dx6v

for all

and that some distinguished

tained that the latter sense
I)riatc.

critics
is

the

have mainmore approtliis

common bond, by which

to the

See Bp. Jebb's Sermon on

lib. ii.

text

H.
-yvug-is

J. R.]
i

opposed

^uimvuD;.

Stromat.

362

lib. i.

273

lib.

iv.

ALEXANDRIAN IDEA OF FAITH.

|

339

"Faith is as necessary for the spiritual not merely in Jesus, and on that which life of the Gnostic, as breath is for the! is written in this place, but let him reaninial life."* They endeavoured to make cognise the sense that is included in it good the sabstantial nature, the dignity for he who remains in the truth of faith, and power of Faith against the heathen and lives in the word by works corresand lieretics. Clement combats the no- ponding to the word, learns the truth, as tion, that Faith is a mere arbitrary opinion. Jesus promised, and is made free by the Faith with him is a free apprehension of truth." What Clement also says about the Divine, preceding all demonstration,! the new powers of perception for Divine, a practical assent, in virtue of the feeling things proceeding from this inward life of of truth implanted in the nature of man, faith, is beautiful " See, says the Logos, and in virtue of the natural disposition to (Isaiah xliii. 9,) I will make a new thing, a belief in the truth that reveals itself to which no eye hath seen, and no ear hath man unbelief is, therefore, in his opinion, heard, and hath not entered into the heart a deficiency on the part of man jj and he of any man, 1 Cor. ii. 9. Which may be says in another passage, '" He who be- beheld, received, and comprehended with lieves on the Son, has eternal life. Since a new eye, with a new ear, with a new then, the believers have life, what higher heart, by faith and understanding, in as thing remains for them, than the pos- much as the disciples of the Lord speak, session of eternal life } But nothing is understand, and act spiritually."* deficient in Faith, which is perfect and This is exactly the peculiar Christian self-sulncient in itself." Clement here feature in this Alexandrian theory, that sets forth as the characteristic of Faith, they do not conceive Gnosis to be a matter that it brings with it the pledge of the fu- of mere speculation, but as something ture, that it takes beforehand the future proceeding from a new inward living as a present possession. How a deeper power, produced by faith, and shown in knowledge of that which is believed pro- conduct, as a habifus practicus animi ; and ceeds, by means of the enlightenment of thus Clement says :t " As the doctrines,
! I {

||

which passes while that which is believed is enacted in life (lit. becomes lived,) is beautifully explained by Origen in the passage quoted above,ir where he says, after quoting a narrative from the Gospel, "He who believes and understands what is written in Isaiah vii. 9, will have received understanding, from his faith, according to the measure of his faith ; and when he has received this, let him say what he has a right to say after the foundation of his faith, in the spirit of his faith, in the spirit of these words /
the reason, from a Faith,
life,

into the interior

so must the conduct also be, for the tree is known by the fruits, not by the blossoms and leaves, and Gnosis comes also from the fruits and the conduct, not from the doctrine and the blossoms for we say that Gnosis is not only doctrine, but
:

Divine

knowledge, that

light,

which
things

arises in the soul out of obedience to the

commandment, which makes

clear,

all

and teaches man to know what there is in creation and himself, and how he can stand in communion with God, for what the eye is to the body, that Gnosis is in the soul." No knowledge believe, a7id therefore, I speak^'Ps.cw'i. 10; of Divine things can exist, without a life Rom. X. 10.** Let such an one believe in them, which comes from Aiith here knotolcdge and life become one.'''''^
j

'

52S B; and Origenea in Matt. Ed. Hue!, p. 424.] [The passages of Clemens are in Pott. p. 432. 320, 625; in Sylb. 156, 117, 226.]

Stromal,

lib.

ii

373.

]
lib.

ii.

Stromal. n^'AJi^'f eu'j.i'ajwii'sc Tre'.KrtTi.Kyi-^tst^. 371. [Pott '444. S^lb. 1.59.] Stromal, lib. ii. 3S4. [Poll. 459. Sylb. 165.]
lib. i.

cording to the Alexandrian version, and in conformity with the context; but the sense which Origen attaches lo them, and the theory built upon them, are clear; all deeper dcvelopmcnl of the sense of Holy Scripture, or of the doctrines
faith.

of the

faith,

must proceed from a

lib. ii.

life

in

PffidaRog.
U

6.
y.i

'oMio it TO

(tm)

JT/iTTa/s-*/

5rcBX;)4>oTf

fflf;-

Clem. Stromal,
lib. iii.

365 B.

[Pott. 436.

f^iKt, //tTi rut

Ii

i..M%T'rt.in

i-mK'J.fjL&avoui!) ytvofjtiv.v.

Sylb.. 136.]

vii. 731. [Pott. 864. a good indwelling in the soul (ivh-jbiT'.v Ti [ti] (S^^Soc) while it acknowledges God, and values Him, without an effort, and therefore, must man, proceeding from this faith, and increasing in it by the grace of God attain as far as possible the kingdom of him (God.)

Compare

also Stromal,
is

f Stromal,
i

Sylb. 310.]

Faith

Clem. Stromal,
iX^'-v

444. [Poll. 531. Sylb. 191.] lib. iv. 490 ic jumin imr:

**' yvwri/ KiKTxr^Ai (t:v yvarriicov) hrlT[Pott. 581. Sylb. 210.] Tw;iv Jf fimt X.XI ywTii. He might certainly have obtained this idea from
TUfxnY

what the i\co-Platonic philosophy which

is

older

These words

also are not used properly,

ac

than Plolinus, taught, concerning the identity of subject and olijcd in the case of the highest con-


340

OBJECTIVE SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE.

This is, therefore, in the Alexandrian we might, in like manner, oppose our But since it is not theory, the subjective condition and the own judgment. as far as enough, merely to express our own subjective nature of Gnosis regards the objective sources of know- opinion, but we must support what we ledge, from which tlie ' Gnostikos' was to say, we do not wait for the witness of
,

endeavour constantly to learn Avith greater clearness and depth the truths received through faith by him into his inward life
:

these were, according to Clement Holy Scriptures. Although many

for the

the

who

Avere deficient in the education requisite

purpose of investigating Scripture

for themselves, only held fast the essential

men, but we support what we say, by the word of the Lord, which is the most worthy of confidence of all modes of proof, or rather which is the only one, by the knowledge of which, those who have only just tasted the Scriptures, are those who have gone farther Believers and are more accurately acquainted with

fundamental truths, which had been the truth, are

to

'

GnosticsP*

calls the Gnosjs, which proceeds from a comparison of different passages of Scripture with one another, the Gnostikos was from tlie common race of believers, by and developes the consequences which proving these truths by a comparison of flow from the recognised doctrines of Scripture with itself, and supplying all faith, a faith according to knowledge that- was needful to them, by knowing (literally, a knowing faith.)"f With him, how to combat from the same Scriptures therefore, the Gnostic is one, who has the errors which opposed them, and thus grown gray in the study of the Holy a fiiith grounded on much Biblical know- Scriptures, and whose life is nothing else

communicated

them

at

their first in;

Hence Clement

struction, in accordance

with tradition

to distinguish himself

ledge,

was in his case to take the place of a belief on the authority of the Church. Clement uses the following language:* " Faith is, then, the shortly-expressed knowledge of that which is essential, but

than works and words, which correspond to the Divine truths received traditionBut it is only to the Gnostic that ally.! the Holy Scripture brings such a knowledge of Divine things, because it is he Gnosis is the strong and firm demonstra- only, who brings to it a believing sense a sense capable of receivtion of the things received by faith, (or capacity) grounded on faith by means of the teach- ing that which is Divine. Where a man wants this sense, Scripture appears uning of our Lord, by which faith is raised to an enlightened belief not to be shaken."! fruitful. This inward sense is, nevertheAnd, in opposing the proofs grounded on less, not sufficient to deduce out of the the undeceiving touchstone of Scripture Scriptures the truths contained in them,

to the reproach of the Heathens and Jews,

to develope

their

whole

extent, and

to

that

it is

impossible, from the

among the Christians to truth may be found the same

;

many sects know where

writer says,

unite

them

into a systematized whole, so

as to defend

Heretics, and to apply

them against Heathens and them to all which

We do not confide on men, who only had hitherto been objects of human proclaim their own judgment, to whom knowledge. For this there was needed a previous learned preparation, and such tlition of intuitive perception; but he might have could not have been created anew at once drawn the thing itself from his inward Christian by Christianity but Christianity was experience and conceptions, without our assuming obliged to engraft itself here on the class
"
j

any other hypothesis to explain the circumstance, and he need not be sujjposcd to have borrowed any thing from the Neo-Platonic philosophy, except \\\c form in which ho represented his notions.

of learning and cultivation of mind here in vogue, just as it had grown up into existence and was ready for it, in order
that Christianity, as
niankind,||

j-

And

besides, since the inflvience of spiritual phenomena,' which lay hold deeply of the life of their age. extends far wider than is immediately perceptible, and cannot be mechanically reckoned, who can determine how far Christianity had already influenced the spiritual atmosphere, in

the

leaven for

all
it.

might by degrees penetrate

vii.

757, [Pott. 891. Sylb. 322.] [Pott. ew/a-TXjMcvww miTK. Stromat. ii. 381.
Stromal,
Sylb. 164.]

454.
\

which
*
j"

certain ideas
vii.

became current

Stromat.

vii. vii,

762-3.

[Pott. 896, Sylb, 323.]

Stromat.
'H
/JtiV Ot/V

732. [Pott. 865-6. Sylb. 311.]

Stromat,
yg-x<pcti.

756,

tc/c yvma-rix-on K&iviiKoia-tv ai

TTKrTIi O'UVTC/L/.Oi iCTIV, w; ITTC; itTTilV, TOSV

Tria-Tiui;

?rctpiK>ifj'jUivci)V

itr^f^st

kui

li'-^stio;,

iiA rut

rable of the leaven,

nv^iaMn;

SiS^ta-KctKia.? iTroiK'JofMufx&ni tji

Tria-Tii,

tU to

ujUiraTTTCd'Tcv KUt /AcT

iTrfnuy.))^ Kcira.M7rnv 7raea.7ri^-

r:ucTa.

Clement has beautifully alluded to this pa" The power of the word, given to us, which does much with small means, which attracts every one, who receives it unto him, to itself in a secret and invisible manner,
II

RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO CHRISTIANITY.

and give
its

341

own

peculiar turn

to

this

against the reproach, that Divine revelation is not allowed to be the self-sullicing source of truth ; that it is made to need completion and support from foreign sources ; and that those who are not well informed and highly educated, are excluded from a knowledge of it. He says in reply* " If we are to make a distinction of those, who are always ready to complain, we should call philosophy .something, which co-operates towards the knowledge of truth an endeavour after truth a preparatory training of the Gnostic, and we do not make the cooperating principle the original cause, nor the chief. Not as if that last could not exist without philosophy, for certainly all of us, without a general and encyclopeedical instruction,! and without the Hellenic philosophy, but many also, even without being able to read and write, being laid hold of by the Divine pliilosophy,

cultivation of mind.

Alexandrian Gnosis by this, now attracted to itself a multitude of reproaches from the other party, which compelled it thoroughly to justify its method of proceeding. This content, which has often been repeated in history, is au interesting one. It was objected to the Alexandrian party, that the prophets and apostles had no philosophical education and attainments. Clement answered, "The apostles and prophets spoke certainly as disciples of the Spirit,
;

The

what

it

inspired them to say but we cannot reckon on a guidance of the Holy Spirit
that

stands in the place of

in

all

human

means of information,
the hidden sense of
training of

order to unravel their words. The

learning,

the

mind by

must

make us

capable of developing the whole

communicated to them by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. which comes from tlie barbarians, have He who wishes to become enlightened in received by the power of God through his thought by the power of God, must faith, the doctrine concerning the being already be accustomed to philosophize on and attributes of God, {literally, tlie doche must already have trine about God.) The doctrine also of spiritual matters attained for himself the proper frame of our Saviour is perfect in itself and selfthought, which may be then illuminated sufficing, as the power and wisdom of by a higher Spirit. He needs a dialectic God; but the Hellenic philosophy which education of the mind, in order to be able is added to it, does not make the truth sufficiently lo distinguish the ambiguous more powerful, it only renders inelTectual and synonymous terms of Holy Scrip- the sophistical attacks against it and as Against those who maintain that it wards off delusive machinations against ture."* man ought to content himself with faith, the truth, it is called ttie proper ward and and who cast away all the knowledge, fence of the vineyard.^ The truth of the which men wish to use in the service of faith is as it were the bread neces.sary for " As if, without even using life; the form under which it is represented faith, he says any care towards the culture of the vine, to us, is to be compared with that wiiich they expected at once to obtain the grapes. is eaten with the bread, and is like the The Lord is represented to us under the dessert." While, on the whole, Clement is disimage of a vine, from whom we must harvest fruit with the reasonable careful- tinguished by the mildness and moderaness and the skill of the husbandman. tion with which he opposed the adversaHe must cut, dig, bind up, and do every ries of the Alexandrian Gnosis, he himself thing of that kind, he needs the hook, was well aware how much their anxiety the axe, and other tools of husbandry for was awakened by the adulterations of
intention of the sense
;
;

the care of the Vine, in order that

it

preserve

fruit that

we may enjoy."t
to

may simple Christianity among so many sects, He who mixed with the Gospel, elements the
(lite-

had

to

defend

the Alexandrian Gnosis

and conducts his whole nature

rally, a

an unity

oneness.")

>i

iV;^;ac t-.u

Xoycv, i i-.bua-n M/un,

av/TojUH o-jo-u. x.*i /uvxT< rxvrx rev <A^a^Eyiv Km tiJTic tai/TCU KTHTHUtJCV sti/TilV, ITIKU^Vf/LfjlUw: T ICXI aOMCUi:
3-gi? iXUTHV tKKit KXl
iruvctyfi.

most uncongenial to its nature; and he well knew, also, how natural it is for men to confound the abuse and the right use of the same thing with each other.

The

zeal,

however, of his adversaries.

TO TU-V atx/nu TUVrHfAU. UC tVCTHT*

lib.

Strornat.

v.

p.

587.

[Pott.

694.
Strornat.
i.

Sylh. 249.]
[Pott. 342. 292. Sylb. 126. N. B. This passage is not exactly translated from Clement, l)ut paraphrased and a little altered. H.
*

318.

[Pott 376.

Sylb. 138.)

Strornat.

i.

j"

aiBJ T)lf eyx.vKKl'.u TTAiSuxi;.

What

the ancients said generally of Dialer-

tics

J. R.]

fence,

in relation to philosophy, t1i;it thoy were its was applied by the Alexandrians to the re-

t L.

cp. 291.

lation of philosophy itself to the Christian Gnositi.

2f2

"

342

DEFENCE OF THE STUDY OF PHILOSOPHY.

which was certainly often a blind zeal, changers,) the Gnosticos, according to and the persuasion that this too sensuous, Clement, ought to be able universally to and one-sided disposition stood much in distinguish mere appearances from the the way of the Spirit of Christianity, truth, as he would false money from which endeavoured to ennoble all human genuine and hence, to fear no might of things, and that many were tliereby de- false appearances. He needed an acquaintterred from Christianity, led him to speak ance with the Grecian philosophy, just to somewhat too sharply against their oppo- be able to point out to the philosophically nents, and did not suffer him to do be- educated heathens, its errors and unsatiscoming justice to their pious zeal, as factoriness, to battle with them on their when he says,* " It is not unknown to own ground, and thence to lead them to me, what many ignorant and clamorous the knowledge of the truth. Clement
;

persons! constantly say, that our faith must confine itself to the most necessary and essential points, and must let go all foreign and superfluous matters, whereby we are detained with things that do not contribute towards our object." And in another passage^ where he says " The
:

says*

" Thus much

say to those

who
if

are desirous of finding fault, that even

philosophy be useless, yet the study of it is useful, because it is useful fully to prove
that

For we it (philosophy) is useless. cannot condemn the Heathens by a mere

prejudice against their doctrines, unless

into the development of particulars them, until we compel them to accede to our sentence: for a refutation combined with a knowledge of the matter before us, is the most likely mode of obtaining their confidence." And in another passage he saysf " For we must give to the Greeks who ask for that wisdom, which is in esteem among them, such things as they are accustomed to, in order that they may be brought to a belief in the truth by the most easy way, through ' For their own proper method. I bewitli

multitude in their anxiety lest they should be carried away by the Hellenic philosophy, dread it, as children dread masks. But i^ their faith is of such a kind (for I cannot call that knowledge) as to be overturned

we go

by

plausible discourses, then

it

may

just as well be overturned, in regard

to these people, for they themselves confess, that

they have not the truth

for the

truth cannot be overturned, false opinions

may." Now this is dealing out a hard and unjust sentence, if we refer it to persons for all worth was not to be denied
;

to the

faith

they did not

ability,

feel

of these persons, although confidence in their own

came,' says

tlie

apostle,

'

all

things to all

men,

a contest with a spirit of understanding prejudiced against the faith, and although they were afraid
to

enter into

of being constantly disquieted in the en-

joyment of
objectively

that,

dearest possession.
truth for all ages,

which was to them their But if we look at it

it is a great and an instructive which the free spirit of Clement here proclaimed that Christianity need fear nothing from any opposition, but
;

might win all.' The most eager antagonists of this free spirit, in order wholly to condemn the occupying oiu'selves with the Grecian philosophy, appealed to the Jewish tale related in the Apocryphal Book of Enoch, that all the higher branches of knowledge had come to the Heathens in an unlawful manner, through the communications of fallen spirits, and they looked upon all heathen philosophers without distinction,
that
I

that the truth,

when placed
is

in

opposition

as instruments of the evil Spirit.

either considered the

They

only shines forth the brighter. In conformity with that declaration, which is ascribed to our Saviour in the Apocryphal Gospels yima^B oGxt/i/oi Tg7r5^tT (be ye skilful moneyto that
false,

which

whole

antichristian

I
^

full

world only in stern opposition to Christianity; they confounded that which is heathen with that original and divine system, without which the heathenism that only adulterated and troubled this original Stromat. i. 278. [Pott. 326. Sylb. 120.] system, could never even have existed at u/j.'j.BcDC -^'^(fa'Sili. ail; they woidd not so much as hear of vi. fi.5.5. [Pott. 780. Sylb. 278.] Christianity In Stromat. vi. G.59, Clement, in a manner any point through which of Kpirit, says: "Most Christians handle the could be engrafted on a nature and qualities in man, which are akin to the Divinity, and which beam through it constantly
*
I.

doctrines after a clownish manner, like the companions of Ulysses, who got out of the way, not of

the Sirens, but of their music and song, by shutting their ears out of ignorance; because they

knew,

Hellenistic knowledge, there

they have once given their ear to the is no chance of their turning again from them." [See p. 337.]
that
if

120.
15.]

278. [i. e. Ed. Paris. In Sylburg. ed. p. Klotz, vol. ii. p. In Potter, vol. i. p. 327.
[Pott. 656.

t V. 55i.

Sylb. 237.]


PHILOSOPHY P.EDAGOGICALLY CONSIDERED.
even in its worst corniption; and yet without such a point, Christianity could never have propagated itself upon the heathen soil; or else, like tlie impetuous, fiery Tertullian the friend of nature, and of all tlie original revelations of life, the enemy of art, and of all perversion (of such revelation) tliey saw in philosophy only the hand of Satan, that adulterates
i

343

those with the heathen world, although not in the same manner. The Alexandrians combated that confined view [lit. particularism] which would limit the gov-

and mutilates the original nature of man. Clement endeavoured to refute this party " Even if also on their own principles. this view were just,'' he says, " yet could Satan deceive men only when he clothed himself as an angel of light: he must cannot be a work of evil it can only be attract man by the appearance of truth, a work of God, whose work every imand by the intermixture of truth and false- pulse to good is. And all, which is given hood and man mut always seek the by God must be given and received with truth, and acknowledge it, let it come advantage. Philosophy is not found in from whom it may. And even this com- the hands of the wicked, but it was given munication can only take place in accord- to the best among the Greeks and it is, ance with God's will, and therefore, therefore, evident whence it was given, nuiit have been contemplated in the plan it must have been given by Providence, of education proposed for humanity by which gives to every man that which is God."* It is adapted to his peculiar condition. But this view, however, which was so clear also that the law was given to the exceedingly contradictory to the natural Jews, and philosophy to the Greeks, till development and progress of human na- the appearance of our Lord and hence ture, was thoroughly repugnant to his proceeds the universal call to a peculiar own sentiments; and he expresses him- people of Righteousness, in virtue of the self very strongly against it, when he doctrine which we receive by faith, as the speaks in conformity with his own views. one God of both, the Greeks and the ' Is it not then absurd," he says, " while barbarians, or rather of the Avhole race we attribute disorder and sin to Satan, to of man, brought all together through the make him the giver of a good thing, i. e. one Lord.t " Before the appearance of philosophy.' for he appears, under this our Lord, philosophy among the Greeks point of view, to have been more benevo- was necessary for righteousness, but now lent towards good men among the Greeks it is useful for the furtherance of holithan Divine Providence."| ness, as a kind of preparation for the deClement was inclined rather to seek in monstration of the faith for thy foot the progress of the Greek philosophy the will not stumble, if thou trace up every for the improve- good thing, whether it belongs to the work of God in his care ment of man, and a preparation for Chris- heathen or to us to Providence for tianity adapted to the peculiarities of the God is the cause of every good thing, Greek character; as it is impossible to but partly in an especial manner, as (he deny that the philosophical development lis the cause) of the Old and the New of the human mind, which proceeded from Testament, and partly in a more remote the Greeks, tended both negatively and (or derivative) manner, as he is of phipositively to render the soil capable of the losophy. But, perhaps, even this was
; ; ;

ernment of God, in whom we live, and move, and are, only to the narrow limits of the Jewish people. Thus Clement says, " Every good impulse comes from God he uses those men who are fit to lead and to instruct other men,* as instruments for [the improvement of] the greater mass of mankind. Such men were the better class of Greek philosophers. Philosophy, which forms man to virtue,
;

The idea of also given in an especial reception of the Gospel. the Divine education of man as a great Greeks at that time, l)efore
j

luanner to the

the Lord called whole, was Clement's favourite idea, and the heathen also, for it educated the heahe conceived the object of this great then as the law did tlie Jews for Chrisscheme to be Christianity; and to this tianity, and thus philosophy was a degree he attributed the dealings of God, not of preparation for him, who was to be only with the Jewish people, but also * The nyiiA'^viKU and miStuTMu
! j

This

is

the substance of passages found in

vi.

vi.

393,' 4, [Potter, vol.

ii.

p.

822, 823.

Ed.

647. 367.

[Pott. 773.

Sylh. 274.] and

[Potter, vol.
vol.
iii.
ii.

i.

310. 822.

[Pott.

Sylb. 134.]
c. vi.

t L.

693.

p.

Syl-

Ed. Par. G03, 694. Ed. Klotz. Sylb. p. 294. The passage 158, 159, vol. iii. p. 197, 198. I have followed the German. is abridged.

burg, 294.

Ed. Klotz,

p. 198.]

H.

J.

It.]

344

PHILOSOPHY A TRANSITION POINT.

brought to perfection by Christ."* When Greeks at the proper time, in order to acClement speaks here of a righteousness to custom their ears to the Gospel message."* be attained by philosophy, lie does not Clement had observed, from intermean to say tliat philosophy can impart course with many who had received a to man the disposition requisite to the philosophical education, and perhaps, had fulfihiient of his moral destination, and learned also from his own experience, that previous philosophical culture might the attainment of the happiness of heaven he makes a distinction between a doctrine become a means of facilitating converiustifying man, which with him can be sion, (lit. a transition point,) to Chrisonly the Gospel, and such a one as tianity, as he appeals for proof of what can merely prepare him for that.| He has been alleged to the circumstanee, makes a distinction between a certain that those who received the feith, whedegree of awakenment in the moral and ther prepared for it by the Greek phireligious conscience, as well as of excite- losophy, or by the Jewish law, were both ment to moral endeavours, and of moral led to the o7ie race of the redeemed peopreparation and between the universal ple.y As the Pharisees, who had mixed perfect righteousness, which is the object the law of God with human traditions, of the whole nature of man,J and is op- by Christianity attained to a right knowposed to that cultivation of man's nature ledge of the law ; so the philosophers, which is only partially adapted for a cer- who had defiled the revelation of Divine tain condition of human development truth to the soul of man by the partial he himself says of the Greek philosophy, and imperfect views to which human na; ,

that it is too weak to mandments of God, and

practise the
that
it

capable of receiving the doctrines only by ennobling their morals, and by furthering their belief in tlie super" As God," intendence of Providence.il says Clement, " willed the salvation of the Jews, by giving them prophets, so also he separated the most pre-eminent among the Greeks from the mass of ordinary men, by making them come forward as their own prophets, in their own language, inasmuch as they were capable of receiving the blessing of God As now the preaching of the Gospel has come at a convenient season,!! so also were the law and the prophets bestowed upon the Jews, and philosophy upon the

com- ture is liable (lit. by human otie-sidedmakes men ness) attained to true philosophy by most majestic means of Christianity .J Clement, in order to represent the ennoblement of philosophy afforded by Christianity, uses the simile of a graft which had been used by the apostle in a kindred sense, and was very expressive and well adapted to denote the ennoblement of human nature by Christianity. The wild olive tree is

not deficient in sap, but in the power of properly concocting the juices which circulate through it. Now, when the germ of the garden olive is engrafted upon the wild stem, the former obtains more sap, which it appropriates to itself, and the latter the

power to assimilate (or digest) it. Thus also the philosopher, who is compared to
the

wild olive tree, has

much which

is

Strom,
Pott. p.

i.

Ed.
20.
j"

282. [i. 121, 122.

T6

e.

ed. Paris, vol.

i.

p.

331.
ii.

Ed. Sylburg.
'

vol.

p.

Ed. Klotz.]
>iS:tiTx.a.Kt:i

of the versatile spirit of inquiry, and longs after tlie noble nourishment of trutli ; and if he now
is full

undigested, because he

Sin.-'iciKri,

TS a; tcuto ^u^ctyai-

receives Divine

power through
!rgoc

faith,

then

ycv<r'JL x.tt

(TuKKajj-^^tw-ya., vi.
is

844.

[Tlie context
to

here imi)orlant.
{jr-xTftiL)

Clement

says,
vi.

Totc

iixo!tf

sfl/fcuo-a
ii.

to mi^vy/mst.

Strom,

that as every relation

ultimately ascends

636.

(Potter, vol.
iii.

p.

7612.
ii.

Sylb. p, 270.
p.

God

the Creator, so also to the Lord

jj

must be
Potter's

Klotz, vol.

p.

123
[Potter, vol.

referred,
edit.

Tm kxkuiv
ii.

JiSu.irKit\t^,

n, &c.
274.

vi.

636, 637.

761763.
Sylb.

vol.
iii.

p.

770.

Sylburg. p.
R.]

Klotz,

vol-

p.

134. H.J.

X
vol.

i.

p.

vol.
II

i. ii.

tfwa/co-uvii, Strom, i. 319. [Potter, 377. Sylb p. 137. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 70.] 309. [Pott. i. p. 366. Sylb. p. 133, Klotz,

KaBoKov

Sylb. p. 270. Klotz. vol. iii. p. 122. 123.] [Potter, vol. ii. p. 769, 770. tvi. 644. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 133.] p. 273.
^ vi.

p. ^7.]
a-ai^e^cvi^'.utroL

'A///i^iT)i

to

>16o?

KUt

(a'. Ktti

to

oKybu-M

Tiiv

Treoiu^y Si^-j^iuasi.

[Ita ap.

iNeand.
right

Sc^u^ovTSL, Potter, Klotz, &c.,

reading.
^[

H.

which seems the

671. [vi. 672. Potter, vol. ii. p. 799. Sylb. p. 285. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 170. The German is hardly an exact translation of the Greek. It is rather a condensation of the text of Clement. I have, therefore, followed the German. The word verdauen, to digest or concoct, I have translated by a.ssimt7a/e, which is equally applicable to veget-

J.

K.]
i.

Kxra

K3t;gcv,
it

prepared for

nature had been by the previous dealings of God.

e. after

human

and animal functions. See Prout's Bridgewater Treatise, part iii., especially p. 469.) H. J. R.]
able

INTERMIXTURE OF PLATONISM AND CHRISTIANITY.

he
will be able to digest the
I

345

imparted to liim, and

olive tree."

nourishment has formed the foundation of them. become a garden Such a light of tlie Spirit, according to

idea of Clement^ o\\g\\i Christianity between the pure revelation of to have lighted for the Gnostic, and thus truth in Christianity, and those individual ought he, standing on the ground of Chrisbeams of truth which are dimmed by an tianity, through which he has attained the
difference
,

He

beautifully illustrates the \the

intermixture of
a comparison

human

imperfection,
the light

by
,

drawn from

artifi-

cially imprisoned in a burning lens, as contrasted with the pure and clear sunshine.* The Alexandrians were full of the great idea, which now, when Christianity if ^707?

man, and securely to separate truth and falsehood from each other in all the systems of Grecian philosophers and Christian heretics. Thus Clement says :* " As truth is one, ibr falsehood
true centre for the religious nature of
to be able freely

only has a thousand paths of error, in time re- which truth is dismembered, just as the vealed itself in a passing manner, and was Baccha? dismembered the body of Penunable as yet to become the principle theus, thus the sects of the philosophy which, carried out into every individual derived from the barbarians {the Chrisapplication, should be the life-giving prin- tian) and of the Hellenic philosophy pride ciple of Christian theology, and of a themselves upon that portion of truth, Christian consideration of hietory, the which each happens to possess, as if it idea which alone gives the right key to were the whole truth, but all is enlightthe contemplation of human nature and ened at the rising of the dawn. As," he of history ; namely, that Christianity is, says, '^ eternal existence^ represents that as it were, the centre to all the rays of in 0726 moment, which is broken by human imperfection| (lieralJij, one-sided- means of time into past, present, and ness;) that it proves itself the religion future, so also is truth able to collect toof human nature, inasmuch as it recon- gether the seeds which belong to her, ciles with each other all the contending even if they may have fallen into a strange dispositions which meet each other in soil. The Hellenic and the barbarian human nature ; that it divides truth from philosophy have in some sort received falsehood in all human and imperfect sys- 'portions of eternal truth; they have retems, that treat of Divine matters ; and ceived not Dionysius, as in that mystical that it teaches us to recognise in errors legend, but the divine revelation of the the truth, which being misunderstood, eternal Logos, dismembered and divided into fragments. But he who gathers together again that which was torn asunder by them, and reinstates the Word in its [Potter, vol. li. p. luK'. Kay.TnJrn, v. 5fi0, vi. 688.
its

louvfold

essential nature
first

to the thinking mind, for the

'

Sylb. p. 239. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 22. iVow, I do not see any mention in thi.s passage of Brennglas, though the part of the sentence which fol-

663.

perfection and unity, will without doubt,

lows should be given also

it is

this

iiv

Liitttcvtiv

cvSjaiTT'-/, TTi^a. rxicu KXiTTTcvTi; hTt^vai; to 4/f. It seems to me only a comparison of the artificial and fieble light of a lain]), which is, in fact, originally stalcnfrom the .sun, to the full clear light of

This mode of view peculiarly distinguished the Alexandrians, as compared with the partial polemical
learn the truth. "J

views of other divines, and therefore, they alone were in a condition to appreciate,
,

day.
vol.
iii.

The Rrtnnglus
ii.

is

(Potter, vol.

p.

817.

taken from vi. 688, Svlb. p. 292. Klotz,

simile
is

p. 191,)

where a

dilTerent

used,

ejM-

iiit'^;

juii'Jiuu

Tsp^vx

lie

5n/g,

cCfce

x.cil

with less prejudice, the opinions of herejudge about them with more justice, and in considering their systems, to separate not only the truth from the falsehood which appeared in them, but the
tics, to
i. 298. [Potter, i. p. 348. Sylb. p. 128. Klotz, vol. ii. p. 43. H. J. R.] f " Das ewige Seyn." In the Greek it is i aluv. H. J. R.]

<;:/Accrc<f/K ix,

jft^wc TO ijUTni^tufjist hA^cu<rn J. R.] h [I understand by this a point in which all hmnan dispositions which are apt to run into excess, each in one direction, and thus some in directions exactly opposite to each other, may meet and be reconciled and united e. g. extreme lilierality tends to prodigality, extreme prudence to
(iui(
i?jy'.is

TK

cpuvTa^sTa/.

H.

j-

'

'

[Potter punctuates i Strom, i. 298, as above. and explains the latter part of the sentence somewhat differently. It is thus o Jtrx Sut^n/ufi/i a-vt:

inhumanity
perly.
I

rection of the heart

Christianity alone gives the right diwhich shall unite the two proI

6ac,

KM

ivovoi^a-it tsas/sv Acj.6v uKivJuvir;

t;iv

iTb'

or/

xTc4T*/,

have thought it necessary to add this ex- uX6Mav in planation, because I do not choose to incorporate prehend JVeander's is probably the more correct A paraphrase with the text, and the literal transla- construction, for I think in the other case we tion hardly gives an adequate notion of the mean- should have tcv tj>.ocv At^cv. To.a'.v is the prediing to the English reader. H. J. K.] cate of a clause of the sentence. H. J. R.]
j

He, therefore, makes txv apposition with TSAaov toy A., but I apuxiifewav.

I
1

44

346
portant.*

INTERMIXTURE OF PLATONISM AND CHRISTIANITY.

also

is still far removed from the and essence of Christianity, On the one side it may, indeed, also and which, as Clement represents it, is appear that Clement, far from supporting essentially more able to repress the exthe Gnostic distinction between an esoteric ternal outbreaks of evil, than to produce and an exoteric Christianity made one life true inw-ard sanctification of the heart of faith in all Christians, and understood (although he well knew that on this latter by Gnosis nothing but a well-informed the very essence of practical Christianity knowledge and capacity of explaining depends ;) but ytua-K;, on the contrary, is the one faith, whicii was to belong to all in his language, an inward, living, spiChrisiians. It is certain, in accordance ritual Christianity, a Divine life. ]f the with the connected theory, which has mere Believer is impelled towards good been laid down above, and which may by fear of punishment and hope of future be proved by many passages of Clement, happiness, the Gnostic^ on the contrary, that this alone was his impression on the is animated toward all good by the inone side, but on the other side we find also ward, free impulse of love he needs no indications, tliat he had no clear view of outward grounds to persuade him of the the bearing which dillerent forms of reli- Divine origin of Christianity, he lives in gious belief and knowledge had to the the consciousness and in the perception* essential character of the Christian life. of Divine truth and even already feels Beautifully as he speaks in many passages himself blessed by its means. If the of the nature and the power of faith yet mere Believer (ttic-tixoO acts on the diche was not always clearly conscious to tates of uncertain feelings, and therefore, himself of the full meaning of these de- at times fails in doing that which is right, clarations, and they did not become prin- or does it, but not in the right way, the ciples, logically carried out, of his dog- Gnostic, on the contrary, acts always matical (doctrinal) opinions. There was under the guidance of an enlightened mixed up with that idea of faith which reason with clear Christian views and Clement had deduced from the essential with a consciousness of their clearness.|

important errors

from the imim-

faith

which

true spirit

nature

of Christianity,

the

idea wliich
I

to Clement from his former Platonism, namely, the idea of a mythical popular faith,! "^ which fancy and truth are intermixed, as contrasted with the pure religious knowledge of the philosophically educated, and this notion would have a close affinity with the Gnostic ideas of the relation of yma-K; to By many explanations, which wts-Tif. he gives, he appears to understand by wicTTK only a very subordinate slagfe of subjective Christianity, and of the Christian life, a carnal faith, received upon authority and clinging to the letter, a

adhered

* [Anschauung. This word is variously used. sometimes means merely contemplation, sometimes intuitive perception, sometimes the object of our perception. It is here applied to the act, ami, therefore, may be rendered perception, as showing that the Gnostic has (in the view of Clement) as clear perceptions of Divine truth, as men usually have of those ideas, which we call ideas of senIt

sation.
J. R.]

See the Edinb. Rev.

for Oct.

1832. H.
i.

f Clement, Stromat. 518-9,

615. Sylb. 645. [Pott.
p.

[Pott. vol.

p.

612,

ii. p. 338, 341.] Sylb. p. 274. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 133-4.] 652. [Pott. vol. ii. p. 777-8. Sylb. p. 277. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 143.] where he says that the Trt^n; yvui-TMH has already received

222-3.
ii.

Klotz, vol.

vol.

p.

770-1.

in anticipation,

what

to others is still

something

future

through
ii-Ttv

love, the future is to

ivio-n,;

Strom, vi. 675. [Pott. vol. 802. Sylb. p. 287. Klotz, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 195.] The important distinction is made between
Hist,
as
in

present;
vi.

oLtui Si uyxTrnv
ii.

him already ih to f/.ikKcv;

281. Klotz.

663, [Pott. vol.

iii.

p.

789. Sylb.

p.

where he divides good into that which is worthy of being pursued for its own 01 TTigl TIV3. TtDV SV /UifJI ITCpaWOfAiVCl ailj thoSC ol K Clement also in sake, and that wliich is only a means to something TO. Ku^icTctTit 7rst^i7ri7r'r(,vTiu [Pott. vol. ii. p. 773. Sylb. p. 275. higher. Gnosis belongs to the first class, because vi. 647. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 138,] argues against the blind we shall attain nothing else by means of it, when it condemnation of all, which is said by heretical is attained, but only obtain the possession of itself, teachers, merely on account of the person by and be in the enjoyment of an uninterrupted immewhom it is said, without weighing the matter it- diate knowledge,* and we shall make our way to self, and this he does particularly with reference * Anschauung. to the Montatiistic prophets. " Nor must we on See note above. The last
vol.

p. 158,]

account of the person

who

speaks ignorantly, consays,

demn

before
is

hand

that

which he
j)rovc that

which obpass as
is
1

servation

applicable to those

who now
which

prophets, but

we must

said,

whether
f

it is

conformable

to the truth."
'

clause of the sentence is thus in the German: dass wir uns in ununterbrocheiien Anschauung befindcn, und zu dioser und durch diese uns durchkampfcn; by which I only understand that this stale becomes a means only to its own continuance, and not an introduction to a higher state.

S'.^x raiv TroKKcty,

-11.

J.

R.

NOTIONS OF
Wheie Clement speaks

7r3-Tf

AND

yvua-n;-

3^

of the progres- portant, as it may seem at first view, but sive enlargement of the Divine scheme its foundations lie deeper and its conseThe cause for the education of man, and represents quences are more important. the Logos as the Gc-to? wai^ays-voj, he that the Alexandrians conceived the thing says,* "All men belong to him, some of in this way, lay partly in their own prethem with a consciousness of what he is dominant turn of mind, and partly in the to them, {y./zT fTTiywcru,) Others without manner in which they viewed the faith of that consciousness; some as friends, some a large class of Christian people. As far as the first is concerned, the as faithful servants, and others merely as servants ; it is the teacher, who leads the contemplative and speculative turn of Gnostic by the revelation of mysteries, mind was far too predominant among the (the inward perception of truth,) the be- Alexandrians, and this prevented them liever by good hojjes, and the hard-hearted from recognising in its full extent the by corrective discipline, by appeals to the independent practical power of faith in here Clement's ypua-Tiy.o<; the reformation of the interior life, and senses." appears in many respects to resemble the they were still under the influence of that of the Gnostics, and liis view, which proceeded from the Platonic -nrviv/xuTtKci; n-io-Totcf their i^v^iy.oc, and in regard to School, and was natural, indeed, generally their interior life they both appear to bear to the whole of the ancient world, nainely, the same relation to each other, but there that the inward, spiritual, and religious is, nevertheless, this great distinction, that life, in short, maturity in religion, could amidst all the differences which tiiey held not exist without philosophical culture to exist in the subjective Christianity of of the mind.* the two conditions, the Alexandrians As far as the second point is concerned, maintained that there was the selfsame we must take into the account the manner foundation of objective Christianity, of in which they (the Alexandrians,) were which they only admitted different con- often accustomed to meet with faith in a ceptions, the one more spiritual and the certain class of uneducated Christians, as other more sensuous, nor did they, like a mere belief received upon authority, the Gnostics, make these two dillerent united with a sensuous Eud[emonism,"f subjective conditions dependent on an and a fear of hell, that presented to the original and ineflkceable difference of hu- mind only images of horror derived from man dispositions. It may, indeed, be the senses. They could not mistake the said, that, nevertheless, the two differ- bettering influence of faith upon the life, ent conditions of subjective Christianity even where it appeared to them under which Clement distinguishes from each this form, when they compared what these other, were really in existence in his day, men had become, as Christians, with what and are again found in other times, inas- they had been as heathens ; but they did much as they are founded in the very not believe that tliey could perceive any nature of man ; and therefore, that it traces of the ennobling influence of Chriscannot be of so nmcli consequence, by tianity upon the whole inward nature of what name we distinguish tlie two condi- man, or of a divine spiritual life ; and this tions, nor can it make so great a difference sensuous Christianity was in contradicwhether we consider them as two dif- tion to their spiritualized religious habits ferent stages in the tlevelopment of faith, * There is a remarkable passage in Clement, and of the life under the influence of fiith, vi. 691, in which he distinguishes an inward peror whether we accord the true spiritual ception, [Geistes-anschauung,] a learned knowlife of faith only to Gnosis, as Clement ledge or Gnosis and faith, from one another. The And yet first, or yoxTi;, consists in an immediate connection has done in many passages. this difference is by no. means so unim- of the Spirit with the highest origin of things,

Now

tliis

attain through to
tlie

[i. e. a state to which we Faith belongs out the inward perception (anschauung) in regard J. R.] on account of the fear of to the practical exercise of them is Faith. ( <p^cv which arises from it, and on account na-t:) fv TJ/c si; i'jMf6ii^v Tv/TWMTt ^v:^sv, xx/ vytu punishment of advantages, and the hope of reward; fear being a motive to the muhitude to abstain from sinning, ai/TM 8^4)/3ij-c Th^xr/v mTTi; Kr^tTXt. \ Eudacmonisin. The word in the original is and the promises a motive to strive after obedience, through which the happiness of heaven is to be Eudamonismus, which is a modern coinage. It

and through
second

this,

itself.

H.

the mere iTiJiu>j,uv ; yvniTu; is distinguished from vo3-/c by the addition of /2s3-.uv Ai^w uir-JtiicTuee, the reception of the fundamental doctrines with-

class,

obtained.
*
viii.

702.
Klotz,

[Potter, vol.
iii.

ii.

p.

831-2.

Sylb.

expresses a notion of the Deity being pleased with man and rewarding him, especially in good that
affects the

p.

298.

209, and

seqc^.]

body.H.

J. R.]


348
of thought.

SEPARATION OP

TJiJTK

AND

TnuffH.

might, therefore, be in- of faith by their Gnosis, and lost themclined to attribute a very low grade of the selves in the region of Theosophy, which religious life to 7ri<7T? and to the xouoj desired to comprehend divine things; so wto-Tjxof, and to consider the higher life that mistaking and overlooking the pracof Christianity, of which they saw no- tical aim of Divine Revelation for the imthing in the y.oivoi wio-thcoi, as fruit due provement and salvation of human nature, only to the yi/uai^ of the well informed they endeavoured to find the solution of

They

and highly

cultivated.

It

must, indeed, be
in this

speculative inquiries in Scripture.

speculative Gnosis with
:

When
the

avowed

that they

were very likely

many came forward and opposed

this just

case to do injustice to those, who were in an entirely different condition as re-

garded both the turn of their mind, and the extent of its development, if they passed judgment upon the more hidden spiritual life of faith from the impure reflection of
it

in

a habit of

thought, neither tho-

roughly formed, nor as yet thoroughly penetrated by the leaven of Christianity. The prejudicial consequences of this predominance of the contemplative and speculative turn of mind, and of this extremely sharp division of yvuo-ii from iriarnt show themselves in Clement in a Instead of bringing variety of ways. forward the Gnostlcos, under the image of an humble-minded Christian, living in
the constant conviction of the sinfulness that still adheres to him, and constantly

advancing in holiness, he often appears in Clement under the form of a Neoplatonic Theosopher, living in contemplative selfsufficingness,* and unmoved by passions,| although, even hither the Christian element has again made its way, as may be seen by the circumstance, that the Gnostic cannot feel himself entirely blessed in contemplation alone, and living for himself and shut up in himself alone but is repre;

argupersuaded that ment "The wise there is much which is incomprehensible, and his wisdom even consists in the very acknowledgment of the incomprehensibleness of the incomprehensible :"* Clement answered, "This is also common to those, who are able to see only a litde way before them the Gnostic apprehends that which appears to be inapprehensible to the rest of men, for he is persuaded that there is nothing which cannot be apprehended by the Son of God ; whence it follows that there is nothing Avhich cannot be taught [by him,] for he who suflered out of love to us, would debar us from nothing which could contribute to the instruction of Gnosis." One sees how indefiniteness here becomes the source and foundation of great error, for this declaration is true enough when understood of that only which it is neces-

man

is

sary for man to know for his salvation, but not when applied to things, which serve only to the gratification of speculative

and

ill-directed curiosity.

The
ters,

notions of Clement in these mat-

are repeated in those of his great

disciple Origen, only conceived in a pecu-

sented as actuated by the desire of working actively for the benefit of others.J Hence also it happened, that instead of contenting themselves with a mere systematic {lit. organic) development of that which is known in faith, the Alexandrians wished to transcend the bounds

manner, full of deep thought, and systematically worked out, but there is the same connection of the ideas of Gnosis and Pistis in relation, as well to diflerent conditions of subjective Chrisliar

tianity, as to the different operations of a Divine scheme for the general instruction of man, which lets itself down to the * [The word " self-sufRciency" is so convaried wants which arise from the variety stantly used in English in an idiomatic sense, as In his conimplying merely conceit and vanity, that I have of these conditions of man. used a word which, if not a current word, may be troversies with the heathen, who reH. J. R.] perhaps allowed. proached Christians with their blind faith, [See Potter, vol. ii. pp. 881-2, f See F. 748. Origen often declares it to be a pecu-

Sylb. p. 318.
i

Klotz, vol.

iii.

p. 2G8.]

Clement
(inostic,

says, beautifully,

on

this point:

liarity

"

The

who

advantage of his a living image of the Lord ; not with regard to the circumstances of liis outward form, but from similarity to that which he was in power, nnd from a resemblance to his preaching." 'O jvaio-Twsc

own neighbour, may

sees his

salvation in the
justly he called

of Christianity as a revelation of for the salvation of nil it is able to attract even the multitude who are incapable of scientific

God who came

men, that

investigation and knowledge, and in virtue

vii.

649,

[Potter,

vol.

ii.

p.

77.5.

Sylb. p.

TMC

IUC^<p>l(

iSlljThTU.,

cKKn.

Krf.TX

TO

TJIf

tfuVi^SOJf

aufA^iXoy Ksu

hhtx to

tx; xaguj**)? ofitoucua..

276; Klotz, vol. iii, p. 140. N.B. The reference in Neander should be vi. 649. not vii. 649. H. J. R.]

ORIGExV
of mere
faith,* to

ON FAITH.
to
'.

349

work upon them

sanctification with divine

power; and he

the believer receives Christ into his inward life ; thus, for example, since Christ

appeals to the experience of very many, is called the power of God, power to all as a testimony to this eflicacy of Chris- good action.s cannot be wanting to him,
attained to faith who believes on Ciirist, as the source of manner, might then divine power." Thus, in tom. xx., in Joh. own accord to c. XXV., he makes a distinction between a penetrate constantly more and more also sensuous belief in miracles, and a faith in into the deeper sense of Soriplure.J He the truth. He compares John viii. 43, makes ttjs-tk the lowest stage of Chris- and 45, and says, that tliose sensuous Jews tianity, which must, nevertheless, have an were impressed by the miracles, and existence, in order, that '' the simple, who would have believed on Jesus as a worker give themselves up to holiness according of miracles, but they were incapable of to their power, may be able to attain sal- receiving Divine truth,* and never would vation ;" and above faith he places both have believed on Jesus as a preacher Gnosis and Sophia. This last is that of deep truth and he adds, '^ This Divine Wisdom, which is imparted to the may also be seen in many, who look souls, who are, by God's grace, capable with wonder on Jesus, when they conof receiving it, and who have sought to sider his history, but who cannot have obtain it from God, by study of the Scrip- any farther faith in him, when a deep tures, and by prayer. Human wisdom, doctrine, which surpasses their comprethe wisdom that belongs to our world, is hension, is unfolded, but begin to cavil only a preparatory exercise of the soul, at it, and say that it is false. Therefore, in order that it may become capable of let us take heed, lest he say to us also, attaining that which is the real aim and ' ye believe not me, because I declare the object of its existence, by means of cul- truth.' " Nevertheless, the relation to tivating its intellectual faculties. what is dependent on historical grounds, Origen, as well as Clement, in many and the practical influence, which is inplaces declares expressly in reference to herent in the idea of faith, as conceived the nature of faith, that it is a fact of the by St. Paul, is clearly thrown more into inward life, through which man enters the back ground by Origen. That higher into a real communion with divine things, condition of faith was, in his notions, at and he distinguishes this living faith the same time a condition in which Chrisfrom a belief, resting on authority, which tianity was applied and conceived in a Thus, in more spiritual manner a condition in clings only to outward things. he says, which truth was more immediately the explanation of John viii. 24, " That faith brings Avith it a spiritual object of interior perception and this with that on which we be- condition of faith so exactly accorded communion lieve, and hence there is generated a with his notion of the condition of Gnosis, kindred condition of the heart,1 which that he often contrasts Gnosis with a must show itself in works. The object mere historical belief " Faith may exist
tianity .j
at first

Those who had

in this

only

become impelled of

their

||

is received into the inward without a definite conception of the thing and becomes a forming and fashion- believed."! He ascribes this Gnosis to In all the relations those who devote themselves wholly to ing principle for it. (ewmojai,) under which Christ becomes the contemplation of Divine matters, who an object of faith, according to all these after they have cleared their spirit from foreign elements, behold God with more M'/xx W/3-T/C, TrKTTi; i.X'jyi':. godlike eyes. He finds also that such a Compare e.g. c. Celsum, lib. i. c. 10. Gnosis is contrasted with mere faith, in

of our belief

life,

-j-

C. Celsum, lib. \i. dT| yin/xam ii3-:tyary>iv

i,

Philocal.

c.

15.

//st* tuv
Tg:c to

<plKiTi/Jin<r3L(TS<tl

P'jtBvTtsu,

Tuv

Ksx-^uju/uiaiav

you/xhtuv

ir

to.k yfjt/^ati

jtctTctXi^av.

For this distinction km John viii. 31, 32.1 between Gnosis and Pistis he appeals also where, however, faith to 1 Cor. xii. 9
;

[Ed. Spencer, p. 283.] C. Cels. vi. 13. Origen maintains that St. Paul sets those graces, which are connected with knowledge, higher than ittu tci X'^y.v Tr^-.tthe gift of working miracles,
St/vijUiav

being represented as a
*

gift

of g race, can xstS'

As

if

our Saviour had intended to say,

Kr^<t, oi

ii T*y ci>JlSt/V /UK T^atT* Tniu, TtTTeUim y.A, Klh' [The reference in the text mTTojiTi ix'A.

Kit ^xfiTfj.'i.'rrL lufAATm iv Tit KiTteTiPui tAhti x^'i"^ -Ti-e^i. TA K'.yux ^t^KT/x^irit. c. Cels. [Ed. Spenc. p. 139.] iii. 40. Tom. xix. Joh. 6. [See Origen, cd. Huet.
II

has not enabled

me

to consult the original passage.

-H.
-(

vol.

ii.

pp. 284,

285.H.

J. R.]

J. U.] [Erkcnntnisse is the German word here used, which I have translated " definite conception." See the Conversations Lexicon in vcrbo. H. J. H]

See

t.

xix. in Joh. c.

1.

2G

350

ORIGEN ON FAITET.
I

not be that historical belief of which Origen speaks as opposed to Gnosis, but where it is rather the designation of a peculiarly practical power of faith. Origen places tlie condition of Gnosis so far above that of faith, that he represents it, in speaking of this contrast, as a life of sight. Those," he says, " who have received the charisma of Gnosis and Sophia, no longer live in faith, but in sight; the spiritually-minded, who already dwell no longer in the body, but even here below, are already present with the Lord. But those do still dwell in the body, and are not yet present with the Lord, wlio do not understand the spiritual sense of Scripture, but cling wholly to its body (i. e. the letter, see below.) For how, since the Lord is the Spirit, should he not be far from the Lord, who does not understand the life-giving spirit and the spiritual sense of Scripture ? such an one lives in faith."* He busies himself here very diligently in endeavouring to
'>

and by the historical account of Christ he clings only to the outward appearance
of the Divine, without raising himself up

inward essence, which is he confines himself wholly to the earthly, temporal, and historical appearance of the Divine Logos he does
in spirit to the
it;

revealed in

not raise himself up to the actual perception of the latter (tlie Logos) itself; he contents himself with the mere shell of the Christian doctrines, without penetrating to the interior kernel contained in them ; he clings solely to the letter of
Scripture, in

which

the spirit lies bound.

on the contrary, temporal appearance and operations of Christ, sees the revelation and the representation of the eternal government
spiritual Christian
in the

The

explain, after his

own

notions,

what

St.

Paul says in utter contradiction to this view in 2 Cor. v., about the relation of faith to sight; and not without sophistical arguments involving a confusion of ideas, he contends against the just interpretation of most of the fathers, who maintain that even Paul speaks of himself, as one who still lived in faith, and had not yet arrived
at living in sight.

and operations of the Divine Logos with him, the letter of Scripture is only the covering of the spirit, and he knows how to detach the spirit from this covering. With him, all that is temporal in tlie form, under which Divine things are presented to us, is elevated into the inward perceptions of the spirit with him the sensuous Gospel of the letter,* becomes spiri;
;

tualized into the revelation of the eternal

spiritual Gospel, f and it is the highest question to which his soul applies itself, to find the latter in the former, and to

He makes

the expres-

"to dwell in the body," entirely equivalent to " living in the flesh, and according to the flesh ;" and thus obtains as a result, that St. Paul said this, not in reference to himself and all spirituallysion,

minded.

minded persons, but only in reference to those believers, who were still carnallyHe applies also (and in him the application is consistent) what St. Paul
says (1 Cor.
xiii.)

of the perfect, to the

genuine Gnostics, as contrasted with the

mere believers, who are still in childhood, and still have only the mere partial knowledge.! This twofold condition, according
to the notion of Origen, corresponds with

the twofold condition of a spiritual and a fleshly Christianity .J Me who is in the position afforded by a fleshly Christianity,

abides only
* Origen.

by the
xiii.

letter

of Scripture,

turn the former into the latter; and to understand Holy Scripture as the revelation of a continuous scheme of education, provided by the Logos for human nature, and of his uninterrupted activity for the salvation of man, a scheme of which the centre point is his appearance among men (which is the sensuous representation of his eternal and spiritual operation,)]}] and the aim of which is to bring While he back all fallen being to God. refers every thing to this one view, the whole volume of Holy Scripture becomes to him, by means of the Gospel, elevated Hence, Origen and refined into Gospel. believes by means of spiritual communion with the Logos, by the reception of the Spirit of Christ into the inward life alone, can any one attain to the true spiritual Christianity, and to the right spiritual unJust derstanding of the whole Scripture. then as the prophets before the temporal
ritual

Joh.

c.

52.

advent of Christ were partakers in spicommunion with the Divine Logos,

He Joes not f In Matt. ed. Huet. frag. 213. always remain consistent in this respect ; in another passage (in Matt. 271,) he properly refers 'r^^(cv
to eternal
i
life.
-f

Tou i'jxyyiKitiu

'n-iaJu-jLrix.iiv, etletvicv.

-^eja-rtuvKriuaK Tnisj/uxTixac

fJM

a-cc/nUTiK'yg,

7r)/ejfA^TtKm;

and a ^^io-tuvktand a (ra/^iaT/xajc XV'

The
The

\mSnfAix

tt'tO-BnTn,

an image of the

iTrtfu/uut

;T TCU K!,yov.

friixfAtx vhitm tcv Xgfo-Tiu.

SPIRITUAL AND CARNAL CHRISTIANITY.

351

and in virtue of that communion were guardians and stewards, and have not vet enabled to foretell that advent, and the reached the fulness of time, to them have
as the harbingers of Christ appeared, namely, under- the ideas proper for the souls of children, standing of the Old Testament, and in of which (the ideas or notions) it mav be some degree were Christians before the justly said, iliat they are advantageous for coming of Christ; so after the temporal tlie instructions of such souls. But tlte appearance of Christ, there are among Son himself, the Divine Loijos, in his Christians, persons also, by whom this majesty has never yet appeared to them, communion with the Divine because he awaits that preparation which spiritual Logos has not been obtained, and they, must take place beforehand among the like the Jews of old, still cling to the men of God, who are to le capable of outward covering ; and the saying of St. receiving his Godhead. We must also Paul about the Jews before the appear- know, that as there is a law, which conance of Christianity, (Gal. iv. ;) r/-. ''That tains the shadow of ffood tilings to come, ^ ^ ^ they were still children, that the time ap- which good things are revealed (in Chrispointed by the Father for them, had not tianity) by the preaching of the true law; yet arrived, and that thev were still under so also the shadow of the Christian mvsguardians and governors," is still appl teries is represented by that Gospel, which cable to them, as being in a condition all, who read it, think they understand, through which they must necessarily The Gospel, on the contrary-, which St. pass, in order to be prepared and made John calls an eternal Gospel, and which capable of receiving the true spiritual ought properly to be called the spiritual Christianity. " Every soul," says Origen, Gospel, sets clearly before the eyes of " which enters upon childhood, and pro- those, who understand it, every thing ceeds on the road towards perfection, which regards the Son of God himself; untU the time destined for its perfection the mysteries which were shadowed forth shall arrive, requires a teacher, and guard- in his language, and the things of which his actions yvere the symbols. ians, and stewards."* In conWhatever portion of truth there may formity with what is here said, we must be in this expression of Origen, and how- also suppose that, as there is an outward ever applicable it may be to the progress Jew, and an outward circumcision, so of the development of the Christian also there is an outward Christian and an Church, yet it cannot be denied, that the outward baptism." Origen here scripmeanmg of historical Christianity, the turally points to spiritual communion intimate connection between historical with Jesus Christ, as the source of sysand inward Christianity, appear to be ob- tematic and lively perception of that, scured in his representation. We will which is only hinted at in Scripture; and now hear him speak in his own words,! what he said, was certainly just when '" We must know, that the spiritual ap- taken as said in opposition to a blind and pearance of Christ, was communicated narrow-liearted zeal for an orthodoxy before his personal advent to the perfect which adhered merely to the letter, and a and to those who were not in the condi- conceited, unprofitable acquaintance with to those, who were no Scripture; but such declarations, if they tion of infants, longer under schoolmasters and guardians, were not sufliciently defined and limited, and to whom the spiritual fulness of time might easily favour a speculative habit of had appeared, namely, the Patriarchs, Mo-; dealing arbitrarily with Scripture, which, ses, the Servants of God, and the Propliets, under the pretence of a higher truth, who had seen the glory of Christ. Now myslilied the simplicity of the Gospel, just as he himself, before his visible and and did not recognise the depth which

whole of Christianity beforehand, just

the spiritual

they, therefore, had

'

'

bodily appearance, appeared to the perthus also after his incarnation has been preached to those who are still in aj state of childhood, because they are under
feet,
-

was united with

instance

that simplicity.

As

for

when he

says, ^

believe, that

in

the whole body of Holy Writ, even when uiulerstood very accurately, conUiins only a very small part of the elements of

Comm.

Matt 213.

jra

^W W."'''' "^
Ed
this

'

Gnosis, and a very brief introduction to It." Thus in his allegorical explanations of die conversation with the Smnaritan

oiKovouaj

h-jU iTiTP'.Traiv.

ix. [p. 8, 9. I Origen in Joh. torn. i. p. Huet, in which, however, the last sentence of

quotation

is

imperfect.

H.

J. R.]

woman, the well of Jacob is the symbol of the Holy Scripture, and the living water which Jesus gives, is the symbol of


352
that,

; 1 ' '

LOGOS REVEALED IN DIFFERENT FORMS,

Scripture. " Scrip-

all truth and goodness, from those, which he has taken upon him for the advantage and after we have sufficiently understood of the fallen natures, which are to be rethat, we must raise ourselves up to Jesus deemed by him, in relation to the different in order that he may bestow upon us the conditions in which those natures are fountain of water that bubbleth up into found. " Happy are they," says Origen,* " who have made such progress, that they eternal life."* In his mind this theory of two different need the Son of God no longer as their stages of Christianity was closely con- physician that heals their sick, nor as the nected with the theory of different forms shepherd, nor as their redemption, but of the Revelation of Christ, or of the require him only as truth, as the Logos, Divine Logos, in relation to these two as righteousness, and whatsoever he is different conditions. The Gnostics, in- besides to those, who from their own deed, according to the different condi- perfection are able to conceive him in lions of the spiritual world, by reason of the utmost splendour." Christianity in its the difference in the natures of men, were historical and practical form, the preachaccustomed to dividef the revealing and ing of Christ crucified, was reckoned by the redeeming power of God among dif- Origen only a subordinate condition, above ferent hypostases; they acknowledged a which he placed the wisdom of the perMonogenes, a Logos, a Soter, an uvu and fect, which acknowledged Christ no longer a Kocru Xfio-To;, a spiritual and a natural J in the condition of a servant, but in his Christ but, on the contrary, Oiigen the dignity as the Divine Logos, although he unity of the being of Christ and of his recognised the former condition as a neDivine-human appearance; the one Christ cessary preparatory stage, in order to is every thing to him, he only appears ascend ft-om the temporal to the eternal under different predicates, in different Revelation of God, in order that a man modes of conception, and in different re- being purified through faith in the crucilations to those, to whom he reveals him- fied Redeemer, and sanctified by the folself, according to their different capacities, lowing after the Son of God who appeared their different requirements; and hence he in human form, should be rendered caappears either in his heavenly dignity, or pable of receiving the spiritual communihis human state of abasement. The cations of his Divine Being. "If thou thought often occurs in Origen, " that the canst understand," says Origen,| " the

which transcends
then," he says,

ture

is

'

the introduction,

'

'

Redeemer became all things to all men in differences in the Divine Avord, according a more Divine sense than St. Paul, in order as it is announced in the foolishness of " The Redeemer," he preaching, or brought forward in wisdom to win all men." says, " becomes much, or rather perhaps, to the perfect, then you will see in what every thing, according as the Avhole crea- manner the Divine word has the form of tion, which is to be released by him, a servant to novices in Christianity .... happens to require him."|| We must but it comes in the glory of the Father to separate those predicates, which belong the perfect, who are able to say, we have
'

seen his glory, the glory as of the only as the eternal Revealer of God for the begotten Son of the Father, full of grace whole spiritual world, and the source of and truth ;' for to the perfect the glory of the Word appears, as well as his being the only begotten Son of the Father, and * Tom. 13. Joh. p. 5 & 6. [Ed. Huet. vol. ii. his being full of grace and truth also, p. 201, 2. H. J. R.] which they are unable to comprehend, \ See Part II. who require the foolishness of preaching I [Pneumati.schen and psyckischen are the German terms, which are here opposed as in St. to induce them to lielieve." In another Paul the pneiimatical meaning spiritual as be- passage,! he says, '^ To those, who live longing to the soul, and psi/chical meaning natuin the flesh, he becomes flesh; but to ral as required only to the animal soul or life of those who walk no longer after the flesh, man. The difference between the Gnostic view and he appears as the Divine Logos, who was that of Origen, may be shortly stated in one sen- in the beginning with the Father, and he tence. They believed in an ohjcclLvc difference in reveals the Father to thorn." He says of Christ's nature, and he only in a subjective. that preparatory stage of belief, " If any H. J. R.]
to the Divine word, in virtue of his nature,
:

II

Tom. Tom.

20.
1.

of

itfla^/^a,

we must

Joh. 28. Joh. 22. Where, I think, instead read xaQ' a xsi^^u o-I'tm
>i

Joh.

i.

22.

f In Matt. p. 290. Ed. Huet. t Commentar. in Matt. p. 268.

In Joh.
i.

0.11.

[1]

AGAINST DESPISING THE SIMPLE.

one also belongs
rinthians,
to the class of the

353
'*

Co- he says
j

beautifully,
this, in

We

must be well

among whom Paul will know nothing except the crucilied Jesus, and whom he teaches to acknowledge only him who became man for our sakes, yet he may by means of the man Jesus become a man of God, by the consequences of his death may die to sin, and by consequences of his resurrection may rise up to a Divine life." So that Origen reverenced even that subordinate condition, and he desired that the Gnostics would let themselves down* to the weakness of those Avho v.ere placed in it, and avoid giving them oflence and occasions of bitterness. " Just as Paul," he says, " could not be of service to those who were Jews according to the flesh, if he had not, when he had good reasons for his conduct, caused Tinioihy to be circumcised, shorn his own hair, offered sacrifices, and became a Jew to Jews, in order to gain the Jews so also he, who is inclined to be useful to many, cannot improve those who are still in the school of sensuous Chris;

[aware of

order that

lout of a presumption of
j

we may not, wisdom and ad-

vancement, as great ones in the Church, despise the little ones, and children, but
inasmucii as

we know

tliat it is

said,

'

Of

such
to

is the kingdom of Heaven,' we ought become such men, that through us the

salvation of children
I

may

be promoted.

must not only not hinder such from being brought to Christ, but we must do his will by becoming children with children, so that
children,

We

when

those children arrive at

salvation, through us,

who have become we may be exalted by God, as men who have abased themselves." Ori-

here blames those, who, like the Gnostics, despised ordinary preachers and teachers, who were destitute of spiritual culture of the higher order, and wiio j)re-

gen

sented the simple Gospel in an unattractive [form, just as if such persons did something unworthy of so great a Saviour and " Even if we were arrived at master.*
j j '

the very highest

and clearest perception

by spiritual Christianity alone, [anschauung] of the Logos and of truth," nor lead them thus to a higher and better says Origen,t " yet still we must not state, and he must, therefore, unite spi- wholly forget the passion of Christ, for
tianity,
i

and sensuous Christianity together.| it is to that we owe our introduction into And where it is necessary to preach the this higher life during our abode on sensuous Gospel, in virtue of which among earth." With this twofold condition, namely, carnal men he can know nothing,^ but Christ crucilied, lie must also do this. that of spiritual, and that of sensuous But when they are grounded in the faith Christianity, the theory of a twofold conand continue to bring forth fruit in the dition of Scriptural interpretation and the Spirit, then must we bring forward to theory of different senses of Holy Writ them the word, which, having appeared were closely connected, for spiiitual among men, has raised itself again to Christianity brought with it a penetration that, which it was with God in the be- into the spirit of Scripture, and an underritual
;

ginning."
10,11 after

Thus

too, in his allegorical

standing of
just as,

tlie

eternal, spiritual Gospel,

interpretation and application of Matt. xiv.

he has deduced from the pas-

sage, that a

man must become

a child to

children, in order to gain children to the

kingdom of Heaven, just as Christ, though he was in a Divine form, became a child,
*

Thus

also

Clement on
vii. p.

Gnostic. Stromal,

the oIkcvojui* of the 730. [Potter, p. 863,864.

on the contrary, sensuous Christianity abided by the letter of Scripture The highest problem of Scripture alone. interpretation was in his estimation the changing of the sensuous Gospel into the spiritual,t just as the highest aim of Christianity was to elevate itself from the earthly appearance of the incarnate Logos to communion with him and to the conhe saw also
a letting

Sylb. p. 310. Klotz, vol. iii. p. 246, 247.] Comp. the notions of Philo given above, vol. i. p. 73, &c.
[It is difficult to

Thus templation of his Divine nature. in the whole body of Scripture

venly Spirit to the human form, which was incapable of containing it ; a letting ten to show that the knowledge of Christ crucified, whereby we are led to righteousness and to heaven, down of the Divine Teacher of man to
i

imagine a text more tortured

It

down

of the overwhelming liea-

in

its

application than this passage.

was

writ-

other knowledge, which St. Paul comparison of it it is applied to degrade that doctrine of Christ crucified, in comparison of other doctrines and revelations of the

transcends
casts

all

away

in

j8xTTa> oiv T/c

rnnc ran

tTraty^'OJ^i/uftiiiv

KtTtt-

same

Christianity.

H.
374,

fjtcepit

Tcu
TO

K'^7/ui:u K:tJ Tat

ii.

't^:uJtyauo3i

J. R.J

f Tom.
i
'

Tom.

i.

in Joh. p. 9.
1.

/unoLKaiSur

Joh. p. 4. [1] TO tti<rflTS

fwatJJIWci'

lie

In Matt.

c.

37.'j.

TnejuiniK'.i.

45

g2

351

HOW

GOD REVEALS AND HIDES HIMSELF.

have the treasure in earthen vessels." And in another passage he says :* " He who once admits that these Scriptures are
the

the weakness and the wants of men, and all Scripture was in like manner a revelation

of the

incarnation
is

of
is

the

Logos.

Thus he

says,* "

AH which
flesh

here called

work of

the Creator of the

world,

Word

of God,

a revelation of the Divine

j

must be persuaded,
|

that whatsoever phe-

and emptied nomena in regard to the creation present heavenly natnre, themselves to those who attempt to give and hence we see the Word of God on an account of it, the same will also occur earth when he became man, as a human to him who inquires about the Scriptures.

Word, which became

itself in relation

to

its

constantly becomes There are now, for instance, in Scripture flesh in Scripture, in order to dwell among many things which human nature maylis."!" But when we have lien on tlie find diflicult, or be unable to explain, but breast of the Word that became man, and we are not on that account, to accuse the

Word,

for the

Word

are enabled to follow

him

as he climbs

up Creator of
wlien

the high
'

hill,

(Matt, xvii.) then

we may

say,

we

the Universe ; as for example, are unable to explain the cause

we have seen his glory,' "j He sets out from the principle of an analogy between the Holy Scripture as a work of God, and the whole creation which proceeds from
the

same God ; a principle, which carried out in his lively and spiritual manner, dom of God, to reserve to God the knowwould at once become fruitful for the ledge of such tilings, and he will afterright consideration of the twofold revela- wards, when we are considered worthy Thus he says, and the say- of it, reveal to us that, about which we tion of God. How full ing shows at once how thoroughly im- have doubted in reverence." bued he was with the notion that the he was of the belief in a Divine Spirit Holy Scripture is the Word of God: which breathed throughout the whole of
"

why basilisks and other poisonous animals were created; for here it is the duty of a pious mind, taking into consideration the weakness of man, and hovv it is impossible fully to understand the creating wis-

We need not think it strange, if in every passage of Holy Writ the superhuman nature of the thought does not strike the unlearned, for in the works of Providence, which extend over tlie whole universe, some of them show manifestly, that they are the works of Providence, while others as so concealed, as to give occasion to incredulity in respect to God who governs
all

Scripture, and

how thoroughly persuaded he was tliat this could be received only with an humble and a believing heart, is beautifully expressed in the foUoAving words of Origen :t " We must believe that no title of Holy Scripture is deficient in the wisdom of God, for He, who proThou shall not appear claimed to man,
'

empty before me,'

(Exod. xxxiv.,) will

things with

power

inexpressible skill and But just as we do

||

not dispute the doctrine of a Providence, on account of those things of which we are ignorant, when once we are justly persuaded of his existence, so we cannot doubt of the Divine authority of the Holy Scriptures, which extends to every portion of them, because our weakness is unable in every case to come up to tiie hidden glory of their doctrines, which is clothed in inadequate language, for we
* See Philocal.
j-

himself far less utter any empty word ; for the prophets take what they say, out therefore, all parts are aniof his fulness
;

mated
there
is

{lit.

breathe) by this fulness, and nothing in the Prophets, the Law.

or the Gospel, or the Apostolic Epistles, which does not proceed from this fulness. The breath, therefore, of this fulness (3-Xfw^a, Pleroma,) descends on those who have eyes, to see the revelations of the Divine fulness, ears to hear it, and a sense
to catch the sweet smelling savour, which But if, i proceeds from this fulness. reading Scripture, you meet with a thought

c.

15.

ter of the

Similarly also Clement says, that the characHoly Scripture is a parabolical one, as also the whole appearance of ("hrist is a paraboviz. the Divine in an earthly garb, lical one

ixBivi

Stromat.

The

learns to understand

vi. 677. ennobling of Scripture for him, who its spirit by a living commu-

which, so to speak, is a stone of stumband a rock of oflence, blame yourself, for be assured, that this stone of stumbling contains thoughts, by which that saying shall come to pass, ' He that beUeveth shall not be put to shame, (Rom.
ling

nion with Christ.

Philocal.

c.

ii.

p. 61.

[p.

23. Ed.

Spencer.

Philocal. c.
J. K.]

i.

p.

10.

[p.

5.

Ed. Spencer,

II. J.

R.]
p. 51.

1/558. n.

Ii. c. c. i.

[p. 19, 20.

Ed. Spencer.

II. J.

K.]

THREEFOLD SENSE OF SCRIPTURE.

X. 11.)

355

and you shall then its essential object. All narratives cmfind much holy assistance and support bracing only earthly occurrences, all legisunder that which appeared to you an lation bearnig only on earthly rclatiorjs, ofience." he explained as being only the symbolical But however just this principle of guise of a higher history of the world of Origen might be, yet in the application Spirits; and of higher laws which related of it he was led astray by means of the also to that world. Thus the higher and false position, from which he viewed the the subordinate object of Scripture would spirit and the object of Holy Scripture, be united together, and the revelation of and of all Divine revelation through tiie the higher class of truth would be hidden Word and this false position was inti- in a literal form, adapted to the improvemately connected with his false concep- ment of the general mass of mankind. tion of the relation between faith and "The mulliiiule of genuine and simple Gnosis (wiiTTij and yvws-i?.) both believers," says Origen, " bears testimony In respects he was led astray by the specu- to the usefulness, even of this inferior lative point of view, Avhich was too pre- understanding of the Scriptures." Bevalent, inasmuch as he did not sufficiently tween these two kind of senses included distinguish the nature of a Christian sys- in Scipture, Origen imagined an intertem of faith, and a Christian pliilosophy mediate kind, an allegorical sense adapted from each other, and he did not keep for those who had not yet arrived at that
Believe
first,
;

sufficiently before his sight the essentially

practical object of all Divine revelations,

though was not of that elevated generation, sanctification, and the bless- and profound class;* and he adduces ings resulting from them but the prac- as examples of this, the explanation of tical object of man's improvement was, 1 Cor. ix. 9; and most of the allegorical
that affects all

and especially of Christianity. He did not refer every thing to the one object, which

higher state of spiritual perception this was a general, moral, and instructive application of those passages of Scripture,
;

mankind

redemption,
;

relate

to individual cases,

re-

this application

in his estimation, only a subordinate one,

which was chiefly of use to the great mass of believers, who were incapable of receiving any thing of higher character. In his estimation, the hiirhest object was the specidative, the communicating the most elevated truths to spiritual men who were capable of understanding them, i.e. to the Gnostics. These hitrher truths
have reference chiefly to the following points:* About God about the nature of his only begotten Son, and the mode about in which he is the Son of God
*'

of Scripture then comused, even in the instruction of the Thus, the triple sense of Scrippeople. ture corresponded to the three parts of
interpretations

monly

man's nature, which the theory of Origoti acknowledged; that which is really Divine in man, the Spirit, which is directed
towards the Eternal, and finds its proper in the perception ami contemplation of Divine things ; the Soul, whose sphere of action is the temporal and the finite; While Philo agreed with and the Bodi/.
life

Origen
also

in

the essential and fundamental

the cause which impelled

him

to

come

features of his view,

he (Origen) sought

down and take upon him the nature of man about the ctTects of this incarna-

tive truth of the literal and historical conthe higher tents of the Scriptures,! which are given beings who have as the dress in which the spiritual revekinds of reasonable And yet, he fallen from a state of happiness, and the lations are communicated. about the difference formed passages where the letter could causes of their fall of souls, and whence this difference not, in his opinion, be defended; because

on the whole

to preserve the objec-

tion,

whom

it

affects

about

arises
it

what the world is, and wherefore he was destitute of right hermeneutic was created why there is so much principles, and of other necessary helps evil in the earth, and whether evil is and aids; or because he did not know

found only there, or elsewhere also." hovv to separate the divine from the huor else, As Origen made it the chief object to find man in the Holy Scriptures explanations and answers to these in* [As in tlie hisihor chss of interpretation, many parts of Scripture, if he quiries H. J. R.] iiniiGjiiiod. abided by their natural interpretation, which he Til"/ y^i-pay, to iyiufxt ray ttwI T3 a-iefXJiTix..Y would naturally appear to him to be unfji-j-Tiitaiv. fruitful towards that which he considered + As, for exariiiile, wlicre he found it impf)s<!ihle
;;{:

to maintain the literal truth of the history of Ilri.ih,

Philocal.

i.

28. [p. II, Ed.

Spencer. H.J. R.]

'

because in David he saw only the

man

inspired

m^.

ms

PIETY EVEN IN HIS ERRORS.

tained, and that the letter was to be abandoned only after careful examination. But where were there any certain limits ? And yet, we cannot but acknowledge,

because (which is connected with the remark we have just made,) proceeding from an exaggerated notion of inspiration, he could not entertain the supposition of any contradiction in Scripture, even in unimportant things and then, lie thought the only way to clear up the difficulties
;

was by a
his
in

spiritual interpretation.*

And,

like Philo, he united the supposition with

reverence

for

the

Holy

Scripture

such a manner, as to induce him to

Origen the caprice so prejudical to which might proceed from those principles, was softened down by the intimately pious and believing feeling, which animated him, and the thorough sense of the historical truth of Christianity with which he was imthat in

objective Christianity,

remark, how truth and error here were mythical guise in which the higher wisdom mingled together in a manner, wiiich must is clothed were strewed purposely about be explained by taking into consideration as a stone of stumbling,| in order to ex- the peculiarities of his own character, and cite deeper inquiry. his relation to his own times, which were These principles Origen applied not then agitated by a variety of contradictory only to the Old Testament, but expressly opinions. He saw how carnally-minded to the New and expressly to the Gospel Jews, cleaving to the letter of the Old history .J Thus he imagined that he was Testament, were unable to attain to a able to clear up many difficulties, by sup- faith in the Gospel how carnally-minded

say, that tliese things, the literal acceptation of which cannot be maintained this

pressed.

And we must

also take care to

too were under the outward form of various mat- led to rude conceptions [lit. representaters of fact, what they had to say of a tions) of God and divine things. He saw difference in the operations of the Divine how anti-Jewish Gnostics, in conseThis principle of interpretation, quence of this very mode of conception Logos. it must be avowed, gave an opportunity of the Old Testament, fell, into the other for the exercise of every kind of sub- error so that they would not recognise jective caprice, and was liable to make this God, who appeared thus carnally rehistorical Christianity entirely a thing of presented (i. e. in the Old Testament,) as naught; as everyone could thus place the God of the Gospel which circumwhatever did not suit his subjective ideas stance was an mtroduction for their whole and feelings, in the class of those things system of Dualism. Now Origen believed which were not to be taken literally. that he should be able, by means of this Origen felt with much force, what danger spiritualizing mode of interpretation, to might arise from this to objective Chris- tear up all these contradictory errors by tianity and he, therefore, always de- the very roots.* He had not in this the clared, that for the most part the spirit smallest intention of degrading that which and the letter were both alike to be main- is Divine in Scripture into something human but he was more inclined to by the Spirit of Go<], and not a frail and sinful go too far on the other side, by not recognising in that which was Divine, that man. * dtvsLyaiyit ii; ro voutov. which was properly and peculiarly htman in the mode in which it was brought fori See the passage of the Philocalia quoted ward because, in accordance with the above; and also c. xv, p. 139. general notions of that time, he deduced TTfcimino ttlirou;, ottov fAiV T. X. Joh. p. 4. throughout Scripture both form and matin^Ct'e^ll i?i!lSlUilV TrviU/tA'JiTllCCi!; afAO. KXt <TU>/UArlna);, ter from the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. rev a-ctuu-Tix^u, irai^o/uivcu ttoKKx^ii; tou c'a;i9:i/? ttvsj- The Divine Spirit such was the belief had so completely acted in of Origen Of different communications of the iTrihjuitA reference to the higher wisdom, that in VJXTJ) T6y Xplo'rcu. [N. 13. In a passage requiring some delicacy many passages the spirit was given withCiiristians

posing,

that

the

apostles

represented

by

that disposition

II

II

ward

of touch in translating, I have used the word outfor si7inMch, as I thought it gave the nearest

out the letter. It must, however, be confessed, that the

idea to the

EngHsh

reader.

The

imSii^ui^

ctla-(l>n>i,

(f the Logos with us which could be * After mentioning all these errors, he says, perceived by the smses, was only the type of the iTriJu/jtix vcxTX, the sojourn of the Logos or of Philocalia, c; i. p. 1 7, aWt^ Si tt-jlo-i toic Tr^ode^iifxtyoK; Christ in the spirit of man. This was ex- ^iuScjSo^kdv xAi da-tfiiUifV IJiceTUtev tti^i Ko-yaiv ovk. plained above, p. 350, a reference to which will be of service in considering this passage. H. J. R.]
or the abode

Gm

DOCTRINES ABOUT GOD.

357

Alexandrian turn of mind, if carried to the arises, and from this again there results a extreme, without any counter action, and new state of thought about Divine tilings, without the spirit of piety which imbued which reflects the new world formed an Orio'en and a Clement, might lead to within. The characteristic by which the an Idealism, entirely subversive of all that Christiannatureof any thing is determined, connection with this, its is historical and objective in Christianity; depends on and then, as the struggles which the Ori- which forms the essential and fnndament;il genian school had to undergo at the end ground of Christianity, according to the of this period indicate, we must look es- manner in which dogmatic systems and pecially to the realistic tendency, which individual opinions are in relation to this proceeded from the Western Church, for one doctrine, so will be their relation to a counterbalancing power to meet that Christianity in general, and in the same idealism just as the Origenian school manner we must estimate the importance
;

was calculated

to be efficacious in spiritis

ualizing that Church. Such

picture of the relation

the general

efforts

which existed between the most remarkable and differing conceived

or nonimportance of errors as far as their on Christian practice are concerned. If from the beginning men had clearly
this relation

dispositions of

mind

picture,

which
the

trines to the centrepoint

of insulated docof Christianity,

and maintained a full consciousness of it, we shall be sure to different modes of treating the chief points it would have been more easy for them
find again in

of Christian doctrine singly, just as this consideration will give us a proof, that, even in the fundamental truths of Christianity, these two dispositions, notwithstanding their opposite nature, must touch

to
in

come
that

to an understanding as to unity

which forms the essential nature of Christianity, and this unity would not have been so easily destroyed by differences in speculative conceptions, to which

each other and join together.

II.

The Developemcnt nf

the g^rcat

they attached in early times too much weight, exactly because they were un(hdrines acquainted with the true measure for estimating in

cf Christiaaitij considered separately.

what

Christianity* consists.

consciousness of the God, in whom and move and have our being, rethings, nor a ready made dogmatic sys- ceived a new impulse from Christianity \ tem in a settled form, but announced the the believer who lived in God became facts of a communication made by God to filled with a new feeling of the undeniaman, through which man became placed bleness of God, and even in Nature, he, in a new relation to his Creator, by the on whom inward communion with God recognition and application! of which an had been bestowed through Christ, felt entirely new direction and formation of the Omnipresence of a God, who filleth the religious feelings might be produced, all things, with more liveliness and greater While those Fathers, who in early through which all that was before con- force. tained in it would receive an alteration life had been devoted to the Platonic PhiThe fact of the re- losophy, and had received through its and modification. demption of sinful man by Christ, forms influence the shape of their mind and
Christianity did not deliver to

We

must always bear

ideas* of

in

mind, that

Even
live

the

common God-consciousness,

speculative

man isolated the God and Divine we

the central point of Christianity, and from the influence which the application of this fact to the heart must produce on the inward life of man, this new form or

the form of their knowledge, developed under this form their Christian God-consciousness, Tertullian, on the contrary,

condition

of

the

religious

conscience

expressed in the original but uncultivated form of his powerfid and rugged peculiarity, that Avilh which the animation of

[Erkenntuisse.

Like other words belonging

of

to the metaphysical vocalmlary

'

Germany,

this

word is almost untranslatable. Cognitions' would It expresses be the nearest if we had the word. rather the ackmivledqment of an idea to our own
consciousness than the ideas themselves. The representations of the mind (vorstellungen) are iU ideas, our erkeiintnisse are our knowledge of these See the Conversations Lexicon on the ideas. word. See Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1832, p. 173.

an inward deep Christian God-consciousuesst inspired him. On the whole, al

[Literally, 'for the estimation of all which is fiir any doctrine is es-

Christian,' meaning, how sentially Christian or not.

As I am scrupulous about paraphrasing. I wish my readers to know of the idioms which I cannot exactly the force
render literally. H. J. R.] + [Gottesbowusstseyn. Go<l-consciousne33. I have used this new word merely to express the German term, which conveys the idea of "an

H.

J. R.]

f [Aneignung.

application to the heart.

UtenWy, apprnpnatton ; H. J. R.]

i.e.

358

CLEMENT.

THEOPHILUS.
will, to

though the fathers had not to contend with Atheists, yet their controversial treatises against superstUious men and idolaters often took such a turn, as might have been directed against atheists also. Instead of endeavouring to prove the existence of God by logical inference,* they appealed to that which is most immediate in the human spirit, and is antecedant to
they appealed to the originallyimplanted consciousness [of God] which human nature cannot deny they appealed to an original revelation of the one God, made to the human spirit, on wliich every other revelation of God is Clement appealed to the fact, founded. that every scientific proof presupposes something which is not proved, which can be conceived only through an immediate agency on the spirit of man. He says,t " To the Supreme, the simple Being, and the Being elevated above all matter, faith alone can raise itself." Therefore, he says, there can be any knowledge or perception of God, only in as far as he himself has revealed himself to man. God cannot be conceived by means of demonstrative knowledge, for this proceeds only from things previously acknowledged, and more known
all proof,
:

acknowledge the one Eternal God. As Origen reckoned the idea of the one
according to the language of philoso-

God
phy,
all

among

the

xoitai

iSicci

(the

ideas

common

to the conscience

(or mind)

of

human

nature,) so he considers the

consciousness of God in man's nature as a mark of his affinity to God.* Theophilus, of Antioch, recognises a revelation of God in the whole of creation ; but at the same time he lays down the position, that a capability and aptitude of the moral and religious nature of man is requisite for the perception of this revelation. Where this
nature
tion
is

is

unintelligible for

dulled and dimmed, that revelaman. To the

common inquiry
"

of the sensuous heathen,

Where

then

is

your God

show him

to

us;" his answer was, "<S/toM' 7ne thy man, and I will show thee my God ; show me that the eyes of thy soul see, that the ears of thy heart hear; all have eyes to see Just the sun, but the blind cannot see it.
the tarnished mirror will not receive an image, so the unclean soul cannot receive the image of God. But God has created all things in order that he may be known by his works, just as the invisible
as

soul
life

is

known by

its

operation.

All

reveals him, his breath animates all

;

[to

other things which are less

known]

but nothing can be prior to the Eternal, and hence it results, that it is only by Divine grace, and by the revelation of his eternal word, that we can recognise the unknown; and then he introduces the words which Paul spoke at Athens, with reference to the knowledge of the unknown God.J And in another passage also,^ he says, "The first Cause is above space, and time, and name, and conception. Therefore, Moses says to God, ' Reveal thyself to me,' (Exod.

things without him all would again sink back into nothingness man cannot speak without revealing him, but in the dark;

ening of his own soul lies the cause of his being unable to perceive this revelation.

He

says, therefore, to man,

'

give

thyself to the physicisn

to

who

is

able to

heal the eyes of thy soul; Give thyself

God .'"t
While Clement, the
friend of philoso-

phy, sought the revelation of that seed of

a nature akin to the Divine, in the philosophical development of that original bexxxiii. 18,) most clearly pointing out, lief-in-God,^[Z</pra////,God-consciousness] that no man can either teach or express Tertullian, on the contrary, the friend of what God is, but he can make himself nature, the enemy of art, and of the wisknown only by liis own power." He dom of the schools, in which he saw not
all men an outpouring the developing handmaid, but the falsifier from God, a Divine seed,|| through whicli of that original religious belief that is lliey are impelled, even against their own founded in our very nature, appealed to

recognises also in

the involuntary testimony of the soul, not

inward recognition of God's existence, and a sense of his presence and operations," a mnschusness of his existence and agency. H. J. K.] * [/. e. The a posteriori argument, or the argument of design. H. J. K.]

as
its

it

is

Avhcn trained in schools, but in

condition.
c.

siinple, rude, uncultivated

He

says, (Apologet.
i.

xvii,)

''Although

* c. Cels. lib.

c. 4.

435.1 Potter, 696. Sylb. p. 251. t V. Klotz, iii. p. 60. II. J. R.] V. 5&2. [Ed. Totter, p. 689. Sylb. p. 248.

ii.

364. [yylh. [Ed. 588.

1.57. Pott.

f Theoph. ad Autoylc. lib. i. c. 2. [The sub' stance of this passage is found in ch. iii. 11. (Ed. Wolf.) imt the exact words are not taken from Theophilus. H. J. R.j

Klotz,
II

iii.

p. 52.]

iljrcggcw buKM.

Protrept. p. 45.

De Teslimomo Animie.

TERTULLIANISM.
lip in

TESTIMONY OF THE SOUL.

369

shut the prison house of the body, pleased to appeal to the clear testimony although cramped by bad education, al- which was near at hand and accessible to thongli enervated by bists and desires, all, and whose genuineness none could altlioiigh serving false gods, yet the soul. dispute, to those outbursts of the soul, when it awakes, as it were, from a de- (eruptiones animse,) the still and silent bauch or a sleep, or some disease, and at- pledge of an innate persuasion and belief* tains to its healthy condition, the soul [literally, conscience or consciousness.] calls on God as God, and with this name Marcion, was the only one, who through only, because it belongs to the true God; a truth (see above) which he misunder' and what God stood and conceived in a one-sided view, Great God Good God
!

hath given,' this is the outcry of all men.* and through a turn of Christian feelings, They appeal to him also as Judge, when actually proceeding from a foundation of they say, ' God sees,' ' I commend it to truth, but only not sulhciently clear to O himself, and carried to the extreme, sufGod,' and ' God will repay it to me.' the vvlness of the sou] which is by its na- fered himself to be seduced into mistaking this or overlooking that witness of the God ture Christian In fact when it makes
\

of the Gospel in the creation and in the it looks not to the Capitol, but up Heaven, for it knows the seat of the common conscience of mankind. (See living God from him and from thence it above.) Therefore, TertuUian makes this came itself!" While others sought for witness tell against him more forcibly,t testimonies to the truth which Chris- "God never will be hidden, God never lianiiy presupposes to exist in the reli- will fail to the human race, he will algious conscience of man, among the trea- ways be recognised, he will always be sures of ancient literature, and even in understood to exist, [he will always be forged writings,! Tertullian was more heard,] yea, he will even be seen, if he God hath for a witness of himwills it. [The reading of this passage varies considerself, all that we are, and all in which we ably in the difTerent editions of Tertullian. I sub- are. Thus he proves himself to be God, join two that of Cambridge, 1686, which runs and to be the one God, even by his being " Deum nominat hoc solo quia proprie thus: known to all, while another must first he Et quod verns hie unus Deus, bonus et magnus. consciousness of Deus dederit, omnium vox est" and that of Ha- proved to exist.t The
appeal
to
;

" Deum nominal, hoc solo novercamp. 1718. mine, quia proprius Dei veri. DECS MAGNUS,

God's existence

is

the

original

ment of the
tical

soul, a gift the

endowsame and iden-

DEIS BONUS,
omnium vox

et

quod

DEUS DEDEKIT,

in

est." Neander follows the reading I must ask my readers of Havercan)j)'s edition. to compare the treatise Ad versus Marcion. I. 10,

for souls

Egypt, in Syria, and in Pontus, proclaim the God of the Jews

to be their

God."

While, however, we find this inward where nearly the same phrases occur, only "si Deus dederit" and (jiwd Deo placet, are two of and deep conviction of the universal acThe " si knowledgment of God by man's conthe colloquial phrases quoted there. Deus dederit" would rather indicate, If God hath science among all the Fathers, we must so disposed matters, &c., but the appeal to Deity not expect to find a spiritual mode of H. J. K. js the same in each phrase. ^ .u ; r r^ thought about the nature of God corres. t As especially in those under the name of' tor the lorHirmcs (Tri.micgisfus) of the Eiryptian Thoth, poiidmg to it in all ol them

of Hysfthipcs (the Persian Gushtaph) and of the Such writings originally sprung, partly heathen Platonists, and jiarlly from Alexandrian Jews, and were only interpolated with new
Sibyls.
fr.ini

mcr proceeded from

j

the

most profound

depths of the inward life, on which the Jeaven of Christianity which was thrown .^^^^ ^j^^ 1^^,^^^ ^j. n,akind, produced its According additions with a view to Christianity. ,, . j iu-i influence at first and immediately, while, to the principle promulgated among piatonists and Theosophistsofcvery class, that the delusion of; on the contrary, it was only gradually,
1
i

the multitude
]<\e

is

allowable for pious purposes, pooI

and in proceeding from

fictions.

thought themselves authorised to promote such But we should be doing an injustice, if \ve attributed this principle to the Fathers gencrally. As most of them, with the ex(ei)tion of the Alexandrians and particularly of Ouhjek,

this

[i. e.

this first

covered marks of spuriousness in the Pscudosibylline books, or rather, because on doctrinal grounds they would not allow of the existence of any Prophetesses among the heathen. See Origcn.
*
c.

were entirely destitute of critical attainments, (hey might easily be deceived, especially where they were willing to be so. Besides, at the time in which the false Sibylline books first became cur
rent

Cels.

lib. v.

5;

61.
c. 5.

De
1

Test, Anima;,

f
t
I

Marcion, lib. i.e. 10. comp. 18, 19. [Sic probaturct Deus et unus, dum non ignoc.
;

among
to those,

the

Christians, there

was
to

'

a party

ratur

alio

adhuc

])robari

laborante.

This sen-

which did not approve of appealing

gave

them, and

Sibyllists

them, the party name perhaps, because their critical taste dis-

who favoured

tencc and the next are transposed in Neander's of translation, at least if he follows Rigault's Edition.
j

H.

J. R.]

360

REALISTIC

AND

IDEALISTIC

VIEWS OF GOD's NATURE.

and immediate action on the interior life] senses, to that which would seem to them The as a centre point and origin, that the en- a cold and negative abstraction.
lightening inllnence of Christianity conld religious Realism, as yet not sufficiently extend itself over the individual ramifica- enlightened, which opposed itself to an

conception of tlie idea of God would then appear to such a disposition under to God in spirit and in truth, was in fact a somewhat suspicious point of view. needed, in order to understand the mean- And these, indeed, are the very circuming of this saying. Those men, the form stances, which we meet with in Tertnland fashion of whose religious sentiments lian, who makes corporeality and existhad been derived either from a sensuous ence convertible terms."]" Judaism, or a heathenism occupied in the Now two different causes would opecontemplation of Nature, could not at rate towards introducing a spirituality once justly interpret and develope the into the idea of God. These were, on idea contained in this saying, although the one hand, a sober and chastened their heart well understood what it is, to practical direction of the religious spirit, pray to God in spirit and in truth. Ac- proceeding immediately out of Chriscording to their former habits of mind, tianity, and seeking to raise itself up to they would understand by vnvi^ai. nothing God through the heart, rather than but a mere refined body of an ethereal through speculation and the power of the this was a Spirit which acnature, as contrasted with a body com- imagination posed of gross earthly materials,! and knowledged from the depths of the relithey became, therefore, the rather con- gious conscience the truth, that the image firmed in their error by that saying. The of Divine things is only an image, and a more lively their religious feeling, espe- faint expression of that which is becially when joined to lively and fiery stowed upon the believing soul in its inpowers of imagination, the more they ward life, and, on the other side, a style were imbued with the conviction that of thought, which worked up the conGod is the most real of Beings ; and the tents of the Christian doctrines after a more deeply they were impressed by the learned and scientific manner; such a turn feeling of the omnipresence of God, the of thought, in fact, as we find in Clement more likely, on that very account, was and Origen, and generally in the Alexandrian school. The former turn of mind it to happen, that their conceptions of God would lake a sensuous shape, and is found in an Irenaeus and a Novatian. the more difficult would it be to them to Irenasus says,;}; " All which we predicate
;

of the spiritual nature of man."* saying of our Lord, " God is a Spirit," appears, indeed, to a reason, formed under the guidance of Christianity, at once to suggest the notion of a pure Spirit, but a mode of thought, already spiritualized through the practical influence of Christianity, or by the praying
tions

Idealism, inclined in religion too

to refine
tiability,

much

The

away

all

things into insubstanto

and reduce them

shadowy

would be inclined in the of angry contrast too far to sensualize every thing, and the more spiritual
nonentities,*
spirit

of God, we speak as if in a kind of similitude [or comparison ;] they are only [This is the same view which is often enimages which love makes for itself, and forced throughout these volumes, viz. that Chrisour sentiments and feelings throw into tianity first acted on the inward life of man, purisomething more than acfying his affections and dispositions, &c., and these images then served to clear his intellectual conceptions of tually lies in them ;" and NovatianJ says Divine things. The first was an immediate [Einem in der Religion allez zu sehr verdiinthe second, an effect proeffect of Christianity [Lit. duced by means of the former. It is in this sense, nende und verfliichtigenden Idealismus. as opposed to secondare/, i. e. consequent on To an Idealism in Religion too much inclined to other actions, or produced by mediate ai^enc>/,thaLt thin away and volatilize (or evaporate) every the word immediate (unmittelbar,) is used in the thing. H. J. R.] Nihil incorporaie, text. Our metaphysical vocabulary, slender as it I De Came Christi, c. xi. nisi quod non est. is, has been so injured by the usage of its words in Dicitur quidem secundum L. ii. c. 13. 4. improper senses, that I feel it necessary sometimes i to draw attention to tlie language, which is used haec per dilectionem, sentitur supra ha)c secundum
lift

themselves up above

all

objects of the

in a sense different

common
closeness
-)-

conversation
is

required.

H.

from that which it bears in and writings where no

J.

magnitudincm. i See ch. _vi. and

viii.

R.]
c. vii.

See Tertullian, adv. Praxeam,

Spiritus
vii,

corpus sui generis. 9. Origen, in Joh.

Comp.
t.

Lactant. Institut.

xiii. c.

21.

of this sentence occurs p. 22. vi'ii." (juem mens omnis humana sentit, etiam si non cxprimit." The forseems to me most nearly expressed in ch. v. mer

[The

latter half

Ed. Welchman,

c.

j'

ANTHROPOMORPHISM AND ANTlIROPOPATHlSxM.

of the nature of God, " VVhat^ that is, that which he alone understands, that wliich every human soul feels, though it is unable to express its feelings.'''* The same writer says, '' that although Christ, because the spirit of man must constantly be making progress in religious development, made loss use of ant/iropomorphic images than the Old Testament, yet that lie could speak of the Being, who is
I

3G1

God

nature of Christ, and renewed that image of God in all mankind. Even here also all must arise and develope itself from the fundamental consciousness of a renewed communion bein the

human

tween God and man. In the acknowledgment of God as the Redeetner of human nature an opposition was at once
established to
in
all

false Anthroj)opaliiism
;

a moral point of view

for here tiie

above

all

human

representation and Ian-

holiness of
sition to all

guagc, only in images, which fell short of the thing itself.'" We must be careful to make a proper distinction between Jlnthropomorphism in the representations of God, and ^^intliropopathism* The latter consists in that inclination of man to represent to himself the Supreme Being after the analogy of his own spirit, and by it he is easily misled into attributing to God that which is founded upon the limits and imperfections of his own nature ; and even if that Anthropomorphism, of which we speak, was obliged to yield by degrees to the spirimalizing influence of Christianity, yet Christianity could not act upon Ani/iropopat/iism
in

revealed itself in opposin, as well as the eternal love

a being entangled in sin,
to free

God

of
|

God towards

whom
sin

a holy love desires

from

and to lead back to God. Tlie two opposite dispositions, which resolve themselves into the common con-

of religious Realism and Idealism, were here aLso opposeil to each other (as we remarked in tiie general introduction,) among the Jews and the Heathens; namely, an impure scnsuotis corporeal conception* of God among the ruder multitude, and a stripping off' all human attributcs^'f by which the idea of God was too subtilized and rendered untenable to the latter was found the human mind the same manner, be- among the Platonists, who placed only
trast
!

cause there

is

a foundation to

it

(iiamely^
\
i

an abstract idea of perfection in the stead

.inthrojJopatkis7n,)

which is inseparable of that of the living God. Between these from the nature of man, which can never two opposite extremes, the development step beyond its own peculiar condition, of the idea of God was to be conducted and can receive all which it does appro- by Christianity. One extreme constantly produced the priate to itself, only in the form allowed by
j

bottom of

The rude and carnal anlhropogreat truth is also at the other. Anthropopathism, inas- pathical ideas, which fleshly minded Jews much as the spirit of man is destined and uninformed Christians, by clinging to represent the image of the Supreme to the letter, made to themselves out of Spirit. Now, as far as Anthropopathism j)assages from the Old Testiiment, which they misunderstood, induced a Marcion is founded on the essential attributes of human nature, Christianity must engraft to form to himself out of the God of the itself upon it, but must at the same time Old Testament, exactly such a being as purify and ennoble it together with the those people had imagined their god to The carnal conceptions of the ideas rest of man's nature, because it revealed be. the perfect realization of the image of of Divine wrath and a Divine justice, which he found current, impelled him to " f<st enim simplex, et sine uUa corporea concre- take up an opposite principle, by which tionc, qui(}quid illiid est totus, quod se solus scit he entirely mistook ami obliterated the esse quundoquidem Spiri/us sit dictus." On fundamental and objective truth, which the passage afterwards which makes even/ Spirit really did belong to these notions, on acThe meaning a creature, see Welchman's note. count of the form in which they were e. that seems to 1)6 clearly 'every mere Spirit;' and after another mode of which nothing else could be predicated than presented to him that it is A Spirit, is a creature.' The whole of Anthropopathism, more in accordance passage to the end of ch. viii. ought to he read, with a tender heart, he formed to himself The first quo- the notion of a blessing and a redeeming to enter into the writer's meaning. tation is the same as occurs in Neander's next Love, entirely separate from the idea of
that condition.

this

'

i.

'

note, only with a different reading.

*

H.
sent

.1.

R.]

Quod mens omnis humana

I

it,

etsi

non

expriiiiit.

[Literally, a

humanizing of God.

H.

J.

R.]

use these two expressions in their proper senses, which are both etymologically and historically widely diirerent.

may

[Literally, a de-humanizing of God, if I coin such a word to represent the German

Enimenschlichung.

H.

J.

U.]

46

211


362
to the sinner.*

CONTRASTS.
consuming
As

TERTULLIAN, MARCION".
fire

that Holiness, wliich is a

may
is

collect

together,

which speaks of
tiling that
I

lor Tertiilliaii, vvliose

inferiority, or

weakness, or any

powerful Christian realism made him hold fast the fnndamental truth of a Christian .A.nthropopathism, although in the feelings of his heart, and in the conception of his spirit, he frequently had more than he was able neatly and clearly to express in his uncultivated and carnal modes of expression, he justly reproaches Marcion, who thus separated the attributes of God, with inconsistency in his belief about redemption and says to him,! " Does not the forgiveness of sin presuppose the existence of sin in the eyes of God, who forgives sin .'" and, on the contrary, he maintains, that the goodness of God cannot be separated from his righteousness; that principle, which sets every thing in order, and attributes to every one that which is his.J " The goodness of God has created tlie world, and his righteousness has duly arranged it." In opposition to Marcion, he shows the necessity of an Antliropopathism, which even Marcion himself, although unconsciously to himself, could not avoid; but he shows also how a just Anthropopathism must consist in this, that we should not let down the attributes of God to human sinfulness and imperfection but by a restoration of the image of God in human nature, ennoble that which is human till it becomes a mirror of the Divine. He says to Marcion, "Those are extremely foolish, who judge that which is Divine according to that which is human. Why shouldst thou imagine God to be partly hiunan, and not wholly Divine [Moreover, while you acknowledge, that man became a living soul, being breathed into by God, and not God by man's operation,] it is perverse enough on your part, to let down God to the nature of man, instead of elevating man to the image of God Why do ye consider long suffering, mercy, and the mother of all goodness ilself, to be something
: ;
.''

And yet, at the same lime, all Divine. this is not in us in its perfection, because God alone is perfect." Tertullian recognises in every revelation of God a progressive condescension, the highest point and the object of which is the "Whatever you incarnation of God.||
*

will give you a simple and consistent answer. God cannot enter into any association with man, without attributing to himself human sensations and affections ; and thus by his condescension he softens the overwhelmingness of his majesty, which human -weakness could not bear; and this is a condescension, which, however unworthy of the Deit)% is necessary for man, and, therefore, worthy of God ; because nothing is so worthy of God, as that which serves to the salvation of man* God deals with man, as with one like himself, in order that man may act towards God as with a being like himself. God appeared in humility, in order that man might be raised to the highest pinnacle of greatness. If thou art ashamed of a God like this, I see not indeed how thou canst believe in a crucified God." It must be acknowledged that the latter charge of inconsistency did not apply to Marcion, because the same principle which induced him to oppose tlie anthropopathical conceptions of God belonging to the Old Testament, made him also an opponent of the doctrine of a crucified Deity. The Alexandrian Fathers distinguish themselves peculiarly, in consequence of culture, by endeatheir philosophical vouring to eradicate entirely a carnal Anthropopathism out of the Christian system of doctrine; but it was also very easy for them to carry their notions too far in the contrary direction, and they were liable 'to lower the doctrine of the Divine attributes and involve it too completely in what is onlv subjective. Let us take as an instance the following beautiful passage of Origen, in which, notwithstanding all the beauty with which he speaks of God's education of man, he does not conceive with sufficient depth the sense of the Biblical expression of the ' wrath Working upon the of God' against sin. idea of Philo, as to the two systems in regard to Divine things, the Humanizing, and the De-Humanizing system,! lie 'says,;}; "When the Scriptures represent God, as God in his Divine Majesty, and do not involve in their consideration his dealings in relation to men, they declare
j I
i

unworthy of God,

See the representation of Marcion's system,

\
ii.

given in a former section. f Adv. Marc. ii. 26-7. [TertuU. Contr. Marc.

L. c. ii. 27. t See Part I. [p. 49.] Horn. 18, in .Tercmiam, 6. [p. 169, and seq.

L.
xiv,

c.

ii.

12.

Ed.

Huct H.J.
[^63 ojas-/

R.]
K-JLr

Ed. Kigali.

Tcv 02:v

auTov,

i.

e.

speak of

H.
11

J. R.]

him
ii.

absolutely

and not

in relation to

man.

H.

L.

c.

15.

J.R.1

ALEXANDRIAN SPIRITUALIZATION, ETC.

that
'

ORIGEN.

363

goodness of God and the end of his greatness.' (Ps. cxlv, 3.) And abundance of his grace, which he proagain, the Lord is a great God, a great perly hides from those who fear himy king above all Gods.' (Ps. xcv. 3.) The Alexandrians here also took a But when his dealings with the human middle path between the Gnostics and race are interwoven with the subject, then the rest of the Fathers. While these God assumes tlie mind, the f'asliion, and maintained that tliere is no absolute retrithe language of man; just as when wo butive justice in God,' nay, set aside the talk to a child of two years old, we lisp whole notion of justice as contradictory for the sake of the child for if we main- to the nature of a perfect God, and optain the dignity of mature age, in talking posed the God of justice to the God of to children, and do not let ourselves goodness, the Alexandrians, on the conhe
'

is

not like a man, for there

is

no about

the

down

to their language, they are

unable

to understand us.

Think, then,

that

God

also acts in the

liimself

same way, when lie lets which educates down to the race of men, and state, according

trary, made the notion of justice altogether into the notion of a Divine love, rational beings in a fallen
to their several capacities

especially to those
[intellectual]

who

are

still

in their

and
the

childhood.

See now,

how

Thus they might say, that distinction made by the Gnostics beneeds."!

we grown up men alter even the name of tween a just and a good God, might be things, wjien we conununicate with chil- applied in a certain true sense, by attridren, and how we call bread by some pe- buting the epithet of " the just" peculiarly culiar name, and also drinking we desig- to Clirist (the Divine Logos) as the edunate by some other term, because we cator and the purifier of fallen beings, the make use of the language of children, aim of whose education was that they
and not of grown up persons If might be rendered capable of receiving any one heard us talking thus, would he the goodness of their everlasting heavenly say 'Tins old man is become foolish.^' Father, and thus becoming blessed.J and thus also God speaks [with us] as The doctrine of a crcalioii out of no,

with children.
'

'

and the children

ii.

Behold,' says our Saviour, whom God hath given

13.)

to me.' (Heb.

When you

hear of tlie wrath of God, do not imagine that wrath is a passion to which God is subject. It is a condescension of language in order to convert and amend the child, for we ourselves put on a look of severity and anger towards children ot from feeling the passion ourselves, but designedly. If we preserve our mildness of aspect, and testify our love of the child, without changing our look, as the real interest of the child would require us
to

thing is closely coimected with the peculiar character of the Christian doctrine regarding the Deity, hi opposition to the notions of antiquity founded upon a
religion, which consisted of a deification of nature, which either carried back a succession of causes and eflects to a blind unconscious chaos, or at least made God only the fashioner of an inorganic, chaotic matter in opposition to these notions, Christianity, which frees the con-

do,
is

we

spoil

it

utterly.

Thus

also

God
to

represented to us as angry, in order

our conversion and improvement, while in fact he is not sul>ject to anger; but thou wilt undergo the wrath of God, by drawing down upon thyself by thy wickedness, sufferings hard to be borne,

* [The sentence in Neander runs thus ' Wenn eine absolute Gcrechtigkeit in Gott setzten, ja den gan7.cn Gercchtigkeitsbegriir als einen des Wcsen dcs volkonimencii Gottes widcrsprechenden umstiessen, uiid den gereclitcn Gott dcm guten entgcgenselzten,' &c. While these acknowledged an absolute retributive justice in God, and even farther than this threw aside,' &c.
:

(liesc

'

As
dictor)'

the

two

when

of each other,

parts of the sentence are contraI conceive that there is some

thou art punished by what is called the inisUike, and I have translated it as if keine stood H. J. R.] in the i)lace of cine. wrath of God." Origen spoke thus in "[ A SlKilOJUVH O-CfTHflOC. one of his Si:r7no7is ; and also in another xaS" o /< Clemens, Picdagog. lib. p. 118. 4 passage in his commentary on Matthew, wiTMj vcs:t/ Lya^ji w, ayTs ^cy:!- o {tt, KtKKMnu a.in:u tv tu TrdLT^i where he developes the same theory, he i-yj.bic, Kib' it vlo; Zv i Ac^ says,* " Much may be said to those, 7cho i^^i, Jik-uh ?r^'.<rxy'.ei-Jtra.i. And Origen t. i. in speaking of tlie dillerence between the arc not in a condition to be injured by it, Joh.p. 40,

i.

fic

vaSic and the JnfAUv^ycf iiKiiou

t.-w

* p. 378, Ed. Huet [The phrase ^who fear ligious /(//,' of course alludes to those whose character is imperfect who have not arrived at the
;

ks-6v h\-i<T%xi Kr^iirh^i tTi

ir^trfu

ku nv
it

ul.v,

Tiu

^8'/ t/liu

ruy

j^^iV.YTit ilK*lc7uvyi(,

r:u

Targtc TCUi

point where they

may

cast

away

fear.

H.

Stx.-ti:<Tuy>i T<.u

uku

TrauS'liibi.'Tx;

ixvrx thv XpiTTcu

J. K.]

^trif^uuv

iJif.ytT'.uyr'j!

364

CREATION FROM NOTHING

|

HERMOGENES.
who
lived

sciousness of God's existence from every thing like a connection with the deification of nature, presented tlie doctrine of tlie Creation as the object of a faith which raised itself over the whole circle of causes and effects in the world cognisable by sense [literally, the appear n7icc-icorld^] up to the free author of all existence. I'he characteristic circumstance here, and that which is of practical importance, is
this; that the

Hermogenes,

probably

at

Carthage, about the end of the second and the beginning of the third century, agreed with the Gnostics in their controversy against this portion of the Church
doctrine.
;

He

was

essentially

distin-

incomprehensible was main-

tained to be incompreheusible, and that

which alone can be of any interest or importance towards affecting our religious faith here, was separated from all the uncongenial elements of poetry and speculation, by wliich it had been contaminated in the old Oriental systems of religion. Christianity was here destined to purify the religious faith as it had been already revealed in the Old Testament, from all
the strange additions it had received by intermixture with the Platonic and the Oriental systems. Thus in the Epistle to the Hebrews, chap,
xi., it is proclaimed as an object of faith, that things visible came not from things visible, but that the world was created by the Almighty power of God. This was negatively expressed in the doctrine of a Creation out of nothing,* a conclusion which was altogether misconceived by the Gnostics,"]'" when they opposed to it the old saying, (ex nihilo nil fit,) "from nothing, nothing can come," because this doctrine has an antithetical force only against the supposition of matter, which should limit creation and in this doctrine it is not Notliing but the Supreme, absolute Being which is declared to be the formation of all existence. conIt must, however, be fessed, that this conclusion was intended to exclude also a view, which declared all existence as a kind of development of nature proceeding from God, subjected God to a necessity arising from the course of nature, and went near to destroy the notion of the absolute dependence of But we have creation on the Creator.
;

guished from the Gnostics by the turn of his mind, which was more of a Western cast, for he was more addicted to Grecian speculation than to Oriental intuition [Anschauuiig,] and hence also his system, which did not, like the Gnostic systems, set the powers of the imagination to work, was not able to obtain so much acceptance as theirs, and in fact we do not hear Nor did of any sect of Hermogenians. he, like the Gnostics, sketch out for himself a peculiar system of esoteric religious doctrines, but he departed from the Church doctrine only in one point, which was, however, a point necessarily very influential

on the whole system of

religion.

He was

a painter, and probably a very de-

termined

opponent of the Montanism which was spreading over the north of Africa the artist was as little suited to the Montanistic sect, as they were lo the artist. Perhaps also, Hermogenes,* while he opposed the harsh and gloomy character of the Montanists, went into the other ex;

treme of laxness

in

his

estimation

of
;

what is Christian and what unchristian he appears to have had no scruple in representing the objects of the Heathen mythology in the way of his art, because he considered them as mere objects of

= GOD

*
I

Tfie obf5cure wonls of Tertullian, from which

are enabled to derive this account, are as folPinffit illicite, nubit assidue,

we
I

lows.

legem Dei

in

The firc libidinem defendit, in artem contemnit. sentence might be understood so as to convey the
notion that 'i'ertullian looked on paintins^ itself as something heathenish and sinful, but such a judgment could not be confidently afTirmed even
of the Montanistic hatred of art in Tertullian,

remarked that those Oriental Theosophists, the Gnostics, were unable hibition of painting; but probably Tertullian to content themselves with tliis nega- comprised the old Testament under the exprestive conception of the incomprehensible sion " Lex Dei," and alluded to the prohibition of Tliey wished to explain it, and idolatrous images and the sense would then be, Being.
already
:

and no proof in favour of such an explanation is Neither do the to be found in his writings. words " he despises the law of God in refercnee to his art" favour this interpretation, for one cannot think of any passage of Scripture, which Tertullian can have considered as an entire pro-

to

make

tiiat

intelligible

and perceptible

to our ideas, which the doctrine of the creation out of nothing only presented as

an object of

faith.
j

he despises tne authority of tlie Old Testament by the manner in which he plies his art, and yet he will make its authority available to him to defend a second marriage, against the Montanists, who maintained that the authority of the Old 'i'estament in this respect was superseded by
"
(vhristianity,

mrf:

IK,

Tcu

/A.M

dvroc
ii.

and by the new revelations of the

See above, Part

Paraclete."

HERMOGENES ON MORAL
art,

EVIL.

PLASTIC

GOD.

365

independently of any reference to re- of wild impulse, without law or order, and like the motion of a cauldron that ligion at all. Hermogenes controverted the emana- boils up in every direction.* This infition doctrine of the Gnostics, because it nite chaos, thrown as it was into endless transfers sensuous images to the Being of and irregular motion, could not at any God, a>ul because tlie idea of tlie holi- point be laid hold of by a single act, ness of God was irreconcilable with the brought to a stand-still, and compelled to
sinfulness of a nature which emanated from him. But he also controverted the

subject itself to be formed and fashioned. It was only through the relation of his

doctrine of a creation out of nothing, because, if the world had had no other

nature to that of matter, that

;

God

could

source than the will of God, it have corresponded to the nature of the beauty exerts a natural force of attracperfect and Holy God, and therefore, tion on all that approaches it, so God would of necessity have beeu perfect and exerts a fashioning influence on matter holy nothing imperfect nor evil could by his mere appearance, and by the suhave found place in it, for in a world perior power of his Divine Being.J AcM'hose only source was God, whence cording to these principles, he could not, coukl any thing arise which was uncon- with any consistency, maintain a begingenial to the nature of that God ? Her- ning of existence to the creation, and, in
;

work upon tliis mass as the magnet by would some inherent necessity attracts iron ;"f as

mogenes, no doubt, here partly followed,

as the Gnostics did, a subjective rule of

too limited a nature in his estimation of the diirerent creatures according to the different grades of being, and partly he omitted to take into consideration what is included in the very idea of Creation. In respect to moral evil he was as little inclined as the Gnostics to throw himself back upon the distinction between xciUlng and permitting on the part of God, and he also with justice abandoned the ground, that evil is necessary as the foil to good, in order that the latter may be known by the contrast; because this position denies the self-existence and independence of good, and the very nature of evil would be destroyed, if it were considered as something which is necessary to the harmony of the whole. But Hermogenes fell into the very error which he desired to avoid because he still deduced the existence of evil from a necessity inAccording to his herent in nature. theory, all that is imperfect or evil in the world originates from this cause, that God's creation is limited in consequence of the eternal existence of inorganic matter. From all eternity two principles have existed the one, the active, and the forming and fashioning (the
; \

he does not appear to have assumed beginning, as we may judge from the grounds which he alleges for his doctrine on this subject; namely, that since dominion is a necessary attribute of God, there must always have been matter for him to exercise that dominion upon. In accordance with this view he mainfact

any such

matter,

tained an eternal influence of God upon which consisted, according to his

system, in the victorious plastic power. From what has been said, it follows, that we must not conceive that in his system chaos was a separate thing existing by itself, and that the influence of this

Divine plastic power had begun at some particular instant, whereas [according to his system,] it can exist only in connection with this organization, which is imparted to it [by God,] and they can be Froni the resistseparated only in idea. ance of this infinite matter, which was
to be fashioned rate

by degrees

in all its sepa-

parts, against the fashioning

power

of God, which could only penetrate ir successfully by degrees, he deduced all Thus the old that is imperfect and evil. chaos manifests itself in all that is hateful
in nature,

and

all

that is morally evil in

the spiritual world."

That Hermogenes should maintain a and the passive, * Inconditus, et confusus, et turbulentua motus, the undelerminate in itself,* and the form- sicut ollffl unJique ehullicntis. |less namely, matter. This latter is an We here recosjnise the painter. infinite chaotic mass in constant motion, t Non jjcrtransicns matcriam facit Dcus munapparcns et adpropincjuans qualities are present dum, sed solummodo in which all opposite sicut facit qui decor, solummodo ad|)arcas, et undeveloped and run into each other, full ei,
plastic,)

namely, God

magnes
(j

lapis

\\. c.

['Das in sich selbst unbestimmte ;' 'without power or purpose to throw itself into any definite
state or form."

the

phenomena which
J. R.]

solummodo adpropimiuans. Physical deformity and moral evil are give testimony to the exand they
are
its

H.

istence of this Chaos,

manifesta-

J.

R.J

tions. H.

h2


366
isting with

PLASTIC GOD.

ORIGEV.

progressive formation of matter, co-ex-

an eternal creation, was an inconsistency, because no progressive development can be imagined witiiout a His inconsistency would be beginning. still more striking, if the account of Theodoret is accurate, by which he is made to hold a final aim of this development. He maintained in fact tiien, (if this account be true,) like the Manichees, that at last all

was indicated by this doctrine; and this he did, not merely with acquiescence, but out of hearty persuasion.* He also acknowledges a definite beginning to the limited and definite world now in existence but with regard to what preceded it, he conceived that Scripture and the
;

faith

of the Church

left

him

fully at liberty

to

speculate.

And

here then he found

woidd resolve itself into matter, from which it originated, and then also that a separation would take place between that part of matter, which is capable of organization, and that which oliered an obstinate resistance to it.* Here the teleological and moral element, which adhered to him from his Christianity, and did not suit this heallienish natural view of evil, rendered him inconsistent.! Irenasus and Tertullian maintained, the
evil

strike

those general grounds for opposing anybeginning of creation, which are sure to any thinking mind, which is unwilling to be satisfied with a mere belief in the incomprehensible. How can it

happen that if creating is suitable to the nature of God, any thing which is suitable to that nature, should ever have been

How should the qualities, which reside in the being of God, omnipotence and goodness, fail to have been
wanting.'

always
tion

former against the

Gnostics,

the latter

against Hermogenes, the simple Christian

doctrine of the creation, without permitling themselves to enter upon speculations

concerning it. Origen was distinguished also in this respect from these Fathers by a system peculiar to himself, of which we must develope the fundamental features, as far as they are connected witli the doctrine of the creation. In accordance with the character of his Gnosis (see above,) he fouiuled his system on the belief generally prevalent in the whole Church, and
thouglit
that

his

speculative
this,
it.

inquiries,

which stepped beyond

might be very

consistently imited with

He

declared

himself in favour of the doctrine of a creation out of nothing, as far as the free action of Divine power, unlimited by any condition inherent in pre-existent matter,
* Theodoret does not say this expressly, but such a doctrine is necessarily implied in that, which, according to his account, Hermogenes Theodoret's words (Ha^ret. fab. i. 19,) are held. tfiese tcv efs Si-xfioKcv x u tw; Sm/^ovu.; ik tdv iiKm
:

transition from inaccannot be conceived without the notion of change; to which the Being of God is not liable. Origen was also an opponent of the en\anation doctrine, as it was conceived by the Gnostics; because it appeared to him to transfer sensuous representations to the being of God, and by the supposition of an imit^'-of-substance (the oia.o(jv between God and the natures that o-joi/,) emanated from him, appeared to abolish tlie proper distinction between the Creator and the creation. But he assumed a system of emanation spiritually conceived and abjuring all sensuous images, a spiritual world of a kindred nature with God, and which beamed forth from him from all eternity, above which he is, however, immeasurably exalted, and in all these
active.''

The

to

creation

Spirits,

was there the

partial

revelation,

the partial reflection of the Glory of God.f as the Son of God is the collected revelation of the Glory of God. Origen here conceived the idea of an absolute dependence without any beginning in time;^: a causation, in which the existence of the creation, as a thing which
*

j Theodoret ascribes

to

Hermogenes

also the

See

Praefat. Libb.
iii.

doctrine, that Christ deposited his body in the sun.

4.

Lib.

c.

.5.

Comnieutar. Genes,
c.

(<p;^.

p. 4. ibid. lib.

ii,

c. i.

init.

question would arise here, whether Theodoret has not confused his doctrine with some others

T. 13.
Qecu

c. 'Zr).

T. 32.

18.

axr

/uiv civ

tw?

Sc^y,;

tou
iiTra

what way his words arc to be Perhaps, Hermogenes taught that Christ, when he raised himself into his heavenly existence, left behind him in the sun the garb which he had taken from the material world. And yet it is difficult to attribute confidently so entirely fantastic an opinion to Hermogenes, and tlie matter must be left in ol)scunty for want of evidence. Perhaps also, some meaning of Psal. xix. 4, with a messianic interpretation according to the version of the LXX. may have led the way to this notion.
like it;

and

in

i.7rMjyu.vfA:t ilvxi t^v vlcv, (f(iu.niv /uiv tci

yi

imdcrstood.

Tcu C?ntuyu.v/ui.ri,; tac oKh;

iTTl

ifi^c /.^sgftc* uTTAuyst-irjuctTU.

ThV X'ATrm
['

'Kt.ylV.W

XTtTIV.

Ohne

ein zeitliches wcrden,' literally 'with-

out a temporal becoming or coming into existence.' In the next clause of the sentence (' as a. thing,' &,c,A the original is ' als etwas scinem Wcsen noch nicht in'sich selbst ruhendes,' as something according to the laws of its nature not reposing on
'

itself;'

i.

c.

not self-dependent, or self-existent.

H. J

R.]

god's eternal action.

could not have a self-existence, was founded from all eternily4 VVhat he says of the continuous regeneration of the pious, and of the generation of the Son of God, may be applied in the sense in which he uses it to this also; because the Divine Logos stimds in the same relation to the rest of the spiritual world as its source of Divine liglu, as God stands in to him. He says, Jerem. Horn. ix. 4. [p. 106. ed. Iluet. H. J. R.] ' I will not say tliat the righteous is born of God once for all ; but that he is constantly born of him in every good action. And
if

ORIGEN ON OMNIPOTENCE.
in

307
transition

his

teeth

viz.

that if

the

from noncreation to creation implies a change in God, the transition from creation
to

noncreation

equally

implies

change.
create

Now God

the

and

llius a

must have ceased to world, wiien it was finished, change in God would clearly

be implied. He did not observe, that with Origen the conception of the upholding of the world was the conception of a continuous creation, and he did not consider, that just exactly by such a representation of creation, as
his
is

contained in

also

lay

down

to

you

in reference to

our Saviour, that the Father did not beget the Son and then cease, but that he always begets him, .should also maintain someI

a self-existence woidd be attributed to creatures which is inconsistent with the idea of them as creatures. He made another objection, wbicli although more directed against an inaccurate expression

own argument,

thing similar in respect to the righteous. Let us then see who is our Saviour.^ The reilected image of [God's] glory. tlie image of glory is not produced once
for all,

of Origen, than against

Now
;

what he really meant, was more correct; and it was this, that the idea of God's
perfection
thing,
it is

actually implied, that

it

is

and then ceases to be produced

the
light
it-self,

whose foundation

is in itself;

that

but

as long as

is

efFicient in
is

creating the image

so long

dependent on nothing besides, and the limited or conditioned by nothing whatrelative to crea

image of the glory of God constantly ever.* The doctrineof Origen created. If, therefore, thou hast the spirit
constantly begets thee in that same sonship, in every act and in every thought, and thus thou

of adoption

(sonship,)

God

tion is intimately

connected also with his peculiar conception of the omnrpnience of God. It happened to him in this matter,

art forever being born as a son of God in Jesus Christ."t Bishop .Methodius, the adversary of Origen, whose theory of creation was controverted by the bishop in his work concerning creatures, was by no means his equal in respect to a spirit of speculaHe had not a sufficient power of tion.;!; speculative perception, justly to conceive ideas of Origen, and he represented the what he did not understand as foolish and While he himself compares the impious.

many other respects, that, being entangled in the ideas of the philosophical school, from which his learning and his education were derived, he set out from those ideas, as if they were acknowledged truths. Thus he set out
as, indeed, in

from the principle, that an

cannot
he

infinite

line

conceived hy anij mind, into which the Neo-platonic school allowed itself to be deluded, by their attempt to measure an absolute reason by the limits

which God stands to his creatures with the relation between a human workman and the works of his hands, he makes against the system of Origen objections, which could not justly How little able he was to lie against it. understand that great man, whom in his blind zeal he calls a Centaur, appears by the following argument, which he casts
relations
in

of finite human Origen drew the

thonght.")"

From
;

this

conclusion

that

we

must
then

enhance the Divine omnipotence, make it infinite, because

not, in order to
it

would be unable

to

comprehend

itself.;};

Thus
St

also

God

could create only

TO eturo

inuru

ivjT'jU TrKx^iv/uu. it k-u olI/to

ju<,v:v J'.^t<rTf.t.

iaujru juitcv, TiKU'jt tivsu touto

J3fU'".v.v/.sry, which f [N.B. The word here is will express that wherein our kiiowledi;e or our

Methodius represents

fiiithfully

the

expresthe doc-

sions of Orif^en,
trine of a

when he

ascribes to

him

capacity of entertaining idoas resides, as well as our consciousness of those ideas. Inpirpular lan-

yivnT'-.v utt

ytvyrsax ^^X"' '^''

''" ^/t"' ^"'^ ^

f Thus torn. i. in Joh. p, 32, we must not imagine that any limitation of time is indicated, but
ti.Ttti,

guage, underst audi riir would come the nearest; but it is so desirable to keep the distinction between rcmon and under.standintj, as definite as possible, that I would rather use tlinuqht ox com-

prehension instead of
p^5k;c )i//fg*
iO-TiY

it.

H.
:

J.

R.]

euiru

an/jit^cr, it

i ytyivtineu p.

T5

(jritr.t

aTrtejxmrot,

and

in Matt.
yie^

Ed. Huet.
<^v<j-u

W6f.
i

305, he says expressly

yyaxTtt.

a^v^x

tu

ol^,

Extracts from the book of Methodius found

ol.tTt 7rsp/\<//3<<rfli
a-KCfjtttit.

T vt^an-.ut

Trt^uKuiit

tx

^vva-

in Photius, Cod. 2.35.


DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY.
definite and not an infinite number of beings endued with reason, because otherwise they couhl not be embraced by liis providence. We recognise also in this error of Origen the leaning which he had matter of religion. This doctrine in the is of great importance to his whole system (as will be seen below) when taken in connection with his theory, that, since the number of reason-gifted beings is definite, and is always the same, therefore, it is only from the change of will and intention among them that all other changes can proceed. The peculiar nature of Christianity reveals itself in the recognition and worship of God, not merely as the Creator, but also as the Redeemer and Sanctifier of

; ;

human
deemed him by
until
it

nature, in the belief that

God,

who

has created
it

human nature pure, has rewhen it became estranged from

and continues to sanctify it, an eternal an untroubled and beatified communion with him in perfect holiness. Without this faith and knowledge, there is no lively worship of God, no worship of God in spirit and in truth, because a lively worship of God cannot exist without communion with him, and becanse this communion cannot be shared by man, as long as he is estranged from God by sin ; as long as that, which separates him from God, is not removed; and because the worship of God in spirit and in truth, can only proceed from a soul which has been sanctified so as to become a temple of God. This doctrine of God the Creator^ the Redeemer and the Sancsin,

shall have attained in

life to

man in Christ ; every thing here reverts to the doctrine of God's being in Christ, for the working of God in human nature redeemed by him, presupposes the inward relation, into which God has entered with human nature through Christ, and all is here only the continuation and the consequence of that [relation ;] and therefore, this doctrine is nothing else but the perfect development of the doctrine about Christ, which the Apostle Paul, 1 Corinth, iii., calls the foundation of all Christianity, the development of that which Christ himself designates as the essential import of his doctrine " This is Eternal Lile that they should know thee, that thou alone art the true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent." But the speculative doctrine of the Trinity is carefully to be distinguished from this its essential Christian import, and men might agree in the latter, and yet differ from each other ui their conceptions of the former. The former only set itself up as an human attempt to bring into just harmony with the unity of the Divine Being, the existence of God in Christ, and through Christ in the faithful, as it is represented in Holy Scripture, and out of that Holy Scripture formed an image of itself in the inward life and the inward perceptions of the
self to sinful
;

faithful.

But

it

was an

evil, that, in this

attempt,

men

did not rightly divide the

tifier

of human nature, is the essential import of the doctrine of the Trinity, and

therefore, since in this latter doctrine the

essence of all Christianity is contained, it could not but happen, that, as this doctrine proceeded out of the depths of Christian consciousness, it should be considered as the chief doctrine of Christianity, and that even in the earliest Church the essential import of the faitli should be annexed to the doctrine of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.* This doctrine again is nothing else than the doctrine of God, who has revealed and imparted him

and dialectic element from and practical foundation the consequence of which M'as, that men transplanted that doctrine from its proper practical ground, in which it is rooted in the centre point of Christianity, into a speculative region foreign to it, which might give an opportunity of mingling with it much extraneous matter, and again might lead to setting Christianity, contrary to its peculiar character, on a specuspeculative
that essential
lative instead of a practical foundation
;

ing

and the consequence of this again was, on the one hand, that men, overprizing the importance of speculative differences, tore asunder the bond of Christian communion, where there was yet an agreement in what is practical and essential and on the other hand, that men stinted the free development of the Christian This is literally translated perhaps the mean- doctrine by the attempt to attain an uniwould he more nearly e.xpressed as follows, formity of speculative conceptions.*
;

that the

acknowledgment of the doctrine of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost was considered to
* [We mMst also be careful that in endeavouring to reconcile contending views we do not depart from the great truth which is contained in the acknowledgment of the Athanasian Creed, that

comprise the essentials of the Christian Faith. der wesentliche The original is " dass Glaubcnsinhalt an die Lehre vom Vater, Sohne, und Heiligcn Geist angerciht wurde.'' H, J. R.]

ITS SPECULATIVE
It is

AND PRACTICAL ASPECT.

the self-revelation of

369
specitlations
in his

self-evident from

what has been busied themselves with

press

on

development of this doctrine proceed from speculations on the manner, in which the Divine nature in Christ was in relation with tlie Godhead of tlie Father. Providence had then so
said, tliat tlie

must

first

image

the

God Word

exthat expressed

own

exactly managed things in this respect, that ia the Spiritual world in winch Christianity tirst made its appearance, many notions, at least apparently of a kindred kind, were afloat, in which Christianity could find a point on which to attach the doctrine of a God revealed in Christ, or which it might appropriate to itself as general, intelligible forms, in which it

nature, or the revealing and Reason to give a lively, an historical and a practical meaning to this idea, by applying it to the appearance of
creating

his hidden

Christ, instead of constantly restraining

to

it

the

regions of speculation.

By

this

means, the development of the doctrine of Christy's Divinity was placed in connection with that speculative idea, which was already to be found current, although

might envelope

that doctrine.

course preserved to

In a dis us by the Apostle

under a dilferent form, among the Jewish Theologians, the Oriental Theosophists, and the Platonic Philosopher But in the conception of this doctrine
there existed already among the Jews two dijfcrcnl views. One parly considered the Divine Logos as a Spirit, which existed in an independent personality, although in the most intimate union with the Divine First Cause,* while another party rejected this notion of an Hypostasis, as inconsistent with strict Monotheism, and they conceived to themselves, under the name of Logos, nothing but the Reason, which is either hidden in God and only engaged in contemplation,! or else reveals itself both after the manner of thought, which manifests itself in human speech, and also by its efficient operation in the work of creation,^ the Reason, which cannot be divided from God, and which either concentrates itself in him or beams forth from out of him.

John, Christ himself has expressed with Divine confidence tlie consciousness of his oneness with God, an incomprehensible fact of his consciousness (Matt. xi. 27,) without founding his declaration on any of the then notions of his age, but
rather in opposition to the limited representations, current among the Jews, of

the Messiah as a man, who proceeded from the ordinary development of human nature. But the Apostles Paul and John, united with the doctrine of
in Christ, the idea tliat

God

revealed
in ex'

was already

istence in the Jewish theological schools,

of a revealer of

God

elevated above the

whole creation, the perfect image of the hidden Divine Being, from whom [the Word] all the communication of lile from God proceeded, the image of the invisible God, tlie Word, in whom the hidden God
reveals himself, the First-born before all

It is impossible to express the idea with metathey confirmed and established this idea and applied it to Christ. physical accuracy; if we speak o^ first, we give the idea of being prior to the Word, which is yet John, in particular, by the brief introduc held to be eternal. I use the word First cause, -y-, 1-1 ^ 1,1 tion prefixed to his Gospel, induced those therefore, relatively to other Beings, as it is used among his contemporaries who sought in common parlance, not as expressing priority of

creation

and
,

* [Literally,

Urwesen.

Original Being.

after

a knowledge of Divine things,

who

existence in the Father relative to the Son, or

Word. H.J. R^
each person is acknowledged " by himself to be both God and Lord, and yet that no one should
for a

I
[I

The

Koy.i hSM^noi;.

recommend

moment

believe that there be

'

three

Gods

or
:

three Lords.' "

must take care not explain the Divinity of the Son

We

for' clear

those English readers who wish statements this subject, to consult

that

we do
mere

Newm in's
pecially ch.
^
ii.

Arians of the Fourth Century," es

.3

as the

'

and

4.

H.

J. K.]

indwelling of the Father in Jesus Christ ; or beHevc that the Son is the mere manifestation of the Father; or we shall fall into Sabelliani.sm or Patripassianism at once. The evil which Neander wishes to obviate seems to be the attempt to ex-

^,^y^f

Trfcocp/xjc.

[The same Reason, therefore, was conceived under two different conditions. It received the

name

of

>.c>oc

tvSiudircc

when

considered as re-

siding in God, and delighting itself in contcmplaand creating tion, and that of '-^5c 7r^',<i(.ejK'ji; when considered diilcrenccs consequence of such attempts, as emanating forth from Hiin and revealing God However wrong such attempts may be, in oppos- by spoken words or by the acts and the works of ing them we must still be careful to maintain that creation. H. J. U.l great Catholic truth, the Trinity in L'nity. and the tk it See Clementin. Homil. 16. c. xii. Unity in Trinity, which is founded on the Scriptures and must be received by faith, though our

pluin

this great truth speculatively,

finite faculties are

unable to explain

its

mysteries.

-H.

J. R.]

47

370
While
former was

PATRIPASSIANS.
the predominant
I

with the development of the human nathe of conception [as to the Logos] in ture of Christ. The others, on the contrary, in regard to the doctrines as exhibited by the Church, tlie other mode of conception made its the doctrine about Christ, were still more appearance not imfrequently during this strongly opposed to this class of Monarchseason in opposition to the Church doc- ianism than to the opinion adopted by the

mode

opposition served again, on Church ; not only a leaning towards the the other hand, to promote the systematic doctrine of the Monarchia, in which even formation and development of the former a Jew might join with them, but also a leaning towards some of the peculiar feaview. Those who embraced the latter mode tures of Christianity, made them hostile of conception, in their controversy against to the doctrine of the Church. Not only the Church Doctrine of the Trinity, and did the manner, in which the doctrine of in their religious leaning, were in agree- the Unity of God was conceived in the
trine,

and

this

ment

in

one respect, namely, that

it

was Church doctrine,

theistic

fail

to

meet

their

Mono-

of the utmost importance to them, firmly of the Unity of God,* and to avoid every thing which bore even the appearance of Polytheism.t But in the manner in which they applied this theory to Christ, they varied widely from each other, according as they happened to be peculiarly interested in maintaining merely the principles of the Monarchla., or were at the same time lilled with a belief in the Divinity of Christ, and although they controverted the doctrine of an independent personality of the Logos, yet had a lively interest in maintaining the Divinity of Christ \ in fact, according as they were under the direction of a dialectic and critical understanding, or of an inward and practical Christian disposition. The former, together with the Church doctrine of the Trinity, controverted also that of the Divinity of Christ, though they were nevertheless content to admit his godly nature [Gottheit, divinity; Gottlichkeit, godly nature or godliness] in a certain sense; that is to say, they taught that Jesus was a man, like all other men, but that from the very first he had been animated and influenced, more than all other prophets and messengers of God, by that Divine Power, the Reason or Wisdom of God, and that, on this account, he was to be called the Son of God. They were distinguished from those, who embraced entirely Ebionite sentiments, by not admitting that this connection of God with Christ began at any one definite n)oment of his existence, but they conceived it to be coeval
to maintain the doctrine
*

views, but

also

the manner, in

which

the Divinity of Christ

was there

understood, was unsuited to their peculiar Christian class of feelings and wants.
I

While the Logos, who became man in Christ, was usually represented as a Being, different in person from God the Father and subordinate to him, although in the most intimate connection with him,
they thought this a disparaging representation of Christ, and such a distinction between Christ and the Supreme God was offensive to their belief about Christ; to them he was the one. Supreme God himself, who in a way that he had never done besides, had revealed himself in human nature, and had appeared in a human body. It was only inasmuch as God was to be named after two different considerations [or relations, E^nvotai] the hidden Being, as he was before the creation, the Father and in so far as he revealed himself, the Son of the Logos it was only in virtue of these considerations that Christ as the most perfect revelation of God the Father, was called the Son of God. They maintained that their doctrine was most eminently calculated to dignify

Christ.*

They were
ncLun
TTQict,

called Pat.ripassia7is,

ri

ou

io^^mv

tcv

Xgi^ny

said

Noetus, an adherent of this theory, when he was accused before a Synod. Hippolyt. c. Noet. c. ii. And Origen, in Matth. p. 420. ed. Huet, says, oy
vcjui^THv
I

t/iey
j I

eturcv (rcu X^i^rcv) (that ilmt i/Tj^ arc on his side') tcwc ru -^sJh tti^: ttin-ov
cttoici

<p^cvcvvTx;, ^mdiiTii. rev S'^^^^uv cti/Tcv,

:

ilun

ci

a-uy^i-.fri; Tntrgs; x.iu viov tnoixv x.tt

th vTroTTMra ivx
ryi (Trtvcitt /ucyri

'

M'jvri; iivAl Tcv ^TotTSg* x:u t:v uUv,

X.-M rctc ovoiAiTt

'

^tilgc-jint:

to

tv CTrCKil/uevoy

(the

one

The
i

fji.:vaex"t^

whence

this

the doctrine of the mcv Apx"^ party obtained the name of Mo-

narch an s.
J

j- It was their term of distinction, tlic watchword of their party. Tertullian c. Praxeam, c.
j

iii.

Monarcliiam tenemus.

Origen, in Joh.

t.

ii.

Divine Sul)ject.) And Origen, probably, had this in Iiis mind, when, like the Gnostics, he separated those who knew no higher God than the God of the Old Testament, the Demiurgos, from those, who elevated themselves above him (the Demiurgos) to the knowledge of the Supreme God, and like Philo also, separated those who knew God only in his mediate revelation, the uku; tm

PATRIPASSIANS.
because they were accused of attributing the sufferings of Christ to the Father.* The first name which occurs among the Patripassians is that of Praxeas, of Asia Minor, the native region of the docHaving made a trine of the Monarchia. confession of faith under torture, during the persecution of Marcus Aurelius, he

NOETUS.

371
any

learn the doctrine of this person with

\

certainty.

But,

if

we

take Tertullian as our guide,

we might
doctrine.

take

two

different

views of his
it

From some

places

would

appear that Praxeas had tauglit the doctrine of tlie Patripassians, in tlie manner in which we have before represented it. afterwardsf travelled to Rome, where He acknowledged the doctrine of a Divine Eleutheros was bishop (see above,) and Logos in a certain sense, he applied the there he brought forward his doctrine name of Son of God not merely to Christ without receiving any obstruction, which after his appearance in the form of man, perliaps, arose from the Church doctrine but he recognised from the time of the not having as yet been so accurately de- creation of the world a diflerence hefined, that the contradiction to it by the tween the hidden invisible God, and that doctrine of Praxeas could at once make [God] who revealed himself outwardly any impression; it may have been the as well in the Creation, as in the Theocase, that by his zeal for the Divinity of phanijc [appearances of the Deity] of the Christ against the other party of Monarch- Old Testament, and lastly in a human In the latter respect he iani, the Theodotians, which had perhaps, body in Christ. arisen at Rome by that time, Praxeas,' was called the Logos or the Son; by cxlooked tending his a^encv in a certain manner who must have been favourably upon in virtue of having been a Confessor. beyond himself and thus begetting the won still greater favour for himself, and Logos, he made himself into a Son to On the contrary, in other pasthence, therefore, that men were more himself* easily induced to overlook other points sages, it appears as if he had denied every of difference. He appears afterwards to distinction in regard to the Divine Being, })ave betaken himself to Carthage, where and had applied the name of Son of God he found followers, but where the con- only to the human nature of Chrisl.t Wc trast between his doctrine and that which may suppose, either that Tertullian has was predominant attracted more observa- not always entered justly into the tenour tion. He wrote and published an explana- of the ideas of Praxeas, or else, that tion which vvas looked upon, at least by among the adherents of this latter, diflerent conceptions of his system had arisen, his opponents, as an express recantation but we cannot very accurately determine because men of uncultivated understandthe state of the case, because it may have ing, whom this doctrine suited, could not happened that Praxeas defeiuied his doc- enter into those subtle distinctions. with Noetus, also, who appeared at Smyrna trine only again.t consequences which it was unjustly charged, and mis- during the first half of tiie third century, Tertullian, who and was excommunicated for his unrepresentations of it. would not be favourably disposed to- churchly theory, belongs to this class of wards Praxeas, as an adversary of Mon- Patripassians. Theodoret gives, as well tanism, wrote against him, and his book as llippolylus, the most characteristic is the only source from which we can traits of his doctrine,;]; and he observes, with justice, that Noetus did not bring A'-)-:u, from those who elevate themselves above all forward any new invented doctrine of his mediate revelation t the intellectual perception own, but that others had made up such of the Divine Bcincr. who are the uii rcu @hv system before his time. According to and this is the manner in which Origen arranges a this system, there is one God the Father, the two classes of men. who is invisible when he will, and appears 1. d juiv etiv \x''<j7i T'.v Ta>y Uuv 0s;v, CvQ^uvci ootasi To n-arp/.^egJ-.c ;VT.- otiTcu, 2. c( (VTa//'./5-/ (rnveals himself) wlicn he will; he is t;v ui'.v Tcy Oeu, r-.v X^/3-tsv oljT'.u, ci i?rt tcV trairrgt. visible and invisible, begotten and unbe:

'

oSa^atcTt- Kiv Ts

7r:tv iv

uuTcp 't(rrJVTf

In Joh.

t.

ii.

.3.

[Ed. Iluet.

p.

49.

In the above quotation

gotten.
Sec Tertullian, f Sec c. 27.
+

/uie^tSs;

ought clearly

to be /uf^iJr.

not exactly co[)icd throughout.

'

The words
H. J R.]

arc
c.

10. 14. 26.

Origen expressly distinguishes l>etween these two classes of Monarchiani, particularly in Joh. t. ii. 2, and t. ii. Joh. 18, t. x. 21. c. Ccls. I. viii. c. 12. On the obscure passage Cominentar. Tit. f. 69.5, t. iv. Ed. de la Rue, see below. in

HiEret. fab.

iii.

c.

n.

Among whom
unknown
Theodoret
i)roperly

are
H

to us, Ejiigoriius

he mentions two men who and Cleomenes.

refers this latter expression to the

\ With regard

to the chronological questions

birth of ('hrist, but

involved here see above.

he has

one is inclined to ask, whether understood the meaning of Noetus,

3T2
It

THEODOTUS AND ARTEMON.

The Theodotians and
are,

might be asked whether Beryllus of Bostra ought not to be placed in this class; and this question will be treated
of hereafter.

the Artemoiiites

no doubt,
is

to be considered as holding

mere man, and as having looked upon him as being in no peculiar

that Christ

Of
first

the other class of Monarchiani, the

connection with the Father

but as far as

itself had appeared but he saw clearly enough, that they implied tliat the man Victor, the Christ developed himself under the pecuthe founder of this party. bishop of Rome, must have excommuni- liar influence of that Spirit.* And as far cated him at the end of the second or the as the Artemonites are concerned, they beginning of the third century; but still professed that theirs was no new doctrine, his party extended itself in a state of but the old doctrine of the Church, and

end of the second century, in the Roman Church, whither however, as the very name of the founder of the sect indicates, it must have come from some other place, and A that too from the Oriental Church. worker in leather, who came from Byzantium, by name Theodotus, is named as
traces are found in the

Theodotus is concerned, his own words, which Epiphanius, his adversary, himself
quotes, militate against this supposition. It appears that in the words of the angel,

Luke
in a

i.

31, he would not find any proof

that the Spirit of

God
;

human

nature

separation from the predominant

Church that Bishop Zephyrinus was the first who endeavoured to procure itself re- taught a different one in the Church, spect on the ground that it was inclined Now if they would acknowledge nothing to maintain Natalius, a Confessor held in much honour, in the rank of ^'^^o^\^YmeAiom^.xe^xe,enii^.^i^,oriorein^^io^<,\,^^o^. This man appears, however, to have been lejge them, yet both of these cases must liave thrown into a state of conflicting feelings, something, at Ipast, on which they may be supby thus falling away from the faith, which ported. We can then only imagine, that the Artemonites did not choose to acknowledge Theoat an earlier period had enabled him to dotus as their predecessor, and that they thought j , :i i. nnu^ .,r,^c.; ^^ endure sultermof f .,, ,^ .,.,'= lor its sake. 1 ne uneasi- they had reason to mamtain, either ,, ,,;;,heodotus that 1
_nd
it
I

ness of his heart showed itself in fearful ^^^ ^^^^ excommunicated for some other reason visions and dreams, and at last he returned than his doctrinal opinions, or that their doctrines in sorrow and penitence to the Catholic were different from the Theodotian. Perhaps the
j

,.

ir-r

>

'

r-i

Church.

'

One Artemon came forward

,,
.

also,
T,

from

The ancient following account may be given. author of the additions to Tertullian de Prmscriptione, says,
1.

( another point, as founder of such a party, which were called Artemonites alter his
r
1

c. c.

53, that

^^^^ ^^
^^^-^^^

^^^^.^^^^ ^p.^^.^^^^

heodotus brought for^,.^^^ ,^^ had denied

j^.^^g the persecution.

is

Although

this

name, and continued

for a long time to

account, which
>

prejudicial to the character of

spread themselves abroad. the middle of the third century. Novatrue, at least it is quite possible, that a man, who tian, the Roman Presbyter, considered it ' had embraced Christianity more with the under^ r *i necessar)', in his development of the Lt,^^^g than with the heart, should, for that very Doctrine of the Divinity of Christ, to ^^.^^q^^ ^ant the courage and the zeal to make a take especial notice of the attacks of that confession of it in the face of death. Perhaps he party, and in the later controversies, was excommunicated on account of this denial of and then, when he had nothing more to arising from Paul of Samosata, this party H'e faith, fear from the dominant Church which would not was spoken of as one that still existed. acknowledge him as one of her members, he
1

For about

Theodotus, coming from the mouth of an enemy, cannot be accepted with confidence, yet it maybe

11

brought forward his doctrines in public for the

yiniuTt; rcu

first

and whether Noetuo was not thinking of the time. This piece of truth may form the foundaAcycu, and under that phrase meant tion of the old account of the matter, although it nothing but the agency of God extending out- is to be looked upon as a fable after the fashion of Epiphanius, if the latter has only invented the wards beyond himself. * The relation between the Artemonites and opinions of Theodotus about Christ in order to Theodotus is involved in great obscurity. One excuse his denial of the faith.
naturally asks
to

how the Artemonites could appeal it as a fact, that their doctrine had been the predominant doctrine at Rome down to the time of Bishop Zephyrinus, who was the first to corrupt the doctrine of the Church, if a sect existed at Rome at that time, whose founder, Theodotus, had been excommunicated by Victor, the predecessor of Zephyrinus, on account of professing Although one may imagine that very doctrine. it likely enough, that where the maintenance of men's dogmas is concerned they should be in-

It is

iTTt a-i.

He

not said ytviiTirxi iv <rii, but sTJXa/Tl set out with the notion of an sTs^;^83-9i(
(or tou Aoyou,
if

t:u

Bilou

TrviUfAUro;

Theodotus

admitted the doctrine of the Aoj-oc in any shape whatever) i?ri tcv Xpia-Tov. As it is clear from this quotation, that Tlieodotus admitted the first chapter of St. Luke as genuine, the account given in the addttamenta prescript., and by Theodoret, that he acknowledged the supernatural birth of Christ, is more probable than that of Epiphanius, that he denied
it.

THE ARTEMONITE VIEWS.

Divine in Christ, and utterly denied the doctrine of a Divine Logos, they had far too clear a testimony of facts against them when they maintained the high antiquity of their doctrines. But on the contrary, if they belonged to the other class of the Monarcliiani, they might very well make use of the indefinite nature of many old expressions so as to favour their views, and they might, perhaps, find some inwhatever that
is
| ,

THE

ALOGl IN IREtfJEVS.

373

with which critical inquiries were often conducted at this period so as to favour dogmatical prcjuilices, this accusation is likely enough to be a just one; and yet on the other hand it cannot be denied, that men were then inclined at once to accuse heretics of falsifying Scripture, when they only quoted a various lection which was found in their manuscripts.*

One
,

is

inclined to inquire whether

we

are to assign to this class certiiin oppo-

definiteness in a dogmatical point of view,

in the statements of the

Roman Church,
their purpose,
i

which would also serve

nents of the genuineness of ilie writings of St. John, whom we shall designate by the name of ^^/oj^/, after the example of

belonged to

Samosatensians, who of Monarchians, were afterwards classed together with the ArtemoniteSiacircumstance which favours the notion of a similarity of doctrine be-

And

besides

the

Epiphanius,
I

who

lias

given them in one

this

class

place this heretical appellation, although the name is not particularly applicable."!"

The

tween the two

parties.

first trace of such opponents of the genuineness of St. John's Gospel is found He in a remarkable passage of Irena^us.^
\

As

to the turn of

mind from which

the

doctrine of these Artemonites proceeded,

one of the accusations made against ihem gives us some very instructive hints they P J ., a ,u busied hemselves much with mathematics, dialectics, critical inquiries, with the pliilosophy of Aristotle and with Theophrastus,* and thus their disposition was one in which the reflecting, the critical, and dialectic elements predominated, and ,,,..., ^. which would diminish in their case the inwardness and depth of the Christian
;
.

ment may be found

-^

'

example of an unjust polemical arguin what is said by the writer 23. "S;^!"/'* ^^^ Artemonites in Eusebius v "Either they do not behove that the Holy Scnp^^^^ j^ j^^^f^^j by the Holy Ghost, and thev are
unbelievers, or else tliey consider themselves wiser

An

than the Holy Ghost," as

[

if

those Artemonites,

however capricious their criticism might be, did ^^ think that by it they were enal)led to restore '^' original, genuine text just as it came from the ' inspiration of the Holy Ghost, ^ .^^..^,,^ ^ .,j^ /hich contains an allusion to their denial of the genuineness of the Gospel feeling; they Avanted a Christianity, which which treats of the Logos, and thus contains a the understanding could fully compre- paronomasia on the word Logos, i^cya as denyhend, and that which exceeds the bounds '"S ^^^, Logos, and as being unreoivnalk. r .1 X u i The passage is in Irenajus, lib. m. c. xi. fto* ,*= *, of the understanding, and must be assi, J. -n ^ r r ,-^ vcre, qui , ,.; Inlehccs wards ., the end. H. K.J ir r u milated into the lile ot man through some pgeudo-propheta- quidem esse volunt. propheticam other channel, found no place in their verogratiam repelluntabecclesia: similiapatientes
! ,

1.11

dialectic categories,

[t

was also made an

accusation against them, that by means of a system of criticism, which professed to ^ r .u II c restore the true text of the Holy Scriptures, they allowed themselves to change at their own will those passages of Scripture, which were opposed to their doc'
,

qui propu-r eos, qui in hypocrisi veniunt, ftiam a fratrum rommunicationc se abstinent.
his,

V"*""" f Apostolum

"^T i"''"'^'Paulum recipiunt.

^''".^

In ea

hujusmod. nequc enim cpislola,

^J^^^^

^,,

C^^i^^j^i^^,,;p^pj^^ji^i3^harismatibus

^iligenter loqnutus est, et scit viros et mulieres in

Ecclesia prophctantcs.

Per ha;c

[igitur,

Ed. Mas-

suet. H.
!

from their whole trine. If we turn of mind, and from the boldness, ' '
judge

Omnia peccantes in Spiritum J. R.] Dei, in irremissibile incidunt peccatum." Accord'"S ^o the common reading, the f.rst part of thi would mean, " The truly unhappy persons, who

wish themselves, indeed, to be false prophets, but the Philosophy of Plato, which ex- deny the grace of prophecy to the Church." And more the heart and the powers of inward this would give a sense, which in itself is quite perception, led to a conception of Christianity, good, and which suits the severity of the rest of more based on inward perceptions, and was the passage tolerably well. But the reading which
j

Not with

'

citing

exactly calculated to give a speculative form to the

doctrine of the Trinity.
different

here perceive the by the different schools of Philosophy, on the conception of Christianity by their adherents. 'J'he Neoplatonists, who were converted to Christianity,
influence,

We

excercised

has been accepted by my friend Dr. Olshauscn, and is, if I mistake not, an emendation proposal by Grabe, viz. />Au/o-;7rr>pAf7rt.v, has the advantage of conformity with the part of the context which follows it. The sense would then be, " Thoy sup'

formed to themselves a speculative doctrine of

the Trinity; the Aristotelian Dialecticians denied the doctrine of the Divinity of Christ, and would
represent the existence of

pose, indeed, that there are false jirophcts in the Church, but from fear of false prophets, they go
to the length of
either,

God

in Christ as some,

thing entirely capable of l)eing comprehended.

acknowledging no true prophete and they resemble those schismatics, who, out of fear of hypocritical Christians, withdraw themselves also from intercourse with genuine

sn

THE ALOGI

IN IRENiEUS,

AND

IN EPIPHANIUS.

says, that they rejected the Gospel of St. John on account of the promise of the

had purposely avoided dogmatical arguments.

Paraclete, in order to cut off from the if, in accordance with the expressions Montanists (see above) their appeal to of Irenseus, we suppose that the Jllogi this promise as a means of rendering cre- were seduced into the rejection of the dible the new revelations of the Paraclete. Gospel of St. John merely in consequence They maintained as a general position of their controversy with Montanism, yet that there are no gifts of prophecy in the still it is extremely improbable, that they Christian economy, and they declared all should have rejected a book of so great that pretended to them to be false pro- value and importance to every believing phets. It was probably these same per- Christian, (and which in its whole tensons, against whom Hippolytus defended dency is so antimontanistic,) only in the genuineness of St. John's Gospel and consequence of those few passages, the the Apocalypse. The same persons occur application of which is so easily wrested again in Epiphanius he describes them as from the Montanists by a right interprewarm opponents of Montanism and of the tation, and indeed, may so easily be turned prophetical gifts of the Spirit, who thought against them.* The matter appears more that the Gospel of St. John was contra- capable of the following representation dictory to the rest of the Gospels ; and when the Montanists appealed to that he represents them, where he treats of promise of the Paraclete, the Alogi immethem specifically, as orthodox in other diately answered that the whole Gospel respects.* But he contradicts himself Avas apocryphal [Ulerally^ not genuine,] when he calls the Theodotians an offset and from this their opponents gathered from them, and then at the same time that they denied its genuineness, only in ailirms that tliey rejected the doctrine of order to avoid recognising that promise. case, indeed, we must confess, is the Logos. It may be said, indeed, and The not without reason, that Epiphanius is possible, that the Alogi may have belonged more worthy of credit, when he absolves to the class of those who, whenever they from a charge of heresy, than when he believed that they perceived contradicmakes such a charge, but other grounds tions between the Gospels, immediately of judgment also must be taken into the rejected that Gospel which appeared to account. And, in fact, Epiphanius, when them to stand in contradiction to the he absolved them from the charge of rest.| But still it is not probable, that in heresy, may have had before his eyes this age, in which the dogmatic influence some writing of the Alogi, in which they was so powerfully predominant, any one to whom the doctrine of the Divinity of of importance, could have It is not necessary to suppose that this Christ was ones." passage must have proceeded from a Montanist, it determined himself, for the sake of some is only requisite to acknowledge as its author some (li^Jiculties, Avhich struck him, to give up person, who thought it of importance to maintain the very chief book for the maintenance that the outpouring of the Holy Ghost revealed youthprophetica of this doctrine, especially in this itself in the Christian economy hy charismata' and it is clear from many of the ex- ful season of the Church, in which the pressions of IrenfEus, that such were his senti- immediate feeling bore far greater sway ments. And yet, nevertheless, the passage does than reflection, and in which the immediate The latter impression upon every one, who was not bear rather a Montanistic character.
:
^ i

'

part, especially, is

wholly spoken in the tone of a

Montanist,
ledge the

who

sees an adversary of the

(ihost himself, in every one,

who

will not

Holy acknowj

just enslaved

Christianity of

by a prejudice against the St. John, must have borne

One can

hardly attribute to a

new communications of the Paraclete, its testimony to the genuineness of that man of the modera- Gospel.
tiiis

tion of Irenaeus such violence in

matter, and

On

the contrary, every thing

if

is

ex-

one could almost be induced to suspect, that the whole j)assage has been interpolated by a Montanist. The context would hold together entirely, if the whole passage were wanting, and there would be nothing in it except in reference to the Gnostics, to whom alone the whole section relates.

plained,

Ave abide

by the account of

Epiphanius, which indicates a connection between the Alogi and the Theodotians
*

As

Church
Hteres. 44. ^ 4.
S;x.iva-i

for instance, if they said, as in fact the teachers did say, in answer to the Mon-

t*

aiirx ny.a Trivrsuav.

tanists, that this

promise had already been

iv. p.

fulfilleJ

The

passage, where he says of

'la:i)>j:u

them

tcv

aoj/ov

oi

in the case of the apostles.

10. Joh. 2, speaks of this capricious critical conduct in certain people of this age. The exaggerated view of inspiration

Si'^cvTuircv TT^gx

KiKHguyutviv, does not

make

t Origen, vol.

160,

t.

it altogether certain that he^neaut here to charge them with a denial of the doctrine of the Logos, because the word ko-^o; is ambiguous.

promoted

tlus hypocritical conduct.

'

THE ALOGI AND THEODOTIANS

or Artemonites, although we would not assert at once, that all the adherents of this party belonged to the Alogi, and reTheir jected the Gospel of St. John. principles made the latter course unnecessary, for, as they admitted a certain connection of God with Christ, they might also adinit the doctrine of a Divine Logos, who worked in him,*' and they might also explain the Gospel of St. John after their own notions, as it is clear from Novatian, that they explained many passages which did not suit their doctrine, as merely referring to a previous destination of Jesus as the Messiah, in the counsels of God. The unknown adversary of the Theodotians and Artemonites in Eusebius says, that they did not all misuse the Holy
Scriptures
in
'

PAUL
to

OF SAMOSATA.

375

same way, what we hear of the rejection of the Old Testament by one portion of
this party, agrees

with their violent oppo-

sition

ftiontanism,

which was

often

inclined to mingle together too indiscri-

',

the

same way, and

that,

while some endeavoured to bring it into accordance with their doctrinal opinions through their oxvn sort of criticism, others rejected whole books of Scripture. The unnamed person here is certainly speaking, not of the New, but of the Old Testament, lie says, that while they set the Gospel of grace in complete opposition to the Old Testament, they had cast away the Divine authority of the Law and of the prophets, and had torn asunder all connection between Clu'istianity and Judaism.| But this account gives us reason to suspect that they indulged in a critical system which judged according to their dogmatical preconceived opinions, and

minately what belonged to the Old and what belonged to the New Testament, and it accords also with their rejection of the Apocalypse, although this last circumstance may easily be explained on other grounds. That they attributed both the Gospel of St. John and the Apocalypse to Cerinthus, shows, that, although they ill understood the Gospel of St. John, because the sense for its understanding was wanting in them, yet they knew Cerinthus rightly for a Judaising Gnostic. Nor can we leave it unobserved, that the Montanistic prophetic spirit busied itself much with the defence of the doctrine of the Trinity as received in the Church, to which it may have been induced by the circumstance of the Monarchians being violently opposed to it [i. e. this prophetic
spirit.]

To
also

this class

of Monarchians belongs

Paul of Samosata in Syria, who became bishop of the Church of Antioch at some time between the years 260 and 270, A. D. The bishops, who condemned his doctrines, make a very unfavourable
report

of his character,* and represent

him

as a proud, vain, and avaricious

man,

who was
j

which

simply

might take different directions consequence of their other (hfferences. Tlius it is by no means imin

'

probable that to
])le,

many among
said

these peoa

all,

which was

of

Divine
I

Logos, appeared to
tical

be something Gnos-

inclined to concern himself with w^orldly matters. Men, however, being but little a])le to distinguish between persons and opinions, opponents in faith, and more especially passionate opponents, as these men appear to have been, deserve but little credit for their accusations but these accusations con;

have been wholly without foundation, and alas! the picture drawn of him harmonizes well with what we hear besides St. John, which from its whole character, of the bishops of Antioch,t the great would probably correspond but little to See Eusct). vii. c. 30. their predominantly dialetic and reflective cast of mind, and might appear to them too I Sec what Origcn says in Matt. Ed. Huct. p. " We, who either do not understand what theosophical, was declared by them to be 420. the doctrine of Jesus here means, or else despise It a forgery of the Gnostic Cerinthus. such expressive exhortations of our Saviour, are will be seen also, that this cast of mind of such kind, that sometimes we even exceed must have made them enemies of the the state of the wicked governors among the heaIn the thens, and want a hody suard like the emperors, prophetic gifts of the Monlanists. and make ourselves awful and inaccessible, espeAnd in many so-called cially to the poor. * As the flaov mw/jLH, of which the angel spoke Churches, and esi)ecially those of the <^reiiler lo Mary, as at that time the ideas of the Holy towns, you may find rulers of the (Jhurch of (Jod
Epiphanius,
to
I

or too mystical, as we learn from tliat they felt themselves peculiarly at a loss in regard to the Prologue to St. John's Gospel and the Gospel of
;

tain, nevertheless,

too

many

special traits

ft

Ghost and the Logos were joined together by

many

persons.

such that they would hardly acknowledge the best among the disciples of Jesus to be their equals."
fji.niifj.it\

)V;Xcj<av

iTnTgta-ovTJtf

i^S'

ct/

jti

tc<c

3T6
eastern Asia.

FAVOURED BY ZENOBIA.
Roman dominions
in

HIS

DOCTRINES.
office.

metropolis of the

episcopal

At Antioch

it

seems

being surrounded bypride, has always been a most dangerous circumstance to Christianity, and especially dangerous to the clergy, if they allow themselves to be attracted by the glitter and the show of the world, which they, of all men, ought to despise in consequence of their elevated employment. At that time Zenobia* had the sovereignty of those regions as queen of Palmyra, and appears always to have been friendly towards Judaisra.l Paul has been blamed, on the ground that, in order to obtain favour with this queen, he endeavoured to present the doctrines about Christ in a form more agreeable to the Jewish style of thought; but there is no proof to warrant such an accusation, as it was unnecessary to resort to this mode of explanation,;}; and as the firmness of Paul in this persuasion, even after political circumstances had changed, does not appear to bespeak the truth of the charge. But intercourse with the Jews, who were around the queen, with whom Paul, as a courtier, had much influence, may very probably have worked upon this tendency of his doctrinal views, although even this supposition is not necessary to be made. It may also be the case that his peculiar doctrinal views contributed to procure him favour with the queen. He now made use of his connection with this powerful patroness, in order to obtain influence and authority in worldly things, and to keep up considerable state. In flat contradiction to laws already publicly promulgated (see above) at least in the western Church, he held a civil employment under government, which could scarcely be compatible with the
earthly glory,

The

pomp,and

that the profane custom of testifying approbation to preachers, by waving of handkerchiefs, exclamations, and clap[)ing of the hands, which sets preachers in the same class with actors and declaimers for effect, had already passed into the Church

from the

theatre,

and from the exhibition

schools of the rhetoricians. The vain Paul saw this with pleasure; but the

who were his accusers, were well aware that this custom was contrary to the dignity and order which ought to
bishops,

house of God. The Church hymns, which had been in use since the
prevail in the

second century, he banished as an innovation, apparently proceeding on the principle which has been set up by others in later times, that only passages out of the Holy Scripture ought to be sung in the Church; and thus he probably suffered nothing but Psalms to be used. There is no sulficient ground for the suspicion, that Paul did this in order to pay court
to
his

patroness
It

Zenobia,

as

being a
that Paul,

Jewess.

is

more probable

who might

be well awt^re how deeply the import of Church hymns impresses itself upon the heart, when he banished those
old

hymns (which spoke

Logos,)

of Clirist as the

might hope also to banish the doctrines they contained from the hearts of men. When we find it
incarnate
stated, that the

man who

thus carefully

removed

the expressions used to desig-

nate Christ, was delighted to receive the

Wife of

the

celebrated

Roman

general,

Odenatus,
the
j"

to be false. iiv Znvc^irt H.-J.I n^uMu Trg'.iTTn rw 2*//cAs far as the doctrines of this man are Alhanag. hist. Arianor. ad Monachos, 71. concerned, he appears to have had but I i [This expression is not entirely clear. have translated it literally, and I suppose it means little tliat was peculiar to himself; in acthat we need not resort to any supposition of a cordance with his Judaizing notions, he wish to procure the favour of Zenobia, in order compared the Divine Logos to the reason to explain the Judaizing form under which Paul of man,* eitlier as the hidden contemH. J. R.] presented Christianity. The ofiice of a ducenarius procurator (which plative reason,! existing witliin the very is not to be confused with that of ducenarius nature of God, or as the reason that rejudex ;) so called because the pay amounted to veals itself outwardly by word and by
'UvS'ittu.
traw-sa)?.

who had made Roman empire.

himself independent of

incense of exaggerated expressions about himself, in poems and declamations in holy places, and to be called in bombastic rhetorical phrases an angel sent down from heaven, we cannot consent to receive such an accusation from the mouth of violent enemies as one on which we can entirely depend, but we have no reason whatever, for declaring it

two hundred sestertia [about 3000/. H. J. R.] creation.'l In the latter sense, the Logos, See Sueton. Claud, c. 24. Cyprian, Ep. 68. But as the reason of God, by its agency init is also possible that he was in possession of this ofiice, when he was elected bishop ; and then of * iiTTre^ iv avB^ieTTcv K,tipJii o IJtoi K'-yo;. ap Epicourse the bishops would have themselves to accuse for having sufTered such an infraction of the

phan.

p.

67.

laws of the Church

THE
spired all the

LOGOS.

37/

of the Old Testament, him of having maintained the existence Avho were enlightened by God, and thus of two Sons of God, one properly so would also inspire Christ; and whereas called, the other improperly, although he was the most illuminated of all man- this may be regarded only as a consekind, tliis Logos dwelt in him as it dwelt quence from his propositions drawn hif in none besides; but the difference of this his adversaries from their oini point of indwelling was only in degree and not in \vieu\ and then charged on him. It is kind.* It was in virtue of this pre-emi- very probable that when he wished to nent degree of illumination through tlie hold more closely to the doctrines of the Divine wisdom, that the name of a Son Church, he spoke, in his oicn sense, of a of God belonged to Jesus. When he Son of God, whom God had begotten used the phrase Jesus Christ, who came before the creation of the world; but on from below, 'ina-cvi; Xpurro; Kccrubi*-, he the contrary, when he expressed himself must have used it to imply, that the Logos freely without any sucii intention, he did not receive any human body, but that spoke only of the man Jesus as the Son the human nature, whicli had already an of God, for he expressly says that he independent existence, had been honoured knen} nothing of two Sons of God* by a peculiar influence and operation of Many Synods were held on account of the Divine wisdom.! From the deficiency the controversies with the Bishoj) Paulus of authentic and accurate information, it at Antioch ; but he probably availed himcannot be determined with certainty, but self of the indeliniteness of the ecclethe point is quite unimportant, whether siastical terminology, and the dillerent
[

men

'

he referred the name of Son of God to Jesus only as a man, when he says of him, that, in accordance with the Divine predetermination, or the Divine counsel, he existed before the creation or, whether, in the sense which we have remarked above, he transferred tlie name of Son of God to the Divine Reason also, inasmuch as it (the Divine Reason) had equally called forth God out of himself into outward activity in the creation of the world ; for his adversaries accused
;!{;

polemical views under which different expressions might be used, in order to hide his own opinions under ambiguou.s explanations, so that no charge of erroneous doctrine could positively be fixed upon him. In the last Synod, A. D. 265, an able dialectician, the Presbyter iMalchion,t succeeded at last in forcing him to an open declaration of his opinion.

He was deposed and

I !

his oflice

bestowed

upon another; but as he was supported by a party, and favoured by Zenoliia, the
matter could not be accomplished before she was conquered by the Emperor AuThis prince left the rclius, A. D. 272. decision to the Bishop of Rotne. (See

He

taugllt
,

i'j

<ri/yy?yim<r(iut ti) uvfipaT/ca)

x.-xt'J.

tw

a-i(fiuv

cii:rutJai

ixxu. to

I'aul are
I\'e.st.

lie

Trw^rnTn.. TllC^e words of found in Lcontius Dyzantin. c.

el Euticheii., a

work which has

Latin translation
;

hitherto

been

known

to us in a

but the

jp.304.) Besides these two classes of MonarchI

I

Paul has been published in Greek from the MSS. of the Bodleian Library at Oxford, by Erlicli, in a Disscrtatio de crroribus Pauli Safraijnient of

ians,

we

find also a third,

in certain respects

which stands between the other two;

these were such persons as approached

niosatensis.
j-

Lipsia, 1745, p, 23.

See the Synodal Ejiistle in Euseb. vii. 30. In the Synodal Epistle to Paul of Samosata,
i.

Mansi's collection of the only authentic document among those made known by him refer to these transactions, the following which
published Councils,

by Turrian in 103-1, which

is

antithesis occurs, viz. that the

isted

Son

of

God

ex-

T0

a-locva^v

vj

TTgj.ytuKiil

uK>C

ciivta.

ku

the second class the most in their theory of the Logos, as a power that beamed forth out of the Divine nature, but receded from them again, and more nearly resembled the Patripassians as to their representations of the himianily of Christ. iThey were not satisfied with the idea of
uht 1it
j

iiTr.a^ai3-oiY 'ivi^yvu.v

Txou; Irom which we might judge that Paul maintained the contrary, Tti Ci:v t-.u Qtiu ci-;^'
C'r.a'ra^ii axxu. Trf'-yvw^it.

may

From this tut ivuT'.a-Tariv. be concluded that Paul spoke of a ri^w,

and understood by the yuvn^K
tviQuat. i.uri3-Tu.Ti:

iTna-Th/ux uK/TsiTTiTcc,
!

He might engraft his own opinions on the older expression in the Apologetic writers, iywM(rt T'.v xoy.v ,T^-.<fog;x:v, by understanding this so as not to include the notion of an emanation which

t:i/

Koyw nothing but an

the Creator.
fxM iu'j

of

God
I 1

*
-j-

From

T^eont. Byzant. erurTx^Qii ui:t/f. the expressions of Eusebius, although

had the
in

attribute of personality.

The

antithesis
j

Theodoret, to
interprets

whom

they appeared very oHensive,

the

Synodal Epistle quoted above, seems

r-.u

to

support this explanation: hx

Tj-vrn TTiTUiiKiv
'.i^,

k,-^cu
J,:

ttxth^
I

i'

'(jyJ-nu,
/jui

ciJ'

Si' vria--

them dillerently, we must conclude, that this clergyman alfo practi.-^cjl the profession of a rhetorician, which was hardly compatible
with his spiritual calling.

Txuns

avuTn.ffTS.'T'.u, ytmia-xyTtit

Tiu Trure^t Tc

48

2i2

3T8

EUSEBIUS ON BERYLLUS.
I

an influence of the Divine Logos on Jesus In the year 244 a Synod Avas held as man, which diflered only in degree [respecting the affairs of Beryllus, which

and apparently by his superiority of mind, his ability and moderation, he succeeded agreed with the Patripassian theory, so in persuading him, that he had erred. It far as not to separate that which was Di- is true, that in this case, we follow the vine in Christ, from the soul that resides account given by Eusebius,au enthusiastic within him. But they modifled this view friend of Origen, and we have not the so far that they supposed the Divine in means of consulting the document used Christ, the soul of his human nature, not by him, in order to form an unprejudiced to be the Divine Being himself, but a cer- and independent judgment. And yet, we tain emanation [streaming out] from him, must take into the account that as yet which formed itself to an individual spi; ;

from the influence exerted on other enlightened and holy men but, on the other hand also, they did not accept the Patripassian view of an indwelling of the whole Divine Being in a human body. They
;

was attended by

the great Origen,

who

lived at that time at Caesarea

Stratonis.

He

discussed matters with him very much^

ritual life.

Among

the Patripassians,

who

will not

same time an opponent of this doctrine would certainly have been more ready to charge it with
representing Christ as a mere man, than to make it say more than it really did say, of the Being of

admit of any distinction in the Divine Being (see above, on Theodotus and Ar- God in Christ. There temon,) Beryllus, the bishop of Bostra, cile these contradictory
! I '

remains, in order to reconstatements, only the repre-

in Arabia,

comes

'

the nearest to this opi1

sentation given of the doctrine of Beryllus.

We

According to the theory of Beryloccurring in the Commentary of Origen, on the lus, the personality of the Son of God Epistle to 'I'itus. Origen, t. iv. p. 695. first arose through a beaming forth, or an Sed et eos qui hominem dicunt Dominum emanation out of the Being of God into Jesum prtEcognitum, et praedestinatum, qui ante adventum carnalem substantialiter et proprie non a human body.* extiterit, sed quod homo natus Patris solam in se
nion.
I

must, therefore, here bring forward the fragment

'

habuerit Deitatem, ne
*

illos

quidem sine periculo

From

the deficiency of clear and accurate

esse ecclesiiE

p.ccounts, the

man
rical

development of the doctrine of this is one of the most difficult subjects of histoinvestigation, and therefore, we cannot expect

numero sociari.' As in this passage Origen joins together two classes of Monarchians,

and in the other member of the sentence, which

has not been quoted here, the Patripassians ; it may be supposed, if we should compare this passage with that above quoted (some pages back,

to arrive at a perfectly certain result.

The
toi-

chief
T;
I

passage to the point

jU>l Trej.U^fiO'TJ.VAl H.U.'T

is in

Euseb.
(.'vJliLi

vi.

33,

awrngA

liuv

Triply g^V^cfUV TT^'j

ik or

ivb^a>?raj; i?nj>ijuia.i;,
r/jG-td
x.j.'Tci.

TTi^i-) ^x<p}iv

and in Origcn ISiu. 7neryi^t(^ nicans an individual, pro-

per, personal existence, the

same

as CTro^ra.nu to
I 1

which

*t' imvoMv See Origen. t. i. Joh. p. 42. In this iTi^'.v rivoc description of his doctrine two points arc to be
is
((VUTrctrTttr'.;, siva/

contrasted

on the subject of the Piitripassians) from the Tom. on St. John, that Origen in the first member of the sentence was describing the two classes of Monarchians, while in that passage from his writings on St. John, he was opposing these two
I was myself deceived formerly by this comparison of passages; but it will not bear being carried out fully. Origen ascribes to those, of whom he is here speaking, too high an idea of the Divine in Christ, for us to suppose that he has in view the doctrines we have remarked and he also expresses himself too mildly about their relation to the Church, to suit that

classes to each other.

remarked: (1.) Before the earthly appearance of Christ there was no Son of God, as a Being personally different from God the Father, which is to
be understood, either as asserting that a Son of God existed only in an ideal Being, in the idea or the foreordaining counsel [of the Father] (jc^Tct
Tgcyvcixxiv,

or x^t*

Tr^ct-^i^jucv

rev TIut^oc) or else,

supposition.

So

that these

words most strikingly

at first only as a dependent not-independent) Power of God ; (2.) That contemporaneously with the incarnation of Christ, an existence of the Son of God also began, which was independently personal, and distinct from the Being of God (an J<f.35-Tava/

that the

Logos existed
lit.

(unselbstandige,

agree with those of Eusebius, and both passages are most naturally to be explained in the same way. must suppose that Origen here speaks of a doctrine, with which he was unacquainted

We

KXT

iJtxv cu(Ti^( '^i^ty^a.<p>iv.)

not assert the

nature,

latter,

Patripassian could for he could only speak of an

existence of the Father

revealing itself

himself in the
called the

human

and with which he had first become acquainted by means of his transactions with Bcryllus of Bostra. And then by comparing Origen with Eusebius we find, that Beryllus, under the words 7r^ov<^i<rTxvAi avuTotn-ctTaic, understood a
before,
7r^ou<f array *i

which existence was

Son, from

KH-rat

Tr^oyvoKriv
it

Kit

!rgscg(3-^ov

rcj the

riiTgo-.

And

thus also
b.
ii.

is

explained,

why

And now we must add

t^ilv uAx' ifA-rokiTW./uivnv

the second part of the

iSttv

Synod, as Socrates,

representation of Easeh'ms, /unit /unv 6mt;/t*

civTm juivnv Tuv Tra^^inyiv.

is

If

incompatible with the opinions of a Patripassian; so, on the contrary, this last says too much to suit the doctrine of a Monarchian of the second class. At the

what we have above remarked

informs us, should maintain against Beryllus the doctrine of a reasonable human soul in Christ; because Beryllus supplied the place of such a soul, by the special oiKovofjLi^ rev fiacu Tvw^aTt/f. out of which the j)roper, and God-allied personality of Christ was formed.
c. 6,

ORIGE.N
there
a

OS BERYLLUS.

SABKLLIUS.

379

was no slate Tteligion^ and no state Theosophy of Alexandria, is by no means Churchy which could cvmpcl Beryllus to to be rejected. In this Gospel, Christ, as
recantation, although
tiie

wisdom, commuto his disciples, which enand indeed, too much power over the tirely suited the Tiieosophic disposition Church. But if the bishops liad wished of a certain class: If the multitude, which to overpower tlieir colleague by mere camiot raise itself up to the perception of numbers, they would have had no occa- the Supreme simj)le Unity, hold God tlie sion to call in the services of a Presbyter Father, the Son, and tlie Holy Ghost for who had been driven away and branded different Divine beings, tliey must acknowas an heretic, and who had no other ledge that Father, Son, and Holy Ghost are power than that which belongs to know- only one; that ihey are only tiireedilliirent ledge. And besides, Origen was not the forms, under which the Supreme Unity in man to use the weight of his name or of revealed.* As it is said in the Clementiney his superiority of mind for the purpose that God is either a /LAom?, or a (Jt;a,-, just accrushing an individual. cording as the Divine wisdom is hidden It is only among the men of the Alexwithin him, as his soul or as it works acandrian school tliat we liiul instances of tively proceeding forth from him, as the theological conferences, which, instead hand that creates the world so also Saauthority of
a
teaciier

of esoteric

the Episcopal college had already

much, nicated
;

this

;'];

of introducing

still

greater divisions, pro-

bellius said tliat

God

before the creation

duced unity of mind.

To what

else can

had been the pure Unity, ^ as being entirely

we attribute this, unless it be, that these hidden within his own Being, and not men were not blind zealots for the letter, active through communication [of any of but men of a liberal spirit, and united the his attributes, kc.,] witli any thing beof love and moderation \\\\.\\ that yond himself; and in this respect, he which would not wish to called God the Father but, at the creation, this unity had developed itself into a triumph, except through the force of truth Although in other respects the system Trinity.W As, according t-o the apostle which Origen opposed to that of Beryllus * Epiphan. Hseres. 52. He says of this Gos. was not free from error, and although, pel: ctiiTti) yjg TT'^yxrt TUivrit L; iv T-xfji^TTm perhaps, it was not merely the superiority of the system, but the mental superiority ai/Tiv Jiih'juvTo: ni: /ui^TXi: tsv ai/TJV ilyxi of Origen himself that contributed to YXxTigu, t;v cl'jt'jv ihn uhv, t;'/ o-ut.v ilvn ayr.v Uvrjjux. This may be illustrated hy a passage in eflect this triumph ; yet still the system Phil, de Abrahamo, f. 367. (Kd. Hoeschel.) of Origen was in many points of view where it is said, that the from which his two when compared with the doctrine of his supreme i-jv^/xii:, the. TrtihTinii, and the /Hnro.uh proopponent, nearer to a pure development ceed, appears cither one, or threefold, according
spirit

zeal for the truth,

El*

'.v

of the truth.

to

the

greater or less purified

it.

condition

According to the account of Jerome,* vated itself above the revelation of God in the Beryllus thanked Origen by letter for the creation to the intellectual perception (anWe have schauung,) of the cv, then the Trinity glides into instruction he had received. no cause to doubt this, but the account Unity to its view it looks upon one Light, from of Jerome is not so authentic as that of which at the same time two shades proceed, i. e.
:

souls

which contemplate

If the soul

of the has ele-

God's Being and those two operative faculties Origen. [Wiirkungsweisen. Lit. the modes of operation,] Tlie next to Beryllus of Bostra, is Saare only shades, that fall from his overpowering bellius, who lived at Ptolemais, in Penta- Light. T^iTHv (^tvTU.Tii.v evsr vTiKUua'yj kxtxpolis, after the middle of the third cen- XltfJifiMil, TiU JUiV !>; CKTSC TitV S' uXJ^'.IV iuitt, i; tury; and who may, probably, have main- u:Tai/)^/^-,Mvaiv u^3 tii/tcu o-kiuv. And then mtained a doctrine more curiously deve- ^i^it Til ijaT/JCH SiXtUU, TiTS //SK SV;-, TITS Si T^ittV
ill"
:

^''Al*' loped and perfected, than any other of this class, but unfortunately, we have only yimvx 'i'here is also /uoviSif S-j:fJu. Cri>2t<j-x, &c. an imperfect acquaintance with his system a remarkable likeness between the mode of exas to the internal dependence of its va- pres.sion used by Sabellius, and that, which is peThe account of Epi])hanius, culiar to the Clementine, a work which proceeded rious parts. from a Juda;o-Chrislian theosophist. that Sabellius borrowed the germ of his f Clementin. H. 10, c. 12. kxtx yt^ inTXTiv doctrine out of Apocryphal Gospels, and Kit (Tua-TiViv /Lf.'.vx: iux: jlva/ viui^triu. especially from one| that was current in i According as it may be said cither <ru3-ri\KtTEgypt, and bore the stamp of the Jewish 6x1, or inTHvwSiv,

ipXVTUflU.V

'i/i(

/UiV,

iTXV

CK.^Cu:

X.tbx(JjiirX

I"

xnuTTKiK'.:

fx'ivaji

to

iv,

De Vir. III. c. 60. From the u-xyyiuzt

II

See Athanas. Orat.

iv. c.

according to Philo 13 : /jtcvxc TKxruy.

xt" Aij.!/TTt/f.

du(rx }iyoy'. T^'ic

And

yet,

one

is

inclined to

380
St.

SABELLIUS
is

DOCTRINES.
the

HIS
of a

LOGOS.
warms, glows through
in

one Spirit, and yet this one Spirit worketh several ways through manifold gifts and graces thus, also, he says, is God the Father one and the same, but he pours himself abioad in the Son, and in the Holy Ghost,* under which names Sabellius means to designate only
Paul, there
;

power

that

and

vivifies the hearts

Sabellius

spoke
Aoyo?

of believers.* the sense above

given,
the

two
the

different modes of operation of same Divine subject; namely, God

the
it

Father.

Therefore,

he

says

also,

is

one Divine Being, as

to its self-ex-

istence,

ferent names, according to these

ferent

which is designated by two diftwo difmodes of operation one Divine Subject, which represents itself under dif-

ferent forms, according to the necessity of

each occasion, and sometimes speaks as the Father and sometimes as the Son, and sometimes as the Holy Ghost.| Pie had therefore, no scruple in using the language
prevalent in
the

Western Church, and

saying that

we must acknowledge one

persons

God

but then he un;J derstood under the word Person, nothing but different parts, different personifications under which the one Divine Subject presented itself. He made use also of the following comparison As in the
:

in three

Sun we must separate

stance (the

his proper sub-

ov, the fxoi/a?,) the round body, from the warming and illuminating power that proceeds from it, so also in God we must distinguish between his proper self-existent Being, and the enlightening power, the Logos, and the Holy Ghost,

and of a which preceded without which no creation could have taken place. No Being could have existed, if the thinking Divine reason had not become a speaking reason if the Divine Monas, wrapt up in itself, had not unfolded itself in the words of creation. In this sense Sabellius said, " God, being silent, is inoperative ; but God speaking, is effective."! He considered, however, human souls to be a revelation or a partial outbeaming of the Divine Logos, in which idea he followed Philo and the Alexandrian Churchmen; reason in man. in this view, is nothing but a feeble reflection of that reason of God, wiiich is active in communicating itself. Therefore, Sabellius applied what he had said of the creation in general to man in particular, "That we might be created," says he, " the Logos proceeded forth from God [or was begotten,] and no sooner hath it gone forth from God, than behold we are in existence.";}; For the purpose of redeeming the souls of men that were akin to it, the Divine
Tr^oi^o^iHo?,

begetting of the Logos,

whole

creation,

power of

the Logos let itself down into nature ; and the whole Spiritual personality of the Logos was considered by Sabellius, as a certain hypostatized

human

inquire whether he supposed that the //ovj? unfolded itself immediately at the creation into a
TWatc,
S'ui;,

or whether

it

was not

originally only into a

so that the Tp/s-f, took its first origin from the emanation of the Logos into human nature. In order to decide on this point, we must know more of the manner in which Sabellius represented to himself the i-elation of the communication of the Holy Ghost to the incarnation of the Logos, and how he viewed tlic relation of God's operation in the ISew 'I'estament, to that in the Old. It were much to be desired, that Origen had left us more distinct accounts of those whom he accuses, in the above quoted iragmcnt of his Commentary on the Epistle to Titus, of making the Holy Ghost as relates to the prophets, and the Holy Ghost as regards the apostles, two difierent things, and whom he expressly distinguishes from the Gnostics to whom one would at first be inclined to apply this passage, were it not for that express
;

outbeaming, a peculiar modification of the Divine Logos The doctrine of a class of Jewish Theologians, that God sends forth his revealing power, the Logos, from himself, and recalls it to himself again, as the Sun sends forth its beams that the appearance of angels, and the Theophanies of the Old Testament, are nothing else than difierent transient ibrms under which this one power of God appeared; this theory he applied
! ;

j"

Epiphan. Hseres. 62.

Tov Jcv (T/aiTavTa
I.e.
y.i)i

aiiVig^ytiTcv, K-J-Kivvth
1

Si

la-^vuv.
f
div

Athanas.
iv.

iv. c.

1.

Athanas.
/c^oc,

25.

ivx

>i/jm<:

iniaSafAfi',

tt^uik-

Ka.t

7re_^oihBovTC,c

auTaj

to-^w.

These

words would take a

different sense, if they are re-

and are understood of the distinction. But, both from the incarnation of the Logos. * 1. c. 2.5, iflTTTfg intet^ii- ^'jgia-juttToiv i\<ri, to h words themselves, and from the context and the JLVTO TTVOilXrl, oi-TOH K'M UUTCif i(JTl, TTKU- manner in which it is quoted by Athanasius, the FlaTJ)? Tuvircu h a- Thv k FIva/^Mi. most natural interpretation is that given above. |" liasil. Ep. 210. T(,v uiiTiv siv ivu. tcd CtcAs the Light Dial. c. Try ph. Jud. 358. Kit/AlVCe (.VTO. VeOC Tis IK-XfrcTi 7tdi('Jim7T'T!.WJi% ytUUQ proceeds from the Sun, and returns to it, c-Jto); a IxerufAigi^iVfjiinv vuv fxtv Li n<TSfi, ny it L; ytt,v, vuv Tlu-TUP, oruv S'.vKinan S'vv^/aiv ciutcu T^cTrnSav Trim,
ferred to the xjuvo KTia-K,
wf TO iytcv
llvivji/.u St'Jhiyiabdit,

K'M CTSV ^.VKhTSU TTUKIV uVslffTiKKa

t'n (JLUTOV^

[p.

372.

Ed. Jebb. H.

J. R.]

:,, : '

DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH.

to the

38t

appearance of should in its stead communicate himself Christ. He made use of the same meta- to the individual souls of the faithful phor, that the Sun was like a beam, that through individual separate beams of the issued from the Sun, and returned again same divine Life, by means of the Holy into God, like the beam to the Sun. Ghost. The words of Sabellius in AthaIt may be doubted, whether he used the nasius might certainly refer to something name, *' the Son of God,"' merely for the else ; namely, they niight mean, that human form under which the Logos ap- after every thing had been restored to peared, or whether he applied this name unity with God, the whole Spiritual creato the Xoyof w^oipogixo? on its first origin. tion would be in immediate connection As he spoke of an original generation of with God, and then the Trias would also the Logos, and was generally willing to subside into the Monas, the Myo<; w^o^oand llien take up the expressions used in the fixof and the Xc,yo<; tviJiaOsro-; Church, it would suit well with his nothing else would exist than the One* whole theory, to suppose that he would simple Divine Being, at repose within have no scruple in applying this term, in itself with the blessed Spirits reposing the sense which we have observed, to the within him. But wiiat opinion Saljellius Logos.* mav have held with respect to the encannot It is farther certain, that Sabellius as- during personality of souls, we ascribed to the Redeemer no elernalhi- state with any certainty from the deficnduring personality ; but it might be ciency of any authentic vouchers.! doubtful, whether he maintained, that The Church doctrine formed itself in God did not recall again into himself the opposition to both these classes of 31 obeam that had proceeded from him, until narchians, and sought to maintain the the whole work of redemption with all its substantial [selbstiindig] personal Being

Tlieophany

in the

'

consequences (after the general resurrection) was completed, or whether he supposed that God had taken back to himself this beam immediately on the ascension of Christ. The words of Sabellius support the first view "just as the Logos was begotten for our sake, so also, does he return back again after us, to that which he was before, so that he may be what he was,t after we have attained to the union with God, to which we are destined ;" (that is to say, after man through him shall have attained to a Being in God, analogous to the Being of the Logos in God ;) on the contrary, the account of Epiphanius, who appears also to have had the words of Sabellius before his eyes, especially if we compare it with the doctrines of that Jewish sect, rather supports the second supposition. And there is something quite accordant with the
:

While these Monarchians of the Logos. considered the self-revelation of God in the Xoyoi; w^ofpo^ixo?, as only a certain acof the JDivine nature, in which the Avhole creation was called into existence ; the Church teachers, on the contrary, supposed a self-revelation of God, pretivity

ceding the whole creation, and forming the foundation of it which self-revelation consisted in a Being, emanating from God with the attribute of personality, representing the Divine Being of God, and this realizing his first conceived ideas Being was the substantial Word, in which the Divine thouffht came forth into crea:

In the tliayyvj^M KdT AiytrrrKv; also, which Sabellius used, the doctrine that all opposites will at last be lost in unity, appears to be brought forward; for there, in answer to the inquiry of

Solomon, when the kingdom of Christ was to

come

Christ gives the answer, "

when Two

be-

whole Sabellian theory in the idea, that come One, and the outward like the inward, and after God, through the sinking down of the male like the female; when there is no farther this one perfect beam into human nature, distinction of sexes." this view, we can understand had again restored this to himself.t he I According to how Dionysius of Alexandria (Euseb. vii. 6,)
might accuse Sabellius of having spoken inpronounced an Anathema as^ainat those, juriously of God the Father (as the expression not believe in Father, Son, and Holy of the evolution of the Divine Monas into Ghost, which he nii^ht do in his own sense a Trias must have apjicarcd to a follower of of those terms. See Arnobii conflictus cum Sera- Origen,) and of great unbelief in regard to the pione. Bibl. Patr. Lugd. t. 8. Logos, who became man (inasmuch as he looked upon Him as only a transient manifestation of I Lib. cit. c. 12. ju& yiuji; uvar^i^uia JLtr.Tfg [The word " dieselijc" here translated "ffiis," Divine power,) and of great insensibility (,.(Ut. ^ grammatically considered, refers to " human na- Sxj-ja) in respect to the Holy Ghost (because he but I apprehend it denied the reality, and the objectivity of the Holy ture" with which it acp-ees means the " human nature of Christ, with its en- Ghost, and understood under that name only indi

He

who

(lid

ii

I'-v.

lightening

beam of Divine Light."

H.

J. R.]

vidual transient outpourings of Divine power.)

382
tive
activity.*

ORIGEN

DOCTRINES.
j

" While the lutely,* is the original source of all being word of man is onl)'^ the transient ex- the source of Divine life, and of blessed pression of his thought; on the contrary, ness for a blessed world of spirits which out of the Supreme and entirely perfect is akin to him, and also elevated by comBeing, nothing can come forth as his self- munion with him above the bounds of revelation (or the first act of the commu- temporary existence, and thus rendered nication of Life iVom God,) which is not divine. The higher spirits, in virtue of substantia!, real, and objective." They this Divine life, communicated to them conceived to themselves this Logos as the by means of their communion with that most perfect outpouring of the Divine original Divine Being, may, in a certain Being, and they made the doctrine of the sense, be called Divine Beings or Gods.f unity of God (the (/.ovoc^^tac) to consist in But as the avTo^eo^ is the original source supposing the Divine Logos to be nothing of all being, and all Divine life, so also but an outpouring from the Divine First is the Acyo;, the indispensable medium Being [Urwesen,"] who revealed himself through which all communication of life through this Logos, and works by means from him must flow. This is the collected of him. But still by degrees this idea, revelation of the glory of God, the uniin the conceptions formed of it, was de- versal all-embracing image of the glory, veloped in two different and opposite from out of which the partial beams of ways ; the one prevailing in the Western, the Divine glory spread themselves over the other in the Eastern Church. the whole world of Spirits.:]: In regard to the latter, the fashioning Now as there is only One. Divine which this doctrine received from the First Being. there is also, One Divine philosophical spirit of the Alexandrian First Reason, the Absolute Reason, school, and especially of Origen, had a through which alone the eternal Supreme very great influence upon it, and we can- Being reveals himself to all other beings, not fail to recognise the influence also, which is the source of truth to all them, which the system, from which his philo- the objective subtantial truth itself. With sophical notions were derived, had exerted Origen it is a great point to maintain upon him. Although the Christian spirit firmly, that every particular class of reahad leavened his speculative ideas, al- sonable beings has not its own subjective though his "God the Father" is some- reason, nor every separate intelligence; thing different from the supreme, simple but that there is one objective Logos for principle of the Neo-Platonists, the of, all, just as there is one objective absolute Avhich was to them a mere abstract idea truth for all, the one truth of God-conof perfection, although his Logos is some- sciousness, which unites man with all " Every thing different from the vovi; of the Neo- classes in the world of Spirits. Platonist, absorbed in ideal contemplation one," he says, " will concede that truth of itself; yet the speculative form, under is One, and in respect of truth, no one which he had viewed things from this can venture to say, that there is one truth philosophy had certainly great effect in of God, another truth of angels, another modifying his conception of this doctrine. of men ; for in the nature of things there We shall now view the ideas of this pro- is One truth only in respect to every found man, in their proper connection single thing. But now if truth is One, so with each other. must also the development of truth, which That which is to be called God abso- is wisdom, if thought of properly, be thought of as One also; because every false appearance of wisdom embraces not * [Lest I should have failed to represent by a the truth, and does not deserve to be called literal translation the meaning of my author, I wisdom. But if there be then One truth will merely state what appears to me to constitute
said,
I :
:

They

II

'

the ditFerence which he wishes to establish between these two views. The first considers the
creation itself to be the act of this Divine energy of God set into activity, and thus the creation is the

'

and one wisdom, the Logos which reveals the truth ami wisdom to all who are capable of receiving
it,

will be

One

also."

only manifestation of the thought of God, and is the Kvyoc !roi<pip;Ko;. The second, on the contrary, maintains that, previous to the creation, and in-

But although the Logos as to his nature and being, is absolutely One; yet he presents himself under a variety of forms
'^

dependent of it, there was a manifestation of God, and a conversion of the xt,j.cc hSuScn', into the This Acyoc TrfxpooMX has a perT^cycc TTfi-.rp'.piKo;. sonal existence, and hy means of him God created the world. H. J. R.f

*
j"
I

The
.loh.

awAojc

flfjf,

eturcBlos.

^STO^l)
li.

TK
c.

iKflVCV di.rtircf BtOTTOIOV/UiVOI.

ii.

32

18.
11

The

ctuTcflMf.

The

nuToKoyo;.

ORIGEN ON THE LOGOS.

383

and modes of operation, according to the creation, but supposing an eternal creadifferent conditions and necessities of rea- tion, he could still less acknowledge a sonable beings, to whom he is every beginning in tliis case, and he endeavoured thing, wliich is needful for their salvation, to remove every consideration of lime
I

(see above.)

Wliere

tlie

Gnostics, from
the
to

the different

modes of operation of

One Redeemer, and according

the dif-

ferent conditions of his operations, sup-

posed different hypostases, Origen reduced these diiferent hypostases to different conceptions and relations; but just as he opposed this fasliion of hypostatizing every thing, so he opposed himself also to the Monarchians who reduced the whole Trias (or Trinity) only to different conceptions and relations under wliich the One Divine Being is vievved. Whosoever denied
tlie

subtantial existence of
|
j

the Divine Logos, appeared to him to reduce every thing into that which is subjective, to deny tlie existence of an abso- is indepeiuleiit upon time.* And thus lute objective truth, and to make it a mere he was peculiarly instrumental in estaabstract idea [abslracfiun^] for he could blishing the notion of an eternal genenot think of the Divine Logos in any ration. otlier way, tlian as he had been accusWhile Origen endeavoured to conceive
:

from the idea of the generation of the Logos, and to maintain that we must think of a " present," without any determination of time, [lU. a timeless present; an eternal now,] which he believed to he intimated in the '' to-day" of Ps. ii. 7. What the Platonists said of the relation of the iv to the oy,', tliat the revelation of the former in tlie latter is contemporaneously co-existent with the former, he applied to the relation of God the Father to the Logos, that the reffection of the glory of God in the Son is co-existent with its own existence and thus, that always this redeclion had been present with the glory after a manner, which
;

tomed
c.

to

think

of the

novi

of the

Neo-

the idea of the

after the

generation of

the

Son

Platonists.

" None of us," says Origen,

12, " has so debased a mind,

most

spiritual

manner

possible,

he declared himself strongly against all as to think that the Being of truth* had sensuous conceptions of it, and against no subsumtial existence before the appear- all such expressions as might give occasion to, or favour them at all. ance of Christ on earth." On this As Origen explained all designations account he rejected the phrase of a geneof the Logos as symbolical, he looked ration out of the substance of the Fatlier.t upon the name Logos in this light, and (which, on the contrary, was used in the he spoke against those, who built exclu- western Church, in order to distinguish sively upon this name, and made the com- the Son of God from all creatures,) beparison w-ith ihe ^o7o; Trpopopixo? always cause this expression, it appeared to him, applicable, which to him, as a philo- might easily be used to favour the notion sophical thinker, appeared too human, of a sensuous partition of the Divine and one which would not allow the Being.J As the idea of a generation out of the Logos to be represented as something having a substantial existence.| The re* Joh. i. 32. T. ii. c. I ii. 9. In Jerein. iii. presentation which up to this time had been current that God before the crea- 181. ymiirii: Ik th: o'jtix; tm Qi-.ut tion had caused the substantial Word to i In opposition to those, who falsely explained emanate from his Reason, in which he the pa-ssage of St. John viii. 44, of the generation had conceived the plan of the world, of the Son. T. 20, Joli. c. 16. Ckku it ry j--\9;k which was to be executed by the Word, UT3 i.u, SiMy)i^t.tro uVT/ T',v yiyiyxu-u .(T3 tcu e)s;w, w'f and that he had caused his thought to LKcA.ci/5a ix Tc <,-j<rn.: <i3.TKiiv tco FlxTgic yr)Bi>ir&n t;v Tm, oiovu fA.U:u.ii:u ku Xi.'TiVTic Tii si/xi, banished, together
Cels.
viii.
| j

become

the

Word, was
;

with that comparison by the philosophical because he could not spirit of Origen allow the propriety of transferring in this

TT^iri^'jt sl^f

S:.yuu.Tn OvSe^wTut juvf cvi^ fjrir

7rijiitvru3-/ui.!sav.

.i:j3t-

T;y K-u uircufjurzt

In the re|)ort of

manner the relations of time to the EterAcknowledging no beginning of nal.

j

ami CanJiJus the a discussion between Valcntinian, a passaf^e occurred in which the former attacked an expression made use of by the
()ri;en

fx'.u

K'jy.'i

(iyihi^y
iv

-if.

44.

1.

oio^stu/

7rg;<?og-xi'

7tx-

rejxjii/

ilivit

trjKKoi8xji Kii/maio

ilvut

rot

Tuv tow

more ancient Church doctors, as Justin, for example, (viz. a ^^-^jkii tK TKf oia-iti; t'.v t*t^'-c,) nc Deus Pater divi.latur in without any scruple, partes, and, on the contrary, in order to remove the idea of a necessity resultint; from the nature of thitii^s, he maintained that the S)n of God had received his existence from the will

of the Father.

Lib.

ii.

adv. Rutin,

t.

iv.

13.

384

GENERATION OUT OF SUBSTANCE.

From
tical

substance {lit. the Being) of God appeared to Origen to be too sensuous, it was also a concomitant of this caution on his part, that he thouglit it entirely necessary to maintain strictly the absolute superiority of God the Father the avro6ioc. in respect to his nature, over every other Being, just as he had, indeed, been accustomed as a Platonist, to consider the ov as something incomparable with any thing else, and as elevated in his naJt apture, even above the ^oy? itself. peared to him, therefore, injurious towards the Great First Being, to suppose any equality of nature or unity between him and any other Being, were it even the Son As the Son of God and of God himself.
the

this doctrine

he drew the prac-

consequence, that we must pray to the Father and not to the Son, from which
it

is clear,

how much

in a

Christian and

practical point of view, the Patripassians

Holy Ghost

are incomparably elevated

else,

above every thing

even above the

highest grades of the spiritual world ; so much, or more than this, is the Father elevated above him.* This distinction between the nature of the Son of God, and of the Fatherj would necessarily be

brought prominently forward by Origen against the Monarchians, because they denied not only the difference of nature, but even the distinction of the persons; and thus, on account of the connected nature of his philosophical and Christian system it was a point of practical importance to Origen to maintain against them the personal substantiality of the Logos. Sometimes, in the course of this controversy, he distinguishes between unity of nature and a personal unity, or unity
of substance [subjects-einheit, lit.suhjcctor substance- unity] so that he only undertakes to controvert the latter idea.J This was the matter which was practically the most important to him to maintain, and he must liave been well aware that many Church-teachers, who held a distinction of persons, at the same time maintained an unity of nature. But in virtue of the intimate connection of his own system, as a system, both these opinions would give way together, and when he spoke as from the position taken by that system, he maintained both the Ite^otj)?
T5?? oiiffiK^

and the

ereporrn

t>j<;

inroa-raaici^

or TOU

(-

iTTOKEJfAEVOU.jl

T. 13. Job.

c.

25.

doctrine of an sts^otxc ac oia-ixi; maintained in opposition to that of the i/ucuvi-iov.

^
fJlCVOV

The

T. 10.
CU^l:l

Joh. against those

C'XX-X

who

said

iv

cu

KiJ CtcKSI fAiVCfi

Tiry'Jf^'^Vil

u/U!pOTiecv:'

[Wesen-cinhcit, oneness of being. See Wilson on the New Testament, p. 521. H. .f. R.] In Joh. ii. t. ii. Do Oral. c. 15. nctr' oh<nnv

Origen accused of knowing only the Son, and being unable to raise themselves up to the Father) must have thought themselves obliged to exert themselves against such a system. But still Clirist was, nevertheless, to Origen, as he himself declared, with full conviction from the connection of his philosophical and Christian system, the way, the truth, and the life he knew no other way to the Father, no other source of truth, and of Divine life for all creatures, than him, " the mirror, by means of which Paul and Peter, and all who are like to them, beheld God."* He says, that in some respects, we may agree with the Gnostics, tliat the Father was not revealed before Christ revealed him, that men till that time, had known only the Creator and the Lord of the world, and that it was through the Son that they had first known him as their Father, and by the spirit of adoption received from him, had become capable of calling to him as to a He acknowledged him to be father.f the mediator, a confidence in whom must penetrate the whole inward life of Christians and unite them with God, in his name and through him. Christians must always pray to God the Father. Origen says, " How can we in the sense of him, who said, Why dost thou call me good, there is none good, save only God the Father;' avoid saying also, Why dost thou pray to me } thou must pray only to the Father, to whom I also pray I' As ye have learned from Holy Scripture, ye must not pray to him who is appointed by the Father to be your high priest, and who has received from your Father the office of being your advocate but you must pray through your high priest and your advocate, through him wlio can have sympathy with your feebleness, who was in all things tempted like unto you, but by the gift of the Father without sin. Learn also what a gift ye have received from my Father, by reccivitig througli a new birth in me the spirit of adoption, so as to be called the sons of God, and my brethren."! -^"*^ ^'^"^ ^''^"^^ *^^^ grounds already pointed, as we see, by Origen, a controversy arose against the doctrine,
; ' ' ;

(whom

II

T. 13. Joh.

c.

25.

t T,

19. Joh. 1. iv. 286.

De

Oral.

c. 15.

COUNCIL AT ANTIOCH.
Son of God was hpgotten of the Father, and against tliat of an unity of nature between them both, from -wliicli controversy, an opposition was afterwards to arise between tlie eastern and the western Churches for in the latter of these Churclies, the doctrine of one Divine Being in tliree numerically ditfcrent persons, was already become predominant. When we compare Origen and Tertulthat the
;

385
ofjLoovTtiv

sata.

In the controversy against the latter,

the expression

was condemned

Antioch,* a circumstance wiiich is of importance as an introduction to the controversies of the next century."]" We see already the seed of a controversy between the system of Origen, and
at

by a council

the system of the UnityJ in Trinity,

defined

which was constantly becoming more strongly in the Romish Church, and a

lian

together,
tlie

we

learn liow the conceptruth

be formed differently in persons, according to the diiference of their spiritual character and education. TertuUian accustomed to sensible representations of the Supreme Being, could not find the difliculties, which met the philosophizing Origen. With his sensuous notions of emanation, he could easily make it clear to himself, how tlie Divinity could cause a being to proceed out of his own substance, which possessed this same substance, only in a smaller decree, and bore the same relation to the Divinity that the sunbeam does to tlie sun. Hence, he

tion of

same Christian

may

protype of the doctrinal controversies Dionysius, the of the fourth century, bishop of Alexandria, issued a pastoral letter against the doctrines of Sabenius, which were spreading themselves abroad in the province of Pentapolis, a district, the churches of which were under the superintendence of the bishop of Alexandria.
In this letter in contradiction to

the Sabcllian confusion of persons [hypostases] he brought forward in consequence of that heresy tlie difference be-

acknowledged one Divine Being

in three

tween the Son of God and the Father still more strongly, and made use of many inappropriate comparisons, and hard expressions, which he would not probably have used, if he had not been carried to

persons intimately united together.* extremes by means of this contrast beThe Son [according to this view] does tween the two systems, and which miglit not differ in number from the Father in be so understood, as if he acknowledged relation to the Divine Nature, inasmuch no essential difference of nature between
as the

same Nature of God is in the Son also; but he differs in degree, inasmuch as he is a smaller portion of the common

Son of God and created beings, and he ascribed a temporal commencement of existence to the Son he declared whole of the Divine Being.f This be- himself against the word Hoinousioti. came the prevailing view in the Western j\Iany, who were offended by the expresChurch; viz. one and the same Divine sions he used, complained of them to Nature in the Father and the Son; but a Dionysius, the bishop of Rome, who subordination withal in the relation of thereupon issued a letter, in which he the Son to the Father. But while tlie contradicted those who denied the unity
the
as
if
;

interior Christian life impelled

men con-

of nature

in

the Trinity

[Trias,]

who

between placed the Son of God in the rank of a Christ and all creatures, always more and creature, and assigned him a beginning more sharply defined, and while on the of existence in time, as well as the Sabelother hand the idea of the Unity of God was constantly more and more definitely * See e. g. Athanas. de Synod. 43, and conceived, particularly by the spirit of Hilar, de Synodis, 86. the western people, so the notions of this As this may be explained so naturally by the subordination would necessarily be more doctrinal conceptions of the Aloxaiulrian school, and also the ground brought fonvard by the coundriven into the background. cil against this expression of the Church is quite Tlie form of doctrine, which had formed
stantly to

make

the distinction

"t"

itself in the Alexandrian school, was now an a priori probability. The Arians, from whom again brought more prominently forward it comes, are, however, suspicious witnesses in in the second half of the third century, this respect; but the circumstance that neither during the controversy against the sys- Athanasius, Hilary of Poictiors, nor B.xsil of (^a;-

in accordance with this, this account has hence,

tems of Sabellius, and of Paul of Samo*

sarca, their bitter opponents,

who

quote from their

Una

substantia in trilius cohaerentibas.

alter,

mouths, contradict them in the matter, may pass as a voucher for its credibility. Literally, Unity of Being, t [Wesenseinheit.
or nature.

j- Dcus de Deo, modulo Adv. Praxeam.

nou numero.

H.

J. H.]

The

lctt3r to

Ammonius and

Nicanor.

49

2K

386
lians.
If

THE HOLY

SPIRIT.

Dionysius of Alexandria (who bond of Christian communion, was thus

would easily be able to show that people avoided.* It will appear from what we have rehad fastened too severely on single expressions of his, instead of explaining marked above, that the development of these expressions according to a general the doctrine of the Holy Ghost is closely view of his ideas) had at once maintained connected with that of the Son of God. see also here, how completely reliobstinately his opposition to the doctrine of the Roman Church, and had proclaimed gion is a thing of life, before it can obtain these points of difterence more definitely, for itself an adequate form of developthis would have sounded a tocsin to a ment in definite conceptions, and we see contest of doctrines, in which the Eastern the want of correspondence which must and Western church might possibly have arise between the inward life and contaken part. But Dionysius acted in the science, and the conceptions of the mind, Christianity has penetrated the spirit of moderation, which held fast what until is material, and avoided contests on in- whole of man's nature. In that age of comprehensible Divine things; a modera- the first outpouring of the Holy Ghost on tion which had passed from the great human nature, while the new life comOrigen to his worthy scholar. Without municated by Christ to human nature,

We

manifesting any resentment against his accusers, who had appealed to a foreign bishop, who was glad enough to set himself up as a judge over other churches, without manifesting any resentment towards the latter himself [the bishop of Rome,] who appears to have spoken more in the tone of a judge, than in that of a colleague in the office of bishop, he developed with composure and sound thought, the meaning of his expressions which had been misunderstood, and endeavoured while doing this, to avoid as much as possible any opposition to the Roman doctrine. He supplied also, according to the mode of Origen, what was requisite to complete the idea of the eternal generation of the Logos. He was willing even to allow the validity of the word ot^oivaiav^ as far as it was applied only to denote the affinity of nature between the Father and the Son, and to separate the Son from all creatures, although he might say

the
felt

life

in

communion with God, was

and while
the

its opecorrupted heathen world were so strongly marked there were generally wanting ideas of ii,, corresponding to the nature of that Spirit, whose power was felt to be Divine. The Church-teachers, in virtue of the modes of mental conception in those days, could not (if we except the Monarchians above mentioned and Lactantius)"*" maintain the reality and objective existence of the Holy Ghost in any other way than by representing it to themselves as a personal substantial being. They were

so powerfully,
against

rations

therefore, compelled

by

their

system of

subordination, to consider the

Holy Ghost

as a being subordinate both to the Father and the Son. Justin Blartyr, for example, who certainly spoke with a just interior experience of that, wliicli the Holy Ghost is for the interior life of the Christian ; calls him "the angel of God, against it, that this word had hitherto the power of God sent to us through never been in use in the Church, and did .Tesus Christ, which defends them [Chrisnot occur in the Holy Scriptures: which, tians,] from the assaults of the evil spirit, however, it must be acknowledged, is not and compels him to leave them."J With a satisfactory objection to make to a doctrinal expression: because the changes * See the fragments of the letter of Dionysius wiiich take place in the general develop- to Ammonius and Eu[)hraaor, and of the second ment of mind in a doctrinal point of view, letter under the title, 6X?),;^oc xa< uiTroK'.yfL: ia and new errors arising in it, may render Athanasius dc Sentenlia Dionysii et de Decretis new expressions necessary; and because Synodi NicenfE. Who appears to have declared the Holy the only point of any importance here is, Ghost to be the sanctifying power of the Father that the idea, which the doctrinal expres- and the Son, " cum vel ad I'atrem referri vel ad sion is to denote, can be deduced from Filium et sanctifieationem utriusque personae the Scriptures. By this self-denial of sub ejus nomine demonstrari." See Hieionym. Dionysius (in which he showed more of ep. 41. ad Pamach. et Ooeanum.
j-

the

spirit

of Christ,
if

honour him, than

and did more to he had maintained

Dialog,

c.

Tryph.
ti

.lud.

.344.

cyyfKK tou
ti/uiv

set/,
Siu.

TOUT
'lucriu
ifxcey.

'((Tjiv

Suvu/uk; tcu s;u m

irf/u^OiaiL

Xgia-Ti,v,

irntuu.
a
ed. ; "

a/yrm

k*i
to

the unity of nature by dialectic rules,) the controversy was put aside, and a division,

a<^'

This

affords
ii.

key

the

u/^ivmTua passage

in

the

Apolog.

which miffht have torn asunder the

often found diiBcult

we

Colon, p. 56, which is reverence the Son of

DOCTRINE CONCERNING HUMAN NATURE.

a
jiiPt

387

Christian view [Anschauung,] also,

sequence of the perception of the disharmony that exists, and the feeling of commiseration for man's misery, that had already been excited. Christianity united Anthropology with the Doctrines that relate to the nature of (Theology in the more confined sense of Spirits (Pneumatology.) inasmuch as it the word) we pass to the Doctrines which ascribed to man the same reasonable and relate to the nature of man (Anthropo- moral nature, and the same destination, as logy;) two classes of doctrines which to all the spirits of a high order; it restand together in close connection, when presented man, on the one hand, as the conceived after that mode of viewing them companion of a race of holy and blessed which belongs exclusively to Christianity, Spirits in a world to which he belongs, just as both of them receive their pro- even while here below, in virtue of his perly Christian character and significance, inward life while on the other hand, it by their peculiar relation to the Doctrine threw back the origin of moral evil on of Redemption, the centre point of Chris- this very world of Spirits, by the doctrine of a fallen Spirit of a higher order, from tianity. The Doctrine of Redemption, while it whom at first the origin of sin proceeded. is indissolubly connected with one mode This latter representation was of practical of viewing human nature, is essentially importince, in estjiblisliing the doctrinal It neces- view of sin, inasmuch as by means of it, contradictory to other modes. sarily presupposes the recognition of tiie a more express and direct contrast might truth, that human nature stands in need be presented against the important error of redemption, and hence, that there exists of the moral judgment, which deduced a schism and discord in it, and an es- evil from the mere nature of the senses, trangement of it from God, through com- and from the natural organization of man. The Gnostics, however, did not merely munion with whom alone it can be renneglect the practical and Christian view It stands in contradiction dered blessed. to the stoic view of the moral self-suffi- in their union between Anthropologv and ciency of man, as well as to lliat heathen Pneumatology, Iiut tlioy rather lost sight view of nature, which removed the oppo- of it entirely in tlieir idle speculations. sition between sin and the holiness of God, We observed before (see above,) how and deduced evil from the natural organi- their theories, intended to reconcile the zation of man, or from the influence of a holiness of God with tiie actual presence
;

Oiigen calls the Holy Ghost as the source of the Divine life communicated to the Christian, which, penetrating and sanctifying the natures of men, although according to its nature it be One, still reveals itself in manifold ways in the manifold qualities of human nature, and shows itself efficient in acting upon them " the substance of all gifts and graces effected by God, and communicated through Christ, as something substantial in the Holy Ghost." According to his system of subordination, which is of importance for the development of the doctrine of the Greek Church in the following period the Holy Ghost is in his view, the first Being [or nature, Wesen,] produced by God the Father, through the Son. In this respect also the Unity system was already brought more prominently forward in the Western Church during the last years of this period, especially in the letter of Diony*:ius the bishop of Rome to his namesake of Alexandria. (See above.) From the 'Doctrines relating to God'

introduced with itself a new point of view for the consideration of human nature, and this point of view was to be maintained against those conceptions of it previously in existence. Christianity
cessarily

directed the attention of the thoughtful to the struggle [Zwiespalt, division] be-

tween good and evil in human nature, from which that nature must be set free, and to such inquiries as the following

Whence this struggle did evil originally come

'

arose
?

whence
is it

and

how

to

be considered in respect to the holiness of the Creator ?" And in the case of manjj men (see the Gnostics as described above,) even before this time speculation had taken the turn to those inquiries, in consequence of. the desire that had been

awakened for some solution of the enigmas of the course of nature and in con;

blind destiny.

Christianity, therefore, ne-

God,

anil all

the host of the other arfiels which as especially the Holy Ghost;" ns

follow

Him,

of evil, necessarily disparaged alike the holiness and the omnipotence of God. and tended altogether to remove (he notion of evil, which they traced finally up to a
necessity
things.

this! lust is

rankcil

among

antjcls,
all

although consi-

arising

from

the

nature

of

dered to be elevated above

others.

The

Christian doctrine of Satan's

388

NORTH AFRICAN AND ALEXANDRIAN VIEWS CONTRASTED.

whole would have been constantly more and more ennobled and refined, and would Satan was nothing more than have been enabled to attain to a particiits
]

influence, &c., lost with

them

characteristic importance; because in their

estimation,

a mere natural power, tlie culminating pation in a divine and imperishable life, point of the power of the 'Y^j, which re- so that it would have been forever resisted every Divine influence. moved out of the dominions of death. In contradiction to the Gnostics, the But, by'means of the first sin, which con-

Church-teachers were especially concerned to show, that evil was no necessary result of the composition of nature, but had its origin in the freewill of beings, created by God for good, and also

were no natures either essenwicked in consequence of their derivation from one source, or essentially good in consequence of their derivation from another; but that in consequence of their derivation, equal moral capabilities were present in all, and the use or neglect of them was wholly dependent on the freewill of the individual. There was no
that there

tianly

need, in arguing against the Gnostics, to prove, in the first instance, that human
jiature

man's not subjecting his will to of God, but opposing it,* man stepped out of this communion with God, and thus became subjected to the mastery of sinfulness and perishableness."f As the harmony between the Divine and the human will entailed as its consequence a harmony between all the parts of human so the rent between the Divine nature and the human will introduced a rent in the li'hoh nature of man. Connection with an ungodly Spirit took the place of connection with the Spirit of God. The Father of the race of men communicated tlie Spirit of this world [Ufa-ally, the
sisted in

the will

world-spirit,] to all his descendants.^

had been
it;

defiled

by some element
contrary, the

foreign to
first

but on the

point to make good against them was, that this foreign admixtuie could not have utterly destroyed man's freewill. Upon the whole, the Church-teachers agreed unanimously in maintaining both tlie freewill of man, as a necessary condition for the existence of any morality, without which there could be no righteous judgment on the part of God and also in maintaining, at the same time, the necessity of Divine grace for the moral reformation of human nature. The accurate investigation of the mutual relation

between these two things, was yet far from this period; but still, amiclst this agreement in essentials, two tendencies in the development of the doctrines per- nected with sensuous views.) Hence, taining to these points, which recede from the whole nature of man became coreach other, are nevertheless, to be found, rupted in our first forefather, and sinfulwhen we compare the doctrines of the ness was propagated together with the Nortli African and the Alexandrian teach- souls of men. ers with each other. TertuUian was, in like manner, imbued
II

But Tertullian's theory about th& mode of propagating this first element of destruction to the nature of man, was peculiar to himself, and connected with his theory, of the propagation of souls. In fact, he thought that original forefather of the race bore within himself the undeveloped seed of all mankind ; that the soul of the first man was the source of all other human souls, and that all the qualities of human nature were only manifold modifications of that one spi(This is a point of ritual substance. view, which, although it was conceived sensuous images by TertuUian, who in could not think of any thing except through the medium of images drawn from the senses, was not necessarily con-

formation of the North African with the conviction of the sinfulness that system of Church doctrine proceeded adhered to man's nature, and also the from TertuUian. He received from the conviction of man's nature being undethen existing Church doctrines the idea, niably akin to God ; and that it was exthat the first man, as he was created by pressly in contrast to this latter element God, had every capability of manifesting of his nature, that sin manifested itself as the image of God through his spiritual * Electio suffi polius quam divinse sententirc. and moral nature ; but that these capa-

The

were still undeveloped. Their development depended on the freewill of man. The nature of man was pure enough that no obstruction was ofl'ered to the influence of God upon it through
bilities
;

j-

Among

the Fathers of this period Ijoth of

<fifl:a
:

these notions were included in the idea of

just the opposite term a<|>9?(ri with
fied divine, imperishable, ^

them

signi-

and holy

life.

Spiritum mundi universo generi suo

tradidit.

communion

with

God human

nature

l)e anima, c. 10, and c. 19. Tradux animse, tradux peccati.

II

tertullian's anthropology.
" Tlie corruption of man's nature," he says,* " is a second nature, whicli has its own God and Father; namely, the author of this corruption himself; but still in such a way that good is also present in the soul, that original Divine and genuine [Good] which is properly natural to it. For that which is from God is not For so much extinguished as dimmed. it may be dimmed, because it is not God, but it cannot be extinguished, because it is from God. Wherefore, as Light, which is obstructed, nevertheless remains, but does not appear, if the obstruction is sufliciently dense, so also the good which is in the soul, being oppressed by the evil, in conformity to its own peculiar nalure,t either remains entirely inactive, while its Light remains hidden, or when it finds its freedom, shines out where an opportunity is given. Thus some are very good and some are very wicked, and j'ct all souls are one race ; and also in the very worst there is something of good, and in the very best something of wickedness, for God alone is without sin, and Christ is the only man wholly sinless, for Christ is The Divine nature of the also God. soul breaks forth into anticipations in consequence of its original goodness, and its God-consciousness delivers a testimony. Therefore, no soul is Avithout guilt, because none is without the seed of good." He considered every part and power of man's nature as the work of God, as something intrinsically good; and hence, all tliat is contrary to reason in it, only as the consequence of that first rent produced in man by transgression ; and he acsin.
. . .

3S9
Gnostic doctrme of

With regard
in

to liie

men, consequence of which they maintained that no Pneinnaticus [or Spiritual man] could be formed from a llylicus or Choicus [a man of a low, material or
essential dilFerence in the natures of

earthly nature] or vice versa

Terlullian

contrasted with this doctrine the omnipotence of grace, and the changeableness of
the hinnan will.

When

the Gnostics ap-

pealed to the declaration of Ciirist, tiiat no good tree brings forth evil fruit, and no evil tree good fruit, Tertullian answered them thus,* " If this be so, then

God

cannot raise up children to Abraham out of stones, nor could the generations of vipers bring forth fruits of repentance,
'

and the apostle was in error when he wrote as follows: Jlnd we loo once were darkness^ and we also once were Ike children of wrath, among whom yc were once Ikit can the also, but ye are washed.^
declarations of the

Holy

S()irit

stand in
!

each other } No for the evil tree will never bring fortli good fruit, tmlil it he grafed, and the good tree will produce evil fruit, if it be not cultivated ; and the stones will become the children of Abraham, when tliey are Aishioned into the faith of Abraham, and the generation of vipers will bring forth the fruits of repentance, when they have vomited out the poison of wickedness.
contradiction to

This, the grace of

is

God may

eiU^ct,

which
nature,
is

certainly
to

more powerful than

freewill of

and

which the

man

sub-

But as this will is ordinate in us also a part of our nature, and changeable, withersoever it turns, thither our nature

This remarkable passage the justice of Plato's division leads us also." of the soul into the Xoyjxov and uXoyon, may be taken by some, as if Tertullian not in reference to the original nature of ascribed to grace an irresistible and atman ; but only in regard to it in a state of tractive power in reference to the corrupted will of man ; and it might be said, corruption.:]: that he maintained the freewill of man only in opposition to the doctrine of a De Anima, c. 41. necessity of fate, and against the opinion

knowledged

j[Ita boniim in anima a malo oppressnm, pro quulitnte ejus, aut in totum vacat, occultala luce, aut qua datur radial, inventa lil>ertate. So auch ist das von dem Bosen, wie dfssen

of an entire moral incapacity in ceriain but that he did not maintain it natures in reference to the nature-reforming prin:

e/i^en(humliches We.se?} mlt sich bringf, unterdriicktcGute in der Secic ganz wirkungslos, &c.

ciple of grace.

Montanism might easdy

would seem, although it is rather ambiguous, from this, that Neander refers pro qualilafe ejus to the nature of evil, as opposed to good, and oppressing it where it can but (if Kigali's reading is correct,) it seems to nie to belong to ii;iH)d, which
It
;

lead to this result, that the overpowering

influence of die Divine nature should be exairgerated, and the freewill of man made onlv a blind passive instrument. But still tliis view would be by no means

being
%

like light in its nature, sulFers either partial

or entire obscuration.]

Ue Anima,
est,

16.

Naturale enim rationale

aniinaj a primordio
;

gressionis
verit

admissum atque (quod) exinde

inolfl-

crcdeiidum

quod

sit

in-

in anima, ad

insLir j.un naturuliUtis, quia

gcnitum a

ntlioni/li videlicet auctore

irrationale
iilud trans-

autem poslcrius intcUigendum, ipsum

statim in nnturic primordio acccdit. De Anima, c 21.

2k2

"

390

ORIGEN'S VIEWS.
'

supported by the context, according to had been bestowed upon them, withdraws For the kingdom of God which Tertullian only wishes to make itself out, that grace by its Divine influence on does not belong to those who sleep and virtue of its free- are lazy, but the ' impetuous seize upon our corrupted nature, in will can communicate to it a higher power it.' The system of Origen in respect to than that which resides in itself; and we are bound to take that explanation, which this matter is altogether peculiar to himWe observed above, that he was best accords with the rest of Teriullian's self. And even attached to an Emanation-scheme, spiritdeclaration about freewill. supposing that Montanism necessarily ually conceived ; but while the Gnostics exalts especially the doctrine of Divine tried to explain the diflerence between grace, yet the doctrine of an irresistible reasonable creatures, partly by a natural grace is any thing but established by it, law deduced from the gradual development [Montanism,] for the very circumstance of life from God, and partly by their dethat Montanism attributes such an influ- scent from two fundamentally different ence to the case of prophets only, proves principles, Origen, on the contrary, enthat it does not maintain it in ordinary deavoured to deduce all differences from cases. moral freedom. " God," he maintained, The other disposition we find in the " as the absolute unity can be the source Alexandrian Church. Clement, without of nothing but unity ; inasmuch as all intending it, opposed the North African being is derived from him, the unity of Church doctrine, while he had in view its nature must be shown therein. From only the Gnostic doctrine, that birth is a him no diflerence and no variety [lit. work of the evil Spirit. '' As children multifariousness] can arise, and it would may have sinned, and fallen under the be contrary to his love and his justice, curse of Adam, while as yet they have not to bestow on all his creatures the never done any action of their own."* same measure of perfection and blessedClement was particularly anxious to ness. Thus God is to be conceived maintain this point that all the Divine originally as the first source of a spiritual operations of grace went on the condition world, allied to him, and rendered blessed of the independence [lit. self-determina- by communion with him, and the memtion, self-choice] of the freewill, as the bers of this world were all similar to ground of all moral development. No each other. In the second book of his doubt he went too far, (as any man is work w^i a.^x'^ii, he expresses himself as likely to do, who always follows a single if he not only considered all differences point of view,) in endeavouring to define in the measure of powers and of blessedtoo accurately the limits which separate ness, but also generally all differences of [in these operations of grace] the Divine proper and peculiar being, no original from the human; but at the same time he difference, but as something which had did it only out of a wish to maintain the proceeded in the first instance from a difpractical importance of the moral inde- ference in the moral direction of the will. pendence of man though it is still quite According to this, Origen will have concertain that he was far from ascribing to sidered the original creation to have been the will of man, a self-sufliciency that only one that consisted of beings altowas independent of the reforming power gether alike, but only numerically disof Divine grace, hi one passage he ex- tinct, and all peculiarity to have been the presses himself thus, with respect to the consequence of alienation from God. mutual relation of these two :| "When This was, to say the truth, a very limited man seeks to free himself from passions representation of the creation, in relation by his own discipline and his own en- to the infinite Being of God ; but in condeavours he does not succeed. But if he trast to Gnosticism and to the Platonism shows a right earnest desire and endea- by which Origen is usually directed, the vour after this end, he will attain ii by the predominance of the Christian point of assistance of God's power, for God com- view in his mind (although tliis was conmunicates his Spirit to those so\ils that ceived by him in a one-sided way) is But if they relax from their here shown in a characteristic manner, desire it. desire, then also tlie Spirit of God which because he opposes the moral view as the
I
j

highest, and as
* III.
f.

that

4.53,

469.

[p. .541,

556-7. Ed. Pott. p.

mine every thing,

It

to the

which shall deterscheme of a natime, be the case

191. 201. K(1. Sylb.]

tural necessity or fate.

c.

j Quis dives salvetur?

21.

may,

at the

same

ORIGIN OF EVIL.
that Origen
in later

391

days retracted this communion with the original source of notion, as he did many other crude ideas, all good, the Logos. As soon as ever wliich he had brought forward in that the desire exists in any being gifted with work of speculative doctrine. He says, reason, of being any thing for itself, tliere " The good, which neverdieless, in a passage of later dale,* evil is sure to exist. that the Son of God is the general reflec- has become so," says Origen,* " cannot tion of the glory of God, but that in part, be like that which is good by its nature; tlie beams of tliis general reflection spread this, however, will never be wanting to themselves over the rest of tlie reasonable him, who receives in himself for his own creation for no created being can contain preservation the bread of life, as it is the wiiole of the glory of God, and the in- called. But wherever it is wanting to ference to which this would seem to lead any one, it arises from his own fault beis, that what is One in the Logos, in the cause he has neglected partaking of the rest of the spiritual world developes itself living bread and the true drink, by which into a variety of individual properties, of his wings being nourished and moistened which every one reflects and represents will grow."j Evil is the only thing
; ;

God in some mode peculiar which has the foundation of its being in and thus the collected totality of itself and not in God, and which is, therethese individualities, which mutually sup- fore, founded in no being, but is nothing ply the deficiency of each other, would else than an estrangement from the true correspond to the collected revelation of Being, and has only a subjective and no the glory of God in the Logos. That objective existence at all, and is in itself would certainly be a just conclusion, if nothing.^ Therefore, he says: "The Origen had unravelled to himself with a proposition of the Gnostic, that Satan is clear consciousness the full meaning of no creature of God, has some truth for the thought, which he expressed but its foundation, namely this, that Satan in one is led to inquire whether this was respect to his nature is a creature of God,
the glory of
to itself,
;

the case.

He

appears, in a passage of the

but not as Satan."||

same Commentary of St. John, from which When the will of the Spirits, who were the first passage was quoted, to determine blessed in a Divine life, estranged itself from God, the original unity became disit as the final aim of all this development, that all reasonable beings, in attaining to solved, there arose a disharmony, which

God through

tlie Logos, miglit have only one employment, [Thiitigkeit, activity] namely, the employment of the contemplation [Anschauung, perception or intuiand that being fashioned tion] of God through the knowledge of the Father, might thus become perfectly, that which the Son is, as now none but tlie Son hath
;

needed now again to be brought to unity by means of a process of purification and improvement. The soul of the world is nothing else than the power and wisdom
of God,

who knows how

to

bind

up

known
of this

the Father.f

to this last

As now according doctrine of Origen, by means

every thing will

* c. Cels. vi. 44. The [p. 305 Ed. ypenccr. two expressions are, to ilriaJan u-yitdcy, and iij,Si TO KiTA rj/n0i0;<K'j(: ajaSif xa/ i^ i7riy(vvii/uii.Ti(
..^a6cv.

The

"this," in the text refers to this last;

last completion,;];

the adventitious good.

H.
the

J. R.]

return again to its original condition, it appears also to follow as a consequence

tliat

An

allusion

to

I'latonic

myth of

the

according to
equality

an

this same doctrine such and unity also originally

existed.

wings of the soul in the Phajdrus. [We must observe that Origen himself continues the sentence by alluding to the wings of the eagle mentioned by Solomon, Prov. xxiii. .5, which Origeii rather alters. But see Plat. Phad. 56.~H.

Origen still farther concluded that God J. R.] ^ Origen gave a more ethical meaning to the alone is good by his very nature ; but on metaphysical Platonic idea of the jux : (according tlie contrary, that all created beings are, to which [namely, the Platonic notion] if we and remain good, only by means of their make the idea clear to our own minds, evil is neI

cessary as the limit to the development of

life,

and,
[i. c.

T. xxxii. Joh. c. 18. T. i. Joh. c. 16. Also the passage in Matt. ^07, "Then will the righteous no longer shine after a cliflbrent manner, as in the beginning, but all will shine as one sun in the kingdom of their
j-

therefore, the idea of evil according to its

moral

import

is

really

supersetlcd.)

With him
u
jWirt;^ /ti:

Origen,] the jun

negative.

cv is
t.
ii.

here rather a privative than a

See

Joh. ^ 7.

t-.u

ivTi;, /uiTtX'u^i it ol uyKi, i^K'^yo!; uv ovti; ;^5x/uaT<^'./

c

Father." Matt. xiii. 43. But still this passage of Origen may be understood to ap|)Iy only to an equality of moral condition and blessedness.
\

Jt

^^r',<rr^t^>Tt( Txir tcu

oi/'jc

Irro;
^cti:.

fjt%r(,j(>ii

t*

ia-TS^MO-So/ Till ivToc, yry.ti:un>i

The

O^.K-JLTdLrTAJK.

Sec above in the account of the Gnostics. t. ii. c. 7. i In Joh.

; ;

392

ORIGEN AGAINST CREATIANISM,

in regard to peculiar speculative theory of the origin of souls. to the

these great moral differences in one living whole ; and which, subjecting all these dissonances to a higher law, penetrates and vivifies the whole.* see before us only a fragment of the great course, which the world will run, which embraces all moral differences with all the

same circumstance,

his

own

We

consequences that develope themselves from them, until their entire removal and hence our imperfect TheocUcea.f h follows necessarily from the doctrines of Origen, that even human souls
Avere originally altogether

of a similar

tlie doctrine, however, of a corrupand guilt that cleaved to human nafrom the beginning, he might, exactly as the North African Church-teachers expressed themselves, he might speak of a mystery of a birth,* according to which every one who comes into the world needs purification, and he might quote in favour of this view the passages of the Bible, which were quoted by others

In

tion
ture

frame with
differences

all higher Spirits, and that all between the former and the latter, and between individuals of the former, proceeded only from differences of the moral disposition of the will of all individuals, and that, consequently, all souls are fallen heavenly beings. The

in

favour of the doctrine of original sin

[Erbsunde

inherited

iniquity
felt

original,

whole temporal conscience moving itself between opposites, the understanding, directed to what is finite, proceeded only
out of estrangement from that unity of the Divine life, the life of immediate intuition, and it is the destiny of the soul that it should, being purified, again raise
itself

himself obliged to deduce this condition of human nature from another source ; namely, from the proper guilt of every individual fallen heavenly Spirit, contracted in a former state of existence and hence, according to the theory of Origen, this corruption could not be alike in all, but its degree would depend on the degree of the former guiltiness. Although he accounted Adam as a historical person, yet he could be nothing else in his view, than the first
or birth-sin.]
:

But he

pure imme- incarnate soul that srmk down from the heavenly state of existence he must Iiave through the cooling of that heavenly looked upon the history of paradise, like fire, the life of spirit degenerated into the Gnostics, as being symbolical, so that the life of the soul, so also the soul it [paradise] was to him the symbol of a should again be elevated to the rank of higher spiritujil world, and Adam was to spirit. J him at the same time, the type [image or Origen set this theory of the pre- form] of all mankind, of all fallen souls.f existence of souls in opposition to CreOrigen in his v/ork tte^i ccp-^qiiv^ agreeing atianism, which supposed individual souls also here with the Platonisls, and many to arise from the immediate act of creation Gnostics, had considered]] tlie doctrine, on the part of God; for this theory ap- that the fallen souls might, through entire peared to him irreconcileable with the decomposition, sink into the bodies of love and justice of God, which maintains animals, as at least something which was itself equally towards all his creatures But as his not to be exactly rejected. and also in opposition to the Traducian- system was essentially distinguished from ism of Tertullian, for this theory appeared the Neoplatonic by the predominance of to him too sensuous. Thus, as he in the Christian, morally-teleological point so this point of view, always order to be able to maintain his theory of of view a creation wliich preceded this temporal becoming more and more fully formed, world, without prejudice to the Church necessarily would lead to the following doctrine, appealed to the circumstance that result; namely, at last entirely to throw the Church doctrine defined nothing con- away the doctrine of such an incorporacerning this point so alsp did he appeal

up

to that life, in the

diate intuition of

God;

or, that, just as

j-

c.

Cels.

1.

iv.

40, o'jx oCtui;

tti^i

h:; rmr, Zn
It

TTiet

cKcu Tou yfv-.uc rcujr:t <^i.7H.:vToi:

rm

&i'.(.u Kt,-^c.-j,

new word in English, althouf;!i known as H. .1. I?.] the name of tlie essay of Leibnitz. ^ Tlae*. Tyiv aTnTrraiTiv km tuv -^u^iv rxv uts tsu
haps, a

Honiil.

iv. in

Jer. 1.

[Theodicea

is,

per-

not inconsistent with this, that Origen should speak of Adam, quite in accordance loilh th^ Church view, as in t. i. Joh. ^ 22. t. xiii. 34 ; he might place his own sen.se upon this especially in Homilies, where Gnosis was out of place.
is
;

H.

14. in Jcrem.
\

Compare the similar view ii. c. 8. m^i "g;^^!. entertained by the Gnostics, for which see page
liib.

Sec the Greek Fragment,

i.

tt.

uf^X'^v, lib.

i.

Ori-

238.

gen. Ed. de la Rue, t. 4 See c. Cels. iii.

p. 76.

c.

75;

ii.

IG,

in

Jcrem.

Zafxixoj
tion of souls,
final

^vp(^iKoi
tlie
|

vntv/jteiTiKot.

393
egotists,

as

inconsistent with

llie

more

refined

the

mcn-of-

purpose of the purification, which understanding,* among whom a more represupposes a continuity of conscious- fined selfisliness prevails, which docs not According to the same point of manifest itself in open outbreaks of sinful view, he opposed his theory of the pro- conduct and passions who are, as he cess of purification of souls, which was expresses himself, neither hot nor cold to continue to the last limit of the resto- and he throws out tlie inquiry, whether ration, to the doctrine of a cycle in the the o-a^Knto? cannot attaint more easily wanderings of the soul. than the '{'i;;)^i(&f to a consciousness of the Origen, like the Gnostics, supposed misery of sin, and lirncc to a true conthree principles* in human nature in its version an incpiiry whicii may be fallen state, tlie cra^y.iy.ov, the vp(^ty.cii^ and changed into that odier, whether the pub the 7rvivfA.ce.TiKoii, and also three different licans often miglit not be more easily conditions of human nature, correspond- converted than the Pharisees. Willi this ing to these principles. But he separated is connected the idea of Origen, that, just himself from them in an essential point as a skilful physician sometimes calls namely, that as he recognised all human forth the sources of disease, which are souls as similar, he accordingly supposed lying hid in the body, and produces an the same principles in every one of them, artificial evil, in order that this source of and that he, tlierefore, considered their disease which threatens to destroy the different conditions to proceed, not from whole fabric may bv this means be driven an original dilference of nature in them, forth out of the body; so also God places but from the predominance of one or other men in sncli a condition, that the evil of those [three] principles in them, de- hidden within them is called forth into pendent on the different directions of their open activity, in order that they may will. The -TTuvixoc is that portion of man''s tliereby be led to a consciousness of their nature properly called the Divine, the moral guilt and its destructive consepower of the higher inward intuition of quences and then may be able to be that which is Divine, which originally healed more easily and more completely.;]; formed the essential nature of the Spirit, And in tliis way he explained tiie Scripand is synonymous with ot? this -n-vivfAu tural phrase " God hardened the heart," can have no connection with evil, and and others similar to it. nothing evil can proceed from it.t But It is clear from the remarks we have by the predominance of sensuousness, made above on tlie Anthropolosy of the and of the lower powers of the soul, Church-teachers of this period, that the which conduce to selfishness, the activity need of redemption for human nature was of this ir>tvijt.a becomes depressed. Those, generally recognised in their svstem, and in whom, on the contrary, this higUesitl ihiis the Doctrine of the Redeemer. \\U'\ch principle of human nature is the predomi- forms the peculiar essence of Christianity found in it [their system, or anthropology] nant and animating one, are the clie by no means, as follows im- a point on which it would naturally en.| on the graft itself As far as the development mediately from his general ideas relation of human nature to God, ascribed of this doctrine is concerned, its essential an independent self-existence tothisprin import, the idea of a God-man, was deeply cipl of human nature but he considered implanted in the Christian conscience; it f the organ destined lo receive in but the difiiirent portions of which it ronitself the operations of the &nc wivixu.^ sists, which belong to the perfect developThe Psychici are, in the. view of Origen,! ment of the .full contents of this idea, could not come forward at once and imnediately with clearness in the Christian where he speaks of a Metempsychosis in a jjara boUc sense, and guards himself carefully atrainst conscience. was only through the It any misunderstanding, which could lead to taking opposition called forth in controversy
ness.
j
,

this literally. [I have

used the word " Principle' throughout this passage, as Princ'p is the word in the Perhaps, to an English reader the word original. " element" would better convey the idea intended.

that the full impression of

what was com-

prehended

in this idea,

could be obtained
Veratand
is

H.
T'.
er-jLV

J. R.]
c. 11.

[ Verstandes-menschen ; where opposed to Vernunft. H. J. R.]

e.

f T. xxxii. Joh.
TniUfAdU

dn^jBtTcv

Ta>i .;^ji^:vm

j-

lli^i

g;^^i', 1. iii.

4.
;

See de Ural.

c.

29

Commentury on Exod.
'"

'Xt'^y-'*-'^'i^

^rtiuua.riK'A.

In .loh.

t.

ii.

c.

15.

Urigen

Comment,

in Matt.

Ed. Huet.p. 306.

rhapter of the cu.hk iKtx, of de la Rue's Edition, p. 3.

and the fragment of the c. lU, "7; in the 20lh and in the 2d Part [Band]

50

394
namely, the clear ; consciousness of that, which we have to conceive in the assumption of human nature on the part of the Divine Logos. Jn the development of this doctrine, realistic Christian vinos would be peculiarly called forth by the opposition to all Gnostic attempts to set aside, or to mutilate the one side of [the doctrine of] the God-man, that is the human part of It, to do away with the human nature of Christ, or, at least either more or less to deprive it of the proper attributes of huinanity, and especially by the opposition to Docetism. The consciousness of the objective reality of the human nature of Christ, and his appearance in the flesh, the idea of the form of a servant taken upon him by Christ, was declared during this opposition [to Gnosticism] strongly and clearly. Thus, Ignatius of Antioch can find no words sufficiently strong in his opinion, to express the confidence of the Christian persuasion on this point, and he says in an original manner of the Docetae. that they who would make Christ only an apparition, were them.selves only like apparitions.* "How comes it that thou makest Christ half a lie r" says TertuUianf to a Docetist '' he was wholly truth !" And the same writer in another place,t " It is oftensive
in definite conceptions
definite

and

beauty, was present a contrast between the hidden Divine glory of Christ, and the wretchedness of his outward form and appearance. Tertuliiau says,* " This vvas the very thing which makes the rest about him wonderful; for
all
its

with

rival

show of

worked up so

as to

they said, 'Whence came this man to such wisdom and such works ?' That is the outcry of those who despised also his form."t In Clement of Alexandria, pure Chris| I

was on this point disturbed by in termixture with Neo-Platonic ideas. The Neo-Platonic philosopher wished to have
tianity

a Christ, freed from the wants and imperfections of and utterly unafliicted

by
to

it,

and

this

Christ

was

to

represent
to

him

the Ideal of u7ex^uct\ and there-

fore,

he must not be subjected

thirst,

hunger
pain,
tliis

and
case,

to

the

sensations

of
in

to pleasure or displeasure.

But

how

could

the

form of the

his?

iorical Christ of Scripture be maintained

The

forced explanation

was

to be used,

that Christ, although not subject to tliose

affections

by

his

nature,

had subjected

to

you

to

think that the child

is

taken
!

care of in swaddling clothes and caressed

Dost thou despise

to nature
self.?
.''

this reverence

shown

and

how

wert thou born thyChrist, at least, loved

man born under these conditions [and charged with these infirmities] .... For his sake he came down, for his sake he let himself down to every humiliation, even unto death he loved, together with man, both his birth and his flesh." In opposition to Docetism, the idea of the form of a servant, taken upon him by Christ, as it peculiarly

himself to them voluntarily {kcct oIkomofjudv) with a peculiar view to the salvation of man.J ISevertheless, Clement in a remarkable manner Avith this view, which does not accept the servant's form of Christ in its full extent, united the other view, which carried it to the extreme. But even this suited his philosophical " the unsightliness and formlessideas ness of Christ's appearance ought to teach men to look upwards towards the invisible, incorporeal and formless nature of
;

God." But while from the beginning, the true and real humanity of Christ was maintained; yet
at
first,

the

distinction

be-

tween the different parts which belong to the completeness of man's nature, M-as either not brought at all, or only brought suited this primitive Christian spirit, forward in individual cases, and even then which opposed itself to heathenism witli only a dim consciousness about them. Under the notion of an assumption * diVTCI Tlj i'.M Orri; i.lUlfJI.'tfVU K'U iuifACtlMt. of man's nature nothing was thought of j- De Carne Christi, c. Tn the pas- but the assumption of a human body, as i L. c. c. 14. [c. 4. Ed. Riffalt. sage as it is found at length in TertuUian, the in- in Irenscus we find this only clearly on the birth and infancy of a spoken of. firmities attendant Justin, on the formation of
.">.

are enumerated and mentioned, as things which Marcion looked upon with horror or contempt; and the argument appears to lie, "though you consider these things derogatory to the dignity
child

* De Carne Christi, c. 9. f Nee humanae honeslatis corpus

coelcstis claritatis.
i

fuit,

nedum
775.
Shxh-

he loved the race of man, though encompassed with all In the portion selected these weaknesses," &c. by Neander, this, perhaps, is not sufficiently apparent. H. J. R.j See Part II. ,
of man's nature, our Saviour did not
;

Clemens, Strom,
Klotz
iii. iii.

vi,

649-50.

[Pott.

Sylb. 276.
Strom,
At/8aif a.iTt3.i

140.]
Xgis-Tcc
ev a-ctez-t
&>ii>ii

470,
sic
itjurt^

Kit afAO^i^o;,
aTc/ikeruv

to usJsf xi (5<r&i//atTcv Tf Bin; [Pott. 559. Sylb. StS:t(TKU

202.

Klotz

ii.

271.]

;! '

TERTULLIAN ON TEIE SOUL OF CHRIST.

whose mind the Platonic pliilosophy had some induence, appears to have formed
j

395

to himself the following peculiar chain of ideas Christ, as the God-man, consists of three parts, like every other man of the body, the animal sonl (the inferior^ principle of life,) and ihef tliinking reason; only with this dillerence, that the place of the fallible human reason, which is
:

'

only a beam of the Divine reason, of the

snppliedf in him by the g-eneral Divine reason {he >,,yo<; itself;! and hence in Cliristianily alone could the universal revelation of religious truth be given, without being obscured by any onesidedness. Tertullian was the first who definitely and clearly proclaimed the doctrine of a proper human soid in Ciirist, being led' to this by his view of the relation of the soul to the body in general, and by the direction taken by his controversy about tlie person of Christ in particular. He did not assume, like otliers, that there are the t/iree above mentioned parts in human
>.o7i;,* is
j j |

Against this sect he maintains, that we must necessarily, in the person of Christ, as in the case of every other man, distinguish between soul and body, and the attributes of each, and that lie in order to redeem man, [/. e. Christ,] must [ilace a proper lumiaii sold in union with himsL'U, and indeed, so much the more, inasmuch as tiie soul conij)oses tlie proper nature of man.*
Oii;fen, however, had greater influence than Terlullian on the duvelopment and the selllement of this doctrine in the doctrinal

a body.

'

system of the Church.

His strug-

gles to attain an inward

living intuition

into the doctrines of the faith, his peculiar

philosophical education, and his spirit tliat longed after a systematic connection of
ideas, led him to an erudite and scientific development of this doctrine. The com-

munion of believers with Christ alforded him an analogy for the union of the Divine Logos with the human nature in
Christ.

From

the derived Divine

life

of

believers, which is to appropriate to itself acknowledged two parts and penetrate by degrees more and more in it; he maintained that we must not! their whole human nature, even to the consider a mere animal soul distinct from completion [of this process] at the general

nature, he only

the rational soul in

man

to be the ani-

restoration, from

tliis

Origen reverted to
in

y.y.i

with the Lord; this [according to the view of Origen] in a far human body.|| When Tertullian acknow- higher manner with t/iul soul, wliich the ledged only one soul as the means of Logos has received into an indissolnt)le According to the communication between the Divine Logos union with himself. and the body in Christ, he must neces- theory of Origen, it is the original destination of the soul, to be wholly spirit {vov;,) sarily have thought here of a j)roper rea-j And farther, he and to find its life only in communion with sonable human soul. was in controversy with a Valentinian the Logos. That which happened with sect, which taught that Christ, instead of other souls only in the highest concerns investing his soul with a gross material of the inward life, namely, that they enter body, had so modified the >]/t;x*ii that it wholly into conimimion with the Logos, migiu become visible to the senses of and wholly forget themselves in the intuiman [lileraUij, to the sensuous man] like tion of the Divine, this had become with that soul something constant and tminterrupted, so that its whole life had passed The TTTfouA Koyuiv, the Kiyi( tr^sg^aTotsc, the into the commvinion with the Logo.s, xtTH yi^of.
spirit
j |
1

mating principle of the body, but that in all livinff beings the animating principle [//7f 77;//^, being] is one only, but in the case of man's nature that this is furnished with liigher powers, and that the thinking soul itself is also the animating [soul] of the

the original source of this Divine propai

gation of his view,

life in

man's nature, which,

as the

was Christ

as St. Paul says,

believers

God-man. If, become one has happened

I Apol.

II.

10.

And

yet one niiq;ht suspect

X'.ycv

and

it

had become

itself

entirely

made

that the word-s <i <rafAX utt

interpolated hy a later hand, with the intention of niakins? Justin orthodox on tliis point, herause

Divine.t As Origen, still farther, in every man distinguished the irnvua. from the ^vx,ri this more precise determination on the matter does so also in the stricter sense of the word not occur any where else in Justin, and does not seem aItos;ether in its place here. But, to say the he applied this distinction to the hnnian Christ [in his view] truth, the first reason cannot be a very strikinfj nature of Christ.
^j^mv
:

km

were

proof; nor indeed, the second either, in the case of a writer, whose works are like those of Justin.
^
K:yiic:v

TS
is

.:v.

j-

De came
iij

Christi,

c. 1 1

et seq.

Justin
I

the predecessor of Apollinaris

fxov.f

KUV0HI13J u>A* ittr^ic x*/ iJvjaT/f, t)c

De

aninia, c. 12.

396
represents the Ideal of
all

SYSTEM OF ORIGEN.
human
ail

nature in
activity,

the verij circumslance., that

conduct, and all sufli^ring in him proceeded from, and was surrounded in, that

supreme

[source,] whicii

was

in his

whole

nature the animating principle. " As the holy man," says Origen, " lives in the -n-^Ev/Aa, as that from which his whole life, every action, every prayer, and the praise of God proceeds, thus he does
all

human

which he does,
sufl'ers,
[f this

in

the Spirit

yea,

he suffers also in the be so in the case with the holy man, how mucli more must we affirm this of Jesus, the forerunner of all instrument. The noblest soul was to holy men, with whom, when he took appear in the noblest body, which was upon him the whole of man's nature, the the purest and most free instrument of the But this dignity of the body of mvivua. set all the rest of his human quali- Spirit. ties into movement."* Christ was, like the glory of the Logos But as we observed, it was a chief point at his appearance here, a hidden glory. in the system of Origen, that all in the world Here also the earthly life of Christ is an of Spirits must be limited and subjected image of the spiritual activity of the to conditions dependent on the differences Logos. As the Logos (see above) reSpirit,

Avhen he

connecting principle between this and the Logos. As Origen supposed a peculiar connection to exist between every soul, and the body which serves it as an instrument (considering that every soul does receive such a body, which corresponds to its condition as derived from a former state, either an instrument which will willingly or such lend itself to spiritual activity an one, as will specially impede and opthus he applied this principle pose it) to the relation between that soul and the body which was bestowed upon it as an
;

of the moral direction of the will. From veals himself in different ways to men, law of the order of the world according to their different capabilities to allow of no exception in thus Christ appeared to the greatest numthe case of tliis supreme dignity, to which ber in the unattractive form of a servant, a soul attained. That soul, through the but to those who had eyes to perceive it, faithful direction of its will towards the he showed himself in an ennobled form. Divine Logos, and by affection to him, Thus Origen was able to unite with his through which it had always remained theory of the correspondence between united with him, had deserved that it the soul and body of Christ, even the should after such a manner become al- common representation of the unattracThus all here tiveness of the outward appearance of together One with him.f corresponds with the destination con- Christ, in fact to reconcile Ps. xliii. 2, formable to his nature; the soul, which [xlv. 2 }] and Isaiah liii. 3 the passage
this general

he was able

This glory of the body of which was usually hidden here below, and only shone forth on particuthrough which the communication of lar occasions to those who were worthy Divine Life by inward communion with of it, was to come forth fully after his the Logos, shall extend itself also to all glorification, the body was then to be
founded.
Christ,

the Logos received into personal union with himself, has obtained the highest destination attainable by any Spirit, and it is, therefore, become the instrument^

on whicli

that

common representation was

freed from the imperfections of sense, and be ennobled into an ethcrial nature Tiiis with a body, and become the intermediate more analogous to the spirit. change vvould be entirely conformable to * T. 32. Joh. c. xi. This is a just doctrinal re- the nature of matter, which in its own mark, but it is one which Origen, with whom nature is wholly indefinite, and capable often happens, when he inserts his own doc- of receiving different forms and qualithis

other souls.

And

again
it

it

suits

the na-

ture of the soul, that

should unite

itself

trinal distinctions of ideas into Scripture,

wishes

ties.*

to support by a passage to

foreign, if

we

look at the

which it is altogether meaning of the words

6.
c.

viz. Joh. xiii. 21, tr^ifi'^x tod Tm-j/mr:.

f
c. 9.

TTipt

('fx^'v,

L.

ii.

c.

Ccls.

L.

ii,

and
t.

c.

33;

In Joh. t. 23; L. iii. c. 41. xix. 5; where he says altogether

fashion,
K-,TU(t>
m

of Origen, who wrought out doctrine so systematically, the idea of a proper reasonable soul in Christ received a new dogmatical importance.

By means

this

This point, which up

to

this time

had

after

a Platonic

WCX(T8U5//fra

TW OXW

-^yx" lK.Hm

'^''^

'J"cu
K.'.VfA'i^

tfA-

tllC

Vin-

to; tcdv

IJcifv

being synonymous with

axirm
tou;
^aO-iTtyv/usv:!;,-.
f.

vcyc

or the
X''-

itselfi-t.yufy'j\i7-x ITT

ifxTrifii^X'l^i

ii.

In Malt,

See c. Cels. i. 32 iv. 15; vi. 75. et son.; 23; iii. 42. On the Ubiquity of the glorified body of Christ, see in Matt, iv. Ed. dc la Rue, p.
;

34-i,

423, H. 15, in Jercm.

147.

887.

DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION.
been altogether untouched in the controversy with the Patripassians, was now for the first time expressly brought forward in the Synod held against Beryllus of Bostra, A. D. 244 and the doctrine of a reasonable human soul in Christ settled as a doctrine of the Church. But as Origen w^as the first who so completely carried out the theory of this distinction, as he found in the spiritual communion of believers with the Redeemer an analogy for the union of that soul witli the Logos in Christ, so he drew upon himself from those, who maintained the old mode of conceiving tlie matter, the reproach that
;

397

each

were to be specially maintained against Docetism and similar Gnostic views, througli which Christ was more or less withdrau-n from communion with the real and true nature of man. Irenanis
other,

brings forward especially the latter i)oint of view with great strength, allhougli the

not wholly wanting [in him.] We present a comiected view of his ideas on this subject :* " Only the Word of tlie Father could reveal the Father to us, and we coidd not learn from him unless the Teacher himself had appeared
first is

will

now

to us.

Man must
God
into

accustom himself to
himself,

receive

God

is

to

accustom himself to dwell in human tion between a higher and a lower Christ, nature. The Mediator between the two or between a Jesus and a Christ ; or that must restore the communication between lie made Jesus to be a mere man, who them, by means of his affinity to both, only differed from other holy men by a and he must pass through every age of
he, like

many

Gnostics,

made

a distinc-

liigher degree

of

communion with

the
in

life,

in order to sanctify every age

(i. e.

Logos, that
degree.*
the

is,

differed

from them only

human

Thus, we perceive also here difference, which entered perfect holiness.f into the following period of the Church. In a human nature, As far as relates to the work of redemp- which was that very nature that was tion itself, we find already existing in this bound captive by sin, he condemned sin, period all the fundamental elements of and banished it, as now being condemned, the development of this doctrine as held out of human nature, Rom. viii. 3, but he only, however, not so required of man to become like him. in the Cliurch precisely defined and not so sharply sepa- Men were the prisoners of evil, and of rated. For the most part the Church- Satan, Christ gave himself up for the reEvil reigned teachers spoke, without striving after any demption of the prisoners. very sharp distinction of doctrinal con- over us, who belonged to God, God receptions, out of the fulness of the Chris- deemed us not with might, but in a tian feeling, and tlie Christian intuition, manner consistent with justice, as he rewhich had accrued to them from the deemed those who were his.;j; If he had lively appropriation of the doctrines of not, as man, conquered the adversary of The doctrine of Redemption man, the enemy would not have been the Bible. has two sides, a negative and a positive conquered in a right manner; and, on the side, in relation to the condition from [LUerally, we will represent hh ideas acwhich mankind was set free, and in relation to the new condition into which it cordin;; to their inward connection. H. J. R.] j- i/jL'.LctJK T.u 2:t>, accordin;^ to the views the assumption of man's is to be placed

germ of a

nature according to all its several degrees of development) [by means of] the perfect likeness of God, which is

nature with

all

the consequences of sin,

[litcr/tlli/,

the connection of ideas] of this Father

is

different

from the

tinoaiv

in it, and with the guilt whicli burdened it [thus making] a communion, Avitli sinful humanity, weighed down with a consciousness of its own guilt and the perfection of an ideal holiness [literalhj, of the Ideal of holiness,] in this human nature, hitherto under the dominion of sin, [thus effecting] a communication of a Divine Both life to this nature and ennobling it. these important points, although at first separated from they were not so sharply

rw

&t:u,

which

latter

which had hitherto prevailed

expression denotes only Ihe framework [.\nlage]

for a likeness to

God, which has

in the freewill.

its

foundiition in

the reason and

[X. B. In the

words ['by means of] which seem to be necessary, from Ircnaus, lib. ii. c. 22, Ed. Massuet. (39 in other editions,) which H. appears to me the passage referred to here.
text I have supplied the

J.

R.]
t

This thought often occurs in the Church[the

just notion,

to,
iv.

See many of the passages cited and referred and the Apology of Pamphilus for Origen, t.

Fathers'!] under different forms. which is the foundation of it, is redemption is no act of caprice ; but a consonant to law and order, and answermethod ing the conditions re(inired by the moral order of the world, a nxelhod, by which God freed the beings, who belonged to him by their original nature, from the dominion and coase<iucncc3 of evil,

teachers

The

this, that

p. 35.

and led them back

to himself.

2L

398
other side,
if

JUSTIN MARTYR.

ORIGEN.

he had not, as God, given this salvation, then we should not have And if man had it in a secure manner. not been united with God, then he could not have participated in an incorruptible Through tlie obedience of one life.* man, must many be made righteous, and
obtain
fruit

of life, might now become worthy through the grace of God, and in order that we, after we had revealed our own inability to enter into the kingdom of God, might become capable of that through the power

salvation, for

eternal

life

is

the

of righteousness.

What
after

that

man

is

created

means, the image of

that

God, was hitherto not revealed, f for the Logos was still invisible and, therefore, man easily lost even the likeness to God. But when the Logos became man, he
;

But when the measure of our had become full, and it htid been fully revealed that punishment and death, were before us as our recompense, he hated us not, but he proved his long suflering. He himself took our sins upon him. He himself gave his own Son as the ransom price for us, the Holy One for sins, for what else could our sins disof God.
sins

sealed both. He revealed truly the image, cover, but his righteousness .?" Now Origen, according to the exposition while himself was that which his image was, and he represented in a secure man- of his views, given above, considered that ner the likeness of man to God, while he the highest object of the appearance and made man like the invisible God."t The operations of Christ on earth, was the folother side is brought forward by Justin lowing; to set forth the Divine operation Martyr, when he says, "The law pro- of the Logos, limited neither by time nor nounced the curse upon all men, because space, for the healing and purification of no man can fulfil it in its whole extent. the fallen beings, in order that sensuous Dent, xxvii. 26 \ Christ freed us from men, who were unable to lift themselves this curse, by bearing it for us." The up to the intuitive perception of the everauthor of the Letter to Dlognetus joins lasting spiritual operation of the Logos, the two together: "God, the Lord and might be able to raise themselves to [the Creator of the universe, is not only full consideration of hi.s] spiritual nature from of love to man, but also full of long his appearance in the tlesh ;* but accordsufTering. He was, and alioays is such a ing to his tlieory, the individual actions one, and always will be such a one, the of Christ, besides this object of setting benevolent, the angerless, and the true, forth [these truths] have also, considered the only good He made a great and in themselves, a special and salutary And thus, also, about the inexpressible resolution, which he com- operation. municated only to his Son. As long as relation of the passion of Christ to sin, he kept this resolution, as a secret one, to he might express that, which was achimself, so long he appeared to have no knowledged in the common consciouscare for us. During the time past, he ness of Christians although he might suffered us to follow our own lusts, as we point it out in a manner peculiar to chose, not as if in general he had any himself. pleasure in our sins, but in order that we, Thus, he says,! "He took upon himafter we had proved ourselves during that self our transgressions, and bore our distime through our own works unworthy eases, the transgressions of the soul, and the diseases of the inner man; on account transgressions and diseases * The communication of a Divine Life to man of which which he bore away from us, he said his through Christ, thfi haiTii ttpo^ Cp(l-j^<ri:tv. Two ideas are here to l)e taken together, soul was troubled and disturbed ;" and in I which were already in existence in Philo, that another place he says,J "This man, the
I

man, as the image of God, had been created after the image of the Logos, and that God had already had for his aim as the original form of human nature, the Ideal of the whole nature of man, represented in the person of the (jod-man. Limus ille jam turn imaginem inducns Chrisli futuri in carne, non tantuni Dei opus, scd et pignus fdii,qui homo
futurus certior
C. 6. et vcrior.
c.

purest

among

all

creatures, died lor

man-

took our sins and diseases upon himself, as he was able to take upon himself and abolish the sins of the whole world. His passion was the means of
kind; he,

who

Tertull. de carne Christi,

*

adv.

Praxeam,
Iren.

12.

[Literal/i/,

'

from the sensuous appearance to

20. Massuet. (al. 22,) lib. iii. 18, (20,) .31 ; v. IG. [I have not been able to verify and compare all these quotations, and I
t
lib. iii.

See

the spiritual Being,' von der sinnlichen Erschein-

ung zum
biguous.

geistigen
I

Wesen.

think there

is

sonic error in the refjerenccs.

H.

have,

requisite in English.

H.

therefore,

This appears amsuj)plied what is

J. R.]

J.R.]
Dial,
c,

Tryph. Jud.

c.

30, p. 322, Ed. Col.

j In .loh. torn. ii. c. 21. i In Joh. torn. 28. c. 14.


CLEMENT OP ROME.
purification for the

399
Ciirist as

whole workl, which Men recognised

he
liad

him who had

Lili-* to

wouhl have gone

not died for
it."

to destruction if

comnuinicaled an inward Divine

human
this

nature; tiirough

faith

in

Ciirist

opinion of Origen, he thought, that according to secret causes in the nature of things, the suffering of a holy Being for tlie guilty Iiad a sort of magic power, in crippling the power of evil spirits, and freeing the
far as rehites to the particular

As

man

Divine Life was to be received by into himself, and to be appropriate<l

to himself, and his whole Udiure to be constantly more penelratt'd by it. (it is only unlorlunate, that niL-n bouml this belief up too nnich with the outward former [the guilty] from the evils that things, which Christ, in consideration of impended over them, and he appealed to die necessities of the mixed naturef of the belief existing even among the iiea- man, had appointed as tokens to repreihen, that innocent individuals by a volun- sent the Invisible and the Divint-, which tary sacrifice of themselves had saved na- faith apprehends, and it is unfortunate

tions

and cities from heavy calamities.* also that men did not sulhciently sepaAs the whole nature of Christian life rate from each other the operations of depends upon a living appropriation of faith, and of those outward things.) the redemption through Christ, as all de- Men acknowledged Christ as the destroyer pends upon this, viz. that Christ slionld of the kingdom of Satan, and they as.signed through faith become in man all in all, a all evil to this kingdom, and through life-giving and a forming principle for his communion with Christ, by means of faith whole nature; as, therefore, in Holy every one also was to appropriate to himScripture, the whole life of the Christian self the victory of Christ over the kingis

set forth as a fruit

of faith, a superthe foundation of

dom

structure raised

upon

fore,

faith in Christ, as the

whole of

practical
faith

Christianity

is

nothing else

than

working by love, so every thing required

for the genuine

conception of practical

Christianity, both in theory and in Life, depended on this circumstance, that tlie
right relation of Life to the appropriation

of the work of redemption in faith should It had, be set forth in a clear manner. for the essential nature of Christian doctrines,

and

for tlie true

power of Christian
its

morals, and thereby, at least in quences, for the Christian life most prejudicial consequences,

consethe
this

itself,

of Satan; the Christian must, there(see above,) from a viiU-s Satance^ become a miles Christi. The idea, also, of the general calling of all Christians to a priesthood, has its root here. We might here bring forward separate living [contemporary] witnesses to the original Cliristian conviction and consciousness of the intimate connection between redemption ami sanctification. Faith and Life. A man, of whom it cannot be said, that he distinguished himself by any peculiar power of mind in the elaboration of Christian doctrine, viz. Clement, the bishop of Koine, after he had strongly

intimate connection between the objective and subjective in Christianity was not

expressed that no man could be justitied by his own righteousness and his own works, but that all could lie jusiificd only It is, therefore, through the grace of God and faith, says, rightly brought forward. of great consequence, that, while we ob- "And what shall we do then, brelliien neserve, how that intimate connection was Shall we be slack in doing good, and bestowed upon the original condition of glect love.' The Lord would in no wise

when

.=

the Christian conscience, we should also recognise the seed of the errors of later times, adhering to this connection, and The whole troubling this conscience. mode of conception of the doctrine of repledges for the demption in this period, recognition of this intimate connection.
' See Origen, in Joh. t vi. c. 34; t. 2S, c. 14. Origen was certainly ri!,'ht in one respect that is, system of rehinstead of deducing for himself a he gious truth a priori from- abstract conceptions,
;

suffer this to

happen with

us, but lie in-

duces us to endeavour to fuUil ail goodness with unal)atin<r zeal, for tlic Crtator and Lord of all delights himself in his The author of the epistle to vvorks.":|: Diognetus, after the heautiful passage

quoted above [page 40,] says of the redemption: '' VVith what delight wilt thou be tilled, when thou recogniscst this ; or how wilt thou love him, who

religious inquired after the voice of the universal witness conscience of man, and quoted this as a although he did not for the Christian doctrine, in one of its understand this testimony rightly

The

a^^iejrit,

about which see above.

bearings [Ulerally, on one side.]

'the spiritually -seniu.HH n:iliirp,' partly of spiritu d, p.irlly i. e. a nature consisting H. J. K.] of sensuous elements. Sec Ep. i. ad Corinth. 3'^ and 33.

[Zi(7cr//'/,

400

JUDAIZING VIEWS OF FAITH.

as in the history of the formation of the

hath first loved thee so much? But if thou lovest him, thou wilt be a follower of his goodness." Irenseus thus contrasts the free obedience that Hows from faith with the servile obedience under the Law " The Law given to servants formed the soul through that which is outward and sensuous, by attracting it to obedience to
the

Church, and of Christian worship, a great source of the corruption of Christianity appears in the intermixture of the Jewish and the Christian position, and the Apostle Paul cries out to all ages, "Ye have received it in the spirit, will ye fulfil it in
the flesh ?"

commandments, as it were by chains but the Word, that makes free,

The

Gnostics, and in part, the Alexan-

drians had that false notion of faith before them,

taught a free purification of the soul, and through that of the body. After this had happened, it was necessary that the chains of slavery, to which man had become accustomed, should be taken away, and he must follow God without chains. The

when they overprized Gnosis

requirements, therefore, of liberty must be extended more widely,* and obedience

towards the king must become greater, that no one may turn back and appear

unworthy of his liberator for God hath not set us free, in order that we may run away from him, as no one, Avho severs himself from the source of all goodness in the Lord, can find the nourish of salvation for himself, but in order that we should love him the more; because we had obtained more To follow the Saviour, is to partake of salvation; and to follow the Light, is to partake of the
Light."!

it. Marcion (see above) aphere clearly and deeply to have conceived the Pauline idea of faith, and on this side, not without reason, to have fought against the intermixture of Jewish and Christian things; we may here cite the heretic as a witness for Catholic truth. The idea, indeed, of that Divine communion of Life with Christ, as is clear from what has been said above, was a fundamental idea of the whole Church system of doctrine; but the right point of view was thrown into the background by the circumstance, that men were ac-

in respect to

pears

It cannot, however, be denied that the genuine Pauline notion of faith vi'as soon obscured. In the stead of faith, in that several times. peculiarly Christian sense (viz. the living This shows itself particularly in fhe appropriation of that, which Christ has doctrine about the Church and the Sacra-

customed to annex this Divine communion of Life, not to the inward facts of faith, but to the outward things, which were meant to be for faith, only the outward tokens of that which was present in the inward Life a confusion between the hiward and the Outward, of which we have already had occasion to speak

efiected for

human

nature, as a fact of the

?nents.

inward

In the doctrine concerning the Churchy thing altogeUier different results from that we have nothing to add to that which [Life,] men placed the notion of a mere we have said in the history of the formabelief-upon-authority, which could only tion of the Church; we have already mediately introduce a new direction of there pointed out the origin of the conLife, but could not immediately produce fusion of tlie ideas and the predicates of it. And from this error, the second ne- the invisible and the visible Church, and cessarily followed, that men, instead of its prejudicial practical consequences. But considering all good as the necessary in regard to the doctrine of the Sacrarevelation of the new Divine Life planted ments^ as standing in close connection with faith, spoke of good works which with the history of the doctrine of the
Life,

by means of which some-

were to be added to faith, and that they Church, we have still much to add to added to that belief-upon-authority, the that which we have already said in the doctrine of a moral law that incited man history of the Christian worship. to good; both of these being more JewThe source of the interchange between ish than Christian. Here, also, as well the Inward and the Outward* was here the same as in the case of the doctrine * [That is (see the context in the original,) concerning the Church. Of that, which the law of I'recdom must even require more of is the Divine matter in the Sacrament, man than that of servitude, e. g. where the latter the teachers of tlie Church had a lively forbids murder, the former must prohibit even perception from their own Christian exmalice,

&c.

H.

J. R.]

} Lib. iv. c. 13, 14. [In the last sentence Massuet reads percipere lumen, instead of participare

lumen. H.

J. R.]

* See the section relating to the Sacraments in the history of the Cultus (or worship,) Section 11.

DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH.

perience; but the relation of this Divine matter to the outward token was not so
clear to them, and with
;

BAPTISM.

401

that confusion

between the Inward and

the Outward in Baptism. Wiiile a conmost of them the fusion between l)aj)lism and rcgeneralion, Spiritual and tlie Sensuous easily glided regeneration was considered as a magical into each other. thing completed at once, and while a At first, as far as Bnpli.wi is concerned magical purification and abolition of sin the predominant idea with most of them was supposed to take place at Baptism, it Avas this the idea of a spiritual and sen- became usual to refer tiie forgiveness of suous communion with the whole Christ, sins obtained through Christ, only rsjjcfor the salvation of the whole spiritual cially to sins commilted before baptism, " As out instead of maintaining, as they ought to and sensuous nature of man. of the dry wheat," says lrena;us, " neither have done, that, as that which is olijeclive one mass of dough, nor one mass of in baptism retains its power dining the bread could be made without moisture, so whole life of man so also, the subjective neither could we all become One in Christ appropriation of it, by means of penitence without the water, which is from heaven. and faith, must, as well as regeneration, And as the dry earth brings fortii no fruit, continue to develope itself more and mure if it receives no moisture so neither through the whole life, until the Objciuive, could we, wlio are at first dry wood, ever and the Subjective, justification and saucbring forth the fruit of Life, without the tilication have become wholly blended rain, which sheds itself freely from into each other (which does not happen heaven, for our bodies by Baptism, hut in our life below.) But according to that our souls through the Spirit, have received false conception, ^nce it could not fail to that connnunion with the incorruptible be remarked that even in Christians the Being.* Tertullian says, beautifully, in old corrupt nature preserved its power, respect to the operation of Baptism,]" "If the question woidd necessarily arise: the soul comes to faith, and is formed Whence do we obtain forgiveness of sins again by regeneration from the water and committed after baptism ? And the answer the power from above, tliere she beholds, was: 'Since we have once for all obafter the scales of the old corruption are tained a satisfaction for the sins committed removed, her whole light. Slie is re- before baptism, in the merit of Christ, so
j

order to obtain satisfaction for those voluntary penances [exerwith the Holy Spirit, is followed by the cises of repentance,] and good works body, which is no longer the servant of must be added."* This point of view is the soul, but the servant of the Spirit." clearly presented to us iu the following But even Tertullian here was unable words of Cyprian :t " When the Lord rightly to distinguish between the Inward came and iiealed tlie wounds of Adam, he and the Outward. While he defends the gave to the convalescent a law, and he
ceived into the
of the
in
j

communion

Holy

Spirit,

and the soul which unites

itself

after baptism,

'

necessity of outward Baptism against the sect of Caians (see Sect. II.,) he ascribes to the water a supernatural sanctifying

commanded him to sin no more, lest something worse should befall him. By the condition of innocence being pre

And yet, even in the case of Tertullian, we seethe pure evangelical idea making its way through the midst of this
power.

See Tertullian's Book dc Pocnitentia.

Tiiis

confusion of the Inward and the Outward, and standing forth in contradiction to it when he says, that Faith receives the Church doctrinal notions on this point, to his mode forgiveness of sin in Baptism, and when of representing the doctrine derived from his jurishe says, while combating against haste in prudence nor indeed, generally ought we [to ascribe so great influence] to the idea of any indiBaptism, that, where a right faith is prewas in T^arTi
I ,

writer introduced the expression, satinfudio, into the doctrine of repentance from his system of jurisprudence ; but we must not on that account ascribe so great an influence in the formation of the

sent, that faith

is

sure of salvation.;{:

vidual

for

when once
the

the

-ItuJo:

have observed already in the his- would necessarily, of their own accord, devciopn tory of the Christian worship [Cullus,] themselves and more especially, as these consenature, on the practically injurious consequences of quences find so many jwints in human
;
I

We

existence,

all

consecjucnres

conlainel

in

it

which
*

to attach themselves.

Iren.

iii.

17.

The Divine

principle of Life,
I

j-

soul

and body in Christ, the

c.

tvaxr/f

jt^oc

for

is

the

[This passage et Eleemosynis. found, though not quite continuously, in To judge, first two pages of the Treatise.

Dc Opere

above cited on the corruption of human nature. % Fides iategra eecura de salute.

i De Anima,

41.

Compare

the

passage

U.JK.]

however, quite accurately of the force of this passage we must compare it with tlic context,

51

2l2

402
scribed to us,

DOCTRINE OP THE LORd's SUPPER.

we were
limited to a nar- sanctifying

power

in

the outward tokens

and the infirmity of human of the Holy Supper prevailed in it, and weakness knew not what it should (]o, if hence came the daily communion,* and the grace of God had not come again to hence also, together with infant baptism,
;

row range

its

assistance, and

showing

to

it

the

of mercy, had opened to it a way for the preservation of its health, so that we might hereafter cleanse ourselves by alms from all the uncleanness that afterwards cleaved to us. Since the forgiveness of sins has once been bestowed in baptism so also, by the constant performance of good, which is like the renovation of baptism, man obtains anew for himself the Divine forgiveness." With regard to the Doctrine of the Lorcfs Supper^ upon the whole, the same remark may be made, as those made above upon the doctrine of Baptism, only with the difference, that here, in reference to the relation between the thing represented and the outward sign, three different gradations may be observed in the representations made of it. The most

works came infant communion.f While Joh. vi. 5.3, was improperly understood, of the outward [sinnlich, corporeal, or sensuous,] participation in the Holy Supper, it was concluded that no one could attain
without such a participation it had been concluded from misunderstanding of Joh. iii. 5, that no a one could be saved without outward
to salvation
in it.J just as

baptism.

Among

the

Alexandrians, and
is

espe-

cially in Origen, the distinction

predominant

representation

was

that,

which we

find

as early as the time of

Ignatius of Antioch, as well as in Justin M., and in Irena;us ; namely, that of a supernatural penetration of the bread and

wine, by the body and blood of Christ, in virtue of which those who partook of the Lord's Supper were penetrated by the Divine principle-of-life of Christ in their whole nature, so that their body even then, became thereby even now, a partaker of the power of an imperishable hence was prepared for the life, and
resurrection.*

In

the

North

African

Church, on the contrary, in Tertullian and Cyprian we find no representation at all implying such a penetraBread and wine are represented tion. rather as the symbols of the body and blood of Christ, but not as symbols without efficacy a spiritual communion witli receiving such operations. "IT Christ in the holy Supper of the Lord is The same distinction he also makes in brought forward, and at the same time a respect to the Lord's Supper. He distincertain sanctifying association with the guishes between that which in a metaphobody of Christ is also supposed-f The rical sense is called the body of Clirist,** practice also of the North African Church and the true spiritual eating of the Loproves that the belief in a supernatural gos ;'("| between the more Divine promise and the more common understanding of
;

forward, even in Sacraments, as well as in his whole system of doctrine, between the inward Divine thing, the invisible spiritual operation of the Logos, and the sensuous "Just as the signil which represents it. miracles of Christ," says Origen, ''as far as their highest object is concerned, represent the healing power of the Logos, which operates invisibly, but also at the same time an utility was annexed to the outward deeds as such, because they led men to believe so also is outward baptism, in regard to its highest object, a symbol of the inward purification of the soul through the Divine power of the Logos, which is the preparation for the by the beginning of general restoration that in enigmas, and in a mirror, which will be perfected face to face ; but at the same time, in virtue of the words of consecration then uttered, there is united with the whole transaction of baptism, a supernatural healing; it is the beginning of the operations of grace, which but neverare bestowed upon believers theless, this is only for those who through their disposition of heart are capable of
:

brought his doctrine about the

* Therefore, in Ignatius, Ep. ad. Ephes. c. 20, the Holy Supper is called, <;)*ju<jtcv ifiwao-z^,
('vT/iTorcv t:i/ yotx u7rc6:tvttv, iXKtt
^ifi

*
j-

'iiiirou

XgirT4>

JtXTrCVTCC.
-j-

i
c.

See page 213. See Cyprian, Sermo de Lapsis. See Cyprian lil). iii. testinion. c. 25.

T<TtulI.

Marcion.
mei.
Kac;inatur,

iv.

i.

c.

lis;ura corporis

anima de Deo
perpctuitas
in

De De
a

40, corpus mcum, Res. Cam. c. 8,

orat.
c.

Compare what

is

said above of the

vot.

i7rtf;,fxi*

(r6T,
II

and the jtJh^/*

6.

The
a cor-

The

HUTCv, or Trvm^u-niKov,

Christo,

is

constant

spiritual

communion with him, and

pore ejus.

ir.dividuitas

1 See in Joh. vi. c. ** TO irce/jiA Xg/iTTou

and the rt'ioS'T-y. 17, and Matt. xv. c. 23.

tutik-jV

ku

(ru/Jiio\iH.oy.

ff The

uAiifi/.K

0^a<ri;

t<.v Aoj^ot.

DOCTRINE AS TO THE LORD

the Lord's Supper, as it was suited to the more simple.* The first bears reference
to the spiritual participation in the that
I

SUPPER.

-103

signification

and efTicacy wliatever of the outward token, even such an one as that
in the

Logos which was received

\

North African
fore-

became

flesh,

who

is

the true hea-

Church.*

venly bread of the soul. The outward supper of the Lord can be enjoyed by the unworthy and the worthy, hut not that true heavenly bread, for it could not otherwise have been said, that he who eats that bread will live eternally. Ori-

As the Old Testament contains a

cast of the tilings of the

so Christianity also gives hints of a higher condition of things, which is to be prepared by means of Christianity itself; but faith must necessarily be inferior to actual gen, therefore, says, that Christ in the true knowledge and perception of that condisense has designated as his flesh and tion. The Divine revehitions permit us

New,

blood

the word which proceeds from the only to catch some isolated glimpses of Word, and the bread from the heavenly that higher state of things, wtiich do not

word of truth, through present a complete picture of it. which he communicates himself to the phecy is always obscure before
bread, the living
soul, just as the breaking of the bread and the division of the wine is a symbol of the midtiplication of the word, through

As proits fulfil-

the soul.

which the Logos communicates itself to Even in tlie outward supper of the Lord, as well as in the outward
baptism, he supposes a higher sanctifying efficacy in virtue of the words of consecration then uttered, but in such a manner that with the earthly elements considered by themselves nothing Divine can unite itself; and, as in baptism, no one without the inward capability of heart can become partaker of this higher efficacy. As it is not that which enters

into the mouth, that

can defile a man, although it might be held to be unclean by the Jews, so also nothing, which enters

into the

mouth,

sanctifips the

man,

ment, so also the last prophecies of Christ about the fate of his Church must be obscure, until the introduction of that higher condition of the world. Although so many indications vvere made by our Saviour as to the gradual activity and efficacy of Christianity in penetrating human nature, yet these could not be understood by the first Christians. They had no presentiment of the difl'crent kinds of contests, which the Cliurch had yet to encounter, before it could attain to iUs They were acvictorious completion. customed to consider the church only in ils opposition to the heathen state, and it was far from entering llieir thoughts, that by the natural development of circumstances under the guidance of Providence, this opposition should hereafter cease.

although by the simple the bread of the Lord, as it is called, is held to be something that sanctifies. Nor, indeed, considered by itself is any thing wanting to lis by the not eating the bread consecrated

They

believed that the struggle of the

Church with the Heathen slate would continue on, until the victory should be conceded to it through the immediate interposition of God, and through
Christian

eating

by prayer, and yet by the mere the return of Christ. It was natural enough considered by itself, we have that the Christians should willingly emsomewhat more; but the cause of our ploy tiieir thoughts on the prospect ol'
it,

receiving less
his receiving disposition.
is

is

individual [partaker,]

the evil heart of each and the cause of

is

more

his

good heart and

itself,

The

earthly bread, in

nothing difl^erent from all other food. Origen was, however, desirous only of
contradicting in particular the fanciful notions of some magical advantage in the Lord's Supper, independent on the heart of

the recipient, which also the other Church-

and teachers were far from mainiaiiiitig yet his contradiction touches every representation which supposes any higher
;

during the seasons of persethat many formed a which had come to them from the Jew., and which suited with their then condition. This was the idea of a willennial rri^n, which the Messiah should establish on earth as the close of the whole career of the world, during which all the saint.s of all ages were to live together in holy comnninion As the world wa.s with each other. created in six davs. and according to Ps. xc. 4, a thousand years in the sight of God is but as one day, so the world was
this victory,
It

cution.

was thus

picture to themselves,

The

x.'.n:Tfg-j.

viej tc j'/;^:*^/tt/*c
x-yT-t t/

tKtx

'^"c

aTrXova-Ti^cic,

and that

SacTs^^v ir'y)t\it7,
yveori;
V.

The
c.

passiiRos in

Origen are found

c.

in

t.

xi.

which correspond and /na-TK.

to the

two conditions of

Matt.
iii.

14; L 32, Joh.

16.

In

MatL 698.

0pp.

404
supposed
to

CHILIASM

PAPIAS.
,

endure six thousand years and as the Sabin its present condition bathday was the day of rest, so this millennial reign was to form the seventh thousand-year period of the world's existence at the close of the whole temporal dispensation connected with the In the midst of persecution it world. was an attractive thought for the Christians to look to a period when their Church, purified and perfected, should be tiiumphant even on earth, the theatre
;

time we must also be very pronounce sentence about itself from such isolated representations, which are, perhaps, noIn the

mean

careful not to

the Divine

life

thing but isolated admixtures of the carnal

and sensuous mind, not thoroughly penetrated and ennobled by the hidden If we find in an Irenseus Divine life. vital Christianity, and an elevated idea of blessedness, which he made to consist in communion with God, notwithstanding the accompaniment of those rash and of their present sufferings. In the manner speculative representations, we must conin which this notion was conceived by clude that such sensuous representations many there was nothing unchristian in might very well exist in conjunction with, They imagined the happiness of this and be engrafted upon, an essentially it. period in a spiritual manner, and one that Christian habit of thought in those times, corresponded well with the real nature when the new creation of Christianity of Christianity for they conceived under had not yet been able thoroughly to peWith Irethat notion only the general dominion of netrate and imbue all things. God's will, the undisturbed and blessed ncBUS the millennial kingdom was only a union and intercourse of the whole com- stage of preparation for the saints, who munion of saints, and the restoration of were thus to be adapted gradually to a harmony between man as sanctified, and higher state of heavenly existence, and to But the perfect revelation of the Divine glory.* all nature as refined and ennobled.* the gross images, which the carnal sense It was also exactly under this form that of the Jews had made to itself of the Christianity might be able to find access reign, were to a class of sensuous men, whose habits delights of the millennial transferred in part also to the Christians. of religious thought would afterwards Phrygia, the dwelling-place of a spirit,| gradually continue to be more and more which took a fanciful turn, and would spiritualized, by the practical influence of embody religious ideas in sensuous the Gospel, and the inward change conimages, was also inclined to the propa- stantly produce in them its outward
;

In that efl^ects. gation of this gross Chiliasm. If we find, that Millenarianism [Chilifirst half of the second century, Papias was living, as the bishop of asmus] was then extensively propagated, the Church at Hierapolis, a man of plain and are able to explain this by the cirpiety, but, as the fragments of his writings cumstances of that period ; yet, we are and historical notices tend to prove, of a not to understand by this, that it ever beregion, in the

very limited mind, and a very uncritical He collected together, out of credulity. oral traditions, certain notices about the lives and sayings of Christ and the apostles ;'| and among these he received much which was misunderstood and false, and thus he was the means of propagating many unfounded notions about the enjoy-

longed to the universal doctrines of the Church. We have too scanty documents from different parts of the Church in those times, to be able to speak with certainty and distinctness on that point. When we find Chiliasm in Papias, Irenajus, J. Marthat it arose from one source, and was propagated from one
tyr, all this indicates

The case is somewhat different ments of the millennial reign. The in- spot. as for jurious consequence of this was, that a with those Churches which had relish for sensual enjoyment, which was instance, the Romish Church (see above) find, afteranti-Jewish origin. an in contradiction to the Gospel, was farfeeling in antimillenarian an thered, and that much prejudice against wards

We

Cluistianity might be engendered by it Rome; and might not this feeling have among educated and civilized heathens. existed from the very first, and only been called into greater publicity in the oppo So Bamabous, c. 15. sition which was made against Mon-

f [Lit. of a where fanciful is used for indulgence in the dreams of an uncurbed imagina.tionSchwarmcriscfie.
'

religious-sensuous fanciful spirit:'

Iren. v. 35.

H.
+

J. R.]

et per

Crescentes ex visione Domini, ipsum assuescent capere gloriam Dei et cum

In liis book \ See Orig. Select, in 4. p. 570, vol.

entitled Kcya\i Kv^ictiutv i^tiywui;.

ii.

Sanctis

Angelis conversationem

^Paullatim

as-

suescent capere

Deum.

cap. 32.

SENSUOrS CHILI 4 SM IN EGYPT.

tanism ? The same may also be said of an antimillcnarian feeling, which Iren.Teus conihats, and which he expressly
in

'105

which thoy understood evrrv thing

quite literally.
legorical

And

interpretation

besides this, the alof Scripture in

distinguishes from the common antimil- vogue among the Alexandrian school, lenarian feelings of Gnosticism. But it was in general very widely opposed to was natural enough that the zealots for the literal and sensuous interpretation
niillenarianism should at first be willing to represent every opposition to it as a

Apocalypse at once, as altogether book, in order to take away this support from the ChiliasUs; but they only combated the literal iuterpretathe influence of the spirit, which pro- tion of it. At the same time, it was natural that the spirit of the Alexandrian school ceeded from the Alexandrian school. As the Montanists laid much stress on Mil- should not extend itself very easily from lenarian expectations, and, although they Alexandria into the other regions of did not entirely conceive them after a F-gypt, which were so far behind thi.s gross and sensuous manner,! s^^'ll propa- flourishing seat of learning, as to spigated in accordance with their fanciful ritual advancement and culture. A pious dreams, many extravagant representa- bishop of the Arsenoite Nomos, in Egypt, tionsj of what should take place during named JVcpos, was a zealous partisan of the millennium, the whole doctrine of the sensuous niillenarianism, and he Chiliasm lost all respect and authority. wrote a defence of it against the AlexanAn antimillenarian party, which had been drian school, under the tide, ' a Kefutaject the

Gnostic feeling.* Two causes co-operated together in causing a more general repression of millenarianism ; on the one hand, the opposition to Montanism, and on the other,

of the Chiliasts. The more moderate Alexandrians, who were not inclined to extreme opinions in criticism, did not re-

an

unchristian

'

'

in existence considerably earlier, obtained an opportunity by this means of attacking Chiliasm more violently and the most vehement opponents of Montanism appear to have combated millenarianism as one of the Montanistic doctrines. The Presbyter Caius, at Rome, in his treatise against the Montanist Proclus, endeavoured to brand Chdiasm as an heretical doctrine, propagated by the abominable Gnostic, Cerinthus; and it is not improbable, although not quite certain, that he declared the Apocalypse to be a book forged by Cerinthus for the promotion of
;

yoaia-run-,)

lion of the Allegorists' {i>^tyx' in which he appears to

have

thrown out a theory of Chiliasm, accord-

own anti-allegorical mode of deciphering the Apocalypse. This book appears to have been very popular among the clergy and laity of this region as it usually happens that men are better pleased to apply themselves to things which busy and charm the powers of the imagination, than to those, which sanctify, warm, and animate die heart, and take They the will into their government.
ing to his

that doctrine.

expected to find here great mysteries, and explanations relative to the future, and The more spiritual and more learned many occupied themselves more with the character of the Alexandrian school, which book and theory of Nepos, than with the As it usually had so great a general influence on the Bible and ifs doctrines. favourite spiritualization of the doctrines of our happens, by their zeal for such opinions, which had no connection with also tend to farther the faith, would Gospel, men became spiritualization of the ideas about the the true nature of the Origen led away very far from that which is the kingdom of God and Christ. was a peculiarlv zealous opponent of the chief business of practic.il Chnstiamly; Those who sensuous representations of the mil- that is, the Spirit of Love.
I

would not enter into these opinions, were denounced as heretics, and things went so far, that whole regions separated New communion with the ment, on which the Chiliasts relied, and themselves from mother church of Alexandria. After the Transfemntur quorundam sen- death of Nepos, Korakion, the pastor of Iren. v. 2.
lennial kingdom, and endeavoured to give a different meaning to the passages Testaof the Old and of the
'

tentise

ah hscreticis serrnonibus. least places the happiness of the f TertulUan at

millenariaii

kingdom

in the

enjoyment of all

spiri-

a country place stood at the head of th lonysius, me uisiiop oi .MexIf Dionysius, the bishop of Ale) party, nartv. j^,^j| 'jjj now chosen to exert his ec1
clesias;ical

^ISlSriliauir-l^l^llian.
city,

of the wonderful heavenly Jerusalem which was todescend from heaven.

tt

'

a.uhority, and condemned these erroneous doctrines Ivy an author.tative decree, the seed of a lasting sclusm

406

DOCTRINE OF THE RESURRECTION.

would Imvebeen sown, and theChiliasm, entered into his rest. But the truth which they hoped to subdue by decrees, is dearer and of more value to me than wouhl probably have become only more aught besides we must praise him, wild and fanatical in consequence of such and agree with him, when he says any a proceeding. But Dionysius, the worthy thing which is right but we must exdisciple of the great Origen, showed here, amine and set him right, when he writes how charity, moderation, and true free- what does not appear to be true." dom of spirit, which cannot consist except In respect to the doctrine of the resurwith charity, may attain, what cannot be rect'um, the teachers of the Church had effected by any power, or any law what- to defend this doctrine especially against ever. As he did not, like others, forget the Gnostics, who, in part, explained the the Christian in the bishop, his love for passages of Holy Scripture relating to it souls induced him to repair in person to in a very arbitrary manner, and made those Churches, and to call the clergy, them mean only the spiritual renovation who defended the opinions of Nepos, effected by Christianity. In this controtogether to a conference, and he permit- versy they felt strongly how essentially ted all the laity of those Churches, who this doctrine was bound up with Chriswere desirous of instruction in these sub- tianity, inasmuch as Christianity brought
:

at the conference. with it, not the annihilation, but the enof Nepos was laid before them, nobling and the glorifying of that which and the bishop discussed its contents peculiarly belongs to human nature ; and with those clergy for three days, from the de-humanizing idealism of the Gnosmorning to evening; he listened quietly tics was wholly incompatible with this

jects, to be present

The book

fundamental principle of Christianity. But and con- the opposition between these two often ducting the discussion by quoting fully seduced them into conceiving this docirom Scripture on every point and the trine of the resurrection after too carnal a consequence was a result which seldom, manner, and into making to themselves indeed, proceeds from theological disputes too confined a representation of the namely, that the clergy were thankful for identity between the body after the resurOrigen instruction they had received, and rection, and the earthly body. the Korakion himself, in the presence of them endeavoured here also to find out a middle all, honestly retracted his former opinions, way between these two opposite tendenand declared himself persuaded of the cies, by making more use of what St. Paul truth of the contrary to them, A. D. 255.* (1 Cor. XV-) says of the relation between After Dionysius had thus restored unity the earthly and the glorified body, and of faitli among his Churches, he wrote by distinguishing the proper essential his work about the Promises (tte^* sTray- substance of the body [das eigentliche
to all
their

objections, endeavouring to
Scripture,

answer them out of

yiMuv^)

for the

confirmation of those,

had been persuaded by his arguments, and for the instruction of others, who still held the opinions of Nepos. Here also the Christian mildness and moderation with which he speaks of Nepos He says, " In deserves to be remarked.

who

Grundwesen des Korpers,] mains the same during all

of
earthly
life,

which

re-

the changes

lated even in death,

and is not annihifrom the changeable

form under which it appears at different This essential substance of the times.

body was to be awakened again by the reverence and love influence of Divine Omnipotence to a new Nepos, and glorified form, such as would be antimate acquaintance with Holy Scripture, swerable to the glorified quality of the and on account of the many hymns com- soul ; so that, as the soul had communiposed by him, in which many of the cated its own peculiar impress to the

many

other respects

for his faith, his diligence, his in-

brethren

still

man

the

delight,t and I honour the earthly body, it should communicate more, because he is already to the glorified one also.*

it

Euseb.

vii.

24.

The

siVoc ;^5ajtT)igt^iv

TM'.v, as in

ciJjA^av

This passage may be taken cither as it has been translated in two ways which suits well with the custom of those above,
h^v/jL'.uM'x-iii.
;

made use

in the (rctfA*. TmufxtIn part, he here the trcuu ^u)(^i>cov. of his doctrine of an Ckm [or substance

matter] which, undeterminate [as to form and qualities, &c. Transl.] of itself, was capal)le of times (see Part II.) or else it may be translateJ, receiving higher or lower qualities through the " in consequence of the constant custom of fashioning power of God and in part he makes Psalmody diligently introduced by him into the use of the doctrine of a dynamical essential subChurches,' &c.; the first appears the most natural. stance of the body, a Myo! TTriffAi-riKo; (ratio ea
:

APOSTOLICAL FATHERS.
Tt

40?

follows from what we have said above The lime of the first extraordinary opeof the doctrine of the Alexandrians about rations of the Holy Spirit was followed the Divine justice that the Alexandrian by the time of the free development of Gnos<is must have considered, as the final human nature in Christianity; and here, aim of all things, a final general redemp- as elsewhere, the operations ()f Christion, tlie removal of all evil, and a general tianity must necessarily be confined, bereturn to the original unity of the Divine fore it could penetrate farther, and appro!
'

"

from which all proceeded. (This priate to itself the higher intellectual be the general a.iroy.a.Taa-T'xa-K;.) powers of man. ButOrigen, in consequence of his theory The writings of the so-called apostolic about the necessary changeableness of the Fathers are, alas come down to us, for will in created beings, was seduced into the nuist part in a very uncertain condi?upposing, that evil, which is forever sow- tion partly, because in early limes writing new seeds, would render necessary ings were counterfeited under the name new processes of purification, and new of these venerable men of the Church, in worlds destined for the purification of order to propagate certain oj)inions or fallen beings, until all shall have re- principles partly, because those writings turned again from multiplicity to unity; 'which they had really published and thus, that there would be a continual adulterated, and especially so to serve a alteration between fall and redemption, Judcco-hierarchical party, which would unity and multiplicitv. To such a com- fain crush the free evangelical spirit. fortless system did a notion, carried to the We should here iu the first place, have extreine, lead this profound man This to name Barnabas, the well known fellow doctrine he has expressed with confidence traveller of St. Paul, if a letter, which but still it is was first known in the second century in in his work Tn^t u^x'^t open to question, whether this be not one the Alexandrian Church under his name, of the subjects on which he afterwards and which bore the inscription of a Cachanged his views but still there are tholic Epistle,* was really his composieven in his later writings traces of this tion. But it is impossible that we should opinion, though not, perhaps, any which acknowledge this epistle to belong to that Barnabas, who was worthy to be the are altosether certain and definite.*
Life,

would

'

III.

Tlie history of the most celebrated

Fathers.

companion of the apostolic labours of St. Paul, and had received his name from the power of his aniinated discourses in the
Churches.|

The
come

next ecclesiastical writers

Fathers

who

We

find a
it,

difierent

spirit

after the apostles, are the so-called

breathing throughout

apostolical

(Patres Apostolici,)

from the apostolic age, and must have been the disciples of the apos The remarkable diflerence betvveen ties. the writings of the apostles and those of the apostolical Fathers, who are yet so close upon the former in point of time, is a remarkable phenomenon of its kind, While in other cases such a transition is
usually quite gradual, in this case we find Here there is no gradual a sudden one. transition, but a sudden spring a remark, which is calculated to lead us to a recoirnition of the peculiar activity of the Di;

who come

Jew
|

We an apostolic man. of Alexandrian education,

ritual

than that of such perceive in it a

who had embraced Christianity, who was prepared by his Alexandrian education for a spi
conception of Christianity but who loo high a value on his Alexandrian
;

set

and
j

Jewish Gnosis,

who

looked

for

especial
|

wisdom

in a

mystical and fancifulj

interpretation of the

Old Testament, more

resembling the spirit ol Philo than that of St. Paul, or even that of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and who indulged himsell such interpretations in a silly manner.

vine Spirit in the souls of the apostles.

We cannot at all find in this epistle that view of the Mosaic ceremonial law, as a
means of
religious education for

man

in

quae substantiatn continet corporalem, See ill subsUntia corporis salva est.)
ii.

qua semper
^rt^i oe^x'

'F.TiTroKx Kii'Mitx, that is to say, ijeneral in

its

c.

10,

c.

Ccl3.
-n-.

iv.

57.
I. ii.

(lesiinntioii

an epistle and contents, an hortaa delliis

He

Origen, savs merely,

i^.
(i

c.

3, c. Cela.

iv.

c.

69,

tory piece, destined

scription,
letter.

for

many Churches;

//t rcr at>xnrf^'.i tuc Ktiux(

which corresponds to the

conleiils of

ycuuim X'.ya: ti Tcttjr* iitrurb>mTiu. an obscure expression in MaU. f. 402.

fect,

There

is

I
i

oiic

TaptuXjirier: w:c 7rg!><j>TU<f.

;

to this ef-

[ypielendein, lileriilly. play in?

mode

of in-

"After the aT-.K^rx^TiTK

TTsLKn

is fulfilled

in certain

terpretation,

JEoas,

oaax

d^X""

(Sec, and plays on words

which cauchi at fancilul rosi'tnblaacos, &c. H. J. R.]

408

LETTER OP BARNABAS, NOT GENUINE.

is

a certain stage of his development, which we perceive in Paul but such a view, as gives evidence altogether of an Alex;

directed against carnal Judaism, and

carnal Judaism in Christianity.

We

re-

andrian turn of mind, such a view as does not meet us again in the later Faand which proceeds from the most extravagant idealists among the Alexanthers,

drian
Iti

Jews

;*

-rrvivf^ocTtf

that

" Moses spoke every thing is to say, he has only

;

enveloped general spiritual truths in a symbolical form but the carnal-minded Jews, instead of penetrating into the

meaning of the symbols, had understood every thing literally, and believed that they must obey it to the letter; and thus the whole ceremonial religion had proceeded from a misconception of the carnal-minded multitude." It is said,| that an evil angel guided them to this misunderstanding, just as we find in the Clementine, and other similar writings, the supposition that the original Judaism

cognise a controversy against the latter, which had extended its doctrinal influence even to the views entertained of the person of Christ, when in chap. xii. it is particularly insisted upon, that Christ is not only the son of Man, and tlie son of David, but also the Son of God. We find also nothing to induce us to believe, that the author of the epistle was desirous of being considered Barnabas. But since its spirit and its mode of conception corresponded to the Alexandrian

had been adulterated by foreign admixtures, introduced by evil spirits. The

writer of the epistle will not allow it to be true, that circumcision is a seal, or token of a covenant; because, he says, on the contrary, it is found among the Ara-

happened, that as the name was unknown, and persons were desirous of giving it authority, a report was spread abroad in Alexandria, that Barnabas was its author. After Barnabas, we come to Clement, perhaps, the same whom Paul mentions, (Phil. iv. 3;) he was at the end of the first century bishop of Rome. Under his name we have one epistle to the Church of Corinth, and the fragment of
taste, it

may have

author's

another.

The

first

was read

in the first

centuries aloud at divine service in

many

priesthood
that

an idolatrous Egypt.) But he argues Abraham, by the circumcision of 318 men, (Gen. xvii., and xiv. 14,) had pre(in

bians,

the

Syrians, and

figured the crucifixion of Jesus, and makes it out thus, IH (18) the beginning of

Jesus, and (300,) which stands as the token of the Cross ; an explanation founded on Greek letters and

the

name of

Churches, even with the writings of the New Testament; it contains an exhortation to unity, interwoven with examples and general reflections, addressed to the Church at Corinth, which was shaken by divisions. This letter, although, on the whole, genuine, is, nevertheless, not free from important interpolations e. g. a. contradiction is apparent, since through;

numerals, which can only suit some Alexandrian Jew, unaccustomed to, perhaps, unacquainted with, the Hebrew language, who was only at home in the Alexandrian translation, but certainly cannot suit Barnabas, who assuredly was not such a stranger to the Hebrew lanffuatre, even if o <r>""o^-> --" ' we could attribute such a spiritless play on words to him. And yet the man, who could fall intu such trifling, held it for something extraordinary, and he adds these pompous words, which are characteristic of the mystery-mongering of the Jewish Alexandrian Gnosis: "No one hath received a more authentic doctrine from me, but I know that ye are worthy of it."J The prevailing tendency of the epistle
.

out the whole epistle we perceive the simple relations of the earliest forms of a

Church, as the bisliops and always put upon an are equality, and yet in one passage ( 40 and following) the whole system of t!ie Jewish priesthood is transferred to the Christian Church. The second epistle. ^ -" ' as it is called, is evidently only the fragment of a homily. Under the name of this Clement, Ivo letters have besides been preserved in the Syrian Church, and they were published by Wetstein in an appendix to liis edition of the New Testament. Tliey are two
Christian

presbyters

"

circulars, especially addressed to Chris-

men and women living in celibacy. cannot be adduced as a proof against the Clementine origin of these epistles,
tian
It

that this state of life

*

See page 34.

-f-

c. 9.

teem
the subject of this

in

otin Iti l^ioi ta-Ti iifAw.

[On

tion of celibacy

intorpretatian of the number .318, the reader is referred to the Tvev. S. R. Maitland's "Letter to a

time.*

is held in special esthem, because this iiigli estimafound admittance in early The high antiquity of these epis-

friend

on the Tract

for the

Times, No. 89," 1841.]

See Part

11.


CLEMENTINE CONSTITUTIONS.
ties
is

409

in

some degree

testified

by

the

Stitutions (JiaTa^nf, or iiara'/a* 'AjroaTo-

nonappearance of any endeavour to suppretensions of the hierarchical tiie circumstances, that the ; ideas of the priesthood belonging to the Old Testament are not here introduced into the Christian Church, as is the case in similar writings of this kind ; that neither the separation of the priesthood from the laity, nor the distinction of bishops and presbyters occurs here ; and that the gift of healing the sick, and especially demoniacs, is considered as a free gift, and not as a gift belonging to one peculiar office. And yet this is no certain proof of the high antiquity of the epistles ; because, even if it were of later origin, all this might be explained iioin the idiosyncrasy of certain regions of the East.
tfie

port

party

and by

and the xaiofj 'A7ro<7TcAiKOi. Tlie siune thing may have occurred in regard to the origin of these two collections, as took place with regard to the origin of the Apostles' Creed, as it is
>iixai,)

called.

As

it

was usual

originally

to

speak of an apostolical tradition, without its being supposed, that the apostles iiad published a confession of faith so in the same manner, in regard to the constitution and customs of the Church, an apostolical tradition was spoken of, without its beihg thought that tiie apostles had given laws in writing on the subject. And when people had once become used to the expressions, " Apostolical traditions," " Apostolical ordi;

nances," the pretence, or the last attached itself to them,

apostles

belief, at

that

the

had written down a collection mirably suited to the ascetic disposition of ecclesiastical laws, as they had a conof the western Churches, especially the fession of faith. And hence, under the North African, and as in similar writings influence of dillerent interests, different of practical import (against similar abuses collections of this kind may have existed, to those which are censured in these as those which Epiphanius quotes in epistles) occasion to make use of them many places, are evidently not identical must often have arisen, it is the more re- with our Apostolical Constitutions. These markable that they were never quoted be- latter appear to have arisen gradually in fore the fourth century,* which certainly the Oriental Church, out of difli'rent must create a suspicion against their pieces, whose ages extend from the latter geiniineness. part of the second to the fourth century.

As these

epistles

must have been ad-

These
latter

epistles altogether bear the cha-

Hennas would follow

here,

if

he, as

of the ancients thought, were tlu the Ilermas mentioned in the 16lh cliaptcr of the epistle of the Apostle We have a work Paid to the Romans. counteract the abuses which rose up under his name, which bears the title of under the cover of a life of celibacy, the Sliepherd (7ro/A),) so called, because especially the introduction of the avma-- in the second book, an angel is represented as a shepherd, to whose guidance (See above.) axroi.jracter of havinij been counterfeited in the

many

years of the second, or in the third century, partly in order to enhance the value of celibacy, partly in order to

same with

under Hermas is entrusted. It cannot be ascertained with certainty, Clement, to serve a hierarchical or a doctrinal purpose; such, whether the antlior really believed that for instance, are the writings which relate he had the visions, which he represents, the history of Clement himself, who is or whether he suppo.-;ed them, in order to supposed there to be converted by the gain a more readv entrance for the docApostle Peter, and meets again with his trines, especially those of a practical The work was fatlier, whom he had lost,;^: the Clemen- kind, inculcated by him. tine, the peculiar Ebionitish cliaracter originally written in Greek, but it is preof which we have before remarked, as served to us in great measure, only in a wellas the collection of the Apostolic Con- Latin translation; and it was held in - great reverence by Greek writers of the to which the name of * The first traces of them are in Epiphanius second centurv, Hernias and the renowned visions may and .leroine. Tfiis almse had spread it-stlf in the Antiochian have deeply contributed. Irenams quotes j Church, as well as in the North African. See the the book under the name of " the Scripthe

Many writings were counterfeited

name of
this

Synodal
scb.
:f

P>pistle against

Paul of Samosata.

Eu-

vii.

30. the

Hence comes

name

of the edition of this

ture :" and vet there are strong reasons to doubt of its being derived from that

work, preserved to us in the translalion of Kuffinus,

uvuyvit^ii-fy.oi,

Apostolic

IlermaH,

Kecognitioncs.

tradition, (supported

although thf other by the poenj against

410

APOLOGISTS.

aUADRATUS, ARISTIDES, JUSTIN

I

MARTYR.

Marcion nscribed to Tertullian, and the against it by false reports, and they used fragment on the canon of the New Tes- their comprehensive and scientific educatament published by Miiratori,)* that the tion and knowledge in order to represent brother of the Roman Bishop Pius, who] the Christian doctrine to the more ciiltiobtained this office about the year 1-56, vated heathens in a point of view more
1
j |

was
due
the

the author,
to

is

also very doubtful, be- agreeable to their turn of mind,

[

cause

we cannot determine what

these

credit for

is

two

writings, and because

dratus,

Among these we must first name Quawho was known as an evangelist,*

high
in

reverence

entertained

the
a

book

the time of an Irenoeus

and

Clement of Alexandria, can hardly be reconciled with so late an origin of the

work.t
Ignatius, bishop of the Church at Aniioch, in the time of the Emperor Trajan, it would appear, was carried as prisoner to Rome, where he expected to be exposed to wild beasts. On the journey, it would seem he wrote seven epistles, six

to the

and one

to Polycarp,

Churches of Asia Minor, bishop of Smyrna.

completely
antiquity.

Certainly, these epistles contain passages

which at least bear them the character of

particularly

upon This is

the case with the passages directed against Judaism and Docetism ;

but

even

the

shorter
is

and more

trust-

and celebrated for his prophetic gifts. We must not confound him, as Jerome has done, with a Quadratus who was bishop of a Church at Athens in the days of Marcus Aurelius. His Apology, alas! has not reached us, and Eusebius has preserved to us only the following remarkable words: "The works of our Saviour were always present, because they Avere real and true those who were healed by him those, who were raised from the dead, who were to be seen, not only when they were being healed and raised, but constantly not only during the lifetime of our Saviour, but after his departure they were present a considerable time, so that some of them have reached even to our time."f The second Apologist, Aristides, even
; ;
;

very much interpolated. as a Christian, still retained the gown of The epistle to Polycarp, the bishop of the philosopher, (tjjj/3i/,) in order to be Smyrna, appears the most like a diligent able to represent Christianity to the compilation ; and that to the Church of educated classes as the new heavenly Rome bears, the most, the stamp of indi- philosophy.'^ viduality upon it. Justin Martyr is remarkable, as the first We have already spoken before of Po- among these apologists whose writings lycarp, bishop of Smyrna. An epistle to have reached us, and as the first of those the Church at Philippi is ascribed to him, better known to us, who became a teacher the genuineness of which there are no of the Christian Church, in whom we observe an approximation between Chrissufficient grounds to deny. tianity and the Grecian, but especially the We shall now, after considering the Platonic philosophy ; and in this respect apostolic Fathers, notice the Apologists, he may be considered as the precursor of who follow immediately after them in the Alexandrian Fathers. We can obtain, chronological order. The defence of for the most part, only from his own Christianity against the heathens first led writings any account of his life aiul eduthe way to an union between Christianity cation \ and here also we feel most cerand the knowledge and cultivation of tainty at first, by restricting ourselves to those days. As ur.der the government of his two Apologies, because these are the Hadrian, Christianity began to extend undoubted work of Justin, and bear upon itself more among the more cultivated them the stamp of a peculiar character of classes, as heathens of a certain philo- mind which cannot be mistaken : and the sophical and literary character came over L to the Christian Church, they felt them* We must understand this word in a sense selves obliged to defend their faith aaainst' agreeable to the New Testament, i. e. a teacher, not appointed to one particular Church, but the accusations whicli were spread abroad

worthy

edition

a missionary travelling for the purpose of propagating the Gospel.

}-

Murat. Antiq. Ital. Jud. ^vi, It may be the case, that the Roman Bishop
really
|

Euscb.

iii.

37;

iv.

3;

v.

17.

Hieronym. dc Vir.

lUust. c. 20.
"

had a brother of this name; and tbat rius feveretice paid those, who wished to destroy the fev to this work, lor that very purpose assigned to it so late an author.

num: apologeticum context um phikmphoruui The traveller de la Guilletiere says, sentcntiis.

that in a convent about six miles from Athens they profess to have a copy of this Apology.

'

Ep. 83, ad Mag.

JUSTIN MARTYR.
rest
|

411

of his writings, on the contrary, must was ordained to the priesthood, from hij in the first place prove their genuineness own language in iiis representation of llie by a comparison with these. Christian laith in the second Apology, Fliivius Justiiius was born in the town ' We conduct the convert, after we have Flavia Neapolis, formerly Siciiem, in baptized him, to the assembled brethren." Samaria; it was then a Roman-Greek co- There was at that time no such separation lony, in wfiich tlie Greek hmguftge pre- of the clergy from the laity, tiiat Justin vailed. It was, probably, not a pretlomi- migiit not have been al)le to say this from nantly speculative character of mind, his position, as sharing the priesthood which was not the case with him, but an common to all Christians. But whetiier endeavour after a satisfactory religious he was solemnly ordained to the calling persuasion, which led him, as well as so of an evangelist in the name of the many others of those days, to the study Church or not an inquiry of no importof philosophy; and for this very reason, ance it is hardly to be supposed that his the Platonic philosophy would have pe- gifts were left idle, whether for the propaculiar attractions for him. Since it was gation of the Gospel among the heathen, rather a religious than a speculative or for the instruction of the Churches interest which led him on, it is possible, themselves. Jf the account of the maralthough some isolated and elevated Pla- tyrdom of Justin were worthy of credit, tonic notions, like those of the relation- it would prove, that when he was resident ship of the human soul to God, and of in Rome, a part of the Ciiurch, which the intuition of Divine tilings, animated understood the Greek language, used to him, tiiat he was not so taken by the sys- assemble in his house, in order to hear tem of the school, that his heart should his discourses. thence become incapable of those higher We observed in the first part of this impressions, which passed the bounds of history,* that after the death of the Emthe empire of this system. How he be- peror Hadrian, persecutions arose against came a Christian he relates himself:* the Christians in the beginning of tlie " While I still found my delight in the reign of Antoninus Pius. Thereby Justin,
]

doctrines of Plato, and heard the Christians calumniated, but yet

who was
duced

then resident at

Home, was

in-

saw them

fear-

to address a writing in defence of

less towards death, and all that men account fearful I learned tliat it was impossible, tliat they should live in sin and despised the opinion of the lust.t I niuliitude; was proud of being a Chrisendeavoured with all my tian, and 1 powers to remain one."
;

the interests of the Christians to the emperor. Since, however, in the superscrip-

title

of this work, he does not give the of C.Bsar to .M. Aurelius, it is probably to be inferred, that it was written before
tion
his adoption into that dignity,

which took

place A.

D. 139.t

Justin retained as a Christian, the philosopher's cloak.J which he had borne as

a lieathen philosopher and ascetic
;

and
to

Sec page 60. \ The superscription

is

AiT-,Kg<Tcg/

T<t Wkx*
O'j-m

garb and mode of life, in order easily to be al)le to introduce conversations on religions and piiilosophical subjects, and thus to prepare a passage for the Gospel into the hearts of men

he used

this

'Ai^tnvui 'AvT6v<irai Eia-s^u lijiirrm

KMnp x.-u
ulte

fi77iuui

ulai <^tK(/T'j^oi X.-JJ

Aii/Jtw .^/xo3";jai
<fi/5-ti

(according
Kti Hv7f-

Euscbius

<fiKCT;^yj) KaiJ-<g->:

Sn/Ate

and he was, as

it

were,

travelling

It evangelist in the philosophic garb.^ lias been unsoundly concluded|| that he

TavTi 'Vuujuui- The first n imed is Augustus Antoninus Pius, who had then entered on his M. Antuninus, [)hilosi)phus, to whom the Emperor Hadrian (in coni()liance with whose wishes Antoniims Pius adopted him) had
reign, the second

given the of

name Annius

Vcrissimus, the third

is

Apolog.

i.

p. 50-1.
i

the Diahn^us cum Tnjplume were not genuine, we might, nevertheless, use the account given in it; for we iriight presuppose that

t See Part

I.

See Part

II.

Even

if

Lueius Verus Antoninus, afterwards the associate M. Aurelius in the government, the son of Lucius -Elius Verus, whom Il.idrian had adopted and nominated as Cxsar after the early death of the latter, he (the son.) as Hadrian wished, was
;

ado|)tcd in the

same manner by .Antoninus Pius,

the author of
Justin's
|l

it

had an accurate knowledge of

life.

By

Tillemont,

mont may

['i'he conclusion of Tillebe unwarranted by the expression of

Justin, but surely at that time there was a separaSee note, p. 102. H. tion of clergy and laity.

who had stepped into the place of 4iis father, 'i'he reading found in Eusebius is most likely the trus one, for it is hardly to be supposed that Lucius Verus should have had two epithets. The name of Philosopher is utterly out of character for a boy of nine years of age, who might yet very well bo
called fi3-Tv mtiu-Ji':.
It is

more

likely liiat the

J. fi.]

nauio oi Philosopher should have been given to

412
There are

THE

FIRST APOLOGY.

greater difficulties in the de- as Ave remarked,* the law of Trajan was termination of the time, at which the first by no means abolished by the rescripts

Apology, as

it

is

called,

The

occasion, which

was moved him

written.
to write

for the Christians (an occasion full of in-

struction, with regard both to the history

of

tiie

active efficacy of Christianity, and

to that of the persecutions)

was

this,

woman

in

Rome, who had

led a vicious

life with her husband, was converted, and refusing any longer to share the vices of

her husband endeavoured to bring about his reformation. As, however, she was unable to efl'ect this, and was unable, if she remained any longer in union with her husband, to withdraw herself from participation in his sins, and as she had, according to the doctrines of our Lord, grounds sufficient to justify a .separation, she separated herself from him. In order to revenge himself, the divorced husband accused her as a Christian. The accused woman presented a petition to the emperor, that she might be allowed first to arrange her family concerns, and then she was willing to undergo her judicial trial. When her husband found his revenge against his wife thus delayed, he turned his rage against her
niffius.

and of Antoninus Pius, ia accordance with which law, the open avowal of Christianity might be punished with death, although the mildness of the emperor permitted a governor favourably disposed to Christians, to pass over a great deal. But is it probable that a Christian should have spoken thus to the Praifect, if the reigning emperor had himself issued a severe law against the Chrisof Hadrian
tians, as Christians
itself,
.?

Even

in the

Apology

there

is

no

trace of the existence

of a

new law

against the Christians, for

the abolition of the emperor.

It

which Justin entreated

may

be said, that

it

suits

only the time of M. Aurelius; for Justin says, that confessions had been extorted from the servants, women, and children of the Christians, by which the popular reports about unnatural practices in the
assemblies of Christians were declared to be true. It is certainlyj" in the reign of M. Aurelius that we first find examples of such conduct towards the Christians quoted ; but as popular fanaticism had, ever since the reign of Nero, spread abroad such reports against the Christians, that

instructor in Christianity, named Ptole- fanaticism may easily have found at an He was arrested by a centurion, earlier time many magistrates who gave and carried before the Procfectus urbis. credit to it, and ministered to it. Even As he openly declared before him, that he in the Apology, which according to the

placed in the time at Uiat time is cius, who heard this sentence, said to the anxious, that people would only not give Prrefect, " Wherefore have you sentenced credit to tlie blind reports of the people to death this man, who has committed against Christians. But he says, that the no murder, no theft, no adultery; but same things which happened at Rome unonly because he is a Christian You are der Urbicus, commonly took place elseacting in a manner, which is not becoming where also; that the other Governors either to the pious emperor, or the philo- acted as unreasonably that every wiiere,
to
is

was a
death.

Christian, he

was condemned

common

supposition

Another Christian, by name Lu- of Antoninus Pius, Justin

.'

sopher tiie son of the emperor.''* The Prefect concluded from this declaration that he was a Christian, and when he confirmed this, the Prefect sentenced him in like manner to death. A third person shared the same fate.

any one was improved by Christianity, one of his nearest relations or friends came forward as his accuser; and this seems to agree better with the general persecutions under W. Aurelius. But even in the time of Antoninus Pius, many
if

question is, therefore, Whether violent popular assaults liad taken place event suits best with the reign of against the Christians, which moved him Antoninus Pius, or that of M. Aurelius? to issue the rescript, which was calculated We find here nothing that would be ahi^o- to allay the irritations of men's minds. lulchj inconsistent with the former; for, This is also still farther remarkable iu the above quoted designation of the reigniElius Verus, who was dead, whom Spartianus ing princes through Lucius, that the title of philosopher, peculiarly appropriated to calls " eruditus in Uteris." M. Aurelius, is not bestowed upon him, (according to Eiischius the common rcadinir is but transferred to Verus, whom it does [N. B. This expression is ambiguous, <|!iA'.3-cocu.) not suit, and to whom it is not elsewhere the meaning is, that Eusebius reads (fixc<rc^a>,
this

The

and the

common

editions of Justin read

Sec the note of Valesius.

H.

!t>iM3-i<fov.

J. R.]

See Section

I.

f See Section

I.


VIEWS ON THE LOGOS.
of Antoninus Pius is bestowed upon M. Aurelius, who is no where spoken of during his lifetime
attributed,
title

413
body

while the

'

the Logos, torn in pieces like the

by

this

name.

Even

if

we throw away
j

the reading of Eusebius we have quoted, the dithculty is not removed, for the same
titles

are attributed

at

the

end of the

Apology

to both the emperors.*

These
I

grounds are an argument to place this Apology, not according to the common belief, which has, however, great names,
e.

g.

Pagi, Tillemont,

shown in its clearness and perfection, by the appearance of the Logos itself in human nature. The same relation which Justin, twicet in this Apology, appeals to exists between it and the clouded, partial thai, which he has before said., which yet reason of man, exists also between Chrisdoes not occur in this Apology, but in tianity and all other systems of religious He uses the same formula, ij truth. Certainly, this was an idea, exthe first. 7rpoi!pi,u,, which he uses in other places, tremely calculated to seek for points in wiiere he quotes passages out of the same the common religious conscience of man,
favour, but with Valesius and
in the time of
It is
!

Mosheim, in its Longuerue

of Dionysius (see above.) had already been said by Justin in other words, llo supf)osL's that there is in human nature something akin* to the Divine Logos, that universal and absolute Divine rcason, from wliicli the partial recognition of religious and moral truth in the heathen philosophers proceeded. The revelation, however, of truth, wiiich iiere is in broken fragments, and is disturbed by the intermi.xture of what is human, was
first

Antoninus Pius.

also a striking circumstance,| that

writing.

for Christianity to attach itself

upon, as

We
that

do not, however, wish to deny, well as to set the authority of Eusebius is opposed Gospel above
first

forth the elevation of the

all

previous systems con-

He hence says,f mentioned that all good, which has ever been spoken Apology as written in the reign of Anto- by any, belongs to Christianity. He ninus Pius, and to place the second in hence concludes, that in all times those still the authority have followed the inward revelation who that of .M. Aurelius ; but of this historian is not decisive here, for of the Logos, and lived in accordance the proper relation of the second Apology, with it, were Christians; although they as it is called, to the first, might be lost were called Atheists, as Abraham and Socrates, and that such men were always and forgotten in the time of Eusebius. An idea, which afterwards re-appears persecuted by the enemies of the Logos
to our supposition, because he certainly

taining religious matter.

appears to consider the

among

the

Alexandrians,

is

altogether

peculiar to these

two

treatises;
is

We (those who live without reason.) namely, certainly need not suppose that Justin
delivered these notions at Alexandria,
that they

that in Christianity there the unclouded and unbroken revelation of Divine truth, while on the contrary, in all human systems, there are only to be

to be found

and

found fragments of a revelation of truth, clouded through the partial views of man. What Clement says of the revelation of

Ew

ouv X.CU

iifj^a-t ii^ictii

vj^i^uii;

kh

'^i\(,T'j<pi!t!

Tat
I

SiK-xiA

iMjTm KpivAi. That in the beginning of the Apology of Athenagoras the title ^/xctj^oc is attributed, whether it be to L. Verus, or to Cornmodus, cannot be alleged to remove thisdiflicuity,
'uTTi^

'

have passed from him to the Alexandrian Fathers, or on the other hand, that Justin has borrowed them from a previously-existing Alexandrian theoaclogy. For certainly, every Platonist, customed to the ideas of the relation of to the supreme tout, the iroigo> in man who was converted to Christianity, while he was seeking for some medium between his former Platonic notions and his newly acquired Christian ones, might easily be

easy to understand that the titles, properly belonging only to one emperor, should be attributed to two in common, as is the case

because

it

is

led to these notions.

But

it is,

indeed, remarkable, that in the

here.

has f As the Benedictine Editor

served.
i

already ob-

other writings of Justin, we find no trace of the notions, which prevail so completely in the Apologies, as to the relation

In the Benedictine Edition, 4, where he speaks of the enmity with God ; G, where he speaks of the incarnation of the Logos ; and 8 where he speaks of lleraclitus.
If
is

between that which is divine in man to the self-revelation of the Divine Logos,

we compare

ii.

13,

and

iv.

16, (for

iy.

II,

The

cntpudLT'.u yryM, OT the xc^ec anfudLTuux.

li.

somewhat

otiscure,)

ceding,
TreoTipx

we cannot

and ch. 17, with the predoubt, that either the reading

\ Apolog.
TTifTt

(commonly

called

i.)

'Orx

tm*

is faulty, or that Eusebius himself has only written thus from some oversight.

[In kx^m: fi^xTi/, ></itay Toi X^iTTHtat Wrt. Grabe's Edition [Oxford. 8vo. 17001703,] this is printed as the second .\pology.]

2M2

414

Aoyoj

fffo?

EXXtjm?.

ledged to have existed among the heathen, who, following the revelation of the Xoyo<; o-TTff/xaTtxo;, were witnesses of the truth before the appearance of Christianity; " Your here, on the contrary, it is said teachers also are compelled to say much furtherance of his object, that by this for us about Divine Providence, even means he might dispose the philosophical against their will, and especially those emperor to be favourable to his propo- who dwelt in Egypt, and have received sals ; but this is, nevertheless, not a benefit from the religion of Moses and his natural supposition. may especially ancestors."* remark, that judging of Justin from his It is impossible to suppose, that this writings, we can hardly give him credit treatise can have proceeded from the same for the adroitness of moving so freely in cast of thought, as the two Apologies of a circle of ideas, taken up by him in ap- Justin. But if it is determined to attribute pearance only. And besides, in his Apo- it to him, then we must at least not conlogies he makes no scruple of blaming sider it, in accordance with the common the religious doctrines of the Stoics, al- supposition, as the first of his writings though the stoicism of M. Aurelius was after his conversion ; but far rather as well known. may thence conclude, one of the later. We must suppose that that he pretended also to no milder his original more liberal and milder habits opinion of the Grecian philosophy in of thought had latterly become narrower general, than he really held. And in other and harsher, that the views which oriwritings also, intended to facilitate the ginally prevailed with him, and proceeded conversion of the heathen, he might just from his own disposition, those views of as well have used this method, as in the the connection between the revelations of Apologies. Why, therefore, does he never the A070? c-'jreffjt.a.Tiy.oi to the revelation of use it in those other writings ? This cir- the absolute Xoyo(;, which we find as the
;
:

and the notions that are connected with namely, in regard to the relation these between tlie scattered traces of truth found amongthe heathen and Christianity. It may, indeed, be said, that he has attributed these notions to himself only in

We

We

cumstance would be
if

still

more

striking,

predominant views
latterly

in the Apologies,

were
back-

ground by the views imparted to him by the Alexandrian Jews, of outward Revelation as the source [of this knowledge among the heathen.]| Such a change is to the heathen" {'n-et^ainTiKoq Trfo? 'E^^*J- no doubt possible, and examples of such the object of which is, to persuade changes are certainly to be found, but one *s,) the heathen of the unsatisfactory nature is led to inquire whether this treatise conof their popular religion, and their philo- tains sufficient evidence of the authorship
of Justin, to drive us to this explanation. have also under the name of Justin instruction. It is, most probably, the same a short address to the heathens (A070? w^o? writing as that which is quoted by Euse- 'EXArjuac) which none of the treatises bius and Pliotius, under the tide of "The enumerated in the list of Justin's writings Confutation" {i>,yx,o<;^) which suits its among the ancients suits, but whicli,even contents well enough. if it does not proceed from him, as the In this treatise we find no trace of that style is somewhat more rhetorical than mild and liberal thought, which we re- his, yet bears the stamp of that time upon mark in the Apologies, and no trace of that peculiar circle of ideas, but far rather Cohortat. p. 15. a contrary mode of thinking. All knowledge of God is here deduced from outI It cannot be denied, that this view occurs ward revelation only; but there were even in the Apologies, only that it is more in the background, while the other is the predominant many misunderstood accordances with view. Apol. ii. p. 81. " All which philosophers truth, recognised among the heathen; but and poets have said of the immortality of the soul, these are all deduced from a misunder- of the contemplation of Divine things, or of docstood and (dlsified tradition, according to trines like these, they may have learnt and devethe Jndaeo-Alexandi-ian notion, that a loped, while they received the first hints from the prophets. There seems, therefore, to be among knowledge of the doctrines communicated all a Sun of truth, and it is clear, that they havo to the Jews by Divine revelation, was not understood it properly, because they contradict conveyed to the Greeks from Egypt. themselves." So also, p. 92, _. Plato s doctrine of While in the Apologies men are acknow- the Creation is deduced from Moses.
sophical doctrines of religion, as well as of the necessity of some higher and Divine

suppose, according to the common view of the matter, that Justin wrote these Apologies at such different times. We have under the name of Justin a treatise, with the title of "An exhortation

we

entirely driven

into

the

We

'

DIALOnUS COM TRYPHONR.

exposition of the untenableness of the heathen doctrines about the gods, in which the most beautiful part is the conclusion "The power of the Logos makes neither poets nor philosophers, nor accomplished orators;
it.

415
he quotes a passage
it

It

is

a rhetorical

the Apologies, for

j

from the second from himself.*

j

(as

is

called,) as

coming

forms us. it turns mortal men into immortal, mortal men into gods. It lifts us from the earth above the bounds of Olympus. Come, suffer yourselves to be formed. Become as I am, for I was also like you for this, even the divine nature of the doctrines, the power of the Logos, has overcome me for as a skilful serpent-cliarmer entices and frightens away the terrible animal from its lurkingplace, so the Word banishes tlie terrible passions of sensuality out of the most hidden corners of the soul. And after the
but, wliile
it
; ;

The author describes himself in the Introthiction, as one who had left Platonism for Christianity, which exacdv suits Justin. No unprejudiced man can denv that the treatise unist have been written bva contemporary of Justin, or at least by a man, the time of whose life approached nearly to that age ; now one cannot imagine any reasonai)le cause, why a man, who could bear so much weight by his own personal qualities, as Justin could, if we judge of him from this book, instead of writing it in his own name, should have allowed this book to appear under the mask of a contemporary. Besides, we find in this book no trace of the endeavour, elsewhere so apparent in
such counterfeited pieces,
pal feature is

desires

are

banished, the soul becomes

to bring certain
Its

tranquil and cheerful, and turns back to

its

favourite notions into vogue.

princi-

Creator, freed

from the

evil

that ad-

hered to it." We have also under the name of Justin a treatise on the unity of God (Trepj /xovapcontaining, for the most part, passages collected from the ancient literature of the Greeks, especially from the poets. The object of the treatise is to convert the heathen by means of their own literature. This writing is, perliaps, only the
X,i<;)

controversy against the Jews and Judaists, and this coidd obtain no new support with either party by the name of the heathen from Samaria, the former Platonist.f The same circumstance will, perhaps, strike us here, as in the above mentioned controversial treatise against the heathen ;
but the case
that
is

altered here.

We saw there
to

Justin

was endeavouring

show

fragment of a larger work, as the work which Eusebius knew by this name contained more, and consisted of arguments for the unity of God, taken partly from the Holy Scriptures, and partly from

on the one hand,

the aflinity between Christianity and the best of Grecian philosophy; and on the other, the unsatisfactoriness of the latter in regard to reliIf, therefore, the former point of view was likely to be most prominent in the Apologies addressed to the philosopher M. Aurelius, it would on the contrary, be wholly suppressed in a treatise directed against the Jews, who souirht in Grecian philosophy a completion of the religious instruction of the Old Testa-

gion.

Greek

literature.

Tlie greatest and most important work of Justin's which we possess, after his JipoJogies^ is his Dialogne with Trypho the Jew, the business of which is to prove, that Jesus is the Messiah promised in the Old Testament, and to confute the then usual
Christianity.

There appears also, nevertheless, accusations of the Jews against ment. Justin meets, apparently at an affinity of ideas between the Dialogue Ephesus, with Trypho a Jew, whom the and the Apologies, even in the favourite

j-

war, undertaken by Barcliochab, had driven out of Palestine, and who was travelling about in Greece, and had there studied the Grecian philosophy, and was much beloved. The garb of the philosopher, worn by Justin, induces Trypho to address him in a retired walk, and a

S.

Simon Magus

The

in Dial. Tryph. 349. reasons against the genuineness of this

work are given by Wetstein, Prolegomrna in Nov. Test. and Scmlcr in his FMilion of VWu
;

stein,

1764.
is

p.

ments from the mode

version
cited, in

ITi, (sec an answer to Iheir arguin which the Alexandrian

iStroth

Ke[>ertoriuni lur hihl.

conversation arises between them about und Morgenhnd. Literatur. Bd. ii. ^ 74.) and the knowledge of God, which conversa- Koch in his Justini Martyris dial, cum Tryjihonc criticas examinat et riK/rt: tion Justin turns to Christianity, and the secundum regulas convietus, 1700 (a work winch I h.ivo never treatise consists of this conversation set and Lange in the first tmok of his History seen;)
I

down in writing. The concor(h\nt

of Ojiinions.
;

There

is

an admirable confutation

assigns this piece to Justin eives himself out as Justin,

testimony of antiquity of them by Munschcr. See (JommenUtiones tlie author 'J'heolojica;, Ed. Rosenmallcr, Fuldncr and who wrote Maurer, t i. pt. ii.

416

RELATION OF THE DIALOGUE WITH OTHER BOOKS.

Xoye.<;

a-vtpjji.oc.riy.ot;.

notion of the Apologies, that of the As he says in the

Holy

Spirit, (see

above,) there

is

a striking

first

Apology, that men would have been able to excuse themselves in tlieir sins, if the Auyoq had revealed himself to human nature, for the first time, only an liundred and fifty years ago, and if he had not
bf;en in operation in all ages

by means

between the Dialogue and the two Apologies. There are exhibited besides in thoughts and expressions, which occur in both works, even more significant marks of the identity of the author.* We cannot at all determine with certainty whether Justin really held such a
similarity

of

he says the crvs^fji.a.rn'.oi; here in regard to the natural ideas ((pva-iKxi Iwomt) inseparable from
the
Xoyo;

same

tfiing

disputation with a Jew named Trypho; but at least it is most probable, that many
disputations with Jews gave him an opportunity of writing such a dialogue, as he would by that means have acquired such an acquaintance with the Jewish theology of that day. He was always ready to give a reason of his failh, both to Jews and to heathens. As we cannot

liuman nature, which compelled

man

uni-

versally to acknowledge sins as sins; and

which might have been extinguished and overwhelmed rather than annihilated by the operations of the evil spirit, and by
bad education, customs, and laws. What lie here says of that, which has revealed itself in all ages, and in accordance with its own nature, as Good, by which alone men could please God, is said in opposition to the Ceremonial Law, which was only calculated as a means of discipline and education for the hardheartedness of the Jews; or as a system of typical prophecy.* This leads us to the idea of that ^eyo? cTTTEffAaTJxoj, through which a moral conscience was given to all mankind. There is, indeed, in the Apologies no trace of Chiliasm (Millenarianism,) but the spiritual ideas of eternal life, and of
the reign of Christ, which shine forth in the Apologies, are by no means contra-

ornament, and we cannot find any sufficient marks in it for a chronological decision ; but it is certain, by the quotation from the first Apology, that this dialogue was written later than that work, and apparently, from what we have above said, than both the Apologies. Justin in this dialogue speaks of the power of the Gospel from his own experience, as he does in the Apologies " I found in the doctrines of Christ," he says, " the only sure and saving philosophy, for it has in itself a power
ascertain
is

what

mere

what

is

real fact in this dialogue,

which commands reverence, which restrains those, who depart from the riglit dictory to this doctrine (see above ;) but path, and the sweetest tranquillity is the we must certainly consider, that the Chil- lot of those who practise it. It is clear liasts themselves, only considered the that this doctrine is sweeter than honey, reign of a thousand years as a point of because we who have been formed by it, transition to a higher grade of life. It even to death, never deny his name."

may

easily be explained,
this doctrine,

why

he should
because,

We

not quote

which was pecu- of Justin against

have to lament the loss of a work all the heretical sects of

liarly ofl'ensive to the heathens;

although important in his estimation, it did not belong to the chief and fundamental doctrines of Christianity, which latter he certainly brought forward without disguise, even when they were offensive to the heathens.
In a dialogue, intended to justify the doctrines of Christianity against the reproaches of the Jews, he had, on the contrary, particular occasion to bring forward this doctrine, in order to show that Christians were orthodox, even in this point, according to the Jewish notions. In both these works an anti-Gnostic and anti-Marcionitish spirit is prominent, on whicii Chiliasm would in those times easily be engrafted. In the doctrine of the Logos, and the

sianic passage,
j,ctg

* See the mystical explanation of the MesGen. xlix. 11, in Apol. ii. 74. "to
TTAuvci'v

Tuv a-TiXnv cLVTiv

iv

stl/ua,rt

a-Td^uKu;"

KilCZ-UfXlVII

vTra

Tou
EiV

fis-cy

TnvjfxajxK Six TCW

iia-iv uvSga'^rc/,

TT^d^llTM

a-roKn,

TTKr'rsuovTtt
Tt'V

uutu)

h
Si

cU

i'lK-t

TO

TTel^ct

<T?rie^fJ.X,

KOyCi,

T3

llgh/U'VOV
u'l/uet

cUfxA

Tc (TTX^uKvii, (r/aavTw:v tcm

ej^eiii

fAii

Compare with this the 6iixc (Tyva^oef. ix. passage in Dial. Tryph. 273, which betrays the same author, who only in that passage made use of such expressions, which were rather borrowed from the language of the Platonic philosophy, as
i.XK'

his object required,

ro

tu

aifxtTi xbr-.o
iS>ih.cu-

i\7ro7rkuyii*

fxiKKm
riuv

'Tov;

'7rt<TTeuovTa.;
ayi'-jV

ai/TW

cttixxv y:!^ ctuuifi^if

Tcv tKA.ws TO

Trnv/xu, tod; St
ci;

xjrcu
ytf

u^gK*t

A/S:vTsty

oa

Svvity.it

TTdtfiari

i]ixfyai(:

Si ?ri-i^i^Tou

tii

Sstn^ct aiircu

tth^ouo-i*'

TO Si

oi'ifju.

<rTii^u\f

tlTav Tov

\c.ycv, SsJuKoiKiy,

on

xou S^ytQx.

See

p. 247,

264, 320.

a ;

TATIAN.
day, as well as of his work against Marcion. It is a matter of very great doubt, whether the fragment of a work on the resuneclion, which John of Damascus, in the eighth century, has imparled to lis imder tlie name of Justin, really belongs to him; Ensebius, Jerome, and Pholius knew nothing of such a
his

417
hypocrisy.

own

work by him.

Among the most beautiful remains of Christian antiquity, is a letter which is found among the works of Justin, on the characteristics of Christian worship in
relation to heathenism
It

According to Eusebius, Crescens really accomplished the purpose, with which he had threatened Justin; but Eusebius in support of tiiis quotes a passage from Talian,* the scholar of Justin, which can by no means be used to prove it; for Tatian there says only, that Crescens had endeavoured to compass the death of Justin, from which it does not follow, that he succeeded in
his

that endeavour.f

and Christianity.

contains that

splendid portraiture of

the Christian

life,

from which we liave

,

Its lanalready quoted some passages. guage and thoughts, as well as the silence of the ancients, prove that the letter does But the Chrisnot proceed from Justin.

Eusebius may, however, be quite right alhrming, that Justin sullered martyrdom during the reign of M. Aurelius. This account is in accordance with the relation of the martyrdom of Justin and his fellow-traveller, which, although it does not come from a souice entitled to our confidence,;^ yet bears upon it many internal marks, which speak more in
in

tian simplicity

bespeaks its high antiquity, which is farther supported by tliis circumstance, that the author classes Judaism and heathenism together, and does not appear to deduce the Jewish cultus from a Divine origin, and yet there is nothing properly

of, than against its authenticity.^ The next to Justin in order of time is Tatian of Assyria, his disciple, of whom we have already spoken in the history of He himself in the the Gnostic sects.il only writing which we have of his, which we are about to mention, gives an Gnostic in the treatise, a phenomenon explanation of the progress of his reliwhich could only exist in a very early age. gious development. lie was brought up We cannot, however, from the author's in heathenism and frequent travels gave speaking of the sacrifices of the Jews as him an opportunity of learning the mulan existing thing, show that he lived tifarious sorts of heathen worship, which

which reigns

in this letter

favour

before the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem ; for in a lively description he might very well present in such a manner what really did not exist any longer. Nor does his calling himself the disciple

were existing together in the None, among them all, could recommeml itself to him as reasonable not only did he observe how religion in them was used to the service of any sure chrono- sin but even the highly wrought allegoof the apostles, give us logical mark, because he might name rical interpretations of the ancient myths, himself thus as a follower of their as symbols of a speculative system of
at that time

Roman
:

empire.

philosophy, could not satisfy him, and it appeared to him a dishonourable proceeding for a man to attach himself to the popular religion, who did not is there partake in the common religious belief. and from another hand that which said of the Jewish people, of the Divine who saw nothing in its doctrines about authority of the Old Testament, and of the gods, but symbols of the elements orthodoxy, which fixes itself on the de- and powers of nature. The mysteries
writings and doctrines; even if this passage in the beginning of 11 really belongs to the genuine letter. The part which follows it is clearly
;

natural

terminations of the Fathers, by no means corresponds with the character of mind

* ^

19

orat. contra GrjBcos.

and thought, which prevail in this letter. Justin, as he himself says in tlie last quoted Apology, expected that his death would be compassed by a person, from one of the then notorious classes of
hypocritical

days, and that one reads nothing at all ahout professors of holiness, scens in it; for one would expect a Gmculus, who Cynic, as he was called, named Crescens, invented the history of such a martyrdom, setting who was much esteemed by tiie people, out from the supposition, that Crescens comp.issed and excited them against the Christians the death of Justin, would have made him an imhim. for he had peculiarly attracted the hatred portant personage, and told many tales about See page 285. by exposing 1 of this man to himself

In the colfcction of .Symeon .MeUphrastcs. These marks and (grounds arc the following: that it contains no miraculous tales, anil nothing exaggerated, nothing that contradicts the siiiiplo circumstances of Christian Churches in those
t

Cre-

53

418
into

TATIAN
sufTered himself to

ATHENAGORAS.
:
.'

ini- as also its obscure style betrays the SyHe says to the Heathen " Wheretiated, appeared to him also in the same rian. manner, not to correspond to the expecta- fore will ye excite your state religion to And wherefore should tions, which they awakened, and the con- battle against us tradictory systems of the philosophers I be hated as the most godless of men, offered him no sure grounds of religious because I will not follow the laws of He was rendered mistrustful of your religion } The Emperor commands faith. them, by the contradiction which he taxes to be paid, I am ready to pay them. often observed in those, who gave them- The Lord commands me to serve him ; selves out as philosophers, between the I know how I have to serve him, for we seriousness which they exhibited for the must honour men as becomes men, but sake of appearances in their dress, mein, fear God alone, who can be seen by no and language, and the levity of their con- human eye, and comprehended by no While he was in this condition, human art. It is only when I am comduct. he came to the Old Testament, to which manded to deny him, that I refuse to his attention was drawn by what he had obey, but prefer to die, that I may not heard of the high antiquity of these writ- appear ungrateful and a liar." Next to Tatian comes Athenagoras, ings, in comparison of the Hellenic religions, as might easily be the case with a who addressed his Apology (7r<r/3n

which he

be

He himself says of the impres- Tre^i X^io-Tiava),) to the Empcror M. which the reading of this book Aurelius, and his son Commodus.* We made upon him " These writings found have no distinct account of this mati''s acceptance with me because of the sim- personal history. Only two among the plicity of their language, the unstudied- ancients mention him, Methodius and ness of the writer, the intelligible history Philip of Sida, who was the last president
Syrian.

sion

of the creation, because of the prediction of the future, because of the vvholesomeness of their precepts, and because of the doctrine of the One God which prevails impression them."* The throughout which the study of the Old Testament made upon him, would appear from this to have been with him the preparation for a belief in the Gospel.^ Coming in this state of mind to Rome, he was converted to Christianity by Justin, of whom he speaks with great reverence. After the death of the latter, he wrote his " Address to the Heathen," in which he defends the (ptXoa-c(pia. tuv QoL^^a^uv against the contempt of the Greeks, who had, nevertheless, received the seeds of
all

of the school of Catechists at Alexandria, the only person who relates any thing of the history of the life of Athenagoras ;")" which, however, deserves no credit at all, because this writer is 'known to be undeserving of our confidence, and because it
other creditable documents, and because of the suspicious circumstances under which the fragment from him has come down to us. Neither what Athenagoras (see above,) says of a second marriage, nor what he says of the
contradicts

ecstacy of the prophets, who served as the unconscious instruments of the opera-

Holy Spirit, suffices to prove him a Montanist; because, as we remarked above, the Montanists in this case
tions of the

Barbarians.

from the said nothing altogether new, but only carview of the relation riefl an already existing mode of thought on of the philosophy as well as the religion religious and moral matters to the extreme. We have also a writing in Defence of the Greeks to Christianity, we recognise far more the later than the earlier of the Resurrection^ by the same AtheJustin. We have already observed (page nagoras. Together with the Apologists we may 285,) that even as early as in this treatise, the seeds of a speculative and ascetic mention a writer who is not otherwise turn of thought are to be seen, which he known to us, Hermias, who wrotea short probably brought from Syria with him, treatise in ridicide of the heathen philosophers (^lao-u^it/toj Tiov i^u (piAo7o(pv.)

knowledge and

arts originally

In his

Tatian had already learned the untenable* See the Essay of Mosheim on the time at which this Apology was written, in the first part of his Commentationes ad hist, eccles. pertinentes.

ncss of Polytheism, and was already come to the persuasion that none but a Monotheistic religion eould be a true one. remarkable, that TaI It would in this case be tian should afterwards have become an antiJewish Gnostic; but we have remarked above,
that
tion-

we

are by no means See page 286.

justified in this

Irenmum.) f Published by Dodwell, (Dissertt. in relates that Athenagoras lived in the time of whom he presented Adrian and Antoninus Pius, to supposi- his Apology, and that he was Catcchist at Alex andria, before Clement.

He

ATHENAGORAS.
seeks to collect together a miiltitiide of foolish and mutually contradictory opinioiis of tlie Grecian philosophers, without advancing any thing positive himself, a procecding, which could scarcely be of any utility ; for in order to persuade those who had received a philosophical education, more would be required than this declamation, and with the ignorant there was no need either of such a caution against the errors of the philosophers, or of such a negative preparation for the Gospel. We see in this Hcrmias, an example of one of those passionate enemies of the Grecian philosophy, against whom Clement of Alcxaiuh-ia contends, (see above,) who in accordance with Jewish fables, deduced the Grecian philosophy, from the conmuinications of fallen angels, This Hermias is called a philosopher in the superscription of his book; it may be the case, that before his conversion he went about in the garb of the pliilosopher and then after his conversion he passed over from enthusiasm for the Grecian philosophy to passionate hatred against

419

He

During the course of the second century a peculiar turn of mind in theolojry was formed in the Cliurch of Asia Minor, It was here that the anti-Gnostic, practical and realistic spirit (which we have
described in the general introduction to this section,) first took a definite form, The practical Christian spirit, which had

from the lono- activity of the Apostle John in these regions, often alloyed here, we freely confess with a mixtnre of a carnal tendency, opposed itself
resulted
to the speculative caprice

the

Gnostic

sects

and license of and schools, whicli

places.

made

especial progress in these

on the doctrines and which the oldest of tlie leaders of the Church remembered to have heard from tlie mouth of St. John himself, opposed a counterbalancing weight to Gnosticism and these men, of simple
declarations,
;

firm dependence

spirit

service

and childlike piety, performed tiiis towards the development of the Church, that through them tlie extension of the pure fundamental principles of the Gospel was secured, and the practical
of Christianity preserved unalloyed, although from the impure source of tradition, in which the Divine and the Human were often mingled together, they received and attached importance to many
spirit

it.

tion

According to the dilTerent constituof men's minds, on a change of opinions, their new habits of thought may be engrafted on their former, as in the case of Justin and Clement of Alexandria, or they may produce a violent and harsh abomination of their former sentiments.

accompaniments which were foreign to the essential nature of Christianity. But

if only the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, and the genuine documents of the original, pure commtinication of the word of God, were propagated, provision was by that means made, that Christianitv should be able to cleanse

The Church in the great metropolis of the Eastern part of Roman Asia could not flourishing seat of literature be at a loss for teachers giflcd loilh a learned educaiion^ and their intercourse with well educated heathens and Gnostics would evidently spur on their activity as Theophilus was bishop of this authors. Ciiurch in the time of 31. Aurelius. After the death of this Emperor, he wrote, during the reign of Commodus, an apologetic work in three books, addressed to Aulolycus, a heathen, through whose reproaches against Christianity he Avas induced to write this work, in which he shows himself a thinking man, and We have already full of knowledge. It is quoted some parts of this work. remarkable that this Theophilus, who wrote against 3Iarcion and llermogenes, composed also a commentary on the Holy We see here the seed of that Scripture. exegetic disposition of the Antiochian Church, of w^hich we shall speak again at the end of this section.*

then,

itself by its inward divine power from such dross, as in the stream of its temporal development it must constantly

note the whole corpus evangeliorum,) and on tho Proverbs, but he adds " qui mihi cum supcriorum voluminum eleffantia et phrasi non vidcntur
:

But in his preface to his CommenMatthew, he distinctly quotes Comand in liis leltei to Algasia, t. iv. p. 197, lie quotes, as it appears, an explanatory harmony, or synopsis of the Gos|>els l)y him (qui quatnor Evangciistarum in unum opus All this may certiinly be dicta compingens.) We have noonly notices of the sam'' work. thing more of his (as tho Latin fraemenLs nndor the name of Theophilus do not lyclong to him.)
congrucre."
tary

on

St.

mentiiries of Theopiiilus

unless the Catena; contain fragment.-* of

his.

'J'iie

specimen which Jerome gives of his mode of interpretation is far from the spirit of the late Antiochian school, for
allegorizing,
it

shows

a fanciful

mode

of

Jerome c. mentary of his

com 26. de in evangelium, (which may devir.

ill.

quotes a

the
1

which might suit well enough with Alexandrian cast of mind, which betrays

itself in the

work

lirst

quoted.

420
contract.

HEGESIPPUS
But could the
spirit

HIS

ECCLESIASTICAL VIEWS.

of Gnos- cused him of having quoted something ticism have obtained the victory; then, under the name of Scripture, which is not inasmuch as it destroys tlie essential to be found there. But the contentment of foundations of Christianity, the collection Hegesippns with the general tradition of of tlie holy original documents would the CImrch, and his connection with tlie have been sacrificed to caprice, and the Church of Rome, oppose this supposition. possibility of such a process of purifica- According to this supposition, he must tion would thus have been cut off. have been an opponent of both. As far It was the endeavour of these teachers of as we can judge, (without knowing the the Church to oppose to the caprice of context that belongs to these words of the Gnostics the concordant tradition of Hegesippns,) we should, therefore, far the Christian Churches, especially of those rather conjecture, that he said this not in of apostolical origin. From this en- opposition to St. Paul, but in his angry deavour, apparently proceeded the first zeal against the opponents of carnal Chibeginning of an Ecclesiastical History, liasm, who might probably enough quote the work of Hegesippns, a Jew of Asia the above passage of St. Paul, and similar Minor, converted to Christianity, who ones in order to oppose sensual reprelived during the reigns of Hadrian and sentations of the happiness of tlie world the Antonines, and who, perhaps, in order to come. to reconcile differences between the usages The contests ahont the time of Easter, of the .Jewish and heathen churches, or (see above,) and concerning the Monta-

himself by ocular demon- nistic spirit of prophecy, gave afterwards, harmony of all old Churches as well as the controversies against the Gnostics, and the Apologies against the took a journey to Rome in the days of heathens, another circumstance to exerAntoninus Pius, and remained there for a cise the activity of these Church-teachers, season. The result of his inquiries and as authors. The list of the writings of collections was his " Five Books of Ec- Melito, bishop of Sardis, whom we have clesiastical Events" (tte^ts viroixtnixuTo. Ix- already mentioned as the author of an xXr,aia,a-TiKu w^a^^uv.) He may, perhaps, Apology addressed to the Emperor M. here have inserted much impure tradition Aurelius, shows with what matters the of Jewish origin, and have been influ- Church-teachers of Asia Minor then ocenced by many errors, proceeding from a cupied themselves. We find among them Judaeo-Christian carnal mode of thought. the following treatises on Right ConThe picture of James, who was called the duct^ on the Prophets, of Prophecy, of the brother of the Lord, is painted by him Church, of tlie Revelation of St. John entirely in the taste of the Ebionites.* (which writings may collectively refer to From a quotation, however, made by Ste- the circumstances of the Montanistic conphanus Gobarus,! a monophysite writer troversy,) the Key (i x^eki) (perhaps this of the latter part of the sixth century, it also refers to the keys of the Church,* may be concluded, that he was, as a proper in reference to the controversies about Ebionite,an opponent of the Apostle Paul; penitence,) a treatise on Sunday (perhaps for in the fifth book of his Ecclesiastical in reference to the controversies between History, after citing the words of 1 Cor. the Jewish and heathen Christians about ii. 9, '' That Avhich no eye hath seen, no the festival of the Sabbath, or Sunday,) ear heard, nor hath it entered into the on the Corporeality of God, a defence of heart of any man ; he says that this is that sensnous anti-Gnostic conception.^ false, and that those wiio said such things The contents of the following treatises belied the Holy Scriptures and the Lord, may also refer to the controversies against who said, " Blessed are your eyes, for they Gnosticism on the JYature of Man, on see, and your ears, for they hear." Matt.
to
stration of the

persuade

in the

essentials of Christianity, under-

xiii.

16.J
Paul,

If

we

refer

these

words of
* [The Power of the Kci/.t is the more usual English phrase, liut this would include more than TI. J. R.] the subject of Penitence. f TTipi tv(j-m/ji.ctTi:v Qi'M, These words might be taken to mean, concerning the appearance of God or, concerning the incarnation of in ike flesh God. But a comparison with the account of the trustworthy Origen, on the contents of the book,

above cited passage appears to follow, that lie accused him of false doctrine ; nay, acto the

Hegesippns
of
St.

it

,-

*
\

Euseb. ii. 23. In Photius, Cod. 235.

Tail'

(fragment.
-rawTa <pst^vwj
Te
flaaiir

Commentar.

in

Gen.

vol.

ii.

0pp.

y^xt^um x; tcu Ki/p/iu

25,) compels us to the explanation given.

fol.

we have

1,

IREN^US
the Creation

NOT

A MONTANIST.
in

421
his

of

the SohZ, or

on

tlie

Body^ what he had heard

'

or on the Spirit, on the Birth of Christ, on Truth, on Faith, on the Setises of the obedience of Faith* Tlie importance of the subjects, and their deep hohl upon tlie life of the Church in those times,! make us regret the more the loss of these doctrines, the Elders, who preceded us, writings. and were in habits of intercourse with Claudius Apollinaris, whom we men- the apostles, have not delivered to you lioned above, bishop of Ilierapolis, in for when I was a boy, I saw you* with Phrygiu, was a contemporary of.Mel ito; his Polycarp in Asia .Minor, for I remember writings, although not so numerous, were what then happened better than things of occupied with several similar matters.f the present day; wliat we have learnt in From the school of these Church- childhood grows up with the soul, and teachers of Asia Elinor, proceeded Ire- becomes one with it, so that I could denaeus ; who, after the martyrdom of Po- scribe the place in which the holy Polythinus, became bishop of the Church of carp used to sit and talk, his outgoing Lyons and Vienne (see above.) lie re- and his incoming, his mode of life, his membered, even in his advanced age, personal appearance, the discourses he addressed to the multitude, and his own * The list of writings is to be found in Euse- account of his intercourse with John, as bius, iv. 26. [Tlie expression in Neander is, well as with the rest of those who had "ro den Sinnen des glaubigen Gehorsams ." seen the Lord and how he remembered which appears to me to be only capable of the their conversations, and the account they above translation, or of this, " about the senses of gave of the Lord's miracles and doctrines. faithful obedience ;" i. e. about the senses, by which we perceive and accede to the doctrines of the faith VVhile he related all from the accounts of meaning:, perhaps, our inward means of perception, eyewitnesses of his life, he related it in &c. On referring, however, to Eusebius, I see that entire accordance with the Scripture. the title of the work is. I Tipi Jtxx-.oc tittio); xi'Ait- This I heard at that time with earnestwhich in Heinichen's edition, I find ness by reason of the grace of God imTxptaiv, on the following note extracted (I believe) from Vaparted to me, writing it down, not on lesius. "O Trift Cttuxm;, &c. Apud Nicephorum lepaper, but on mv heart, and I am able by gitur Triii i/TTiKMC Trir-TiUK' h:u Trift a.lo'SxTitptaiv, ut duo fuerint Mclitoiiis libri; alter de obedientia the grace of God, constantly to brinsf it can I confirmant Hierony- with freshness into my memory. fidei, alter de sensibus, idque mus et Rufinus. In omnibus tamen nostris codi- also testify before God, that if that blessed cibus legitur kxi o -rai Crix.',; Trtcruex oufiuTupiaiv and apostolic Presbyter had heard any absque distinctione, quam R. Stcplianus post such thing, he would have cried out at vocem TTKntte; addidit. Fuit igitur hie Melitonis De obedientia sensuum fidei, once, and stopped his ears, and have said, liber ita inscriptus. seu quod idem est, de obedientia fidei, qux fit according to his custom, 'O! good God! Quiilam enim hxretici aiebant, for what a time hast thou preserved me, a sensibus. animales quidem seu psychicos sensuum opera, that I should endure this !' and he would Ita Heracleo explispiritales vero per rationem. have left the place, where he was sitting cabat locum ilium ex Joannis evangelio: Nisi or standing, when he heard such lansigna et piodigia vidmtis, mn credctis. Qua; guage."! '1^'iP spirit, which here speaks Christi verba aiebat Heracleo dici proprie ad eos, We have qui per opera et sensus naturam hal>eant obedi- out, was inherited by Irenacus.
j I

youth from the mouth of Polycarp, about the life and doctrine of Christ and the apostles. I:i a piece addressed to Florinus, an heretical teacher, with whom he had been in his youth with Polycarj), he says, ''These

non autem credendi per rationem. Refert hfecOrigines enarrationum in Joannis Evangelium
endi,

already
tical

spoken

of
in

his

peculiar

prac-

disposition

his conception

and

tomo

xiii.,

quam

ubi id refuUt, docct(iue Uim spiritales animales non pos.se nisi per sensum creis,

This title dere." stood by others, and

the faith Ijy

conmade to mean on the acceptance and his moderation and liberality in means of the senses. On Hera- troversies about external, nonessential of The things. We oliserved above (see p. o3-5,) cleon, see Grabe Spicil. vol. ii. p. 80, N.B. titles of the works are altogether uncertain, from that he apparently came forward as a H. J. R.] the vaiious lections in this passage. peacemaker between the Montanists and If in the Catenae, especially in the Catena of This suptheir most violent adver.'jaries. Niccpharus on the Octulcuc/ius, published at position suits best with the spiVit df bis Leipzig, 1772, the fragments which belong to this Apollinaris were pro[)erly separated from those writings; for his having many opinions which belong to .\pollinaris of Laodicea, and the

therefore, differently under-

mode of handling tiie doctrine of Paiih, his zeal for the essentials of Christianity,

-j-

fragments in Eusebius, and the Chronicon Paschale Alexandrinum, were compared with them, the character of this Church-teacher might be

[Neander has here omitted n part of the senKx/Ar/M: vftrrcfTaL

i

tence.

drawn more

definitely.

mpmutioi liji'Mfjtui + Euseb. V. 20.

-raf aurit.

H.

th Rtrt/JK*
J. R.]

x'jXx,

ku

2N

422

CHIEF

WORK OP IREN^US.

and dispositions, which agreed with the a writing in which he has treated of a spirit of IMontaiiism, and which would, matter, which seems to be quite foreign
contribute particularly to en- to the Father's turn of mind ; viz. of the dear him to a Tertullian, cannot, after peculiarities of St. PauPs style, the hythe observations we made above, about perbata which so often occur in his the relations of Montanism and the opi- writings.* It is probable that this treatise nions of the Church, at all serve as a was not expressly upon the peculiar lanproof that he was a Montanist. Had he guage of this apostle, but that Irenaeus been a zealous Montanist, whenever he incidentanlly touches upon this subject, touched upon a darling theme of Mon- while he is combating the capricious tanism, he could scarcely have omitted nature of the Gnostic exegesis, which, no to appeal to the new explanations com- doubt, despised with theosophic contempt municated by the Paraclete; but lie al- (see above) the simple rules of all just ways appeals only to Scripture, or to the interpretation. He justly observes, tliat traditions of those elders of Asia Minor. the origin of this peculiarity in St. Paul's But we cannot possibly suppose, that style lies in the overwhelming press of Avhere he speaks of the condemnation of thoughts that arise in his ardent spirit -,1 false prophets, he means by that the a remark which, as it presupposes a reMontanistic prophets, for he was probably cognition of the natural peculiarities of too favourable to the Montanists for this ; man's character while under the influence but as a zealous Montanist, he would of the Holy Spirit, is founded upon a hardly have omitted to mention, with more liberal and just conception of inspithe false prophets, also the opponents of ration, although Irenaeus may not have the true prophets ; because he is here been aware of it. reckoning up every thing deserving of It will besides, be seen by this example, condemnation. Instead of this, a passage as we have before observed, that the opthe position follows, which far more characterizes to Gnosticism promoted the peace-loving spirit of Irenasus, which en- growth of sound hermeneutical principles, deavoured to prevent a schism between although they were not always justly the Montanistic and other Churches, as it used, but their application was sometimes made peace in the controversies about led astray to serve the purpose of a moEaster: "The Lord will also judge those, ment in regard to some doctrinal controwho create schisms, who have not the versy, as was the case with Irenaeus in love of God, and seek their own advan- the passage we have quoted. tage, not the unity of the Church ; who, Among the writings of this Father, for slight reasons, cut in pieces the great which we find named by the ancients, and glorious body of Christ, and, as much we shall only mention two letters, which as in them lies, destroy it, who really do have an historical importance in consestrain out a gnat and swallow a camel. quence of their subject, because schisms But no advantage which they can ofler, in the Romish Church were to be healed can counterbalance the evil of schism."* up by them. One is addressed to Blastus, These were the principles on wiiich he who was probably a presbyter of the acted also in the controversies about Romish Church. The account in the adEaster (see above. )| ditions to Tertullian de PraiscriptioneJ is The chief work of Iren?eus, which for likely enough to be true, viz. that Blastus the most part has only descended to us had introduced a schism into the Romish in the old literal Latin translation, with Church by his adherence to the usage of important fragments of the original Greek, Asia Minor in regard to the time of the is his Confutation of the Gnostic Sys- Paschal festival. This suits perfectly well tems, in five books, which has preserved with the time of Victor, bishop of Rome; to us the most graphic picture of his and perhaps, also many other Jewish notions were interwoven with this opinion mind. Many of the writings of Iren^us we about Easter. know only by name. He himself cites The other letter was addressed to a
therefore,

L.
It

iv. c.

33, 6.
167.5.]

[L.

iv. c.

62. Ed. Bill, and

Teuard. Paris,
j-

II.

be concluded, also, from the manner in which Tertullian adv. Valentinian, c. 5, speaks of Irciifcus, that he was no Montanist, for otherwise he would have called him " noster " as he

may

III. c. 7. quemadmodum de [ex al. edit. R.] multis et alibi ostendimus cum utentem. Propter velocitatcm scrmonum suorum et I propter impetum, qui in ipso est, sjiiritus. I find the passage he alludes i [Ita Neander. to in the addition found in the MS. of Agobardus to

L.

.1.

does

call

Proculus immediately

after.

the treatise de Prffiscriptione Hsereticorum, ^

liii.]

nippoLYTus.
presbyter,

423

named
;

Florinus, M-ilh

whom

Irenaeusin early yoiith had lived with the aged Polycarp and who, it would seem, carried Monarchianism, or the doctrine of one God, as tlie Creator of all Being, to such an extreme, that he made God the Wish
'

of the first half of the third century; but unfortunately only a very small portion of his works has remained to us. Tlie testimony, however, of Photius, taken by itself, is not sufficient to eslaters
tlie account that he was a disciple Iienajus; but since, as appears from his quotation, expressions of llippolytus

origin of evil.*

.of

Hippolytus
Irenajus

is

named

as a disciple of

by Photius,! and took a promi- himself about

|

his

connection with
far as

Ire-

nent place

among

the ecclesiastical wri-

najus lay before his eyes, and since in the

'turn of
It is difficult to juJse from the title of the book, as It ,s quoted by Eu.ehiu. v 26, in what the pecuUaritv ot the opinions of Florinus consisted. The 'title is te^, ju:,^^'*, ^, rci, ^;, i.i r:v 0-,y tmt>,v km'^^v. The first part of this title may be taken to moan that Florinus, as a Gnostic Dualist, had denied the doctrine of the f^ov:>r^ix;hat then this will not suit the second part, lor this cannot be understood as if Florinus had maintained the existence of an ahsolufe evil principle [I.e. an i7idcpendent07ie.li.LU.]0T a Deiniurgos, as the author of an imperfect uniI

mind of Hippolytus, so
it

we

can judge of
j^i^^
j-

from the fra-mients aud

.

j^j^

,vorks,
r
i

in as Air as these
.

give
"

'

"^ ""X '"^"S ot drawing conclusions as ^o their Contents, and the tendency of his exertions as an author,) there is nothing
to oppose such a supposition, but on the contrary, much to favour
r

rather,
it,

we

'"^y/^"-

>'

g'^e credit to this account.

verse, for in this case the title

Tnpi

must have run

KtKuiv.*
It

thus,

TM

/jL>i

tivAt

Qav
be

tcv

ts/dtji:'

can,

mean, that Irenaeus wished to show how we must maintain the doctrine of the Unity (the Monarchia,) without makin- the ^,* .px" the cp^n rm k^^,, and also that Florinus had made God the creator of evil, whether it was in accordance with a doctrine of absolute predestination, which many uninformed Christians had imagined from passages 01 the Old 1 fstament, which they understood too lUov.u r (according ,^ n,- to Urigen, TJi;:i rhilocal.c.i. r, i-r literally, / p. 17.
therefore,
to
1

only

understood

Hippolytus was a bishop. But since neither Eusebius nor Jerome was able to indicate the city in which he was bishop, we cannot state any thing definite on tiie subject, nor do the later accounts, which
* i i .1 .1 P'^^^, *"^ '^^. '" \^' ^'; ''^\^'':! ^'i^'^'^' "'"'*=" P'^ce It in the neighbourhood ot

Rome,| deserve
there
j

consideration.
in

Certainly

is

much

to

prove that the sphere of

the East, and
1
1

his exertions
^.j
r>
.

was

much,
i

Tw:/T J,T.A*5.vcvTt; n^i t:. er.v,i^'A^

i^cT^tTCB H.U

ci/s t::;

i-iiKurxrcu uvS^MTcy, forming such opinions of God as they would not of the most unjust and cruel of men.) or whether it was, that he made God the creator of an absolute evil principle, whether a conscious or an inconscious one (an kC..) But farther, had Florinus only held one of the common Gnostic doctrines about the origin of evil, Irensus would not have said, that no heretic even had ventured to bring forward such a doctrine. SinceEuscbius says, that Florinus aftervvards allowed himself to be carried away by

contrary, to fix it in the West. ' Both these points may be reconciled u bv r j , ,. ""roducuig the Supposition ol diflerent times and this very circumstance, that he
^jie
.1

.1

,.

was occupied
j

at dilferent times in dillerent

countries,
\ |

given rise to the iiulisUnciness of the ancient accounts of him. i.r ^^<^ !"^>' '^/a'" ^ P^'''^*^' catalogue ot
,

may have
,

,.

,-

by comparing together the citations of Eusebius and Jerome, the specification of his works found upon the marble statuet to his memory, which was
"/s writings,

the Valentinian doctrines, and that lrena;us was in consequence induced to write his book r../ :>i-.uJo, against him (see above in the account of the

j ^^ ^ ^,^ ^,^g ,.^^,, ^^ .p,^.^^,; ', --, . ,-w , . ,, A" ^- ^p'^^ ^'^e account ol PIotius, and the caUilogue of Ebed|esii, the Nesloriail
,-

Gnostic systems,)

it

would seem

to follow

from
nr>

writer of the thirteenth century.

We

see

this, that the earlier doctrines of

Florinus wrre

from these indications, that

\

One is inclined, therefore, to Gnostic doctrines. think that, while Florinus acknowledged the untenableness of a theorj', which placed the cause of evil in God, he fell into the opposite extreme,
and
supposed a self-existent indei)endent principle
of evil out of God.

various
'

he wrote exegetical, doctrinal, polemico~

to
'

~
;

[
'

According

one supposition

it

Romanus, or

.\den,

.\ral.ia, to

was Tortus which report,

perhaps, only a misunderstanding of tlie pas-sage Eusehius, vi. 20, may have given rise.

[See Middleion on the Greek Article, p. 50,

the edition of 1833,
is

by

my

late brother.

This

accordance with the well known rule. thai in such propositions the subject has the article, and the predicate has not. ^ The translation of the first title would be on the Unity of (iod, or an essay to show that God is not ll,e creator / evil. Of the second it y"'/^^^*^-'"/''";^, ''''''"-'
only
in

creator of evi
It

(1.

e.

the Demiurgos, or whosoever

!

may

evil) is

be irho.oe existence is assumed as creator of not God. H. J. R.] t Cod. 121.

j- Portus Romaiius Ostia. i In which he is represented as silting on his Episcopal scat, xa^j/j* or 6p:r:,-, and underneath him is the sixteen-year Cycle of Easter, prepared by him, kuvu* tKnaJumrxf^iv.:, of which there in a f^n investigali.m in the 'second ])art of Ideler's 'I'ho H^ndbuch der Chronologic, p. 2U, &c. monument iUs..|f is puhlished in the first part of ... 1.^ r .1 r uthe edition, by I abr.cms, of the works of Hip,

polytus.
1

In Assemani

..,,, ^. Dibliotheca Qncntalu,t.ui.p.

,.

...

I.

424
doctrinal and

HIPPOLYTIiS ON

THE WRITINGS OF

ST.

JOHN.

chronological works, and

homilies.

We

shall

writings, the subject of

mention only those of his which gives them

In regard to Exegesis, Jerome hints that he preceded Origen in giving an example of an ac- his writing against Noetus, which is still complished interpretation of Scripture, preserved, which probably formed the and that Ambrosius, (see below,) the conclusion of this work. friend of Origen, had urged him to folhave also an unimportant piece by

an historical importance.

cording to Photius,) closed with the heresy of Noetus. He declares, as Photius has quoted him, that he has in this work made use of the contents of a series of discourses by Irenaeus against these heresies.* We have already quoted

We

low

this

example.
it

whether

was

at Alexandria, in Pales-

He must somewhere, him on known

the Antichrist^

which was also

writer

to

Photius.

The same

have met with Origen, because Jerome cites a homily by Hippoly tus in praise of our Saviour, which he had delivered in the presence of Origen.* Hia Exegesis, judging from the few fragments that remain, was of the allegorizing
tine, or in Arabia,

kind.
In the enumeration of his writings
that old

on

monument, a work occurs

loictvyriv

v-n-i^

rov

xuroc.

ttia,yyt7\iav

Kcci

cciro-

This can hardly be a comy.ahvi^iui;. mentary on these two books of the Bible, although Jerome seems to quote a commentary of Hippolytus on the Revelations but this title would far more indi;

cate a piece written

in

defence of those

mentions a commentary on Daniel by him, out of which he quotes the remarkable circumstance,! that he placed the end of the world at 500 years at\er the birth of Christ. His placing this event later than it was usual to represent it in the earliest ages of the Church, may be attributed to the season of tranquillity, which the Church was then enjoying, under Alexander Severus. In the list of the writings of Hippolytus on the monument, a tt^ot^etttiko* s-fo? It is hardly to be le/Jij^iifav occurs. doubted that this is the very treatise, from which Theodoret, in his s^hj-tjc, quotes several passages under the title of a Letter

This is also in accordance to the Queen or Empress (w^o? BaaXtSa.,) which Ebedjesu gives to which Fabricius has collected in his edithis work. We must, therefore, suppose tion of Hippolytus. Its contents answer to the title, which the writing mentioned it a defence of the genuineness of these scriptural books, and a justification of in the monument bote; it is a discussion them from the reproaches of the Alogi. of the doctrines of the Christian faith, If Hippolytus in this appears as an oppo- for the advantage of a heathen woman. nent of the Ultra anti-Montanists, this That Severina must also have been a But the name agrees with the fact, that he wrote a book queen or an empress. on the Charismata.t We may here refer Severina can hardly be correct it must to the circumstance that Stephanus Go- be Severa, and it is in the highest barus, in Photius, 1. c, opposes to each degree probable to suppose it addressed other the opinions of Hippolytus and to Severa, who was wife of the emperor Gregory of Nyssa, about the Montanists, Philippus Arabs. (See above.) from which we may conclude, that the An entirely peculiar character marks former belonged to the defenders of the We have no means of de- the theological development of the JYorth Montanists. termining with certainty whether the African Churchy whose theological spirit taking a more definite y.t(pa,Xxicc ir^o<i Tatoi', which Ebedjesu as- was constantly cribes to him, are to be brought into the ac- form from the time of Tertullian to that of count in this matter. (If, in fact, this Caius St. Augustine, and afterwards obtained the was the violent opponent of Montanism.) greatest influence over the whole Western A work of Hippolytus is quoted against Church by means of St. Augustine. Tertullian is a writer of peculiar iinthe, two and thirty heresies^ which (ac-

two books.

Avith the title,

portance, both as the

* Had this discourse been preserved, it would perhaps, have given us a great deal of information on the history of the festivals of the Epiphany

first representative of the theological character of the North African Cliurch,an(l as the representative of the Montanistic opinions. He was a
*

and Christmas. \ It cannot be entirely ascertained with certainty whether this work bore the title cltcut'-xikii v:t^uJ':a-if Tri^t ^a.fiTy.-jLTm)i, or whether the work on the Charismata, and the exposition of the Apostolical Tradition, were two separate works.

The words

of Photius are as follows

t^u-

f Cod. 202.

SKETCH OP TERTULLIAN.
man
of ardent mind, warm disposition, and deeply serious character,* accustomed
unassisted form in
to us.
I

425
which
it

is

presented

and Quintus Septimius Florens Terlullianus to tlie and was born in the latter years of the sehauglitily to reject all whicli was uncon- cond century, probably at Carthage, and genial to tliat object. lie had a fund of was the son of a centurion iu the service great and multifarious knowledge, but it of the Proconsul at Carthage. He was was confusedly heaped up in his mind, at first an advocate or a rhetorician, and without scientilic arrangement. His depth arrived at manhood before he was conof thought was not united witii logical verted to Clirisiianity and he then obclearness and judgment: a warm un- tained, if the account given l)y Jerome is governed imagination, that dwelt in sen- correct, the ofllce of a Presbyter. It is suous images, was his ruling power. doubtful, however, whether it was at His impetuous and haughty disposition, Rome or Carthage. The latter is, in and his early education as an advocate or itself, the most probable because in difa rhetorician, were prone to carry him, fereiit writings, composed at different especially in controversy, to rhetorical times, he speaks as if he were settled at exaggerations. When he defends a thing, Carthage; although* the accounts of of the truth of which he is persuaded, Eusebius and Jerome may be taken to one often sees in him the advocate who favour the former supposition. The aconly collects together all the arguments cession of TertuUian to Moiitanism mav by which his cause may be advanced, be sufficiently explained from its affmity both just arguments and sophisms, that to the early character of his mind and deceive by a mere dazzling appearance; disposition. His writings relate to the his very richness of fancy at times leads most varied points of Christian doctrine him astray from the perception of the and of Christian lile it is here a matter simple truth. The circumstance which of great importance, to separate those renders this man a phenomenon of so among them, which bear the stamp of much importance to the Christian his- Montanism, from those which contain no
to give iiimself

up with

all

his soul

strength

object of his love,

torian,

is

this,

that

Christianity

is

the
I

trace of it.+
The words of Euseliius, ii. 2. ra,v /urtKimt 'PetjUh; xt/j.7r^m, do not exactly assert, tliat as a Christian he oMained an important place in the

soul of his life and thought, that by Christianity there was opened to him an entirely new and fertile interior world, but not until the leaven of Christianity could wholly penetrate and ennoble his ardent, powerful, and somewhat rugged nature ; we find the new wine in an old cask ; so that the taste, which it has re-

in
I

Roman Church,
the context they
!

but

may
as

taken in conjunction with very well imply, that l>oforc

his conversion to Christianity he

was
'

in prcat es-

limation at
I

Kome,

arbitrary
I I

translation

a juris-consultus (for the of Kufinus, inter nostros

scrijitores admodum clarus,' must at all events be ceived in that cask, might easily tleceive rejected ;) but we mij^ht then also conclude, that Tertulthat is not a connoisseur. if Tcrtullian lived at Rome as a heathen, and lian had often more within him, than he was so much esteemed, it is also probable that he could express ; an adequate form was was there also lirst invested with a spiritual oHicc. wanting to the overflowing spirit. He Jerome says that the jealousy and injuries of the was compelled first to create a language Romish clergy moved him to chatipe to jMontanism. But such stories, which the ancient spiritual matter (and that, too, for

one

the

new

out of the rough Punic Latin,) without the advantage of a logical and grammatical training, and to create it just as he was carried on in his ardour by the stream of his thoughts and feelings. Hence come the diniculties and obscurities to be found in his mode of writing, but hence also come its originality and
liveliness.

Church-teachers used to set about, are always very suspicious, l)ecause men were universally too

much

inclined

to altriliute to external causes a

conversion from the

O{inions,

'

and Jerome
the

Roman Church
I'eiri

to heretical

in ytarticidar, althouc;h he
in

'

reverenced
evil of the

Caiheda
cleri^y,

the

Roman
to s|)eak

Church, was notwithslandini; inclined

I

Roman

who

did

him

so

nmch
them,

injury during his residence at l{ome, cnj)ecially

after the death of

Uamasus, and

to accuse

Hence,

this great Father,

who

in particular, of jealousy against ^rcat

tJilenL-*.

united great gifts with great faults, has been often misunderstood by those who could not acquaint themselves with his spirit through the rough and uncultivated,

i
of

have given n more

subject
in

elalwral*' investigation

'

this

my

treatise

on

'J'crtnllian.

'

[anti-(inostikua,

^.

1825. H. J. R.] I shall here only add somcthing in regard to the oljertioiiK made by Dr. He linds a mark of Ciilln to my conclusions.
.Mont;uiism in wiiat TertuUian says, do I'atienlia c L " bonurum ^uorundam, siculi ct lualorum

Cieist

des

'I'ertullian.

lierlin,

warm and deep

[Literally, of a fiery and deep spirit, of a disposition. H. J. It.]

54

.\

426
It
is

LIFE OF TERTULLIAN.
difficult to

decitle the

question,

whether TerluUian remained always in the same connection with the Montanistic or whether he afterwards again party inclined more to the Catholic Church, and endeavoured to form a middle way between the two parties. The narratives
;

of Atignstine,* and of Praedestinatus,! as well as the account given by the latter^ of a IVIontanistic work of Tertullian, in which he endeavours to lessen the number of points of diflerence between tlie two parties, are favourable to the latter
notion, and
the

on

this supposition,

many

of

writings

of

Tertullian,

which are

intolerabilis

magmtudo

est,

ut aJ capienda et praes-

tanda
I

ea, sola gratia divinae inspirationis opcratur."

must here

certainly retract the declaration

made

in my Tertullian, p. 161, that there is nothing contained in this pasaage but the common Christian doctrine,

which

attributes to the

Holy

Spirit
fol-

the operation of all good in believers. The lowing is the idea contained in the passage : '
for all good,

But

not only human exertions, but the communication of the Holy Spirit. The higher the grade of goodness is, the more man needs the operation of the Holy Spirit. But there are grades of goodness so exalted, qualities and gifts

we need

of such elevation, that man can do nothing whatever towards attaining them. They are entirely the
free gift of the

Holy

Spirit,

and

man

in

these

cases

Holy

only passive, in regard to the work of the Such are the Charismata, which are to be separated from the common Christian viris

Spirit.

tues.'

acknowledge that there

is

something

here besides the doctrine, which every Christian must deduce from the Bible; but it need not, therefore, be called Montanistic. Such a view might proceed from the original character of Terhave already observed above, tullian's mind. that the Montanistic notion of certain operations of the Holy Spirit, under which man is only passive, was by no means a new view ; but that it

We

engrafted

itself on a mode of representation which had long been'in existence. The passage about fasts and abstinence cannot in any way be looked upon as a proof of Montanism, for a voluntary uo-^witk had already found acceptance with many, who were no Montanists,

moderately Montanistic, or border upon Montanism, might be assigned to a different epoch. But these accounts are not sufficient to challenge our belief in tliem. From the disposition of Tertullian one is led to think, that he was not unlikely to keep to his opinions, when they were once formed, and when opposed, constantly the more to harden himself in them. The peculiar sect of the TertulUanists^ which is found at Cartilage in the fifth century, is no proof of the supposition we have mentioned ; because it is possible, that this sect, which adhered closely to the peculiar opinions of Tertullian, was first formed in later times, when it was cut off from communication with the Montanistic Churches in Asia. The study of the writings of Tertullian had plainly a peculiar influence on the doctrinal development of Cyprian. Jerome relates, after a tradition, supposed to come from the secretary of Cyprian, that he daily read some part of Tertullian's writings, and was accustomed to call him by no other name than that of Master.^
this book,

Hermogenes had brought

;

forv^'ard

his

be proved, that Hermogenes had not already published his 'J'he words, 'jejuiiia conjungere,' doctrines a long time before Tertullian wrote (see above.) might indeed, although not necessarily, be under- his book against him. From the very cursory stood of a S'.iperpositio, by no means Montanistic manner in which Tertullian mentions him in the (superpositio is a continuation of the f^riday's treatise de Prajscriptione, we might be inclined to fast to Saturday, on which day no Montanist suspect, that Hermogencs vias, at that time, by See above, page 188.) fasted. And besides, no means a person of such importance in his but
it

peculiar views

cannot

at

all

the

treated,

whole manner the whole

is

in

which penance

is

here

eyes,

and that

it

was

his additional interest in the

breathes here,

spirit of mildness not Montanistic.

which

matter as a Montanist in later times, which

moved

him

As
tione,

far also as regards the

I

find myself

i)y

cliange

my

opinion of
'

its

work de Prccscripno means induced to non-Montanistic origin.

sustinebit,'
'

an elaborate refutation of the doctrines of Hermogencs. The manner in which he speaks of the emanation of the Logos, cannot be called Montanistic, for he represents it in the
to enter into

The words

alius libcUus
1. i.

hunc gradum

same

might be used by Tertullian of a piece already written, whether by himself or another, by representing it (the book,)
contr. Marcion.
c. 2,

treatise

personified as a defender.

does not at all follow, from his particularly bringing forward the doctrine of a creation out of nothing, in his quotation of the Creed, c. 13, that he had already had to sustain a contest with Hermogencs ; because even in the controversy against the Gnostics this definition must have been brought forward ; and
It

Apologeticus, c. 5J1, not to be Montanistic. [Those who are desirous of seeing a condensed statement of iVcander's views on Tertullian's writings may consult the able i)reface to Bp. Kaye's work on Tertullian, 2d edition, 1826.
in

manner

the

acknowledged

H.

.1.

K.]

Hieres. 86.

the connection in which these words there stand,

far

more favours the sup[)osition that he was thinking of the Gnostics, than that he had Hermogenes in his thoughts. It is, indeed, quite certain, from c. 30, that before Tertullian wrote

to his secretary. Da mihi maIn Hieron. de Viris illustribus, c. 53. order to see how he used the writings of Tertullian, the treatises of Cyprian de Orutione Dominica, and dc Patimtia, in particular should be

f Hicres. 86.

Haercs. 26.

He gistrum.

would say

compared with those of Tertullian on the same subjects, and that de Idoloruin vanitate with the
Apologeticus.

CVPRIAN

HIS LIBRI TESTIMONIORUM

in

427

We

have already spoken sufilciently

various places of the character, the activity, and the most important writings of

Cyprian.

We shall liere mention only one more remarkable writing of Cyprian, his three bocks of Testimonia, a collection of the most important passages of Scripture, to prove, that Jesns is the Messiah promised in the Old Testament, and to iorm the foundation of Christian faith and morals. The collection was destined for a certain Qnirinus, who had entreated the bishop to make him such an abridgment of
the
essential

contents of

llie
I

through every part of the Holy Scripture ; for I liave only j)oured out a little to thee from the Divine foimlains, in order to satisfy thee for a time. Thon canst drink more plentifully and satisfy thyself, if thou also comest with us to llie same fountains of the Divine fidness, in order to drink as we do." The particular rides, which Cyprian brings forward and sup[)orls by passages from the Bible, show how an.vious he was to counteract the notion, that a mere outward confession, and a compliance with the forms of Cliristian worship,

Bible in regard to faith and morals, for his daily use and for the assistance of his memory. Since Cyprian addresses him as my son," he cannot have been a bishop or a presbyter, for whom Cyprian thiew together this collection in order to
''

would satisfy the demands of the Cii>si)cl, and serve to obtain salvation but at the same time, we freely acknowledge tliat they show also, how important he thought
;

it,

to impress

upon

the laity a veneration

for the priestliood, according to the no!

assist

him

in

communicating religious

in-

tions of the

Old Testament.
is

struction.*

By comparing

the introducit

tion to the second and third books,

will

person,

appear extremely probable, that the person, to whom Cyprian wrote, was a lay- rals and worship ; particularly in the man belonging to his Church, to whom Norlli African Church, that is to say he wished to give the means of making Commodianus, wlio is known by his his own the important practical truths, " instructions adapted for heatliens, and ami the most important rules for all the all classes of Christians," (Instructiones. This Exhortations and lieproofs,") and written cliief relations of Christian life.f He was born of Christian pacolleclion then will give us a proof of in verse. between the rents, who troubled themselves but little the intimate union subsisting members of his Church, about giving him a Christian education, bishop and the who were troubled about tlie salvation of and hence he joined in the heathen wortlieir souls, and show how much he had ship, without their being aware of it, until he was led away from heathenism, it at heart, to lead every individual to an intimate acquaintance with the Divine and to Christianity, by means of reading Word. a wish, which peculiarly breaks the Bible,, (^'^^ similiter crravi tempore Fana prosequendo, parentibus forth in the beautiful words with which multo .^bstuli me tamen inile, insciis ipsis he closes the preface to the first book "^ More strength will be granted to thee, legendo de lege.) This passage would, and the view of the understanding will no doubt, bear another interpretation, if constantly be more and more fully form- we were to put a stop after prosequendo, ed, if thou searchest more perfectly the and connecting the words immedialely
I '

here cursorily mention a of importance in many respects for the history of Cliristian mo-

We

must

who

but this is what follows it witii not so natural a supposition as the other. his Christian notions, and the picture In * It might he concluded that this was the case, of manners painted by him, as well as in from the words at the he^inning ijnihus non tarn prahuisse his latiniiy, we recognise a North African tractassp, quam tractantibus niatcriam We could then only suppose, that he who lived not long after the time of videamur.

Old and the

New

Testament, and runnest

after

'

had composed

this

hook as an aid

to a deacon, or

Cvprian.
after

The

Ciiristians at

that

time,
place,

But the words a catechist, a doctor audientium. which follow show, that the collection was also memory the chief pasintended to infix upon the sa;jes and doctrines of the 15ihle, hy constantly
readini?

some persecutions had taken

them

over.

The

collection must, thereat the

(apparently under Deciusand Valerianus,) were enjoying a state of outward prosunder Gallienus; but outward perity
prosperity
prejudicial

fore, in this case

have been intended

;

time as a guide

for the teachers of religion,

same and a

had

also

exercised

again

book, of aid for the Catechumens taken above is more natural.

-j-

but the view

on the inward life, The both among the clerjjy and laity.
inlluence

dum

Quffi esse facilia et utilia legentibus possunt, in breviarium pauca digesta et velociter per-

Icguntur et frequenter iterantur.

Christians participated in the pleasures of the heathens, and many teachers of the Church gave in too much to them, being

428
influenced by presents, giving personal offence.
doctores,

ARNOBIUS
or

HIS
of
j

CONVERSION.

dum

should have taken place in the twentieth (57. Si quidam year of Constantine, A. D. 326. And expectant niunera vestra farther, Arnobius appears to have been a
fear

by

have already observed (p. 264, et how the conversion of many was facilitated by such impressions but in Chiliasm, which bears upon it the colour- saying this, it is not declared, that his ing of carnal Judaism. The chiefest whole conversion proceeded from these princes of the world were, in the first impressions, for his work would certainly place, to become the slaves of the pious contradict such a supposition. But if Arin the kingdom of the Millennium and all nobius, as will clearly appear from a pasthe vanity of the world under the influ- sage we are about to quote, Avas devoted ence of an unchristian imagination is to blind heathenish superstition, it is on transferred to that kingdom. (See In- that account less unlikely that many more struct. 80.) outward impressions were needed, to We have here also to mention Arno- lead the zealous heathen to an inquiry bius, as belonging to the same Church, into Christianity. It may, indeed, have although he showed a more peculiar doc- been the case, that he had been convinced trinal turn of mind, and the spirit of the some time before he offered himself for North African Church appears, at least in baptism, which is easily to be explained the time that he came forward as a Chris- by the circumstances of those times. His tian writer, to have exerted no influence Apologetic work, however, appears cerupon him, a fact which is apparent, tainl}^ to have been written in compliance from the liberal and independent manner with some inward impulse, and not in in which he seems to have come to Chris- consequence of any external excitement. tianity through the reading of the New But it may also be the case, that his deTestament, especially the Gospels. He termination to make a public confession was a rhetorician at Sikka, in Numidia, of Christianity, and to come forward as a during the reign of the Emperor Dio- public defender of it, were formed at the cletiau.* His writings give testimony to same time in his soul and that he then the literary acquirements, which a rheto- went with this resolution to the bishop. rician in so respectable a town would be In after times, the bishops were often inrequired to have. Jerome, in his Chro- clined to be too little suspicious towards nicle, relates that Arnobius, who had those, who became Christians from expreviously always opposed Christianity, ternal motives. But it is by no means so was moved by dreams to a faith in it, but improbable, that a bishop in these unthat tlie bishop, to whom he applied, did happy times of the Church, M'hen he saw not trust him, because he knew his former before him a man who had been so vioenmity against Christianity; and that lent an enemy to Christianity, should Arnobius, in order to prove the sincerity fear in him an evil-minded informer. of his intentions, wrote his Apologetic And then, in order to destroy his doubts work, (the septem libros disputationum at once, Arnobius shows him his writing contra gontes.) This narrative has been in defence of Christianity. He himself suspected of being a mere interpolation thus speaks of the change that Avas efby another liand, for it is, at all events, fected in him by Christianity :* " Oh, not in its proper place it is an evident blindness it is not long ago, that I woranachronism to suppose that all this shipped even the images that came from
seq.,)
;
;

had

Aut tinient personas, laxant singula vobis.) man who would be led to believe by Comniodian shows great zeal for the a detailed examination, and not one who strictness of Christian morals, and he would have been thus influenced by the speaks against the delusion of a false sudden impression made by dreams. In estimation of martyrdom, as of an opus his work, we recognise, not the novice operatum; he declares, on the contrary, who was still a Catechumen, but the that every man might become a martyr, man already matured in his conviction, even in a season of peace, by genuine although not one who was orthodox Christian virtue and that on the con- in the sense the Church would aflix to trary, many who were proud of having that word. vanquished Satan by their blood, and did And yet one is not led by these argunot remember that Satan is always Satan ments entirely to reject the narrative.
;

afterwards suffered themselves to be conquered by him. But with all this, Conimodian held a very gross system of

We

Hieronymus de

vir. illustr. c.

79.

Lib.

i.

c.

39.

ROMISH CHURCH.
the
forje, tlie goils that

429

were made on it was the very accusation which had octhe anvil and by the liammer; when I casioncd the perserulions under Diorlesaw a stone that had been polished and lian namelv, the public calamities \s liich besmeared with oil, I testified my venera- took place, because tlie reverence for the tion, I addressed it as if a living power gods had been supplanted by Chiishad been there, and I begged for benefits tianity, and hence protection and aiil for myself from the insentient stone, and were no longer afTonled by these gods.
^

I even did the gods, whom I took to be gods, the injury of believing them to be wood, or stone, or bones, or I thought that they dwelt in such things. Now, as I have been led on the way of truth by so great a teacher, I know what all

that

is.""
j

As

far as relates to the period, at

which

Arnobius wrote his book, he himself determines it, when he says,* that Rome had been built 1050 years, or not much According to the (era Varroniana, less. then in vogue, (Rome built, 753,) this would tally with the year A. D. 297. But this is not entirely satisfactory, be[

Arnobius justiy says in reply to this charge " If men, instead of trusting to their own wisdom and following their own opinion, would only endeavour to follow the doctrines of Christ, which bring salvation and peace, how soon would the form of the world be changed, and iron, instead of being required for war, would be used in peaceful works !"
:

However important the Roman Church became by its outward ecclesiastical influence, and by the influence of the element of the Roman political spirit upon llie progress of the Church, it was proportionably
poor from the beginning
'

cause there are in the work evident traces of those persecutions under Diocletian, Avhich did not break out (see above) before the year A. D. 303. We must, therefore, suppose, either that Arnobius has made use of an era different from the usual one of that day, or that the exact number did not occur to him,t or that he

in regard to theo-

logical attainments.
,

The

anxiety for the

outward existence of the Church, which predominated here, appears early to have
depressed the scale of theological knowledge.

Only two

distinguisiied writers

appear
of

among the Roman clergy, neither whom, perhaps, can be compared with

wrote the work at different times. He says to the heathen :t " If a pious zeal for your religion animated you, you Avould far rather have long ago burnt those writings, and destroyed those theatres, in which the disgrace of the gods is daily

a Tertullian, a Clement, or an Origen they are the Presbyter Caius, whom we

|

have already named as an opponent of the Montanists, and the Presbyter NovaOf the writtian, also mentioned before. ings of the first, nothing has been preof the second, we have For, served to us published in scandalous plays. wherefore have our writings deserved to only short expositions of the essential up to the fire ? wherefore meaning of the Christian doctrmes esbe delivered
^
i

have our assembling houses deserved to pecially of the doctrines of the Divinity be destroyed, in which the Supreme God of Christ, and of the Trinity. According this work was an exis adored, peace and grace are implored for to Jerome, 70, governors, for the armies, for the emperors, tract from a greater one of Tertullian. joy and peace are implored for the living {But at all events, this writer was someanand for those freed from the fetters of the tiling more than a mere copyist of rather body, in which nothing is ever heard, other man's mind, we should far of his but 'what tends to make men humane, say that he showed a character he had not the power and depth of mild, discreet, modest, generous in giving own
' , I j

disposiof their own, and akin to all those, whom Tertullian, but a more spiritual .'" tion.* the one bond of brotherhood embraces by him on the have also a treatise The objection also of the heathen a paronomastic against Christianity, which moved Arno- Jewish Imcs about, fnod^ of them, intendbius to write (as he himself says,) indi- allegorical interpretation they are no longer cates the time at which he wrote; forced to show, that
|

We

Lib.
j-

ii.

c.

This

is

chronolo<^ exact; lor in I. i. c. 13, he says: trecenti surit anni ferme, minus vel plus aliquid, ex quo ccepi-

71. the most natural supposition, for the of Arnobius is certainly not very

Novalian's opponent, (Cornelius, the bishop of Rome, appears evidently (in Euscb. vi. 43.) to alluJc to this treatise, when he calls Novalinn, o

m:rn,(;.

This

is

mus
t

esse Chrintiani.

nomenon was not common among

clergy.

certainly a hint, that .uch a phcthe lio/nan

Lib.

iv. c.

36.

430
binding upon Christians*
this
treatise,

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.
that
it

bishop separated from his Church by the persecution, who maintained a constant interchange of letters with this Church, and endeavoured to preserve it from the seductions offered to it by heathens, Jews, and heretics every thing about it answers well to a Roman Church, for many Jews dwelt at Rome. Only then, this treatise can hardly have proceeded from a Presbyter; the author speaks, as only a bishop could have spoken at that time to his Church. And we know also from the letter of Cornelius, that Novatian did not remove from Rome during the persecution under Decius. We must, therefore, call to mind the relation between Novatian and the Church which recognised him as its bishop, and we shall naturally suppose that this piece was written under
:

We see from those who came from the service of sin was written by a in heathenism to the Redeemer, and received from him forgiveness of their sins.*
He persuaded himself
Christianity

of the

truth

of

by a

free inquiry, as

he was

one who had attained a great knowledge of all the systems of religion and philosophy about Divine matters, that were known to the more cultivated world of his days.f This free spirit of inquiry, which had brought him to Christianity, impelled him also, after he became a
Christian, to seek out distinguished Chris-

of himself says,J that he had several distinguished

tian

teachers of different characters

in different countries.

mind

He

men

the first persecution of Valerius, (see above,) during which so many bishops remained at last in Egypt, where he found were separated from their Churches. the greatest Gnostic* who had penetrated There belonged also to the Roman most deeply into the spirit of Scripture. Church a man, who deserves a conspi- This last was no other than Panta;nus. cuous place among the Apologists of this Eusebius does not confine himself to this age for his sensible, ingenious, and statement, but be appeals to a passage graphic dialogue, animated throughout by also in the Hypotvposeis of Clement, genuine Christian feeling, and taken from where he calls him his teacher. Perhaps, the life, mean Minucius Felix, who, when Pantfenus entered upon the misI according to Jerome, was celebrated as sionary journey mentioned above, Clean advocate at Rome, before his conver- mei\t followed him in the character of a sion to Christianity ; he lived apparently catechist, and at the same time, or later, in the first half of the third century, but was a presbyter in the Alexandrian The persecution under Sepbefore Cyprian^ who made use of his Church. We have already quoted some timius Severus, A. D. 202, probably comwritings. portion of this Apologetic dialogue under pelled him to absent himself from Alexthe name of Octavius. But great obscurity envelopes andria.lt

for his teachers ; in Greece an Ionian ; in Magna Grajcia (the lower part of Italy,) one from Coelesyria, and another from Egypt; in the east of Asia (probably Syria,) an Assyrian, and in Palestine a person of Jewish origin. He

the history of his life, and tlie place of pass to the teachers of the his abode at this period. only know, Alexandrian school, of whose influence that in the beginning' of the reign of the over the progress of the development of Emperor Caracalla he was at Jerusalem, the Church we have already spoken. whither at that time many Christians,

We now

We

We
who

have
is

to betake themselves, partly in order to of this school who was held in much es- become eye-witnesses of places sanctified timation, Pantfenus (nai-TaiKj?,) the Phi- by religious remembrances, and partly in losopher, wlio was converted to Chris- order to make use of a more accurate tianity. We know him oidy through his knowledge of these places for the better s^cholar, Clement. undersLinding of Scripture. Alexander, Titus Flavins Clemens was arrived at tlie bishop of Jerusalem, who was then the age of manhood before he became a imprisoned for the faith, commen(kHl him Christian ; for he numbers himself among to the Church at Antioch, whither he was travelling, by a letter, in which he called
*

no written monument of him, named to us as the first teacher

especially clergy, had been accustomed

as well as

Jerome mentions this as one of hh writings, two others, on the Sabbath and on

Pa;dagog. Sylb.76.]

1.

ii.

c.

8.

p.

176.
^vwg.

[Pott. 205.

Circumcision, which Novatian quotes as two letters, that had preceded tliis letter to his Church, in which he had hccn desirous of showing qua; sit vera circumcisio, et quod vcrum sabbatum.

j"

TravTav

S'tt
1.
i.

TTit^xi;

i\Baiv

Euscl). Prae-

parat. Evangel.
+

ii.'c.

2.

Stromat.
vi.

1.

274.

[Pott. 323.
i

Sylb. 118.]
vi. c. 3.

13.

Euseb,

Tr^uy-xra

"i-TfcnvTrm/Tn;.

431

him

man, and he wished rather to excite than to teach, took it for granted, that he was already and often pmposcly only to give a liiiit in known to the Antiochians.* those cases wliere he might fear to give We have three u'orks written hy him, oflence to the vria-Tixoi, who were as yet and dependent in some sort on each unable to comprehend these ideas. Tlie oilier; because he sets out from the idea, eighth book of this work is lost; for the tliat the instructor of mankind, tlie Logos, fragment of (halectic investigations, which first leads the rude heathens, sunk in sin now goes under the name of the eighth and idolatry, to believe, (hen continually book of the Stromata, evidently does not improves their lives by moral precepts, belong to this work, hideed, the eighth and lastly, elevates those who had been book was lost as early as the time of purified in morals to a deeper knowledge Photius.*
a virtuous and approved

have to regret the loss of the of Clement, in which appadoctrinal and excLn-iiral heathens, (Tr^oT/jjTTTif.o;,) next as forming investigations and views on tlie ])riiiriph^8 by his discipline the conduct of the con- of the Alexandrian Gnosis. Fragments verted, (w^7W7o,-,) and then as the from this work, tfie short explanations of teacher of the Gnosis to the purified."!" some of the Catholic Epistles, wliich His tliree works, which we still have, are have descended to us in the Latin transformed on this fundamental notion, the ]ation,Jan(l perhaps, also, the frairment of Apologetic work, the Protrepticos, next the fKXya fK Tuv VfotpririKiLt^ belong to The fact is, that people made the ethical work, the Pa;dagogus, and this class. then the work containing the. elements of for themselves extracts out of the larger Gnosis, the ST^wfATK {'ZTpuiiJt.a.Tci.)^ Cle- work for common use on difll'ient parts ment was not a man of a systematic of Scripture, and some of these extnicts many multifarious elements of have been preserved to us, while this verv mind mind and ideas, which he had received custom may have contributed to eflect the from his intercourse with minds of varied loss of the whole work. Obscure as it is in its nature, the character, were heaped up in him, as one sees at times in his Stromata, and as must fragment of the extracts from the writings have been shown still more strongly in his of Theodotns and of the StSxcxct>.t(x utxHypotyposeis, which we shall have to ToXix), (that is, of the Theosopliic docmention hereafter, if Photius has under- trines of Eastern Asia,) which has to us among the works of It is beyond doubt remained stood him properly. that by isolated flashes of mind he must Clement, is of the highest importance for the knowledge of the Gnostic systems. have exercised an animating influence on his disciples and his readers, as we see It is, perhaps, a fragment of a critical particularly shown in the case of Origen. collection, which Clement had made Many ideas unconnectedly thrown out by during his sojourn in Syria. We have him, in a manner full of the loftiest con- already spoken of the treatise of Cleideas which contain the germ ment on the time of Easter, and of his ceptions, a-ul^outtoi; nrXova-KJi;, which is of of a complete and systematic theological work TK course of thought, are found in him scat- itnportance in regard to the history of
i.

of Divine matters,

e. to

the Logos appears, at

first

Gnosis. Thus exhorting the

AVe

'T'7roTV'!ru<7n;i

sinner to repentance and converting the

rently he gave

tered

among

a multitude of insignificant Christian Ethics.

discussions.

Clement,
ZT/AaT,
it

in

his

Stromata.

||

intimates

work, vifi itfohere, nevertheless, his intention, as he iptjTiia?, in which he would treat of the testifies in many places, to place togetlier nature of the Holy Spirit, and on the confusedly truth and error from the mode of his comnnmiration, as well as Greek philosopliers and the systems of of the proper judgment to be made about

As

far as regards his

was

his intention of writing a

Christian sects, as well as fragments of Every one was to find the true Gnosis. out that which was adapted to himself;
Euseb.
vi. c.

|-

See Cod. 111. This word wonld

it,

prolulily Im l>est traiislatod

ivu-

thus: sketches, shadows, Rfncral outlines,

11.
firius trans!iil^s
\

adumhralionps.

Ivynv fuvxy.tiM ^(TfirTdu

my
a

dTroxaxu^/i' r:v A'.y.u.

See the second volume of Potter's edilion. The writiiii? also which Euseliius quotes
title,

Paediigog.

1.

i.e. 1.
xta-roc,

under the

Kifav

ijtX)i<TT5c

i!

Tjsf

TMt
591.

t Just like the

word of

similar import,

'iwSaj^ivTtf.
II

was on a

similar Huhjeel.
v.

which was commonly used mixed contents.

to denote a

work of

L.

iv.

511.

[Pott, 605. Sylb. UIO.]

[Pott. 699. Sylb. 252.

432

ORIGEN

HIS

EDUCATION.

the Montanistic prophets. As the subject but in secret he delighted himself with of this work involves so important and the promising abilities of his son, and interesting a portion of the doctrinal con- thanked God with a grateful heart, tliat Often, troversies of his day, and as we might he had given him such a son.

expect from Clement a

diced

more unpreju- when

bare,

his son lay asleep Avith his

bosom
as a

moderate judgment of the Montanists than from any other man of those times, we have liad a very great loss in losing this work, if he really car-

and

would he teiuple in which

kiss

that

breast,

the Holy Ghost was

ried

into

execution

his

intention

writing it..* Origen, who bore also the additional of the early life of Origen, teaches us to name of J]damantios,i was born at Alex- recognise in him, even at that age, the mind that sought the overpowering spirit It is of importance, andria, A. D. 185. a mind which afterin regard to his ethication, to remark, that in tlie earthly guise,

wilHng to prepare himself an habitation, and he tliought himself happy to possess of such a son. The trait, which we have mentioned,

Leonides, a pious Christian, and probably a rhetorician, was in circumstances to give him a good literary, as well as a Christian and pious education. Both had an abiding influence on the disposition of his interior life, the development of his intellect and of his heart went side by side with him, and progressed together, and the longing after
his
lather

wards plainly showed

rical

itself in his allego-

mode of

Scripture interpretation, and

truth

and holiness remained as the

life.

influ-

ential dispositions of his

We

have

before observed, that the Bible then M'as not reserved exclusively for the study of the clergy, but that it was used also as a book for family edification ; and we see

of Origen, that a judicious use was made of it also in education, as well as the wholesome consequences of such a custom. Leonides taught his son daily to learn by heart a portion of the Holy Scriptures. The boy took great pleasure in this, and his deeply inquiring Not contented spirit soon showed itself. with the explanation of the literal meaning, which his father gave him, he desired to have his inquiries about the intention of the passages he learnt by
in the case

which, had it been accompanied by sound and well informed judgment, and been an enlivening spirit grafted on a grammatical education, might have made of him a well-grounded and profound interpreter This mind was rather reof Scripture. pressed than encouraged by his father. But if Origen had been early determined by the influence of the theological school of Alexandria in regard to his intellectual and spiritual character, this mind must soon have found encouragement, and have completed its own formation. As we afterwards learn to know Origen from
his

own

writings, the

influence

M'hich

Clement had exerted on his theological development is undeniably shown most conspicuously; we find in him the predominant ideas of the latter systematically
it is certain* that, as a developed. boy, he was at least a scholar of Clement But a youthful impaas a Catechist.f tience in Origen (on which we shall here-

Now

after touch,)
*

proceeding from a carnal and

to

heart resolved

so that his father often

According

Eusebius,

vi.

6.

Alexander,

found himself in difficulties from this the bishop of Jerusalem, who either originally came from Alexandria, or had been thither in his cause. He blamed, however, his curiosity, youth, in order to receive the instruction of the and advised him to content himself, as it Catechists there, appears in his letter to Origen to became his age, with the literal sense hint that he had been in the habit of intercourse
with Pantanus, although he does not directly say " acknowledge as that he was his disciple our Fathers those blessed men, who have gone before us, Pantfcnus and Clement, who was my TiK'.v Uiujua., he compared with iv. 591, it might be concluded, although not with certainty, that master, and was of service to me, and who beClement, in the work which is lost, denied the longs to these men, through ivhoin I became acUnfortuquainted with you." Euscb. vi. 14. personality of the Holy Ghost. If this name was given to him after his death, nately, however,' there is an obscurity spread over
*

If vi. 681, a, [Pott. 808. Sylb. 289.] Six

We

j-

yet we must not follow the forced interpretation of it in Photius, c. 118, 'because fhe proofs of Origen were like bonds of adamant' but far rather that of Jerome, that it was given to him

the early influence of these men on the formation of Origcn's character, which, from a deficiency of

from his iron industry, as we often say,' und thence he was also named juvnx.TK, and ^AkMyEusebius, however, appears to -quote this T-egcc.
name
as

documents, we cannot remove. + may conclude from this passage of Eusebius, that the Alexandrian Catechists not only

We

gave private instruction in religion

adults, but

to

licathen
to

also

public religious instruction

one which Origen bore from his

birth.

Christian children.

CONDUCT OF ORIGEN
interpretation of Scripture, shows that in his youth he was yet far from
literal
I

1\

PERSECUTION.
;

433

Leonides sudered martvrdoin and his properly being conliscated, lie lefi ht liiiul

that, liis later theological turn of mind; him a helpless widow with six children, and he himself says of himself, while he none of whom, except Origen, were grown calls to mind this fault of his youtti, '^ 1 He found a friendly reception in the who once knew Christ, the Divine Logos house of a rich and well-esteemed Chrisonly after tiie flesh and the letter, now tian lady of Alexandria. A characteristic know him no longer in this way."* It is trait here showed his firmness in that clear from lliis, that the education of his which he acknowledged as the true faith, father had more influence on the first and how he prized it above all besides, religious character of Origen, than the lis patroness had devoted herself to one instruction of Clement; and that tlic in- Of those Gnostics, who came so com-

"up.

Alexandria, and systems, dressed was more de- up after the Alexandrian fashion, one veloped. We freely confess, that in the Paulus of Antioch. She had received history of the formation of his mind iiiin as a son, and allowed him to deliver there is much obscurity, which we are lectures in her house, which were freunable entirely to dissipate, from want of quented not only by the friends of Gnosto
spirit

fluence

of the

Alexandrian

theological

monly out of Syria

there propagated

on him belongs

to a later period of

their

his

life,

when

his character

documents. The religion of was at iirst the predominant one with Origen. The persecution which raged against the Christians in Egypt, under the emperor Septimius Severus (see above,) gave an opportunity to him, then a stripling of sixteen, of showing his faith and zeal, The example of the martyrs carried him away, and induced him to wish to declare
historical

the heart

himself a Christian before the heathen governor, and thus expose himself to death. Such was the feeling of the highspirited and ardent young Christian but the reasonable and soundly-informed man, who better understood the spirit of Christianity, and the doctrines and example of " A temptaChrist, judged otherwise.! tion, which comes upon us without our own co-operation," he says, in touching on this matter, " we must sustain with courage and with patience, but it is useless, when we can avoid it, not to do so." As the father of Origen was thrown into prison, the son felt himself still more strongly urged to join his father in death.J As all arguments and entreaties had proved fruitless, his mother was unable to retain liim in any other way than by hiding his clothes. The love of Christ now so completely overwhelmed all other feelings within him, that when he found himself prevented in his first intention, of sharing the imprisonment and death of his father, he wrote to him thus: "Take care that thou changest not thy mind for our
;

Alexandria, but also by those of the orthodox, who were constantly desirous of learning something new. The young Origen, however, did not allow respect for his patroness to withhold him from speaking out freely his abhorrence of the Gnostic doctrines, and nothing could induce him to frequent these assemblies, because he would tlien have been obliged to join in the prayers of this Gnostic, and thus to testify his concurrence with him in matters of faith. He was soon able to release himself from this state of dependence; his knowledge of the Greek language and literature, which he had improved still more after the death of his father, put him into a condition at Alexandria, wliere such knowledge was peculiaily prized, to gain
his

ticism in

livelihood

by instruction

in

these

subjects.

As he had made himself known even the heathens by his knowledge and intellectual endowments, by his zeal for the things of the Gospel, and by his pure and strict life, and as the oflice of a Catcchist was vacant at Alexandria in con-

among

sequence of the persecution, many heathens who were desirous of instruction in Christianity applied to him, and by this stripling those were brought to Chris-

sakes."
*

T. XV. Matth. Ed. Huct.

TCKA'.7c:

f.

369. HjutK

St

He

appeals to
f.

MaUh.

xiv. 13; x. 23.

t InMalth.

23J.

who afterwards distinguished themselves as martyrs, or as teachers of By this activity of his in the propagation of Christianity, he must have constantly attracted to himself more and more the hatred of the fanatical multitude, especially as he, without regarding his own danger, showed such sympathy towards those who were imprisoned for faith, that he not only visited them frequently in their dungeons, but accorapatianity,

the Church.

55

20

434

ORIGEN AN ASCETIC.

nied them to execution, and even in the the warmth of his youthful ascetic zeal, face of death encouraged them by the which was not accompanied by a sound strength of his faith and his love. Provi- and judicious interpretation of Scripture, dence often saved him from imminent have been led into many practical errors, danger of his life, when sokliers had sur- where he understood literally the figurarounded the house in which he was tive expressions of Christ, or maintained dwelling, and he was obliged to betake as applicable to all times and circumhimself secretly from one house to an- stances, tliat which Christ had said only Once a crowd of heathens seized in reference to particular circumstances. other. him, put upon him the dress of a heathen The most remarkable error of this kind, priest of Serapis, and led him in this dress which afterwards attracted much odium to the steps of the temple, and then to him, was that he was induced, by a gave him palm-branches, that he might literal interpretation of the passage in distribute them, after the usual manner, Matth. xix. ]2, to practise in his own to those who were entering into the case what he believed prescribed by these temple. Origen said to those, to whom words to those, who wished to be quite he offered the palm-branches, " Receive, certain of admission into the kingdom of It was a mistake which might not the palm of the heathen gods, but the heaven. easily arise from the partial views of palm of Christ."* These effective exertions of Origen in asceticism, and from this kind of scripthe communication of religious instruc- tural interpretation, and which was ention called the attention of Demetrius, couraged by many writings then in cirbishop of Alexandria, to him, and moved culation.* But through this error there him to bestow on Origen the office of a still shines forth conspicuously the earnest Catechist in the Alexandrian Church. At desire of this young man, so ardent in his that time, however, no salary was at- zeal for holiness, as well as his intimate tached to this office^ and as he now love for the Redeemer, whose every hint wished to be able to devote himself en- he wished to follow so literally. Although, tirely to the duties of his spiritual calling, however, such an error, proceeding as it and his theological studies, without being did from that which is most holy in man, interrupted and called away by other em- ought always to be judged most mildly; ployments, and as he was nevertheless yet there are at all times many, wiio, desirous that he should be dependent on having only one measure for all things, no one for his support, he sold a collec- judge all eccentric excesses of this kind tion of beautiful manuscripts of old au- the more harshly, the farther that printhors, which he had been at much pains ciple, from which alone such entliusiastic to make for himself, to a lover of litera- exaggeration could proceed, lies from ture, who was to pay him for this library their own carnal feelings, or their own This sobriety of intellect. Origen speaks from four oboli daily for many years. must have been sufficient for the very his own experience when he speaks of limited personal wants of Origen, for he those, who by such mistakes and errors led the same kind of life as the strictest have got to themselves shame and reamong the ascetics. He was, as we be- proaches, not only among unbelievers,
fore observed, then devoted

interpretation

of Scripture;

to a literal and, as he
*

was actuated by a serious and sacred

to act

zeal
TT^OC

Philo,

0pp.

f.

186.

f^ivvm^itrSiivcti lijuiivov,

iruvoiKriU-i:

ikvo/awi;

Xutthv.

Again, One of the

up to the ideal of holiness set forth sentences (Gnomai) of 25|toc then very current by our Saviour, and endeavoured with among the Alexandrian Christians, No. 12, (acconscientious fidelity to apply to himself cording to the translation of Kufinus,) omne memall

the

words of

that Saviour,

he must,

in

brum

quod suadet tc contra pudicitiam These Gnoniie certainly are neither the production of a Roman Bishop Sixtus
corporis,

agerc, abjicicndum.
*

certainly, taken by

appear to he iniprolnihle, when we remember how such an adilress must have excitetl the fanatical rage of the Alexandrian multitude, and when we take into account the
itself,

(neither the first nor the second,) as Kufinus thought them, nor, as .lerome believed, (v. ep. ad Ctesiphon.) of a heathen Pythagorean, but they are the work of some person, who out of the Platonic and (Jnostic sentiments, and by putting tothe first of gether detached passages of Scripture, had formed untrustvvorthinoss of E})i[ihanius. But these circumstances, althoujih it may excite a his own moriil code, the highest aim of which was A moral code interpenetrated by the doubt, is no decisive arj^ument, and Epiphanius is d7rSt(5t. entitled to more credit when he repeats any thing essential principles of the Gospel is not to be which tells to the advantage of one reputed to be found ill them; they consist of many elevated sentiments, joined with many distorted notions. a heretic

See Epiphan. H. 64.

This narrative may

THEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT OP
but.

ORIGE.V.

435

with those wlio would pardon every' T(?rtc/<^r" of philosophical sciences, with thing human, rather than such errors as whom Ileracias. a convert made by Origen, proceed from a misinformed fear of God, had passed five years. As he here indiand an immoderate desire after holiness.* cates the person, wiio was commonly Wlien the Bishop Demetrius was first known at Aiexanthia by the name of made acquainted WMth this circumstance, "the Teacher of Philosophy," chronohe honoured the intention even in the lojTy naturally leads us to think of the error, but he afterwards used this false ceh'brated Ammonius Saccas, through step of Origen to his prejudice. whose means the chaotic neo-plalonic It would be of sfreat importance if we eclecticism, formed out of a mixture of could accurately determine /Af /jwie iMen, Greek and oriental elements, obtained a and the mode in tchich, (to use the Ian- more defined and sctiied form. the niasguage of the Alexandrian school) the ter of the decp-tliinking Pjotinus. We point of transition from vtyrn; to yvwe-i? may add, that Porphyry, in his work was effected in Origen. According to against Christianity, expressly calls Oriwhat we have above remarked on the gen a scholar of this Ammonius.* peculiar character of Clement's mind, we From this time the srreat cliange in the cannot doubt that if Origen had been a theological character of Origen unfolded scholar of Clement himself, as a Theolo- itself. It was now his endeavour to seek gian, he w^ould have been incited by him out the traces of truth in all human sysfrom the first to make himself accurately tems, to investigate every thing, in order acquainted with the systems of the Hel- universally to distinguish falsehood from lenic philosophers, and of the different truth. His life at Alexandria, where so heretics, as the liberal spirit of Alexan- many sects of various kinds met together, drian theology w^ould require. But ap- his journey to Rome (A. D. 211,) his parently Origen had originally a far more journeys to Palestine and about it, to uncouth and a narrower turn. A literary Achaia, and Cappadocia, g-ave him an opeducation indeed accompanied his ascetic portunity, as he himself says,t every zeal and his inward Christian life, but it where to seek out those who pretended was unconnected with that which was to any peculiar knowledge, and to altxiin a the animating principle of that Christian knowledge of their doctrines, and a means became hi It life. He himself says, that he was first of investigating them. induced by an outward necessity to busy principle, not to allow himself to be gohimself with the Platonic philosophy, and verned bv the traditional opinion of the generally to acquaint himself more accu- multitude, but to hold fast as truth that rately with the systems of those who dif- only, which he found to be truth after an fered from him, namely, because heretics impartial investigation. He expresses this and philosophically educated heathens, in the following manner, in a practical ap" We attracted by his reputation, sought him plication of Matt. xxii. 19, 20.

for the purpose of conversation on religious subjects, and he was compelled to give them a reason of his faith, and to reHe expresses fule their objections to it. himself on the subject in the following manner in a letter, in which he justifies himself for being occupied with the Grecian philosophy: " VVhen I had entirely devoted myself to the preaching of

.^ , p^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ p^ ^ vi. 19, speaks of no otner than this Amnonius Saccas, although Euscliius confoun.ls him with Ammonius, teacher of the Church, who wrote a harmony of the Gospels, which has bt>en preserved, and a book on the Agreement between At nearly the same period iMoses and Jesus. ^ ^^^ were in Alexandria a hcat/irn Ammonius, there ^ ^ _^ ,..^^,...

^useb.

j\'^t7n^u4]^^e7amor?'tb^^
'

of

the Divine doctrines, and the reputation ,/wm(H.s and Or/^';;i. When Porphvrv elsewhere my ability in these things had extended says of Orii^en 'E\>^i t 'Ekk>,-ti -rjjJt/iu: >.i-yoi:,
:

sometimes heretics, rrsiiz TO ^t^&%^:i jfajtsiAi TiKfxxfxa. (he bccjimo a religion of the Uarbawho had pursued the renei-ado, and joined theof this account is true, rians,) one part alone Hellenic sciences, and especially men namely, ih.it Origen had, from the first, an educafrom the philosophical schools, came to tion in Hellenic litcrnture but Porphyry is wrong me, then it seemed necessary for me to in stating farther that he was brought up in licawidely, and sometimes persons
itself

investigate the
retics,

and

doctrinal opinions of hewhat the philosophers pre-

l/ieiiism,

which

is

notoriously

false.

We

CJinnot

suppose that Porphyry,

sons

tended to know of truth." He adds, that made a confusion between the two. he then frequented the lectures of " //te -( C. Cels. vi. 34. t:\a;u: iK^t^tt>.ft'.fn:
T. XV. Matth. 367.
^>iT>i<ra.m;.

who

bore the

who knew both the pername of Origen should have

TJJTWC

Txc yx: Kii Totfc T*tritp(M/ trx-^yiKKf.iut/o-jt ti iiitreu

436

HIS LIBERALITy

AND MODERATION.

and endeavoured particularly to forward under a pretence of piely upon that which his literary labours for the advantage of is said by the multitude, and is lield, therethe Church. fore, in great esteem, but upon that which If Origen, after having learnt from his proceeds from investigation, and from the own experience the errors of a carnal and internal connection of truth ; for we must literal interpretation of Scripture, and the remark, that when he was asked whether disadvantageous consequences resultingit was lawful to give tribute to Caesar or from it, passed over to the other error of not, he did not simply express his opinion, an arbitrary allegorizing mode of explabut saying, Show me the tribute-money,' nation, he deserves on that account the he inquired whose the image and super- greater esteem for his earnest and consciscription was ;' and when they said that entious endeavours to use all the means they were Caesar's,' he answered, that of assistance, which could serve to rethey must render unto Cajsar the things store the letter of Holy Writ to its orithat are Cffisar's, and not defraud him, ginal condition, and to understand it accuunder the pretence of piety, of that which rately. For this purpose, after arriving was his due.' "* Hence comes the mild- at the years of manhood, he learnt the ness with which he could judge of those Hebrew language, which must have been who are in error, as he expresses himself difficult to a Greek he undertook a corin this beautiful remark on St. John xiii. rection of the MSS. of the Bible by " It is clear that, although Peter said means of a collation of them 8. and he is this with a good and reverential feeling the founder of a learned and scientific towards the Master, he said it still to his study of the Bible among Christians, alown shame. Life is full of this kind of though his arbitrary hermeneutical prinsins, which happen to those who wish ciples do not allow all the fruits, which indeed to be right in their faith, but out otherwise might have been produced, to of ignorance say, or even do, that which arise from it. leads to the very contrary. Such are As now the number of those who sought those who say touch not, taste not, han- religious instruction at his hands vvas constantly increasing, and at the same time dle not't Coloss. ii. 21, 22 But what shall we say of those, who in his labours in biblical literature which sects are driven about by every wind of became continually more extensive, laid doctrine, who call that which is destruc- more and more heavy demands upon him, tive holy, and who make to themselves in order to obtain more time, he shared false representations of the person of his office of catechist with his friend Hehe transferred to him the duty of Jesus, in order, as they think, to honour raclas
' ' ' ; ; ' ;

learn here from our Saviour not to stand

liberality Origen succeeded in bringing back many heretics, whom he met at Alexandria, especially further advanced,* apparently with respect Gnostics, to the simple doctrines of the to both the classes of catechumens men(See above.f) Gospel. A remarkable instance of this is tioned above. The division of the duties of his office lurnished by the case of Ambrose, a rich man at Alexandria, who being dissatisfied in this manner enabled him to enlarge the by the manner in which Christianity was sphere of his exertions in public teaching presented to him in tlie ordinary exposi- with advantage to the Church. Persuaded tions of the doctrines of the Church, had of the utility of a thorough education in sought and fancied that he had found general knowledge for the right undera more spiritual conception of Christianity standing of the Scriptures, and the right among the Gnostics, until he was unde- application of their contents, and perceived by the influence of Origen, and re- suaded also that this enlarged education joiced to find in that teacher the true would be the best and most efficacious Gnosis joined with failh. He became antidote, as well to a too sensuous belief, now the most zealous friend of Origen, as to the too capricious and fantastic theosophy of the Gnostics, he endea* c. Matt. f. 4 S3. voured to spread such an education
I [There
i

him ?"J By means of this

giving the preparatory instruction in religion, and reserved for himself the more accurate instruction of those who were

is

an omission here of two cr three

lines of the original

H.

J. K.]
ii.

In Joh. xxxii. 5. [vol.

p.

380, 381. Ed.

Iluet.]

See the words addressed to Ainbrosius, I'om. Evang. Joh. p. 99, as cited above.

* Euseb. vi. 15. \ [I apprehend Neander here alludes to a note a few passages back. The two classes of catechumens are adult heathen converts, and Christian children._H. J. R.]

, j i !

ORIGEN
among
the

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION'.

437

young men who joined them- learned labours, and Origcn used to c:ill selves to him. He delivered lectures as him his task-master. Not onlv did he, well on that which the Greeks called En- by his inquiries and demands, drive him cyclopaedic education, as on phUosophy. to many investigations, but he made use He explained to his scholars all the old of his own largo fortune, in order to buy
i
i

who gave me credit for great diligence and thirst after the Divine word. consider every thing with reference to that has, by his own diligence and love of holy which is Divine ; and he endeavoured to learning, convinced himself of the coninstil into them the mind to do this. By trary.T He has so completely surpassed these means he did great service towards me, that I am in danger of being unable promoting a more free and enlightened to meet his demands. The comparison Christian education, as tiie school which of manuscripts leaves me no time to eat, originated from him will prove. He suc- and after my meals I cannot go out, nor ceeded also in leading many, whom the rest myself, but even at that lime I am love of learning alone had first broujjlu compelled to institute philological i:iquito him, more and more to faith in the ries, and correct manuscripts. Even the Gospel, by first raising up in them a long- night is not allowed me for sleep, but my ing after divine things, then proving to philological inquiries occupy a considerthem the incompetence of the Greek sys- able portion of it. 1 will not mention tems of philosophy to satisfy the religious the time from early in the morning till wants of man, and by presenting to them the nintli, and sometimes even the tenth last of all the doctrines of Scripture hour,J because all who have pleasure in about divine matters, and comparing; such employments use this time for the these with the doctrines of the old philo- study of the Divine word and reading." Ambrose urged Origen, by making The completion of his instrucsophers. tion was thus his lectures on the expla- known his theological lal)ours, to extend
I i 1

whom there were moral and religious principles and he endeavoured to form them to that freedom of mind, which should enable them every where to separate truth from the admixture of falsehood, and to preserve them also from becoming the slaves of a school or a system.* And in all that he did his ultimate aim was to point out to his scholars how they ought to use every thing to the service of Christianity, and
philosophers, in
;

meaus of pursuing manv of them that were expensive as, for in'sUince, in those where the purchase and comparison of manuscripts was necesfor his friend the
;

sary.

He who were

in

gave him seven rapid writers, each other writing down from his dictation, and
to take turns with

making a
ten.

clear cop)- of all that

in

was

writ-

Origen, friend,* " He

letter,

says

of this

nation of Scripture, with which in his case, the whole range of theology, and all Christian philosophy, all, in short, which he understood under the name of

their utility
l

to

the

thus to counteract the Gnostics,

at
first

whole Church, and who had

inquiries
after

excited

deeper

Divine things among the Christians, and Gnosis, was connected; by which means! then were enabled, under the pretext of we must allow, although he awakened in a more profound interpretation of Scriphis scholars, reverence and love to that ture, to introduce their pliilosophy into which is Divine in Scripture, and pre- the Holy Scriptures by means of arbiOriserved them from a mere dead knowledge trary and allegorizing explanations. of Scripture, he introduced much foreign gen himself attributes this latter ol^ject to his labours in the end of tlio fifth matter into Scripture, and in part led his hearers away from its proper, simple, and tomus of his Commentary on tlie Gospel profound, meaning of St. John, which was in part directed at the same time Many against the Gnostic Ileracleon. "As ...ther than conducted them to it. of those whom Origen was able to lead now," he says," the heterodox under the thus gradually to the knowledge and the pretence of Gnosis, rise up against the works conlove of Scripture, afterwards became zea- holy Church, and propagate promise lous and successful teachers in the Church. sisting of many books, which of the evangelic and aposAml)rose, the above named friend of explanations
! j

'

Origen,

took
scholar,

peculiar

interest

in

his
T. i. Opp. Ed. de la R. f. .1. \ [This is not quite an exact traniiliition of the has put me to originnl, which ratiu-r moans. shame, )A)^. corpuit nie.' H. J. K.]
'

His

Gregory Thaumaturgus, has

painted to us, in this point of view, the method of instruction pursued by Origen in an oration of his to be quoted hereafter.

'I'ill

three or four o'clock in the afternoon,

acording to our reckoning.

438
tolic writings,
arfd set fortli

JEALOUSY OF DEMETRIUS.
they
will, if

no

true

are silent, port to him but this man, who was aniand sound doctrines, mated by the hierarchical pride, which we
;
I
j
'

we

get dominion over the hungry souls, who, for want of wholesome food, run to that

find

subsisting

among

at this age, especially the Bishops of the great Metropo-

which

is

forbidden."
his

He

finished at Alexandria

Com-

Genesis, the Psalms, Lamentations of Jeremiah (of which writ- particular occasions. ings only fragments have been preserved,) One especial cause of this jealousy was his five first Tomi [i. e. sections,] on the the honour showed to Origen by his two Gospel of St. John, his Treatise on the friends, Alexander, the Bishop of JeruResurrection, his Stromata, and his work salem, the friend of his youth, and TheocwE^i a.^yu'''! ^' ^- pi'ohably not about the tistus, the Bishop of Caesarea, in Palesfundamental principles of the Christian tine. It had already much embittered the laith, but about the oi'igin of all Being,* proud Demetrius against them, that they a subject of which the controversies with had permitted Origen, as a layman, to the Gnostics particularly treated. The preach in their Churches. (See Part 1.*) last-mentioned work became of especial As, however, in obedience to the call of importance by the struggles between op- his bishop, he returned to Alexandria, he posite theological dispositions which it was enabled to renew his former friendly set on foot, and by the influence which it relations with him. But in the year 228 exerted over the fate of Origen and of it happened that he travelled into Hellas,t his school. At that time, even more than on account of some ecclesiastical matters, at a later season, Platonic philosophy and of which we have no exact statement. the doctrines of the Christian faith were On this journey he visited his friends in in Iiim intermingled together; his caprice Palestine, and they ordained him a presof speculation was afterwards more mode- byter at Caisarea, in the year 228. rated by the influence of the Christian Demetrius could not forgive the two spirit, and many notions which he bishops and Origen for this transaction. (although more in a problematic than a After the return of Origen, he assembled decisive manner,) had thrown out, he a synod, consisting of the presbyters of afterwards retracted, although the prin- hisdiocess, and of other Egyptian bishops, ciples of his system remained always the in which he used against Origen that exsame. He himself afterwards declared, in travagant act of his youth, by which he a letter to Fabianus, the Bishop of Rome, was, undoubtedly, according to the letter to whom his system had probably been of the laws of the Church, excluded denounced as heretical, that in this book from the clerical profession.^ But they he had brought forward much, which he * There were apparently, in the year 216, hosnow no longer considered true, and that tile incursions upon Alexandria (according to his friend Ambrose had made the book vi. made then

mentaries on

was excited to jealousy against him, by the great reputation of Origen, the and the honour which he obtained on
litan sees,

known
And

Euseb.

19,)

against his will.f

yet, as
it

no longer
ful

safe for

which him

an abode there
the fanci-

often happens, the dis-

perliaps, when
for

Caracalla, departing
this

the

pute between Origen and the party of the Church zealots would not have come to an open rupture so soon, without an external occasion, and without the accession of personal and improper passions, especially as Origen was far from having the pride^ which commonly so easily attaches itself to a theological turn of mind like his, and as he always shows so much tenderness towards those whose religious and theological views and condition are different from his own. The authority of his Bishop Demetrius was a great sup-

gave up

town

to plunder

Parthian war, and to slaughter at

the mercy of his soldiers (.^1. Spartian. vi. 6 ;) and one is inclined to think, that the rage of the

heathen soldiers would peculiarly attack the ChrisOrigen then betook himself to Palestine, tians. to visit his old friends; and, as he himself says
(Joh.
t.

vi.

24,) to investigate the spots

which

hail

been trodden by Jesus, by his apostles, and by the prophets. Qvi ic-Togtity tchv *;^i'v 'Itia-M h-jli Tmv
fAH^HTOiV a/JT'jV

Hit

Tm

^(>(3<^J)TaiC.)

f Perhaps he was
order
to

called into these

parts in

the Gnostics who were spread about there, because it was known how much he was an adept in this business. His disputation with Candidus, the Valentinian, the Acts of which Jerome quotes, might lead us to this

dispute witli

conclusion.
*
h'.yo;

Si^^iKX,

in

the language of Clement,

relates, to
iv. .510, a.

It is

in Che highest degree probable that the

means a discourse which

of the
-[

r^;^/.

Siee

8ee Strom. 1. Hieronym. ep.

th doctrine [Pott. Sylb.]

iv.

ecclesiastical regulation

which we

find in xvii. of
in existence. It

the

Canoncs
there,

Apostolici,

was then

41.

t.

opp.

ed.

Martianay.

however, by no means unconditionally forbidden, in accordance with the law of the Old

was


TWO SYNODS AGAINST
ought
to

ORIGEX.

439

have considered, that he had nicated Origen, as a heretic, and the svnod

become

a diflereut

man

since that time,

and that he had loin^ condemned lite shj), to which his yoiilhlul enthusiasm had led him. And yet he was for this deposed from the dignity of presbyter, whicli liad been conferred upon him, and the adminislralion of the otlice of public teacliing
in the Alexandrian
to

sent forth a violent decree against him. It is in reference to this, that wlicn he

began again

at Cicsarea

to continue

liis

commentary on

the Gospel

of

St.

John,

Origen says, that ''God, who once led his people out of Kgypt, had saved him also
assailed

Church was forbidden

the

him.*

After he had once so strongly

to

jealousy and bishop, he could no longer find any peace in Alexandria. Demetrius did not content himself with this single attack, upon him but he began to cast the imputation of ^ V r r^ he resy on .1 the doctrmes of Ongen ; to which imputation, perhaps, the expressions of tlie latter in his disputes with the Gnostics had given some new occasion.! Yet .. which animated him,'& that gave him tranquillity of mind enough to ;,,:^i. i.; rinisli his fifth tonius on tlie Gospel of St. John, amidst the storms of Alexandria, (for, as he says,;!; Jesus commanded the storms and waves of the sea,) until at last he thought it advisable to leave Alexandria, and to betake himself to his
attracted

himself

out of Egypt; but that his enemy had him with the utmost bitterness his recent letter, so utterly o])posed U the Gospel, and tliat he had raised up all

by

haired

of

the

pharisaical

the pestilential

winds of

evil

in

Egypt

against him.*
I

'

are without connected and trustworthy ""^ ,^^^^ important transactions. can only endeavour, bv mrans of comlniiinjr uar"'='^''""!^

We

We

jj,,,,,,,^ ,

,^^^^ ,h, ,;^, p^^^,^^.^^

From ^^^
i

the indications

^;J^^ which Eusebius gives, and

,,f

^^^^

from the alwve-quotcd words of Origen about the

'"^' ^l^*^"
\

""'^'^

^^ ^'* youth, it is certain, that this was "gainst him ; but it could have been

^^^'^
I I

ground only

tor

clerical

otnce.

The
Photius,
for
it

other

him must have

against him.

arisen from

excluding him from the proceedings against another accusation

of Pamphilus
metrius

who had read the Apology Origen, says. Cod. 118. that De-

made

a matter of reproach to him, that

But at Csesarea, in Palestine. Demetrius pursued him even thither with his persecutions and he laid hold of a matter as a pretext, wherein he could both in FtfVDt and easilv fiiul associate: .,."/'. ^ out ot It, smce the prevailmg doctrmai
friends
;
.

'

he had travelled to Athens without his j)crmission, and during this journey, undertaken without his pennission, had allowed himself to be ordained, which would certainly on the part of Origen, as well as of the bishop who ordained him, have been a violation of the laws of the Church. But supposing that Demetrius did make this accusation "o^'"*'^ Origen. we have still to inquire, whether we see from the quohe had the right to do so. righi 10 uo irom me tation of Jerome de Vir. illustr. c. G2, that Alex-

We

spirit

in

many

parts of the
to

Church was
ten-

ander, the bishop of Jerusalem, in reply to

Ueme-

altogether hostile
tlie

the

idealistic

give occasion to so
lieresy.

dency of the school of Origen, and since book ,rPi upyu,, was calculated to ^''"^ f^o" ^^i^ own bishop. The laws of ^ ^^ Church about these circumstances were then, ^ p
'

trius, might allege, that he had ordained Origen on the strength of an epistola formata, brought by

the
per-

many

accusation.-

In a more numerous synod of ^^.^^^^^i- f^^ny ju^tiV,ed i ordaining a man, who Egyptian bishops, Demetrius excommu- was recommended to a foreign Church, and yet
j

haps, so indefinite, that Alexander might l)elieve

that

Demetrius might see

in this

an

inv;ision of
Uiis as
it

Testament, Deut.

xxii.,

that

any eunuch should

the rights of his episcopal office.

Bo

enter into the clerical profession, but it was ex])ressly appointed that one, whom such a misfor-

tune might have Iwfallen without his own instrumentality, might be allowed, if he was in other respects worthy, to become a clergyman ; it was
only
iturcv
i-jcja-Dt^iao-stf /u

may, even this could not be a sufficient ground for excommunicating Origen. The sympathy, which the attack upon him found in other Churches the accusations of heresy against Origen which continued after his death what he said afterwards

j/vKr&a

KKi^fut:(.

It

in his

own

justification to Fabianus, the bishop of

letter

was only

to put a stop to such ascetic enthusiasm. * Photius, however, says that this synod had already forbidden Origen, not only to exercise the

Koine, in the

we have

already cited, (as he

had also written

his orthodoxy.

to other bishops in defence of

but even to remain at Alexandifficult to see, how a bishop at that time could ell'ect the latter of these two He could only exclude him fiom the things. communion of the Church, and it was not until Nor does the srfond synod that this was done. the language of Origen appear to hint, that he was compelled to leave Alexandria. As we may conclude from the disputation Hieronym. adv. with Candidus the Valentinian
office of a teacher,
dria.

And

yet

it is

See Eusebius, vi. 36.) all thin points out, that his opinions [seine Dogmatik,] We were the cause of his excommunication. see also from what Jerome (I. ii. adv. Uufin. f. 411,) quotes out of the letter of Origen against
Demetrius, that errors in the doctrines of the had In-eu charged against him, as he defends himself against the accusation that he had maintained, that even Satan would hereafter 1m- in bliss; although one cannot well percei\ ^ h.;
faith

j-

Rufin.
t

f.

T.

vi,

414, vol. Joh.

iv.
j

1.

<

could deny this conclusion, which is groundrd by Kul'inus a necessary consequence on his system. quotes passagea out of a defence of Origcn's, ad-

440

TWO SYNODS AGAINST

ORIGEN.

This personal contest became now a The enemies of Origen were destined contest between the opposite opinions of to contribute to the farther extension of two parties. The Churches in Palestine, the sphere of his exertions his change in Arabia, Phoenicia and Achaia declared of residence to Palestine was assuredly themselves for Origen, while the Roman followed by important consequences; beChurch declared herself against him.* cause an opportunity was thus afforded The judgment which Origen himself to him, of effecting also from that point formed of those who branded him with the propagation of a liberal and enlightthe name of heretic, will be seen from ened spn-it in the Church and the traces
; ;

of his exertions are to be found for a long where after quoting 1 Cor. i. 25, he says, time in these regions. Here also he col'' Had I said, ' the foolishness of God,' lected a body of young men around him, how Avould those who love to accuse who educated themselves for theologians of heresy,^ have accused me how and teachers of the Church under his men should I, who had said a thousand things, influence ; among whom was Gregory, which they themselves approve of, have who afterwards became so remarkably been assailed for having said this one active in the preaching of the Gospel. thing, ' the foolishness of God P " In (Of him we shall afterwards speak more his defence against the synod, which had particularly.) He continued here also his excommunicated him, he quotes the de- literary labours. Among other works he nunciations of the prophets against wicked composed here his already mentioned priests and rulers, and then says, " treatise on the use of prayer and on the must pity them rather than hate them, explanation of the Lord's Prayer, which pray for them rather than curse them, for he addressed to his friend Ambrose. He we are created for blessing, and not for was here in a personal communication cursing." with the most distinguished teachers of Cappadocia, Palestine, and Arabia, and was constantly called upon to give his dressed to his friends at Alexandria, from which we see that a falsified report [protokoll] of a dis- advice in deliberations on any novel cir!

his expression in the following passage,!

We

putation held between him and the heretics, had excited astonishment in Palestine, even among his
friends, at the opinions

cumstances

in the

Church.

As, under the persecution of Maximinus he expressed. They had sent a messenger to him at Athens, and begged letter of this history, so according to spiritual him to send them the genuine original report. application, are also many high priests worthy of Even at Kome these adulterated copies had been blame, who adorn not the name of the episcopal propagated. See Rufin. de Adulteratione Librorum rank by their lives, and have not clothed themOrigenis, in opp. Hieronym. t. v. ed. Martianay, selves with light and truth. (Exod. xxviii.) These, Even if Rufinus is not really a faithful while they behold the wonders of God, f. 251. despise translator, this cannot have been wholly invented the little ones and babes in the Church, who praise by him. The disputes with the Gnostics would God and his Christ, and they are angry at their easily give an opportunity of bringing forward advances in godliness, and they accuse them to the peculiar religious opinions of Origen, and to Jesus, as doing wrong, while they really do no those who had in him so powerful an antagonist, wrong; and they say to him, Hearcst thou what an opportunity of rendering his orthodoxy suspithese say 1 And we shall understand this the cious in his own Church, would be welcome better, if we consider, how it often happens that enough. men of an ardent spirit, who brave imprisonment * Hieronym, ep. 29, ad Paulam. Damnatus a by their bold confession of faith before the Demetrio episcopo, exceptis Palestine, et Arabia;, heathen, who despise danger, and resolutely lead et Phceniciffi, atque Achaia; sacerdotibus. He
a
;

certainly adds,

non

non propter dogmatum novitatem: propter hreresin, scd quia gloriam eloquentia; ejus et scientiffi ferre non poterant. But this is
not a fact, it is only a subjective interpretation of motives, according to the bias which Jerome was

strict life of abstinence and celibacy how it happens that such men, being rude in speech*

{Ihuroit

T>)

K^ii,) are

calumniated by the blame-

under

made on
i:

remark simple children! But Jesus gives his testimony to the children, and, on the contrary, accuses the high priests of ignorance, when he says, Have ye (A <flK!UTHI. not read this, 'out of the mouth of babes and Compare sucklings thou hast prepared praise ]"'yj Well See I. c. Hieronym. iv. f. 411. what Origen nays against the importance [i. c. might Origen here set before his mind the image validity, the German is Bcdeutung. H. J. R.] of Demetrius, and other bishops like him, who of unjust excommunication. See above, page were inclined 'to judge the errors of a pious en136. Comp. also on .\Tatt. f. 445, where Ori- thusiasm with extreme severity.
at

that time.

Compare

worthy high priests as disorderly, and how they are accused by them before Jesus, as if iheir own conduct was better than that of these zealous and

also the

the case of Tertullian.

viii.

f Hom.

in Jerem. 8.

gen, applying the passage in Matt. xxi. 16, to the bisliops of his own time, says : " As these
priests

[In Uteris vero ignari.

Lul. Translator

U.

and scribes are blamable according

to the

J. R.]

ACTIVITY OF ORIGEN IN PALESTINE.

Thrax, the friends of
Oriofen,

441

naked sword imiicnds byter Prototectus of Caesaroa himself, and over the neck, let it be guarded by the Ambrose, had much to suffer; he ad- peace of God, which passeih all underdressed to these men, wlio were as con- sumding."* He says to tliem in aiiDiher
the Presitself,

and while

tlie

tlie termination of their suilerings, his treatise on JMarhjrdom, in which he exiiorts them to steadfastness in their confession, and endeavours to liold them up by the promises of Scripture, and to refute the sophistry of which many Gnostics, as well as heathens, who considered religion as an affair of state, made use in order to persuade the Christians that, without any prejudice to their belief, which no man wished to take from them, they might satisfy the demands of the laws of the state, in regard to the external things of

fessors, in prison awaiting

passage,!
lively

''Since

the

Word

of

God

is

But in this book the prevalent tone is at times more the spirit of that philosophically ascetic, and dehumanizing morality, than the spirit of that evangelical morality, which sanctions all that is
religion.

pure in human nature, and unites the consciousness of God's quickening power 49. Let then this lire be kindled also in with the feeling of human weakness ;* you, and let it consume all your earthly and we find also in the same work the thoughts, and be ye baptized with tfie And false notions of the opus operatum of baptism, whereof Jesus spoke.^ martyrdom, to which we have before al- thou also! (.Ambrose) who hast both luded and yet with all this the force of wife and children, and bretlu-en and sishis faithful confidence and his evangelic ters, remember the words of the Lord if any man cometh to me, and hateih zeal for the faith is beautifully expressed He says to the two confessors :t not father, mother, wife, children, brethin it. " I desired also, that, during the whole of ren, sisters, he cannot be my disciple.' the present struggle, you should rejoice But both of you remember also the ' If any man cometh to me antl and be glad, wjien you remember the words, great recompense, which is laid up in hateth ilot also his own life, he caimot be heaven for those who suffer persecution my disciple.'" It was, perhaps, this very persecution, and shame for righteousness' sake, and for the sake of the Son of ]Man, as the which moved Origen to leave for a time apostles of old rejoiced, that they wore the place, which hitherto had been his counted worthy to suffer shame for the abode. Since the persecution, as we have name of Christ. But if at any time you before remarked, was only local, it was feel anxiety in your soul, let the Spirit of easy to obviate it by a flight to regions Christ, that dwells in you, speak to it where trancjuillitv at that moment prethus, when she for her part would trouble vailed. Origen betook himself to Ca'sarea him, ' VVMiy art thou cast down, O my in Cappadocia, to his frientl, the iii.-hop soul! and art so disquieted within mc ? Firmilianus, with whom he was in the Trust in God, for I will give thanks to habit of communicaling on subjects of him, forasmuch as he helps me witii his theological learn ing.||
;
:

and powerful, and shar])(T than any two-edged sword, and penetrates even to the dividing asuiuler soul and spirit, marrow and bone, and is a judge over the thoughts and the faculties of the heart, Ileb. iv. 12 this Divine Word now bestows on our souls the peace which passeth all understandino, which it once shed over the souls of apostles, but it has thrown the sword between the earthly and the heavenly form within us, in order that, for the present, it may take our heavenly man to itself; and hereafter, when we are so far advanced, as to need no farther dividing,^ it may make us altogether heavenly. And he is come, also, to brinsr not only a sword on earth, but the fire also, of which he -'^ays, ' would that it were already kindled," Luke xii.
;
I

'

be troubled

Let it [never] countenance,' Ps.xlii. 6. but even before the tribunal

.

But, probably, exactly

al)()Ut

the time

that he had settle<l there, the above-mentitmed persecution (see above) in Cappa-

* In proof of this assertion we may particularly appeal to the manner, in which Orii^en explained so artificially the simple sense of liiose words of Christ, which he spoke in his agony, and which the spirit we allude to would not allow him to con-

docia broke out, and he was induced by

,

| i

^ 37.

[p.

j-

ceive in their natural meanincj, 29. [|)p. 18!) 191. in Wetsteiii's Edition of the Dial. cont. Marcion. et alia opuscuia. Basilcrc, IG73.

He No

a[iplies this

201. Ed. WeUtcin.] passage to the Logos.

."JO.

separation of iiolinexs from ungodUness.

xii.

'

^
!

Luke
'J'hey

H.

J. K.]
,

4.

[p. 165.

Ed. Wetstein.]

used somctimen to visit each other, in order to converse on theological sutijccU. Euscb. vi. 27.
II

56

442
it,

JUHTJS AFRICANUS.

withdraw into the house of Juliana, lation made by him also of the Old Tesa Christian lady, who for two years kept tament.* He was now enabled to comhim hidden in her house, and maintained plete his great work of a collection of tlie him. He there made a discovery of great then existing translations of the Old importance to his literary undertakings. Testament, and a comparison of them For some years he had already busied witli the Hebrew text.f himself with a work, the object of which After the murder of the Emperor Maxiwas, as well to correct the text of the minus, Origen was able under Gordianus, Alexandrian version of the Old Testament A. D. 238, to return again to Ciesarea, and (which was then the translation prevalent there again to begin his former course of in the Church, and was looked upon by activity. many Christians, in consequence of the As he had once before, on account of old Jewish legend, as inspired, and the MSS. of which diflered very much from the Gospel according to St. Matthew (that is
to
to

each other in their readings,) as also to

say, probably,

on the

t-j^yyixt'.v x-^b' 'F./i^^tcv;

which

promote the improvement of the translation itself, by comparing it with other old translations, and with the Hebrew original.
Origen,

who

constantly

disputed

much

on

religious

subjects with heathens and

learnt, as he himself says, how necessary a knowledge of the original text of the Old Testament was, in order not to give openings to the Jews, for they were in the habit of ridiculing the ignorance of the heathen converts, who disputed with them, when they quoted such passages from the Alexandrian version, as did not exist in the Hebrew, or when they knew nothing of those, which were only to be found in the Hebrew.* He had therefore made use of the fortune of his friend Ambrose, and of his own frequent journeys, in order to collect different manuscripts of the Alexandrian version and other old translations, wherever he could find them. He had for instance, in rummaging every where, found at Jericho in a barrel, an old translation of some books of the Old Testament, which was elsewhere unknown. Now it happened that his protectress Juliana had inherited the writings of the Ebionite Symmachus, who possibly lived about tlie beginning of that century, and he found in her house a commentary by this writer on the iiyyiXto xo' ^ESfXiovi.J and a trans-

Jews, had

resembled St. Matthew's) from which he endeavoured to establish the Ebionitish doctrines. * Palladius (in the beginning of the fifth century) relates in his history of Monachism (h*ucr/axi,) ch. 147, that he had found in an old manuscript which had descended from Origen, the words written by Origen himself, in which he narrated the circumstance mentioned in the text. This Palladius, however, in consequence of his credulousness, is a very suspicious witness, but in the present case we have no grounds to suspect his evidence, especially since it harmonizes well with the account given in Eusebius, vi. 17. The Hexapla. It would be foreign to our purpose to enlarge on this and similar works of Origen, for information on which we must refer to the Introductions to the Old Testament. M'e only quote here the words of Origen himself on the comparison instituted by him between the Alexandrian version and the other old translations After he has spoken of the Old Testament. (Comment, in Matth. f. 381. Ed. Huet.) of the differences between the copies of the New Testament, which had arisen, partly from the negligence of transcribers, and partly from their boldness in assuming a critical liberty of correcting the text, he adds the following words: " As far as relates to the difference between the copies of the Old Testament, we have found by God's assistance a mode of remedying this inconvenience, by using the other translations as a criterion. Wherever any thing was doubtful in the version of the LXX. by reason of a difference in the manuscripts, wc have constantly retained that which agreed with the rest of the translations, and we have marked a great deal, which was not found in the Hebrew, with an obelus (the critical mark to denote an omission) because we did not venture to
-)-

* Origen.

Ep. ad African.

.3.

rcuvm; oh^m
rcu:
i^a-o

i/xmy

o-'.vTtv,

oi.'(J"

ij sSic A'JTCK, 1; t'

y'ckiU'^V'TU.i

toiv

have added also some it out entirely. passages with the mark of an asterisk, to denote, we have added these passages, which are not found in the LXX., from the other translations, in
leave
that

We

iSvm

TriorTij-.VTUc,

HKiifix

HSU

Tatg'

adiTu; avxyt-

y^'JLUfj.ax a.yvij'MiTi.c.

following words of Eusebius, vi. 17, on \ the work of Symmaclius (whicli he aflerwaids reckons among his s^^>ivac si? t:<; ^ga<})!tc) " sv d<;
'J'hc
i.\iii
TTg^oi;

accordance with the Hebrew, and that he who is inclined to do so, may receive tlieni into the text (I think we must read 7r^o7iriii*) but he, who is offended at them, may receive them or not, just as he pleases." [Comp. Ep. ad African, p. 226, Ed.

TO

HUrx

Muri-xicv uTroTttvcjUivo;
to

ij-j.y^iKtov

Wetstein.

we
from the context can hardly he taken
A'alcsius

see

H. J. R.] From how much Origen had

these latter words

to fear those,

who

moan, as
endea(i<rain.st

were ready to charge every one,

tion of the
*

who

deviated
falsifica-

makes them,

that

Symmachus

from that which had been received, with

voured

to

maintain the El)ionitish doctrines

Holy

Scriptures.

Matthew; but they must be understood to mean, that he wrote a commentary on

the Gospel of St.

[The common reading

is Tr^onrttt.

IL

J. R.]

IMPROVEMENT OF THE SEPTUAGINT.

some
ecrlesiastical afliiirs,

443

been sent for place

in

the presence of .Africanus, had

from Alexandria by the Churches of Greece, which esteemed him most highly, the same thingapparenlly took place ajrain. His way led him ihrouuh Nicomedia in Biihyiiia, where he staved some days with his old friend, Ambrose who, if the account of Jerome is correct, had in the mean time become a deacon, although it does not appear whether Ambrose had employment in the Church of thiit city, or had only come thither in order to meet Origen. He there received a letter from one of his friends' Julius Africanus,* one
;

cited the history of Susannah on the authority of the Sepluagiiit version, as a -\l'rigenuine piece belougintj to Daniel.

camis expressed

to

him

iiis

.surprise

at

this in a letter, distinguished alike

by the

moderate, delicate, and learned tone of i\a argument, and by its unprejudiced criticism, ami he begged hiui to enter into a Oris^en f;irthcr discussion of the sul)ject. answered him from Nicomedia, in a very Not so unprejudiced elaborate writing. as .Africauus, he endeavoured to delVnd the autliority of the Alexandrian version

among

It the distinguished Cliristian men of and collection of the Holy Scriptures. learning of this period. It appears that is remarkable to observe how the free, Origen, at a conversation which took inquiring spirit of Origen, from a mistaken pietv, and perhaps also from being made fearful in consequence of the troubles He was a man far advanced in years, as will which he had involuntarily caused in the appear immediately from his beinsj able to address upon the authority of Driven, at that time a person of lifty years of age, Church, fell back
I

by the

title

of'

my

son.'

He

seems

to

be under tiie guidance of God ; he Emmaus, or JN'icopoli, in Palestine (as it was after- says,* ' But hath not that Providence, wards called by the Romans, in order to distinwhich has given edification in the Holy guish it from the Emmaus of the iS'cw Testament, Scripture to all the Churches of Christ, it being more distant from Jerusalem than the latter; namely, about 176 stadia.) The inhabi- taken care also for those who have been tants of this decayed place chose him as their de- bought with a price, for whom Christ legate to the Emperor Heliogabalus, to etlect the died, whom [i. e. Christ] though he was restoration of their town by this emperor, which his own Son, God, being love itself, Hieronym. de Vir. Illustr. he obtained for them. spared not; but gave him up for us all,
his usual residence in the old decayed
I I !
I I

have fixed a town of to

Church

traditioti,

which was supposed

c.

63.

He

is

known

as the

first

Christian compiler

of a history of the world (his ;^/p.v:^g?/* in five 'I'his work which books, see Eusebius, vi. 31.) is only known to us by the quotations of other fragments, proceeded from an intenwriters, and tion to compose something of an apologetic nature.

that with

him he might give us

all

things.!

'

He

is

known

also to us,

by his

letter to

Aristides

on the solution of the difference between the genealogies of Jesus as given by 8t. Matthew and St. Luke, of which a portion is preserved by EuAnother remarkable fragment of this letter has been published by Kouth, KeliIn that he combats quise Sacra;, vol. ii. p. 115.
sebius, Hist.
i.

7.

227. Ed. Wet-stein.] arguments by which a free invescanon of Scripture, an iti()uiry, I freely grant, which ought, like all theological inhas quiries, to be animated by a spirit of piety, often been opposed. But the argunionts of Origen only prove that God, who revealed in ('hrist his unspeakable love to man, without doubt must have provided for all the wants implanted by him

C.

4. [p.

-(

These

are

tigation of the

those,
logies

who maintained that these ditferent geneawere given, \n order to show clearly in this
a a

wav the truth, that Jesus is both a King and High priest, as being descended from a royal and
priestly race.

He here also declares himself ex" May pressly against the theory of a fraus pia. such an opinion never prevail in the Church of
Christ that a falsehood has been invented for the glory of Christ!" /xx Sx K^tr'.oi tu'.ut<,( x-)j:, tv niv-.v kj.i tKx.Kiia-1% Xg/TTcy, OT/ -{^h: ruyxUTXl fie Eusebius ascribes a work to i'.'fiK'-yni .Kf.s-Tit/. which, under the name of xtrT-.u, contains a htm, kind of literary miscellany, according to the then mode of unscientifically mingling together a variety
.\iid yet among the fragof historical materials. ments of this work, which are ascribed to him, there is much which does not suit the views and

Bui tin- mode, in which self in human nature. he has provided for them, must not be determined n priori in accordance with the prejudices of any existing system of opinions (einer stehenden dogmatik.) nor according to the measure of the limited
faculties, the
little

faith, or the duliiess

of man.
forth

Nay,

after all, a

mode by which

truth

comes

victorious from the contest with error, after a free

mode most consonant to human nature itself. It may l)e the plan of Providence, that Faith should fight the battle out herself witiiout any external su]iport, by means of iu own inward and Divine power, by means of iU
inquiry, m.iy be the

own

attractive power over the inmost heart of man. Tlu- incorrect conclusion, drawn from these

correct premises, would, if consist'ntly cjirri^ out,

which we are accustomed to ascribe to this man, from what we learn of him elsewhere. The most natural supposition is, that he wrote that work before his habiu of thought had become
principles,

lead to the supposition of an outward visible Theocracy constantly guiding mankind, a.s in a
state of infancy, as alas
!

in after times the con-

elusion
I

was pushed

to this point.

But

it

is far

rather true that

I

human

nature, in conseijuencc of
to
it

decidedly Christian.

having had every thing given

in Christ, has

444
Consider,
to

OTHER WRITINGS OF ORIGEN.

therefore,

not be raised again only at the general resurrection at the same time with the bodies. not the It was an old Jewish notion (see above,) "* (Prov. xxii. 28.) He says that immortality was not founded upon have made.' " that although he has not neglected the nature of the soul, but a peculiar gift then, the other old translations, he has yet be- of Divine grace ; a representation which stowed his chief industry upon the Alex- had been transferred from Judaism to andrian version, in order that it might not Christianity, traces of which we find in seem as if he wished to introduce a the theory of the Gnostics about the naspurious innovation into the Church, and ture of the Psychici, in the doctrine of in order that he might give no handle to the Clementine, and in the opinions of those who sought for opportunities, and Justin and Tatian. Perhaps also in this who desired to calumniate those men, district, the position of which placed it who were well known, and had obtained in close connexion with Jews, it was no stations of eminence in the Church."'t new doctrine, but the predominant one Athens was the point to which the from ancient times ; and perhaps the injourney of Origen tended ; he stayed there fluence of Origen (in whose system the some time, finished his commentary on doctrine of the natural immortality of the Ezekiel, and began that on the Song of soul necessarily obtained a place,) first effected the change that this latter should Solomon.;}: Till the end of his life he busied him- obtain universal acceptance among the self in theological labours ; and during Church-teachers of that district ; and that the reign of Philip the Arabian, with the small party, which still maintained whose family he was connected, he wrote the old opinion, should appear heretical^ the work against Celsus, which we have although the predominant opinion had already mentioned, his Commentary on previously really pronounced itself against St. Matthew, &c. He now permitted for it* [the new opinion.] Hence we may the first time, being sixty years of age, understand, how the convocation of a his sermons to be taken down by short Great Synod was considered necessary, hand writers, hi what reverence he was in order to allay these controversies. held we may see clearly from the fact, When they were unable to agree, Origen that he was called into council by synods was invited by the Synod, and his influof bishops in weighty ecclesiastical afiairs, ence prevailed upon the opposers of the on which people could not come to a doctrine of the natural immortality of the decision ; and we have already spoken of soul to acknowledge their error, and reit
'

whether

is

good

remember these words, Remove boundaries which thy fathers

the

manner

in

which Beryllus, the Bishop nounce

it.

of Bostra, in Arabia, received instruction We must, however, still at his hand. mention, that among the Christians of Arabia at that time a party had caused a controversy, by maintaining that the souls died with the body, and that they would grown up
hood.
*

to

These words, which, taken as an unconditional and unlimited rule of life, have so often

Origen, who on account of his individual opinions was considered as an heretical opposer of the evangelical doctrines of the Christian faith, was destined in the last days of a life, consecrated to labouring and struggling for that which he believed to be the cause of Christ, to the maturity of the years of man- confute by facts the accusations of his enemies, and to show how he w-as ready
to sacrifice

every thing to his faith, and he belonged to those who are ready to hate even their own lives for the sake the same principle, which the religio a, majoribus of the Lord. tradita of the heathen at first opposed to the new As the fury of the enemies of ChrisSee the First Part of this work. The Gospel.
since those times been used in support of old errors to the prejudice of pure evangelical truths, contain

how

truth victorious through her Divine jwwer the answer, that could not be refused, to inquiries

based on the
satisfaction

iiitnost

human
for its

of nature itself, this support, no prejudicium, no prajscriptio anTt ^ag^gTTaii

k.*1

being of human nature, the undeniable wants, required by needed no prejudice

t(,)i:>iiifji(v

chiefly

Decian persecution fell who were distinguished among the Christians by their oflices, their virtues, or their knowledge,
tianity

in

the

upon

those perso7is,

tiquitatis.

* Eusebius (vi. 37,) may perhaps judge the controversies of this period too much according
to

ivu

fjih

t-m; vtto rev

his

own

cl/pavov

\x.KKno-tai;

Trpo^ttrm hS'ieuw tc/c ^unva-iv

iv jUiJ-Oli 171/X.O'^UV'TiiV K.%t

cording to
times,

subjective doctrinal system, and acthe Church-orthodoxy of his own

d<*Cg^aC, ibiACU^t TCWC

Tm

ii'Xr

when he
as

opinion
+

represents the maintainers of this generally acknowledged teachers of

Euseb.

vi.

32.'

heresy, and propagators of a

new

opinion.

'

DEATH OP ORIGEN.
and
their activity in tlie propagation of
j

445
Tlie contePt be-

the Onjrenislic school.

the faith,* so it was natural that a man like Oiigcn, should be especially a murk
for fanatical
cruelty.

tween tliese opposing principles is the source of the most marking phenon)ena

a A)r the theological development of the latconfession he was thrown into a dungeon ter portion of tliis period. igeon, We shall iicre it was endeavoin-ed, accordin to the first throw a glance upon tlie Cliurch. plan pursued in tlie Decian persecution,' which was the original' scene of the to triumph over the weakness of age by tivity of Origen, namely, the Jilcxanrefined and gradually increasing tortures, drian and tlie R^i/plian Cliunli. But the faith, which he bore in liis heart, Origen had left behind him disciples n supported the feebleness of his a<re, and this district who continued to work on I) enabled him to bear all the trials to which his spirit, although with a greater degree they put him. After he had endured so of speculative moderation, Tiie bishop much,t he wrote from his prison a letter' Demetrius, as is shown by what precedes, full of comfort and encouragement for was rather a personal enemy to Origen others. The circumstances already re- than an enemy to his theological opinions, lated, (see above,) which in part softened The opposition made by him to these this persecution, and in part entirely put was, apparently, in his case, only a presteadfast

After

and

an end to it, obtained at last for Origen also freedom and tranquillity. And yet the sufferings undergone by him perhaps,
contributed to hasten his death.

text,

lie, therefore,

allowed the disciples

He

died

of Origen to continue their operations undisturbed, and he h imself died soon alter the break out of these controversies
in the

about the year 254, aged sixty-nine.;j: The influence of Origen on the formation of a theological system did not continue bound up in his own person, but remained and developed itself independently of him, by means of his writings and his disciples, but not without a continuing contest with the opposite dispositions of tlie human mind. The friends of Chiliasm, of the carnal and literal interpretation of Scripture, and the anthropomorpliical and anthropopathical mode of representing Divine things connected with such a system of interpretation, and
the zealots for the
tradition of the
letter of the doctrinal

and scholar of Origen already mentioned, who after his [Origen's] departure had become the head
of the Catechetical school, was made successor to Demetrius in the Episcopal office. In the year 247, Heraclas was succeeded in his office of Catechist, and afterwards as bishop, by Dionysius, another worthy disciple of Origen, who constantly retained his love and reverence
for his master, to

same year, 231. Heraclas, the friend

whom when

in prison,

Church, were enemies of

The
j-

personsB insignes.
vi. 39.

vii. 2. According to Photius, cod. 118, there were two accounts of the death of Origen, which difTered both as to its circumstances, and the time of its occurrence. Pamphilius and many others, who had been personally acquainted

Euseb. Euseb.

with Origen, related that he died at Csesarea as a learned to know them accurately, and martyr in the Decian persecution. Others related that he lived to' the times of Gallus and Volu- a't^^'" having placed hiinsell in a condition confute them on just grounds. .sianus, and then died at Tyre, and was buried to there; and the truth of this latter account was presbyter of his Church warned him testified by the letters written by Origen after the against the evil, which might happen to persecution, of the genuineness of which, howhis soul from his employing himself so ever, Photius was not decidedly convinced. But repeatedly with these godless writings. after that, which Eusebius, who certainly followed the account of his friend and instructer Pamphi- But the Spirit of God gave liim confidence enough not to allow himself to lius, says in the above cited jiassagc of his Church History, it can hardly be supposed that Pamphi- be frightened at tliis danger. He believed lius really gave the account alluded to by Photius. that he heard a voire which said to him. Perhaps Photius may have misunderstood PamRead all that falls into your hands, for philius, when by the term Martyrdom he meant arc al)le to judge, and to examine only a confession under torture, or when he X^" ipoke of the consequences of those sufferings as every thing, and this has brcn to you from all'ecting Origen. the very beginning a source of faith."
I I

Decian persecuwrote a letter of consolation. This man, as he himself says, had come to a belief in the Gospel through the method of free invesligalion^ by giving an unprejudiced and tliorough examination to all systems and hence he remained true to this principle, even as a Christian and a Church-teacher. He read and examined in an unprejudiced manner all writinsrs of the lieretfcs, and rejected their systems only after having
tion,

(see above,) during the

he

2F

446
Dionj^siiis

HIERACAS AND DIONYSIUS.

was strengthened by this enAfterwards also, in the last period of couragement in his resolution, and he the third century, Pierius and Theognosthouorht
it

corresponded with that precept tus distinguished themselves as teachers

the Lord to those who are strong, of the Alexandrian Church, hi the fragwhich is found in an Apocryphal Gospel, ments of their works, (preserved in Pho'"Be ye able money-ciiangers :" (yma^B tius,) we recognise the peculiar doc-

of

coKiuoi

T^acTT-'^iTai,) that is

to say, be ca-

trines of Origen.

have already remarked, that in an opposition existed between We have already on different occasions an Origenistic and an anti-Origemstlc iven examples of the liberal mind and party. We find this opposition in the moderation of this man, and of the blessed fourth century, especially among the effects produced by it. His Christian Egyptian monks, occurring again, and the moderation and mildness are shown also parties named Anthropomorphites and in his letter to an Egyptian bishop, named Orlgenists. Perhaps also this opposition Basilides, which contains answers to in- among the Egyptian monks is to be dequiries concerning circumstances relative rived from the time of which we have to the discipline, and the rites of the just been speaking. There were, indeed, Church.| The letter of Dionysius to at this time no monks but as early as this bishop, who was subordinate to him, the end of the third century there were concludes thus " Thou hast not laid in Egypt assemblies of ascetics, who these inquiries before me, as if thou wert lived in the country.* Among these ignorant in the matter, but in order to do Egyptian ascetics there appeared a man me honour, and that I might be of the at the end of this period, by name Hiesame mind with you, as indeed I am. I racas, who was reckoned among the hehave stated and explained my opinion to retics in the times that followed, because you not as a teacher, but in all the open- men jndged of him from the position asness with which we must speak to each sumed by the Church system of doctrine, other. But it is now your business to judge as this had forined itself in the fourth cenabout the matter and write to me then tury, but who, during his lifetime, would what seems to you better, or whether you hardly have been considered as a heare yourself satisfied that this is right."t retic.f As far as we can become acquainted with his turn of mind, and his * Dionysius, in his letter to the Romish Bishop doctrines, from the fragmentary accounts Philemon, (Euseb. vii. 7,) appeals to a heavenly preserved of him, for which we are ciiiefly vision and to a heavenly voice. He speaks of the indebted to Epiphanius,'^ he had in his thing so simply, and betrays so little design, that peculiar views much that was akin to the we should do him an injustice to charge him with Origenistic school, and it may be the case what is called a fraus pia, although the somewhat lax principles of the Alexandrian school in that he himself was originally of that school but we nevertheless find no such this respect (a laxity which is connected with their distinction between two different conditions similarity of doctrines, that it cannot be with regard to religion) might favour such an explained any other way. Views similar accusation but we must here take into the to these might easily be formed also in account also, that these pious men certainly were other parts of Egypt. better guided by the Christian spirit which aniHieracas lived in the town of Leontomated them, than by their theoretical principles. polis in Egypt, as an ascetic and, acIt may easily be explained in a psychological way, by supposing that the truth, which the Spirit cording to the practice of ascetics, he of God caused him to acknowledge, presented procured for himself what was necessary itself again to his imagination in this form, for his livelihood, and means for the experhaps in a dream. The manner in which he

pable

distinguishing counterfeit coins.*

of

genuine

from

We

Egypt

itself

speaks of it seems, however, to indicate that he himself was not so firmly convinced of the Divine nature of the vision, as of the truth of its purport, and of the declaration of Christ, his words being these: o.7r-Ji^-j./u>iv to c'^^^a, ic utrotrTsACH <pa>vyi ^uvr^iT(_cv, t Ktycuj-yi, Stc. f Which letter maintains, in the Greek Church, a lawful reverence as an in-i<rro>,>i k*6'Mk>u The fragments which remain of it were last published by Kouth, Reliquirc Sacrre, vol. ii. i A larger fragment of the work of this Dionysius " On Nature," in which he defends faith in Providence against the Atomic theory of the

F.picureans,

is

xivth
is

Book of

preserved to us by Eusebius in the his Prceparatio Evangelica, and it

1.

printed in Routh,
*

c. vol. iv.

As we may

perceive from ths Life of

Antony

in Athanasius.

More

will

be said on this subject

this

in the following period.

j-

On

this

account

as in
is

work we can conits

ceive the notion of heresy only in

signification,

historical

we have

among

the heretics, as

not reckoned Hieracas usually done.

i Ha;res.

67.

Unless, perhaps, he was at the head of an ascetic body in the neighbourhood of that town.

HIERACAS.*
ercise of his benevolence,

447
subject,

by an

art wliich

the

last

he

may verv

possibly

was much prized, and much used in Egypt, that of fine pcnmcmship, in wiiich he was skilful, both as regarded tlie Greek and the Coptic character. He must have lived to beyond the age of ninety years, which may easily be explained from his simple mode of life, and to his very end was in possession of his faculand, therefore, was able to exercise liis art to the latest hours of his life. He was equally acquainted with the Greek
ties,

have iield that the soul would become enveloped with a higher organ of ethereal
matter (a crwy.a. wfvuxrty.oy.) And this opinion also he miglil dress up in such a

manner

that he could not be

.said

exactly
afier iiis

to reject the doctrine of u resurrection of

the botly, but only to exjjlain own views.

it

As far as regards the first point, he pronounced that an unmarried life of continence was an essential element in true
Christian perfection.
teristic

literature; and from this very cause it may have happened, that mingled with Christianity many elements foreign to it, drawn from both those classes of literature. He wrote commentaries on the Bible both in the Coptic and the Greek language, and composed many
lie

and the Coptic

In

the reconnnen-

dation of celibacy he placed the elm

between the monil position of the Old and of the New TesdifFerence

Hieracas discovers the traces of those false views of the nature of morality, and of the requirements of the

tament.

hymns for the Church He was addicted to the

terpretation of Scripture,

moral law from human nature, (^according

allegorizing in- to which it might be supposed that this which was closely moral law could be so easily fullllled, connected with a certain theosophical dis- and men could do even more than it reposition. Like Origen he explained the account of Paradise in an allegorical manner, and denied material [sinnliches, sensuous] Paradise. Probably, like Ori sen, he considered Paradise as the svmbol of a higher world of spirits, from which the heavenly Spirit sunk down through an inclination for earthly matter. But as men were by no means of one mind as to what was to be understood symbolically in that narrative, and what literally, and also as nothing had been finally settled (see above) in the prevailing doctrine of the Church on the origin
!

quired, viz. the opera

supererogationis.)

when he
'

inquire.s.

"'

What new

thing,

then, has the doctrine of the only-begotten One introduced ? what new good hath he planted in mankind ? The Old Testament has already treated of the fear of God, of envy, of covetousness, he. What new thing then remains, if it be not the introduction of celibacy .'" This mquu'V, we must acknowledge, snows that Hieracas had no riirht conception either of the requirements of the moral Law, or, which is closely connected with it, of that which Christ is as the Redeemer of mankind, and of the nature of redemption. From the view of human nature, and of the requirements of the moral Law upon it, wliich we find here set forth, a doctrine might easily be deduced, according to which man has no need of a Redeemer. But it would be unjust on that account to ascribe to Hieracas the doctrine that Christ was only the founder of a more perfect moral system, and not the Redeemer of mankind. A zealoils Mf)ntanist might have said something similar to wliat Hietacas advanced. And traces of these false ethical and anthropological views, are besides also at this season, and particularly found among the .Mexandrians. By means of pas.^ajes, detached from their context, in the 7lh chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, he endeavoured to prove that St. Paul had permitted marriage only out of a reirard for the weakness of men, and only to avoid a worse evil in the case of those who

of souls, and, besides, as the peculiar opinions of Origen had at that time in the Egyptian Church many considerable advocates, he could not have been generally set

down

as a

heretic

on

that ac-

count.

From

that theory of his concerning the

heavenly Spirit, a union with matbe explained how Hieracas must have despised the earthly material body, and have made its renunincorporation
ter,
it

of

the

which sunk down

to

may

easily

ciation

and mortification* the chief busi-

ness of Christian morality, and how he must have contended against the doctrine that the soul once freed, should again at the Resurrection become enclosed in this In regard to prison-house of the body.

Perhaps astronj^er phrase [* Enfausserung. It would more nearly translate Ncaniicr's word. to express such a system of sclf-deiiial as seems would almost free us from the body, even while we are in it. H. J. R.]

448
were weak.
Matt. XXV.,
pretation,
lie

HIERACAS.
In the parable of the virgins,
state for these children, as

neglected the rule of interindicates that

supposed

in the case of

was afterward unbaptized chil-

which

we

are not

to seek a resemblance in every particular, but only in the points of comparison;

and he concluded from tliat parable that here virgins only were named, and that only unmarried persons could attain
to

participation

in

the

kingdom of

heaven.

In his application of the passage.

in which it is said, that " without holiness no man can see God," Heb. xii. 14, he sets out from his presumption that the nature of holiness consists in a life of celibacy. As Hieracas himself admits that St. Paul permitted marriage to those who are we^k, it follows, that he by no means unconditionally condemned married Christians and excluded them from the number of Christians. It may be the case, that persons drew too large conclusions from many of his exaggerations in his recommendation of celibacy. Or else, when he said that only those who lived in celibacy could attain to the kingdom of heaven, he must by that expression have understood not the blessedness of heaven generally, but only the highest grade of it; which doctrinal expression, as peculiar to himself, appears likely to have been thus used, from what we are now about to observe. In virtue of his ascetic disposition Hieracas laid particular stress on this point, viz. every one Avas to obtain for himself a participation in the kingdom of the Holy Ghost xvas represented under heaven by his own moral endeavours, the image of Melchisedec, for he [the and his own ascetic strictness. This Spirit,] is set forth both as the advocate point, the laying particular stress on for men, Rom. viii. 26, and as a priest. man's own endeavours, was also alto- He represents the image of the Son, subgether in accordance with the Alexan- ordinate indeed to him, but the most like
,

by Pelagius. dren by many U Hieracas maintained this with regard to all children, even those that were baptized, it follows from this that he denied a supernatural operation^ as existing in Perhaps also in accordinlant baptism. ance with this principle he opposed infant baptism itself, and pronounced it to be a rite of a later origin, which was contrary to the intention of baptism and the nature of Christianity. What we have here observed, serves also to the confirmation of what we have said above, that Hieracas by no means reverenced Christ merely as a moral teacher it is clear from it, that he recognised him as an ennobler of human nature, the obtainer of the highest grade of blessedness, to which men could not have attained by their own powers. In the view of orthodoxy maintained by the Church in later days, errors would be charged on Hieracas in regard to the He must have doctrines of the Trinity. used the comparison that the Son of God emanated from the Father, as the light of a lamp is kindled from another lamp, or as a torch is divided into two.* Such sensuous comparisons were, it must be granted, contrary to the spiritual disposition of Origen ; but the older Churchteachers, Justin and Tatian, had been fond He maintained further, that of them.
Orientals and
;

drian views.

Now
:

Hieracas, setting out

from the principle " that participation in the kingdom of heaven being only the recompense of a combat, he who has never fought, cannot attain the victor's crown," came to this conclusion, "children who die before they attain to knowledge and consciousness, do not enter into the kingdom of heaven." He could hardly have intended thus to express an unconditional sentence of condemnation tipon them, but only to exclude them from the highest grade of blessedness, which proceeds from communion with God, and from the ennoblement of human nature by its union with God in Christ for the particij)ation in this is only to be
attained

him among all beings, which reprewas entirely conformable to the Origenistic theory of subordination, which
to

sentation

maintained

itself for

a long time in the

Oriental Church.f

Arius ad Alexandr. apud Epiphan. Hscres. 69. Athanas. t. i. p. ii. 68. 7. He appeals to a passage of an Apocryphal writing, which is of importance for the illustraj-

tion of the doctrinal history of the earliest times, the u)a/3*T;xtv 'Ha-^r.u ; that is, the narrative of the

ascension of Isaiah into different regions of the After the heaven, and of what he saw there. accompanying angel has shown Isaiah the Son of God, who stands at the right hand of God, the
uy-^Tnnc;,
o/u.crj(

Isaiah inquires kcu Tic

;

itrrtv

axxoc

by man through his own moral

ctwTM i^ igiuTiedii sx8a)V

itTTi

nM

iiTi <rv

ynaiTnat

tout'

endeavours,

when he does more

than

tlie

7rpo<p>ir!tt(

TO ayloy "mvjfxrt TO Kaxcuv iv crot / ty roK 'I'he pasKit <|'a"/ iy.oicy to) oyxTrinuthis

Law

requires.

He supposed

middle

sa'gc is

found in

work which has now beea

'

GREGORIUS THAUMATURC.US.
of Ori^en extended itself through the influence of his friends and scholars from Palestine, as far as Cappadocia and Pontus, as the three great

449
put
in

The influence

witli

^reat facility

exeriition his

plan of studying Roman law, hy going from Cacsarea lo the celebrated neighbonring school of Roman jurisprudence Church-teachers of Cappadocia give tes- at Berytus in Phenicia. Theodorus actimony to it even in the fourth century, cepted the ofl'er; but this journey was atWe must here mention particularly his tended by consequences difll-rent from great scholar Gregori/, on whom the ve- those which he had expected. He beneration of Cliristians has conferred the came acipiainted widiOriL'en at Ca?sarea name of wonder-worker {QuvixaTov^yo^.) Origen soon remarked tlie powers of the His original name was Theodorus. He young man, and endeavoured to win them was descended from a respectable and to the service of something higher than wealthy family at Neo-Ca;sarea in Pon- that which then animated him. Theodotus his father, a zealous heathen, edu- rus felt himself attracted by Origen, as he cated him in the principles of heathenism, worked upon his .spirit and his heart, exBut when he was fourteen years of age citing, warming, and encouraging them, he lost his father, and now he was first In spite of his own will he felt liimself gained to the cause of Christianity, as it detained there ; he forgot Rome and often happened (see above) that the Gos- Berytus, and the study of the law. Oripel first found entrance into families by gen led him to perceive the nothingness means of children and women. He, how- of his former endeavours and pursuits,
'

still knew Christianity only from the tradition of others, he still remained

ever,

he lighted in the soul of the young man the holy fire of love to truth and to godliness
effort

unacquainted with Holy Scripture, his

terest in religion

in-

was

still

a subordinate
j !

The noblest [lit. the Divine.] of Origen, as Theodorus himself

it

and the endeavour after a splenin the world was of more value in his eyes. His mother used every means in her power to enable him to learn whatever in those days would serve to promote the object of his wishes in this respect. He therefore received a good
feeling,

represents

in his farewell

address,

was

did

career

'

to excite in

him a

spiritual activity of his

own, and an unprejudiced spirit of inquiry and examination. After he had allowed him to seek for the scattered beams of Truth in the systems of Greek philosophy he sliowed him the higher
thing which Revelation bestowed on he led him now to the study of

rhetorical education, so as to be able to

advance himself, either as a rhetorician or an advocate; and he also learned Latin, the language both of the governing power and of the courts of law. His instructer in the

'

Scripture and explained it to him. dorus says of Origen's exposition

him Holy Theo;

of
in

Scripture;

^' I

think

he

spoke

this

language showed no other way than by the communion of him how very necessary to him a know- the Holy Spirit, for to be a prophet and to ledge of the Roman law would he for the understand a prophet requires the selfAnd none of the prophets attainment of the object he had in view.' same power. He began this study, and had already can understand it, to whom the Spirit formed a scheme to visit Rome, in order himself, from whom the prophecies come, to increase his acquaintance with the has not given the understanding of his Roman jurisprudence. But Providence words. This man has received the had selected him for an instrument in a greatest gift of God, to he the interpreter work of higher importance, and as he for Jiicn, of the words of God, tc) underhimself remarks, in his portraiture of the stand the word of God, as God speaks events of his life, without his own desire it, and so to preach it lo men that they can understand it. or will, he was prepared for that w<irk. After he had passed eipht years with His brother-in-law had been called to baptism Cicsarea as law-adviser (assessor,) to the Origen, and apparently received He also at Caj.arca, and assumed also here Pra:;ses, of the province of Palestine. returned to had left his wife at Neo-Ca;sarea, but she the name of Gretrorim, he now lo follow him. They requested his own country. It was with sorrow

Roman

'

was

his brother-in-law, the young to conduct her to him, as he

published in

a complete Ethiopic translation, by R.

Theodorus, that he loft his instructer, on whom his might then whole soul hung: he compared the bond which knitted him to Origen, with the friendship between a David and manner from the old bond of
Laurence, Oxfi/rd,
Panegyric, in Grig,

1819, pp. 58, 59,

V.

32 36.
57

15.

p2

430

HIERACAS

HIS

CONVERSION.
which he has hitherto done for us, but call upon him also, that he may engraft his commands upon our Spirit, that he may pour upon us the fear of God, and
that this

a Jonathan. He testified his thankfulness to Origen, and to Providence, which had

conducted him

to

Origen

without his

knowledge or will, in his farewell oration, in which he describes the events of his life, and the methods of instruction and edification employed by Origen.* While he tears himself away with pain from intercourse with his dear instiucter, and from unmixed employment about godly things, and with sorrow and fear prepares to meet the occupations of so different a character, to which he must
devote himself in his own country, he speaks thus " But why should 1 lament this? We have, we know, a Saviour for all, even for those who are half-dead, and fallen into the hands of robbers. One who cares for all, and is a physician for all, the watchful protector of all men. have also the seed wilkin us^ of which, as bearing it about within us, we become conscious through thee (Origen,) and the seed which ive have received from thee, those glorious doctrines. With this seed we depart, in tears indeed, because we are leaving thee, but taking this seed with us. Perhaps the heavenly Protector will join himself to our company, and save us, but perhaps we shall return to thee, and bring to thee also from that seed fruits and grain, not ripe ones, indeed, (for how can that be ?) but such as can grow up amidst civil employments." And turning himself to Origen, he addresses him tlius But thou, dear head stand up! and dismiss us with thy prayer; as thou hast led usf to salvation by thy holy doctrines, while we were with thee, so lead us, now that we are departing
:

may
a

serve as our best corrector.

For

at

distance

hearken to him which we have have been with send us a good

you.

we can no longer with that freedom, with done so. as long as we

you. Pray to him to angel to accompany us,

as a consolation for our separation

But entreat him also

to

back

you, for

this

Irom conduct us alone will be our

to

chief consolation."
After his departure also Origen retained

him
full

have still a letter in his heart. of fatherly love, which he addressed to him. (Philocal.c.13.) He here .says to him, that his distinguished qualities might
able Roman jurisconsult or a respected teacher of one of the celebrated philosophical schools but he

We

make him an

We

Gregory should propose to himself Christianity alone as his aim and object, and use his talents only as means to the one great end. According to his principles, which we have before detailed,
wished
that as to the relation of different departments

of knowledge, and especially of Philoso-

phy, to Christianity, he incites

him

to

appropriate to himself from the whole circle of human knowledge, \lit. from the Encyclopeedical sciences] and from philo-

sophy, every thing, which he migiit be

able to use for the advantage of Christianity.

By many

beautiful allegorical

explanations of the narratives of the Old

Testament he endeavours to make it clear to him, that we must use every thing to the service of godliness [lit. the Divine,] and from thee, to salvation by tliy prayer. sanctify every thing else by referring it to And transfer us and commend us, or that but not, as often happens, forget godrather only give us back again to God, liness itself amidst these elements which who led us to you. Thank him for that are foreign to it, and thus desecrate it by
;

the admixture.
*

We

have followed

this oration, as the

most

IrusUvorthy source, for the history of the early life and education of Gregory. The accounts given by Gregory of Nyssa, in his life of this Gregory,
are in open contradiction to the narrative of this Gregory himself; and as Gregory of Nyssa dressed

He then addresses him thus Do thou tlien, my son above every thing study the Holy Scriptures but let it be a serious study to thee, for
:

'

Scripture requires a very serious study, in

up

what he had taken from imauthcntic inaccurate accounts, it would be a useless trouble to endeavour to reconcile the contradictory
rhetorically

order that we may not too hastily pronounce or judge any thing out of it. And if with a believing heart, and a mind well pleasing to God, and j)re-occupied

narratives with each other.

The Panegyricus of with him,* thou studiest the Scripture, Cucgory may be found in the fourth volume of the works of Origen, by rfe la Rue, and in the third * The Greek -ox4/c can hardly be rendered volume of the Biblioihecn Patruin of Galland. into German, for the German, "vorurtheil" [pre\ He speaks herein the plural number, because judice,] according to the usage of our language, is he probably had in his mind at the same time his generally taken in a bad sense. should rather brother Athenodorus, who came with him to use the word voraussetzung [presumption, or preOrigen, and also afterwards became Bishop of the supposition.] Origen means that the reader of tyhurch of Pontus. See Euseb. vi. 30. tScriptuie ought beforehand to be filled with the

We

"

INTERCOURSE WITH ORIGEN.

451

then knock, where anything in it is shut after their minds should have become up to you, and it will be opened to you spiritualized through Christianity.* But by tlie porter, of whom Jesus speaks, he forgot what an intermixture t)f heathen John X. 3, ' To him shall the doorkeeper and Christian views and riles might arise open.' Seek with immovable faith in from this acquiescence in heathen cusGod, the sense of Holy Scripture which toms, as really did happen afterwards, is hidden from the multitude. But let it and how dilllcult it is for Ciirisiianily to not be enough to thee to knock and to penetrate properly into the life, when it seek, for prayer is especially necessary for is debased from the beginning with such the understanding of holv things, in ex- an admixture.! citing us to wiiich the Saviour has not We have a simple and clearly writtea only said, 'Knock, and it shall be opened paraphrase of the Preacher of Solomon^ to you,' and 'seek, and ye shall fmd,' [i. e. Ecclesiastes,] by Gregory. A conbut also, ' pray, and it shall be given to fession of fai'.ii in regard to the' Trinity, you.' which he Mas supposed to have \vritteii He answered the expectations of his in consequence of a special revelation, great teacher. While he found in his was used in opposition to the Arians in native city, of which he became bishop, the fourth century. The circumstance seventeen Christians, the major part of the that it was to be foimd in the Church of inhabitants was converted by him, and Neo-Civsareain his own hand-writing, was Christianity extended far into Ponius. It appealed to in proof of it.s genuineness. is a matter of regret, that we have no But although the first part of the con-

more
the

accurate and authentic accounts of

fession, in
tics

which the peculiar characteris-

of the Origenian doctrines appear, than the fabulous and rhetorical life writ- might be genuine, yet the second part is ten by Gregory of Nyssa, a century after- clearly a later addition, for it contains wards. Perhaps, while he followed the decisions, which were tlioronghly foreign principles of the Alexandrian school in to the school of Origen, and which first regard to the condescension to the weak- proceeded from the controversies with
etliciency of this

remarkable man,

ness of the many, and to the gradation in religious education, he was nevertheless too yielding, in order to convert the heathen in greater numbers ; perhaps he thought, that if once they only belonged to the Christian Church, the spirit of the Gospel and the increasing activity of their teachers might gradually carry them farAs he observed that many of ther on. the people, out of attachment to their

the Arians in the fourth century. Among the violent opponents of the

already menbishop of Olympus in Lycia, and afterwards of Tyre, a martyr in the persecution of Dioclesian; but still he appears not to have conducted himself towards that school
Origenistic school

we have
at

tioned

Methodius,

first

former festivities, which were interwoven heathenism, remained fettered to the religion of their ancestors, he wished to give the newly-converted something to After the Decian supply their place. persecution, during which many in this region had died as martyrs, he appointed
Avith

Eusebius in the same manner. of Caesarea, in his continuation of the Apology of Pamphilius, was able to appeal to the circumstance, that Metliodius

always

contradicted what he had formerly said The ecclesiastical in praise of Origen.;}: historian, Socrates, on the contrary, says, that 3Iethodius, who had formerly declared against Origen, in his dialogue, en-

a general festival in honour of the martyrs, Vita Gregor. c. 27. and sufiered the rugged multitude to celej The canonical letter, which we have, of this brate this witii the same sort of feasts as Gregory, shows well that in the conversion of those which were usual at the heathen lame mas.ses of people mucli may have \yccn of commemorations of the dead (Parentalia,) merely .something external; for he speaks here persons, who made u.se of the confusion which lie thought and other heathen festivals. arose from the devastations of the Goths in the that thus one obstacle to conversion regions of Pontus, in order to reap advanta(?o would be removed, and that if they had from the general calamity, and even to jilunder once become members of the Christian their own countrymen. Tiiis letter at the same for Church, they would by degrees volun- time gives evidence of Gregory's watchful zeal sensuous indulgences, morality. tarily renounce Kufin. Hieron. opp. Apud Hicronym, i 3.^)9. Ciuomodo ansus mt persuasion, that the Holy Scripture is cmbucd Ed. Marlianay, t. iv.
I. i. f.

with a Divine even when in does aot make

spirit,

sinu;Ic

itself

and cannot lead him astray, passages it.s Divine nature apparent to bim.

Methodius nunc contra Origencm scriU'rc, qui ? et h.Tc de Origenis loquulua est dogiualibus
ha3c

Lib. iv. c. 13.

452
titled Sekuv,
testified

INTERCOURSE "WITH ORIGEN.

had revoked
it

all,

his admiration of him.

and had by Methodius. There an Ecclesiastical

He founded

at

Csesarea

library, vvliich, as late as

the fourth century, contributed much to must be some Eusebius and Socrates the promotion of learned studies. Every twofold story. deduced their judgment about Methodius friend of knowledge, and especially every

foundation in truth for this

one to whom the thorough and fundamental study of the Bible was an object, found with him every kind of assistance, and he endeavoured to multiply,* to exonly their subjective notions, and in such tend, and correct the manuscripts of the matters the ancients were not accurate. Bible. He made presents of many Bibles, In the Symposion of Methodius, which even to women, whom he saw much we are just about to mention, he appears busied in the reading of Scripture.! He by no means an adherent of the letter of established a theological school.f in which the Church doctrine, but there is shown the study of Scripture was carried on in that work an inclination to theoso- with great earnestness. The learned phical views, and a predominant affection Eusebius, who was indebted for every for the allegorical interpretation of the thing to Pamphilus, and looked upon Bible, and there appears also much that him as friend, and almost as a father, is congenial to the turn of Origen's probably came forth from this school. mind ; there are certainly expressions Pamphilus imparted to his scholars his which at least favour the doctrine of the own veneration for Origen, as the propre-existence of souls.* Much also ap- moter of Christian knowledge; and he

own expressions ; but their chronological determinations in regard to these writings apparently did not rest on historical facts, but they here followed
from his

pears,

which

is

altogether
;

at

variance

endeavoured
ed
spirit,

to

oppose the narrow-mind-

with the doctrines of Origen as, for example, a certain Chiliasm.f It may easily be imagined, that Methodius, a man of no systematic habit of thought, was attracted at first by many of the views and the writings of Origen, which corresponded to his own favourite opinions and
to his
that,

which proceeded from those

who

branded Origen with the name of

heretic. While the blind zeal of these people, as Pamphilus says, went so far that they pronounced sentence of condemnation at once on every one, who only so much as busied himself with the writings

own

taste,

but

that very account, the

which

in the

was afterwards on of Origen, Pamphilus during his imprimore shocked by sonment in the persecution of Diocletian system of Origen was in the year 309,|| wrote in common with
*

contrary to his oivn disposition and his

own doctrinal principles. The most important and

thentic

See Montfaucon. Catalog.

MSS.

Bibliothec.

the

written

monument

of this

most auMe-

Coislinian. p. 261.

thodius is his Feast of the ten Virgins, in eleven dialogues, containing a commendation of single life, which is often prrebebat large quce poterat. Scripturas quoque highly exaggerated. sed ct ad sanctas non ad legendum tantum That treatise, however, which we have habendum tribuebat promptissime. Nee solum under the name of Methodius on the viris, sed et feminis, quas vidisset lectioni deditas. freedom of the tcilJ, [tti^i uvre^ovaiov,) Unde et multos codices prajparabat, ut, quum
;

f Eusebius says of him in his life of him, ap. Hieronym. adv. Rufinum, 1. i. p. 358-9, vol. iv.: " Quis studiosorum amicus non fuit Pamphili 1 si quos videbat ad victum necessariis indigere,

Maximus, who

belongs rather to the Christian teacher nccessitas poscisset, volcntibus largiretur. t Euseb. vii. 32, cruvia-TucrttTo t//-/T/y2w. lived in the time of Scp Eus. de Martyr. Palaestinfe, c. 4. timius Scverus,J than to Methodius ; it A proof of the influence of Pamphilus on the is an attack on the Gnostic dualism. neighbourhood around him is given by the case of The presbyter Pamphilus, a man of his slave Porphyrius, a young man of eighteen
II

Cscsarea in Palestine, distinguished by his years of

zeal for piety and knowledge,

age,

whom
for

he educated

witli parental

came

for-

ward as a defender of Origen against the charges of heresy brought against him
Orat.
ii.

whose religious, moral, and spiritual edification he provided in every way and he had communicated to him an ardent love
afl'ection,

and

Theophil.

5.

Hieronym. c. i Euseb. V. 27. 47. This Maximus can hardly be the same as the bishop of Jerusalem of the same name mentioned
ill

Orat. ix. 5. de Vir. Ilhist.

Redeemer. When Porphyrius heard the sentence of death pronounced against his beloved master, he prayed that it might be conceded to him to show the last proof of love to him, by burying his corpse after the execution of the sentence had taken place. This request at once exfor the

Euseli. V. 12.
this subject

cited the

"Genetic Development of the Gnostic Systems," p. 206.

4 See on

my

as

wrath of the fanatical governor. And steadfastly avowed, that he was a Christian, and waa anxioas to sacrifice himself, he
he

now

CONCLUSION.
his scholar Eusebius,*a work destined to the defence of Origen, and this defence
j

453
and
literal,

lanced between the opposite extremes of

a carnal

and a capricious and

was addressed to tlie confessors con- allcirorizinsr, interpretation of the IJible. demned to labour in the mines. After Learned Presbyters in the Anliochian the martyrdom of Pamphilus, Eusebius Church, who busied themselves willi paradded a sixth book to the five already ex- ticular zeal in the study of liiblical inisting of the uncompleted work. The terpretalion, may be looked upon as the first book of tliis Apology, with the ex- first promoters of this school, especially ception of some Greek fragments, we hav Dorotheus and Lucian, of whom the latin the free translation of Rufinus.t ter sutTcred martyrdom in the persecution The example of Pamphilus shows us, of Diocletian, early in A. D. 312.* how, from one like Origen, who embraced Thus we see here, as the result of the and united so much together, not only a historical development of this period, the
j ! j

formation, the transition into one another, and the oppositions of dilfercnt theologiBible and a careful treatment of the letter cal dispositions, from the co-operation of the word, however much this letter and opposition of which with each other, may appear to be opposed to his licentious the further development of the Christian method of allegorizing. Apparently also, doctrine, as the leaven for the whole nathe instance of the Egyptian bishop He- turc of man^ was destined to proceed ; a
|
j i i j

speculative spirit in doctrinal matters proceeded, but also a profound study of the

sychius

is

to be traced to the

same source, development and purifying process which

passes on from one generation to another, and which can be brought to its destined end by nothing but the everlasting wis-

on foot a new and corrected reof the text of the Alexandrian version, the prevalent one in Egypt,J and who suirered martyrdom, probably in the persecution of Diocletian, A. D. 310, or 311; and lastly, in part also to the influence of Origen was owing the seed of a new theological school at Antioch, which received its full development only in the course of the fourth century, from which is derived the sound hermeneutical and exegetical direction properly baset

who

cension

dom, which alone searches the depths of the free spirit, and which alone the free
spirit

follows without prejudice freedom.

to

its

reeled text of the Alexandrian version,

rently also of the

Lucian made a new recension of the corand appaINew Testament. The manu-

scripts prepared according to this text are called

was most
stake.

cruelly tortured, and at last, with his

flesh entirely torn

from

his bones,

he was led

to the

AwKavs/a. Euseb. [Hieronym.?] de Vir. Illustr. 77. adv. Rufin. 1. ii. 425. vol. iv. are unable to determine with certainty what is to be l>e-

We

bore every thins^ with firmness, after he had only once, when the fire touched him for the first time, called to Jesus, the Son of God, for help.

He

Euseb. de Martyr.
*
that

Palsestinas, c.

ii.

p.

attributes such a work to Pamphilus, deserves no credit. The loss of the Biography of Pamphilus by [N. B. The Eusebius is deeply to be lamented.
j-

The accusation Rufmus falsely

of the

passionate

338. Jerome,

between Lucian and Paul of Samosata, as the account of it which we have, Theodoret. Hist. Eccles. 1. i. c. 4. from Alexander, hishoj) of .Mexandria, is suspicious on account of party-prejudices from controversial molieved about the early connection
tives.

[In regard to Lucian,

find in the edition of

vol.

Jerome by Victorius the following passage,

p.
:

arbitrary,
%

German word

here translated 'free,'

or capricious.

H.
1.

is

willkUrlich

J.

R.]

373, in the Catalogus Script. Eccles. Lucianus, vir disertissimus, Antiochenas ecclesia- prcsby ter, tantum in Scripiurarum studio lalwravit, ut us<jue nunc quicdam eicmplaria Scriptururum

i.

Hieronym. adv. Rufin.

1.

ii.

42.5.

Lucianeanunrupcntur.
f.

This

treatise isalsocitod

Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

viii. c.

13.

308.

as Hicron. de Vir. lUustribus. H. J. K.]

THE END.

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION The endeavour to defend was AND CHURCH DURING THE FIRST THREE hermeneutic Philo's own
CENTURIES.
racter in religious things

INTRODUCTION.
General view of the

seduced into a false conU'mplative cha/ 31 Idealism despises the grammatical inteq)rctation of Scripture, and thus creates arbitrary dog.

matism in interpretation .32 reliifious state of the Grecian, and Jewish world, at This is opposed by anlhropopathism 3:{ Philo's distinction l)etween the humanizing and the not-humanizing schools, and hence also between esoteric and exoteric doctrines 34 Christianity )nstantly mauitaiiis the same relaThe same contemplative spirit crealcsTheosophicrv
.

Roman,

the time of the first appearance and early diffusion of Christianity page ()
.

tion to

human
the

nature; a
the

penetrate

peculiarly such at

pearance

......
season of
its
. .

whole mass

leaven
It

destined to
itself
first

showed

ascetic societies

The Therapeutjc not a branch

of the Essenes
.

ap-

....
.

3;')

Religious condition of the heathen world in

9 General result Carnal mind of the Jews always

Christianity on the one hand
;

3G

37

Rome
The

and Greece

25

at variance with and on the other,

idolatry of nature in heathenism No religion for mankind in general in heathenism, only state-religions and religions adapted to particular nations . . . . 10 Esoteric and exoteric religion Fraus Pia, Poly-

a capability of receiving the Gospel, more to Iks found in Phariseeism and Essenism than in

Sadduceeism

3fi

The Alexandrian Jews have

spirit

their kind of Gnosis, but they are always wanting in poorness of

38

bius, Strabo, Plutarch,

Unbelief theism

ScotHng Scepticism Deism Pan Pliny the the of

elder,

Seneca

11

representative

Extension of Judaism among the Greeks and Romans.

the latter 14 Desire after some definite faith; this points towards Christianity Errors through fanati15 cism Transition from unbelief to superstition, painted

The Jews make proselytes of Righteousness and of the Gate among the heathen the latter sort
;

better disposed towards Christianity

39

SECTION

I.

by Plutarch
Cold,
after

stoic

resignation
life

generates pride

17
desire

an eternal

reasoned away

by

the

THE RELATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE UNCHRISTIAN WORLD 40 102

I.

18 philosophy Spiritualization of Polytheism It prepares the way, as it often did, for 19 the appearance of Christianity The popular religions, however, still unimproved hence superstition and enthusiasm .Mexander of Abonoteichos and Apollonius of Tyana 22 The inquiring Clement, who sought and found 23 It is the Gospel alone which can triumph over un. 24 belief, superstition, and enthusiasm
Stoics

Propagation of Christianity

40

'lO

Platonic

[4.]

the Propagation of Christianity in general, the obstacles which opposed it, the means and causes hy which it was furthered 1(1 40

On

....
nature,
;

Christianity, attaching itself to every thing that

a sword of the Spirit to the ungodly and hence its varied contentions with prevailing manners and staleis
is

pure in

human

Religious condition of the

objectively a

Jews

25

39
2.5

religions
spirit,

Divine religion, but yet Judaism only adapted to one stage of human develoj)-

Goeta;

way
word

religion for the poor in not for the proud . . 40 oppose Christianity Miracles pave the for the inward power of the Divine
.

The Gospel a

ment
;

41

Adherence to the Utter without a iK'netration into hence carnal pride the spirit of the old religion and a carnal view of freedom Judas (ialilocus

Effects of grace

among

the Christians, related by

.

Inward Divine power of Christianity l)eaming through their conduct The most powerful * 44 25 means of conversion source of wild fanaticism Lifeless orthodoxy Pharisees; False illumina- Women, hoys, and slave* cause the light of the Christianity is able to let 26 Gos|>el to hhirie Sadducces; Mysticism Essencs tion A leaven which itself down to all capacities Peculiar character of the Jewish schools of 45 is to reform all human nature 29 31 Alexandria He [B.] Propagation of Christianity in parHellenizing, Jewish scoffer in Philo's works 4(3 50 ticular districts himself calls the Jews prophets and priesU for 30 In .\sia Christianity first preached in cities all mankind

Intermixture

Justin Martyr, Ireiupus, ami Origen

43

of worldly and

...

spiritual

.....

'


456

Christians, but the

'AsT/otf

'

ANALYTICAL TAfeLE OF CONTENTS.

Story of Abgarus of EJessa ; improbable First certain trace of Christianity there under Abgar

rescript tt^i; to Konzv

. .

txc

cannot come from him

60

perhaps also by Bartholomew; and in the second and 47 third centuries by PantiEnus and Origen St. 'J^'homas reported to have preached in the East
St. Paul,

BarManu, A. D. 170 The Gospel spread in Arabia by

.

46

Indies

An old tradition makes St. Mark the In Africa founder of the Church in Alexandria; thence the Gospel reached Cyrene, perhaps also ^^thiopia; afterwards Carthage, and all proconsular
In Europe
in

48

Persecution of the Christians under M. Aurelius, who in his honest endeavour after deep selfknowledge, was always stopped by his stoic fatalism, as well as through a certain fanaticism Courage of the Christian faith of mind 60 (a.) Persecution in Smyrna, A. D. 167 Polycarp on the funeral pile of his martyrdom praises the Lord The rage of the people a little cooled 63

(h.)

At Lyons, A. D. 177

Symphorianus dies as a martyr at Autun, and is cheered on to death by his mother 68 The legio fulminea," A. D. 174, not a fiction 68 upon the causes of this persecuExamination of it First 50 54 The wicked Comniodus, from A. D. 180, rendered tion favourable to the Christians by Marcia The poNotions of Roman toleration to be limited Gepular fury subsides, and persecutions cease 69 neral rights of man first acknowledged by Christianity The prevailing political views, The fury of the populace again awakened after the murder of Commodus Persecutions under based on the state-religion, suspect political Septimius Severus and Caracalla 70 machinations under Christianity, as being a Single characteristic traits of Christian faith shown "religio nova, illicita," and without any old forth in Speratus, and in the firmness of two form of worship 50 women, Perpetua and Felicitas 71 On the other hand, the Christians are accused of not taking sufficient interest in the state, of not Repose of the Christians under Heliogabalus and
II.

Rome, Lyons, Vienne, (A. D. 177) spreading of the Gospel Chief Germany In Gaul Saturninus hence Spain perhaps from Paul In from 49 Asia Minor 50 102 Persecution of Christianity
quarters for the
to St.

Africa

48

as a martyr in prison
faith efficacious
sels, like

Bishop Pothinus The Divine power of even tender and weak PonticusandBlandina Humilitypredies
in

ves-

serves the martyrs at Lyons, as only disciples

Britain

They

selves only

decline being called martyrs, but call themweak confessors . , 65

INTRODUCTION.

'

offering worship to the emperors, of refusing to

73 still a " religio illicita" 74 Wretched condition under Maximinus Thrax, till 52 A. D. 244 Fury of the populace 74 Christians also the victims of popular fury arising from blind prejudice "Non pluit Deus, Repose under the mild Philip, the Arabian (from A. D. 244,) but this emperor no Christian due ad Christianos," but fomented by priests, Origen's view of the persecution and his insight Goetffi, &c 53 into futurity 74 [A.} Persecution by the hand of power. His prophecies verified Persecution of Decius, Varied condition of the Christian Church A. D. 250, proves an excitement to the dormant under different emperors 54 93 activity of the Church during its long repose
sen'e in the army, and hence they are called
fructuosi in negotio"

Severus (from A.D. msea and Origen

219 235)Julia Mam.

....

"hostes Caisarum, hostes populi Romani, in-

...

Christianity

.'

Tertullian's story of a proposal to the senate

by

Tiberius, in regard to Christ and the Christians,

cannot be true 54 Christians often confounded with Jews, and hence banished from Rome by Claudius, A. D. 53, together with the Jews, according to Suetonius,

.....
;

"impulsore Christo," &c. Cruel persecution under Nero, A. D. 64

bable origin

...
. .

" Libellatici, acta facientes" Glorious traits of Christian courage Numidicus at Carthage 75 Cyprian of Carthage and other bishops withdraw themselves at first from their Churches, not from cowardice ; but they take care of them even while absent The persecution gradually

55
its

increases

till

A.D. 251

...
their

78

The

pro-

fire at

Rome

55

Under Domitian, from A. D. 81, the accusation

of conversion to Christianity joined with the "ciimrn majestatis" 56

After a short respite, a pestilence again awakens the fury of the people under Gallus, A. D. 252 The bishops Cornelius and Lucius at Rome give

The

....
...
;

testimony to the faith and are martyred

79

New persecution under Valerianus,from A.D. 257

seal their fidelity
last

justice-loving Nerva,

to accuse their Trajan's law against tTnt^mi used against Christians Pliny the younger, the governor, with all his love of investigation, only a narrow-

A. D. 96, forbids slaves masters 56

Sintus, bishop of Rome, and Cyprian of Carwith thage, blood The

Christian
tion,

words of Cyprian, " God be thanked" 8(J The edict of Gallienus, A. D. 259, recognises the

Church

as a legally existing corpora-

minded politician after all his report, A. D. I'iO Hence the unhappy condition of the Christians 57 Hadrian forbids tumultuous attacks, but favours

prosecutions against Christians, merely for being Christians; Christianity still a "leligio
legal
illicita"

During this reign Barchochab perse58 cutes the Christians in Palestine .

Wretched condition from A. D. 138 The En> peror Antoninus Pius mildly disposed towards

and Christianity as a " religio licita" promulged in the East and in Egypt, A. His superstitious successor, Aurelian, D. 261 prevented by this from persecuting His murder, A.D 275 82 Repose and increase of the Church during forty years Diocletian, sole emperor from 284 and 286, in conjunction with Maximus, shows himself at first favourable to Christianity His edict against the Manichees, A. D. 296 83
First

 A
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Galcrius, the slave of blinil superstition, seeks for

1;

457

accusations against
criiice

the.

Christians
all

A. D. 298,
offer sa-

Hierocles, governor of Bilhynia, the last writer in opposition to Christianity of this jHiriod, in

he obtains a decree that

rank.

Many Christians up Tlie Centurion Marcellus, on account

give

soldiers

must

their military'

of

the " militia Cliristi," refuses the " militia imperatorum," and is sentenced to death 85 Galerius at last, A. D. 303, persuades Diocletian to issue a general edict against the Christians The splendid church of IS'icomcdia, in Bithynia, plundered The intended annihilation of the Scriptures defeated liy the power of God Humane oflicers act mildly in the execution of the edict 87 Traditores among the Christians Enthusiastic zeal of faith The union of simplicity and prudence unjustly stigmatised as cowardice 88 Individual traits of courage The young Victoria and the hoy Hilarianus 89 A fire in ISicomedia Its origin uncertain Cruelty against the Christians inflamed by political jealousy Fury against the clergy in particular, A. D. 304 Edict that all the Christians should sacrifice-^Heathenism appears to triumph, but this triumph is soon lost again 90 Constantius Chlorus favourable to the Christians Particularly active from A. D. 305, when Diocletian and Herculius resigned 91

book entitled, A-.-^-.t oiKtMihu; tt^-.; t<.ui "The Discourse of a Lover of Truth, addressed to the (Christians" It id a pity he did not speak the truth, and did not refrain from telling the most shamelesit lies of Christ and the apostles, witljout examinahis
\eiirrirti'^:,

tion

101

Concludinfj remark on the manner in which the apologies of the Christians were generally conduct^'d.

The heathen
ed from
treatises

...
.
.

attacks on Christianity wore answerthe time of Hadrian, by defensive on the part of the Christians (Apologies.) These consisted partly of general and extensive developments of Christian doctrines, partly of particular defences, addressed to Consules, Prajsides, &c. Tliese had but little efl'ect
in general

'

Christianity being at variance with the " disciplina Romana," always ap|teared to

'

Roman statesmen a feverish and dangerous cnthusiasm 10

SECTION
CHIRCH
sioNs
I.

11.

HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF THE CHl'RCH,

I

Maximinus, on the contrary, fanatical and cruel From A. D. 308, a new season of repose new, severe edict soon makes its appearance,

DISCIPLINE, AND

in

The

history

order to uphold the heathen superstition in its whole compass Thirty-nine confessors are exThis was the ecuted in the mines of Palestine

Church 1.) The history of

.... ....
of
the

CHURCH

DIVI-

10-2 143
of
the

formation

102127

last

blood shed in this persecution

Galerius

the formation of con102 1 1(5 gregations in general .

being brought to a proper sense of the matter by severe illness, A. D.311, issues a remarkable edict, by which this last bloody struggle of the (.Christian Church in the Roman empire is con92 cluded

Two

periods are

to be distinguished,

epoch of their formation in apostles; (2) Their progress

period

(1) The the time of the

to the

end of

this

102

[c/5]
I

[^] Opposition
writings

....
of God
in spirit

The first foundation of the constitution of Christian Churches in the apostolic

to Christianity

by heathen 93 102

The

worshijiping

and

in truth al-

ways

a stumbling block to superstition

light-n)inded unbelief

....

10-2109 age The Gospel conducting all men to the same communion with God through (.'hrist, excludes, by
its

and

to

93

One

very nature, any peculiar caste of priests^ High-priest, one Mediator for all Many

The

self-righteous Stoics see in Christianity only

gifts,

one Spirit

102

The religious idealism a religion for the people of Plato brings men of profoundness nearer to
the Gospel, but
self-denial
it

Elevating form of the original constitution of the Church in the Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians

calls
it

lent opposition to

enough

to

forth a still more viowith those who have not renounce their philosophi-

104
is

Outward form
I

necessary, hut no one definite

cal superiority in religion

...

9-1

The

superficial Platonist, Celsus, apparently con]

temporary

tianity in his Ac>oc

abounding
takes
all

in self-contradiction

with M. Aurelius, attacks Chris'^kyi'ix;, a sarcastic work, How he mis-

'.

and especially Christian two and elevation in 95 God Another more profound opponent of Christianity in Porphyry, the Phoenician, about the beginning of the third century One of his works was, " A System of Theology, deduced from
humility

Christianity,

all, the monarchical The monarchical form of Church constitution contradicts the spirit of Christianity, which admits The Go8icl conof only one monarch, Christ stantly points to the feeling of mutual waiiU 105 Form naturally grafted on the Jewish and nither of congregation constitution aristocraticai

form, and least of

Christianity alone can unite the

opposilcs,
.

self-abasement

D'^pT'
'.<,

T55/2vT!g!!, 'rui

elders;

VD^*!' h"'/^''
presidents,

Tf;srTTs;

uitK<^ci, Tr9-3.TM,

106 bishops \u^iiT/jtx iiJ%TKiXiM, and KuStprna^ieiK, talent for teaching and for governing in the Church, not
equal in
useful
all

men

the old (si)urious) Oracles," Iljg/ 'nit ix K'.yimi He, however, contradicts himself, c'>i^s"'-?'ac

Deacons and deaconesnes

I

The

106

latter partic\ilarly

sometimes wishing

to

religion, while at others

appear a philosopher in he is quite devoted to

the East for the purjiosc of introducing Christianity into the interior of famiin
lies

blind superstitious idolatry

tive to Christ

The

107

oracles relaj

99
'

Election to Church-oflices maile by the presbytera 107 after gathciiiig the congregation together

58

2R


458

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

[B] The changes which took place in the constitution of the Christian Church after
109 116 . . the apostohc age The chief changes relate to three points; (1) the development of the Monarchico-episcopal form of Church-government; (2) the formation of an unevangellc caste of priests; (3) the mul109 . tiplication of Church offices
.

Blessed unity of the Church, a manifestation of the unity of the kingdom of God Yet the confusion between the visible and the invisible Church, between the form and the substance, leads to an overvalue for the outward unity of

the

Church
is

This
De

is

most

distinctly laid

down

in his

book "

there
tions

much
of

truth

Unitate Ecclesife," in which mixed with some false no-

fl)

The

presbyter,

who

presided in the college of

120
thinking a visible unity of the
necessarily leads to the notion of the

presbyters, has exclusively the

name
.

iTmrKCTro;,

The

error

out always remains only the "primus inter . 110 pares" The episcopal system unfolds itself gradually, and maintains itself during the persecutions Cyprian, in this respect, acts quite in accordance with tho spirit of his times The episcopal system had great advantages and also great dis. . . .

Church
unity
tolic

necessity for that visible representation of that

this is founded in the pretended apos. primacy of St. Peter, which, however, is sound interpretation of Scripture and the history of Christian antiquity, and especially with the whole spirit of the New Testament economy This certainly knew nothing of a " Cathedra Petri" 123 This notion soon becomes still more noxious The pretended primacy of St. Peter now becomes transferred to the "Ecclesia Romana" and its bishops for ever Roman ambition puts

entirely in contradiction with a

advantages, for

110

b) It farthered the rise of a separate class of the cause of priests in the Christian Church
this;

Selfishness the source of all Popery, and the confusion between the Jewish and Christian economy TertuUian calls the bishop

"summus sacerdos" The names "ordo, plebs,"

themselves

Ill

on a

spiritual garb
call

125
re-

x\;ipoc,

kkx^uoi,

Romish bishops of

themselves "Episcopi Epis-

unevangellc relations Opposition of the evangelic con111 science , The clergy at first maintained themselves by their trades By degrees they were removed from worldly business, but not from worldly ]13 thoughts Election to Church offices, as well as all Church affairs, conducted in conjunction with the congregation "Seniores plebis," not clergy, but " persona ecclesiasticce" a remnant of the freer spirit of the apostolic constitution, which is a 114 model for all times . . c) Multiplication of Church offices ; Subdeacons,

naturally

introduce

coporum;" Victor, A. D. 190

ceives appeals from Spain

by Irenaeus ' Dissonantia jejuni! non solvit consonantium fidei" Cyprian and Firmi125 lianus

Opposition

Stephanus

made

II.

Church
from the
into
it

discipline
visible

....

Excommunication Church and re-admission 127132

The

visible

the

Church is not merely meant to reveal kingdom of God, but to instruct and pre-

pare
there

men

for it; hence, in the visible Church, must always be a mixture of genuine and

false Christians

To human judgment,

in this

" lectores,"

(uvaj-vaiffTa*,)
;"

aiccxcuQoi,

(acoluthi,)

respect,

no decision was

entrusted, but St. Paul

" exorcistar

Bu^cu^ci, ttvxw^ci,

" ostiarii"

116

2)

of Connection between sepa120 rate Churches one with the other 1 16 The subordination system does not proceed from evangelic spirit, which would rather a pure point to a system of sisterly equality The

The means

^w^iTii-n'^Troi,

suffragans, or country bishops, of

the fourth century, must have the

earliest

come down from

times, at
to,

wards subjected
tropolitans

independent, afterthe bishop of the city

first

Daughter-churches also formed in

"
Ecclcsiffi,

cities

Me117 118

himself entrusts it, with a wholesome discipline, " Excommunicatio, poenithe Church tentio, absolutio;" expulsion, penitence, and re-admission 127 Distinction made by the teachers of the Church between the absolution of the priest and the 129 forgiveness of sins by God himself . Alas! how soon does human fancy confound the How soon does a with the inward outward foolish misunderstanding of the power to bind and loose lead men into the belief in a wretched
for
!

" opus operatum'' The Lord gives the power of the keys to every true preacher of the Gos-

sedes apostolicse, matrices ecclesiffi," Antioch, Alexandria, E[)hesus, Corinth, but

Distinction (from

especially

Rome

Communication by means of Church

letters

"Literae formataj," jgs^^stT* TtruTrcejuivu, ne cessary for many causes . . 119

129 John) between " peccata ve" ad mornialia" and " peccata mortalia," or tem:" pardonable sins and mortal sins Contentions between the stricter and laxer 132 patties
pel
1

Provincial synods

first in Greece, after the model of the Amphictionic assemblies gradually become general Useful, if they are carried on in a real spirit of Christian humility ; hurtful, as soon as hierarchical and arbitrary notions enter into them, and wish to prescribe laws for the Church for ever, without the co-operation of the congregations 119

III.

The history of divisions in the Church, 132148 or Schisms .

. .

Distinction

between schisms and heresies properly so called The latter arise from diflerences doctrine^ the former from differences in outin 132 ward things

3)

a) Schism of Felicissimus, which arose in 132 141 the North African Church of the whole Church into one wliole, compactly joined together in all its The election of Cyprian as bishop awakens the pans, tho outward unity of the Catholic opposition of a party, headed by five presby132 ters Church, and its representation 120 127

The union

459

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Cyprian,
faithful as

he was in his pastoral capa- a) Novatian's principles on the subject misroprecity, was yet not sulficiently on his guard scnted by his enemicH. but his moral error against the suggestions of spiritual pride; in powerfully opposed by Cyprian 145 the bishop, appointed by God, he forgot the And yet even Cyprian waH unable to oppose the man, weak and liable to sin . . 133 principles of Novatian elfectually. l)ecaue ho Novatus, apparently one of the five anti-Cyprian himself had not a clear i)erieiition of the only presbyters, ordains Felicissimus deacon by his real objective ground of confidence in the forown authority This person now becomes his givencss of sins, namely, in the application of partisan 133 the merits of Christ 146 "Tho Cyprian's withdrawal from his Church, and his b) Novatian on the idea of the Church " lapsi" (fallen brethren) severity towards the Church ceases to be a tnie Church, when it sullcrs those who have violated their baptismal during the Decian persecution, give his enemies covenant by gross sins, to remain in it, or rean opportunity of scheming against him still Hence the Novatianista ceives them again." more actively . . 134 kiS^u, the Pure this is call themselves The " lapsi," supported by the confessors (conbeautifully answered in a practical manner by give them letters of peace or fessores) who Cv])rian " The Lord alone has the sieve in his communion (libellos pacis) Cyprian's proper 147 hind" zeal against the extravagant reverence paid to the martyrs: "The Gospel makes the martyrs, And yet, from their dogmatical indefiniteness as to the notions of the visible and invisible 136 not the martyrs the Gospel Churches, the opponents of Novatian were But Cyprian still is not firm and consistent unable to combat his fundamental error, which enough, he allows at last the " libelli pacis" of
I
i

c't

the " confessores"

138
prevail-

was deeply
idea*,

rooted

in

the confusion of those

How

any compromise with a The Romish Church ing prejudice!

injurious
is

declares

itself for the

milder party, pointing to the one

. .

The with suflicient power and clearness Catholic Church system comes forth triumphant . 148 at last from these struggles
.

Cyprian appears

138 source of forgiveness of sins at last to conquer, but his hopes are deceived by his exercising his episcopal Felipower, in ordering a visitation to be held

SECTION
I.

III.

CHRISTIAN LIFE AND WORSHIP

Christian Life
.
.

\^A
1')

214

the " lapsi" into his Church (perhaps in monte,) and gives them the communion This conduct very injurious to disci-

cissimus collects

all

1180

Christianity a sanctifying

pline and good order

133

The North Alrican Synod, A. D. 251, at length puts down this schism, by devising a happy
middle path in regard to the " lapsi ;" but still the rebellious party choose Fortunatus for bishop of Carthage, and look for help from Rome, but all their schemes are frustrated by the concord 140 . . of Cornelius and Cyprian I) the

power Cyprian Jus151 Origen tin Martyr Contrast between the Christian and the heathen This was often very prominent, and yet life

false Christianity,

self-elevation,

dangerous self-delusion, false &c. Tertullian, Origen, and

The schism of Novatian, which arose in bosom of Romish Church 141 148

Cyprian, against representations of the magical 15'baptism Gradual efficacy of Christianity Carnal Christianity Defects in the visible Church Point
eltects of
.

This schism, as well as that of Felicissimus, arose from a dilTerence of views on penance, only that was set on foot by the laxer party, this by
the
stricter

The

of view from which we ought to look at these 152 first times Mutual names of the Christians The brotherly sick, and the kis3 Care for the stranger, the Vopoor; for old men, widows, and orphans

tion of the true

Church

controversy about the noalso entered into this

luntary

Church contributious Peculiar

activity

of the Christian mistress of a family Collections for foreign

^41 schism Novatian's personal character, and iU influence,

ChurchesExamples Cyprian
Alexatnlria Christian benevo-

on his

part, in the controversies

The

Dionysius of
j

ascetic.

having serious, received, after many internal struggles, merely the " baptismus clinicorum," the baptism of the by sick by sprinkling Is ordained a presbyter

and learned Novatian, no

stoic,

He espouses the side of the stricter party as to penitence ; this excites the opposiof tion of Cornelius; at first only a contest Novatian guided by none but pure principles
Fahianus

156 * . lence in public calamities . ,p^^ Christians, with regard to the laws of tho Their obedience to existing mslitulions State Collision between civil and religious duties sulv Uilferent views of Christians upon this

ject

Fori)idden trades

motives Novatus, an advocate

.

'

' ,

Forbidden to visit the shows Forof glatliators, and combaU of wild I)east3 bidden to be present at panlominui.'*, plays, Sophistry of CelsusTertullian circus,

......
joys-^No one who

5'J

Ac

at

Carthage of the milder

the
stricter

on
I

true spiritual

fre.juent.'.l
fi 1

here as the head of which Novatian was placed 143 bishop being a is accused by Novatian of Cornelius " libellaticus" (one that had received a cermildness of tificate of having sacrificed) The
principles,

joins

party,

at

plays was to remain in Church communion 1 Qhristianity in regard to slavery The tru^ Inxlily highest freedom may be united with

May
I
1

slavery Christian administer

office?
pui)lic

...'"'^

Dionysius

l"*"^

Opinion
duties

lividetl

One party nKainut

U
the Stale

a civil or

miliUry

Ojjposilion

Two

points in controversy, penance and the notion of the true Church 145- -15ul

Celsun on tins and ChristianityTertullian and public point.\noUier parly Jrrc for serving


460
offices

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Grounds
soldier

for
.

and against a Christian

. .
.

nition of

becoming a

New

relation of the

whole Christian

life

Conmoody

167

fathers (Sponsores)

trast of the

thoughtless indulgence and

seriousness of heathenism with the holy seriousness and joy in the Holy Spirit in Christianity

The

idea of

monkery

quite foreign to the

Christians of those days Selfchosen days of penance, prayer, and fasting Origin and effects of asceti'As-xwTst/, ru?6sv:< cism Notion of a true Christian Ascetic Alcibiades the Ascetic 169 . . Vanity of dress among Christians, in opposition

notions of

Symbolic customs bap Anointing Confirmation Rise of confirmation of bishops Symbol of childhood a new BroBaptism of Controversy Stephanus on Dionysius of Alexandria Romish Church on
at

it

(A. D.

250) Late baptism GodXu^cdsTiu

in

tism

Privilege

the

life

therly kiss
this

heretics

(Cyprian

North African Church

...

the subject

193

^
View of

Supper of the Lord.

General Remarks.

to a partial asceticism

bacy

Ivmtfdix.'rrji

disposition
ra)^5//ivsc

Germ of Voices against Pastor Hermae Clemens: th

raised
spirit

clerical celi-

this
o

foundation by the Redeemer Its aim Original connection with a general meal Degeneration of these Agapce 'Ayct^M Abuses Judgment of the Fathers thereon 207
its

TrMvTta;;

of

evangelical

free-

dom,

particularly against the Montanists,

. .

Marriage Christian mony Mixed marriages Sanction of conchide a marriage Church 175 Prayer, the of Christian Kind of Prayer Times of PrayerAssemPrayer Postures prayer 177
Christian family
to
life

their fast ordinances

and 173

Particular remarks on the Lord's Supper.

Prayer of praise and thanks Original idea of an offering of thanksgiving Oblationes The idea of a sacrifice at first only symbolic False
notion of a sacrifice Use of common bread Daily communion Communion every Sunday Strangers, sick, and prisoners, receive

har-

the

soul

the

life

Effects

blies for

in

consecrated

Christian instruction of a family

180

communion

bread and wine under one kind

Infant

First trace

of

commu-

2.)

The Christian worship. (Public neral worship of God) . ,

and ge180

o) Nature of the Christian Avorship in general 180

Contrast between Judaism and Spiritual worship heathenism, especially in regard to visiting the 181 Church

nion 210 Connection of the Lord's Supper with the conclusion of a marriage, and the commemoration Unevangelic dispositions " Saof the dead Festivals of the mar crificia pro martyribus" tyrs Extravagant honour to them Overvalue

for

what

is

human

213

h) Places of
tians

congregation for the Chris182

The

Translator's Preface

215

SECTION
THE HISTORY OF THE

IV.

At

first in

private houses, afterwards their proper

Churches originally no houses of assembly images usedHatred of art Its cause Images in domestic life Sensible forms Images in

CONCEPTION AND
AS A SYS-

DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITV TEM OF DOCTRINES.

1.

churchesSign of the cross

c)

182
festi-

General Introductory Remarks 229230

spirit

Times of Divine
vals

service,

and

Chrisianity

184

Consecrated times New view of them in ChristianityRise of festivals Confusion of Old 184 and New Testament . . . Weekly and yearly festivals Sunday The "dies Sabbath Yearly festival stationum" Fasts Passover Jewish and heathen converts

not a dead

letter,

but a life-giving

Different instruments for the

Unity of Christianity Development of Christianity by means of controversies . . and contentions , 229

Internal

One Truth

2.

History of Sects.

Two
a)

chief divisions of the religious Spirit.

The Judaizing

Sects

230238

Later repetition of same controversies Victor Irenmus 188 Easier Whitsuntide Quadragesimal Christmas 'EopTw Tm Origin of the
Anicetus and Poly carp
fast
.

differ

185

Jewish and heathen Christians Peter and James Paul Four parties ; a) Pseudo-Petrians ; /2) Genuine apostolical Jewish (Christians; y) Pseudo-Pauline Christians; J) Genuine apos-

iTri^sLviaiy
.

latter festival

".

190 191

d) Single acts of Christian worship

Character of spiritual worship the essential mark Reading the Scriptures of Christian service Early translations Interpretation PreachSinging Hymns Sacraments 191 ing

tolical Heathen Christians (Justin Martyr.) 230 New Church at .-Elia Capitolina Different kinds of Their names Ebionites (Origen Ebionites Difference between them on this subject) Representation of them by Epiphanius Difference in their Christology

The Clementine on

this

subject

On

the sacraments in particular.

^
Preparation

of CaCreed Different application of it techists Learnt by heart Public confession of it Form of renunciation, afterwards exorcism Outward Form of Baptism FormulaImmerInfant baptism General recogClinici sion

li^Tn^cu/Aivct

Baptism. Church

office

The

ceptance of a simple original religion The theory of revelation according to the Clementine ^^Relation of Christianity to the original religion Relation of Mosaism and the Gospel

Their
The
.

ac-

asceticism of the Ebionites . zarenes mentioned by Jerome

Na233

b) The Sects which arose from the mixture of the Oriental Theosophy with Christianity

238

461

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF COXTENTS.

I.

The Gnostic

Sects.

a)

General
Sects

origin, character,

yyacTK

in

Christianity

....
^^^t'*'-'

introductory remarks on the and differences of these

238254

Detached consiJenitions on the relijjioiis and moral ideas of the School of BasihdesU par'""^ "^ t'^'th-Ethics of Basilidea-His p tial asceticism His view of marriage 2C4

Contrast

TTrejjuuTiK'.i

Suhject-maltcr of the ideas (inostic speculation Relation of Christian speculation Idea of Emanation Doctrine of the iEonsTheory of Evil Dualism 242 Alexandrian and Syrian Gnosis (the modiby Parsism) Relation of both these teneach other Zabians dencies 244
tem
in
latter

Religion From the mixture of old-oriental views of Religion with those of Neo-Platonism a 'i'hcosophic Christ is formeil The then condition of the Roman Empire considered in reference to its influence on the formation of these systems . 238
teric
.

Exoteric

and the

between the Eso(=tc>.Xo()

c) Valentinus

and his School.

his chararter

His

life,

and formation of

to Basilides

Mi\m
j-ici*

of the Bythos
tion

Double

Horos, and his mode of oixraThree gradations of Bring

Demiurg(>

Pleroma

Relation

.Self-limitation

Their mutual relations His

Genetic formation of Gnosis a peculiar, animating principle in it Key-note of this sysfaith to this

Nature of the Tnwj,uxTi.'.i, v>jk-a, yv/_i>iif 265 His theory of redemption The Plastic Soter Relation of man to the Universe His notion of Inspiration His views on that subject in reference to the Prophets and to heathenism Appearance of the Soter Psychical Messiah The main point in Redemption X^/-T<:tr/-^5f Spiritual priiie ^.u^iK-.f and ;nr/^Tonc Eschatology Syzygy of the Soter with the So-

fied

phia

208

to

Essential differences between the various Gnostic systems The points of agrc<'ment in all Gnos-

Distinguished
Heracleon

men

of this School.

of the world (Axfju'.u^ce) Their views of the Theocracy of carnal and spiritual
tics

ATaker

His exegesis of St. John Allegorizing indications His opposition to maityrdom as an " opus operalum" . 275

object of fasting 27G JNew and the Old Testament Marcus His life Character of his doctrines Contrast 247 The idea of a Koyi^ tcu cvtoc refined by him to Antinomians Special difEthical differences the utmost point 276 Concerning Marriage Concerning ferences Bardesanes Life Character of his Gnosticism 249 the person of the Redeemer (Docetism) He attacks the doctrine of an '.',' nt\ His of the Gnostics

between

Anti-Jewish Gnostics Their views Demiurgos and to Judaism, in which they departed from the Jewish Gnostics
Judaism.
relating to the

Ptolemfeus His relation to Valentinu.'i Letter to Flora Threefold principle of the Mosaic Law of Religion His typical system F.ists True

the

Classification

in consequence of

into the "sects which enon Judaism, and those which 251 2. oppose themselves to it" . Exegesis of the Gnostics Arbitrary criticism Their theory of accommodation in an exegetical point of view They wish to found Chris-

these differences
graft themselves

doctrine of moral freedom

truth in all nations

.... .... ....

He

seeks traces of

279

Gnostic sects, which denied the connection between the Old and the New Testament, and between the visible and invisible worlds 2S0 290

tian mysteries

Means by which Gnosticism was advanced

were
called forth

They
Gnosis
2.'J3
ju'.^^'.t

2.51

....
) Ophites.
anthropology of the

by opposition against a rude conception of Divine things Proper mode of

Distinction I>etween

considering Gnostics in history

B)
1.

The

Individual Sects.
enan'afted
'.

The

Sects

whose system was

.

Their Demiurgos Their Meaning Serpent Their view Pantheism

Jaldabiu)th
fall

them ami the Valentinian

ic/s-

of the Christology
influence
older

Ophitish

Its practical

Investigation of their relation

.

to the
.

on Judaism

254280

Oriental systems of religion

260

a) Cerinthus.

His doctrines Contradictory accounts of him His view of the baptism of Jesus His Christology His views on Judaism His Chi-

b) Pseudo-Basilidians.

Character of their sect Views on Cluist's surterings and death on martyrdom 283

liasm

254
b) Basilides.

c) Sethites

and Cainites.
Sethites

Anthro()ology of

the

Shameful
. .

Anti*

Sphere of his operations

Doctrine o^^i^-M Theory

tem
Parallel

Foundation of his sysof the Divine powers O^doad

of

nomianisiu of the Cainites

284

d) Saturninus.
His Anthropology and Christology
c)

Emanation Dualism

284

members

in the opposition established

throughout the whole cycle of the world GeMetemjisychosis neral process of purification Development of Life in Nature His ^t^x."'' Doctrine of Providence, and the Theoilica;aTypical view of Judaism Supposition of writ-

Tatian and the Encralites. His life His conversion to Gnosticism Fanciful
ascetic dis[)osition

cryphal (Jospcis

Traces of n use of AfK>. EyK^xriTH Julius Caiwianup

-Severiani
I

285

documents of the wisdom of the Patriarchs /) Eclectic, Antinoraian Gnostics. -On the Canon of the Old TesUiment His theory of Redemiition Relation of the Archon Carpocrates His religious system^ woiked out by his son Epijthanes Doctrine of supreme Unity His views on the sufferings of J&sus to Christ Anlinomianism Pantheistic Mysticism 257 Doctrine of Justification '2*2
ten
,


1
,

462
tians
sect
at

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Same Inscriptions
.

Corruption of St. Paul's doctrines

Carpocrato
this
.

relating

Antitacti ProJicians

287 289

Festivals Festival of the marof recognition tyrdom of Manes Their moral character Persecutions against them Edict of Diocle-

tian against this sect

315

Kicolaitans Name of this sect Error of their founder Nicolaus Simonians Their Corypliffius

Simon Magus
^)

Author's Preface

to the

Third Part
V.

319

2U0

Marcion and

his School.

SECTION

His

practical disposition

His predominantly His sources for the knowledge of genuine Christianity Literal interpretation of Scripture His contrast between
relation to Gnosticism
^/j-t/c

THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY AS A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, WHICH FORMED ITSELF IN OP.

and ^v*a-/c History of his religious education POSITION TO THE SECTS 323 453 and development Seeds of the doctrine of the Demiurgos Opposition to the Old Testament I. The genetic development of Church Theology in general, and the characteristic of His abode in Rome Acquaintance with the individual religious and dogmatical Cerdo His later history Accounts of his dispositions which have peculiarly influend Representation of his principles Opposition between holiness and justice 29 enced it 323357 Doctrine of the Demiurgos and man Christology Relation of Christian life to the development of Doctrine of Redemjition His Patripassiandoctrine Opposition to Judaism and Heathenism and Docetism His view of the "deism, especially against Gnosticism. Infiuence scensus ad inferos" Twofold Messianic kingof the latter on the development of Doctrine, dom 295 especially upon the settlement of Hermeneutic Marcion's ethics and his asceticism His views Principles. Possible mode of engrafting it on the Canon of Scripture 298 . upon what there is of truth in Gnosis 323 Direction and tendency of the Church Theology Marcionite Sects.

Marcus

Lucanus Appelles Tertullian on the character and system of the last His conversion to the faith 299

....
after

derived from these considerations

Idealistic dispositions
. .

Realistic
.

324

Realistic Disposition.

Additional Remarks.

Predominant
olog)'

On
Marcosians
first

the Cultus of the Gnostics.

CaiansBaptismal formula of the Use of extreme unction in the case of the dead Marcion against the " Missa lium" His endeavour a primitive Chrisof cultus No vicarious baptism in Marfide-

in the development of Church ThePoly carp of Smyrna, in Asia Minor Papias of Hierapolis, Melito of Sardis, Irenseus

tian

cion's
II.

system

Character of Manicheeism

302 History of founder Acts of Archelaus of Cascar Representation docby Scythianus and Buddas Oriental sources Education and development of Manes Amalgamation of Parsism and him He himself out Paraclete Relations of public appearance His Doctrines His Dualism and Pantheism Doc-

.....

Western (Romish) 324 His Practical Christian disposition of Irenaeus controversy with Gnosticism 335
of
also

Lyons Church

in

the

Manes and theManichees

shown 326 in Montanus 317 Montanus Nothing new brought forward by him
300
Erroneous turn taken by
this Realism, as

Western
trines

its

and eastern sources

of his

Christianity

moulded by TertuUian His 326 Character Montanism Events of of Montanus His time of coming Uncertainty forward His appearance explained His Montanislic prophetesses
doctrines farther of the
.

life

peculiarity

as to the

his

pracPris-

tical

errors

in

gives

for the

cilla,

this

Spirit of

fate

.302

327 Montanism Gradual development of The exthe Church through the Paraclete tension and completion of the first Revelation
Maximilla

....
. .

trine of the

Kingdom

Life, of the first

Man,

of Life, of the Mother of of the living Spirit, and

of the Soul of the World

The

struggles of

Ormuzd and Ahriman

in the process of purifi-

cation of the physical and moral world

TransManes

ference of Mithras to the Christ of

Mystical natural Philosophy Christ crucified Origin, formation, and nature of in nature man Dominion of the soul over the Ckh Allegorical meaning of Genes. U., III. Destiny of man Original corruption Infant baptism Appearance of Christ, the Sun-Spirit Christ crucified, a mere symbol Last fate of evil Sources of religious knowledge Mode of treating and criticizing Holy Scripture Faustus the Maiiichee . 306 Composition of their religious assemblies Exoteric and esoteric doctrines Electi, Auditores Orders Use of the Sacraments Their sign

life and moral docand in regard to the defence of the doc329 which are attacked Opposition of Montanism to Church views, which clung only to Outward things. Tertullian on the Church of the Spirit, and the Church of

especially in reference to

trines,

trines

of

theless,

Idea of the spiritual priesthood the Bishops all Christians But a confusion, neverbetween the old and the new Theo-

cracy

Prophets of the Montanists Idea of ecstasy carControversies concerning ried to the extreme inspiration The opposite extreme (Origen) Their doctrine concerning the last outpouring of the Holy Spirit about to precede the return

330

of Christ
j j

Moral doctrine

meaning
I

ticism

from Their New commandmentsTheir Fasts commanded Opposition of evanaberration

its

331

true

asce-


ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS.
freedom to these fasts Their views on martyrJoni On marriage Their principles in regard to penance (Tertullian) 33C Zeal, in Tertullian, against an exaggerated reverence for martyrdom Millenarian docgelic

4G3

False explanation of St. Paul's cxpresnions On the twofold position of a spiritual and a
carnal carnal

Christian

On

spiritual

Judaism ami

Christianity On the deeper sense of

Holy Scripture

trines

Outward

of the predicates of the Logos in reference tt> and what he is, as received in reference to redemjition Origen on the subordinate position and condescension to it Disapproval of a contemptuous pride tanists [i. e. in . . 352 Theory of diflerent exegetical positions connected with the former theory Twofold (>o:-ition The predominantly speculative spirit leads to ati Violent opponents of Montanism, arising from a intermixture of Christian ))hiIosophy and the 336, cold intellectual disposition Alogi . doctrines of the Christian faith 3.53 Idealistic disposition in the Alexandrian Subject-matter [lit. contents] of Gnosis as reChurch ceived by OrigenThird (and more exhortatory) sense of Scripture for those who haJ Alexandrian Catechetical schools Their oiiginal not attained to Gnosis Supposition of myths Activity of inintention (Eusebius, Jerome) in Scripture Application of this principle to dividual catechists Originally only one Cate3.').'> the New Testament chist Origen divides his office with a second Explanation of the views of Origen Truth and Requisites for this office Clement on this
to
its

Circumstances favourable opponents advance Synods respecting Montanism Concord Mished by means of His mission Eleutheros Later opponents Praxeas Monas Church-party a separation schismatical party] (Cataplirygians, Pepuzians) 334
history of Montsinism
Its

331

....

34S

Connection of this theory with the diiferent forms of revelation of iho Logo* Disiinrtioa
|

esta-

his nature,

Irena;us

to

point

Their

activity furthered

by

tlie

founda-

error

mixed together

in

them But
,

still

what

is

tion of a learned

normal school

for teachers of

historical not destroyed

Necessary opjwsition
.

the Church 337 Relation of the catechetical schools to different mental dispositions (to the Greeks, to the

to these views in
II.

Realism

356

The Development
trines

Gnostics, and

to the

Realists)

Their

of

Christianity

AxxBm

-338

Tvceri;

rately

....
Theology.

of the great docconsidered sepa3571U7

Relation to the Gnostics Difference from them in their theory of ttio-ti; and yvaxri; Clement

on Pistis Origen

....
their

Poctrine concerning
vived

God

338
Its

in Christianity

Peculiar Christian feature in subjective nature and objective

Gnosis

development
peal to

Uilferent forms of its Controversy of the Church doc-

(Jod-consciousness
and idolators

re-

sources of
character of

trine with the superstitious

knowledge
their

(Clement) Biblical

the original

God-consciousness

them for requiring intellectual attainments and culture Clement defends them for requiring these Mutual relations of Christianity and philosophy Clement alternately mild, and severe against
Gnosis

Reproaches against

Cle.Ap-

ment on

God

the demonstration of the existence of 'J'heophilus of Antioch on the Origen

Who

revelation of

God

in the creation

Tertullian

appeals to the testimony of the soul,

.

the

adversaries of the Alexandrian

Gnosis

He

One-sided defends philosophical study view of the Ante-Christian condition and education of man on the part of his opponent (Tertullian) Clement on the march of the

357 especially against Marcion Nature of God Realistic conception of it TerConfusion between corporeality and tullian

existence

Spiritualization of the Idea-of-God

development of the Grecian philosophy, considered in the light of an education ibr human
nature On the relation of iiKiwinw to philosophy, and its weak points Philosophy considered as a point of transition to Christianity 339 The Alexandrians began to consider Christianity as the reconciliation of the oppositions caused by human one-sidedncss Their freedom of

by means of a practical disposition Irenffus, Distinction between AnthropoNovatian. morphism and Anlhropopathism Truth in tho Opposition between a sensuous humanlatter and a deizing of God in religious Realism

spirit

345
I

Peculiar of him in Idealism nature of Marcian's Anthropopathism TerEndeavours of the .Alextullian against him andrians to spiritualize Anthropopathism Origen Middle way of the .Mexandrians l)etween the Gnostics and the rest of the Church-

humanizing

Intermixture of Platonism and Christianity in Trtrrit a suborreference to mim; and yvurK346 dinate condition Point of connection of the Alexandrian yvc9^lKi( with the Gnostic Tmu/uoLTMo;, of the 7r/(rT/5c

teachers

....
.

with the
of great

4t/;t(xic

346

Cre.Uion out of Doctrine concerning creation nothing In opposition to the reliijions of naMaintenance of ture [deification of nature] the Incomprehensible as such against s[>eculaCluistion and poetry [imaginative views]

360

Difference of the

two existing

certainly but not

tianity purifies religious

faith

.Misconcejjtion
the

importance Its

causes Their predo-

minantly speculative disposition, and the opp<v sition to other modes of conceiving twt/; 347 Consequences of this separation of ytiurK from

363 . of this doctrine by the (inosticjj DilTercnrc and coinDoctrine of Hennogenes turn of mind with ihnt of the cidence of bis
Gnostic-s
tion-<lo<triric

347 Farther advance of the ideas of Clement by Origen His view on the nature of faith and its deTTij-Ti;
.

Theosophy

'

greesOpposition to

faith in sight (jyyifK)

His controversy against emanaGnostics Tertullian ronof of cerning him His of two from His inconforming God
the

doctrine

evil

L)educol

natural necessity
tho

Eternity

princi-

ples

principle


464
tion of matter

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

sistency in the notion of a progressive forma-

Theotloret

concerning him
disposi-

Irenseus
tions

and Tertullian against these

Peculiar system of Origen Engraftment on the Church-doctrine, and union of speculation with
it

365

beaming of God Eternal Becoming His opponent Methodius Weakness

spiritual

Impossibility of a transition from notcreating to creating Origen, an opponent of the Gnostic emanation-system Supposes a
forth

between Origen and Eusebius Origen persuades Beryllus Spirit of moderation in the Alexandrian School 378 Sabellius engrafts his doctrines on those of Beryllus Sources of his doctrine according to Epiphanius His Monas and Trias His doc.
.

Agreement

of his objections 366 Origen's doctrine of the omnipotence of God Platonizing view of it Importance of this doctrine in his system , 367 Doctrine of the Trinity Peculiarity of Chris-

....

eternally enduring personality Final return to the Monas 379 Church-doctrine of the Trinity, in opposition to

trine of the Logos The of the Logos considered emanation Denial of an

spiritual personality

as

an hypostatized

the Monarchians

Opposed views of

ern and Eastern

tianity in the recognition and worship of God as Creator, Redeemer, and Sanctilier Import

of this doctrine Different modes of conceiving the Triune God Mischief arising from the mixture of speculative and dialectic notions with the practical element 368 Idea of the Logos Engrafting on the previous ideas derived from Wt. Paul and St. John Union of the doctrine of the divinity of Christ with existing speculative ideas Two different

taken collectively His views opposed both to Gnostics and Monarchians Opposed to the transference of the idea of time to the Logos To sensuous representations and expressions in regard to generation Opposed to o/j.zwT-t'iv, in favour of the absolute pre-eminence of the Father Practical consequence of this doctrine in regard to prayer 381 Comparison of Tertullian with Origen Condemnation of the o/jLoma-m by the Council of
doctrines

Origen His

the WestChurches The Alexandrians

......

dispositions, already existing

among

the

Jews

The Church-doctrine engrafts itself on the one, while the other comes forward to oppose the Church-doctrine, and thus furthers its development
369
of the Church-doctrine endeavour

The opponents

to maintain firmly the Unity of

Dilference
to

God

(//ovitp;^^/^)

Antioch 385 Seed of a controversy between the Origenistic system and that of the Romish Church Letter of Dionysius of Rome against 'o/ji.o'.v7i',v His moderation 386 Doctrine concerning the Holy Ghost Imperfect ideas on the nature of Spirit The idea of a personal substantial Being is firmly maintained Justin Martyr Origen . . 386

in the application of this tfieory

classes

of Monarchians derived from this source The first proceeding from a dialectic and critical turn of mind, the second from a practical and Christian 370 The second class of Monarchians more sharply opposed to the first, than to the Church-doctrinefrom a peculiarly Christian leaning-Patripassians Origen concerning them 371 Praxeas, a Patripassian His life His doctrine of the Logos Two views concerning it possible, according to Tertullian . 371 Doctrines of Noetus Theodoret and Hippolytus concerning him 372 First class of Patripassians-'First traces of them

Christ

Two

Anthropology.
Doctrine concerning human nature Its peculiar importance in reference to the doctrine of Re-

demption Pneumatology Connection with Anthropology Neglect of what is of importance in a Christian and practical point of view among the Gnostics Church-doctrine in oppo-

sitidn to

them

In reference

to evil

387

Contrast between the North African and the

North African Church Tertullian's doctrine His peculiar theory of the propagation of the Their founder Theodotus Artemon ArteTertullian on sinfulness first corruption Opmonites Christology of the two parties Exposition against the division of the soul into planation of the Artemonite disposition 372 Against the Gnostic doctrine (xKoyov and Kzytucv

....

Alexandrian teachers.

Alogi Whether they belong

trace of

to this class First them in Irenseus I'races in Epiphanius Inquiries into the nature of this party Connection between the Alogi and the Theodolians according to Epiphanius Their opposition to the Gospel of St. John, and the Old Testa-

of different elementary principles in human Tertullian on grace and free will nature No 388 irresistible grace

Alexandrian Church
doctrine

ment

374

differences

Clement North African His Anthropology Peculiar system of Origen He endeavours from moral freedom

....

against the

to derive all

Vacillating

Paul of Samosata Ambiguity of his characterAccusations against him Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, favours him He uses this connection for worldly objects He favours the acclama-

views of Origen hereon, in respect

of evil

to the origin

388

Origen against Traducianisni and Crelianisni

tions of the people in the

Church

Changes

He

teaches the pre-existence of souls

Allego-

rical

the Church-hynyis, apparently from dogmatical grounds His doctrine of the Logos Reference

"*?'

which he gave God" He was

of the "Son of in the habit of concealing his

to tlic

name

theological views Fate of Paul 376 Last class of Monarchians (a third class, which stood between the two already mentioned) Bcryllus of Bostra Eusebius concerning him
.

explanation of the narrative concerning Paradise The doctrine put forth in the book respecting the degradation of fallen 'g;t'*"' souls in the bodies of animals afterwards given up Theory of a process of purification in opposition to the notion of a cycle in the wanderings of the soul Three principles, according

to Origen, in the fallen nature of

man

Their
392

characteristics

A(\i

AXALYTTCAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Christoloc;y.
1

Doctrine about the Reilccmor

this

doctrine

by opposition to Gnostic systems Especially by opposition to Uocetism Iprnatius of Antioch Tcrtullian Doctrine of Clement, corrupted by Neo-Platonism (the u.T5ai of the Redeemer) Doctrine of Iren.TUS Justin Martyr In his system the Logos takes the place of a soul TertuUian on the proper human soul
called forth

Dcvclopinont Realistic-Christian

of
!

disposition

iNomos, and advanced by Korakion Motleration of Dioiiysius of Alexandria in CDnlrovorting this error His work ti^/ Ta)}i>ji Judg-IO.t ment concerning Xe|Xis Doctrine concerning the Resurrection Views of the Gnostics A carnal conception oppt>si\l to this view Interchange [Verweehselung ! Reconciliation] of the o|>posite extremes in Ori-

gen

of

tlie

Redeemer

Influence of OriG;en on the

trine His ctVorts for a systematic foundation ^1.'>;j 4(l7 teachers DifTcrence between the T'.TJu^t Apostolical Fathers DilTerence l>etween their and the -I'^X" '" ^'hrist The Redeemer's soul writings and those of the Apostles \\'ritings an instrument for the communication of life of these Fathers, in an unsatisfactory condiHis doctrine of the nature of the body of Christ tion 407 His influence on the formation of the Church- Barnabas The Catholic Epistle not written i>y doctrine The Oris^enistic view bronccht forhim Alexandrian spirit in that letter Fanciful ward aijainst Ber\'llus of Bostra Objections remarks in it alternately with pompous ones 395 to the doctrine of Origen 407 Tendency of the epistle Doctrine concerning Redemption Character of Clement His letter to the Corinthian of Rome IS'egative and posithe doctrine at this period Fragment of a second Two letters Church Both these points tive side of the doctrine under his name in tlic Syrian Church (edited used against Docetism In the doctrine of Doubts as to their genuineness by Wetstein) Irenreus the latter pcint, in that of Justin MarThe Clementine Apostolical Constitutions peculiar theory tyr the former predominant 408 counterfeited under bis name His view of the Hermas Pastor Henna? Doubts as to its genuof redemption in Origcn

393 Church system of doc. .

Doctrine of the restoration of of Origen

III.

......
all

40!

things

Theorv
loV

History of the most relebratod ^'luirch-

of this doctrine

....

magical operation of the

one

Connection between Doctrine concerning faith redemption and sanctification irSubjective apIndividual witpropriation of redemption nesses of the original Christian conviction and consciousness [Bcwusstsein] Clement of Rome Irenaius on law and faith The PaulJudaizing view ine notion of faith obscured MarFalse notion among the (Jnostics of it the Church-docFundamental idea of rion Disturbed by interchange of outward trine

......

sacrifice of a guiltless

ineness
Ignatius

397

Seven of Antioch Churches of Asia Minor, and

......
epistles

109
to

the

Polycarp of
pians Apologists
tians
.

Smyrna
.

to
to
.

Polycarp 410
the
.

Epistle
.

Phili(>-

Quadratus His
him
.

Occasion
.
.

410

of the defence of the Chris.

Apology
.

lost
.

Euse41(1

bius concerning
Aristides
tion

Justin Martyr

and inward things

....
tlie

399

activity development His ApolojA- to as a preacher of the Gos|h'1 Occasion of the first ApoloL'v the emperor

His
at

Accounts of
it

his

life

religious

Doctrine concerning

Church.

Time

which

was written Whether writ-

and His

etluc;>

Obscurity Doctrine concerning the sacraments concerning the relation of the divine thing to the outward token a) Baptism Irenajus TertulConfusion between outward and inward lian SatisfacIts practical prejudicial consequences tion for sins committed after baptism, by means

It comes ten in the time of Marcus Aurelius Peculiar into the time of Antoninus Pius these .Apologies on Revelation and tho ideas of
>.-/^c
'

ff^me unTix.-.c

occurs in his other writings

of penances and good works Cyprian~6) Supper of the Lord Doctrine of Ignatius of AnBelief in Irenaus TertuUian Justin tioch the North African Church, in a supernatural Doctrine of sanctifying power of the token View of Origen His docthe Alexanilrians

to the

Greeks"

xc)^f Tgsc 'Kxxie/stf

kind But nothing of His " Kvhortation Explanation of diflerencc Treatise

this

this

rt^i u:>iif)(its

cum Tryphone JudaH> lu uuthenand relation to the other writings of Agreement of the A polonies and this Justin
Dialogus
ticity

trine of the

symbol in the Sacrament

400
j I

Lost work
teristics

Dialogue Especially in tho Logos and the nvst/,t/< <<)*-.v cause of the composition of

Occasion
Ibis

do<-trine of

tli.-

and

Eschatology.
Doctrine concerning the
last

Letter on the rhar.icof Justin of Christian worship, not genuine

Dialogue

His martynlom

things (.'hiliasm

Conception of the idea of a millennial kingdom Sensuous Chiliasni of Papias of Hierapolis

His religious deveTatian, a disciple of Justin loijrnent His study of the Old 'I'estatnent His adlress to llie Preparatory to tR4ieving
!

411

and spiritualized in the case never belonged to the general of 404 . doctrines of the (Jhurch Antichiliastic disposition Opposition to Montunisni 'i'he presbyter Cuius against Produs

This

is

puritied

Ircna^us It

heathen Athenagoras
;

accounts of
resurrection

Apology him
.

Personal TriMtisc in defence of the

to the

emperor

"

>^

Hermias

Influence of the learned views of the Alexandrians on the spirilualization of the ideas of the kingdom of (Jod and Christ Sensuous Chiliasm in Egypt Defended by Nepos of

His ii-xn^w.t tot i; o/>.-.r;*a> lent encniy of the Greek philosophy

4 IS
-^ vio-

l'

Theophilus of

Antioch A |)ologeliciil work by

him addressed to .\utolvcus ' . . on the Bible

His commentary

'''-*

59


466

ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS.

in Alexandria

Peculiar character of the Church-teachers of Asia Minor.

the cause of exegesis and criticism

(Ambrosius) His He
.

services in

divides

Formation

of the

Anti-Gnostic

of his lectures on the explanation of Scripture Hardly an opponent of Paul Active authorActive participation of Ambrosius in his (Melito of Sardis) ship of these teachers His expressions with regard to the labours 419 Their object Claudius Apollinaris object of his Libours His commentary His Irenajus, bishop of Lyons and Vienne His episwork vi^i i'^X'^v His endeavours for the party His tles to riorinus Irenaeus no Montanist the Church zealots His relations with Deof chief work against the Gnostics His other metrius of Alexandria Jealousy of the latter writings Exegesis and Hermeneutics formed towards him Origen ordained a presbyter at in opposition to the Gnostics Epistles of IreCffisarea Persecution of Origen by the bishop 421 najus to Blastus and Florinus First and second synods against him ExHippolytus, a disciple of Irenajus His residence Origen in the last of these His writings List of the latter His woiks communication of persecutions One cause of Causes of these on the Gospel of St. John and the Apocalypse them the dogmatical views of Origen [dogAgainst thirty-two heresies About Antimatik] His expressions with regard to those 423 christ, and his 7r^-^r^irrTw.v rrgoc ^Xi/i-eitv^y who charged him with heresy His writings addressed to the synod in his own defence 437 Peculiar character of the Church-teachers His activity in Palestine Exhortation to the of North Africa. confessors His change of residence CorrecTertuUian His characteristics Personal History tion of the Alexandrian version Hexapla His conversion to Montanism Wiiethcr he His conduct in this matter defended by himself 424 remained a Montanist Tertullianists His interchange of letters with Julius AfriCyprian Influence of TertuUian on him His canus, and his prejudices in regard to the tradi" Libri Testimoniorum" Intention and aim of tions of the Church The rest of his writings

istic

spirit Hegesippus

His

Practical Real-

his office of Catechist with Heraclas

His

activity as a theological teacher

Church

history

Character

435

this collection

427
" Instructiones"

[Commodianus

His

not long after Cyprian's time

Speaks
"

His
his

Written
notions

His influence on
the doctrine

the controversies relative to

steadfast confession during

His

strict

against pride in

opusoperatum"] Arnoljius Account of

....
his conversion

martyrdom as an 427
His apoconversion
" Adversus

the Decian persecution His death 440 Continuation of the Origenistic School Disciples of Origen Heraclas Dionysius of Alexanto the Bishop Basilides in and Theognostus, teachers of the Alexandrian Church An Origenistic and an Anti-Origenistic party in Egypt 445 Hieracas, the ascetic His allegojizing exegesis ascetic bias His disapproval of marriage and Participation in the kingdom of heaven, a consequence of severity and strictness of moral observances His views on the middle state of Children [in the world to come] and on the

dria

logetic

work Occasion

His

letter

of

Egypt

Pierius

Time

of the composition of his

work

Gentes"

427

Romish Church.
Its

original

Treatise Novatianus His writings Caius concerning the Jewish laws about food Minu429 cius Felix his Apologetic Dialogue

poverty in Theological

respects

Trinity

Peculiar character of the Alexandrian Church-teachers.

Pantfflnus

Clement of Alexandria,

his successor

in the ofhce of (^atechist

His writings Of

an

apologetic, ethical, and dogmatical character His Hypotyposes The rest of his writings 430 Origen His biography Influence of his father Leonidas on the formation of his religious cha-

Influence of Clenxent on theological development Origen amidst persecution^His place of refuge His controversy with Gnosticism His firmness during the persecutions His asceticism Misunderstanding of 432 Theological formation of Origen His emjiloy ment on the Platonic philosophy of study Ammonius Saccas, teacher Change the theological turn of mind
racter

Gregory Thaumaturgus His parentage and edu-. cation His acquaintance with Origen leads him to Christianity His language concerning His departure from the Exegesis of Origen Origen Epistle of the latter to his master Gregory His activity in Neo-Cesarea His

......

446

writings

his

Methodius, bishop of Olympus An opponent of the Origenistic school but an illogical one

His writings

...... .....

449

452

this

-Justification

this

his

in

his

His

free spirit of investigation,

and

his mildI

nes.s, particularly

in refetcrfce to the Gnostics

Pamphilus, presbyter at Caisarea in Palestine Defends Origen. He is the founder of a theoHis work logical school, especially for exegesis in defence of Origen, written in conjunction with his scholar Eusebius 452 Theological school at Antioch Of great importance in an cxegetical jjoint of view Dorotheus 4.03 and Lucian 453 General conclusion in regard to this period
.