Total Empire - Edmund A. Walsh, S. J.

SCIENCE AND CULTURE SERIES
JOSEPH HUSSLEIN, S.T., PH.D., GENERAL EDITOR

TOTAL EMPIRE
OTIIER BOOKS BY THE SAME AumOR:
1. The Fall of the Russian Empire, 1927, Little, Brown
Co., Boston +
2. The Last Stand - An Interpretation of the Soviet Five
Year Plan, 1983, The Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston
3. Ships and National Safety, 1933, Georgetown Uni
versity
4. The Woodcarver of Tyrol, 1935, Harper Brothers,
New York
5. Les Principes Fondamentaux de la Vie Internationale,
1986, Recueil Sirey, Paris
6. L'Evolution de la Diplomatie Aux Etats-Unis, 1939,
Recueil Sirey, Paris
7. Total Power-A Footnote to History, 1948, Doubleday
and Co., Inc., New York .
Total EJ
Roots and_
World Com;
BY
EDMUND A. \VJ
Vice-President, GEORGET011i
Regent, SCHOOL OF FOR!
BRUCE PUBLISF
MILWAUl
::r.Ei:E SAME AUTHOR:
1927, Little, Brown
"";hl'",,,,,,,,l7ftH",/11'1 of the Soviet Five
Monthly Press, Boston
Georgetown Uni-
Harper Brothers,
Total Empire
The Roots and Progress of
World Communism
BY
EDMUND A. WALSH, S.J.
Vice-Pre8ident, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
Regent, SCHOOL OF FOREIGN SERVICE
la Vie Internationale,
Am Etats-Unis, 1939,
1948, Doubleday
BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY
MILWAUKEE
Acknowledgment is gratefully made to the publishers for permission to cite
certain passages from:
The Fall of the Russian Empire, by Edmund A. Walsh (Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1928).
The Last Stand, by Edmund A. Walsh (Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press,
1931).
Total Power, by Edmund A. Walsh (New York: Doubleday and Company,
Inc., 1948).
The Bolshevik Persecution of Christianity, by Captain Francis McCullagh
(London: John Murray, 1924).
Marxism-An Autopsy, by Henry Bamford Parkes (Boston: Houghton, MifHin,
and Company, 1939).
Karl Marx, by Otto Ruhle, translated by Eden Cedar Paul (New York:
Viking Press, 1929).
The Coming Defeat of Communism, by James Burnham (New York: The
John Day Company, 1949).
Winged Power, by Arnold and Eaker (New York: Harper Brothers, 1941).
COPYRIGHT, 1951, THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY
N.fAPE IrJ THE UNITED STATES OF AERrct\.
Preface by the
years the author
SOviet regime ana
Communist-dominated
and doctrine, not
C;'c8.l-S of penetrating
problems were spent
e:r-g)(;r1f'mc:e was followed
delving into Communist t
travel in many foreign
,,-ere further scenes of hi
possible information
at the ,present
,7''-'i-'<.W',,"W.Vll of the entire
is determined to
remaining two thirds as
is the danger threate
seriously. It must be met
.. And the nrst requirement
conquest of the world by
author makes fully clear
years ago, before
its present seriousness, t\,
were held by the author
The circumstances and si
__ axe discussed in the present YI
book, then, make clear tl:
our Communist foe as to
that science can invent f(
v
l:I'ilDi:l.S1lerS for permission to cite
?'" Walsh (Boston: Little, Brown
The Atlantic Monthly Press,
::.':::rk: Doubleday and Company,
Captain Francis MoCullagh
(Boston: Houghton, Mifflin,
Ecen Cedar Paul (New York:
Burnham (New York: The
York: Harper Brothers, 1941).
Cm"fPANY
.UIT1'{!c......
Preface by the General Editor
FOR many years the author of this book has been a close
observer of the Soviet regime and Connnunist tactics. Having
resided in Communist-dominated countries, he became familiar
with their ways and doctrine, not by hearsay, but by direct
observation.
Two years of penetrating study in this most acute of all
present-day problems were spent by him in Russia itself. This
initial experience was followed by twenty-five years of research,
by much delving into Connnunist thought' at the roots, and by
prolonged travel in many foreign lands. In particular, Germany
and Japan were further scenes of his untiring activity in securing
the fullest possible information on this most threatening evil,
whose promoters at the \present hour dominate actually a third
of the population of the entire civilized world. Ruthlessly, Com
munist Russia is determined to bring under its single despotic
power the remaining two thirds as well.
There, then, is the danger threatening us, which never can be
taken too seriously. It must be met with all the resources at our
command. And the first requirement is clearness of understanding.
What the conquest of the world by Communism would actually
mean the author makes fully clear in the pages of this book.
Eighteen years ago, before the international situation had
assumed its present seriousness, two conferences on this vital
subject were held by the author himself with the then President
Roosevelt. The circumstances and Significance of those conversa
tions are discussed in the present volume.
May this book, then, make clear that no inhibition exists on the
part of our Communist foe as to the use of even the most deadly
weapons that science can invent for the destruction of human
v
vi Preface by the General Editor
freedom. Such means are even now, the author shows, in the
hands of an enemy without conscience, without belief in God,
and hence without any regard for humanity itself except as it
can be used to bolster up the Communist cause. For what, in
their theory, are mortal men but an evolution at the best from
insensate plant or animal life to the human stage? The con
clusion from this creed is coldly and relentlessly applied in its
ultimate disregard for the dignity of human life and personality.
It is with strict facts only and not with mere imaginings that
the author is concerned, and with the clear exposition of the
ultimate determination of Communism, if not now prevented, to
extend its rule over all the civilized earth. These are the facts
that must be made known for the safety of society, for the welfare
of our country, and for the preservation of the spiritual basis of
Western civilization.
Partly biographical, the text embodies pages of the author's
own Russian diary never yet presented to the public. A further
attempt is made to lay bare the very roots of the Russian Revolu
tion itself in order to demonstrate the historical continuity and
basic consistency of the Soviet policy. And all this is done in a
manner readily intelligible to everyone.
Fortunately, too, the author has chosen the present most op
portune moment to make public his research of a quarter of a
century in a book, no less interesting than important. May it
reach out far and wide as its subject matter deserves. High time,
indeed, that the world should learn to know the truth, only the
truth, and the full truth concerning this most vital and important
subject of our day that even now has begun to impinge directly
and most closely on our lives.
JOSEPH HUSSLEIN, S.J., PH.D.
General Editor, Science and Culture Series
BOO
The Seeds of ~
I Leaves From a Russian ]
II To See Life Steadily and
ITI The Lengthened Shadow
IV Soviet Conduct No Eni01
o
V Dialectical Materialism in
BOOE
The Waste
VI Soviet Tactics and Soviet
"\11 Five Years of Cold War
)TII The Wheel Comes Round
IX Counterattack
X Thfl United Nations and
XI Atom Bombs and the Coo
Editor
author shows, in the
\vithout belief in God,
itself except as it
cause. For what, in
wuU.on at the best from
Contents
Ge human stage? The con
relentlessly applied in its
human life and personality.
v
mere imaginings that
dear exposition of the
if not now prevented, to
BOOK I
These are the facts
sOciety, for the welfare
The Seeds of Contradiction
of the spiritual basis of
I Leaves From a Russian Diary
3
pages of the author's
II To See Life Steadily and See It Whole
1i!7f.;ls:::.:ted to the public. A further
28
of the Russian Revolu
III The Lengthened Shadow of Three Men
52
historical continuity and
And all this is done in a
IV Soviet Conduct No Enigma
85
V Dialectical Materialism in Arms
107
c:fl')sen the present most op
research of a quarter of a
than important. May it
matter deserves. High time,
BOOK
II
know the truth, only the
most vital and important
begun to impinge directly
The Wasted Years
VI
Soviet Tactics and Soviet Geopolitics
145
:";::,.?",, S.J., PH.D.
VII
Five Years of Cold War
166
Science and Culture Series
VIII
The Wheel Comes Round Full Circle
188
IX
Counterattack
205
X
United Nations and the Revolution
230
XI
Atom Bombs and the Christian Conscience
243
vii
viii
Contents
APPENDICES
I
Last Will and Testament of Peter the Great
261
II
The Prophecies Respecting Russia by De
Tocqueville (1835) and Donoso Cortes (1850)
265
III
Basic Doctrines, Strategy, and Tactics of World
Communism
267
IV
Selected Dates in the Chronology of the Russian
Revolution Since 1905
283
285
Index
BOC
The Seeds of
the Great 261
Russia by De
Cortes (1850) 265
of World
267
the Russian
283
285
BOOK I
CHAP'
Leaves From a
THE present writer WM an
tion during its adolescent years a
its progeny, World Communis
century in many regions of the
such observation, intersperse
public and private, with advoca
rise to certain basic convictions
something fundamental, though
which our people have not yet f
Ere much more conscious of the
Korea was the latest revelation. "
a national emergency on De(
if late recognition of a public
relaxes though it has
and personnel but never renounc
It shifts gears and reduces spel
of its objectives. It gains
its inner nature or rene
mbstitutes new forms and place
its conspiracy for world
berlin for most of China. It con
dollar. It pretends to love peal
:aggressive war in Korea. It
CHAPTER I
Leaves From a Russian Diary
THE p,esent write, was an eyewitness of the Russian Revolu
tion during its adolescent years and has been a constant observer
of its progeny, World Communism, for upward of a quarter of a
century in many regions of the earth. Some twenty-eight years
, of such observation, interspersed with frequent debates, both
public and private, with advocates of the Marxist system, gave
rise to certain basic convictions and guiding principles. There is
something fundamental, though elusive, about the Soviet mind
which our people have not yet fully comprehended, though they
are much more conscious of the realities today than ever before.
Korea was the latest revelation. And the President's proclamation
of anational emergency on December 16, 1950, was an official
if late recognition of a public record. The Revolution never
relaxes though it has sometimes stumbled. It changes tactics
and personnel but never renounces its program of planned chaos.
It shifts gears and reduces speed but never loses direction or
sight of its objectives. It gains or loses momentum but never
changes its inner nature or renounces responsibility to itself. It
substitutes new forms and places of attack but never relents in
its conspiracy for world domination. It swaps the blockade of
Berlin for most of China. It concedes you a dime but pockets a
dollar. It pretends to love peace and justice but sponsors an
aggressive war in Korea. It damns and vilifies the American
3
:
:
4
government from the rostrum of the United Nations but wines
and dines with American delegates outside office hours.
It is sometimes possible, in retrospect, to put one's finger on
a point in time, on a date, or a set of circumstances which can
be recognized as having exercised a measurable influence on one's
intellectual growth. Ruskin tells us of such a determinant in his
progress toward appreciation of natural beauty and art forms.
In his tender years he had . been taken to an enchanting spot
called Friar's Crag, overlooking Lake Derwentwater in the Mid
lands of England. It is a tranquil promontory looking down on
the oval lake which is set in an amphitheater of encircling moun
tains, one range overlooked by others of greater height. The
panorama, he records, impressed itself indelibly on his young
and susceptible mind, a mind that was later to give us Stones
of Venice and The Seven Lamps of Architecture. DerWentwater
was Ruskin's first introduction to natural beauty, and he never
forgot the moment. Similarly, though under wholly different cir
cumstances, a sequence of specific happenings' left their traces on
my own education to an understanding of the inner nature and out
ward characteristics of the Russian Revolution.
They began during the period when the government of the
United States had refused to enter into diplomatic relations with
the Communist regime and had maintained that pOSition since
1911 through a succession of Republican and Democratic ad
ministrations. The policy had been originally established by the
Democrats under Woodrow Wilson. But, in common with most
Americans, I had accepted that aspect of the matter as a political
decision, without having direct personal experience of the full
weight of the reasons behind the fact. It is, consequently, an
accurate statement to say that I first entered Soviet Russia in
February, 1922, with a wholly open mind and in a spirit of
friendliness toward its people. It required nearly two years of
residence in Soviet territory to recognize the deep gulf which
separated the Christianity of the West from the new religion of
denial enthroned in the Kremlin. What actually stood revealed
was a cult of national and international violence, which included
a program of organized assault on the freedoms of democracy as
well as on revealed religion. .
Leaves From G
Face to face with the realitie
in those formative years of the
the testimony of his senses. So
American Relief Administration
and with Singleness of purpose,
bone of the most devastating 1
history of the Russian State. '\
prejudice beclouding our vision
with sincere good will toward
qualities are admirable in mal
American relief workers, under
N. Haskell, were performing a
thin line from the Gulf of FinJ
and stationed at remote posts
to the U raIs, as dispensers of
conducting in snow and ice the
of the period following World
battle with the elemental forces
disease, a wrecked economy, a
and the general disorganization
world war that had been follm
cated by bloody internal conflid
Approximately 10 million dollar;
and clothing from America was
this sum is not too impressive in
figures of public finance in 1951,
the princely generosity and tJ
American charity.
At the peak of the operation
needy Russians every day, the
bility being 156,000 mouths to
The flow of contributions and s
until the Soviet Government d,
that famine conditions were no
agencies would be able thereaf
,,"ithout assistance of the Ameri(
Contradiction
United Nations but wines
outside office hours.
to put one's finger on
circumstances which can
influence on one's
a determinant in his
beauty and art forms.
t ~ ken to an enchanting spot
DeTwentwater in the Mid
'P1'G!nontorv looking down on
encircling moun
of greater height. The
indelibly on his young
6::: ":J7a5 to give us Stones
_1u'chitecture. Derwentwater
beauty, and he never
wholly different cir
112:;:J!Jenings left their traces on
government of the
wplumatic relations with
that position since
and Democratic ad
established by the
in common with most
matter asa political
experience of the full
It is. consequently, an
Soviet Russia in
and in a spirit of
nearly two years of
the deep gulf which
the new religion of
actually stood revealed
U::::::l:r:al violence, which included
::e: f"'e freedoms of democracy as
Face to face with the realities as they developed day by day
in those formative years of the Revolution, one could not deny
the testimony of his senses. Some 200 of us, members of the
American Relief Administration, were laboring wholeheartedly
and with singleness of purpose, in 1921-1923, to break the back
bone of the most devastating famine in the long and turbulent
history of the Russian State. With neither political nor social
prejudice beclouding our vision ot impairing our efficiency, but
with sincere good will toward a very lovable people whose
qualities are admirable in many respects, we, as a band of
American relief workers, under the direction of Colonel William
N. Haskell, were performing a task of Hercules. Stretched in a
thin line from the Gulf of Finland to the Caucasus Mountains
and stationed at remote posts ranging from the Polish frontier
to the Urals, as dispensers of international good will we were
conducting in snow and ice tbe most extended feeding operation
of the period following World War I. We had to wage daily
battle with the elemental forces of a rigorous climate, epidemic
disease, a wrecked economy, a crippled transportation system,
and the general disorganization of normal life resulting from a
world war that had been followed by social upheavals compli
cated by bloody internal conflict between white and red armies.
Approximately 70 million dollars worth of free food, medicines,
and clothing from America was eventually distributed. Although
this sum is not too impressive in comparison with the astronomical
figures of public finance in 1951, it represented in 1922 and 1923
the princely generosity and the spontaneity characteristic of
American charity.
At the peak of. the operation we were feeding eleven million
needy Russians every day, the quota under my direct responsi
bility being 156,000 mouths to feed every twenty-four hours.
The flow of contributions and supplies continued for two years,
until the Soviet Government declared, in the summer of 1923,
that famine conditions were no longer existent and that Soviet
agencies would be able thereafter to meet the remaining needs
without assistance of the American organization.
o It It It
5
I
6
The first key to understanding the Soviet concept of permanent
revolution was vouchsafed in the form of two incidents arising
from the organization of relief headquarters for the Crimea
in the city of Eupatoria, on the shores of the Black Sea. It was
late in the summer of 1922. At the outset, an attitude of cordiality
and co-operation was manifested by the local commissars toward
the foreigners bringing gifts and food. Comrade Bulle, the liaison
officer from Moscow, endeavored, as far as we could judge, to
create an atmosphere of civilized reciprocity. Thus, he, invited me
one evening to a sort of caucus of the Communist Party, a pre
liminary convention where delegates were to be chosen for the
forthcoming All-Union Congress in Moscow. Composed of peasants
and workers, the assembly faced a platform on which were
gathered the Communist authorities of the town and the Party
candidates. Around the sides of the hall and across the back
was arranged a cordon of Bolshevik soldiers, armed as always.
As the only guest, I was seated on the stage where courtesy
imposed a certain protocol. I applauded at what seemed the
proper moment and rose at the end for the singing of what
out to be The voting was particularly
revealmg. A spellbmder delIvered an impassioned address which
rose to climax. Pointing to the elite seated on the platform
he as the cream of the Crimea. Then he put
the question: An who are opposed to the Party candidates will
the right hand." At this th.e Red guards made
nOIses theIr and with" their" rille butts. Obviously
stIrred or raISed a finger. Now, continued the orator,
all favor of the Party candidates will signify their vote."
aIr was straightway fiUed with waving hands and fluttering
dIgItS. The Red guards relaxed and the Secret Service men
sauntered approvingly along the aisles. But that was not all.
An exact count was made and the unanimous election was re
corded for transmission to Moscow and the news services.
At the conclusion of the ceremonies, toward midnight, I retired
with my chaperon to the house where I was quartered. It was
a fairly substantial building, though in general disrepair aft
the of revolution and civil war. Eupatoria, once a picturesqu:
but m 1922 a wasted, half-ruined city, had been one of the
Leaves From
frequented watering places of tl
we sat - the spot could be
British and French forces landE
Crimean War. Once a favorite
from the summer heat of Petro
evidence of something more tha
whitestone villas that dotted ih
of a fallen empire were mostl
or despoiled in search of wo
stood stark and bare with the
against the sky like the eyeles
had passed through fire. The
by the successive waves of im
first the Germans, then the re
the triumphant Bolsheviks agaiJ
Sea rippling up to the beach
candle stuck in the neck of a
Revolution with my friendly (
We sat the whole night out
the stub. He was filled with zea
and a sense of special opport
could be perfectly frank, asldl
proper, no offense intended. H
unconvinced bourgeois.
"What you saw and heard h
this time throughout the entire
Nothing can stop the dictatorsh
"The world revolution that '
I asked, "will it also come in :u
America? ... I live far away."
"Eventually, yes. But not for
probably last, to the United St
"Why this - pardon the expr(
so long a time?" .
"The revolutionary leaders wh
wiser than European rulers. Thl
shrewd provisions which.
masses. They made your Constit
,-,; t
Ivonra
d't'
zc wn
:J:J. Soviet concept of permanent
of two incidents arising
for the Criniea
of the Black Sea. It was
: cutset, an attitude of cordiality
local cOnnr:Ussars toward
Comrade Bulle, the liaison
far as we could judge, to
Thus, he. invited me
Communist Party, a pre
were to be chosen for the
1ki5COW. Composed of peasants
.: platform on which were
~ town and the Party
and across the back
armed as always.
stage where courtesy
at what seemed the
the singing of what
voting was particularly
.:;;S li:::r:Da5sioned address which
~ seated on the platform
me Criniea. Then he put
the Party candidates will
, At: the Red guards made
melr rifle butts. Obviously
continued the orator,
\TIll signify their vote.'"
=""'crir,rr hands and fluttering
Secret Service men
w}es. But that was not all.
lD"""'imous election was re
;;;." :;;sd the news services.
:::(e$, toward midnight, I retired
I was quartered. It was
general disrepair after
~ " , , ~ ~ . v . " , ~ . once a picturesque,
been one of the most
Leaves From a Russian Diary 7
frequented watering places of the old regime. Not far from where
we sat - the spot could be reached in an' hour - the allied
British and French forces landed in September, 1854, during the
Crimean War. Once a favorite resort for Russians seeking relief
from the summer heat of Petrograd and Moscow, it still showed
evidence of something more than vanished gentility in the palatial
whitestone villas that dotted its water front. But these remnants
of a fallen empire were mostly ruins now, plundered for loot
or despoiled in search of wood for fuel; their roofless walls
stood stark and bare with the empty window spaces silhouetted
against the sky like the eyeless sockets of a human skull that
had passed through fire. The city had been cruelly devastated
by the successive waves of invasion that had passed over it
first the Germans, then the retreating armies of Denoon, then
the triumphant Bolsheviks again. With the waters of the Black
Sea rippling up to the beach outside, and by the light of a
candle stuck in the neck of a bottle, I discussed the Russian
Revolution with my friendly Commissar.
We sat the whole night out and burned many a candle to
the stub. He was filled with zeal and enthusiasm, I with curiosity
and a sense of special opportunity. It was agreed that each
could be perfectly frank, asking and replying as he deemed
proper, no offense intended. He was a seasoned Marxist, I an
unconvinced bourgeois.
"What you saw and heard tonight,'" he said, "is going on at
this time throughout the entire Union of Workers and Peasants.
Nothing can stop the dictatorship of the proletariat."
"The world revolution that Mr. Sald Galaiev spoke about,"
I asked, "will it also come in my country, the U oited States of
America? ... I live far away.'"
''Eventually, yes. But not for a long time. It will come late,
probably last, to the United States."
"Why this - pardon the expression - privileged exemption for
so long a time?"
"The revolutionary leaders who drafted your Constitution were
wiser than European rulers. They included in your organic law
shrewd provisions which anticipated the future awakening of the
masses. They made your Constitution flexible and elastic, capable
8
of being modified to keep pace with popular demand and social
developments. When exploitation of the workers threatens your
bourgeois state, you Americans add an ,amendment in response
to the pressure from below."
"1 do not believe they all came precisely in that way; ten
were added immediately from above but let that pass."
"Our Russian state was like cast iron. A rigid system cannot
bend, so we broke it."
Comrade Bulle had obviously retained no little of his in
doctrination in the social history of the United States. But he
had missed the informing spirit of the American Constitution
as well as the genesis and historical background of the Bill
of Rights. He knew nothing of the three principles of balance
required by James Madison for the organic law lle did so much
to draft: '
1. Separation of powers, including checks and balances;
2. The natural limits to the power of numerical majorities in
republics operating over a large area;
3. Federalism, reserving a portion of governmental authority
to the states.
What my Commissar held as incontrovertible, was the firm con
viction that all non-Communist States must eventually succumb
to the new order established by Russian Communism. It was
my first personal and authentic contact with the Party Line in
the flesh.
But these cordial relations were soon to be rudely interrupted.
Whether new tactics had been ordered from Moscow or in
stinctively adopted by the local commissars at a prearranged
moment 1 could not ascertain. What became extremely important
was the purpose underlying the typical maneuver which now
transpired. Mter considerable difficulty and overcoming of un
necessary obstacles, our kitchens and feeding facilities were finally
ready for operation. Exercising the freedom of choice guaranteed
in the Relief Agreement Signed by the highest Soviet authorities,
1 had recruited a staff of secretaries, interpreters, bookkeepers,
and miscellaneous assistants. Knowledge of foreign languages
was of prime importance; hence the office personnel were chosen
from the native population on grounds of competency irrespective
Leaves From (
of politics, religion, or social
death in the streets of Russia al
efficient distribution of the fa
objective. But the secret police
other ideas: to plant their secre
for espionage purposes was cIa
of the political bureau of the t
me that 1 discharge the staff
nominees of the local Communi
A delegation descended on me
by night It was a weird cOn!
As electricity was not availabl,
light of two candles stuck in .
The visitors gravely announced
were "criminals" and, as such,
On inquiry as to the nature of
"This one previously owned a 1
bourgeOis explOiter of the prole
the wife of an officer who foug]
civil war," and so forth, and 5
of ideological crimes during the
a mission of mercy to the hungJ
be turned into an instrument
into a weapon of revolutionary
posals. A deadlock ensued. The :
seals on all supplies, I left
case before the highest Soviet at
was there resurrected: "Oh, yes,
official; he could not have knm
removed. But, now, you send !
and we will then send an 0:
Eventually the feeding stations
of the Crimea were saved from st
required by Moscow. The ordE
agreement was first dispatched
opened after its arrival. We 'iV,
These relatively unimportant
trivial in 1951 if they did not
Contradiction
pDpular demand and social
the workers threatens your
an amendment in response
precisely in that way; ten
- but let that pass."
A rigid system cannot
no little of his in
United States. But he
American Constitution
background of the Bill
principles of balance
law he did so much
and balances;
numerical majorities in
of governmental authOrity
. was the :firm con
Sib!.:e:s must eventually succumb
Communism. It was
,vith the Party Line in
re to be rudely interrupted.
,d from Moscow or in
commissars at a prearranged
extremely important
maneuver which now
and overcoming of un
m(: feeding facilities were finally
of choice guaranteed
highest Soviet authOrities,
interpreters, bookkeepers,
of foreign languages
personnel were chosen
competency irrespective
9
of politics, religion, or social status. People were starving to
death in the streets of Russia and no time was to be lost. QUick,
efficient distribution of the food from America was our sole
objective. But the secret police, then known as the Cheka, had
other ideas: to plant their secret agents in foreign relief missions
for espionage purposes was classic procedure. Hence, the chief
of the political bureau of the town, the Ispolkom, demanded of
me that I discharge the staff recently chosen and accept the
nominees of the local Communist Party.
A delegation descended on me in force, coming, like Nicodemus,
by night. It was a weird consultation in an improvised office.
As electricity was not available we conferred by the flickering
light of two candles stuck in the necks of empty beer bottles.
The visitors gravely announced that the persons already chosen
were "criminals" and, as such, "ineligible for positions of trust."
On inquiry as to the nature of their criminality, I was informed:
"This one previously owned a house in this city; hence, he is a
bourgeois exploiter of the proletariat. The other, over there, was
the wife of an officer who fought as a White Russian during the
civil war," and so forth, and so forth, down the approved list
of ideological crimes during the Revolution. Unable to agree that
a mission of mercy to the hungry, the sick, and the dying should
be turned into an instrument of party politics . or h'ansformed
into a weapon of revolutionary vengeance, I declined their pro
posals. A deadlock ensued. The kitchens were not opened; affixing
seals on all supplies, I left the Crimea for Moscow to lay the
case before the highest Soviet authorities. The old familiar pattern
was there resurrected: "Oh, yes, that was some local subordinate
official; he could not have known of the agreement. He will be
removed. But, now, you send a telegram, opening the kitchens,
and we will then send an order canceling the interference."
Eventually the feeding stations were opened, and 40,000 people
of the Crimea were saved from starvation but not in the sequence
required by Moscow. The order canceling the violation of the
agreement was first dispatched and the kitchens were promptly
opened after its arrival. We were all learning very rapidly.
These relatively unimportant and far-off incidents would seem
trivial in 1951 if they did not reveal something that is neither
:
10 The Seeds of Contradiction
trivial nor incidental: the permanent psychology and unchanged
inner workings of the Soviet mind, which transcend time and
place and reveal themselves with continuity and uniformity in
issues great and small.
This form of harassment by unilateral assumptions, by constant
pressure and attempts at browbeating, reached its climax at a
higher level on October 1, 1922. By that time the American
organization was approaching peak development in its battle
against famine and disease, with huge quantities of food and
medical supplies concentrated at strategic points, particularly in
the valley of the Volga. This service to the Russian people was
not without physical danger. I shall not easily forget those
Russian winters nor the hours I spent in Moscow at the bedside
of American relief workers as they gasped for life under attacks
of pneumonia and typhus. Two others, in more distant stations,
could not be saved and they died at their posts, one probably
a victim of murder. Another had to be escorted with care and
charity back to a sanitarium in the United States, his mind
shattered by what he saw and experienced in the famine area.'
Suddenly, on the date indicated, the director of the American
Relief Administration in Moscow was presented with a document
from the Kremlin which turned out to be a virtual ultimatum
requiring him to turn over the administration of the relief supplies
to the Soviet government, which would dispense them thereafter
without American supervision. Summoned to headquarters from
the billet called the Brown House on that evening in October, I
was delegated by Colonel Haskell to condense the long, involved
document to cable length for transmission to Washington. You
are a schoolteacher," he observed, "so you make the precis."
The tone and wording of the text clearly meant complete
repudiation of the agreement Signed by Litvinov at Riga before
the feeding operation began. The terms and conditions under
which American assistance was to be administered had there
been spelled out with great accuracy and much detail. Now
that huge quantities of American supplies were safely concen
trated in Russia, the treaty was suddenly denounced and surrender
of supplies and of the guarantees of autonomy was demanded.
Fortunately, the director of the A.R.A. was a leader of men
,
Leaves From
with the foreSight of a states]
soldier. Surrender on that vita:
continued surrender. He held
for all units to prepare to me
and equipment with them, althe
well aware, in his heart of hE
command could not have mov
medical equipment - if, indeed,
selves from the widely scatterec
should Soviet forces oppose th
Excitement and suspense II
districts as this conflict of \i
refused resolutely to be seducl
nons by which Soviet dialectic
facts, confuse the issue, and ex
ultimatum, he replied, was cIe
itself. The Communist governm
some forty-eight hours later, fO!
. To its great credit, Washing
ill the field. The Kremlin retrea
line, replying in the form of
mistake. . . . The offending doc
the great American Relief A
soothingly explained, "the text
minor relief agencies, whose aS1
clerk who had made the error "
and so forth. Obviously, it was
Every line of the document
description of the colossal feedil
the American Relief Administral
fashion at that period insteac
maintenance of the equities, tl
p a s s e ~ into history as a huge
of relief, returned to our posts-
It was not long in coming. A
SOviets, who, by agreement, weI
~ e administrative expenses, callI
ill January, 1923. With much di
,
onrratvvwn
z:,,,:=:: and unchanged
transcend time and
::J::::tinuity and uniformity in
assumptions, by constant
:reached its climax at a
that time the American
2.eyelopment in its battle
QTIantities of food and
;z:;:r,;;:;e:TIc- points, particularly in
-::C:;.:e ':D the Russian people was
. - not easily forget those
E'C,c':::::. ';7'1 Moscow at the bedside
;:::;Specl for life under attacks
. -:ill more distant stations,
2..': their posts, one probably
'bE escorted with care and
1..;-cited States, his mind
in the famine area.
::::'E ."!iTector of the American
fi+2S mesented with a document
:c: t:) be a virtual ultimatum
of the relief supplies
dispense them thereafter
:.::::::::::::.c:ed to headquarters from
:n evening in October, I
: ::::::,c,ndense the long, involved
to Washington. "You
you make the precis."
,:e :Ert clearly meant complete
by Litvinov at Riga before
t.e!IDS and conditions under
::, he administered had there
;:3=2.C'1,' and much detail. Now
::: 2:pplies were safely concen
:::::':'=-;1)" denounced and surrender
ES autonomy was demanded.
.lLRA was a leader of men,
with the foresight of a statesman as well as the courage of a
soldier. Surrender on that vital point, he knew, meant total and
continued surrender. He held his ground. Orders were prepared
for all units to prepare to move out of Russia, taking supplies
and equipment with them, although Colonel Haskell was doubtless
well aware, in his heart of hearts, that the 200 men under his
command could not have moved a pound of food, supplies, or
medical equipment - if, indeed, they could have extricated them
selves from the widely scattered areas where they were stationed,
should Soviet forces oppose them.
Excitement and suspense mounted in Moscow and in the
districts as this conflict of wills progressed. Colonel Haskell
refused resolutely to be seduced into the interminable negotia
tions by which Soviet dialecticians always hope to smother the
facts, confuse the issue, and exhaust their opponents. The Soviet
ultimatum, he replied, was clear, and the document spoke for
itself. The Communist government was given a deadline, set at
some forty-eight hours later, for an answer without equivocation.
To its great credit, Washington backed up its representative
in the field. The Kremlin retreated many hours before the dead
line, replying in the form of an "explanation." "It was all a
mistake. . . . The offending document had been sent by error to
the great American Relief Administration, whereas," it was
soothingly explained, "the text was really intended for certain
minor relief agencies, whose assistance was negligible. . . . The
clerk who had made the error would be punished," and so forth,
and so forth. Obviously, it was a face saver, and a crude one.
Every line of the document, the specific references and the
description of the colossal feeding operation could apply only to
the American Relief Administration. Had appeasement been the
fashion at that period instead of honest, firm, and patient
maintenance of the equities, that great operation would have
passed into history as a huge failure. We all breathed a sigh
of relief, returned to our posts - and waited for the next crisis.
It was not long in coming. Attacking from another angle, the
Soviets, who, by agreement, were committed to assume some of
the administrative expenses, called for an "important conference"
in January, 1923. With much display of. statistical wizardry, the
i
Marxian accountants produced a set of figures showing that the
American overhead was running to something like 30 per cent of
the total value of the relief supplies. Such an unreasonable
expense, it was argued, indicated inefficiency and raised serious
doubts of the practicality of the entire relief operation as con
ducted by Americans. The American accountants promptly pro
duced their bourgeois records, from which it was shown that
distribution costs had been kept down to 3 per cent, one tenth
of the alleged expense. Were the Marxist acrobats embarrassed?
Far from it. "Oh, yes," they replied, "a decimal point has slipped."
The second stage in penetrating to the depths of the antagonism
between the Soviet State and the Christianity of the West was
reached during the closing days of a famous trial in Moscow,
in March, 1923. Violent religious persecution was then the order
of the day; fourteen Catholic ecclesiastics were on trial before
the Revolutionary Tribunal, including the only remaining repre
sentative of the Catholic hierarchy, Monseigneur Jan Cieplak,
Archbishop of Mogilev. At that stage in the evolution of Soviet
policy, the procedure was much more direct, less subtle, far
more reckless than at present, and wholly uninhibited. Thus, in
my own hearing - I was present in the courtroom as Vatican
observer - the Soviet Public Prosecutor, Krylenko, addressed to
. the Archbishop and to all prisoners in the dock a clean-cut
ultimatum:
"Will you stop teaching the Christian religion?"
'We cannot," came the uniform answer. "It is the law of God."
"That law does not exist on Soviet territory," replied Krylenko.
"You must choose. . . . As for your religion, I spit on it, as I
spit on all religions."
Here was and is the authentic mind and voice of Marxian
Communism. Although Krylenko was soon to be eliminated from
public life and pass into the waiting shadows, the accuracy of
his interpretation remains. Basic principles can never be com
promised; in a clash tb the finish between fundamental opposites,
one or the other must prevail. The weakling who attempts to
reconcile the root differences between Marxian Communism and
Leaves From a
Christianity is engaged in biting
in .breaking his teeth and degn
Union is the first sovereign State
elevated the negation of God b
political philosophy.
The direct challenge was met
unequivocal refusal to surrender;
then swiftly imposed: death, exilE
imprisonment, ranging from
condemnation was pronounced at 1
MonSignor Budkiewicz, vicar of S1
his brains blown out in a dun.2
following Good Friday. The
Curtain of Soviet prison life.
It was shortly after the close
'Gccurred which revealed a measur
because it was anonymous. Cha
Pius XI, with the duty of negotia
fmpMse between the Soviet govern
I held myself in readiness for an
evident that certain of the accuse
eventually we managed to save th
a request was addressed to the So'
I be allowed to assist the condern
attendance. The text of my lette
that spiritual ministration to perso
'Courtesy which civilized nations c
'",'as vouchsafed. An appeal for
rejected and experienced newspaf
that Monsignor Constantine Budk
Resolved to go to the prison, i
night of March 30 in the dwelli
on Spiridonovka - waiting
employees had been released fron
d.anger of arrest always present f(
by a foreigner. Even my very faith:
Kurrol, had been dismissed for tha
.never cease to regret, as my knowle
Contradiction
a set of figures showing that the
'ZGmething like 30 per cent of
Such an unreasonable
-fuefficiency and raised serious
e:J.fue relief operation as con-
accountants promptly pro
rr:;m which it was shown that
to 3 per cent, one tenth
acrobats embarrassed?
decimal point has slipped."

depths of the antagonism
of the West was
'!C a famous trial in Moscow,
was then the order
were on trial before
the only remaining repre
Monseigneur Jan Cieplak,
in the evolution of Soviet
more direct, less subtle, far
2!z:2 uninhibited. Thus, in
''"'' the courtroom as Vatican
:::i'J<;;c;utor, Krylenko, addressed to
in the dock a clean-cut
religion?"
m 2l:iS:"'er. "It is the law of God."
territory," replied Krylenko.
religion, I spit on it, as I
]!tic mind and voice of Marxian
;.<cas scon to be eliminated from
shadows, the accuracy of
can never be com
fundamental opposites,
'.veakling who attempts to
",;t:."-e.eil Marxian Communism and
Christianity is engaged in biting on granite. He can only end
in breaking his teeth and degrading his intellect. The Soviet
Union is the first sovereign State, to my knowledge, which has
elevated the negation of God to the status of a principle of
political philosophy.
The direct challenge was met by the victims of 1923 with
unequivocal refusal to surrender; the anticipated penalties were
then swiftly imposed: death, exile to labor camps, various terms
of imprisonment, ranging from two to ten years. The formal
condemnation was pronounced at midnight on Palm Sunday, 1923.
Monsignor Budkiewicz, vicar of St. Catherine's in Petrograd, had
his brains blown out in a dungeon of the Lubyanka on the
following Good Friday. The others disappeared behind the Iron
Curtain of Soviet prison life.
It was shortly after the close of the trial that an incident
occurred which revealed a measure of sadism the more repulsive
because it was anonymous. Charged by the reigning Pontiff,
Pius XI, with the duty of negotiating a peaceful solution of the
impasse between the Soviet government and the Petrograd clergy,
I held myself in readiness for any possibility. When it became
evident that certain of the accused would be executed - though
eventually we managed to save the life of Archbishop Cieplak
a request was addressed to the Soviet Department of Justice that
I be allowed to assist the condemned at the end, as a priest in
attendance. The text of my letter made reference to the fact
that spiritual ministration to persons condemned to death was a
courtesy which civilized nations commonly granted. No answer
was vouchsafed. An appeal for commutation of sentence was
rejected and experienced newspaper correspondents assured me
that Monsignor Constantine Budkiewicz was certainly doomed.
Resolved to go to the prison, if permitted, I sat waiting on
the night of March 30 in the dwelling aSSigned to the Papal Relief
Mission on Spiridonovka - waiting alone, since all our Russian
employees had been released from their duties in view of the
danger of arrest always present for Russian nationals employed
by a foreigner. Even my very faithful personal interpreter, Walter
Kurrol, had been dismissed for that night, a circumstance I shall
never cease to regret, as my knowledge of Russian was too limited
18
to conduct a conversation in the vernacular, should the necessity
arise. How it did arise and what transpired I leave to an English
writer, Francis McCullagh, an experienced journalist then work
ing in Moscow. He knew the ways of the Bolsheviks and was
an adept in ferreting out news. He has the following passages
in his The Bolshevik Persecution of Christianity.l
At twenty minutes past one on the night of Good Friday, March 30, the
telephone bell in Dr. Walsh's office suddenly rang. We hated to go into that
room because it was a front room and was, when the electric light was
turned on, commanded by the silent and inscrutable eyes on the other side
of the street; it seemed, consequently, to be permeated, especially at night,
by some influence, occult and intensely malignant. The doctor answered the
telephone, but was greeted only by a roar of savage laughter, by ribald sing
ing, and by remarks which he could not understand, and which seemed to
come from a room full of people. The same mysterious performance was re
peated four times ,that night and no explanation of it was afterwards forth
coming; but from that moment the Papal delegate gave up hope as com
pletely as if he had seen Mgr. Budkiewicz shot. That telephone call came,
he surmised, from No. 11, Bolshoi Lubyanka, in the cellar of which the un
fortunate priest was murdered; and it probably came from the murderers.
McCullagh's allusion to the silent eyes on the opposite side of
the street refers to the constant espionage directed against all
foreign missions. Controlling all houses and lodgings, it was an
easy task for the secret police to install its agents directly opposite
any selected dwelling and maintain constant surveillance. The
account continues:
The Papal Mission had been allowed to send packets of food to each of
the prisoners. Next day the chocolate addressed to Mgr. Budkiewicz was re
turned, as if by a hammer, and by another route came to a Russian
friend a scribbled message: "Budkiewicz has been taken away from us." On
April 3 the Pravda published the following curt announcement: "On March
31 the death sentence was carried out on Mgr. Budkiewicz, who was sen
tenced in connection with the trial of the Catholic counter-revolutionaries."
No details of the martyr's last moments have so far been published. The
Reds still refuse to give the hour and the place of the murder, or to say
where the corpse has been buried. From a good source, however, I have
obtained the following infonnation: Mgr. Budkiewicz was conveyed to No. 11,
Bolshoi Lubyanka, on the night of Good Friday, and was immediately made
to descend into one of the cellars. The method by which the murder was
1 London: John Murray, 1924.
Leaves From a
carried out was deliberately arranged VI
die' in as undignified a manner as possil:;
to traverse a dark corridor leading to
executioner was awaiting him. On rea(
Budkiewicz found himself in a room lit
made the unfortunate priest blink and
had recovered himself, the executioner :b
head; and the bullet, coming out thrOl:
dered it unrecognizable.
Having satisfied themselves that the
....rapped the body in a cloth and carr
waiting. This motor-lorry brought it j
.Moscow, where it was buried with
been awaiting interment.
McCullagh's account is substan
strident telephone rang, at vari01.
asked the unknown voice to speak
But the only reply from the unide
in a tone unmistakably hostile 2
know what he was saying or wh
noises might signify; it sounded as
at the other end of the line. Whel
time, toward 4 a.m., I let it ring llJ
we were able to establish: Msgr.
sometime between midnight and d
I was told, for the executioners of
or relatives or acquaintances of t1:
phone .calls. Captain McCullagl:
chocolate bars is wholly accurate;
the follOWing morning, left there 1
Among the condemned eccles
figure whose defense, when he sp
very roots of an insoluble issue.
time in Moscow during the dad
knew that I was in the presence (
Benedict XV, in 1921, as Exarch
rite in Russia, Leonidas Feoderov
claims of conscience and the ri:
See. Clad always in the long, swel
Contradiction
should the necessity
I leave to an English
journalist then work
of the Bolsheviks and was
the following passages
Christianity.l
Good Friday, March 30, the
We hated to go into that
the electric light was
'c<r..n::table eyes on the other side
permeated, especially at night,
The doctor answered the
savage laughter, by ribald sing
and which seemed to
$;=;1;; mysterious performance was re
..'ti0!l of it was afterwards forth
gave up hope as com
That telephone call came,
II the cellar of which the un
came from the murderers.
on the opposite side of
directed against all
lodgings, it was an
:its agents directly opposite
constant surveillance. The
!.na packets of food to each of
to Mgr. Budlciewicz was re
20mer route came to a Russian
been taken away from us." On
curt announcement: "On March
Budlciewicz, who was sen
Gmolic counter-revolutionaries."
Dc'c:t.3 j..,"ve so far been published. The
of the murder, or to say
source, however, I have
!Bcc:dkle\vicz was conveyed to No. 11,
and was immediately made
by which the murder was
carried out was deliberately arranged with the object of making the martyr
die in as undignified a manner as possible. He was stripped naked and made
to traverse a dark corridor leading to another cellar, where an experienced
executioner was awaiting him. On reaching the end of this corridor, Mgr.
Budkiewicz found himself in a room lit up by a powerful electric light that
made the unfortunate priest blink and stagger back awkwardly. Before he
had recovered himself, the executioner had shot him through the back of the
head; and the bullet, coming out through the center of the face, had ren
dered it unrecognizable.
Having satisfied themselves that their victim was dead, the Bolsheviks
wrapped the body in a cloth and. carried it into a motor-lorry which was
waiting. This motor-lorry brought it to Sokolniki, a sununer resort near
Moscow, where it was buried with the bodies of nine bandits which had
been awaiting interment.
McCullagh's account is substantially correct. Three times that
strident telephone rang, at various intervals, and three times I
asked the unknown voice to speak English or German or French.
But the only reply from the unidentified was a torrent of Russian
in a tone unmistakably hostile and vituperative. I shall never
know what he was saying or what the background of confused
noises might signify; it sounded as if several persons were gathered
at the other end of the line. When the telephone rang the fourth
time, toward 4 a.m., I let it ring unanswered. One thing, however,
we were able to establish: Msgr. Budkiewicz had been executed
sometime between midnight and dawn. It was a ghoulish practice,
I was told, for the executioners of the G.P.U. to taunt the family
or relatives or acquaintances of their victims by anonymous tele
phone calls. Captain McCullagh's reference to the smashed
chocolate bars is wholly accurate; I found them on my doorstep
the following morning, left there by I know not whom.
Among the condemned ecclesiastics was one commanding
figure whose defense, when he spoke his last word, went to the
very roots of an insoluble issue. Meeting this man for the first
time in Moscow during the dark days of 1923, I instinctively
knew that I was in the presence of an Athanasius. Appointed by
Benedict XV, in 1921, as Exarch for Catholics of the Slavonic
rite in Russia, Leonidas Feoderov was indefatigable in defending
the claims of conscience and the right of Union with the Apostolic
See. Clad always in the long, sweeping purple of his office, with
15
Howing hair black as a ravens wing and with a noble beard in
the Byzantine tradition, his handsome figure arrested attention in
any gathering. But it was the nobility and asceticism of his
countenance, the piercing tranquillity of his deep-set eyes, and
the sharp contour of his aquiline nose that made his profile
such a striking symbol of otherworldliness that he might have
served as an artist's model for Christ in the streets of Moscow.
Often, during the Terror, when the relentless net of the C.P.U.
was tightening around its predestined victims, I was enabled to
supply food and to be of service to this intrepid shepherd of a
tiny flock that was still unafraid, though marked for certain
extermination. His vision of the Calvary that lay before the Church
in Soviet Russia was singularly accurate and his counsel for the
future was marked by an intuition of the future role of World
Communism that has proved prophetic and circumstantial. Among
my most treasured possessions are his letters, veritable pastorals
filled with encouragement and breathing the calm confidence of
one who views all earthly phenomena in the light of eternity.
Some of them were composed even in the prison of Sokolniki and
smuggled out. One of them requested me to permit no steps to
be taken for his exchange or ransom, as prisoners so released by
the Bolsheviks were sure to be exiled. His life, he argued, his
intellect, and his entire earthly allegiance belonged to his native
land whose return to the ancient faith was the consuming flame
that illuminated the little study where we mst conversed and
sustained him throughout the twelve subsequent years of Soviet ,
brutality.
Lost among the eager spectators who attended that trial and
saw him arraigned to make a Soviet holiday, I shall not soon
forget the final scene. After four days of public and bitter
denunciation thinly veiled under a pretext of legal procedure,
each accused was permitted to make a final statement before the
preordained sentence. was imposed. H the Soviet tribunal hoped
that mental anxiety and physical fatigue would weaken Leonidas
Feoderov, they were roundly deceived. He arose with alacrity and
for upward of an hour faced his prosecutors with a courage and
nobility of bearing that left them wavering between indignation
and respect. Russian of the Russians as he was, born in St.
Leaves From a
Petersburg and speaking the lal
Turgenev much more corree
aside the mendacious charge of
revolutionaries. Of humble origiI
refuted the conventional charge
Tzarist regime under which,
bitterly persecuted and his or
He himself had suffered imprisonr
Tzars, as Archbishop Beran of Pr,
the hands of the Nazis.
On one point only was he adf
the Soviet government orders mE
I will not obey. As for
it down that its children ,\y
matter what the law says. That
law. No law which is against tl:
find other grounds beyond his l(
me Public Prosecutor, Krylenko,
Communist jurisprudence when ]
not only for what you have done
of doing."
H the Communists hated CiepI<
Leonidas Feoderov. So, instead 0
decided to crush his great heart
by degrees. To destroy his spi!
prison to prison, subjecting him
disintegration in the prison can
elsewhere. But they never broke
their inexorable death sentence in
On March 7, 1935, the Angel oj
unconquered soul of Leonidas Fe
painting of that heroic figure han
and the remembered eyes gaze
these lines.
There was a sequel to the tragic
1923; it came in a form that tra
things in a calmer perspective. (
was still vibrating with the ev!
Contradiction
and with a noble beard in
figure arrested attention in
and asceticism of his
his deep-set eyes, and
nose that made his profile
that he might have
in the streets of Moscow.
:z:elentless net of the G.P.U.
"\ictims, I was enabled to
intrepid shepherd of a
marked for certain
lay before the Church
and his counsel for the
future role of World
and circumstantial. Among
","E ills letters, veritable pastorals
:;r:!""tl1!.t:1g the calm confidence of
",lcr,cTIa in the light of eternity.
c"" .;.he prison of Sokolniki and
me to permit no steps to
2S prisoners so released by
His life, he argued, his
belonged to his native
was the consuming flame
we first conversed and
subsequent years of Soviet.
attended that trial and
holiday, I shall not soon
of public and bitter
of legal procedure,
a nnal statement before the
1 the Soviet tribunal hoped
,,'ould weaken Leonidas
He arose with alacrity and
CZ:Cl:)SeCU!ors with a courage and
wavp.ng between indignation
):3.s1ans as he was, born in St.
Petersburg and speaking the language of Pushkin, Dostoevski,
and Turgenev much more correctly than his judges, he waved
aside the mendacious charge of conspiring with Polish counter
revolutionaries. Of humble origin his father was a baker - he
refuted the conventional charge of reactionary sympathy with
the Tzarist regime under which, in point of fact, his faith had
been bitterly persecuted and his oriental rite particularly penalized.
He himself had suffered imprisonment for several years under the
Tzars, as Archbishop Beran of Prague had suffered in Dachau at
the hands of the Nazis.
On one point only was he adamant and uncompromising: "If
the Soviet government orders me to act against my conscience,
I will not obey. As for teaching religion, the Catholic church
lays it down that its children will be taught their religion, no
matter what the law says. That obligation is above even Soviet
law. No law which is against that right can bind." Unable to
find other grounds beyond his loyalty to the Catholic religion,
the Public Prosecutor, Krylenko, revealed the very essence of
Communist jUrisprudence when he replied: 'We condemn you
not only for what you have done, but for what you are capable
of doing."
If the Communists hated Cieplak and Budkiewicz, they feared
Leonidas Feoderov. So, instead of murdering him outright, they
decided to crush his great heart and silence his fearless tongue
by degrees. To destroy his spirit, they transferred him from
prison to prison, subjecting him to the Soviet process of slow
diSintegration in the prison camps on Solovetsky Island and
elsewhere. But they never broke his spirit. They accomplished
their inexorable death sentence in exactly twelve years, at Viatka.
On March 7, 1935, the Angel of the Judgment summoned the
unconquered soul of Leonidas Feoderov to a higher tribunal. A
painting of that heroic figure hangs opposite me at this moment
and the remembered eyes gaze tranquilly at me as I pen
these lines.
There was a sequel to the tragic events of that Good Friday of
1923; it came in a form that tranquilized one's nerves and set
things in a calmer perspective. On Easter Day, while Moscow
was still vibrating with the events of the previous week, I
2
motored alone to a hill outside the city to seek a more composed
atmosphere for meditating on a crucial problem. The spot is
called Vorobevye Gory, Sparrow Hills; it was there that Napoleon
stood in 1812 and gazed in bewildered anger down on the
evacuated stronghold of the Tzars which was eventually to
conquer even his Grand Army and shatter his dream of universal
empire. From that eminence one commands a pan?rama
of the plain and the valley of the Moskva RlVer. Below, III the
center of converging routes and railroads, sprawled the many
towered capital of the Soviets, a huge, colorful mosaic of tiled
roofs in many a hue, slender spires, glittering domes, and
minarets. By the riverside, dominating that scene of onental
splendor, rose the historic Kremlin, a red flag floating over the
dome of its central building. .
The problem was urgent. What was to be done? What answer
should the director of the Papal Mission return to the numerous
proposals and indignant protests that had reached his desk during
the troubled fortnight that had just ended in blood and wholesale
condemnation? Funds for famine relief had been generously con
tributed from the Catholic world and many a telegram' had
arrived from donors in Europe and America demanding immediate
cessation of our activities in the face of such violent persecution.
Representations in various languages had been communicated to
the Soviet Government from many chanceries in Europe. Secre
tary of State Charles Evans Hughes had sent a vigorous note on
behalf of the Government of the United States. . . . And what
were they thinking on another hill overlooking the Tiber?
Unable to resolve my doubts and reach a firm decision, I
returned to my headquarters at 32 Spiridonovskaia Ulitza and there
reread a recent batch of mail from the Vatican. One paragraph
in a letter from the Cardinal Secretary of State held my attention:
"I think it opportune that you should not speak of eventual sus
pension of the aid in case of persecution. The supplies are sent
through a spontaneous spirit of charity to the suffering people
of Russia without distinction of politics or religion; while requests
made to the Government in favor of Catholics are proposed on
grounds of justice and equity." The decision was made. The
Leaves From a
Relief Mission continued
for the sick for another y
The next formative circumstar
during two conferences with Pre
October, 1933. The President had
me to the White House on the \
:an astonished press that he had
Soviet Government to send
the purpose of negotiating an
recognition of the Soviet Union. :
President had ascended frc
Oval Room on the second floor
in an exhilarated mood and refl
he always experienced in 1,
some few preliminaries
discussed with complete frankness
which, at that moment, was cire
newspaper agencies. I shall
substance of that extraordinary i
,vas particularly revealing. In reF
respecting the difficulty of
answered with that disarming a:
technique in dealing with visitors
a good horse trader."
This first interview terminated
two reports for him, one dealing
tions respecting religiOUS liberty
personality and background of
negotiator then preparing to 1ea\
latter request was occasioned by :
President remarked:
"Did you have any dealings w
a renegade Catholic."
My reply was to the effect t
pulling the Presidentia11eg, as
Contradiction
to seek a more composed
- u'"Udal problem. The spot is
it was there that Napoleon
anger down on the
which was eventually to
his dream of universal
dC"'CLilll<:.DUS a sweeping panorama
River. Below, in the
sprawled the many
colorful mosaic of tiled
domes, and graceful
scene of oriental
a red flag floating over the
WS.:S to be done? What answer
return to the numerous
had reached his desk during
in blood and wholesale
been generously con
many a telegram' had
_.l.0CETICa demanding immediate
ex such violent persecution.
.had been communicated to
in Europe. Secre
sent a vigorous note on
States. . . And what
::;-,-e:dooking the Tiber?
reach a nrm decision, I
Ulitza and there
Vatican. One paragraph
State held my attention:
:not speak of eventual sus
The supplies are sent
to the suffering people
or religion; while requests
Catholics are proposed on
decision was made. The
Papal Relief Mission continued its feeding of the poor and
caring for the sick for another year. and six months.
" " " 0
The next formative circumstances in my education occurred
during two conferences with President Franklin D. Roosevelt in
October, 1933.. The President had done me the courtesy of inviting
me to the White House on the very day when he announced to
an astonished press that he had just dispatched an invitation to
the Soviet Government to send a representative to Washington
for the purpose of negotiating an agreement involving diplomatic
recognition of the Soviet Union. It was shortly after four o'clock.
The President had ascended from the executive offices to the
Oval Room on the second floor of the White House. He was
in an exhilarated mood and reflected in his outer bearing the
thrill he always experienced in letting fall some new bombshell.
Mter some few preliminaries of courtesy and protocol, we
discussed with complete frankness the nature of the announcement
which, at that moment, was circling the world on the wires of
the newspaper agencies. I shall not here recount the complete
substance of that extraordinary interview. One phrase, however,
was particularly revealing. In reply to certain observations I had
made respecting the difficulty of negotiating with the Soviets, he
answered with that disarming assurance so characteristic of his
technique in dealing with visitors: "Leave it to me, Father; I am
a good horse trader."
This fust interview terminated with his request that I prepare
two reports for him, one dealing with my personal recommenda
tions respecting religiOUS liberty in Russia, the second with the
personality and background of Maksim Litvinov, the Soviet
negotiator then preparing to leave Moscow for Washington. The
latter request was occasioned by my look of amazement when the
President remarked:
"Did you have any dealings with Litvinov? I understand he is
a renegade Catholic."
My reply was to the effect that somebody must have been
pulling the Presidential leg, as Maksim Litvinov well known
The Seeds of Contradiction 20
to be a Jew who had passed under several aliases, his family
name being Finkelstein. Mr. Roosevelt tossed his head back,
moving it from side to side in one of his characteristic gestures.'
Then, with a laugh, he fished into his pocket, . and extricated a
crumpled package: "Have a cigarette, Father?"
The two documents were duly prepared and ready for delivery
before Litvinov could reach Washington. The first memorandum,
in accordance with the President's request, dealt with the Soviet
attitude on religion and ,the provisions of current legislation in
that field. It covered nine typewritten pages, legal size, followed
by an Appendix of fifty-eight printed pages containing the sup
porting evidence derived from Soviet sources. Convinced that
Mr. Roosevelt had made up his mind to exercise his constitutional
prerogative and re-establish diplomatic relations with the Kremlin,
I presented no argument against recognition. The sixteen-year-old
debate on that subject was now at an end. But in the course of
the written statement certain facts were brought to the President's
attention. Governments which had already recognized the Soviet
Union and exchanged ambassadors had frequently regretted that
they had not first required concrete evidence of good faith
instead of relying on vague and slippery promises. Hence the
memorandum stated:
"Should the same ineffective course be again adopted, the last
chance will be lost for a distinguished service to humanity. The
United States is the last government in a position to effectively
implement such guarantees. This can be done by requiring
appropriate and explicit clauses to be inserted in any proposed
agreement - and published before recognition or at least simul
taneously. The unusual circumstances and the extraordinary im
portance of the issue justify unusual and extraordinary measures.
While it is true that recognition without the conditions I have
outlined could not, in justice, be interpreted as condoning the
notorious political and religious tyranny within Russia, it is
equally true that recognition without them would have the
practical effect of helping to perpetuate conditions that are
matter of public record. Such assistance, though indirect and
involuntary, would be wholly alien to American ideals and
abhorrent to Christian instincts. There is precedent, too, in
Leaves From a
American diplomatic history fo]
outlined."
Urging the President to profit'
which had failed to obtain specifi
the memorandum continues:
"Unless concrete results are a(
mature judgment of the u n d e r ~
;.vith Bolshevik negotiators, that t
in Russia will never be restored.
beguiled foreign governments into
until after recognition. That ros
variably continued their previous (
fuevitable complaints to mixed (
forms of procrastination, or els
fact and acrimonious counter-cha
are masters in all forms of evasim
attention away from damaging fac
"V\There diplomatic relations h
tangible accomplishment of fact
Soviet treatment of diplomatic re
and often impertinent. Witness
British Ambassador, Sir Esmond 0,
similar representations made afte:
diplomats. The only time, conseqw
'.vill have weighty effect is prior t
mtion. They have always expressec
the American way. The undersigr
ment in 1923 to arrange their chur
:in the United States, where for
there has been complete and hal
Church and State, with no accusa
population is priest-ridden, ig
tion. That invitation still stands. 1
something concrete in amelio:
ill order to secure what they most
the public record supports my cont
should recognition be safely obtainE
And they would doubtless enter
Gontradiction
several aliases, his family
tossed his head back
his characteristic gestures.
his pocket, ,and extricated a
Father?"
and ready for delivery
The first memorandum,
dealt with the Soviet
c:,,,;is.1.0lli of current legislation in
0; "JttED pages, legal size, followed
pages containing the sup
S:-det sources.' Convinced that
to exercise his constitutional
relations with the Kremlin,
The sixteen-year-old
all end. But in the course of
"n"re brought to the Presidents
?Tready recognized the Soviet
frequently regretted that
D!:;};:2Iete evidence of good faith
promises. Hence the
again adopted, the last
:?MGed. service to humanity. The
in a position to effectively
C7&E. be done by requiring
inserted in any proposed
re;;."':.o[!f!ition or at least
- the extraordinary im
extraordinary measures.
;,;f'hout the conditions I have
:!::Jterpreted as condoning the
""""0".,,..,,, within Russia, it is
would have the
conditions that are
though indirect and
i\.merican ideals and
is precedent, too, in
Leaves From a Russian'Diary 21
American diplomatic history for the procedure I have here
outlined."
Urging the President to profit by the example of governments
which had failed to obtain specific and unequivocal performance,
the memorandum continues:
"Unless concrete results are achieved before recognition it is
the mature judgment of the undersigned, based on long experience
with Bolshevik negotiators, that the liberties now being assailed
in Russia will never be restored. Soviet negotiators hitherto have
beguiled foreign governments into postponing proof of good faith
until after recognition. That rose once plucked, they have in
variably continued their previous offensive policy and referred the
inevitable complaints to mixed commissions and other tedious
forms of procrastination, or else replied with flat denials of
fact and acrimonious counter-charges in unrelated fields. They
are masters in all forms of evasion, concealment and in diverting
attention away from damaging facts.
"Where diplomatic relations have been established with no
tangible accomplishment of fact but only of vague promise,
Soviet treatment of diplomatic representatives has been cavalier
and often impertinent. Witness the recent treatment of the
British Ambassador, Sir Esmond Ovey. Similar rebuffs have greeted
similar representations made after recognition by other foreign
diplomats. The only time, consequently, when American proposals
will have weighty effect is prior to and as a condition of recog
nition. They have always expressed admiration for Americans and
the American way. The undersigned invited the Soviet Govern
ment in 1928 to arrange their church problem as we have done it
in the United States, where for one hundred and fifty years,
there has been complete and harmonious co-operation between
Church and State, with no accusation from the government that
the population is priest-ridden, ignorant or plunged in supersti
tion. That invitation still stands. They may now be prepared to
do something concrete in amelioration of religious persecution
in order to secure what they most need from the United States;
the public record supports my contention that they would do little
should recognition be safely obtained without concrete concessions.
And they would doubtless enter it as another victory over the
'bourgeois' world. Mr. Litvinov has already given some inkling of
his mind in his Berlin statement that the forthcoming negotiations,
as far as he is concerned, need not take more than half an
The second document is entitled Aide Memoire on Maxtm
Litvinov and covers five typewritten sheets, legal size. After a
short biographical sketch ,the text makes the following
ments on Litvinov:
"He is persistent, obstinate, incapable of rebuff in. accepted
sense knows exactly what he is after, an excellent Intriguer, and
capable of gross impudence when he feels he is in a str,ong
position. Knowing the national politics and policies. of the vanous
European powers, he skillfully plays one off a?amst
and in consequence has scored signal successes In .the diplomatIc
field. This was greatly facilitated by the mutual
,flicting interests, contiguous borders and mutual SUspICIon which
are characteristic of the European powers. In the case of the
United States, however, situated far from the European concert
and furnished by nature. with independence of oU:l?ok
judgment, Litvinov should encounter a new set of condItIons. HIS
case may now be judged on its intrinsic merits and with a
detachment that would be impossible in the traditional nervous
atInosphere of European conferences, . . .
"His tactics will probably be to admit nothing and claim much.
The Third International he will dismiss as a private organization
and he may make reference to Tammany by way of an analogy.
When the obvious differences are pointed out' he will shift to
some other defense. If the President is unable to accept the
stereotyped claim of irresponsibility on the part of the Soviet
Government Mr. Litvinov may then declare that the world revolu
tionary programme and influence of the Comintern has been so
modified of recent years that it no longer presents a serious
obstacle. He will not want to hear that as late as January 22,
'1933, the Communist International issued instructions to all
munist groups throughout the world to renew activities and to
reverse the policy of quiescence which has been alleged in certain
quarters. This reversal of front wtl.s published in the form of a
manifesto Signed by the Executive Committee of the Third In
ternational under date of January 22, 1933, but not published
Leaves From a 1
until March 6, 1933, in Pravda. It \v
Germany, which is convincing pro(
allegiance when deemed opportune.
was once Moscow's main hi
second possible link in the chain c
recent measures of Hitler against C
So, she revived the Third Internatil
'ntis must cause both disappointInE
honestly argued that the hOpE
faded, the Third International hac
years. It is impossible to reco
mentioned above, or with
Pravda October 11, 1932, addressed
Communist Party. In precise
American Comrades are instructed
i!:'Jrbances in the United States into
constituted American author
set forth in the accompanyin
frank action, not promises
left to Mr. Litvinov. The ad
come when she demolishes an
'laGonal with the same finality with .
long as she keeps that instrume
ttcz-otected in her capital as a wea
T;.mSheathed when opportunity offers,
8. friendly government are insincerE
"'The comparative inactivity of
fears is part of the zigzag method
The deviations to right an,
::rr::changed. So in his retreat from
NEP, Lenin encouraged privat
Capitalism. But the crisis over, t1:
and launched a Violent ne\''1
:ffiIe followed in international relation
""The unchanging nature of the S
in the Constitution of 192:3,
. <a decisive step towards the UniOD
a World Soviet Socialist Republ
Contradiction
has already given some inkling of
nt that the forthcoming negotiations,
d not take more than haH an hour.""
entitled Aide. Memoire on Maxim
ewlitten sheets, legal size. Mter a
text makes the following com
mcapable of rebuff in the accepted
is a...tter, an excellent intriguer, and
"'. hen he feels he is in a strong
and policies of the various
plays one off against the others
successes in the diplomatic
by the mutual jealousies,
and mutual suspicion which
::pe2.il powers. In the case of the
far from the European concert
independence of outlook and
nilllter a new set of conditions. His
:2 its intrinsic merits and with a
in the traditional nervous

nothing and claim much.
as a private organization
T2ffimany by way of an analogy.
2ZY;: pointed out he will shift to
is unable to accept the
the part of the Soviet
that the world revolu
Comintern has been so
it no longer presents a serious
that as late as January 22,
issued instructions to all Com
"l'mId to renew activities and to
bas been alleged in certain
:"I'is published in the form of a
Committee of the Third In
t)". 1933, but not published
March 6, 1933, in Pravda. It was directed particularly against
which is convincing proof of Moscow's policy to shift
;z.ueglance when deemed opportune. Germany, Soviet Russia's first
was once Moscow's main hope and was considered the
.;second possible link in. the chain of world revolution until the
recent measures of Hitler against Communists alienated Moscow.
she revived the Third International on January 22, this year.
This must cause both disappointment and chagrin to those who
honestly argued that the hope of World Revolution having
faded, the Third International had been quietly shelved these
years. It is impOSSible to reconcile that contention with the
facts mentioned above, or with the instructions printed in
Pravda October 11, 1932, addressed to American members of the
Communist Party. In precise and circumstantial language the
American Comrades are instructed how to turn minor local dis
turbances in the United States into major revolutionary outbreaks
against constituted American authorities.
"As set forth in the accompanying Memorandum on Religion,
definite, frank action, not promises, is the only proof of good
faith left to Mr. Litvinov. The acid test of Moscow's sincerity
will come when she demolishes and abolishes the Third Inter
national with the same finality with which she founded it in 1919.
So long as she keeps that instrumentality shielded, fostered and
protected in her capital as a weapon of social offense to be
unsheathed when opportunity offers, her claims to be considered
a friendly government are insincere and unconvincing.
"The comparative inactivity of the Third International in recent
years is part of the zigzag method of approaching a permanent
objective. The deviations to right and left leave the ultimate goal
unchanged. So in his retreat from integral Communism during
the NEP, Lenin encouraged private trading and certain forms
of Capitalism.. But the crisis over, the Party struck the bourgeois
again and launched a violent new offensive. The same tactics
are followed in international relations.
"The unchanging nature of the Soviet objective is clearly set
forth in the Constitution of 1923, preamble, closing sentence:
... <a decisive step towards the union of the toilers of all countries
into a World Soviet Socialist Republic: The same Constitution of
:
24
1923 maintains that the structure of the Soviet power is <inter
national in its class character:
This is a matter for serious reflection, as these claims to a
universal jurisdiction are not the irresponsible rhetoric of a soap
box orator, but the organic law of the land, embodied in the
Constitution.
"Confronted with this objection, the Soviet Party has frequently
replied that these passages of the Constitution must not be taken
too seriously as they are intended largely for domestic consump
tion. On the other hand, when complaints and protests have been
lodged with respect to persecutions and other excesses, the
answer had always been: 'We are only applying the laws of the
land as any government must do: They cannot have it both ways."
The two documents were delivered by me personally on
October 31, 1933, at twelve o'clock noon, President Roosevelt
receiving me this time in the executive office in the west wing
of the White House. On entering the room, I perceived that we
were not to be alone. At my left, toward the North wall, a man
was apparently working on a clay model of ,the President's head.
It was Mr. Jo Davidson, a well-known sculptor, born in Russia,
who at that time and for many years thereafter was an enthusiastic
advocate of causes considerably left of center. I understand
that Mr. Davidson's affection for Moscow has cooled considerably
in recent years. But on the date here under discussion, and be-.
cause of the circumstances of my visit, I found his presence within
easy hearing distance of whatever I might say so curious a
coincidence that I chose an attitude of extreme reticence. This
conference was short, due to the reservations suddenly imposed
on me by the eavesdropper at my elbow. I have reason to know,
however, that the President did give a measure of consideration
to my documents; they were later transmitted to the State De
partment with certain notations by his own hand in the margin.
It was President Roosevelt's confident assertion that he would
be able to cope with the situation which deepened my foreboding
for the future. His attitude gave rise even then to many questions:
Does he realize that he will not be dealing with a horse trader
from Arkansas but with an experienced conspirator, born Joseph
Vissarionavich Dzhugashvili, now known as Joseph Stalin? Is he
Leaves From a R
familiar with the odds against himl
Litvinov's cables would be sitting
had been bred to ruthlessness and
from long encounter with Tzarist I
in kingdoms, thrones, and dynastiE
brilliant Trotsky at his own game, I
two continents, finally cornered him
to death even in a closely
It took less than two years to n
was to regard the solemn guarantE
American agreement of 1933, pari
interference in the internal affairs
Cordell Hull in his Memoirs describe,
beginning, as they did, with the
demands from the Kremlin. Althoug1
the resumption of diplomatic relatio:
of State was soon to see his hopes
many previous precedents and subse
occasion, as customary, was a uniJ
four months by the Kremlin for so
which Soviet authorities maintained
meant, irrespective of what the Am,
them to mean at the time of the ag
Mr. Hull replied with directuess .
=r must be entirely frank with you
A.ssistant Secretary Moore, and
Russian debt conversations with you
greatly disappointed to learn that
contention and version of debt
ferent from anything they were thi
standing is so wide that perhaps it
commercial and financial relations t(
clarified.,.
A few lines further on in the chapt
}'Ir. Hull described ,the situation prE
,vhich was prophetic of 1948, 19
deadlock ensued, months of
The leopard has not changed his 5
f Contradiction
me of the Soviet power is 'inte-r-
LS reflection, as these claims to a
I.e irresponsible rhetoric of a soap
i'" of the land, embodied in the
Qu, the Soviet Party has frequently
2:e Constitution must not be taken
ied largely for domestic consump
='::,mplaints and protests have been
:i.:'c..:nOns and other excesses, ,the
:3.:e only applying the laws of the
, Tiley cannot have it both ways."
celiyered by me personally on
J'clock noon, President Roosevelt
-:3:Ecutive office in the west wing
=-.g the room, I perceived that we
it+-" toward the North wall, a man
::.;.,,- model of the President's head.
Jck:.O\'\'n sculptor, born in Russia,
'E'M3 thereafter was an enthusiastic
left of center. I understand
:; ..!:05COW has cooled considerably
:2 here under discussion, and be-,
" ,,>"isi!:, I found his presence within
I might say so curious a
::7J:,Ce of extreme reticence. This
2ve :-eservations suddenly imposed
en- elbow. I have reason to know,
a measure of consideration
,;:::0:- transmitted to the State De
his own hand in the margin.
assertion that he would
D ";7,h-ich deepened my foreboding
="3e e\"en then to many questions:
;: be dealing with a horse trader
=:::=Z1ced conspirator, born Joseph
kZ10\Vll as Joseph Stalin? Is he
5mliliar with the odds against him? At the Moscow end of Mr.
Litvinov's cables would be sitting an icy-cold revolutionist who
had been bred to ruthlessness and deceit, skilled in double talk
::rom long encounter with Tzarist police, accustomed to trading
In kingdoms, thrones, and dynasties, and who had beaten the
hrilliant Trotsky at his own game, pursued that Machiavelli over
t'.vo continents, finally cornered him in Mexico, and hounded him
:to death even in a closely gu?rded retreat.
It took less than two years to reveal how cavalierly Moscow
was to regard the solemn guarantees made in the first Soviet
American agreement of 1933, particularly in respect to non
interference in the internal affairs of the United States. Mr.
Cordell Hull in his Memoirs describes the stages of disillusionment,
beginning, as they did, with the usual friction and arbitrary
demands from the Kremlin. Although he had Sincerely welComed
the resumption of diplomatic relations with Russia, the Secretary
.of State was soon to see his hopes go the downward way of so
many previous precedents and subsequent false starts. The initial
occasion, as customary, was a unilateral demand made within
four months by the Kremlin for something never promised but
which Soviet authorities maintained was what they had really
meant, irrespective of what the American negotiators understood
them to mean at the time of the agreement.
Mr. Hull replied with directness to Ambassador Troyanovsky:
'-1 must be entirely frank with you. The President, Mr. Bullitt,
Assistant Secretary Moore, and others who took part in the
Russian debt conversations with you, or with Mr. Litvinov, were
greatly disappOinted to learn that Mr. Litvinov had offered a
contention and version of the debt understanding entirely dif
ferent from anything they were thinking about. The misunder
standing is so wide that perhaps it would be best to bring all
commercial and financial relations to a standstill until it can be
clarified."
A few lines further on in the chapter devoted to these incidents,
Mr. Hull described the situation prevailing in 1934, in language
which was prophetic of 1948, 1949, 1950: "An unbreakable
deadlock ensued, despite months of negotiation."
The leopard has not changed his spots.
25
I
26 The Seeds of eontradiction
Then came the ultimate affront to good faith. At the Seventh
World Congress of the Communist International held in Moscow
in the summer of 1935, Mr. Stalin openly welcomed a delegation
of American Communists, among them Mr. Browder and Mr.
Foster; he encouraged them in the usual way to renewed activity
in their conspiracy for overthrowing the government of the
United States, all in patent violation of the Roosevelt-Litvinov
agreement. On full and accurate documentation from the American
Ambassador in Moscow, Mr. Hull dispatched a vigorous protest
against the violation of the plighted word. Not only was the
American note repudiated but it was declared unacceptable in
a form and in language which demonstrated that the honeymoon
was over. The reply was not even Signed by Litvinov, then
Commissar of Foreign Affairs, but by one of his subordinates.
. Mr., Hull described the Soviet argument as "an astonishing
assertion." Recounting the incident in his Memoirs, the former
Secretary of State concluded: "We were now back almost to
where we had started ... no bedrock of friendship and co
operation." He finishes his account of the lost horizons of 1935
with the old, familiar, but always late discovery: "Negotiating
with Russia was not like negotiating with other powers. In every
approach to Moscow I had to bear these things in mind."
In a resume of similar violations of agreements, of obstruction
and sabotage of peace by Soviet Russia, -the State Department,
on May 18, 1948, published a list of 26 clear instances. Again,
on May 23, 1950, the governments of Great Britain, France, and
the United States transmitted official notes to the Kremlin ac
cusing the Soviet government of having violated its postwar
agreements by establishi,ng in Germany a so-called police force
of 50,000 men which was in reality a completely organized
military contingent equipped with machine guns, howitzers, anti
aircraft cannon, mortars, and tanks. The American note declared
that such an organization was not a police force but a German
army in direct violation of Soviet pledges given in the Crimea
Conference of February 11, 1945, repeated at Potsdam on August
2, 1945, confirmed on September 10, 1945, and embodied, with
Soviet agreement, in Control Council Law No. 84, dated August
20, 1946. ~ ~ 0 0
Leaves From 'a 1
VVhat has heen called the cold w
psychologr.: possibly they lie so d
sight of the common man. But '
should have so long been missed
makers of public policy has not ye
The genius of America produced
experts whose technology and elec
hidden land mines, locate submarir
pinpoint hostile aircraft at great
challenge was countered by a new
by superior weapons such as radal
proximity fuse, the bazooka, and tl
achievement in the physical sciel
harnessing of atomic energy to ass
logical response from the laboratOl
{j,f the times, jet-propelled aircraft, f
that seek their own target are n o ~
places in the mobilization of matt<
':00 facile a solution to hint that a s
the conduct of international rl
deliberately balked by treason in hi
;:rIaced confidence 01' by unwarrant
Some or all of these human force
work in recent' years, as we shall
ill all conscience, the ax must be ]
<;<,;<:turbing paradox in our nationa.
and concrete phenomena
tone deafness toward the role of t
the unfolding of world history.
of Gontradiction
m-ont to good faith. At the Seventh
:mmist International held in Moscoi'
5+?lin openly welcomed a delegatio:u
::nang them Mr. Browder and lvIr..
me usual way to renewed activity
=:::'"lrrowing the government of the
yic;lation of the Roosevelt-Litvino,'
,te documentation from the American
Hull dispatched a vigorous protest
,?,Iighted word. Not only was the
;::t was declared unacceptable in
;a demonstrated that the honeymoon
:Gt even signed by Litvinov, thel::
bDt by one of his subordinates.
argument as "an astonishing
in his Memoirs, the former
; '"l,Ve were now back almost to
=':0 bedrock of friendship and co
of the lost horizons of 1935
late discovery: "Negotiating
\vith other powers. In every
x 'bear these things in mind."
2.:tf;:rn;;; of agreements, of obstruction
]';"icE't Russia, the State Department,
'.2 ;,,;;;l:: of 26 clear instances. Again,
=e::lG of Great Britain, France, and
:. c:Ee:ial notes to the Kremlin ac
E: of having violated its postwar
: C:nnany a so-called police force
1'"C reality a completely organized
;vim machine guns, howitzers, anti
ta"ks. The American note declared
S ::ot a police force but a German
pledges given in the Crimea
;SS:, repeated at Potsdam on August
1::"2r 10, 1945, and embodied, with
CDuncil Law No. 34, dated August
.Q. 0
\"4
'Vhat has been called the cold war has its roots deep in Soviet
psychology': possibly they lie so deep as to remain beyond the
right of the common man. But why the core of the conflict
should have so long been missed by responsible statesmen and
makers of public policy has not yet been satisfactorily explained.
The genius of America produced brilliant technicians and alert
experts whose technology and electronic inventions could detect
hidden land mines, submarines lurking in the depths, and
pinpoint hostile aircraft at great distances. Each new military
{:hallenge was countered by a new defense, new ingenuity, and
by superior weapons such as radar, the Norden bombsight, the
proximity fuse, the bazooka, and the Garand rille. Research and
achievement in the physical sciences left little undone. The
harnessing of atomic energy to assault and defense marked the
logical response from the laboratories. In step with the tempo
of the times, jet-propelled aircraft, guided missiles, and torpedoes
that seek their own target are now rushing to their appointed
nlaces in the mobilization of matter for national defense. It is
too facile a solution to hint that a similar responsiveness of mind
in the conduct of international relations and diplomacy was
deliberately balked by treason in high places, or caused by mis
placed confidence or by unwarranted appeasement of Moscow.
Some or all of these human forces may indeed have been at
work in recent years, as we shall see in a later chapter. But,
in all conscience, the ax must be laid closer to the roots of a
disturbing paradox in our national character: genius for the
practical and concrete phenomena of life, coupled with a kind
of tone deafness toward the role of the abstract and metaphysical
in the unfolding of world history.
27
CHAPTER II
To See Life Steadily and See It Whole
IN A prevlou, volume, The Fall of the Rusmn Empire (1927),
I expressed the conviction that the Russian Revolution of 1917 was
the most significant single political event in the history of Western
civilization since the decline and disappearance of the Roman
Empire. The years that elapsed since that first publication saw the
rise, the full zenith, and the total defeat of the attempted Nazi
revolution which temporarily challenged both Western Europe and
the Communist World Revolution. Circumstances permitted me to
observe both these historic events at firsthand - the Nazi gamble
for total power in Germany, and the course of events ,,in Soviet
. Russia itself during the early years of the Bolshevik regime. A later,
though shorter, residence in J and there the
documentary evidence produced In connection WIth the trIal of
Tojo in 1948 furnished additional material for comparison of
three attempts to establish by force cognate forms of empIre In
three widely separated regions of the earth.
Two of the gigantic conspiracies were defeated at a cost in human
lives and material resources which is still felt in the shattered
economy of the entire world. The third revolution not only survived
but today stands dominant over 800,000,000 people, with its
dynamism undiminished in Korea, its enhanced power threaten
ing Western Europe, its subversive activities affecting the internal
economy as well as the security of the United States, and its agents
28
To See Life Steadily
illilltrating into the still unconquerec
Vitality and the causes of its c(
';"'e are to understand why AmericaJ
why this country was again facel
mead necessity of mobilizing for nati
Intellectual honesty will not perm
narrow orbit of political and eco
!rngedy strike deeper into the soil of
must mount, as it were, an em
rower above the sound and fury of
stream of human
majestic river through the lands car
. a detached pOSition one will observe
variations in the panorama are IT
as the constants in human natu!"!
:::zl.::nt of men and nations as their
;arl)IlI'eSS of civilizations, the growth oj
social institutions do not follo\';
general direction of the current II
cs:afolds in sudden leaps but by b::<
discernible in every past cl:
every present, and probable da
will recognize many a perioe
constant and forward; but, at
",",,'U'uu.,c>u and surge violently to
produce crises which result in
;f;c;dal control, some of which prove
those of preceding generations.
are the moments of choice ar
of the race, which are recognizal
as veritable crossroads of his ton
,:::'i;elcisin2: freedom of choice in one sit
present powers in another
or evil and thus sets in motion '
,'3'I;Citlde to further progress - or result
reveal. But through this moving t
to be mere motion without c
the littleness of man obedient to
FTER II
and See It Whole
. Fall of the Russian Empire (1927),
the Russian Revolution of 1917 was
event in the history of Western
disappearance of the Roman
-0 since that first publication saw the
total defeat of the attempted Nazi
C",-,,"'llC.Ul;C'U both Western Europe and
GOIl. Circumstances permitted me to
r:el1IS at fusthand - the Nazi gamble
the course of events ,in Soviet
ears of the Bolshevik regime. A later,
and examination there of ,the
in connection with the trial of
:I!:al. material for comparison of these
; ~ cognate forms of empire in
ccf the earth.
des were defeated at a cost in human
is still felt in the shattered
~ third revolution not only survived
;f;yer 800,000,000 people, with its
its enhanced power threaten
,rsive activities affecting the internal
of the United States, and its agents
To See Life Steadily and See It Whole 29
mfiltrating into the still unconquered states of Asia. The sources of
this vitality and the causes of its continuity must be examined if
we are to understand why American soldiers had to die in Korea
and why this country was again faced, in December, 1950, with the
:tread necessity of mobilizing for national defense.
Intellectual honesty will not permit us to limit the diagnosis to
IDe narrow orbit of political and economic issues. The roots of the
tragedy strike deeper into the soil of history and human motivation.
One must mount, as it were, an eminence of the mind, a watch
tower above the 'sound and fury of the contemporary scene, and
rontemplatethe stream of human experience, cutting its way like
.a majestic river through the landscape of single events. From such
a detached position one will observe that the How, the vicissitudes
and variations in the panorama are marked by recurrent character
?:sties as the constants in human nature assert themselves. The move
ment of men and nations as their interests clash, the rise and
progress of civilizations, the growth of cultures, states, governments,
and social institutions do not follow a rectilinear channel, though
me general direction of the current may be uniform. History rarely
unfolds in sudden leaps but by transitions. There are roots of
causality discernible in every past chapter, palpable consequences
ill every present, and probable dangers in every future. The
observer will recognize many a period when progress was tranquil,
fairly constant and forward; but, at other times, the waters are
troubled and surge violently to right or to left as events multiply
and produce crises which result in transitions to other forms of
social control, some of Which prove better, some worse, perhaps,
IDan those of preceding generations.
These are the moments of choice and high decision in the evolu
tion of the race, which are recognizable by historians and sociolo
gists as veritable crossroads of history. The conscious will of man,
exercising freedom of choice in one situation or submitting to forces
beyond his present powers in another, changes his way of life for
good or evil and thus sets in motion new ferments which serve as
prelude to further progress - or result in degeneration as the sequel
may reveal. But through this moving tide of change, which to some
appears to be mere motion without deSign, plunges the greatness
and the littleness of man obedient to a final cause that holds him
28

,
30
l
like a magnet to his essential course. He wavers, weakens, and is
sometimes submerged, only to rise to the surface again and press
forward in his ceaseless, unsatisfied urge to bridge the gulf between
the finite and the infinite.
Each age, each epoch, may be said to have its own identity. Each
has significance and place in the continuity of history; even the
evils of them have value, though negative, perhaps, and admonitory
in the retrospect of philosophic history and certainly in their rela
tion to mans progress toward eternity. This consciousness of
causality in great events - or in small affairs, too - is one of the
elements distinguishing a civilized mind from the barbarian who
sees no farther than Nietzsche's gross egotism: "Satan prince of this
world - then, be Satanic."
Assuredly the birth of Christ marked such a crossroads of history,
introducing, as it did, a profound spiritual and cultural transfonna
tion in the ancient world of paganism. His appearance divided even
the calendar into two reCOgnizable epochs of time. Man emerged
from the mass of indistinguishable humanity as a personality
endowed with an individual dignity unknown to the pagan priv
ileged castes of pre-Christian civilizations, though Plato and
Aristotle had touched the hem of the revelation. It was the turning
point in the spiritual history of the race, the fusion of the complete
with the incomplete, which reconciled the freedom of man with the
sovereignty of the Omnipotent. The Fall of the Roman Empire
introduced ages of political fragmentation in Europe, as the unify
ing control of Roman law and consular administration gave way
to the anarchic localism and feudal psychology of the next thousand
years. The discovery of America opened up new vistas for explora
tion, exploitation, and colonization by the great maritime powers
Spain, Portugal, France, England, and Holland. Their rivalries
ushered in a period of conflict for control of the overseas riches
which directly affected both the old and the new world for the
next three centuries.... The Fall of Constantinople in 1453
channeled to Italy and other centers of southern Europe that
migration of oriental scholars, precious manuscripts, and classical
traditions which gave fonn and
revival assuredly constituted a b:
culture by exalting unduly the cult
laying the foundations of capitalisD
with us.
The Italian Renaissance left an in
Europe. It gave to scholarship the Va
tion of beauty in art fonns that illi
richest museum of the age. But it
and the riotous venality of RenaissaI
intellectual energy and worship of
the golden age of painting, architeci
scened silks, and colorful pageants; bu
of unspiritual pontiffs and publicI
example bred a cancerous heritage
morals that paved the way for the rel
the northern nations in the sixteent
fast much of the pristine quality a
shrine of Christianity as its ruling IT
artistry and aesthetic niceties of
i-qn. The subsequent revolution in
split the once Catholic Em
l-nder the leadership of Martin Lt
secular princes serving their own in
Christ was rent in twain. Christendor
Protestant states which rapidly
into pennanent political
fratricidal war was the evil fn
great cleansing came in the Tl
C,'ifilllic(:ee,diruT General Council it came
to prevent complete disintegratio
to preser"e the unity of Christen
Peace of Westphalia in 1648 cOL
;!clkanization of the Christian Comr:r
of separate sovereignties an(
and jealous nationalism
contrasted to a universal Christe
of the new theological d
Contradiction
He wavers, weakens; and is
:i:,5 surface again and press
to bridge the gulf between
have its own identity. Each
2GBtinuity of history; even the
perhaps, and admonitory
and certainly in their rela
This consciousness of
too is one of the
from the barbarian who
egotism: "Satan prince of this
<'}, #
such a crossroads of history,
and cultural transforma
His appearance divided even
of time. Man emerged
humanity as a personality
unknown to the pagan priv
though Plato and
revelation. It was the turning
fusion of the complete
the freedom of man with the
of the Roman Empire
in Europe, as the unify
administration gave way
?s:-chology of the next thousand
,:;;iC?i?Bea. up new vistas for explora
the great maritime powers
and Holland. Their rivalries
of the overseas riches
and the new world for the
of Constantinople in 1453
::eoters of southern Europe that
manuscripts, and classical
traditions which gave form and substance to the Renaissance. The
revival assuredly constituted a transitional stage in Western
culture by exalting unduly the cult of an earthly humanism and
laying the foundations of capitalism. The consequences are still
with us.
The Italian Renaissance left an indelible imprint on the soul of
Europe. It gave to scholarship the Vatican library and an accumula
tion of beauty in art forms that made the Italian peninsula the
richest museum of the age. But it gave us Machiavelli as well,
and the riotous venality of Renaissance condottieri. Its prodigious
intellectual energy and worship of form, line, and color created
the golden age of painting, architecture, sculpture, letters, dama
scened silks, and colorful pageants; but it also condoned a succession
of unspiritual pontiffs and publicly dissolute cardinals whose
example bred a cancerous heritage of scandal and undiSciplined
morals that paved the way for the religiOUS revolt of Germany and
the northern nations in, the sixteenth century. The Eternal City
lost much of the pristine quality once attaching to the central
shrine of Christianity as its ruling minds became fascinated with
the artistry and aesthetic niceties of an exhumed pagan natural
ism. The subsequent revolution in faith, dogma, and religiOUS
loyalties split the once Catholic Europe into two hostile camps.
Under the leadership of Martin Luther and by stimulation of
secular princes serving their own interests, the seamless robe of
Christ was rent in twain. Christendom divided itself into Catholic
and Protestant states which rapidly transformed their theological
differences into permanent political animosities. Thirty years of
savage, fratricidal war was the evil fruit of reckless seeding. When
great cleanSing came in the Tridentine period and in the
succeeding General Council it came as a Counter-Reformation in
time to prevent complete disintegration of the ancient faith but too
late to preserve the unity of Christendom.
The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 consecrated and perpetuated the
Balkanization of the Christian Commonwealth by validating the
concept of separate sovereignties and legalizing the prinCiple of
self-centered and jealous nationalism. The modem State system,
as contrasted to a universal Christendom, became the political
counterpart of the new theological doctrine setting up individual
and private interpretation of the Scriptures as the sole norm of
religiOUS belief and moral conduct. The social and political conse
quences were implicit in the theological premises of the
religiOUS revolt. H each individual man was to become the prIvate
interpreter of the rules for obtaining eternal salvation - no Supreme
Court acknowledged - it was starkly logical for kings, princely
rulers, and national States to demand the same untrammeled sover
eignty, i.e., freedom from external control, in the conduct of inter
national relations.
The American Revolution of 1776 marked another transition to
new channels of thought. The successful challenging of the hitherto
dominant principle of monarchy by thirteen English colonies strung
along the Atlantic seaboard had immediate effects not only through
out the Western Hemisphere but in Europe as well. The idea set
fires that were reHected in the flames of the French Revolution
consuming the residue of Feudalism, and in the series of revolts
which ended the last vestige of monarchy in Latin America.
The Industrial Revolution of the late eighteenth century, orig
inating in England with the harnessing of steam power to
machinery, enlarged the factory system, multiplied productivity,
transformed economic processes, and accelerated the rise of Finance
Capitalism. But, despite its acknowledged contributions to the
conveniences of life and its miracles of increased productivity,
the fascination of material achievement created false values, gave
undue license to a laisser-faire economy, embittered relationships
between capital and labor, and furnished the Marxist agitator with
some of his most telling accusations of exploitation and enslave
ment of the masses.
We come finally to the greatest of all crossroads in modern
history, the successful seizure of power by Communism in Russia
on November 7, 1917. One epoch ended and an age of special
conflict began. It is with that far-reaching social upheaval and its
consequences that the following pages are concerned. An attempt
will be made to probe to the core of the reasons why the Russian
Revolution alone has survived and prospered in contrast with
the two similar attempts that proved abortive within recent
memory.
o 0 0 0
The changed circumstances and
:be United States by events in K(
(lut optimism or weakening our dE
.ictory, make it imperative for us
cally the odds against us. We must
every war, great or small, is a nat
iliat we were victorious in every
historical truth which, like the Scri]
and self-destruction. The humility (
S"canding of humility must under:
diScipline our mental attitudes. Ge
his troops before Quebec in Ii
qualities in a military man a
warning applies to those charged '
economic, and social existence of

The long 'history of the republic
ancient Rome, if re-examined, will
tion for those who are impressed w
in the United States. There were (
Rome, treated by historians as
,Republic. Then followed the olig:
Augustus in 27 B.C. The final
pJIitical organization of antiquity, in
to external assaults alone but t
of the phYSical and mora
meet her fat-flung obligations aI
The powerful framework of Roma
- collapsed from inner rot (
"-;',n,rr",,. undiSciplined civilizations.
to become, in Byron's haunt
dead Empires."
Toward the end of the Republic, in C
often lamented by the great orator. -
Manilla he says: "It is difficult, fe:
hated we are by the nations abroad b
the men we have sent with plenary po'
" The follOWing paragraphs deal wi
.'Sl0CrI'inces to represent the occupying po'\'
of Contradiction
the Scriptures as the sole norm
The social and political
:heological premises of the
dual man was to become the
eternal salvation no S111r"\rp,.,."",
logical for kings, princelJ'
same untrammeled
:Dal control, in the conduct of inter
1776 marked another transition to
successful challenging of the hither-WI
"7 thirteen English colonies strung
immediate effects not only through
in Europe as well. The idea set
of the French Revolution
in Latin America.
:l +he late eighteenth century, orig
harnessing of steam power to
multiplied productivity,
accelerated the rise of Finance
ze::1:Ilowledged contributions to the
of increased productivity,
:,ieyement created false values, gave
embittered relationships
the Marxist agitator with
salions of exploitation and enslave
:"'?2test of all crossroads in modern
by Communism in Russia
ended and an age of special
social upheaval and its
are concerned. An attempt
the reasons why the Russian
prospered in contrast with
-'- proved abortive within recent
" "
The changed circumstances and the new conditions created for
United States by events in Korea, though far from canceling
optimism or weakening our determination to achieve eventual
make it imperative for us to consider soberly and realisti
odds against us. We must cease imagining that victory in
war, great or small, is a national inheritance. The bare fact
we were victorious in every previous armed conflict is a
\!;;<1llitorical truth which, like the Scriptures, can be twisted into error
self-destruction. The humility of understanding and the under
of humility must underlie our thought processes and
our mental attitudes. General James' Wolfe, in an order
troops before Quebec in 1759, wrote: "Next to valor, the
qualities in a military man are vigilance and caution." The
warning applies to those charged with safeguarding the political,
and social existence of a State as well as to military
The long history of the republic as a form of government in
ancient Rome, if re-examined, will suggest many a fruitful medita
tion for those who are impressed with the duration of Democracy
the United States. There were over 400 years of popular rule
ill Rome, treated by historians as the Early, Middle, and Late
Republic. Then followed the oligarchy and finally the Empire
Augustus in 27 B.C. The final disappearance of the greatest
political organization of antiquity, in the fifth century A.D., was not
due to external assaults alone but to the slow and corroding dis
integration of the physical and moral foundations of Rome's ability
to meet her far-flung obligations and preserve the Pax Romana,l
The powerful framework of Roman rule - the greatest thus far
known collapsed from inner rot complicated by the assault of
younger, undiSciplined civilizations, leaving the mistress of the
world to become, in Byron's haunting phrase, "the lone mother
of dead Empires."
1 Toward the end of the Republic, in Cicero's days, the approaching stonn
was often lamented by the great orator. Thus, in his celebrated oration Pro
Lege ManUm he says: "It is difficult, fellow citizens, to describe in words
'how hated we are by the nations abroad because of the abuses and the greed
of the men we have sent with plenary power to rule them during these past
years." The following paragraphs deal with the type of official sent to the
provinces to represent the occupying power.
That historic event, as we have noted, profoundly influenced
the subsequent history of Europe. It was not a single, colossal
crash, as if some mighty edifice suddenly collapsed at a given
moment with a deafening roar heard round the world. The phrase
is a descriptive expression, not a definite date that can be preCisely
detennined and recorded on the calendar. The collapse was a long
process which entered on its final stage after the line of so-called
Antonine Emperors -let us say sometime around the beginning of
the third century A.D. It was preceded by 200 years of Roman
supremacy in stability of government, in poliCing of large areas
of Europe, Asia, and Africa, in road making, law enforcement, art,
literature, and in general excellence of the material and outward
aspects of civilization. But after the Antonine Emperors a distinct
downward grade is observable as the Empire fell into the hands
of upstart soldier-emperors; it was often put on the auction block
by the Pretorian Guard and knocked down to the highest bidder.
Economic crises recurred, progressively deeper, and at shorter
intervals. The currency was debased; art and literature palpably
degenerated, descending from Golden Age to Silver Age to the
brass of mercurial scribblers and lascivious potboilers. Even archi
tecture showed a coarsening of the virility and purity of the Greco
Roman arch, pillar, and architrave.
Simultaneously, morals, both public and private, sank into the
cesspool of iniquity which Juvenallampooned so vigorously in his
satires, particularly the prevalence of divorce and the easy exchange
of wives. Small wonder, then, that the barbaric tribes from the
North and pirates in the Mediterranean gradually infiltrated to the
very heart of the Empire and destroyed its prestige and culture.
They found an ennervated and effeminate civilization, ripe for the
ruthless invasions of Huns, Goths, and miscellaneous plunderers of
Gennanic and Oriental origin. As one analyst writes: '1n part, at
least, the economic crisis was due to the heavy burdens of govern
ment and defence, and to the oppressive and erratic system of
taxation; in part, perhaps, to a fatigue of spirit. . . . Each Emperor
chose his own successor .... The military power absorbed all the
functions of government .... Besides the separate and elaborate
administration for each territorial unit, the emperors had an exten
sive central bureaucracy - e.g., the magister a{ficiorum - the
?ersonnel manager, who was very. p
ill every department. . . . "2
By A.D. 308 this enormous machil
clanking to disaster. Emperors four
generals; generals proclaimed then:
a hat. A new capital arose in 330 at
was divided; domestic rivalries inc:
grew stronger and more insolent. B:
troops in 407; Alaric sacked Rom,
ill 452. Murder became a fine art (
the royal purple, until in 476 the 1
deposed by Odoacer, a barbarian
circumstance which traditionally n
Empire, after a decline of som; 271
later civilizations which met disas
committed slow suicide. DUring the t
degenerative pattern: monarchies ru;
head downward, democracies decay
00 ..
.' If examined chapter by chapter, thE
non demonstrates the presence of cc
planning. Although at times durin2
span the tactics may have seemed
as end result, the Revolution outdist
more orthodox and cautious Oppall'
stamp it as the revolution of revalti
and quantity of change it 1:
.and nnportant areas of internatiana
fonnations of values in the Nietzs
pennanent political and amoral sta
:-vith propriety be attempt!
m Its hIStOrIcal antecedents and seek t
Among the more striking social ach
S!. concrete realization of Vilfredo Pan
2: Encyclopedia of World History Compil,
narvard University, 1940, pp. 117"':122.
Contradiction
have noted, profoundly
It was not a single, colossal
suddenly collapsed at a given
round the world. The phrase
defurite date that can be precisely
The collapse was a long
'-r,:;;1 after the line of so-called
sametime around the beginning of
by 200 years of Roman
in policing of large areas
making, law enforcement, art,
the material and outward
e Antonine Emperors a distinct
: .2,5 The Empire fell into the hands.
put on the auction block
down to the highest bidder.
.. deeper, and at shorter
art and literature palpably
Gelden Age to Silver Age to the
IESChious potboilers. Even archi
,i.t-ility and purity of the Greco
and private, sank into the
1"mpooned so vigorously in his
divorce and the easy exchange
the barbaric tribes from the
Eusneau gradually infiltrated to the
6\=stroyed its prestige and culture.
Ef'!:'.:-rlin:ate civilization, ripe for the
2DQ miscellaneous plunderers of
trne analyst writes: "In part, at
the heavy burdens of govern
and erratic system of
spirit. . . . Each Emperor
J:ce rrillitary power absorbed all the
the separate and elaborate
the emperors had an exten
the magister afficiorum the
personnel manager, who was very powerful because he had a finger
in every department. . . . "2
By A.D. 808 this enormous machine, corroded by corruption, was
clanking to disaster. Emperors found themselves at war with their
generals; generals proclaimed themselves emperor at the drop of
a hat. A new capital arose in 880 at Constantinople and the Empire
was divided; domestic rivalries increased, as the external menace
grew stronger and more insolent. Britain was evacuated of Roman
troops in 407; Alaric sacked Rome in 410; Attila invaded Italy
in 452. Murder became a fine art obligatory on every aspirant to
the royal purple, until in 476 the last Emperor of the West was
deposed by Odoacer, a barbarian commander, at Ravenna the
circumstance which traditionally marks the end of the Roman
Empire, after a decline of some 276 years. Like all previous and
later civilizations which met disaster, it was not murdered; it
committed slow suicide. During the process, it followed an observed
degenerative pattern: monarchies and oligarchieS decline from the
head downward, democracies decay from the roots upward.
I) I) I) I)
If examined chapter by chapter, the course of the Russian Revolu
tion demonstrates the presence of competent and continuous staff
planning. Although at times during the thirty-four years of its
span the tactics may have seemed unrealistic and erroneous, yet
as end result, the Revolution outdistanced and outmaneuvered its
more orthodox and cautious opponents. The cumulative effects
stamp it as the revolution of revolutions in respect to both the
quality and quantity of change it has introduced in such large
and important areas of international life. Whether these trans
formations of values in the Nietzschean sense will endure as
permanent political and amoral standards, only time can tell.
What may with propriety be attempted is to relate the Revolution
to its historical antecedents and seek to discern its probable future.
Among the more striking social achievements may be recognized
a concrete realization of Vilfredo Pareto's celebrated theory on .the
2 Encyclopedia of World History. Compiled and Edited by Prof. Langer of
Harvard University. 1940, pp. 117-122.
circulation of the elite. The Italian sOciologist, combing through
the wealth of data he culled from the history of revolutions,
concluded that they all reveal certain constant characteristics
affecting social classes.
s
Though overmuch by a kind
of mathematical sociology, he correctly emphaSIzes one constant
phenomenon. Power passes upward, i.e., from stocks con
sidered inferior by the ruling classes but who eventually dIsplace
the privileged groups of the old regime; The transfer is not a mass
transfer but is accomplished by the elite, by the. more capable
leaders among the previously submerged groups - men who corre
spond at their social level to the same smaller elite which controlled
power for and in the name of .the upper In. both
classes there is found a governmg elite and a nongoverrung elite.
In normal times, rise to political power by individuals from the
humbler level is possible and frequent, as happened in the case
of Abraham Lincoln in this country and Count Witte under the
Tzars in Imperial Russia. What revolution accomplishes is to speed
up the process and increase the velocity of class circulation, the
circulation des elites as the French put it. One group is pushing
its way up the stairs to political power while another is descend
ing to the exit. History, Pareto concludes, is a graveyard of
aristocracies which have lost their vigor, squandered the residue of
values inherited from more robust ancestors, and entered on the
inevitable process of phYSical decadence and intellectual decay.
Superior intellects accumulate in the lower strata and, conversely,
inferior minds become more numerous in the upper class. And the
rising consciousness of the hitherto submerged group is not adverse
to using force at a given moment, whereas the upper class, through
the fatal inertia of wealth, becomes more disposed to buy off its
adversaries by bargains and concessions - until it is too late and
the first leg is over the wall.
To be sure, there was no earth-shaking sodal discovery in
Pareto's leisurely and rich documentation of this lesson of history.
It is cited here for the purpose of noting the new element of inter
national challenge introduced by the Communist revolution of
November 7, 1917. The circulation of the elite, in the Soviet
-;r;;ttato di Sociologia Gene1'ale, published in English as The Mind and
Society, 4 volumes (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1935). .
To See Life Steadil
logistics, is not to be limited to c
revolution: it is to become a w(
the units involved are no longer
in a given State but governmel
verses of the Inter1U1tio1U1le whid
were neither rhetoric nor metapl
a sort of reverse English on the
munist State comparable to the i
Empire on the history of Europe
from it.
What of the American Revolu
The form of government which it
<maltered under one continuing
sixty-two years. It has witnessec
monarchies in Europe and Asia ,
limited to a handful of countries 1
ships are on the increase, and the
at war with one of them in Korea
mg the extension of the Monroe I
Soviet doctrine in Europe and Asi
The suddenness and surprise of
a Communist satellite army reveal
logistics of the Russian Revolutil
conflict with America is definiteb
Soviet program, as will appear in t
with Lenin and Stalin. The mam
probably constitute the main
charged with scheduling the pro
:ion. The decision to move into S
ill all probability, not taken with
war at that time but as a localizec
iharacter. The withdrawal of Am
tn,dting oppo}i:unity thereby create
dent argument for a calculated ri
Soviet troops. This abstention frOJ:
rather reliance on the Trojan:
Soviet tactics since 1945; the n
lmds gave every hope for a similar
Contradiction
sociologist, combing through
from the history of revolutions,
certain constant characteristics
DVerllmch fascinated by a kind
emphasizes one constant
i.e., from stocks once con
but who eventually displace
The transfer is not a mass
elite, by the. more capable
groups - men who corre
$2::ffie smaller elite which controlled
privileged upper strata. In both
eHte and a nongoverning elite.
power by individuals from the
,. as happened in the case
and Count Witte under. the
:'i;"i"Dlution accomplishes is to speed
of class circulation, the
it. One group is pushing
while another is descend
'''''''. concludes, is a graveyard of
squandered the residue of
;;'!Qo-;t 3..:'lcestors, and entered on the
and intellectual decay.
I we lower strata and, conversely,
in the upper class. And the
:rto submerged group is not adverse
yttnereas the upper class, through
:&2D3S more disposed to buy off its
Ji:1:";s:,"ions until it is too late and
earth-shaking social. discovery in
z:l:eutation of this lesson of history.
noting the new element of inter
the Communist revolution of
of the elite, in the Soviet
';;'''-Dmneu in English as The Mind and
":c'ar!:, Brace, 1935).
logistics, is not to be limited to citizens of anyone country ripe for
revolution: it is to become a world-wide transformation in which
the units involved are no longer individuals or groups of citizens
in a given State but governments, nations, and continents. The
verses of the Internationale which visualized the entire human race
were neither rhetoric nor metaphor. That is the aspect which, by
a sort of reverse English on the ball, makes the rise of the Com
munist State comparable to the influence of the fall of the Roman
Empire on the history of Europe and on the cultures which derive
from it.
What of the American Revolution in this day and generation?
The form of government which it created has survived substantially
unaltered under one continuing Constitution for a hundred and
sixty-two years. It has witnessed the progressive elimination of
monarchies in Europe and Asia since 1789 until kingship is now
limited to a handful of countries in the entire world. But dictator
ships are on the increase, and the American Democracy finds itself
at war with one of them in Korea at this moment. Are we witness
ing the extension of the Monroe Doctrine to meet the challenge of
Soviet doctrine in Europe and Asia?
The suddenness and surprise of the invasion of South Korea by
a Communist satellite army reveal the emerging pattern and main
logistics of the Russian Revolution in its current phase. Direct
con:llict with America is definitely assumed and included in the
Soviet program, as will appear in the chapters of this study dealing
with Lenin and Stalin. The manner and timing of that eventual
clash probably constitute the main preoccupation of the technicians
charged with scheduling the progressive stages of world revolu
tion. The decision to move into South Korea in June, 1950, was,
in all probability, not taken with intent to precipitate a general
war at that time but as a localized operation of a limited, raiding
character. The withdrawal of American troops in 1949 and the
inviting thereby created, apparently, was deemed suffi
cient argument for a calculated risk involving no commitment of
Soviet troops. This abstention from a full-dress military invasion,
but rather reliance on the Trojan Horse technique, has character
ized Soviet tactics since 1945; the record of success in other satellite
lands gave every hope for a similar <1iberation" of South Korea.
~
. When all the evidence is in and reliable information becomes
available, one need not be surprised to find that the North Koreans
were used as expendable pawns in a game of chess - in which
Russians have long excelled. Neither king nor queen was in danger,
and the game itself was at its early stage. The unexpected firmness
of the United States, and the unforeseen support of 52 out of the
59 members of the United Nations in a unified resistance, obviously
checked the cautious gamblers in the Kremlin, without however
forcing them into a position of complete checkmate in their
favorite game.
A more disastrous alternative, however, is wholly possible and
cannot be ignored. The Korean adventure resulted in disruption of
Soviet Russia's immediate program and endangered her grip on
satellite lands by reason of the demonstrated resolve of the United
States to face the Revolution with finality and challenge its advance.
Desperation or anger, or both, then forced the Kremlin to reverse
its tactics. It decided to deploy its controlled mercenaries in
Manchuria and China in order to drive United Nations' forces out
of Korea. That accomplished, the Revolution could equally well
transfer the pressure elsewhere and siphon off American power to
other threatened sectors, including Berlin, and thus prolong the
present tension for an unpredictable number of years. Europe was
once plagued with a Hundred Years' War between France and
England, lasting from 1338 to 1453, characterized by sustained
campaigns, fragile truces, victories, defeats, the ravages of the Black
Death, peasant revolts, foreign alliances, stretches of dreary peace,
English monarchs proclaimed kings of France, Paris occupied, and
Joan of Arc burned at the stake. The smell of warfare was in the
nostrils of three generations.
So now, as an alternative to the pattern of local wars and
constant attrition, the Russian Revolution may judge that the hour
has struck to cast the "ifs" and "huts" into its favorite "dustbin
of history" and abruptly pour its millions of reserved troops into
several Armageddons of its own choice for the final, direct encounter
with the entire non-Communist world. Such a momentous decision
may indeed not be imminent; but who shall say what is proximate,
ultimate, or penultimate in the Soviet strategy? In August, 1950,
Mr. Winston Churchill declared that the West had not more than
To See Life Steadii
two years of breathing space to 1
head off World War III.
Whatever hypothesis becomes
Politburo may choose, several
clear. The government of the U;
from which there is no turning
responsibility in the history of its
point developed by our only ~
Hoover, in his broadcast of Decem
of many Americans. We would
maintains, by recognizing our lim
of continental Europe and Asia. ,
to a cordon of oceanic bases inc
Philippines in the Pacific and Bl
Atlantic. With our available air
attainable objectives, adequate pr
to make the Western Hemisphere
opposition, in dissenting from M
that such a policy would be cm
peoples to whom we have alread
case of Communist attack. Form
Patterson, called Mr. Hoover's prl
ment, despair, and defeat."
On one point, however, the d"
agreement. Western Civilization
formidable challenge since the b,
overran the capital of embattled 1
Empire. The scepter of the Caesar
thence to Moscow where Ivan III
fall of Constantinople in 1453. It '
Muscovy for the first time include
east and west; a new title, samo(
appropriated by Ivan. His Marrisi
the same stirrings of the messianic ,
of Moscow to declare that the f
second succumbed to the Moslems
,
:\loscow, stands, and a fourth they
Contradiction
md reliable information becomes
;ed to find that the North Koreans
; ill a game of chess - in which
nor queen was in danger,
The unexpected firmness
support of 52 out of the
i"l a unified resistance, obviously
:s me Kremlin, without however
1t checkmate in their
is wholly possible and
resulted in disruption of
:Ll and endangered her grip on
resolve of the United
and challenge its advance.
the Kremlin to reverse
controlled mercenaries in
United Nations' forces out
Revolution could equally well
off American power to
and thus prolong the
of years. Europe was
f.es'"S' \Var between France and
245\3. characterized by sustained
the ravages of the Black
stretches of dreary peace,
France, Paris occupied, and
of warfare was in the
tt,e oattem of local wars and
;c may judge that the hour
into its favorite "dustbin
of reserved troops into
final, direct encounter
a momentous decision
shall say what is proximate,
strategy? In August, 1950,
West had not more than
two years of breathing space to prepare and by preparing pOSSibly
head off World War III.
Whatever hypothesis becomes reality, whatever alternative the
Politburo may choose, several grim eventualities remain crystal
clear. The government of the United States, committed to a road
from which there is no turning back, faces the gravest crisis of
responsibility iIi the history of its international relations. The view
point developed by our only living ex-President, Mr. Herbert
Hoover, in his broadcast of December, 1950, represented the attitude
of many Ameticans. We would best serve our cause, this school
maintains, by recognizing our limitations and retiring from defense
of continental Europe and Asia. We should limit our commitments
to a cordon of oceanic bases, including Japan, Formosa, and the
Philippines in the Pacific and Britain if she so desires - in the
Atlantic. With our. available air and sea power focused on these
attainable objectives, adequate protection would thus be available
to make the Western Hemisphere a "Gibraltar of civilization." The
opposition, in dissenting from Mr. Hoover's analysis, maintained
that such a policy would be cowardly abandonment of friendly
peoples to whom we have already pledged military assistance in
case of Communist attack. Former Secretary of War, Robert P.
Patterson, called Mr. Hoover's proposal a "counsel of discourage
ment, despair, and defeat."
On one point, however, the debaters could not help being in
agreement. Western Civilization, as a whole, confronts the most
formidable challenge since the barbarian hordes from the North
overran the capital of embattled Rome during the twilight of the
Empire. The scepter of the Caesars passed to Byzantium and from
thence to Moscow where Ivan III assumed the heritage, after the
fall of Constantinople in 1453. It was then that the escutcheon of
Muscovy for the first time included a double-headed eagle facing
east and west; a new title, samoderzhets, autocrat, was likewise
appropriated by Ivan. His Marxist successors in the Kremlin feel
the same stirrings of the messianic spirit which impelled the Princes
of Moscow to declare that the first Rome had fallen, that the
second succumbed to the Moslems, and that now: ''The third Rome,
Moscow, stands, and a fourth there will not be."
1:1 ;:. ;:. I>
.
40
The present managers of the Russian Revolution have not relied
on power alone to achieve their ambitious program. They added
psychological warfare to their arsenal of weapons and have devel
oped that technique as vigorously as military modes of assault.
They rode the wave of history with intelligent understanding of
the phenomenon which Professor Quincy Wright analyzes in his
monumental Study of War<l published after sixteen years of prepara
tion and research. In the course of a summation dealing with wars
in modem times, this laborious delver into the sociological aspects
of anned conflict notes an important change in the causes of such
clashes between governments. Wars occurring in the early stages
of civilization, he finds, were usually fought over political and
economic issues, with territorial expansion or integration of an
existing civilization as the specific objective. But with growth in
the size of political units.and because of the increasing inter
dependence of states . . . "political and economic ends became
less tangible and cultural patterns and ideal objectives assumed
greater importance."
Pitirim Sorokin in his four-volume work, Social and Cultural
Dynamics, likewise provides a wealth of infonnation and historical
data covering twenty-five centuries of recorded wars and revolu
tions. He concludes that the twentieth century of the Christian Era
will undoubtedly "prove to be the bloodiest and most belligerent
of all the twenty-five centuries under consideration." The upswing
of the war indicator, he concludes, is due to the nature and causes
of modem belligerency, i.e., to social and cultural crises leading
to a climax of catastrophe.
5
G. K. Chesterton, in A Short History of England, when dealing
with the racial fatalism that first came to Elizabethan England in
the war with Spain, has an arresting passage on . . . "the idea of
natural wars, not arising from a special quarrel but from the nature
of the nations quarrelling."
Such a climax of conflicting ideas and ideals, in its full intensity,
mayor may not, as yet, be actually upon us. But that we are
caught in its movement and sweeping toward the consummation
can hardly be denied. The direction imparted to the tide by the
4 Pages 1288-1290.
5 DynamiCS, Vol. III, Chaps. 9, 10, 11.
To See Life Steadill
calculating policy of the Polit!:mr
outpost in the United Nations, 1
the volume and content of the 1
weight and the might of Russia
character to the present internat
qualities of the Russian temperaIl
Historically, no nation has a lor
preparation, revolutionary leaders]
as a result, the literature and theo
bear the hallmark of their Russiar
of the French Revolution contrib
the stock of ideas and methods a,
\vrote in French and Marx, K ~ u t !
leading exponents of the art were
Stepniak, Pisarev, Prince Kropotk
Radek, Trotsky, Bukharin, Preobra:
combined output of revolutionary
in the concrete gives them a unigu
be recognized as a special professi
Spiritually, the Russian people
Europe at their very infancy as a r
of the land inherited its speda
structure from Byzantium in A.n.
who had experienced the influence
tinued much of the Latin tradition
Roman consuls and administrators.
official introduction to Christ
. rebellion against the West. The
<:<rigin and later by compulsion,
Under the growing power of the (
developed across the centuries in!
Orthodox Church, though cum
1589, lost its independence and t
:r'iritual or social leadership. Ivan
nad his strangler murder the metro
flbilip, when that saintly churcm
Tzar's brutalities. The ultimate su
Peter the Great who abolished
Contradiction
Russian Revolution have not relied
r2.mbitious program. They added
,se:nal of weapons .and have devel
as military modes of assault.
'f' intelligent understanding of
Wright analyzes in his
after sixteen years of prepara
a summation dealing with wars
into the sOciologioal aspects
I'twt change in the causes of such
aTS cccurring in the early stages
fought over political and
or integration of an
But with growth in
of the increasing inter
and economic ends beoame
ideal objectives assumed
work, Social and Cultural
information and historical
recorded wars and revolu
century of the. Christian Era
and most belligerent
-=cc",r c,onsideration." The upswing
due to the nature and causes
and cultural crises leading
of England, when dealing
to Elizabethan England in
Dassage on . . . "the idea of
quarrel but from the nature
,85 and ideals, in its full intensity,
upon us. But that we are
toward the consummation
:=DTI imparted to the tide by the
calculating policy of the Politburo sitting in the Kremlin, with an
outpost in the United Nations, is as olearly recognizable as are
the volume and content of the upheaval. The fact that it is the
weight and the might of Russia which lend stimulus and give
character to the present international turmoil derives from three
qualities of the Russian temperament.
HistOrically, no nation has a longer background of revolutionary
preparation, revolutionary leadership, and revolutionary technique;
as a result, the literature and theory of revolution in modem times
bear the hal4nark of their Russian origin. Although the ideologues
of the French Revolution contributed something in their time to
the stock of ideas and methods, and although Sorel and Proudhon
wrote in French and Marx, Kautsky, and Engels in German, the
leading exponents of the art were Herzen, Bakunin, Leo Deutsch,
Stepniak, Pisarev, Prince Kropotkin, Plekhanov, Nechaiev, Gorki,
Radek, Trotsky, Bukharin, Preobrazhensky, Lenin, and Stalin. Their
combined output of revolutionary writings and organized agitation
in the concrete gives them a unique pre-eminence in what came to
be recognized as a special profeSSion (see Appendix III).
Spiritually, the Russian people were alienated from Western
Europe at their very infancy as a nation. The predominant religion
of the land inherited its special character and organizational
structure from Byzantium in A.D. 988. Unlike the Western Slavs
who had experienced the influence of the Roman Empire and con
tinued much of the Latin tradition even after the disappearance of
Roman consuls and administrators, the Eastern Slavs received their
first official introduction to Christianity from sources in spiritual
rebellion against the West. The Russian Church, moreover, by
origin and later by compulsion, became allied with Caesarism.
Under the growing power of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, as it
developed across the centuries into the autocracy of the Tzars,
the Orthodox Church, though cutting loose from Constantinople in
1589, lost its independence and the ability to develop effective
spiritual or social leadership. Ivan IV, called The Terrible, simply
had his strangler murder the metropolitan of Moscow, Archbishop
Philip, when that saintly churchman remonstrated against the
Tzar's brutalities. The ultimate subjection came in the reign of
Peter the Great who abolished the Patriarchate in 1700 and
humiliated the Church to the status of an inferior agency,
servient to the imperial will. This subordination of the spiritual
to the secular had profound consequences on the subsequent histo'!
of the Russian State. Lenin regarded Peter as the first BolsheVIk
and declared that he was his political, ancestor.
The finer minds of the Orthodox Church - and there have been
many among clergy and laity alike - often longed for the oppor
tunity to exercise the leadership so often manifested by the Western
Church in its frequent conflicts with ambitious kings, arrogant
emperors, robber-barons, and miscellaneous oppressors of the
common folk. But the Crown, working through the Holy Synod,
had a genius for transferring to Siberia any priest or bishop
suspected of inclination, or even capacity, to assume the role of
an Ahibrose of Milan before a Theodosius, the royal murderer of
Thessalonica. It was as if a Cabinet officer of an American admin
istration had the power to transfer Cardinal Spellman from New
York to Anchorage in Alaska, or order Dun to qU.it the
Protestant Episcopal Cathedral in Washmgton for a pansh in
Guam. There has been no Canossa in Russian history.
Together with this outward Erastianism in State-Church rela
tionships went the inner animosity of mind toward
Latin Christianity in the West. The great ecclesiastical schism
inaugurated at Constantinople by the usurping .Patriarch
in A.D. 857, was consummated by his successor, MIchael Caerulanus,
in 1054. This period of turbulent conflicts over dogma,. doctrine,
and jurisdiction coincided with the period of the cOnverSlOn of
Eastern Slavs from paganism to Christianity. The Eastern schlSm
was in the making and headed for the unhappy climax of 1054.
It was not Rome, then, but rebellious Constantinople that
disposed the Russian soul to contradiction and signed the baptismal
certificate. The contemporary polemics in the United Nations reveal
something of the historical origins of the at the
Western Allies by Gromyko, Molotov, Malik, and Vyshmski. Thus,
Nicetus Pectoratus, a monk favoring the schism of Caerularius
called his Western opponents dogs, bad workmen ... hypocrites,
and liars." The archschismatic himself, Caerularius, anticipating
Lenin, described his Western adversaries as "insolent, boastful, rash,
arrogant, and stupid."
To See Life Steadil!
By the beginning of the twelftl:
thing resembling unity of religiom
dom and was well on her way to
non which characterizes her nati(
The brief truce and short union ef
in 1439 ended in failure and a
animosities. Even that short-lived
at Lyons was not a basic meeting
of prudence on the part of the Byz;
raced as he was by the threatem
the Turks. There were many sin
Eastern camp, such as the learned
and the energetic Isadore of Kiev.
the maneuver, from the political ]
was not unlike the temporary all
'Vestern powers after Hitler had
It would be difficult for an
the Byzantine emperors for rell
Russian canonical writings, fn
(1004), George (1072), Ivan II (]
down to the ,lay writings of KhOI
sponsored Patriarch, are implacah
position was historically determine
;r:sed to connote the predominantly
;zation or to denote speCifically the
3n the Papacy - which is considen:
. Kipling, though more concerned
'with theology, touched on the co
r;v1'Ote, must be considered not as
"',Yest, but the most Westerly natic
continued the Romanov syste
of Orthodoxy as endorsers and prop
This is not to insinuate that the c:
martyrs confessors during
was a long succession of coura!
laymen who held their Chr
S Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, p. 76
Contradiction
tabs of an inferior agency, sub
1";:,, subordination of the spiritual
on the subsequent history
Peter as the first Bolshevik
ancestor.
:C;I Church- and there have been
zrtr often longed for the oppor
manifested by the Western
",1ili ambitious kings, arrogant
oppressors of the
through the Holy Synod,
any priest or bishop
to assume the role of
the royal murderer of
of an American,admin
t'i':'T Cardinal Spellman from New
Bishop Dun to quit the
Y-c-, 1,Vashington for a parish in
Russian history.
S:astianism in State-Church rela
animosity of mind toward
The great ecclesiastical schism
Patriarch Photius,
successor, Michael Caerularius,
l" over dogma, doctrine,
n",:riod of the conversion of the
The Eastern schism
fD': unhappy climax of 1054.
Constantinople that pre
z=CUlIl.l and signed the baptismal
in the United Nations reveal
the vituperation hurled at the
, Malik, and Vyshinski. Thus,
the schism of Caerularius
workmen . . . hypocrites,
Caerularius, anticipating
as "insolent, boastful, rash,
'"
By the beginning of the twelfth century, Russia was lost to any ,
thing resembling unity of religiOUS doctrine with Westeru Christen
dom and was well on her way to the po;titical and cultural separa
tion which characterizes her national attitude at the present time.
The brief truce and short union effected at the Council of Florence
in 1439 ended in failure and a gradual renewal of the ancient
animosities. Even that short-lived union, like the previous attempt
at Lyons was not a basic meeting of minds; it was largely an act
of prudence on the part of the Byzantine Emperor, John Paleologus,
faced as he was by the threatened assault on Constantinople by
the Turks. There were many sincere advocates of peace in the
Eastern camp, such as the learned Bessarion, Archbishop of Nicea,
and the energetic Isadore of Kiev. But the full record suggests that
the maneuver, from the political point of view of lay Byzantiuin,
was not unlike the temporary alliance made by Stalin with the
Western powers after Hitler had invaded Soviet Russia in 1941.
It would be difficult for an impartial historian to affirm the sincerity
of the Byzantine emperors for religiOUS reunion.
s
Russian canonical writings, from the Metropolitan Leontius
(1004), George (1072) , Ivan II (1089), and Nicephoras I (1121)
down to the lay writings of Khomiakov and the present Soviet
sponsored Patriarch, are implacably hostile to the Roman. Their
position was historically determined, whether the term Roman be
used to connote the predominantly Latin origins of W estern
ization or to denote specifically the religiOUS organization centered
on the Papacy which is considered the true schismatic. Rudyard
Kipling, though more concerned with secular appearances than
with theology, touched on the core of the problem. Russia, he
wrote, must be considered not as the most Eastern nation of the
West, but the most Westerly nation of the East. The new Tzars
have continued the Romanov system by utilizing selected leaders
of Orthodoxy as endorsers and props of the Soviet Empire.
This is not to insinuate that the Church in Russia did not have its
martyrs artd confessors during the Revolution. On the contrary,
there was a long succession of courageous Orthodox bishops, priests,
and laymen who held their Christianity above Marxism and
6 Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, p. 765.
:
suffered death, exile, or degradation for their constancy. The
present writer paid willing and unequivocal tribute to their memory
in a previous work.
7
So too, Orthodoxy in the United States has
registered its protest against the subjection of the mother Church
in Russia to the purPoses of world Communism. In a national Sobor
( Council) convoked on December 5, 1950, at New York, the
Russian congregations repudiated the jurisdiction of the present
Soviet-controlled Patriarchate and erected themselves into an
autonomous body, the North American Orthodox Church. By an
open ballot of 231 to 7, the Council voted against retaining in the
liturgy the commemoration for Alexsey, the Patriarch of Moscow,
who had warmly praised Stalin and condemned the United States
as an aggressor.
Psychologically, the Russian people - upon whom the Revolu
tion is based and without whose acquiescence it could not have
been launched or so long sustained - have always revealed qualities
of frustrated mysticism which inclines them to constant acceptance
of contradictions and paradoxes. The nonlogical, if appealing, can
produce moods and exaltations in their souls wholly at variance
with their better selves. Those who have had frequent contact with
representative Russian intellectuals, pqrticularly with those of
Slavic temperament, often marvel at the versatility with which in
one conversation they range the whole gamut of inquiry from
metaphysics to nymphomania with an alert, restless curiosity that
beto,kens something more than mere emotional frivolity. In their
years of suffering, when I first knew them in Russia during the
early years of the Revolution, the more thoughtful among them
seemed forever drifting rudderless in an immense sea of speculation
but grasping always at the infinite, searching everywhere for God.
That is why their favorite mood was melancholy tempered by
resignation. Bogoiskateli, seekers after God, is a t e ~ that occurs
often in their literature to describe themselves.
It was the genius of one of their greatest word artists, Anton
Chekhov, to weave the national temperament into his plays, novels,
and sh01t stories with a haunting and intimate simplicity that is
7 The Last Stand - An Interpretation of the Soviet Five Year Plan (Boston:
Atlantic Monthly Press, 1931), pp. 169-219.
often more revealing than the ha
Dostoevski and Tolstoi. In the sel
Chekhov makes Colonel Vershinin
tea, let's philosophize, at any rate ..
life as it will be after our time." De:
their little hopes, the three sisters,
town, never quite abandon their f ~
Moscow. One by one their frien
desolation being a group of artiller;
to the music of the regimental ban
Milsoo. Oh, how the music plays I Th
us, quite and for ever. We remain alom
:must live . . . we must live. . .'.
Irina. (puts her head on Olgris boso
one will know what all this is about wh
, '
oe no more mysteries, but meanwhile v,
To-morrow I will go away alone, I shaJ
whole life to those who may want it. NO\1
the snow will cover everything, and I shaJ
Symbolical of passive fatalism is
gradually degenerated from an am:
ship in Moscow down to the slack
the municipality to whom an aged aJ
:?ringing documents to be Signed.
nrother soliloquizes on his past alsc
unfulfilled destiny. The partie
identified with the universal. . .
documents still unSigned.
In another of Chekhov's classics
felicity far off but still to be achie
conclusion of the play:
. . . and there, beyond the grave, we ~
We had cried, that our lot had been bitter.
ooth of us, uncle, dear uncle, shall see a'
e shall know gladness and look bn our ;
mille - and we shall rest.
. \Ve shall rest! We shall hear angels, w
hall see how all evil drowns in the merc,
Ed our life will be peaceful and tender ~
Contradiction
dation for their constancy. The
lequivocal tribute to their memory
thodoxy in the United States has
subjection of the mother Church
Communism. In a national Sobor
5, 1950, at New York, the
'd me jurisdiction of the present
erected themselves into an
nerlcan Orthodox Church. By an
"d voted against retaining in the
the Patriarch of Moscow,
md condemned the United States'
- upon whom the Revolu
acquiescence it could not have
-1' have always revealed qualities
them to constant acceptance
The nonlogical, if appealing, can
:rr souls wholly at variance
have had frequent contact with
particularly with those of
: at the versatility with which in
whole gamut of inquiry from
an alert, restless curiosity that
}e:-e emotional frivolity. In their
::2iE"N them in Russia during the
,E' more thoughtful among them
b, an innnense sea of speculation
searching everywhere for God.
was melancholy tempered by
iller God, is a term that occurs
themselves. .
;eir greatest word artists, Anton
nperament into his plays, novels,
~ _ . J intimate simplicity that is
the Soviet Five Year Plan (Boston:
often more revealing than the harrowing and soul-searchings of
Dostoevski and Tolstoi. In the second act of The Three Sisters,
Chekhov makes Colonel Vershinin say: "Well, if we cant have any
tea, let's philosophize, at any rate .... Let us meditate ... about
life as it wUl be after our time," Despite the perpetual frustration of
their little hopes, the three sisters, marooned in a dull provincial
town, never quite abandon their fading dream of getting back to
Moscow. One by one their friends depart, the last symbol of
desolation being a group of artillery officers making their farewells
to the music of the regimental band:
Mdsha. Oh, how the music playsl They are leaving us, one has quite left
us! quite and for ever. 'vVe remain alone, to begin our life over again. We
must live , , . we must live. , .'.
Irina. (puts her head on Olga's bosom), A time will come when every
one will know what all this is about, what all this suffering is for, there will
be no more mysteries, but meanwhile we must live , . . work, only work!
To-morrow I will go away alone, I shall teach at the school and give my
whole life to those who may want it. Now it's autumn, it will soon be winter,
the snow will cover everything, and I shall be working, I shall be working ....
Symbolical of passive fatalism is their brother, Andrei, who had
gradually degenerated from an ambitious aspirant to a professor-'
ship in Moscow down to the slackness of a bored bureaucrat of
the muniCipality to whom an aged and deaf messenger is constantly
bringing documents to be Signed. Falling into melancholy, the
brother soliloquizes on his past also, on his lost opportunities and
his unfulfilled destiny. The particular lot of each character is
identified with the universal. . . . The curtain falls on more
documents still unSigned.
In another of Chekhov's classics, Uncle Vanya, the motif of
felicity far off but still to be achieved is expressed by Sonya at
the conclusion of the play:
. . . and there, beyond the grave, we shall say that we had suffered, that
we had cried, that our lot had been bitter, and God will take pity on us, and
both of us, uncle, dear uncle, shall see a life lofty and tender and beautiful,
we shall know gladness and look bn our present predicaments with affection,
a smile - and we shall rest.
We shall restl We shall hear angels, we shall see heaven all diamonds, we
shall see how all evil drowns in the mercy that shall engulf the whole world,
and our life will be peaceful and tender and sweet, like a caress. . .
In Pushkin's poem-novel, Eugene Onegin, we find the classic
type of the eternal wanderer" whose proud rehelliousness is for
ever seeking a better world in Russian terms, but wasting his
genius without making it fruitful for mankind.
It is in the works of Dostoevski, however, that one can best
recognize that reconciliation of good and evil which is so easy
of achievement by Russian intellectuals. In him the religion of
suffering found its characteristic Russian expression. He him
self, in his work Humbled and Outraged, described it as mystic
fright." The paradox reaches its climax in Crime and Punishment.
Raskolnikoff, a murderer, accepts the necessity of expiation and
throws himself at the feet of Sonya, the prostitute who supported
her. parents in the only way open to her: "It is not before thee
I kneel I prostrate myself before the suffering of all
Raskolnikoff, conquered by remorse, confesses his crime and is
condemned; Dostoevski makes Sonya teach him how to pray and
has them both go tranquilly to Siberia, the house of the dead, in
expiation of their sins. For Russia -:- and in
humanity - is a penitent forever seeking salvation, wandenng 10
uncertainty, and suffering in the darkness of welcomed agony.
Tolstoi continued the tradition of the Russian intellectual for
ever seeking a true course - and ending in Nihilism. Among the
gallery of individual portraits that adorn the pages of War and
Peace, and reflect the contradiction that obsessed other Russian
thinkers as well as his own soul, Tolstoi paints a full-length
specimen in Prince Andrew Volkonsky, the proud, cold, refined
skeptic. Lying wounded on the field of Austerlitz, he stares at
the sky and meditates: "That distant sky, high up there, eternal.
. . . If I could only say <Lord, have mercy on me: ... But to whom
shall I say it? Either to an Indefinite Power who is inaccessible,
whom I cannot even define in words; the Great Allor the Great
Nothing - or is it the God which is contained in this 'charm given
me by Mary? ... Nothing, nothing is certain, except the Nothing
ness of everything I can conceive and the majesty of something
I cannot
It would be an error to imagine that this mournful mysticism
was confined to the intelligentsia. If anything, it was deeper and
more elemental among the "black people" of the soil. The Russian
To See Life
muzhik when steeped in vodka I
slumbering animality limited onl)
orgy over, he will weep with )
condone thieves (was there not
of the dying Saviour?), shield n
manifest instantaneous sympathy
grims in this vale of tears. H(
murmurs to the stubborn earth,
unending task of wringing a b
"Gospodi pomilui! . . . Gospodi I
Despite this fundamental anch(
as it has been, by every discrim
historical fact remains that its I
been forced to tolerate an anti-G
man power necessary for the e:
Europe and Asia. The apparent t
compassion characteristic of the
the gross inhumanity and expl
armies in occupied Europe woul
the quality of pity so prevalent
himself if the former reputation .,
of motivation been poisoned by s
corruption of heart and mind thrc
The paradox becomes intelligib
in. the complex Russian, one psy
other material and contemporary.
. punishment, war, peace, sheer seIi
dwell side by side in one breast .
ence. The juxtaposition fills the !
writers, notably those already
Dostoevski. Stephen Graham, that
mood when he contends that Ru:
route to some place . . . and ho'
an individual Russian's life may E
of his great pilgrimage. The th,
peasant thought and was found
that he had suffered a term of p
Whether the mysticism be auth
Contradiction
Onegin, we find the classic
proud rebelliousness is for
Russian terms, but wasting his
mankind.
however, that one can best
and evil which is so easy
In him the religion of
Russian expression. He him
described it as mystic
in Crime and Punishment.
necessity of expiation and
prostitute who supported
:0 her: "It is not before thee
'=-' suffering of all humanity."
confesses his crime and is
teach him how to pray and
the house of the dead, in
Russia - and in sum all
Sci':kmlf! salvation, wandering in
of welcomed agony.
the Russian intellectual for
in Nihilism. Among the
the pages of War and
that obsessed other Russian
T olstoi paints a full-length
the proud, cold, refined
of Austerlitz, he stares at
sky, high up there, eternal.
"I':"rcy on me:', .. But to whom
Power who is inaccessible,
the Great Allor the Great
is contained in this charm given
is certain, except the Nothing
'irrld the majesty of something
that this mournful mysticism
anything, it was deeper and
people" of the soil. The Russian
muzhik when steeped in vodka reveals a sordid grossness and a
slumbering animality limited only by physical capacity. But, the
orgy over, he will weep with you in brotherly understanding,
condone thieves (was there not a good thief on the right hand
of the dying Saviour?), shield murderers with compassion, and
manifest instantaneous sympathy with all suffering fellow pil
grims in this vale of tears. He pities himself and you, and
murmurs to the stubborn earth, as he plows and hoes it in his
unending task of wringing a bare subsistence from the soil,
"Gospodi pomilui! , . , Gospodi pomilui! - Lord, be merciful!"
Despite this fundamental anchoring of life in religion - noted,
as it has been, by every discriminating traveler in Russia - the
historical fact remains that its people for over 32 years have
been forced to tolerate an anti-God government and supply the
man power necessary for the expanding Soviet domination of
Europe and Asia. The apparent transformation of the traditional
compassion characteristic of the Russian soul into the nihilism,
the gross inhumanity and exploitation practiced by Russian
armies in occupied Europe would seem to be flat negation of
the quality of pity so prevalent in Russian literature. One asks
himself if the former reputation was a sham? Or have the wells
of motivation been poisoned by some evil influence that worked
corruption of heart and mind throughout an entire nation?
The paradox becomes intelligible if we consider two elements
in the complex Russian, one psychological and permanent, the
other material and contemporary. Grossness and brutality, crime,
punishment, war, peace, sheer sensuality, and spiritual sensitivity
dwell side by side in one breast without the slightest inconveni
ence, The juxtaposition fills the pages of representative Russian
writers, notably those already cited - Chekhov, Tolstoi, and
Dostoevski. Stephen Graham, though an Englishman, caught the
mood when he contends that Russians are always spiritually en
route to some place . . . and however mean, ugly, and strange
an individual Russian's life may seem, it is, nevertheless, a part
of his great pilgrimage. The theme runs unceaSingly through
peasant thought and was found in Dostoevski's personal joy
that he had suffered a term of penal exile in Siberia.
Whether the mysticism be authentic or a myth, the next fact
is equally clear. The Politburo has capitalized on it with great
shrewdness and political profit. The men in the Kremlin have
now had an entire generation at their mercy and fashioned it
to at least passive conformity with the Marxian vision of paradise
through economics. They created an earthy counterpoint as
response to the dominant note of Slavic psychology. They made
flesh and matter the Logos that came to dwell as god among men.
They thus substituted a new divinity to fill the nostalgia in Russia's
soul and set up a new Jerusalem for Ivan Ivanovich's unending
pilgrimage. Whether or not he accepts the new theology in his
heart of hearts we have no sure way of knowing, as he dwells
behind an iron curtain or disappears by millions into concentra
tion camps; his voice, as a people, is as mute as was the tongue
of his patron saint, Seraphim of Sarof, who spoke not a word
in his hermitage for 85 years even while Napoleon was invading
Holy Russia. There is no record of the first word he spoke when
he broke his silence.
We have no indication as yet of the day and the manner of
Russia's liberation from its latest form of despotism nor of the
activities of any organized domestic underground comparable to
the French and Polish resistance in World War II. Its people are
a long-suffering race accustomed to the yoke fashioned by suc
cessive rulers who ranged in technique from the Tatar conquerors
to Ivan the Terrible and the present Politburo.s Throughout her
long and tumultuous history Russia has rarely. been governed by
the masses or by the proletariat, nor has her destiny depended
on informed acceptance of the true issues involved in a given
instance. At this point one may question that word "rarely" and
ask - 'Was she ever governed by the people in contradistinction
to an autocracy?"
The answer must be that she once was so governed. There
existed a vigorous and independent democratic tradition in the
Slavic civilization of former centuries. Autonomous republics such
as Pskov and Novgorod were city-states as jealous and assertive
of their freedom as was ever Ghent, Venice, or Florence. The
8 This is not to suggest that underground resistance is impractical in the
satellite countries, nor to seem unaware of claims in some quarters that a
,substantial resistance is developing inside Russia. .
Court of Yaroslav at Novgorod ~
free men, the Vecha, determining
institutions six. hundred years 1
Plymouth; its Declaration of Inde
centuries before the Philadelphia 1
and was much shorter, too: "If tl
with him.'" But the growing pow
prinCipality of Moscow gradually
primitive and boisterous democr,
1570, Moscow became what it s!
sale mouthpiece of old, free Russ
Terrible, down to the present apo
has obeyed the autocrat or dictator
took the form of a hereditary
Politburo. The ruling power a l w ~ 3
gripping love for Mother Russia
people to their land, even when "
Durden heavy.
This folk trait runs through RL
,quite different from the stereotyp
Hitler and his doctrinaire propag
was of the head - arrogant, domi::J:
Russian love of native land comes
standing, and forgiving. It is not
2. consciousness of civic duty. It c
iideology. It does not argue; it f
Poles and Latins. It permeates Rus
the bylini to the latest SOY
~ y a n the Terrible in spite of h
fuousands of slaughtered victiI:n!
dothed in mystical service to Russ
lvloscow, to the ground in 1812 If
1ccupied by Napoleon's Grand An
1'hT"ough the long and oppressive
p,::,essed itself stubbornly in the c
Imdowners: 'We are yours but tb
what Upsensky, one of th1
Russian peasantry, had in mind wI
.2
Contradiction
has capitalized on it with great
men in the Kremlin have
~ t their mercy and fashioned it
11 the Marxian vision of paradise
:ed an earthy counterpoint as
Slavic psychology. They made
23J:e to dwell as god among men.
to fill the nostalgia in Russia's
for Ivan Ivanovich's unending
the new theology in his
of knowing, as he dwells
'E8IS millions into concentra
::, is as mute as was the tongue
who spoke not a word
Napoleon was invading
first word he spoke when
,,-,i:,
day and the manner of
of despotism nor of the
tf.: underground comparable to
'YorId War II. Its people are
the yoke fashioned by suc
from the Tatar conquerors
eDt Politburo.B Throughout her
rarely been governed by
naT has her destiny depended
issues involved in a given
'-,estion that word rarely" and
people in contradistinction
CI'cee was so governed. There
Et democratic tradition in the
es. Autonomous republics such
-states as jealous and assertive
Venice, or Florence. The
::::Iil. resistance is impractical in the
Df claims in some quarters that a
~ Russia.
Court of Yaroslav at Novgorod saw true popular assemblies of
free men, the Vecha, determining the character of their political
institutions six hundred years before the Mayflower reached
Plymouth; its Declaration of Independence was drawn up seven
centuries before the Philadelphia masterpiece of Thomas Jefferson
and was much shorter, too: "If the Prince is bad, into the mud
with him." But the growing power and appetite of the near-by
principality of Moscow gradually snuffed out liberty in those
primitive and boisterous democracies of the steppes, until by
1570, Moscow became what it still is, the despotic center and
sole mouthpiece of old, free Russia. From the days of Ivan the
Terrible, down to the present apotheosis of Joseph Stalin, Russia
has obeyed the autocrat or dictator in command, whether authority
took the form of a hereditary dynasty or a self-appointed
Politburo. The ruling power always relied on that intangible but
gripping love for Mother Russia which historically bound her
people to their land, even when the bond was a fetter and the
burden heavy.
This folk trait runs through Russian psychology in a manner
quite different from the stereotyped blood-race-soil argument of
Hitler and his doctrinaire propagandists. The Nazi Chauvinism
was of the head - arrogant, domineering, and argumentative. The
Russian love of native land comes from the heart - tender, under
standing, and forgiving. It is not a reasoned habit of mind nor
a consciousness of civic duty. It does not aspire to be called an
ideology. It does not argue; it feels, and leaves syllogisms to
Poles and Latins. It permeates Russian legends, poetry, and sagas,
from the bylini to the latest Soviet panegyrics; it tolerated an
Ivan the Terrible in spite of his murderous record and his
thousands of slaughtered victims - because his savagery was
clothed in mystical service to Russia; it burned Moscow, beloved
Moscow, to the ground in 1812 rather than see it profaned and
occupied by Napoleon's Grand Army; it sustained peasant Russia
through the long and oppressive centuries of serfdom and ex
pressed itself stubbornly in. the celebrated peasant rejOinder to
landowners: 'We are yours but the land is ours." Its roots grow
from what / Upsensky, one of the most talented portrayers of
Russian peasantry, had in mind when he wrote:
It is the same soil which you bring home on your rubbers in the form of
mud, it is the earth you see in your Hower pots, black, wet earth; it is, in a
word, the most ordinary, natural earth.
That sentiment prevailed notably in 1914, on the outbreak of
World War I. During the months preceding the crisis, there had
been open rebellion in the streets of St. Petersburg; on May 1 a
huge strike was in progress in that city, with 130,000 workmen
clamoring for reforms, while Cossacks were charging barricaded
strikers, leaving dead and wounded strewn on the pavement
exactly as they had done on Bloody Sunday, 1905. But Russian
psychology is glOriously independent of political realities when
Holy Russia is menaced. Political differences and revolutionary
slogans were buried under outbursts of passionate patriotism and
fierce Slavic fealty to the land and homes threatened by Teutons.
The declaration of war acted as a hot iron fusing all classes
and parties into a common purpose. Milling crowds ranged
themselves before the winter palace and knelt at the appearance
of the Tzar. The revolutionary slogans were transformed into a
chanting of the imperial hymn and the clamors for redress of
grievances became vows of allegiance to the throne. . . . The same
common front would probably again greet any foreign attempt
at invading Russia, at any time, no matter what the form or
quality of the domestic government might be.
What counts for the world, then, is the political psychology
and the declared objectives of Russia's small governing class
at any given period, not the mute and captive aspirations of
her 200,000,000 inhabitants. They are not the real enemy.
In the meantime, the only public voice we hear speaks the
flagrant falsehoods and distortions of reality dictated to Communist
spokesmen by the Kremlin and repeated by Mr. Malik in the
name of his government from the unique vantage point provided
by his presidency in August, 1950, over the Security Council of
the United Nations. The same pattern revealed itself. in the
ominous diatribes of the Chinese revolutionist, General Wu, dur
ing his appearance before the United Nations in December.
To interpret the contemporaneous phase of the Russian odyssey
and make concrete the Politburo's adaptation of a people's ante
cedents to new international ends requires much analysis of the
record and citation of chapter aj
that such an account must,. at
Communist dialectics and probiJ
process is often tedious and bores
involved structure, and profusiOI
language. But that hazard is ins
lay bare the working of the Ma
power. To ignore or omit that as
would be a staging of Hamlet w
Without patient assembling of th
steadfast continuity of understandi
be an enigma, a puzzle, and a
f Contradiction
19 home on your rubbers in the form of
.:lower pots, black, wet earth; it is, in a
.....
tablv in 1914, on the outbreak of
fus preceding the crisis, there had
ets of St. Petersburg; on May 1 a
Sat city, with 130,000 workmen
:c;;:saeks were charging barricaded
strewn on the pavement
Sunday, 1905. But Russian
::::..dent of political realities when
differences and revolutionary
CIst;; of passionate patriotism and
..=::1 homes threatened by Teutons.
a. hot iron fusing all classes
:''1.i7os
e
. Milling crowds ranged
and knelt at the appearance
sbgans were transformed iIito a
"',d the clamors for redress of
':.,- to the throne. . . . The same
aga.in greet any foreign attempt
'e.. no matter what the form or
=:e::::t might be.
is the political psychology
. Russia's small governing class
::::::..te and captive aspirations of
. not the real enemy.
r..:.:=3ie voice we hear speaks the
;:E :7eality dictated to Communist
.cepeated by Mr. Malik in the
e ",.-6que vantage point provided
:i). the Security Council of
;:J'"'ttern revealed itself. in the
General Wu, dur
enited Nations in December.
::.;: p1u.se of the Russian odyssey
's &daptation of a people's ante
s requires much analysis of the
record and citation of chapter and verse. The author is aware
that such an account must, at some stages, run heavily to
Communist dialectics and probing of Soviet apologetics. The
process is often tedious and boresome, because of the repetitions,
involved structure, and profusion of invective in the Marxian
language. But. that hazard is inseparable from any attempt to
lay bare the working of the Marxist mind behind the Russian
power. To ignore or omit that aspect of the deepening tragedy
would be a staging of Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark.
Without patient assembling of the antecedents in the case and
steadfast continuity of understanding, Soviet policy would indeed
be an enigma, a puzzle, and a mystery - which it is not.
The Lengthened Shad
His letters from Switzerland, wher
exile at the moment of the abdica
CHAPTER III
revealing documentation and
subsequent course of Soviet foreig
falling and the line of Romanov Tza
The Lengthened Shadow of Three Men
MARX - ENGELS - LENIN
hE tenn 'cold war" applied to even" between 1945 and
1950 caught the popular imagination in a manner which illustrates
how easy it is to oversimplify' and condense a great historical
process into a single phrase. Soviet Russia, in point of time, had
hy 1950 been conducting a cold war against the United States
for over thirty years. The interval 1941-1945 was a period of
truce, an interruption made advisable because of the Nazi
invasion of Soviet territory. The underlying and permanent
belligerency began on the day when Lenin engineered his coup
d'etat, seized the government of Russia, founded the Soviet State,
and declared a state of siege against the whole non-Communist
world. A generation of Americans was born and came to maturity
since that epochal event; but it is doubtful if they or their elders
have as yet fully grasped the fundamental challenge and social
implications of the Third Russian Revolution.
Flexibility of tactics, combined with oneness of purpose, is a
constant theme in Lenin's writings. Since his words and every
scrap of paper bearing his handwriting are preserved in the
Lenin Institute at MoscoW' as a sort of sacred scripture for his
followers, it becomes extremely important to know what the master
revolutionist taught, and how he acted under given circumstances.
1
collected works (Sobranie Sochineniy) run through some 30 volumes;
in addition, his miscellaneous writings comprise 30 supplementary volumes
(Lenimkfe Sbomiki).
52
and four years was at an end. Th:
blank page was spread before the s
power. The future lay in the grasf
the hand qUick enough to write th<
to the released hopes and asp irati
The news of events from Petrog
of expectation. This is not to
history began in 1917 nor that
revolution are directed exclusively (
ease. That would be to ignore the
cf social organization, controversy,
tion that poured from his pen ove]
::he Soviet State less than seven yea;
international revolution and prepar
century. What is meant is that all ]
came alive, focused at white heat
exploitation in his native land. }
2.Ilother country he would have w
Tnat it had first come to his 0"'""
welcome, since no obstacles would
zanguage; psychology of the masse:
2,cquaintance ,with geography and t:
appointed hour, and his insm
):1 the spot in the demoralized ca
::;'lttern and shape of things to cor
He is impatient to take commanl
can arrive on the battlefield h
communiques to his staff
16, 1917, wams his agents t!:
:revolution bred by the war will be
. . . by all means a come
Elieans . . . agitation and struggle f(
,;;;eyolution."
III [ER
lcdow of Three Men
CnS-LENIN
to events between 1945 and
=C:l in a manner which illustrates
22d condense a great historical
":.=: Russia, in point of time, had
:3. "ar against the United States
1941-1945 was a period of
E:",io2.o1e because of the Nazi
underlying and permanent
Lenin engineered his coup
'f,-c=ssia, founded the Soviet State,
the whole non-Communist
, was born and came to maturity
ccubtful if they or their elders
'-=.=2llental challenge and social
"=- Reyolution.
:i with oneness of purpose, is a
Since his words and every
::::'-;;,Titing are preserved in the
:5 of sacred scripture for his
to know what the master
;,ceed under given circumstances.1
run through some 30 volumes;
:::mprise 30 supplementary volumes
The Lengthened Shadow of Three Men 53
His letters from Switzerland, where he was living as a political
exile at the moment of the abdication of Nicholas II, furnish a
revealing documentation and starting point for understanding the
subsequent course of Soviet foreign policy. The monarchy was
falling and the line of Romanov Tzars reaching back three hundred
and four years was at an end. That chapter was finished and a
blank page was spread before the several contestants for imperial
power. The future lay in the grasp of the first resolute will and
the hand quick enough to write the command in terms agreeable
to the released hopes and aspirations of the Russian people.
The news of events from Petro grad threw Lenin into a fever
of expectation. This is not to suggest that Lenin's influence on
history began in 1917 nor that his writings on the art of
revolution are directed exclusively or even mainly to the Russian
case. That would be to ignore the voluminous treatises, analyses
of social organization, controversy, polemics, and concrete agita
tion that poured from his pen over some thirty years. He ruled
the Soviet State less than seven years; he had been advocating an
international revolution and preparing for it for a quarter of a
century. What is meant is that all his planning and theories now
came alive, focused at white heat on the lucky chance awaiting
exploitation in his native land. Had revolution come first in
another country he would have welcomed it with impartiality.
That it had first come to his own land was a windfall twice
welcome, since no obstacles would now intervene on the side of
language, psychology of the masses, knowledge of traditions, or
acquaintance ,with geography and the social landscape. Now was
the appointed hour, and his instructions to fellow conspirators
on the spot in the demoralized capital on the Neva reveal the
pattern and shape of things to come.
He is impatient to take command of the Revolution but until
he can arrive on the battlefield he must content himself with
stopgap communiques to his staff officers. Thus, his letter, of
March 16, 1917, warns his agents that the "first stage of the first
revolution bred by the war will be neither final nor confined to
Russia . . . by all means a combination of legal and illegal
means . . . agitation and struggle for an international proletarian
revolution."
On the following day he speeds new instructions to Madame
Kollontai: ". . . . refuse all confidence and support to the new
government ... keep anned watchfulness; armed preparation of a
broader base for a higher stage." In the original text of this letter
the word "higher" is italicized. On March SO his instructions to
J. S. Hanecki rise to impassioned heights: "... the workers should
be told the truth. They should be told that . . . only then will
they have the right to demand the overthrow of all kings and
of all bourgeois governments. For God's sake try to get all this
into Petrograd and into the Pravda. . . . Implacable propaganda
of internationalism.... Kamenev must realize that on his shoulders
rests a responsibility of historical and universal import."
These two ideas - the universal scope of the Revolution, and
Russia's function as the brains and dynamo of a gigantic up
heaval- remained the hard core of Lenin's revolutionary leader
ship; he always sang the same tune although with minor
variations and in different keys. The vision of a world aflame
with social revolution became for him and for his apostles "the
idea of ideas, about which the splinters of all other thought
revolve like the planets around the sun." His successors down to
the present day have added only detail and body to the blueprint
blocked out by the master architect.
It would be an error to imply that Lenin lacked the ability
to draw up specifications. On the contrary, his genius visualized
manner, methods, and tactical maneuvers to aJ? extent that placed
him in the forefront of revolutionary practitioners. Even during
the critical years following the seizure of power when the crush
ing l;mrden of providing administrative agencies for a sprawling
empire suddenly bereft of diSCiplined officials might well have
engaged the undivided energy of any man, he did not relax in
production of theoretical treatises and handbooks of revolutionary
procedure for the conquest of power on an international scale.
Time and space permit but bare mention of selected specimens.
As early as April 20, 1917, four days after his triumphant arrival
in Russia, he published a popular treatise on Problems in Tactics.
At the end of April came Class CMmcter of the Revolution, fol
lowed in rapid sequence by Dual Authority, After the UprWng
The Lengthened Sha1
Uuly ); Constitutional Illusions; 1
International Tactics. Then in. N:
and it was resolved as much by
S\vord of Trotsky, although consi(
Rnal phase.
The unflagging ideology bf LeI
remaining problems and his :
upon treatise, tract after tract, sud
Peace and Our Task; The Problem
and Production; Democracy and
Order and the New; The IntI
Running through the collected
we find one consistent warning,
one form or another: "Without a
no revolutionary movement . .
advanced t:heory can act as vangt:
dogma he is particularly fn
delivered at the Third All-Russian (
Communist League, October 20 H
, '
mat the Soviet concept of moralit
Elorms ~ n d derives exclUSively fro:
Revolution. . In what sense
morality? In the sense according i
the bourgeoisie, who declared
mandmenJs. We, of course, say till
, . . we repudiate all morality that
';:i)ncepts.... We say that our mo
the interests of the class struggle
is this class struggle? It is overthr(
capitalist, abolishing the capita
It was upon this welcomed prec(
':lr'as established and formulated in
Hitler's Minister of Justice,
jurists at Leipzig in a confer!
"Justice means whatever is 1
injustice whatever harms them.
ruthlessly to class consciousnes;
Contradiction
3eeds new instructions to Madame
;:;nndence and support to the new
atchulness; armed preparation of a
::.'" In the original text of this letter
On :March 30 his instructions to
~ : K heights: "... the workers should
told that . . . only then will
the overthrow of all kings and
For Gous sake try to get all this
. . . Implacable propaganda
must realize that on his shoulders
universal import."
'Z'sal scope of the Revolution, and
(3 and dynamo of a gigantic up
'irE Lenin's revolutionary leader-
;pme tune although with minor
Tile vision of a world aflame
him and for his apostles "the
he splinters of all other thought
sun." His successors down to
detail and body to the blueprint
that Lenin lacked the ability
contrary, his genius visualized
TI;E:!1euvers to an extent that placed
practitioners. Even during
elTure of power when the crush
iib721.tive agencies for a sprawling
officials might well have
man, he did not relax in
handbooks of revolutionary
on an international scale.
mention of selected specimens.
after his triumphant arrival
IT treatise on Problems in Tactics.
Owracter of the Revolution, fol
rM21 iiuthority, After the Uprising
Guly); Constitutional Illusions; Lessons of the Revolution and
International Tactics. Then in November came the final crisis,
and it was resolved as much by the pen of Lenin as by the
S\vord of Trotsky, although considerable blood was shed in the
nal phase.
The unHagging ideology of Lenin then plunged into analysis
remaining problems and his facile pen turned out treatise
upon treatise, tract after tract, such as The Constituent Assembly;
Peace and Our Task; The Problem of Organization; Management
and Production; Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship; The
Old Order and the New; The International Revolution; etc., etc.
Running through the collected works of this founding father
we find one consistent warning, repeated dozens of times in
one form or another: "Without a revolutionary theory there can
no revolutionary movement . . . only a party guided by an
advanced t;heory can act as vanguard in the fight." On another
basic dogma he is particularly frank and vocal. In an address
delivered at the Third All-Russian Congress of the Russian Young
Communist League, October 20, 1920, he declared unequivocally
that the Soviet concept of morality is independent of all other
norms ~ n d derives exclUSively from the class character of the
Revolution. In what sense do we repudiate ethics and
morality? In the sense according to which they were preached
by the bourgeoisie, who declared that ethics were God's com
mandments. We, of course, say that we do not believe in God.
. . . we repudiate all morality that is taken outside human, class
concepts.... We say that our morality is entirely subordinated
to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. . . . What
is this class struggle? It is overthrowing the Tzar, overthrowing
the capitalist, abolishing the capitalist class."
It was upon this welcomed precedent that Nazi jurisprudence
was established and formulated in its day and generation. Thus
Frank, Hitler's Minister of Justice, defined right and wrong for
Nazi jurists at Leipzig in a conference held there October 2-5,
1935: "Justice means whatever is useful to the German people
and injustice whatever harms them." Both doctrines led logically
and ruthlessly to class consciousness, class hatred, class warfare,
class justification of barbarism such as the wanton murder of
captured American soldiers in Korea and the atrocious tyranny
of class legislation in the satellite lands.
There was a Significant difference, however, in the manner of
applying the measuring rod of good and evil. Hitler's division
of humanity was by a vertical line which ran through all classes
of men; those who were Nordics and Aryans were acceptable
as first-class citizens in his projected empire, whether classified
individually as royalty, aristocracy, bourgeois, or proletarian. The
test was racism, Germanic blood and non-Jewish origin. Those
falling on the. other side of the line were either tolerated aliens
or pariahs marked for destruction. The Lenin-Stalin criterion runs
horizontally through the mass of humanity on a basis of social
and economic status; men are either proietarian or bourgeOiS
and that ends the testing, no question raised of blood, race,
color, or nationality. Neither the Nazi nor the Communist revolu
tion accepted man as man, but submitted men to certain pre
scribed tests determined in one instance by the Politburo, in the
other by the Fiihrer'ssovereign decree. Both agreed on the manner
of dealing with recalcitrants. Life was to be :6.tted schematically
to the pattern ordained by the ruling camarilla; if life refused
to be so regimented, death or imprisonment or exile became the
logical alternative.
As a craftsman of revolution Lenin was immeasurably superior
to Hitler and his cabal. In nothing is this more apparent than in
his practice of the twin virtues of flexibility and adaptability to
circumstances. Hitler was rigid, unyielding, and possessed of the l
arrogance common to an amateur suddenly elevated to a position of
supreme command. He was emotional, sometimes hysterical, and
always opinionated.
Lenin knew when to strike, but he had an equal instinct for
retreat when compromise was needed. His program, published
to the Russian people during the duel with Kerenski from April
to November, 1917, spelled out all the promises and blandishments
. characteristic of a skilled politician. The document is preserved
in Lenin's collected works and is reproduced in Volume I, pages
332-343 (English edition). What was promised to the Russian
people would do credit to Thomas Jefferson and the framers of
The Lengthened Shad(
JlIl'lgna Charta: freedom of religion
their homes; inviolability of pers
equal, direct, and secret 1
local self-government; frE
any distinctively national State to
slogans were espeCially attra
for just stich gifts: peace, land, bI
workers and peasants, all pm;
dghtfully yours .... Take them - takE
lose but your chains." But once
an organized minority, his cool f.o
:&.:ppalled the tricked and unorganize
'l7'ured or protested were arrested
Their opposition was described as "a
ji:i.i.:.Kall>, and mad dogs." Obviously, f
thing to go. State control of a
as every tyro knows, for t
Social Democrats protested: "Ou:
reply was immediate. "Naturall
SNJrt:unately not yet all. Soon they
dictatorship of the proletariat
:ili:is disgraceful sale of bourgeoiS OP]
This quick transition to a bolder ps
of the opposition marks a
liZilogy .of The nascent year:
'i'i'ere . marked by that combination c
historians discover in every
in a state undergOing social tr
definition is, strictly speaking,
. E'listing law and prevailing custom. H
that he and his party alwa;
of the total population, mu:
:!:;I'ceptable to the level of intelligence,
the broad masses. Revolt must bea
l''CIorm and must use that door. Lackin
ECnjoyed, at least outwardly, by the 0
his hand so long as the forces 0
to impose their program on a I
Contradiction
such as the wanton murder of
Korea and the atrocious tyranny
ate lands.
however, in the manner of
good and evil. Hitler's division
- which ran through all classes
and Aryans were acceptable
empire, whether classified
bourgeois, or proletarian. The
and non-Jewish origin. Those
1"-',e were either tolerated aliens
3ClJ;" Tne Lenin-Stalin criterion runs
humanity on a basis of social
proietarian or bourgeois
raised of blood, race,'
nor the Communist revolu
submitted men to certain pre
e Instance by the Politburo, in the
"=',",4.cc;. Both agreed on the manner
'.vas to be fitted schematically
:e ruling camarilla; if life refused
cir exile became the
Le::ii.'l ,vas immeasurably superior
is this more apparent than in
flexibility and adaptability to
Hnyielding, and possessed of the
;z suddenly elevated to a position of
sometimes hysterical, and
1 : ~ l t he had an equal instinct for
:lee-ded. His program, published
duel with Kerenski from April
~ . n promises and blandishments
::ian. The document is preserved
reproduced in Volume I, pages
12:t was promised to the Russian
was J eHerson and the framers of
Magna Charta: freedom of religion and of the press; immunity
in their homes; inviolability of person and possessions; universal
suffrage; equal, direct, and secret ballot; freedom of labor. and
Decupation; local self-government; freedom to strike; and the right
any distinctively national State to secede from the Union. His
nghting slogans were especially attractive to a people long thirst
ing for just sqch gifts: peace, land, bread, the factories and manors
to the workers and peasants, all power to the Soviets. "They are
rightfully yours .... Take them-take them now. You have nothing
to lose but your chains." But once in the saddle and supported
an organized minority, his cool repudiation of every guarantee
appalled the tricked and unorganized majority. Those who mur
or protested were arrested as "counterrevolutionaries."
opposition was described as "a unanimous chorus of wolves,
tackals, and mad dogs." Obviously, freedom of the press was the
mst thing to go. State control of all printed words is a prime
{;ondition, as every tyro knows, for the erection of a dictatorship.
The Social Democrats protested: "Our newspapers are shut down."
The reply was immediate. "Naturally," Lenin retorted, "but un
fortunately not yet all. Soon they will be shut down entirely.
The dictatorship of the proletariat will. put a complete end to
this disgraceful sale of bourgeois opium."
This quick transition to a bolder psychology and a more ruthless
handling of the opposition marks a definite moment in the chro
nology of events. The nascent years of the Russian Revolution
were marked by that combination of legal and illegal measures
which historians discover in every violent transfer of supreme
power in a state undergoing social transformation .. Revolution, by
its definition is, strictly speaking, illegal; it is a direct challenge to
existing law and prevailing custom. Hence, the skilled revolutionist,
howing that he and his party always constitute, at first, a small
minority of the total population, must justify his claims in terms
::J.cceptable to the level of intelligence, the traditions and psychology
of the broad masses. Revolt must bear the outward appearance 6f
reform and must use that door. Lacking the authority and legitimacy
enjoyed, at least outwardly, by the old regime, he must not over
play his hand so long as the forces of revolt are without sufficient
power to impose their program on a hesitant people. The transition
from tactical to open illegality and to complete rupture with the
past must be wisely calculated and it is his sense of timing which
reveals the quality of a revolutionist's mind. ..
Power safely in hand, he then proceeds to the next d.anng
tive: the creation of revolutionary legality expressed m sweepmg
changes promulgated in the name of the people but preserving for
a time the vocabulary and outward forms of conventional law
making. If the changes are, at bottom, designed to create a new
civilization and a new culture, legal terminology will then press
forward toward that ultimate goal, discarding on the way its
previous appeal to revolutionary necessity. That b.aggage is
longer needed. The Russian Revolution after several modi
fications reached that degree of mastery under the ConstitutIon and
New National Policy of 1936. Soviet judges now consciously render
decisions in terms of Socialist legality. The word "revolution" had
progressively dropped out of court proceedings. and an
of stabilized normalcy was cultivated as a substItute for legitunacy.
That is why late-comers to the study of Soviet jurisprudence,
arriving from the outside, are trapped in:o false con
clusions by the mechanics of the machinery at work m the evolu
tion of Soviet justice. Paralleling {he public Soviet courts, non
judicial and secret Communist tribunals continue to heavy
penalties, including death or imprisonment .in concenh:atiOn cam?s.
To instill fear of the government still remams the deVIce by which
a usurper government covers up its own fear of the people.
Confronted with power in the concrete, Lenin, however, was
quick to recognize and respect the argument. The German armies
had crossed the Dvina in February, 1918, and were on the march
toward the inner citadels of Bolshevism. Consecrated above all
else to World Revolution, he recognized the danger and staked
his all to save Moscow and Petrograd. It was not patriotism or
love of Slavonic culture that moved his soul: it was the Revolu
tion that counted. The hotheads of the Party were all for
continued resistance. With his back to the wall, Lenin argued
for surrender and for breathing space even against the advice of
his most respected counselors of the Central Executive Committee.
He won by sheer force of his dominating personality - and saved
the Revolution. The vote was 126 to 85 and the Treaty of
The Lengthened Shad
Brest Litovsk, though saCrificing
averted an imminent danger. "The:
Lenin protested to his committee,
This peace must be accepted as a I
the whole world will come to our
fight." He called it a Tilsit peace
"When Napoleon I forced Prussia
peace, the conqueror had defeated
pied the capital and all the large
compelled the conquered to give hi
\vage new wars of plunder by the CO!
Germany, forming an alliance with
other German states. And, neverthel
the German people were not subdue
to rise, and to win the right to fre,
Such realism and sense of timin".
parently native to Lenin's
:-he received, with a certain hardenli
brother Alexander had been h"
wmplicity in a plot to assassinate
It is said that his comment was: "\
road."
'Vhen no power was available to
,nth directness, speed, and ruthlessllt
under democratic pledges
1918, with a popular man,
form of the Russian State.
Lenin's party was outnumbered by
diemocracy in fact. A crucial resolutk
minority in order to secure immediatE
was voted down by an overwhelming n
the members by a summary
GLL'11ing point in the history of the I
wmplished phYSically by a single sai
shoulder. Approaching the speaker's
ear of the preSiding officer, Victor
end the proceedings and go hor
Deady been set up near by, the dele
Contradiction.
and to complete rupture with
it is his sense of timing
l.ltiOniSt's mind.
proceeds to the next daring
legality expressed in sweepinQ'
of the people but preserving
forms of conventional la,,,
designed to create a new.
terminology will then .
discarding on the way its
necessity. That baggage is nm
u.mtion after several internal mom.
mastery under the Constitution anCI
SOi,-iet judges now consciously render
le:gility. The word "revolution" had
- proceedings and an impression
ltivated as a substitute for legitimacy.
study of Soviet jurisprudence,
.frequently trapped into false con
machinery at work in the evolu
:Jng the public Soviet courts, non
tribunals continue to impose heavy
"-'J:.)JlC.::c'VLU.LU"UL in concentration camps.
remains the device by which
its own fear of the people.
concrete, Lenin, however, was
argument. The German armies
1918, and were on the march
n,:Jl.;;nevism. Consecrated above all
rt::ognized the danger and staked
It was not patriotism or
his soul: it was the Revolu
=ads of the Party were all for
back to the wall, Lenin argued
space even against the advice of
the Central Executive Committee.
::::::ninating personality and saved
'CG 128 to 85 and the Treaty of
Litovsk, though sacrificing much in territorial values,
.;1verted an imminent danger. "Their knees are upon our chest,"
Lenin protested to his committee, and our position is hopeless.
This peace must be accepted as a respite. . . . The proletariat of
whole world will come to our aid. Then we will renew the
fight." He called it a Tilsit peace and explained the reference:
"'When Napoleon I forced Prussia in 1807 to accept the Tilsit
peace, the conqueror had defeated all the German armies, occu
pied the capital and all the large cities, established his police,
compelled the conquered to give him auxiliary corps in order to
new wars of plunder by the conquerors, and he dismembered
Germany, fonning an alliance with some German states against
0ther German states. And, nevertheless, even after such a peace,
::he German people were not subdued. They managed to recover,
to rise, and to win the right to freedom and independence."
Such realism and sense of timing for the Revolution was ap
parently native to Lenin's character. As a boy of 17 in Simbirsk
he received, with a certain hardening of resolve, the news that
his brother Alexander had been hanged at St. Petersburg for
complicity in a plot to assassinate the Emperor Alexander III.
It is said that his comment was: 'We shall never get there by
::hat road."
When no power was available to an opponent, Lenin struck
with directness, speed, and ruthlessness. A Constituent Assembly
elected under democratic pledges convened in Petro grad . in
January, 1918, with a popular mandate to determine the per
manent form of the Russian State. But a count showed that
Lenin's party was outnumbered by delegates committed to a
democracy in fact.. A crucial resolution introduced by the Soviet
minority in order to secure immediate priority for their measures
was voted down by an overwhelming majority; consequently, Lenin
dispersed the members by a summary decree on January 19. This
turning pOint in the history of the Russian Revolution was ac
complished phYSically by a single sailor, his rifle slung over his
shoulder. Approaching the speaker's rostrum he whispered into
the ear of the presiding officer, Victor Chernov, that it was time
to end the proceedings and go home. As machine guns had
already been set up near by, the delegates had but small choice.
Russia was again dragooned into obedience as it had been
coerced by organized autocracy for over three centuries.
The Tauride Palace, where the Constituent Assembly met, was
encircled by Lenin's Red guards; armed to the teeth, they thronged
the corridors also and packed the galleries, booing, hooting, and
jeering at the delegates. One of the supporters of :?is last
attempt at representative government commented: On our sIde
were legality, great ideals, and faith in the triumph of democracy.
On their side were activity, machine guns, weapons." Lenin's
decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly set the form and style
for similar writs in many languages: the Assembly, he declared,
was "serving only as a cover for the struggle of bourgeois counter
revolution for the overthrow of the power of the Soviets."
In order to lend point to their contempt for those who had
listened to the siren promises of the previous June, the Soviet
authorities decided on a little object lesson. It might have been
awkward to turn . machine guns on the whole assembly and
butcher them en masse. But somebody remembered that one of
the most prominent intellectuals of his day, an elected member
of the assembly, Andrew Shingarev, was lying ill at the near-by
Mary Hospital. During themght, as the sailors and Red guards
were waiting to murder the most freely elected assembly Russia
had ever known, a group of official assassins entered the sick
chamber and approaching the bed bayoneted to death Shingarev
and Kokoshkin, his friend.
The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by armed troops
thus early in the history of the Soviet State marked the end of
the Russian Revolution properly so called and ushered in the
counterrevolution. It halted the orderly processes toward a con
stitutional government which had been the goal of every liberal
in the long struggle against the totalitarianism of the previous
three centuries. It checked the growth of a viable democracy
and set back the clock of civil and religious liberty far beyond
the point reached by Alexander II, emancipator of the serfs, in
1861. Lenin's comment on the event is worth recalling: "Naturally
it was a great risk on our part that we did not postpone the
convention - very, very unwise. But in the end it is best that it
happened so. The breaking up of the Constituent Assembly by
The Lengthened Shaj
the Soviet power is the complete a
democracy in the name of the re'
be a good lesson." Trotsky des
assembly as a "tragicomic episod
Bing at the "rear guard of democr
armed with candles and sandwich
With the Soviet power now in
of social experimentation it mig]
domestic reconstruction along Ma
sufficiently absorbing to engage
available energy and material resou:
Such was not the case. Convinced
Russia was unattainable and the RI
so long as the new State remain
5':lrrounded by a sea of capitalism aJ
way began to prepare his caJnF
:revolution and launched it in Febl
Communist Russia could exist alOI
judgment, an infantile delusion.
As early as April 20, 1917, whic
Errival in Russia, he had published ir
tactics essential to achievement (
=opositions formed the backbone
in timing and application, W2
in essentials during his lifelli
5':lccessors. He pours his usual scorn 0
GD the "milk and water Louis Blanc .
. 2nd on all temporizers who recoil
Hence the ninth thesis calls
ment Commune," a reference to t1:
wbich Lenin always considered the
]Revolution, though with certain c
:Echnique of the Communards of 18'
the name of the Party be chan[
:mts he required that his party tr
:::'ommunist Party, since, he explains,
Democracy throughout the world
going over to the bourgeoiSie an
" Contradiction
mto obedience as it had been
over three centuries.
rh'E; Constituent Assembly met, was
2.i.'1l1ed to the teeth, they thronged
galleries, booing, hooting, and
supporters of tltis last brief
:rnment commented: "On our side
in the triumph of democracy.
guns, weapons.". Lenin's
Assembly set the form and style
the Assembly, he declared,
struggle of bourgeois counter
of the Soviets."
:beZr mntempt for those who had.
the previous June, the Soviet
lesson. It might have been
on the whole assembly and
remembered that one of
day, an elected member
was lying ill at the near-by
as the sailors and Red guards
elected assembly Russia
assassins entered the sick
bayoneted to death Shingarev
Assembly by armed troops
S;y,iet State marked the end of
called and ushered in the
processes toward a con
the goal of every liberal
totalitarianism of the previous
of a viable democracy
and religious liberty far beyond
emancipator of the serfs, in
is 'worth recalling: "Naturally
.rt we did not postpone the
.ut in the end it is best that it
Constituent Assembly by
the Soviet power is the complete and public liquidation of formal
democracy in the name of the revolutionary dictatorship. It will
be a good lesson." Trotsky describes the dissolution of the
assembly as a "tragicomic episode" and takes a contemptuous
fling at the "rear guard of democracy" departing from the scene
armed with candles and sandwiches.
With the Soviet power now in control of a huge laboratory
of social experimentation it might have been supposed that
domestic reconstlUction along Marxist lines would be a task
sufficiently absorbing to engage the full capacity of Lenin's
available energy and material resources for a long period of time.
Such was not the case. Convinced that integral Communism in
Russia was unattainable and the Russian Revolution never secure
so long as the new State remained an island of collectivism
surrounded by a sea of capitalism and free enterprise, he straight
way began to prepare his campaign of international social
revolution and launched it in February, 1919. To imagine that
Communist Russia could exist alone and unsupported was, in
his judgment, an infantile delusion.
As early as April 20, 1911, which means four days after his
arrival in Russia, he had published in Pravda his theses respecting
the tactics essential to achievement of a World Revolution. These
propositions formed the backbone of a policy which, though
elastic in timing and application, was never repudiated or modi
fied in essentials during his lifetime, nor abandoned by his
successors. He pours his usual scorn on the ''hypothetical Marxists,"
on the "milk and water Louis Blanc," on "the sugary Kautskian,"
and on all temporizers who recoil at the immediate seizure of
power. Hence the ninth thesis calls, domestically, for a "govern
ment Commune," a reference to the Paris Commune of 1811
which Lenin always considered the prototype of his projected
Revolution, though with certain correction of errors in the
technique of the Communards of 1811. In addition, he proposes
that the name of the Party be changed. Instead of Social Demo
crats he reqUired that his party thereafter be known as the
Communist Party, since, he explains, the official leaders of Social
Democracy throughout the world had betrayed Socialism in 1914
by going over to the bourgeoisie and supporting the war effort
\
of their respective governments. The tenth thesis called for the
revival of the International, a revolutionary International, against
"the social patriots and the center." He defines "center" as "those
elements, v.g., Kautsky and Co. in Germany, Lonquet and Co.
in France, Cheidse and Co. in Russia, Turati and Co. in Italy,
MacDonald and Co. in England."
The eight months of conflict with the Provisional Government
and the breathing space required for consolidation of the triumph
of November 7 delayed the convocation of the proposed Third
International, but only until February, 1919. Pending the organiza
tion of specific agencies of revolt throughout the world, the task
of preparing revolutionary upheavals outside Russia was committed
to Soviet diplomatic representatives in virtue of a decree issued
in No. 31 of the official governmental Gazette, December 13, 1917:
An Ordinance Assigning Two Million Rubles for the
Needs of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.
Taking into consideration that Soviet authOrity is grounded on the basis
of the principles of international solidarity of the proletariat and the brother
hood of the toilers of all countries, that only on an international scale can the
strnggle against war and imperialism lead to complete victory, the Soviet of
People's Commissaries considers it necessary to come forth with all aig,
including financial aid, to the assistance of the left internationalist wing of.
the workers' movement of all countries, entirely regardless of whether these
countries are at war with Russia, or in alliance, or whether they retain their
neutrality.
With these aims the Soviet of People's Commissaries ordains: the assigning
of two million rubles for the needs of the revolutionary internationalist
movement, at the disposition of the foreign representatives of the Commissariat
For Foreign AfFairs.
[Signed]
President of the Soviet of People's Com
missaries, Ulianoff (Lenin)
People's Commissary for Foreign AfFairs,
L. Trotsky .
Manager of Affairs of the Soviet of
People's Commissaries, Bonch-Bruevich
Secretary of the Soviet, N. Gorbounov
Published by the Soviet government less than five weeks after
its assumption of power, this decree served as a temporary
measure for sustaining a' permanent objective. Finally, in response
to a summons sent out over government wires to selected revolu-
The Lengthened Shad
tionaries in foreign countries and
and his Secretary of War, Leon 1
the new Communist Internationa
March, 1919. The initial group nu
Russians, with a minority group of
countries. In the second meeting oj
among them several Americans. By
sional revolutionaries who assemble'd
532 delegates, each a picked man
marked the apogee of the Comint
ramification thus far achieved and ~
all revolutionary elements under a 1
The official stenographic report
me as I write -1766 printed pa:
columns. It recounts activities that
Tokyo, from Java, South Africa, an
Chicago, and Detroit. But all we
controlled from the city of Mosci
Committee of which Mr. Joseph Stal
It is interesting to note that the AmI
a Japanese, Katayama.
2
In 1929, te
Comintern numbered 43 sectio:
were illegal. The total number
legal sections was, as of that date, ~
Communist Party in Russia, which .
If we add the 2,400,000 members of
r<;csulted an army of approximately
national shock troops of World Rev,
leaders, as affiliated organization:
added to ascertain the total stre!l'
alone Party members numbered nea
,. Later replaced by a certain Weinstein.
3 In 1950, the world membership of the 1
25,000,000. The Russian Communist P;;
::::l1mbers; the Chinese Party came secon
lIi:alian Party claimed 2,532,000 adherents:
Poland, 1,360,000. In France only 800,000
ill 1947. By 1951 membership had subs
'07estern Europe.
Contradiction
The tenth thesis called for the
voluTIonary International, against
::c" He defines "center" as "those
in Germany, Lonquet and Co.
Turati and Co. in Italy,
the Provisional Government
:cz consolidation of the triumph
,.T:csrron of the proposed Third
1919. Pending the organiza
the world, the task
outside Russia was committed'
;n ,mue of a decree issued
::::cd Gazette, December 13, 1917:
Y.liZlion Rubles for the
EY;::r7litionalist Movement.
is grounded on the basis
the proletariat and the brother
em an international scale can the
complete victory, the Soviet of
to come forth with all ni9.,
cE the left internationalist wing of
regardless of whether these
or whether they retain their
U::mrllssaries ordains: the assigning
revolutionary internationalist
TiCDTesentatives of the Commissariat
",:::;.:C",=t of the Soviet of People's Com
u1ianoff (Lenin)
Commissary for Foreign Affairs,
Affairs of the Soviet of
Commissaries, Bonch-Bruevich
::T,::zry of the Soviet, N. Gorbounov
less than five weeks after
served as a temporary
:':: objective. Finally, in response
sment wires to selected revo1u
tionaries in foreign countries and signed by Lenin as Premier
and his Secretary of War, Leon Trotsky, the first Congress of
the new Communist International convened in Moscow, in
lvfarch, 1919. The initial group numbered 52 delegates, largely
Russians, with a minority group of representatives from near-by
countries. In the second meeting of 1920 we find 218 delegates,
among them several Americans. By 1928 the roll call of profes
sional revolutionaries who assembled for the sixth Congress shows
532 delegates, each a picked man and a schooled agitator. It
marked the apogee of the Comintern, revealing the world-wide
ramification thus far achieved and the complete co-ordination of
all revolutionary elements under a unified command.
The official stenographic report of that Congress lies before
me as I write -1766 printed pages, quarto size, in double
columns. It recounts activities that range from Buenos Aires to
Tokyo, from Java, South Mrica, and Mghanistan to New York,
Chicago, and Detroit. But all were directed, sponsored, and
controlled from the city of Moscow by a Central Executive
Committee of which Mr. Joseph Stalin was an important member.
It is interesting to note that the American section was headed by
a Japanese, Katayama.!! In 1929, ten years after its foundation,
the Comintern numbered 43 sections in as many lands; 20 of
them were illegal. The total number of members registered in the
legal sections was, as of that date, 394,000, without counting the
Communist Party in Russia, which was then given as 1,605,000.
If we add the 2,400,000 members of the Communist Youth, there
resulted an army of approximately 5,000,000 men the inter
national shock troops of Wodd Revolution; but these were only
the leaders, as affiliated organizations throughout the world must
be added to ascertain the total strength of Marxism. In Germany
alone Party members numbered nearly 6,000,000 by 1933.
3
II Later replaced by a certain Weinstein.
sIn 1950, the world membership of the Party was declared by Moscow to
be 25,000,000. The Russian Communist Party is the largest with 7,000,000
members; the Chinese Party came second with 4,000,000 members; the
Italian Party claimed 2,582,000 adherents; Czechoslovakia listed 2,800,000;
Poland, 1,360,000. In France only 800,000 were listed, as against 1,300,000
in 1947. By 1951 membership had substantially declined throughout all
western Europe.
With the organization and functioning of the Third Inter
national a new and important agency of World Revolution appears
in the history of international relations. There had been Socialists
and Socialist parties before, secret societies during the French
Revolution, Syndicalists of the Sorel School, Anarchists led by
Bakunin and Kropotkin, Illuminati and Babeufs, Proudhonists
and every variety of miscellaneous rebel against government since
the world began. There was an active First International from
1864 to the Hague Conference in 1872, after which it expired
peacefully in New York, whither Karl Marx had it
for decent interment. There was a Second InternatIOnal, or
ganized in 1899, which disbanded itself automatically in 1914
at the outbreak of World War I. But revolutionary organizations
hitherto had been debating societies, with no sanction or effective
weapons beyond propaganda, platonic alliances, cryptic con
federacies, and occasional assassination. With November 7, 1917,
however, the Communist leaders found themselves for the first time
in physical possession of one of the major governments of Europe,
whose entire apparatus, foreign and domestic, became the instru
ment for the execution of Marxian Communism and supplied the
formidable elements of practicality, authority, unity of program,
and world-wide ramification so conspicuously absent from prewar
internationalism.
o 0 0 0
Underlying the popular and easily understood slogans which
had triumphed on November 7, 1917 - peace, bread, land, fac
tories, all power to the Soviets of workmen, peasants, and soldiers'
deputies - reposed an integrated philosophy of social transforma
tion. Without a theory of revolution, Lenin perpetually insisted,
there can be no successful achieving of revolution. With. trip
hammer frequency he repeats and reiterates this basic premise.
Primitive and electrifying slogans, amplified and popularized in
everyday language, would suffice for arousing the masses in the
streets, in factories, and' on the land. But for the directors and
managers of the revolution an organized and comprehensive
theoretical framework, an ideology of revolt, a body of dogmas,
and a system of strategical metaphysics was imperative.
The Lengthened Shad!
The ABC of Communism by B
laid the foundations and developed i
Translated widely and made adapta
countries, this basic and official teX'
and social doctrines to practical polit
version, rendered by Eden and Cedar
by the publishers as being "a book
. possible to misinterpret - the very
a world classic." Using terms of mode
the Marxian conception of productiOIJ
Df social labor as the determinant of v,
economy under public control, the IJ
. history, the gradual withering away 0
tion of statistical bureaus which ;vo;
each citizen and the distribution ,
few decades," the textbook promised
:IleW world with new people and ne"
ness, class distinctions, class warfar
proletariat through a Communist WorJ
Iogically though less offensively in
e":jually authoritative expositions of t
It avoids the "blood-soaked realitv'"
.,
world-wide scale," and "the deadly
'Pi"orld" published in Pravda on Septe;'
religion the attitude of Marx, Len
srithout deviation. Chapter XI deals wi
all forms of religion, as they are
Communist can be a believer in
religious believer can be a Communist
The authors of the ABC, however,
at one point. Advocating'
:l$sault on the supernatural and on
recognizes the divine in man, th
the Party warn Communists that
Zi'1'Jst be conducted in a cautious wayan
patience and prudence will' be
,:.d?'''"lf'l"(tV and perseverance. "The cred1
"",T,<:;rivA to anything which hurts its' f
Contradiction
mctioning of the Third Inter
The ABC of Communism by Bukharin and Preobrazhensky
:Ley of 'World Revolution appears
laid the foundations and developed the grammar school concepts.
ilti.ons. There had been Socialists
Translated widely and made adaptable to local conditions in all
;ret societies during the French
countries, this basic and official text reduced Marxian economic
School, Anarchists led by
and social doctrines to practical political conclusions. The English
~ t i and Babeufs, Proudhonists
version, rendered by Eden and Cedar Paul, in 1922, was described
against government since
by the publishers as being "a book for all- easy to read; im
a;;:tive First International from
possible to misinterpret - the very essence of Communist theory
1872, after which it expired
a world classic." Using terms of modern applicability, it developed
Marx had transferred it the Marxian conception of production and dishibution, the theory
"as a Second International, or of social labor as the determinant of value, the necessity of planned
itself automatically in 1914 . economy under public control, the materialistic interpretation of
But revolutionary organizations
history, the gradual withering away of the State and the substitu
with no sanction or effective
tion of statistical bureaus which would determine the needs of
alliances, cryptic con each citizen and the distribution of labor hours. "Within a
E2J:!on. With November 7, 1917,
few decades," the textbook promised, "there will be an entirely
themselves for the :Srst time
new world with new people and new customs." Class conscious
}'e major governments of Europe,
ness, class distinctions, class warfare, the dictatorship of the
domestic, became the instru
proletariat through a Communist World Revolution are elaborated
Zl Communism and supplied the
logically though less offenSively in the ABC than in many other
, authority, unity of program,
equally authoritative expositions of the Communist programme.
:;nspicuously absent from prewar
It avoids the "blood-soaked reality," the "conquest of power on
a world-wide scale," and "the deadly challenge to the bourgeois
. world" published in Pravda on September 9, 1928. But in the :Seld
" (>
",of religion the attitude of Marx, Lenin, and Engels is followed
understood slogans which
",ithout deviation. Chapter XI deals with the necessity of extirpat
peace, bread, land, fac
mg all forms of religion, as they are all "opium for the people."
workmen, peasants, and soldiers'
No Communist can be a believer in any religiOUS creed and no
philosophy of social transforma
religiOUS believer can be a Communist. ~ .
Lenin perpetually insisted,
The authors of the ABC, however, make a highly signi:Scant
of revolution. With trip
Gbservation at one point. Advocating direct and State-directed
reiterates this basic premise.
ECSsault on the supernatural and on any expression of humanism
ampli:6ed and popularized in
which recognizes the divine in man, these two leading spokesmen
for arousing the masses in the
the Party warn Communists that the suppres.sion of religion,
land. But fo!' the directors and
must be conducted in a cautious way among the ranks of workmen.
comprehenSive
as
organized and
Great patience and prudence will be required there, as well
~ y of revolt, a body of dogmas,
energy and perseverance. "The credulous crowd is extremely
,physics was imperative. .
sensitive to anything which hurts its feelings. To thrust atheism
66 The Seeds of Cont1'adiction
upon the masses . . . would not assist but would hinder the
campaign against religion."
Friedrich Engels also composed an ABC of Communism in
his time, which, though reducing the essentials of Marxism to
brief formulae, entered more subtly into the field of history and
sociological economics. Written in 1847, it took the form of
question and answer - Grurulsiitze des Communismus and may
be found in the German collection, Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe,
Berlin, 1932. A few specimens will the mordant style
of the man who rescued Marx from complete unintelligibility by
editing his voluminous manuscripts, disorderly notes, and dis
parate memoranda and arranging them systematically into the
volumes now known as Das Ku:pital.
1. Question: What is Communism?
Answer: Communism is the science dealing with the conditions for the
emancipation of the proletariat.
2. Question: What is the proletariat?
Answer: The proletariat is that class of society which draws its livelihood
exclusively from the sale of its labor and in no way from the profit of capital
investment; people whose happiness and distress, whose life and death, whose
whole existence depends on their search for employment, and depends also
on good and bad tinles, as well as on the fluctuations of a system of unre
stricted competition. The proletariat or the proletarian class, in one word, is
the working class of the nineteenth century.
3. Question: 'Were there not always proletarians?
Answer: No. There were always poor people and a working class, and the
working class were generally poor. But such poor, such workers as lived in
the given circumstances, i.e., proletarians, did not always exist no matter
how free and unrestricted was the competition.
4. Question: How did the proletariat come into existence?
Answer: (A long description of the' Industrial Revolution.)
5. Question: Under what conditions does this sale of a proletarian's work to
the bourgeoisie take place?
Answer: (A teclmical exposition of the viewpoint that labor was a
commodity whose price was considered as one of the costs of production.)
6. Question: . What kind of working classes existed before the Industrial
Revolution?
Answer: (A catalogue of workers in different stages of antiquity and
medieval tinles.)
The Lengthened SIm
7. Question: How does' a proletarian wo
Answer: A slave is sold once and fOJ
daily, and hourly. The individual slave
,:xistence, though it might ha;f
"0:: the mterest of his master; the inc
eXIstence, as he is, so to speak the pre
labor will only then be bough
ThIS IS the only existence assured to tl:
the realm of business competitil
It and experiences all its fluctuations. ThE
proletarian is acknowledged to be a men
can even have a better existence than
to a higher evolutionary stage of
chan the slave. The slave can free rums
5h"1gle relationship of slavery among all t
so a slave first becomes a proletarian. But
destrOying private ownership itself.
Engel's catechism of revolt conti
questions and answers. It is an exc
fully composed as a fighting instn:
but, like so many eclectic attacks
selected truths half stated and mue
r.. . f
IS a orecast of the one-sidedness
a?d of the entire Marxian developme
No.7 is a powerful piece of propa
four words, which constitute t
ills entire argument. The alternativ
only means of solving the problem. ']
several other ways, e.g., by the v;
property of his own, as frequentlv 1:
. . by social-security legislation; 0; h
or by similar alternatives iQ11;
Marx, like Hegel, did his best
contemporary observation, in synth
eucyclopedic armory of social data an
factual analysis of the English fae
f2entury, an indictment of abuses v
deniable. But it was in the practical l'
to desirable. ends, in formulating c(
dustrial organization of society whicb
Cont1'adiction
not assist but would hinder the
an ABC of Communism in
the essentials of Marxism to
. into the field of history and
on 1847, it took the form of
;:,:; des Communismus and ma'
Marx-Engels Gesamtausgab;,
""'ill the mordant style
r':Jffi complete unintelligibility by
disorderly notes, and dis
them systematically into the
CeaJing with the conditions for the
of society which draws its livelihood
in no way from the profit of capital
ri;stress, whose life and death, whose
::;:2: for employment, and depends also
te fluctuations of a system of unre
be proletarian class, in one word, is

:r::lf:ta..rians?
and a working class, and the
poor, such workers as lived in
.:::;=, did not always exist no matter
c:::.::ne into existence?
hdustrial Revolution.)
this sale of a proletarian's work to
' the viewpoint that labor was a
as one of the costs of production.)
classes existed before the Industrial
in different stages of antiquity and
7. Question; How does a proletarian worker differ from slaves?
Answer: A slave is sold once and for all; a proletarian must sell himself
and hourly. The individual slave, private property of a master, led a
secured existence, though it might have been miserable, because that was
for the interest of his master; the individual proletarian has no assured
existence, as he is, so to speak, the property of the whole bourgeois class,
9Jld his labor will only then be bought when someone of them needs it.
This is the only existence assured to the proletarian class. The slave lives
outside the realm of business competition, but the proletarian lives inside
it and experiences all its fluctuations. The slave is valued as a thing, but the
proletarian is acknowledged to be a member of bourgeois SOciety. The slave
can even have a better existence than the proletarian, but the proletarian
belongs to a higher evolutionary stage of society and stands on a higher level
than the slave. The slave can free himself since he need only remove that
single relationship of slavery among all the aspects of private property and
so a slave first becomes a proletarian. But the proletarian can only free himself
by destrOying private ownership itself.
Engel's catechism of revolt continues in this vein through 25
questions and answers. It is an excellent polemical weapon skill
fully composed as a fighting instrument on the economic front,
but, like so many eclectic attacks of partisans, is a mixture of
selected truths half stated and much falsehood wholly accepted.
It is a forecast of the one-sidedness of the Communist Manife8to
and bf the entire Marxian development. Engel's answer to Question
No.7 is a powerful piece of propaganda until it comes to the
last four words, which constitute the objective and purpose of
his entire argument. The alternative there proposed is not the
only means of solving the problem. The insecurity can be relieved
in several other ways, e.g., by the worker acquiring some private
property of his own, as frequently happens in the United States;
or by social-security legislation; or by old age pensions and profit
sharing; or by similar alternatives ignored or unforeseen by Engels.
Marx, like Hegel, did his best work in the field of research, in
contemporary observation, in synthesis, and in marshaling an
encyclopedic armory of social data and industrial statistics. Witness
his factual analysis of the English factory system of the nineteenth
century, an indictment of abuses which is impressive and un
deniable. But it was in the practical adaptation of workable means
to desirable. ends, in formulating concrete proposals for an in
dustrial organization of society which would remedy the admitted
:
inequities without destroying human nature that he was decient
- as was the Third International. Both were strongest in exposing
the defects of opposing systems, weakest in constructive responsi
bility. The only place where Marx included some fragments of
constructive planning is found in his Criticism of the Gotha
Program.
In the case of Marx, this psychology of attack was augmented
by certain personal characteristics. His private life had been
embittered by four influences which cannot be disassociated from
his mental processes and from the quality of the power he exerted
over succeeding revolutionists. One was spiritual, another emo
tional, the third economic, and the last gastronomic. They all
became fused and sublimated in a cold, organized hatred against
bourgeOiS society. There is no more revealing expression of this
permanent spleen than his counsel to Lassalle: "To instill poison
wherever possible is now the thing to do."4
Marx's father was a Jew descended from a line of rabbis,
though himself a lawyer; he was constrained to accept Protestant
Christianity, however, as a measure of expediency advisable for
a peace-loving inhabitant. of Treves in 1824. His son Karl, in
consequence, became a titular Christian, rebellious in heart and
ultimately despising both Jews and Gentiles for the hypocrisy
of the position he was obliged to sustain. The young man's
emotional life was further soured by the obstacles encountered
in his love for the beautiful Jenny von Westphalen, daughter of
a government official of noble extraction. In spite of the intrigues,
obstructions, and hostility of her family, lasting seven years, the
marriage nally took place, but this early contact with upper
class snobbishness left its residue of class-conscious cynicism in
Marx's outlook on society. This bad temper was further sharpened
by his failure to achieve professional standing in academic circles.
He had cherished an early ambition to embark on a teaching pro
fession. But, though awarded his doctorate at the University of
Jena, at the age of 23, his road to a professor's chair was blocked
by a new Minister of Education who frowned on the radicalism
4 Gift infiltrieren wo immer 1st nun ratsam (BriefwechseI zwischen Lassalle
und MaIl(, p. 170).
The Lengthened Sh
of the candidate. The frustrate(
caustic critic and a jaundiced jou
The third conditioning factor (
as a political refugee in London
in need of money, living on bo
Engels, harassed by importunate
men, he developed a wholly Ull(
against capital, interest, prot, F
lodgings were in perpetual disorc
adornment. Unable to manage a
lived in the great reading room 01
a system for the economic manag
the former belle of Treves,
Easter, 1852, one child died and j
for the coffin were advanced bv a
bar. At the age of nine,
inadequate nourishment. Another
after birth.
A typical day in the Marx
his wife, in a letter to Herr Welf(
extremely expensive, she records
child, but the half-starved infant
nipple became sore and bled; oft
little mouth." One day while th
mother is faced with another disf
appears at the door and deman::
owing on rent. Unable to pay, F
at her breast, was put to the ago
and put a lien on all her possessi
threatened to take every .. J:r
had happened, I should have ha,
freezing children beside me, ane
friend Schramm hastened forth,\it
the horse fell down, he jumped c
the house bleeding, the house w
poor children were trembling.
"Next day we had to leave. It "
tried to nd a lodging, but as.
Contradiction
nan nature that he was deficient
Both were strongest in exposing
\veakest in constructive responsi
an: included some fragments of
in his Criticism at the Gotha
hology of attack was augmented
ics. His private life had been
cannot be disassociated from
=quality of the power he exerted
)ne was spiritual, another emo
last gastronomic. They all"
cold, organized hatred against
:lore revealing expression of this
to Lassalle: "To instill poison
to do."4
",c-euded from a line of rabbis,
constrained to accept Protestant
,..rre of expediency advisable for
e-,-es in 1824. His son Karl, in
::ru-istian, rebellious in heart and
Gentiles for the hypocrisy
r to sustain. The young man's
'Ii by the obstacles encountered
';on Westphalen, daughter of
:Taction. In spite of the intrigues,
family, lasting seven years, the
this early contact with upper
of class-conscious cynicism in
temper was further sharpened
mal standing in academic circles.
on to embark on a teaching pro
; doctorate at the University of
:. a professors chair was blocked
who frowned on the radicalism
!iiiFam (Briefwechsel zwischen Lassalle
of the candidate. The frustrated professor thereupon became a
caustic critic and a jaundiced journalist.
The third conditioning factor derived from his drab experience
as a political refugee in London and elsewhere in Europe. Always
in need of money, living on borrowed funds or subsidies from
Engels, harassed by importunate landladies and suspicious trades
men, he developed a wholly understandable personal resentment
against capital, interest, profit, prices, and .private property. His
lodgings were in perpetual disorder, with unpaid bills their chief
adornment. Unable to manage a two-room flat, Marx practically
lived in the great reading room of the British Museum elaborating
a system for the economic management of all mankind. His wife,
the former belle of Treves, grew exhausted and melancholy. At
Easter, 1852, one child died and the two pounds sterling required
for the coffin were advanced by a charitable French refugee neigh
bor. At the age of nine, Marx's favorite boy, Edgar, died of
inadequate nourishment. Another infant died almost immediately
after birth.
A typical day in the Marx household is described by Jenny,
his wife, in a letter to Herr Weydemeyer. Since wet nurses were
extremely expensive, she records her efforts to nurse her own
child, but the half-starved infant "sucked so vigorously that my
nipple became sore and bled; often the blood streamed into his
little mouth." One day while thus engaged, the self-sacrificing
mother is faced with another disaster. The importunate landlady
appears at the door and demands payment of the five pounds
owing on rent. Unable to pay, Frau Marx, with the infant still
at her breast, was put to the agony of seeing two brokers enter
and put a lien on all her possessions as prelude to selling them.
"They threatened to take everything away in two hours. 1 this
had happened, I should have had to lie on the floor, with my
freeZing children beside me, and with my aching breast. Our
friend Schramm hastened forthwith to seek help. He took a cab,
the horse fell down, he jumped out, and was brought back into
the house bleeding, the house where I was lamenting and my
poor children were trembling.
"Next day we had to leave. It was cold and rainy. My husband
tried to find a lodging, but as soon as he said we had four
70
children no one would take us in. At length a friend helped us.
We paid what was oWing, and I quickly sold all my beds and
bedding, in order to settle accounts with the chemist, the baker,
the butcher, and the milkman, who had heard that the brokers
had been put in, and had hastened to send in their bills. The
beds and bedding that had been sold were loaded on to a handcart
at the street door - and what do you think happened then? It
was late in the evening, after sunset; the English law forbids
this; the landlord arrived with policemen, saying that some of
his goods might be on the cart. . . . Within five minutes, there
was a crowd of two or three hundred people in front of the door,
the whole mob of Chelsea. The beds had to be brought in again,
and could not be sent to the purchaser until after sunrise next
morning. Now that the sale of all our possessions had enabled
us to pay our debts to the last penny, I removed with my little
darlings to our present address, two tiny rooms in the German
Hotel, Leicester Street, Leicester Square, where they were good
enough to take us in for five pounds ten a week."5
Added to these household disturbances, a fourth circumstance
contributed to Marx's Homeric rage against the existing order.
His health, naturally enough, suffered under a perpetual nervous
tension caused by the flight from Germany to France and England,
by the wearisome search for an apartment, by the drudgery of
writing potboilers for the press, and by the frequent pilgrimages
to pawn shops. Suffering from indigestion and a liver complaint,
he became a depressed, discontented, capricious, and petulant
pedant. He groaned at his stomach and at humanity; eating ir
regularly and mostly mixed pickles, spices, vinegar, and caviar,
he became a victim of a jaundiced disorder which reflected itself
psychologically in his theories of universal reform. Even his
wholly sympathetic biographer, Otto Ruhle, is frank and in places
devastating when discussing these unpleasant personal defects of
Marx. But, he adds:
Inferiority seeks compensation. The sense of inferiOrity, stimulated ever
and again by recurrent ill-success, failure, and defeat, gives no rest until the
minus has been compensated by a plus. If the minus be an inherited defect, the
5 Ruhle, Otto, Karl Marx, pp. 202-203.
The Lengthened Sha
plus becomes a matter of personal a,
Demosthenes the stammerer could becc
that the deaf Beethoven proved the m(
hldeous Michelangelo was able to hand (
of all depiction of human beauty. . . .
and a difficult digestion propounded a
economic structure of society whose rBSl
have plenty to eat and an adequate su
The man who had always been short
nounced and fought for the establishmen
was to have a sufficient share in the worle
of unsociability, and was incapable of IT
that all men were to be brothers. The m
a shilling wisely, elaborated in his o\vn
theories of money; and created imaginat
a revolutionized economic system, est,
foundations. As compensation for his 5e;:
work to be the scient:ific founder of an
all were to be able to do what he could r
!f.cked.
6
It does not fall within the sec
separate the true from the false
institute a detailed study of the E
'Ve are concerned primarily with
a revolutionary force in modern 1
economic postulates, however, are
proved so by time and experience,
forcing them resulted in more disas
dasses. The labor theory of valm
.in the third volume of Das Kapital
"'socially necessary hours of labor,
literal and arithmetic form by Le
integral Communism in Soviet Ru
not by money, but by ration coup
rewarded by a definite piece of
specified equivalent of bread,
matches, and similar commodities.
as a hastily assembled and amaIf
the books and time sheets
6 Ruhle, op. cit., pp. 385-386.
Contradiction
n. At length a friend helped us.
I qUickly sold all my beds and
nts with the chemist, the baker,
had heard that the brokers
:ned to send in their bills. The
were loaded on to a handcart
you think happened then? It
the English law forbids
saying that some of
"Within five minutes, there
people in front of the door,
had to be brought in again,
until after sunrise next
ill our possessions had enabled
I removed with my little
tr",,-o tiny rooms in the German
where they were good
ten a week."5
rrbances, a fourth circumstance
against the existing order.
ored under a perpetual nervous
:.emlany to France and England,
by the drudgery of
by the frequent pilgrimages
and a liver complaint,
capricious, and petulant
and at humanity; eating ir
?S, spices, vinegar, and caviar,
which reflected itself
f universal reform. Even his
Riihle, is frank and in places
unpleasant personal defects of
: " ~ e of inferiOrity, stimulated ever
" 2nd defeat, gives no rest until the
the minus be an inherited defect, the
plus becomes a matter of personal achievement. Thus only was it that
Demosthenes the stammerer could become the greatest orator of antiquity,
that the deaf Beethoven proved the most famous of all mUSicians, that the
hideous Michelangelo was able to hand down to posterity the most marvellous
of all depiction of human beauty .... The man who had a poor appetite
and a difficult digestion propounded a plan for the reorganization of the
economic structure of society whose result was to be that every one was to
have plenty to eat and an adequate supply of all the conveniences of life.
The man who had always been short of money, perpetually in debt, an
nounced and fought for the establishment of a world order in which everyone
was to have a sufficient share in the world's goods. The man who was a master
of unsociability, and was incapable of true friendship, issued as a watchword
that all men were to be brothers. The man who did not know how to spend
a shilling wisely, elaborated in his own mind the most profound of all the
theories of money; and created imaginatively the splendid thought edifice of
a revolutionized economic system, established upon new and communal
foundations. As compensation for his sense of inferiority, he made it his life
work to be the scientific founder of an economic and social order in which
all were to be able to do what he could not do, and all were to have what he
lacked.
6
It does not fall within the scope of the present volume to
separate the true from the false in Ruhle's encomium nor to
institute a detailed study of the economics implicit in Marxism.
We are concerned primarily with the power of his teachirigs as
a revolutionary force in moderu history. Certain of his leading
economic postulates, however, are notably false and have been
proved so by time and experience, but only after attempts at en
forcing them resulted in more disaster than benefit to the working
classes. The labor theory of value, though virtually abandoned
in the third volume of Vas Kapital in favor of a nebulous formula,
"SOcially necessary hours of labor," was actually adopted in its
literal and arithmetic form by Lenin during the early years of
integral Communism in Soviet Russia. Labor was compensated,
not by money, but by ration coupons, each hour of labor being
rewarded by a definite piece of paper entitling the holder to a
speCified equivalent of bread, dried fish, sugar, tea, candles,
matches, and similar commodities. The results were catastrophic
as a hastily assembled and amateur bureaucracy attempted to
keep the books and time sheets of this colossal employment
6 Riihle, op. cit., pp. 385-386.
72
agency. Crowds of hungry people stormed the doors of the
distribution centers, waiting long hours to be served and frequently
finding no food available when they ,reached the head of the
line; a laconic sign informed them: "Supplies exhausted; come
back tomorrow."
Ending in complete chaos and incipient rebellion, the bizarre
and unrealistic system had to be repudiated as famine approached
in 1921. Money in the form of currency was restored and the
spiral of inflation immediately set in because of a scarcity of
consumers' goods, a vacuum which had been induced partly by
the breakdown of production and transportation, partly by the
incidence of drought, but largely by the reckless requisitioning
of foodstuffs by the government. What saved the Communist State
in the subsequent famine of 1921-1923 was the accursed money
freely contributed by the scorned bourgeoisie of the west and
the heroic efficiency of the American Relief Administration.
What Marx meant to say, and what every conscientious reformer
is bound to say, is that a money economy becomes good or evil
in the hands of good or evil men. The solution lies not in the
abolition of currency as a medium of exchange nor in the pro
hibition of private property but in control of the men who create
and acquire them. What Marx analyzed so thoroughly and tren
chantly was the observed function of money in an advanced stage
of laisser-fail1e and finance capitalism, not an integrated program
to restore and preserve social equilibrium. The evils which Marx
attacked were equally assailed by Pius XI in the encyclical on
the Social Order, 1931:
The immense number of proletarians on the one hand, and the. immense
wealth of certain very rich people on the other, are an unanswerable argument
that the earthly goods so abundantly produced in this age of industrialism
are far from rightly distributed and equitably shared among the various
classes of men. . . . In our days not only is wealth concentrated, but
immense power and economic domination are concentrated in the hands of a
few, and those few are frequently not the owners, but only the trustees
and directors of invested funds. . .. Some have become so hardened against
the stings of conscience as to hold all means good which enable them to
increase their profits. . . . The regulations legally enacted for joint-stock
companies have given occasion to abominable abuses.
FRIEDRICH ENGELS LEi
V. I. LENIN (Ulianov) JOSj
of Contradiction
people stormed the doors of the
hours to be served and frequently
they .reached the head of the
"ed them: "Supplies exhausted; come
~ : s and incipient rebellion, the bizarre
~ G ' he repudiated as famine approached
-z::: currency was restored and the
set in because of a scarcity of
y.yruch had been induced partIy by
and transportation, partly by the
by the reckless requisitioning
"CieTIt.. ',,,?bat saved the Communist State
rf. 19::2:1-1923 was the accursed money
bourgeoisie of the west and
.'\..merican Relief Administration.
'."hat every conscientious reformer
::&J:::0ey economy becomes good or evil
,8 men. The solution lies not in tile
I,2cdiu."Il of exchange nor in the pro-
control of the men who create
analyzed so thoroughly and tren
of money in an advanced stage
not an integrated program
equilibrium. The evils which Marx
113.2 by Pius XI in the encyclical on
on the one hand, and the. immense
the cLher, are an unanswerable argument
produced in this age of industrialism
equitably shared among the various
nct only is wealth concentrated, but
=E2iion are concentrated in the hands of a
:::let the owners, but only the trustees
S:::ne have become so hardened against
means good which enable them to
legally enacted for joint-stock
lb2=inable abuses. .
V. I. LENIN (Ulianov) JOSEPH STALIN (Djugashmli)
KARL MARX
THE BETT1IAN ARC1!IVE5, NEW YORK
The Lengthened Shm
The difference between Marxism a:
by Leo XIII and Pius XI lay in j
The abuses and defects of capitali
for correction and control, not fm
tions. The baby should not be pc
with the dirty water.
The materialistic interpretation
overemphasized by both Marx ar
~ f a r x in his Critique of Political Ec
The method prevailing in any society
detennines the social, political and intel
not men's t!onsciousnesswhich detennine;
it is their social life which detennines th
productive forces of society have advance
ment they come into opposition with the
liSe a legal expression, with the old prcp
property relations now become hindranc
revolution. With the change of the ec:
structure (i.e., of social, political and in
a revolution.
The underlying cause, then, thE
mining the variations, the advances
and conflicts in the stream of his'
sought in the method of pro
stated period. This relationship, he
recognized by men; the changes
cording to the laws of natural scier:
':, faTX affirms, men become conscio
::he new methods of production
religious, artistic ,or philosophical,
structure: it is with reference to
,:'Onflict as a revolution, conscious
conflict takes the form of a
Manifesto of 1848 the whole course
ance of the tribal organization 0:
simplified down to a succession G
ploiters and exploited, bourgeoiSie
ylARX
The Lengthened shadow of Three Men 73
The difference between Marxism and the social reforms advocated
Leo XIII and Pius XI lay in the type of remedies proposed.
abuses and defects of capita.lism furnish abundant arguments
correction and control, not for abolition of necessary institu
tions. The baby should not be poured down the drain together
with the dirty water.
The materialistic interpretation of, history was overstated and
overemphasized by both Marx and Lenin. It is expounded by
:'Iarx in his Critique of Political Economy published in 1859:
The method prevailing in any society. of producing the material livelihood
determines the social, political and intellectual life of men in general. It is
:lot men's onsciousness which determines their mode of life; on the contrary,
it is their social life which determines their consciousness. 'When the material
productive forces of society have advanced to a certain stage of their develop
ment they come into opposition with the old conditions of production, or, to
use a legal expression, with the old property relations. . . . These antiquated
property relations now become hindrances. Then begins an epoch of social
mvolution. With the change of the economic basis the whole vast super
structure (i.e., of social, politicll1 and intellectual life) undergoes, sooner or
later, a revolution.
The underlying cause, then, the most potent factor in deter
mining the variations, the advances and recessions, sharp deviations
and conflicts in the of history must, according to Marx,
be sought in the method of producing material goods at the
stated period. This relationship, he admits, may not be consciously
recognized by men; the changes may occur "unconsciously, ac
cording to the laws of natural science.". When they do take place,
Marx affirms, men become conscious of the antagonism between
the new methods of production and the old <legal, political,
religious, artistic "or philosophical, in short, ideological super
structure: it is with reference to these that men fight out this
conflict as a revolution, conscious of their opposing interest. This
conflict takes the form of a class struggle." In the Communist
Manifesto of 1848 the whole course of history from the disappear
ance of the tribal organization of society to modern times is
simplified down to a succession of class struggles between ex
THE ARCFIIvr:;s, NEW YORK
ploiters and exploited, bourgeoisie and proletariat. Marx declared
expressly, in the Preface to Vas Kapital, that the economic forma
tion of society is a process of natural history.
Now, no realistic reading of human vicissitudes can fail to
find frequent economic influences underlying great events such
as wars, epochal discoveries, and social upheavals. But it is a
mark of dangerous fanaticism and oversimplification to reduce the
complex process of human conduct to a single, inflexible motiva
tion. EVl?nts, to be sure, revolve about some concrete issue which
may be tangible, material, and economic, but just as frequently
these prima facie occasions are based on some spiritual or cultural
or social complexity. The discovery of America was an accidental
by-product of an economic urge to find a new passage to India;
but a deeper study of the antecedent negotiations of Columbus
with the Spanish Court will reveal how large a measure of motiva
tion was contributed by the piety of Queen Isabella desirous of
opening up new fields for the propagation of Christianity. The
genius of the Renaissance, surely a decisive epoch in European
history, found expression in the desire for and the importation of
precious objects accruing to the Medicis and other princely patrons
partly from foreign commerce and partly from financial trans
actions at home; but the fascination, the spirit, the stimulation
and progress of the Renaissance was a cultural phenomenon
deriving from a revival of classicism which can with difficulty
be reduced to an economic relationship.
And what economic motive presided over the revolutionary
transformation introduced into the habits of men by the birth of
Christianity? Its Founder' was a carpenter who never attacked
the prevailing system, though He often counseled moderation,
equity, and charity in its daily operations. His Apostles were not
doctors of philosophy nor critics of the wage system nor agitators
for industrial reform, but mostly unlettered fishermen, middle-class
bourgeois, artisans, and one banker. His kingdom was speCifically
defined as not of this world nor to be won by economic and social
reform. His beatitudes were spiritual, not material consummations;
even Caesar had political and economic rights which were to be
honored by payment of the imperial tax. Christ's Golden Rule of
human felicity bore no reference to economic relations but to
The Lengthened Sha
spiritual fellowship. His wrestling'
md the bondage of sin. His ent
the individual soul through wI
sanctification the world was to 1:
freedom. Man was exhorted tc
activities, not to lose himself in
able commodities or limit himself
Christ's supreme act of indigr:
not because they were III
located their tables too nea
of prayer into a den of thi,
t:J be excluded from His salvation
':;,utcast Jew that tremendous pi!
,-Duchsafed in such categoric lang'Ll
to any living human being: 1m
Paradise"? And what economic
those three hours of agony on (
pulsion fortified the martyrs ,,,h05'
me Colosseum and induced whole
,tombs to Roman carnivals?
Marx's prophecy that the poo;
neher, and the workers more e
'iV-as two thirds untrue and one thi
a very small monied minority
"::ions undreamed of by the Medici
illnes or by the Rothschilds of t
. is historically untrue that the cm
and the power of labor have WO!
the Communist Manifesto. On
steady increase both in real wages f'
laborers - except in the Communi
. peonage resulted from the adoptif
Real wages in Soviet Russia a
average prevailing in other indusl
where free enterprise still rules.
normal atmosphere of peace, be
Contradiction
Kapital, that the economic forma
f natural history.
human vicissitudes can fail to
:",e;,=5 underlying great events such
and social upheavals. But it is a
oversimplification to reduce the
:s&uct to a single, inflexible motiva
about some concrete issue which
cCUllOmiC, but just as frequently
on some spiritual or cultural
of America was an accidental
to find a new passage to India;
negotiations of Columbus
how large a measure of motiva
of Queen Isabella desirous of
:: propagation of Christianity. The
:d: a decisive epoch in European
desire for and the importation of
and other princely patrons
partly from financial trans
the spirit, the stimulation
mee was a cultural phenomenon
3:Ssicism which can with difficulty
over the revolutionary
habits of men by the birth of
a carpenter who never, attacked
He often counseled moderation,
'cperations. His Apostles were not
:s the wage system nor agitators
pnlettered fishermen, middle-class
~ \ : c r . His kingdom was specifically
be won by economic and social
not material consummations;
e>.:enomic rights which were to be
tax. Christ's Golden Rule' of
nee to economic relations but to
spiritual fellowship. His wrestling was with the powers of darkness
and the bondage of sin. His entire preachment was directed to
the individual soul through whose personal redemption and
sanctification the world was to be elevated to a new vision of
freedom. Man was exhorted to multiply his inner spiritual
activities, not to lose himself in the multiplication of exchange
able commodities or limit himself to socially necessary hours oL
labor.
Christ's supreme act of indignation was directed at money
changers not because they were money-changers but because they
had located their tables too near the sanctuary and turned a
house of prayer into a den of thieves. And even a thief was not
to be excluded from His salvation, for did He not address to an
outcast Jew that tremendous promise, never before or since
vouchsafed in such categoric language by the Son ,of God directly
to any living human being: "This day thou shalt be with Me
in Paradise"'? And what economic motive sustained Him during
those' three hours of agony on Calvary? What economic com
pulsion fortified the martyrs whose blood reddened the sands of
the Colosseum and induced whole generations to prefer the cata
combs to Roman carnivals?
Marx's prophecy that the poor would get poorer, the rich
richer, and the workers more enslaved as capitalism evolved
was two thirds untrue and one third partly correct. The fortunes
of a very small monied minority did indeed increase to propor
tions undreamed of by the Medicis and 'the Fuggers of medieval
times or by the Rothschilds of the nineteenth century; but it
is histOrically untrue that the condition of the working classes
and the power of labor have worsened since 1848, the date of
the Communist Manife8to. On the contrary, there has been a
steady increase both in real wages and in the strength of organized
laborers - except in the Communist State, where a situation, of
peonage resulted from the adoption of Marxist theories.
Real wages in Soviet Russia are notOriously inferior to the
average prevailing in other industrial communities of the West
where free enterprise still rules. Taking a typical year, in the
normal atmosphere of peace, before the dislocations of war
occurred, we find, in 1939, that the average wage of a Russian
worker, fixed by the State, was $32 a month, the minimum not
more than $14 per month. In terms of Russian currency this
average wage was approximately 290 rubles. But wages are
meaningless unless measured by what they can buy for the
sustenance of life in the economic order in which they are
expended. In 1937-1939 a pair of shoes in Soviet Russia cost
from 150 to 300 rubles, a suit of clothes from 700 to 1200 rubles.
Hence a pair of the cheapest shoes would cost a worker more
than 50 per cent of his montns inwme while the best grade
would exhaust his entire revenue. A good suit of clothes would
require his entire income for over two months, no margin left
for housing, food, and other necessities of existence. Certain
benefits in rentals and services other than wages, are accorded
workers, but the value of these, according to the study made by
Sir Walter Citrine, was not more than one third of the stipulated
wage. Including these subsidies, the average wage may be com
puted as ranging from 350-400 rubles per month at that period,
still leaving a yawning chasm between wages and prices.
In his authpritative and well-documented study, Soviet Trade
and Distribution, L. E. Hubbard comes to the conclusion that
the market price received by a peasant for his grain in 1913 would
buy, on the average, about eight times the quantity of the basic
necessities of life which he could buy under the price paid him
by Soviet trusts. Furthermore, he points out, the average wage
paid to industrial workers under Soviet economy was about
eight times the wages paid under the Tzarist regime in 1913, but
the retail price of the common necessities of life had increased
from fifteen to twenty times. A cabled report from Moscow, on
February 14, 1944, stated that Mr. Stettinius on his visit to the
Moscow Ballet after the Yalta Conference purchased a bouquet
of flowers for the leading ballerina. price was quoted at
3000 rubles which meant, under the rate of exchange for diplomats,
approximately $250.
7
'l A recent computation, made in terms of hours of work required to earn
the price of the same basic necessities of life in U.S.A. and in U.S.S.R., points
the contrast for average wage earners. See specimens at foot of next page.
The Lengthened Shat.
The independence of the Russi
that no sb'ike is ever tolera'
level of workmen's com
",,.., the classical capitalistic civiliz,
is found the highest scale of
organized labor is such that uniow
Government and ceased productio!
::Lational emergency.
Despite its manifold defects a1
democracy has made the
the world in the matter of rt
average compensation has increas;
tective conditions have vastly
has progreSSively been limited b:v'
American laborers who arrive a,
cars - a form of luxmy unkno\Yl:
workers - is a Significant COmme!lI
an index of economic status wh
standard of living unknown
approached by the collectivism
true test of wages was wholly l'
Pays Them What They'r
Saturday Evening Post, July 21,
EulOgistiC of the Soviet industria]
relatively high wages now prevalen
the elementary economic factor: \V}
under the prevailing price level? .
'was not committed by another C(
Article hO'.u
Man's woolen suit 32
Simple cotton dress
5 ::
I
1 pound of sugar
5
of coffee
ST.",
Contradiction
average wage of a Russian
a month, the minimum not
tenus of Russian currency this
I;: . 290 rubles. But wages are
\"hat they can buy for the
)Tn
1
C order in which they are
shoes in Soviet .Russia cost
from 700 to 1200 rubles.
}oes would cost a worker more
s income while the best grade
::'. A good suit of clothes would
>IET nvo months, no margin left
,ecessities of existence. Certain
than wages, are accorded
ao::ording to the study made by
fuan one third of the stipulated
average wage may be com
ubles per month at that period,
oehveen wages and prices.
kcumented study, Soviet Trade
i comes to the conclusion that
asant for his grain in 1913 would
times the quantity of the basic
i buy under the price paid him
e points out, the average wage
er Soviet economy was about
the Tzarist regime in 1913, but
decessities of life had increased
cabled report from Moscow, on
IT. Stettinius on his visit to the
\omerence purchased a bouquet
r'.0:3a. The price was quoted at
rate of exchange for diplomats,
::tS of hours of work required to earn
: rue in U.S.A. and in U.S.S.R., points
See specimens at foot of next page.
The independence of the Russian trade unions is so much a
legend that no strike is ever tolerated for the purpose of effecting
a higher level of workmen's compensation. On the other hand,
in the classical capitalistic civilization - the United States - not
only is found the highest scale of real wages, but the power of
organized labor is such that unions have often defied the Federal
Government and ceased production even at the moment of acute
national emergency.
Despite its manifold defects and weaknesses, free enterprise
of democracy has made the average American worker the envy
of the world in the matter of real wages. In thirty years his
average compensation has increased fourfold, sanitary and pro
tective conditions have vastly improved, and his working time
has progressively been limited by social legislation. The number
of American laborers who arrive at their place of work in motor
cars - a form of luxury unknown to the vast body of Soviet
workers - is a Significant commentary on consumers' income and
an index of economic status which, by and large, implies a
standard of living unknown elsewhere, and assuredly never
approached by the collectivism of the Communist State. This
true test of wages was wholly ignored in an amazing article,
"Stalin Pays Them What They're Worth," published in The
Saturday Evening Post, July 21, 1945, by Peter F. Drucker.
Eulogistic of the Soviet industrial system and emphasizing the
relatively high wages now prevalent, the article nowhere mentions
the elementary economic factor: What can they buy for a workman
under the prevailing price level? This total missing of the point
was' not committed by another commentator, Edgar Snow, who
Article

hours of bar,
U.S.S.H.
Man's woolen suit
Simple cotton dress
1 pound of sugar
32 hours
12 hours
14 minutes
.5 minutes
317 hours
43 hours
1 hour,
59 minutes
1 of coffee minutes 27 hours
seemed definitely sympathetic to the Soviet experiment and whose
book, The Pattern of Soviet Power, appeared at about the same
time. Comparing the cost of living, he refers to the "fantastically
high" prices he encountered in Moscow in 1944: a pound of
white bread cost $10; sugar $70 a pound; butter about the same
in the commercial stores, although in the 11imited" or rationed
goods shops the prices were not exorbitant - for Americans. One
. meager snack of tea and pastry for two in the restaurant of the
Bolshoi Theatre cost him $48; a Russian "Eskimo Pie" cost
civilians outside the. theater $6 apiece. Although Mr. Snow's
figures refer to what may be termed luxury goods, the same
yawning discrepancy is found between the average wages of
Soviet workmen and the prices demanded for the necessities of
daily life.
The vigor and hardihood manifested by the Soviet population
and the Red Army during their conflict with Nazi Germany is
tribute to the innate toughness of their physical constitution, to
their traditional, often mystical patriotism, and cannot be cited
as argument for the success of Marxian economic postulates.
Russia survived in spite of Marxism and because Marxism has
been qUietly abandoned in many important respects. What is
here under discussion is the specific Marxian contention that
workmen would become more enslaved as capitalism evolved
and, per contra, that Communism would increase their participa
tion in the profits of collective enterprises. Since wages and
agricultural income constitute the norm of judgment for the
vast majority of the Russian population, and since neither true
wages nor true income from agricultural labor in Russia have
yet, after thirty-two years of Communism, approached the
standards achieved in representative countries of free enterprise,
it can only follow that Marx was a false prophet. What the
Russian Army fought. for in 1941-1945 was not the Communist
Manifesto, but for Holy Russia and for the defeat of a hated
invader. They would have done the same for a Tzarist Russia,
as they often did in their long and tempestuous history. By
the pragmatic test of established fact, therefore, one of the basic
contentions of Marxism, to the effect that the seizure of power
by proletarians under Communism will improve the lot of ex-
The Lengthened Shad(
ploited workmen, is contradicted an
Revolution achieved for the person
to liberate them from the dispersed
put the entire proletariat under the :
and on a reduced wage scale in ten
Marx also promised the proletaria
evenhanded justice in distribution j
capitalistic form. The per capita :
record of Communism in Soviet Rus
He further foretold the "withering a
agency. No citizen of the parent COli
has observed the slightest jndicatio:
Marx committed another error, 11
discernible everywhere. He left out
portant social developments - or at 1:
the rise of a salaried class and the gr
His polarizing of society into tw'O ill
the proletariat, was too narrow and
the salariat and the manageriat.
The Communist World Revolut
power by the proletariat was further
on the appealing ground that capit::
through enhanced competition an:
:'v1arxian assumption of class conili,
debaters tend to create the impre
inherent consequence and monopoly
contention, Henry Bamford Parks
his Marxism An Autopsy:
History does not, however, support this
t.l:!e dawn of history, whereas capitalism is
The epoch of capitalism, instead of being
been more peaceful than the epochs which
::nenace of war, it. has done so, not by ma-\;:
creasing so enormously the wealth and po'
does occur, is incomparably more destru
capitalism - the century from 1815 to 191
1815 until 1854 and from 1871 until 19l
e
European powers. These were the two
has enjoyed since the fall of the Roman .
Contradiction
:he Soviet experiment and whose
, appeared at about the same
he refers to the "fantastically
in 1944: a pound of
b,utter about the same
the '1imited" or rationed
- for Americans. One
;:,r hvo in the restaurant of the
s Russian "Eskimo Pie" cost
apiece. Although Mr. Snow's
::m:ed luxury goods, the same
:lff:',veen the average wages of
for the necessities of
by the Soviet population
with Nazi Germany is
" t'heir physical constitution, to
and cannot be cited
economic postulates.
and because Marxism has
;"""portant respects. VV'hat is
c :\farxian contention that
as capitalism evolved
-,-;;::n.:ld increase their participa-
Since wages and
nonn of judgment for the
and since neither true
labor in Russia have
Cc;::cnmunism, approached the
countries of free enterprise,
false prophet. What the
,vas not the Communist
the defeat of a hated
same for a Tzarist Russia,
:md tempestuous history. By
!Let, therefore, one of the basic
that the seizure of power
improve the lot of ex-
ploited workmen, is contradicted and refuted. VV'hat the Russian
Revolution achieved for the personal economy of workers was
to liberate them from the dispersed control of many masters and
put the entire proletariat under the Spartan control of one master
and on a reduced wage scale in terms of actual buying power.
Marx also promised the proletariat greater efficiency and more
evenhanded justice in distribution than was possible under the
capitalistic form. The per capita possessions and consumptive
record of Communism in Soviet Russia prove the direct opposite.
He further foretold the "withering away" of the State as a police
agency. No citizen of the parent Communist State and its satellites
has. observed the slightest indication of such a process.
Marx committed another error, the ramifications of which are
discernible everywhere. He left out of his calculations two im
portant social developments - or at best he failed to foresee them;
the rise of a salaried class and the growth of the managerial class.
His polarizing of society into two antipodes, the bourgeoisie and
the proletariat, was too narrow and overSimplified. History added
the salariat and the manageriat.
The Communist World Revolution resulting in seizure of
power by the proletariat was further justified by Marx and Lenin
on the appealing ground that capitalism leads inexorably to war
through enhanced competition and colonial imperialism. The
Marxian assumption of class conHict and the dialectics of the
debaters tend to create the impression that war is a special,
inherent consequence and monopoly of capitalism. Discussing that
contention, Henry Bamford Parks says, much to the point, in
his Mm'xism - An Autopsy:
History does not, however, support this supposition. War has existed since
the dawn of history, whereas capitalism is a comparatively recent invention.
The epoch of capitalism, instead of being more warlike, has on the contrary
been more peaceful than the epochs which preceded it. 1 it has increased the
menace of war, it has done so, not by making wars' more frequent, but by in
creasing so enormously the wealth and power of mankind that war, when it
does occur, is incomparably more destructive, During the golden age of
capitalism the century from 1815 to 1914 there were two periods, from
1815 until 1854 and from 1871 until 1914, without any major war between
European powers. These were the two longest periods of peace which Europe
has enjoyed since the fall of the Roman Empire. The wars which occurred
between 1854 and 1871 were, moreover, caused, not by the capitalistic classes
but by the policies of Napoleon III and of Bismarck, neither of whom can be
identified with 'the interest of capitalism; whUe even the World War of
1914-18, however much the imperialist rivalries of Great Britain, France and
Gennany may have contributed to it, was not directly provoked by those
rivalries, but by a conflict between two powers - Russia and Austria - which
were still, to a large degree, in a precapitalist stage of development.
Marx was a bad prophet in another important respect. Social
ism, he concluded, could only result from a highly developed
capitalistic society where social relations of such a malevolent
nature would develop from the contradictions and complexities
of mechanized production that proletarian revolt and ultimate
elimination of the profit motive would ensue. As Russia in 1917
was a predominantly agricultural country with but a very small
percentage of its population engaged in industrial production,
the success of the proletarian revolution there suggests that either
Marx was wrong or Lenin was not a Marxist - or that the descrip
tion, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, is wholly misleading.
Like Hitler, Marx found much ammunition ready to hand in
the writings of predecessors in the field of economic history. He
borrowed freely from many sources. His genius lay not so much
in novelty or originality as in the accumulation, synthesis, and
deployment of an imposing array of polemical material. The Labor
Theory of Value had already been advanced by Ricardo; Saint
Simon had elaborated the economic and materialistic interpreta
tion of history; Sismondi composed a technical criticism of crises,
overproduction and competition, with its celebrated "winch" argu
ment; Louis Blanc canonized the power of the State in the
initiation and execution of reforms; Proudhon analyzed the
contradictions of the prevailing system, the "philosophy of destitu
tion"; class distinctions and class struggle were commQIlplaces with
Pecqueur, Rodbertus, Babeuf, and the Chartists; Considerant, a
contemporary of Marx, prOvided many a vigorous argument for
Socialism; dialectical materialism was the core of the philbsophic
system of Democritus (circa 460 B.C.) who conceived the entire
universe as an unending whirlwind of atoms resulting in perpetual
movement characterized by stages of growth and decay.
The deficiencies of Marxism should not, however, lead to the
The Lengthened Shu
conclusion that Marx is not an iI
economic thought and social revi
on succeeding generations, he ra1
political forces. It has been right
Socialism a conspiracy and left it
faster and farther than even h
prophecies - though demonstrabl)
nished a system of attack and an
that lighted fires of revolt in man
The pattern broadly sketched
of the hour by Lenin is _____ 1-,_
as they unfolded since 1945
the countries now behind the lr'
war and not without the assistan:
nenetrated far into eastern and ce
of force held in reserve.
their allotted tasks. It
"ifs" of history to speculate on \'
Winston Churchill's proposal for 1:
of the Balkans been accepted ani
how far present developments !
_\llied Forces were present there
Patton had been allowed to libera
miles of that capital. But that str
to Soviet Russia, as was Berlin. \'
soon to appear.
The process of absorption into
a uniform course in all the are!
:forces, though the tempo might 1
were utilized, one domestic, the
. Red Army came the schooled age!
Communist groups and manipula
Kremlin. Under cover of a se.
'Operation, particularly in Czecho
Dccupied in the governmental sm
nocturnal visits; potential pc

Cm2tradiction
" caused, not by the capitalistic classes
sf Bismarck, neither of whom can be
while even the World War of
=;d"<ies of Great Britain, France and
,,*a5 not directly provoked by those
:P:R'i"el:'S - Russia and Austria which
- stage of' development.
important respect. Social
from a highly developed
of such a malevolent
c;,sntradictions and complexities
revolt and ultimate
ensue. As Russia in 1917
with but a very small
in industrial production,
there suggests that either
: -" !\farrist - or that the descrip
is wholly misleading.
ammunition ready to hand in
of economic history. He
His genius lay not so much
2ccumulation, synthesis, and
:t cKllemical material. The Labor
on'"advanced by Ricardo; Saint
2nd materialistic interpreta
i 2. technical criticism of crises,
its celebrated winch" argu
Do,ver of the State in the
"
1TillS; Proudhon analyzed the
:t.e:n, the "philosophy of destitu
were commQIlplaces with
Chartists; Considerant, a
a vigorous argument for
core of the philbsophic
'S.c) who conceived the entire
atoms resulting in perpetual
growth and decay.
}cld not, however, lead to the
conclusion that Marx is not an imposing figure in the history of
economic thought and social revolutions. Measured by influence
on succeeding generations, he ranks as one of the giants among
political forces. It has been rightfully said of him that he found
Socialism a conspiracy and left it a movement destined to spread
faster and farther than even he foresaw. His creed and his
prophecies - though demonstrably false in many respects - fur
nished a system of attack and' an arsenal of revolutionary slogans
that lighted fires of revolt in many quarters of the globe.
The pattern broadly sketched by Marx and cut to the needs
of the hour by Lenin is recognizable in the sequence of events
as they unfolded since 1945 under Stalin's dictation in each of
the countries now behind the Iron Curtain. By the fortunes of
war and not without the assistance of lend lease, the Red Army
penetrated far into eastern and central Europe. Against the back
ground of force held in reserve, the technicians of infiltration
performed their allotted tasks. It remains one of the melancholy
"ifs" of history to speculate on what might have happened had
Winston Churchill's proposal for invasion by "the soft underbelly"
of the Balkans been accepted and executed. What man can. say
how far present developments might have been forestalled if
Allied Forces were present there as the occupying power? Or if
Patton had been allowed to liberate Prague? He was within forty
mnes of that capital. But that strategic prize had been allocated
to Soviet Russia, as was Berlin. What Moscow had in mind was
soon to appear.
The process of absorption into the Communist orbit followed
a uniform course in all the areas occupied by Soviet military
forces, though the tempo might vary. Two types of inshllments
were utilized, one domestic, the other alien. Together with the
Red Army came the schooled agents from Moscow to direct local
Communist groups and manipulate them as spearhead for the
Kremlin. Under cover of a seductive show of friendly co
operation, particularly in Czechoslovakia, strategic points were
occupied in the governmental structure. The secret police began
their nocturnal visits; potential political opponents quietly disap
82
peared or fled in time. Men of brains, initiative, and suspected cour
age vanished into the dragnet. The public police was gradually trans
formed into a compact body of disciplined, Communist-controlled
militia. Places were demanded for Communists in the Cabinet
under the soothing pretense of a coalition government; invariably
the key posts of Interior, Education, National Defense, and Com
munications were marked for immediate capture. Rigged and
maneuvered elections were held - under military supervision.
Decrees and legislative acts then tightened the noose.
When the trap was ready to be sprung, sudden charges of
treason and espionage were leveled against selected public officials
suspected of "unreliability." The reign of terror was on. Prominent
ecclesiastics were imprisoned, business enterprises confiscated, and
education reduced to servitude. Fictitious plots were discovered
and forged documents appeared. It all proceeded by the book,
page by page, but with slight modifications responsive to cir
cumstances prevailing in different countries. Lenin once coun
seled his followers: "A rebellion can only be successful if carried
on not by a conspiracy, not by a party, but by the most advanced
class backed by the revolutionary fervor of the masses. One has
to look for a turning pOint in history where the vanguard has
reached the climax of activity concurrent with a low in the ranks
of the enemies and the wavering rows of the uncertain friends of
the Revolution. Time is ripe for action when these rational
conditions have been ascertained." He exhorts his numerically
small Bolshevik faction not to rely on mere numbers but on
organization and strength of will: revolutionists should not be
afraid to leave the wavering to the wavering. They are more
valuable to the cause of the Revolution in the other camp than
in our own which can only use unconditionally devoted men."
This general pattern was applied to satellite states after 1945
under the alluring guise of a People's Republic." Stigmatizing
certain political institutions as obsolete relics of a discredited past
and evil attempts to retain bourgeOis forms of state apparatus, the
new masters introduced constitutional changes by controlled par
liamentary devices. Roumania went so far as to invalidate all legiS
lation enacted by past parliaments. Poland was forced to accept a
Soviet general as chief commander of its army and began a "reform"
The Lengthened Shad
of the office of Public Prosecutor. A :
legal system was introduced in C
satellites social and economic collect
pattern of administrative thought aJ:
planning of programs.
These internal transformations"\ve
Soviet troops remaining in the "1
occupation. How directly this elemer
of revolutionary change and facilita'
be judged from the exception that (
no Soviet army had penetrated. Clair
Leninist than Stalin was shOwing hi
broad pattern for communizing a s
point. He balked at the final and ct.
the Kremlin and had a national a.mJ.'i
the public denunciations from M o s ~ ,
the Cominform, and the secret rage
The manipulation of parliament::;.:
;vavering and unhappy Jan
the only escape. His body
iII the courtyard of his Prague
gressive hounding of Benes to
lies, testify to the futility of compIon
conscience and fortified by a
Revolution. Mr. Benes chose a
bridge" between Soviet Russia a:::::d
could hold the bridge. What
was the opening of a gate permit
westward to one of its most stratE
manipulation of its position in.
prepared the assault on South Kc
peninsula would give the Kremlin
furnish a new jumping-off ba5
Far East. Only Japan and FOr
dealt with when the Revolutim
Pacific toward California, or drops
over the Arctic regions.
It has been asserted in some all
Contradiction
initiative, and suspected cour
e pl!blic police was gradually trans
r;H sC'iplined, Communist-controlled
Communists in the Cabinet
c>oalition government; invariably
National Defense, and Com
!:r::2mediate capture. Rigged and
- under military supervision.
tightened the noose.
sprung, sudden charges of
against selected public officials
of terror was on. Prominent
;,suess enterprises confiscated, and
Fictitious plots were discovered
3.. It all proceeded by the book,
mod.ifications responsive to cir
countries. Lenin once coun
only be successful if carried
but by the most advanced
:fervor of the masses. One has
where the vanguard has
:C.LTIrrent with a low in the ranks
: !}Ws of the uncertain friends of
action when these rational
He exhorts his numerically
on mere numbers but on
revolutionists should not " ... be
the wavering. They are more
in the other camp than
'C.l1conditionally devoted men."
to satellite states after 1945
'People's Republic." Stigmatizing
relics of a discredited past
eois forms of state apparatus, the
ional changes by controlled par
Dt 50 far as to invalidate all legis
:so Poland was forced to accept a
- ~ its army and began a "reform"
of the office of Public Prosecutor. A sweeping alteration of its entire
legal system was introduced in Czechoslovakia. And in all the
satellites social and economic collectivization became the prevailing
pattern of administrative thought and the obligatory norm for the
planning of programs.
These internal transformations were accelerated by the presence
of Soviet troops remaining in the '1iberated" areas as an army of
occupation. How clirectly this element of force influenced the tempo
of revolutionary change and facilitated subjection to Moscow may
be judged from the exception that developed in Yugoslavia where
no Soviet army had penetrated. Claiming to be a better Marxist and
Leninist than Stalin was showing himself to be, Tito followed the
broad pattern for communizing a state, but only up to a crucial
point. He balked at the final and complete surrender required by
the Kremlin and had a national army to support the heresy. Hence,
the public denunciations from Moscow, the excommunication from
the Cominform, and the secret rage of the Politburo.
The manipulation of parliamentary processes so enmeshed the
wavering and. unhappy Jan Masaryk in Czechoslovakia that death
offered the only escape. His body lying cold, broken, and solitary
in the courtyard of his Prague apartment, followed by the pro
gressive hounding of BeneS to the lonely grave where he now
lies, testify to the futility of compromising with power uncontrolled
by conscience and fortified by a precise philosophy of World
Revolution. Mr. Benes chose a policy of making his country C<a
bridge" between Soviet Russia and Western culture. He thought
he could hold the bridge. What he accomplished, to his dismay,
was the opening of a gate permitting Communism to advance
westward to one of its most strategic outposts in Christendom.
By manipulation of its position in North Korea, the Revolution
prepared the assault on South Korea. Conquest of the entire
peninsula would give the Kremlin a dagger pointed at Japan
and furnish a new jumping-off base for challenging America in
the Far East. Only Japan and Formosa would then remain to
be dealt with when the Revolution decides to head across the
Pacific toward California, or drops unexpectedly out of the skies
over the Arctic regions.
It has been asserted in some quarters that the Politburo has
even set an approximate date for the inception of direct war
against its last great target with the richest booty of all time
in the balance. Admiral Ellis S. Zacharias (retired), former Deputy
Chief of U. S. Naval Intelligence, asserts that the Russian High
Command came to their vital decision on the night of January
28, 1949: an attack on the United States would be launched not
later than 1956.
8
The calculation was based on two assumptions:
(a) a major depression would ensue in the United States some
time between 1954-1956; (b) to offset internal disaster and de
moralization the Americans would launch a war about that time.
Hence the Communist government would forestall the event by
taking the initiative and luring the United States into a land
war on some distant territory where forces and supplies would
first have to cross a dangerous expanse of water.
B Behind Closed Doors, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1950.
CRAPT]
Soviet Conduct
most critical and searcbj
after its initial military victory. .
defeated in the field . or at the
ramain. The very nature and defin
:.roply opposition. Its life depends
;:ontinue to attack somebody or :;(
'21aims to be a permanent revolutic
leadership of a world revolution. A
boy must be continuously provide,
dynamic and positive program. TI
economic reform on the
and similar chores of national h
challenging to a new
heroic postures. There must bt
mythology. There must be a villain
as target for sustaining the revolutil
support for the transfer of power
Perhaps the most brilliant acrr
propaganda attending the first Fh
in 1928. After careful preparatim:
and statisticians respecting the
oloitation of natural resources, a:
a psychological carr
85
Contradiction
the inception of direct war
the richest booty of all time
arias (retired), former Deputy
De, . asserts that the Russian High
on the night of Januar),
States would be launched not
based on two assumptions:
fTISJe in the United States some
internal disaster and de
iaunch a war about that time.
,vauld forestall the event by
United States into a land
forces and supplies would
ed.:'Janse of water.
="0 S'J::lS, 1950.
CHAPTER IV
Soviet Conduct No Enigma
LE most critical and searching test of a revolution comes
after its initial military victory. The classical enemy has been
defeated in the field or at the barricades but other enemies
remain. The very nature and definition of a continuing revolution
imply opposition. Its life depends on its power of denial. It must
continue to attack somebody or something - particularly when it
claims to be a permanent revolution, and doubly so if it assumed
leadership of a world revolution. A new devil and a fresh whipping
boy must be continuously provided if the managers are to offer a
dynamic and positive program. The humdrum necessity of social
and economic reform on the domestic front, industrial productivity
and similar chores of national housekeeping, though vital and
challenging to a new government, can rarely be dramatized as
heroic postures. There must be legends. There must be a
mythology. There must be a villain some place in the offing to serve '
as target for sustaining the revolutionary spirit and assuring popular
support for the transfer of power to new masters.
Perhaps the most brilliant achievement in that field was the
propaganda attending the first Five-Year Plan launched by Stalin
in 1928. Mter careful preparation on the part of the economists
and statisticians respecting the need of electrification, the ex
ploitation of natural resources, and the dearth of manufactured
commodities, a psychological campaign was inaugurated on vast
85
,
86 The Seeds of Contradiction.
proportions. The land was deluged with alluring posters, literature,
and oratory; every kopeck was mobilized to achieve what was
described as "a leap across centuries" in the industrialization of
Soviet Russia. But, mark you, there was an international villain
on the stage of that colossal spectacle, a foreign enemy to justify
the crushing effort demanded of the Russian people. It was the
old devil, Capitalism, who was now to be attacked with his own
weapons and on the international level since he showed signs of
re-entering the arena.
In the official pronouncements accompanying that crusade we
find renewed warnings and stylized slogans describing the im
minent danger. On August 29, 1929, Pravda, the. official Party
organ, declared:
The Five Year Plan is an important part of the offensive of the proletariat
of the whole world against Capitalism; it is a plan tending to undermine
capitalist stabilization; it is a great plan of World Revolution.
The naming of a specific enemy at that stage was in accord
with tactical necessity and revolutionary custom. In numerous direc
tives, Lenin counsels his followers never to play with revolution;
having begun one you must go on to the end.
l
A defensive attitude
is fatal. Day by day, hour by hour the Revolution must take the
offensive.
2
Revolutionary parties must continue to learn.
s
In waging
war against the international bourgeoisie, it would be folly to
renounce the advantage of making temporary compromises and
entering on formal agreements - but only as maneuvers in a zigzag
advance toward one's objective.
4
After victory in one land, reforms
may be initiated but only as a by-product of the revolution's
progress to the international arena. Reforms then take on a new
relationship, i.e., they are only breathing spaces.
s
Stalin later
emphasized the need of a conscious leadership obedient to an in
fallible scientific program. Reforms, he pointed out, are to be
advocated as "a meshing of the legal work with the illegal purposes
1 Borrowed from Saint Just, one of the protagonists of the French Revolu
tion: He who stops half way in a revolution, digs his own grave.
2 Collected Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XIV, Part II, p. 270.
3 Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 121. .
4 Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 158. .
5 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, Part I, pp. 114-115.
Soviet Conduct
. '.' as a cover for the illegal ,",'0]
preparation of the masses for the
A sense of timing is extremely impi:
a rising tide of opportunity, com;:
accompany an ebbing tide.
7
Fear of
powers must be kept alive and
remembered that all the time it is
us from invasion."8
The first enemy in 1917 had be
i.ts attendant aristocracy. The Tzar .
prominent and shining targets. He:
was murdered at Ekaterinburg; i:I
slaughtered or driven into
ment in its turn was an easy r
/
propagandists of the left with pret
old regime - "same old exploiters," .
Revolution clear and visible opposi
Petlura, Wrangel, and Denikin. TfJ
turned on the bourgeoisie of Russi::
up an excellent field of operatio!l5
Church, too, was dramatized as a
persecution kept the people aware:
the five-year plans, the l.111ak 5
domestic front and he was suppre5'
publicity.
Then came the period of se!l5st
accused of espionage and sabotage.
purging of old-line Bolsheviks, fon
and prominent military figures - cJ
spiracy. In the early thirties the :r:
Japan onto the Asiatic mainland, th
and the revolt of Franco furnished :
fires of revolutionary vigilance
became the catchword of the time
6 Problems of Leninism, Russian Editk
7 Ibid., p. 55. .
8 Stalin, Reply to Comrade Ivanov, 1 9 3 ~
Contradiction
'TIth alluring posters, literature,
mobilized to achieve what was
in the industrialization of
was an international villain
a foreign enemy to justify
Russian people. It was the
to he attacked with his own
since he showed signs of
a"companying that crusade we
slogans describing the im
Pravda, the. official Party
p:;rt of the offensive of the proletariat
it is a plan tending to undennine
\Vorld Revolution.
2? at that stage was in accord
custom. In numerous direc
~ neyer to play with revolution;
:e the end.
1
A defensive attitude
the Revolution must take the
~ ~ . : s t continue to learn.
3
In waging
:=geoisie, it would be folly to
temporary compromises and
::'Jt only as maneuvers in a zigzag
Yictory in one land, reforms
. bv-product of the revolution's
'Reforms then take on a new
breathing spaces.
5
Stalin later
leadership obedient to an in
'IDS, he pointed out, are to be
work with the illegal purposes
protagonists of the French Revolu
;u7ion, digs his own grave.
i-d. XIV, Part II, p. 270.
lI5.
87
. . . as a cover for the illegal work which aims at revolutionary
preparation of the masses for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie."6
A sense of timing is extremely important: aggressive tactics are for
a rising tide of opportunity, compromise and even retreat must
accompany an ebbing tide.
1
Fear of an imminent attack by capitalist
powers must be kept alive and vigorous at all times: It must be
remembered that all the time it is only the breadth of a hair that
divides us from invasion."!!
The first enemy in 1917 had been the Romanov dynasty with
its attendant aristocracy. The Tzar and the Grand Dukes furnished
prominent and shining targets. Hence, the entire Imperial family
was murdered at Ekaterinburg; the various Grand Dukes were
either slaughtered or driven into exile. The Provisional Govern
ment in its turn was an easy mark and furnished the alert
propagandists of the left with pretexts for identifying it with the
old regime - "same old exploiters." The ensuing civil wars gave the
Revolution clear and visible opposition in the persons of Kolchak,
Petlura, Wrangel, and Denikin. These eliminated, the Revolution
turned on the bourgeoisie of Russia in a campaign which opened
up an excellent field of operations during the next five years. The
Church, too, was dramatized as a constant menace, and religious
persecution kept the people aware of the Revolution's vitality. Dur
ing the five-year plans, the kulak served as whipping boy on the
domestic front and he was suppressed with vigor and appropriate
publicity.
Then came the period of sensational State trials of foreigners
accused of espionage and sabotage, followed in due order by the
purging of old-line Bolsheviks, former high officials of the Party,
and prominent military figures all accused of treason and con
spiracy. In the early thirties the rise of Hitler, the expansion of
Japan onto the Asiatic mainland, the empire building of Mussolini,
and the revolt of Franco furnished ample motivation for rekindling
the fires of revolutionary vigilance. Mobilization against Fascism
became the catchword of the times. That device served for four
6 Problems Of Leninism, Russian Edition, 1945, p. 63.
1Ibid., p. 55.
g Stalin, Reply to Comrade Ivanov, 1938, citing Lenin's previous dogma.
88
years. With the ease of an acrobat the Kremlin swung over to an
alliance with Hitler in 1939, explaining that the danger then
consisted in not doing so. But the invasion of Soviet territory by
Hitler in 1941 gave the Russian Revolution its greatest challenge
- and its greatest fright.
This spectacular assault might be used, superficially, as an argu
ment to prove that Lenin and Stalin were right in their doctrine
that only a hair separated Soviet security from capitalist invasion.
The cold facts of record, however, preclude such sophistry. It was
Soviet Russia who wantonly invaded Poland, Latvia, Lithuania,
Estonia, and Finland in 1939, profiting. by the confusion induced
by Hitler's launching World War II on September 1, 1939. The
two aggressors had moved simultaneously on their victims in
accordance with the secret agreement included in the Nazi-Soviet
Pact of August, 1939. The gamble failed, at least temporarily, when
Hitler turned on his partner and drove the competing Russian
Revolution back to Petrograd, Moscow, and Stalingrad.
By 1945 all these forms of organized opposition were eliminated
or discounted and a new peril had to be found - or created.
Nothing is more dangerous for a permanent revolution than lack
of an adversary. Even in peacetime such a stimulus is vitally
necessary for the survival of militant Marxism; otherwise the plant
would die at the roots and the leaves wither on the vine. The
answer to the newest urge for fulfilling a messianic mission was
provided by the circumstances and opportunities of the post
war period.
Strengthened by military success and with its area of operation
increased by some 273,947 square miles of newly acqUired or
dominated territory,9 the Soviet government then openly declared
all bourgeOiS society, including its late allies, to be in conspiracy
against the Soviet homeland. The Western powers suddenly be
came warmongers, capitalist exploiters, encirclers of Soviet Russia,
etc., etc. In an order of the day on May 1, 1946, Stalin warned the
Russian people "not to forget for a Single minute the intligues of
international reaction which are hatching plans for a new war . . .
9 By 1951 the controlled areas in Europe e:x:ceeded 500,000 square miles. To
this must be added several million more in Asia.
Soviet Conduct
be constantly vigilant . . . to pr
armed forces and the defensi1
October 6, 1947, came the announ
Communist parties of nine states
warfare against United
",as singled out and denounced in t
':5 the '1eading force" in an antide
a.t the moment when we were de
force in our history.
The United Nations then furnishe:
:1U American soil for continued aSS&l
'lUotives and conduct of the America
z:ncriminations of Molotov, Vyshinski.
'",ere designed to supply renewed
Hevolution actively prepared to rep'"
::?l2tional brigands" operating under
world domination... vicious
preparation for war ... , '"
General Assembly on September 18,
pattern during the Korean war.
One of the most incendiary and
United States was launched on
'lUunies commemorating the 27th am
of Peter Pospelov, a 'VC<.\.LU.j,':::'
delivered in the Bolshoi
and ears of Generalissimo S
in viciousness and colossal
, .. C"'-'-"".LH..a.U leaders as "political mad
are red with the blaoe
crimes. . . ." The Americal
"rampant beast . . . with mad 1'21
to "the precipice of a third
received the personal and
ww""-",,,.u. by his repetition of similm
"rUlJu.,u.;;'u. in Pravda, February 16,
By manufactured fears and viol en
has given the longest demon
,revolutionary continuity. If there Ci:
Contradiction
'j,zt the Kremlin swung over to an
that the danger then
,:;'-lee invasion of Soviet territory by
Hevolution its greatest challenge
be used, superficially, as an argu
were right in their doctrine
Zf':mitv from capitalist invasion.
such sophistry. It was
Poland, Latvia, Lithuania,
:;;:-;['iltinQ: by the confusion induced
:'S:Z II on September 1, 1939. The
m;dza.neously on their victims in
'\ement included in the Nazi-Soviet
'", at least temporarily, when
",-,d drove the competing Russian
and Stalingrad.
opposition were eliminated
hEtd to be found or created.
.iJ;. permanent revolution than lack
(etime such a stimulus is vitally
it3Jlt Marxism; otherwise the plant
e leaves wither on the vine. The
a messianic mission was
a!!Q opportunities of the post
ess with its area of operation
miles of newly acquired or
.cn;ernment then openly declared
Its late allies, to be in conspiracy
:he 'Yestern powers suddenly be
encirclers of Soviet Russia,
Gn May 1, 1946, Stalin warned the
T do single minute the intrigues of
hatching plans for a new war . . .
exceeded 500,000 square miles. To
e:m Asia.
Soviet Conduct No Enigma 89
to be constantly vigilant ... to protect as the apple of one's eye
the armed forces and the defensive power of the country." On
October 6, 1947, came the announcement from Moscow that the
Communist parties of nine states had united for consolidated
ideological warfare against "United States aggression." This country
was Singled out and denounced in the manifesto of the Cominform
as the ''leading force" in an antidemocratic imperialism, precisely
at the moment when we were demobilizing the greatest anned
force in our history.
The United Nations then furnished an open and privileged forum
on American soil for continued assaults in vitriolic language on the
motives and conduct of the American government. The stereotyped
incriminations of Molotov, Vyshinski, Gromyko, anditheir successors
were designed to supply renewed justification for keeping the
Revolution actively prepared to repel a fictitious invasion by inter
national brigands" operating under a Marshall Plan. "Crazy idea of
world domination... vicious fabrications... poorly camou
fuged preparation for war ... , " declared Vyshinski before the
General Assembly on September 18, 1947. He repeated and enlarged
pattern during the Korean war.
One of the most incendiary and hate-provoking attacks against
United States was launched on January 21, 1951, at the cere
monies commemorating the 27th anniversary of Lenin's death. The
speech of Peter Pospelov, a leading figure in the Russian Communist
Party, delivered in the Bolshoi Theatre, Moscow, under the approv
mg eyes and ears of Generalissimo Stalin, outdistanced all previous
diatribes in viciousness and colossal falsehoods. Pospelov described
leaders as "political madmen . . . hands of American
are red with the blood of the Russian people . .
hloody crimes. . . ," The American government is described as
'a "rampant beast , . . with mad rapidity" pushing the American
people to "the precipice of a third world war." This conventional
attitude received the personal and official benediction of Stalin
llllmself by his repetition of similar accusations
i
in his interview
in Pravda, February 16, 1951.
By manufactured fears and violent distortions of truth the Polit
has given the longest demonstration in modern history of
continuity. If there cannot be one Rome, they will
see to it that there are two Carthages. Such sustained crusading
must repose on a great love or a great hatred. ?oth.
The coexistence cof these two motives in the SOVIet mmd reflects
the antagonisms of the age into which the Russian Revolution was
born. It appeared at the end of a definite, recognizable phase of
social disintegration throughout the world, particularly in the West.
The divisive tendencies of the Industrial Revolution culminated in
an increase of class consciousness based on the disproportionate
sharing of benefits created by the increased productivity of
machinery and technological inventions. This inner schism of society
was growing and observable to thoughtful men long before the
Soviets dramatized the conflict. Leo XIII, with remarkable acumen,
laid his finger on the mounting tension in his celebrated encyclical c
of 1891, The Condition of the Working Classes. Forty years later,
in 1931, Pius XI repeated the warning and cried alarm with renewed
intensity. Lenin did not create the crisis in 1917; he and his
successors merely seized it, deepened it, and capitalized on it
mightily.
Coming, as it did, in the course of a mounting degeneration in
the moral and spiritual vitality which had once created a Christian
culture the anti-Christian and illiberal Russian Revolution added
the of power to supply the affirmative incentive. It struck at
the end of an epoch, when the ethical resources of a secularized
Europe were at their lowest ebb, and when the hierarchy of values
created bya once united Christendom had given' place in many
quarters to the cultivated perplexity of the skeptics playing with
the meaning and the content of life. The currency of thought had
been debased by eighteenth-century rationalism and the treason
of countless intellectuals had undermined man's faith in his own
spirituality and destiny. Long before Stalin was to harness hatred
to power, Dostoevski, in Brothers Karamazov, foresaw the pro
gressive dehumanization of man and how disbelief in God would
end with the strangling of belief in the dignity of man. Then would
arise the demons who tormented the fictitious characters of his
terrifying novel The Possessed. They would come in legions and
humanity would immolate itself on the altar of its own negations.
Nazi Germany supplied the entre acte a sort of parenthesis in
the text, as Hitler made supreme efforts to play the role of
Soviet Conduct
N'ietzsche's superman endowed with
de failed and passed from the stage.
,)lne of Dostoevski's countrymen fron::
ioontinues in the same direction but u
By measure of its extent and
has become an internation
generations may well record as
challenge to Christendom si
was checked by Charles M a
year 732. But a new element ha
'el;nirlentl characteristic of the moder:
West in the eighth century
a later age, relied on their own pro,'
adventure stood or fell without tl
inside the opposing camp. They (
treason within the very stronghold G
so in the present crisis. The 12
Qlrganized and waiting fifth column
cz:;aUo:nal brigade, stationed at strates.,
bourgeois world.
The groomers of Moscow's Trojan
invoke legalisms and the guarant
::l:.'l:sassinate freedom at the foot of fu,
of the Bill of Rights, they haYE
to destroy an organism legally, b
'iV"ere devised to safeguard its vitalic
program?
The evolution of the technique
and fluid opportunism. The fo
in method and objectives, the
circumstances and international ;
the three decades follOwing \7,
war . and the fall of the Russian
of the Russian State undE"
- the concept of man in the mas
',.,,.,,,,,j,,,,, of personality and individual I.e:!
a world inhabited and cultivated
responSible person was displaced
Contradiction
Such sustained crusading
reat hatred. Probably both.
e;ij...-es in the Soviet mind reflects
the Russian Revolution was
'!;. definite, recognizable phase of
particularly in the West.
.'-'O'c.dCU Revolution culminated in
s based on the disproportionate
increased productivity of
This inner schism of society
men long before the
with remarkable acumen,
:::J:310ll in his celebrated encyclical
Classes. Forty years later,
cried alarm with renewed
crisis in 1917; he and his
it, and capitalized on it
a mounting degeneration in
had once created a Christian
Russian Revolution added
,'f:;rmative incentive. It struck at
resources of a secularized
'.vhen the hierarchy of values
had given place in many
of the skeptics playing with
if:. The currency of thought had
,.:ITT rationalism and the treason
man's faith in his own
'S!e Stalin was to harness hatred
Kammazov, foresaw the pro
;Z}d how dis belief in God would
dignity of man. Then would
. the fictitious characters of his
would come in legions and
Z} altar of its own negations.
ade a sort of parenthesis in
ne efforts to play the role of
Nietzsche's superman endowed with the will to universal power.
He failed and passed from the stage. The mantle then reverted to
one of Dostoevski's countrymen from Georgia and the crisis now
continues in the same direction but under more skillful leadership.
By measure of its extent and objectives, the resultant international
conspiracy has become an international reality which historians of
future generations may well record as the most formidable and far
reaching challenge to Christendom since the Moslem invasion of
Europe was checked by Charles Martel at the battle of Poitiers
in the year 732. But a new element has been introduced, a subtlety
eminently characteristic of the modern mind. The invaders of the
Christian West in the eighth century, like the Mongolian hordes
of a later age, relied on their own prowess and their own resources.
Their adventure stood or fell without the aid of auxiliaries recruited
from inside the opposing camp. They could not count on organized
treason within the very stronghold of their prospective victims.
Not so in the present crisis. The latest aggressor has a well
organized and waiting fifth column at his command, an inter
national brigade, stationed at strategic points in every capital of
the bourgeois world.
The groomers of Moscow's Trojan Horse have found the way
to invoke legalisms and the guarantees of the Constitution to
assassinate freedom at the foot of the Statue of Liberty. Under
cover of the Bill of Rights, they have solved the great riddle of
how to destroy an organism legally, by the very processes which
were devised to safeguard its vitality. How did they develop
their program?
The evolution of the technique shows an amalgam of planned
policy and fluid opportunism. The former is constant and fixed
both in method and objectives, the latter extremely adaptable to
local circumstances and international tensions as' they developed'
during the three decades following World War 1. The fortunes
'Jf war and the fall of the Russian Empire in 1917 put the entire
machinery of the Russian State under the control of a general
idea - the concept of man in the mass as opposed to the meta
phYSics of personality and individual responsibility. The conception
of a world inhabited and cultivated by men each of whom is
a responsible person was displaced by the vision of a class
I
i
Leviathan called the proletariat. What counts for the new icono
clasts is the impersonal man without soul or individual conscience
and valuable only as a cog of a great wheel in a mechanized
humanity. The blueprints dealt with types, Th:
ideal was the collective impersonal, not the rIckety little ego
whom Bednyi, an early Soviet poet, in verses. .
The new Monism was to express itself prImarily as economIC
productivity:
Million-footed: a body. The pavement cracks.
A million mass: one heart, one will, one tread.
Keeping step, keeping step.
On they march. On they march.
March, march.
Out of the factory quarters, smoke-wreathed,
Out of the. black dungeous, filthy rat holes,
He came - his fingers bent like pincers-
Burst the thousand-year-old chains rattling about him
Came now the new ruler on to the street. . .
The houses thunder back. The highway clamors.
The giant stands fast.
It will be noted that in Bednyi's heavy lyric, as in all Communist
thought, the emphaSis is on the ,the material,. and
physical. Spirit and mind and ideals are mCIdental. Man, In Stalins
frigid language, weighs no heavier on the scale of values tha?
a tool; at best he is "the most precious capital." This vast reservOIr
of man power within Russia itself is under the complete control
and iron discipline of a Party which numbers approximately 3 per
cent of the population. It is a self-perpetuating monopoly, dedicated
not to a dictatorship of the proletariat but, to dictatorship over it.
A similar debasement is being rapidly affected in all satellite lands
whose sovereignty has been transformed into the status of fief
to Moscow.
The capture of the proletarians of the world waS planned in
a manner to harmonize with the diversity of culture and the
measure of control available over those against whom it was
progressively directed. On Soviet territory it was mandatory and
applied by force through five-year. plans, by collectivized agri
culture and organized terrorism. Outside the Soviet Union, the
Soviet Condu
program was. entrusted to loca
direction of Moscow-trained leI
masses as were most capable of b
directives had warned against I
situation had to be "ripe," and i
further cultivation was indicated
mg. Recognition of the right Ir
estimate of the enemy's powers 0
a successful revolutionist. In Chin
degree in central Europe - a se
provided an excellent seed bed f(
among peasant populations, wh
power and the social abuses of j
consciousness among urban workE
This organization of Communisrr:
steadily and systematically, par:
beginning, however, even before 19
not only in its slogans but in t1
personnel. After 1917 the Party (
an active global war, a militant
constituted an army with a clearlv
staff, field officers, regiments,
sergeants, corporals, and pi
non paralleled the Structure of the .
the block leader continued the en
lowest levels, while couriers,
-agents journeyed crisscross from
operations. Once in power and rf
Party, both outside and inside SO".it
r:. . . I
40rce III every orgamzatlOna respe-::;t
induction, boot training, indoctr'ill_
establishment of courts martial, sent:
offenders, counterintelligence seni
'With diplomatic immUnity. It adop
paraphernalia of a military compom
openly displayed, and a chaplains' (
1Q The intemal organization and milita::
wherever located is described in great act
Contradiction
,\'bat counts for the new icono
lout soul or individual conscience
a . great wheel in a mechanized
,.;ith types, not individuals. The
not the "rickety little ego"
];ei:, lampooned in his verses.
:treSS itself primarily as economic
-p.svement cracks.
.;::;e \,,-ill, one tread.

smoke-wreathed,
rat holes,
l:i"e pincers
chaIDs rattling about him-
to the street. . .
lkle highway clamors.
1'5 heavy lyric, as in all Communist
the body, the material, and the
are incidental. Man, in Stalin's
a'.ier on the scale of values than
recious capital:' This vast reservoir
:self is under the complete control
;hich numbers approximately S per
i-perpetuating monopoly, dedicated
lletariat but, to dictatorship over it..
-apidly affected in all satellite lands
ransformed into the status of fief
ians of the world was planned in
the diversity of culture and the
over those against whom it was
iet territory it was mandatory and
-year plans, by collectivized
m. Outside the Soviet Union,
program was. entrusted to local Communist Parties under the
direction of Moscow-trained leaders and applied first to such
masses as were most capable of being manipulated. Lenin's shrewd
directives had warned against premature plucking of fruit; the
situation had to be "ripe," and if the plum was not soft enough,
further cultivation was indicated as guarantee of smooth swallow
ing. Recognition of the right moment, coupled with a correct
estimate of the enemy's powers of resistance, was his criterion for
a successful revolutionist. In China, eastern Europe - and to a less
degree in central Europe - a semifeudal form of land holding
provided an seed bed for the organization of discontent
among peasant populations, while concentrations of industrial
power and the social abuses of finance capital encouraged class
consciousness among urban workers.
This organization of Communism on world proportions proceeded
steadily and systematically, particularly after 1945; from its
beginning, however, even before 1917, it followed a military pattern
not only in its slogans but in the intellectual formation of its
personnel. After 1917 the Party considered itself as engaged in
an active global war, a militant crusade; . members of the Party
constituted an army with a clearly defined top command, a general
staff, field officers, regiments, companies, commanders, echelons,
cadres, sergeants, corporals, and privates. The Table of Organiza
tion paralleled the structure of the Red Army. The factory cell and
the block leader continued the chain of command down to the
lowest levels, while couriers, inspectors, finance officers, and control
agents journeyed crisscross from Moscow to every theater of
operations. Once in power and ready for full-blown action the
Party, both outside and inside Soviet Russia, duplicated a military
force in every organizational respect: recruitment of new members,
induction, boot training, indoctrination, advanced shock troops,
establishment of courts martial, sentencing and execution of serious
offenders, counterintelligence service and attaches in embassies
with diplomatic immunity. It adopted all the characteristics and
paraphernalia of a military component - except uniforms, weapons
openly displayed, and a chaplainS' COrpS.10
10 The internal organization and military character of a Communist Party
wherever located is described in great detail and with copious doctUllentatiQn
93
This militarization of the Communist Party on its road to total
empire responded to the will-to-power psychology of its founders.
But Clausewitz's classic On War had much to do with it as well.
The German general's celebrated axioms: war is an act of 80ciallife
and war is a continuation of policy by violent means, were accepted
by Lenin and copied down as guiding principles in his notebooks.
On war as a continuation of political ends, he wrote: "The Marxists
have always considered this axiom as the theoretical foundation
for the meaning of every war."''!'!
The windfall occasioned by the collapse of Nazi Germany and
Japan opened new perspectives both in geography and power
potential. Firmly entrenched in occupied lands, and with Latvia,
Lithuania, and Estonia already absorbed through military conquest,
the Politburo unfolded its next series of blueprints for consolidating
the expanding empire. Maneuvering for position under local condi
tions the Revolution effected its progressive seizure of power by
a pattern adapted to the legal institutions and social environment
of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Roumania, Bulgaria, Albania,
and China. The tactics and the tempo of events varied in step with
the risk; the progress was not always so plunging as was the
conquest of the Baltic States. In Roumania and Bulgaria the seizure
of power, though gradual, was direct, open, and ruthless. Vyshinski
finally came in person to Bucharest and delivered Moscow's ulti
matum; in Sofia, Dimitrov simply ''liquidated'' the opposition, which
meant persuasion by firing squad, by gallows, or by total dis
appearance of designated victims under unknown circumstances.
But in proportion as the Revolution moved westward into areas
of more stabilized democracies and greater political maturity, it
deployed its forces in slightly different guises and by the slower
stages of controlled parliamentary processes. That is the current
phase of the conllict in France and Italy. In East Germany the
pattern is mixed - partly parliamentary, partly direct seizure of
in W. R. Kintner's The Front Is Everywhere (University of Oklahoma Press,
1950). Its international ramifications are catalogued in a comprehensive sur
vey, country by country, in World Communism Today, by Martin Ebon
(Whittlesl;,: House, 1950). '
11 See 'Clausewitz and Soviet Strategy," by Byron Dexter, in Foreign
Affairs, October, 1950, pp. 41-55. '
Soviet Condu
power by preponderant force, lit
of a million strong, on the sideru
As the Revolution has not as
military assault against the Unit
Communist bloc in the Congress,
to prerevolutionary devices. The
eludes among its primary weapOI
into the net of treasonable co-oper
the case of Judith Coplon, the 1
death of Laurence Duggan after
during an inquiry into subversh
'Whittaker Chambers, Miss Bent
:Vadleigh furnish disturbing remir;
15 not merely an echo of thinas
tangible reality that has taken bits
main issue and greatest challenge'
The culmination of understa;;:ili
domestic menace came on Septemi
an overwhelming majority overrod,
enacted a Communist Control La'
Sedition Acts of 1798. Alreadv oot
in Korea, the public -
of its determination to cope with 1
technical criticism in some of its n1
:evision of its too broad language,.l:'t
mg long overdue.
. But neither law now tightened
conundrum: how was it possible
apparently intelligent Americans in
Limiting our inquiry to Americans
or. else support it without
becoming registered members of e
!l variety ?f types corresponding to
mllaboration. At the outset, the RE
properly eulogized by America
me. Woodrow Wilson welcomed the
Contradiction
munist Party on its road to total
psychology of its founders.
much to do with it as well.
2rioms: war is an act of social life
means, were accepted
principles in his notebooks.
ends, he wrote: "The Marxists
y:;m as the theoretical foundation
oJTIapse of Nazi Germany. and
3 in geography and power
lands, and with Latvia,
through military conquest,
:ries of blueprints for consolidating
for position under local condi
pmgressive seizure of power by
ClStitutions and social environment
, Roumania, Bulgaria, Albania,
of events varied in step with
so plunging as was the
nC'll.mama and Bulgaria the seizure
open, and ruthless. Vyshinski
rrest and delivered Moscow's ulti
"'liquidated" the opposition, which
by gallows, or by total dis
25 under unknown circumstances.
'"tion moved westward into areas
a!1d greater political maturity, it
lliterent guises and by the slower
processes. That is the current
..lld Italy. In East Germany the
;:nentary, partly direct seizure of
rywhere (University of Oklahoma Press,
:;Ie . catalogued in a comprehensive sur
Communism Today, by Martin Ebon
rategy," by Byron Dexter, in Foreign
power by preponderant force, with the Red Army massed, a quarter
of a million strong, on the sidelines.
o 000
As the Revolution has not as yet launched a direct and overt
military assault against the United States and since there is no
Communist bloc in the Congress, the tactics here are still confined
to prerevolutionary devices. The psychological-warfare phase in
cludes among its primary weapons the seducing of chosen dupes
into the net of treasonable co-operation. The tragedy of Alger Hiss,
the case of Judith Coplon, the mystery surrounding the. violent
death of Laurence Duggan. after his name had been mentioned
during an inquiry into subversive activities, the confessions of
Whittaker Chambers, Miss Bentley, Louis Budenz, and Julian
Wadleigh furnish disturbing reminders that the Russian Revolution
is not merely an echo of things far off and un-American but a
tangible reality that has taken its place on American soil as the
main issue and greatest challenge of the times.
The culmination of understanding and final acceptance of the
domestic menace came on September 23, 1950, when Congress by
an overwhelming majority overrode the veto of the President and
enacted a Communist Control Law which outdid the Alien and
Sedition Acts of 1798. Already at grips with the empire builder
in Korea, the public conscience demanded expression in legal form
of its determination to cope with his agents in America. Open to
technical criticism in some of its provisions and probably needing
revision of its too broad language, the Act represented an awaken
ing long overdue.
But neither law now tightened security measures will solve the
conundrum: how was it possible for Stalin to enlist so many
apparently intelligent Americans in his foreign legion?
. Limiting our inquiry to Americans who openly espouse the Soviet
cause or else support it without taking the ultimate step of
becoming registered members of the Communist Party, we find
a variety of types corresponding to the quality and extent of their
collaboration. At the outset, the Revolution of March, 1917, was
very properly eulogized by Americans both in private and public
life. Woodrow Wilson welcomed the new freedom as a "fit partner
in a league of honor"; he promptly recognized the provisional
government and accorded diplomatic statns to its 'at
Washington. Public feeling, in mass volume, flowed steadily toward
the infant democracy. But the advent of a new element -.
Communism with its declared objective of world dommatIOn
soon created disillusionment and eventnal estrangement between
official Washington and the regime which seized the government
of Russia on November 7, 1917. It was then that confusion entered
the thought of many Americans and created the schism among
the intellectnals. The infection ranged from sunple muddle
headedness to calculated chicanery. Senator Borah was pre-eminent
among this first group of Soviet advocates his public
for many years demonstrated how difficult It IS for a.
liberal to abandon a position once taken and confess eIther to Igno
rance of the facts or gullibility in having accepted manufactnred
evidence.
Others in this category and I assnme a basic sincerity in their
souls - succumbed to wishful thinking and clung to the hope that
Soviet Russia would eventnally evolve into a true democracy and
would renounce her grandiose ambition to communize all
ity. Still others attempted to draw a distinction between the ThIr;I
International and the Soviet government; they accepted Moscow s
preposterous claim that the Comintern was a private organization
of hotheads not to be equated with official Russia. In so they
did great violence to the rules of evidence and permitted an
for freedom per se to control their will, their intellect, and theIr
eyeSight. . .
It was a curious paradox in those early days to hear paSSIOnate
appeals for "tolerance toward Soviet Russia" on the lips of men
quick to denounce the government of the United States
in punishing common-law criminality at home. By a sort of habIt
induced, possibly, by original sincerity and the exhilaration of being.
considered an advanced thinker, this type of seduced liberal was
often sucked into the romantic attitnde of crusading for what was
described as the "underdog"; the dilettanti never adverted to the
possibility that an underdog small or large may have rabies.
A more sinister type of aid and solace to Lenin's cause was
provided by certain professors and instructors of youth who utilized
Soviet Conduc;
their chairs to sow the seeds of d
stndents still in their salad dav5
criminating between cynicism and;
institutions. The two favorite target
War I were patriotism and religiOl
frequently held up as a pattern
skepticism were canonized as the
life and its. problems, an orienta
atheistic materialism of Marx, Leu
out logicality that such pedagogues
with the Marx-Lenin principle that
The result was an adolescent 'wars
and the amoralism of that frigid ev<
\vith values."
There was much poisoning of
the principle of authority whether
or in the relation of sons and
was denounced as disgUised
political superstition. It required
. a stndent in too many universitIe
attend chapel with regularity. He ra
leveled ill his direction from pwfe
not avowedly members of the F8cl
campus Communists.
It is to the credit of the genera*i
were subjected so widely to that
World Wars I and II that they pray;;:
the mentors who sought to underm"
the American system under the
When the hour of testing canle i,.,
rallied to the colors by millions,
relapsed into the silence of frostra
fortable berth in some government .;
The question arises: what is m
thought processes of an American
of Lenin and Stalin while still
by the Constitntion of the United
54,174 card-bearing members of tl
Contradiction
recognized the provisional
natic status to its ambassador ;at
LSS :tOlume, flowed steadily toward
of a new element - Marxian
of world domination
eventual estrangement between
me which seized the government
",,-as then that confusion entered
created the first schism among
ranged from simple muddle
, Senator Borah was pre-eminent
",dvocates and his public attitude
iHfficult it is for a professional
e taken and confess either to igno
';7; having accepted manufactured
assume a basic sincerity in their
and clung to the hope that
into a true democracy and
_l..:"" - to communize all human
a distinction between the Third
reroment; they accepted Moscow's
:ci:ltern was a private organization
official Russia. In so doing they
eyidence and permitted an emotion
heir will, their intellect, and their
:bose early days to hear passionate
5miet Russia" on the lips of men
:lent of the United States engaged
at home. By a sort of habit
lceuty and the exhilaration of being
r, this type of seduced liberal was
attitude of crusading for what was
ie dilettanti never adverted to the
all 'or large may have rabies.
and solace to Lenin's cause was
nd instructors of youth who utilized
their chairs to sow the seeds of doubt in the immature minds of
students still in their salad days and not yet capable of dis
criminating between cynicism and constructive criticism of political
institutions. The two favorite targets in the decade following World
War I were patriotism and religious conviction. Soviet Russia was
frequently held up as a pattern of rationality; agnosticism and
skepticism were canonized as the only intelligent attitudes toward
life and its problems, an orientation which led subtly to the
atheistic materialism of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. It was not with
out logicality that such pedagogues found themselves in sympathy
with the Marx-Lenin principle th!).t religion is opium for the people.
The result was an adolescent worship of empiricism, pragmatism,
and the amoralism of that frigid evasion: "Science is not concerned
with values."
There was much poisoning of the wells of loyalty by sniping at
the principle of authority whether embodied in the Constitution
or in the relation of sons and daughters to parents. National defense
was denounced as disgUised militarism and patriotism derided as
political superstition. It required steady nerves and great faith for
a student in too many universities to join the ROTC unit or
attend chapel with regularity. He ran the risk of withering sarcasm
leveled in: his direction from professorial coteries which, though
not avowedly members of the Party, were the darlings of the
campus Communists.
It is to the credit of the generation of American students who
were subjected so widely to that barrage during the years between
World Wars I and II that they proved better judges of values than
the mentors who sought to undermine their patriotism and faith in
the American system under the cloak of academic freedom.
When the hour of testing came in December, 1941, their pupils
rallied to the colors by millions, while the academic termites
relapsed into the silence of frustration or slipped into a com
fortable berth in some government department.
The question arises: what is the motive and what are the
thought processes of an American who will work for the cause
()f Lenin and Stalin while still enjoying the freedoms guaranteed
by the Constitution of the United States? In the case of the
54,174 card-bearing members of the Communist Party in this
j
98
country the answer is ready to hand. They do not consider them
selves primarily as citizens of the United States; the conditions
and requirements for formal admission into the Party stipulate
that they are citizens of an international community, whose capital
is Moscow and to which they owe moral and intellectual allegiance.
, The leader of the Party, Mr. Foster, explained to a Congressional
Committee on May 29, 1948, that, in the event of war with the
Soviet Union, American Communists would not fight against Russia.
We know, then, where they will stand, what they think, and what
they will attempt to do if the people of the United States ever
find themselves in such an armed conflict.
It is with the outer fringe, the sympathizers, the fellow travelers
and secret operators, particularly with those who may occupy in
fluential positions in public life, that we are here concerned. This
category has been estimated by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover at something
like 500,000 in number. We may again narrow the field and exclude
such aliens or newly arrived citizens as still retain a hidden
psychology of inherited resentment and regard their sojourn in
America as temporary and for revolutionary purposes. They, too,
present little difficulty for the analyst of motivation. Our inquiry is
directed, consequently, to the remaining group of native Amer
icans, born into the American scene, enjoying the high standard
of living and the palpable benefits of a prosperous, free, and
democratic society which is still developing the field of individual
opportunity and progressing rapidly in its task of removing social
injustices, racial segregation, and all similar obstacles to legitimate
human freedom.
There are no concentration camps here for political opponents;
there is no NKVD to hound us out of bed at 2 a.m. for, extrajudicial
trial before a secret tribunal with sudden death or exile to Siberia
in the uncontrolled discretion of its inquisitors; there is no confisca
tion of property or molestation of the person without due process
of law; there is freedom of occupation, of the right to strike, of
religion, and of education. There is freedom of the press to an
extent undreamed of in Soviet Russia. Representatives of the
Moscow press are admitted freely to the halls of Congress and to
the President's press conferences; they are free to cable to Moscow
their mendacious and twisted interpretations of the American
Soviet Cor
democracy. There is a sala
country which is the highest
by the people in every electi
ballot. There are provisions fe
welfare that dot the land witl
ment insurance and old-age
and federal governments, wi
private industry. There is a IT
to meet both the necessities al
is a system of free care for \'
at college level for serviceme
any other country in the worl
a measure of social welfare
which, far from constituting
approached a pOint deemed 1
prodigality and destructive 0
Turning to international we]
After World War I American
medicine, books, libraries (
affiicted country, Russia ~ 0 1
packages are bringing solace
governments have not prol
assistance have been generou
brings thousands of foreign y'
scientific training under the ]
generosity of private endowme:
behind reconstruction in Eur
breathing space for the shat
Simultaneously, help is extend
ous other ,peoples of the old
even to the satellite countries
by the Director of the Budge
cost of the war to the United
war activities and postwar r e h ~
reach three trillion dollars. T
total rearmament program of ]
These contributions to hurna:
ican people are not cited in ~
Contradiction
They do not consider them-
United States; the conditions
into the Party stipulate
:l","ilOlli:U community, whose capital
and intellectual allegiance.
explained to a Congressional
ill the event of war with the
is':s \vouid not fight against .Russia.
what they think, and what
of the United States ever
conflict.
sc;:npathizers, the fellow travelers
,\ifu those who may occupy in
we are here concerned. This
J. Edgar Hoover at something
narrow the field and exclude
-citizens as still retain a hidden
and regard their sojourn in
!'1eyolutionary purposes. They, too,
of motivation. Our inquiry is
lellJairriTIIg group of native Amer
)iCeQe, enjoying the high standard
Getts of a prosperous, free, and
developing the field of individual
in its task of removing social
similar obstacles to legitimate
:xnps here for political opponents;
",i" bed at 2 a.m. for, extrajudicial
h death or exile to Siberia
inquisitors; there is no confisca
person without due process
:u.pation, of the right to strike, of
Fe is freedom of the press to an
Russia. Representatives of the
. to the halls of Congress and to
are free to cable to Moscow
illterpretations of the American
democracy. There is a salary scale for organized labor in this
country which is the highest in the world; there is full participation
by the people in every election, with universal suffrage and secret
ballot. There are proviSions for health, recreation, and general social
welfare that dot the land with public facilities. There is unemploy
ment insurance and old-age assistance from the treasury of state
and federal governments, with pension plans on the increase in
private industry. There is a mounting productivity of manufactures
to meet both the necessities and amenities of civilized living. There
is a system of free care for wounded veterans and free education
at college level for servicemen on a scale never yet attempted by
any other country in the world. In a word, there is here, in being,
a measure of social welfare such as Marx never conceived and
which, far from constituting oppression of the proletariat, has
approached a point deemed by many to be the very definition of
prodigality and destructive' of initiative.
Turning to international welfare the record is equally impresSive.
After World War I American charity poured relief supplies, food,
medicine, books, libraries, clothes, and good will into every
afHicted country, Russia not excluded. In recent years Care
packages are bringing solace to every, European country where
governments have not prohibited them; loans and financial
assistance have been generously extended. Exchange of students
brings thousands of foreign youths to America for education and
scientific training under the Fulbright Act supplemented by the
generosity of private endowments. Finally, the Marshall Plan stands
behind reconstruction in Europe under terms which provide a
breathing space for the shattered economy of war-torn lands.
Simultaneously, help is extended to Greece, to Turkey, and numer
ous other ,peoples of the old and the new world. It was offered
even to the satellite countries. All in all, it has been estimated
by the Director of the Budget, Frank C. Pace, Jr., that the final
cost of the war to the United States of America, including both
war activities and postwar rehabilitation at home and abroad, will
reach three trillion dollars. The estimate was made before the
total rearmament program of 1950.
These contributions to human welfare and the cost to the Amer
ican people are not cited in any spirit of boastfulness or vulgar
100 The Seeds of Contradiction Soviet Cond1
complacency. For thoughtful men they rather engender a sense 'of
humility and responsibility, tempered by apprehension at the
staggering load imposed on the national economy and the in
dividual taxpayer. They have been catalogued - imperfectly and
probably not in their entirety -:- in order to lay them on the balance
with a great paradox. The country and the system whioh could
produce such tangible achievements is to be weighed against the
public record of Soviet Russia, too well known to require detailed
description. In the occupied zones of Germany, Austria, and Korea,
as well as in the satellite lands, the inhabitants furnish melancholy
evidence of the contrast. American occupation forces, despite the
occasional lapses of individuals succumbing to temptation or to the
pull of the old Adam in every man when released from diScipline,
have not lived off the land or reduced the inhabitants to hewers of
wood or drawers of water; they have not made the name of
America synonymous with organized rape, wholesale looting, and
recruiting of slave gangs for concentration camps. One has only
to tabulate the authentic experiences of those who have lived in
occupied territories in order to understand the meaning, of Soviet
"liberation" and Soviet practices on foreign ground. Their external
conduct was uniform with domestic practices. Mr. John D. Little
page, an American mining engineer, who resided in Soviet Russia
from 1928 to 1931, describes the entire population as "prisoners
on parole."12
Why should any American wish, much less conspire, to betray
the United States to the wardens who control the prison house that
Russia is and the satellites have become? Is the motive to be sought
in a lust for power thirsting to advance some private ambition at
any cost? Is it that perverted sense of frustration and wounded
vanity which makes some introverts imagine that their abilities
have not been properly recognized by fellow Americans but would
be appreciated and rewarded by the rulers of Soviet Russia? Is it
sheer exhibitionism in the grand manner? Is it a manifestation
of what Goethe described as "the malignancy of littleness"? Can it
be due to a blind spot in the brain which shuts out the facts of
America and leaves the mind susceptible only to the falsities of
12 In Search of Soviet Gold (Harcourt, Brace & Co" 1938), pp. 140-141.
Soviet propaganda? Is it the fa
Santayana's perceptive, thought
after they have forgotten thei
Utopians mistaking CommunisD
cravings? Is it the thrashing abc
will reveal the scars of some
society? Is it a transfer comple;
Nazism who imagined that op
required adherence to Commun
natives led many an immature
and immediately after the S p ~
hysteria gave a distinct colorati
There is renewed need of cl
point. Weare still not inquir
in a poverty-stricken country or
by economic injustice, vicious ex
absolutism of a privileged caste
munism is at once an understf
intolerable regime - and the ju,
question asks: what makes a Cor
American comfortably placed,
successful author, a playwright, a
a government employee, a well-p
councilor? SpeCifically we are set.
transform this country to '\
emigrated as to a haven of refu
state with the inhumanity and tb
land where Communism triumd
To continue our probing i;t(
mainspring naked treason - not
treason not yet of hand, but a c
to the seduction of cold cash or
for revenge which pride can
real or imagined personal affront
and incurable pride is the conct
conviction of personal infallibili
13 Immigration figures covering peri,
ontradiction
ley rather engender a sense of
apprehension at the
economy and the in-
catalogued - imperfectly and
-der to lay them on the balance
the system which could
is to be weighed against the
known to require detailed
f Germany, Austria, and Korea,
furnish melancholy
GC2upation forces, despite the
to temptation or to the
,,,,-hen released from discipline,
the inhabitants to hewers of
have not made the name of
rape, wholesale looting, and
'Dtration camps. One has only
those who have lived in
the meaning, of Soviet
ground. Their external
: practices. Mr. John D. Little
" who resided in Soviet Russia
:mme population as "prisoners
much less conspire, to betray
10 control the prison house that
;me? Is the motive to be sought
-ance some private ambition at
;.e of frustration and wounded
ts imagine that their abilities
fellow Americans but would
,8 rulers of Soviet Russia? Is it
manner? Is it a manifestation
lalignancy of littleness"? Can it
!1 which shuts out the facts of
eptible only to the falsities of
Brace & Co., 1938), pp. 140-141.
101
Soviet propaganda? Is it the fanaticism of zealots who to recall
Santayana's perceptive thought continue their momentum even
after they have forgotten their purposes? Is it the naiVete of
Utopians mistaking Communism as the nearest approach to their
cravings? Is it the thrashing about of neurotics whose case history
will reveal the scars of some previous conflict with family or
society? Is it a transfer complex of those enemies of Fascism and
Nazism who imagined that opposition to those two totalitarians
required adherence to Communism? This narrow concept of alter
natives led many an immature liberal astray, particularly during
and immediately after the Spanish Civil War. Their emotional
hysteria gave a distinct coloration to the Pink Decade.
There is renewed need of clear and accurate thinking at this
point. Weare still not inquiring what produces a Communist
in a poverty-stricken country or among men driven to desperation
by economic injustice, vicious explOitation, peonage, or the political
absolutism of a privileged caste. Under such circumstances Com
munism is at once an understandable social consequence of an
intolerable regime and the judgment of history against it. Our
question asks: what makes a Communist or a sympathizer out of an
American comfortably placed, sometimes a millionaire, often a
successful author, a playwright, a Hollywood figure, a schoolteacher,
a government employee, a well-paid labor leader, Ii lawyer, or a city
councilor? Specifically we are seel}ing to understand why he would
transform this country to which 249,187 persons recently
emigrated as to a haven of refuge
13
- into a replica of the servile
state with the inhumanity and the terrorism which prevail in every
land where Communism triumphs.
To continue our probing into the roots of motivation: is the
mainspring naked treason - not unknown in American history
treason not yet of hand, but a covert surrender of heart and head
to the seduction of cold cash or the promise of it? Is it the craving
for revenge which pride can engender in minds embittered by some
real or imagined personal affront from SOciety? The most dangerous
and incurable pride is the conceit that argues itself into a secret
conviction of personal infallibility. The most dangerous truth to
13 Immigration :figures covering period June 30, 1949-June 30, 1950.
.
Soviet Com
such as torments the pyroman . be ignorant of is one's own ignorance. Is it some twisted pacifism
that would save America from the horrors of a third World War
by rendering her people incapable of waging one should Soviet
Russia decide to transform the cold war into a shooting contest?
Is it the moral schizophrenia by which Fuchs, the British scientist,
justified his transmission of atomic information to the Kremlin?
He had two consciences, he explained, one as an Englislu:qan, one
as a scientist with an international outlook which impelled him
to share the secret with Soviet Russia. Why Russia was thus
favored, instead of science in the Argentine or Belgium or Norway,
he did not elucidate.
One explanation derives from the urge some minds feel for being
different and for exercising what ecstatic pedagogues in progressive
schools for children extol as the right to self-expression. Mr. Henry
Julian Wadleigh, the former State Department official who con
fessed to having acted as a spy for Soviet Russia while serving as
economist in the Trade Agreements Division in 1936, published an
illuminating analysis of his double life.
14
Mter explaining his
method of abstracting important documents from papers which
passed over his desk and slipping them surreptitiously to his
Moscow "contact" he speaks of his "psychopathic aversion to being
conventional." This secret obsession for rebelling against "a pattern
set by convention or public opinion" influenced his manner of
dress and personal appearance even to "wearing no garters and
sometimes letting my hair grow Jor six weeks without a visit
to the barber." This self-consciousness expressed itself in his
frequent sending of secret information to be microfIlmed by the
Soviet agent awaiting him at Washington street corners or in
obscure restaurar.ts. "Had it not been for my underground work
with the Communists and my belief in its importance, I would
probably have decided to leave the State Department after the first
two weeks - as soon as I could find a satisfactory job elsewhere."
Is the motive perhaps the megalomania of liberalism gone mad
with egotism? Or on the other hand is it a naive idealism innocent
of evil intent, but too inexperienced to separate the counterfeit from
the real? Is it a secret paSSion for excitement and dangerous living
14 Washington Post, "Julian Wadleigh's Own Story," second installment,
July 31, 1949.
in the spectacle of fire? Is it p
possession of an unwary victi
crime on his leaning side? Is il
ance policy, as it were, to gul
to accommodate themselves to
acornbination of several or a
the mind?
Whatever motive may lurk
subconscious ego, one fact is
has left to the world more
his embalmed corpse just out;
afternoon in 1922 the write]
wandering through the Red E
of an American who had been
it was, the last earthly restink
but erratic Harvard graduate
cause as early as 1917, and It
the Revolution in his book: Tt
was one of the few Americans
in those days. Today, if Mr. J.
500,000 John Reeds walking tl:
The tactical role and comb
have been systematically defu::t
to specific tasks. Approximatel;.
in the United States is cone
where, in the words of the Db
vestigation to a Senate subcornz
able to sabotage essential in&
event of a national emergency.
spots: "steel, heavy machinery,
tion, electrical and maritime ill
According to Newsweek in
Party held a secret conclave
the organization secretary, HE
reliable members were statlor
sabotage of defense mobilizatioJ
saboteurs was claimed to be:
, d' t'
mrra lC tOn
e, Is it some twisted pacifism
z0ITGrS of a third World War
waging one should Soviet
into a shooting contest?
the British scientist,
;c,-'tormation to the Kremlin?
C]TIe as an Englishn:'!an, one
U',,",'ieUUA which impelled him
JSSh , \Vhy Russia was thus
or Belgium or Norway,
some minds feel for being
pedagogues in progressive
self-expression. Mr. Henry
official who con
Russia while serving as
J::lsion in 1936, published an
After explaining his
from papers which
surreptitiously to his
aversion to being
Ie rebelling against "a pattern
:2 influenced his manner of
"wearing no garters and
sh: weeks without a visit
!leess expressed itself in his
:7:l to be microfilmed by the
street corners or in
my underground work
: in its importance, I would
ate Department after the first
a satisfactory job elsewhere."
]ania of liberalism gone mad
5 it a naIve idealism innocent
separate the counterfeit from
itement and dangerous living
nwn Story," second instalhnent,
such as torments the pyromaniac and drives him to seek satiation
in the spectacle of fire? Is it plain, unadulterated demon ism taking
possession of an unwary victim and seducing him to unexpected
crime on his leaning side? Is it a calculating self-interest, an insur
ance policy, as it were, to guarantee safety for cowards prepared
to accommodate themselves to "the wave of the future"? . . . Is it
a combination of several or all of these paranoiac aberrations of
the mind?
Whatever motive may lurk in the subterranean recesses of the
subconscious ego, one fact is patent in the light of facts. Lenin
has left to the world more of his personality than is revealed by
his embalmed corpse just outside the Kremlin wall. On a wintry
afternoon in 1922 the writer of these lines spent some time
wandering through the Red Square and searching for the grave
of an American who had been buried in the same locality. 'There
it, was, the last earthly resting place of John Reed, the brilliant
but erratic Harvard graduate who had cast his lot with Lenin's
cause as early as 1917, and left an authentic, factual account of
the Revolution in his book: Ten Days That Shook th@ World. He
was one of the few Americans who adhered to the cause of Lenin
in those days. Today, if Mr. J. Edgar Hoover is correct, there are
500,000 John Reeds walking the streets of the United States.
'The tactical role and combat station of these domestic allies
have been systematically defined and reliable personnel allocated
to specific tasks. Approximately one half the strength of the Party
in the United States is concentrated in major industrial areas
where, in the words of the Director of the Federal Bureau of In
vestigation to a Senate subcommittee in 1950, " ... they would be
able to sabotage essential industry in vital defense areas in the
event of a national emergency." Mr. Hoover specified the sensitive
spots: "steel, heavy machinery, mining, communications, transporta
tion, electrical and maritime industries."
According to Newsweek in its edition of January 8, 1951, the
Party held a secret conclave shortly before that date at which
the organization secretary, Henry Winston, boasted that 22,000
reliable members were stationed in basic industries, ready for
sabotage of defense mobilization. 'The distribution of these selected
saboteurs was claimed to be:
.
Soviet Cone
which will be supplemented 1
Food processing 5700 (28%)
Auto and aviation 4200 (19%)
Electrical and machine 3800 (17%)
Steel and fabricating . 3100 (14%)
Transportation and maritime 1900 (8%)
Mining, all types . . . . 1700 (7%)
Rubber, chemicals, and petroleum 1700 (7%)
Since every reliable Communist is the focal point of a small
group of secret sympathizers on whom he can count and to
whom he transmits the Party Line, it has been estimated that
there is a guerrilla force behind the domestic defense lines of
America to a strength of something like twenty divisions.
Like the iceberg which has seven eighths of its bulk under
water, with only one eighth visible, the forces of Mr. Stalin's
World Revolution in this country are mainly underground and
out of sight. The Politburo some 20 years ago took steps to
provide for just such an upsurge of American vigilance as is
now in full development. The official organ of the Comintern,
The Communist International, on September 1, 1931, published
detailed instructions on the measures. to be taken in a country
where opposition to Communism rises to the stage of restrictive
legislation. The master plan, entitled Organizational Problems in
Underground Revolutionary Work, was Signed by B. Vassiliev,
a prominent figure at the Moscow headquarters of the World
Revolution. His directives are based on an observed strengthening
of resistance among enemy, i.e., capitalist, States. "Thus," he
wrote, "the increasing artfulness of the police apparatus of the
bourgeois governments in the struggle against the Communist
movement makes it essential for the latter to have a more compli
cated, flexible and accurately functioning organization. This or
ganization will inevitably have to rely on a strong conspirative
apparatus, supplemented by widely adopted methods of legal
Party work."
On that supposition, certain concrete measures were then set
forth in the Vassiliev document. Among the more important
directives may be noted:
1. The Party will have to rely on a strong conspirative apparatus
be legal in some countries.
2. Although police pressun
must not be abandoned wheI
3. Alongside the still legally
apparatus must be created, if
to the legal organization.
to take over immediately and
work becomes illegal.
4. But the underground sho1
it loses contact with the toili!
academic conspiracy. Hence, cc
of the legal Party newspaper,
Communist fractions in Parliar
clubs, mathematical societies,
etc. A new name must be rea(
it is suppressed.
5. All members of the Party
must act as if they were
meetings of the nuclei the rea
used, only pseudonyms.
6. In anticipation of bourg,
arrvst of known leaders of the
of secret officials must be Dri
safe buildings must be
to house illegal printing press
chosen, codes worked out, all;
delivery of correspondence [Ie
Promulgated nearly twent:'
empire throughout the world c
From the evidence presented
Communists in New York 2.:
gathered by the FBI (which is
observe the continuity and i::;'
the present hour. PerformaIl:>e
for point with the directiye5.
It has now been established iJ
munists no longer carry cards c
ontradiction
5700 (28%)
4200 (19%)
3800 (17%)
3100 (14%)
1900 (8%)
1700 (7%)
1700 (7%)
.::s me focal point of a small
he can count and to
has been estimated that
domestic defense lines of
>g twenty divisions.
:8 ehrhths of its bulk under
forces of Mr. Stalin's
mainly underground and
'::1':)1 years ago took steps to
American vigilance as is
cial organ of the Comintern,
S.eptember 1, 1931, published
to be taken in a country
:.se:s to the stage of restrictive
,d Organizational Problems in
was -Signed by B. Vassiliev,
headquarters of the World
an observed strengthening
States. "Thus," he
police apparatus of the
against the Communist
to have a more compli
organization. This or
on a strong conspirative
'S' adopted methods of legal
::rete measures were then set
.3unong the more important
, strong conspirative apparatus
which will be supplemented by such open activities as may still
be legal in some countries.
2. Although police pressure may increase, the legal position
must not be abandoned wherever it still exists.
3. AlongSide the still legally functiOning Party, an underground
apparatus must be created, if it does not already exist, parallel
to the legal organization. This will enable the clandestine group
to take over immediately and without interrnption when the legal
work becomes illegal.
4. But the underground should not be so perfectly hidden that
it loses contact with the toiling masses and degenerates into an
academic conspiracy. Hence, contact must be maintained by means
of the legal Party newspaper, by village correspondents, by the
Communist fractions in Parliaments, in municipal bodies, musical
clubs, mathematical societies, sports clubs, Freethinker groups,
etc. A new name must be ready for the Party newspaper in case
:it is suppressed.
5. All members of the Party engaged in this conspiratorial work
must act as if they were not members of the Party; in secret
meetings of the nuclei the real names of members should not be
used, only pseudonyms.
6. In anticipation of bourgeois resistance leading to possible
of known leaders of the Communist Party, a second string
of secret officials must be prepared for the underground work;
safe buildings must be chosen for storing the Party archives and
to house illegal printing presses; secret meeting places must be
chosen, codes worked out, and a chain of effective stations for
delivery of correspondence [letter drops].
Promulgated nearly twenty years ago, this blueprint of a hidden
empire throughout the world came vividly to life in recent times.
From the evidence presented in the trial of the eleven American
Communists in New York and from authentic documentation
gathered by the FBI (which is not inclined to hysteria), we may
observe the continuity and integration of the conspiracy up to
the present hour. Performance coincides substantially and point
for point with the directives.
It has now been established by competent information that Com
munists no longer carry cards of membership in the Party; records
105
attesting to membership and pay;nent of dues are no longer kept,
while previous rolls have probably been destroyed. On April 3,
1950, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover informed a Senate subcommittee that
orders to that effect had been issued almost two years previously.
The frequent passage of Communist couriers to Cuba and Mexico
gives rise to the belief that certain basic and essential records
may be hidden in secret depositories in those countries. Secret
printing presses were purchased and stored in basements and
attics many years ago; lists of substitute editors are ready on
a moment's notice to take the places of editors who may be
arrested. Secret committees have been trained for the surreptitious
distribution of illegal papers and pamphlets; secret buildings have
been designated for illegal correspondence and conspiratorial
meeting places. Well-trained substitute leaders are ready to step
into the shoes of Communist Party leaders as fast as they may
be taken into custody. Codes to be used in written and personal
contacts between conspirators have been contrived; designated
personnel is ready to act as intermediaries between Communist
leaders-in-hiding and leaders of still legal organizations. An array
of front' organizations through which the outlawed conspirators
may appeal to public opinion has been cultivated. A corps of
lawyers has been trained to exploit every legal loophole for
traitors. A sprinkling of professors has been recruited - even
some clergymenposing as liberals - for the sole purpose of bending
public opinion to the ends of treason. Planted agents and spokes
men in legislative and other governmental bodies have been
alerted; riot leaders have been carefully coached for defiance of
police authorities and for incitement to mass violence. Sabotage
squads, known in Communist jargon as factory nuclei," have
been placed in all the large industrial plants of the country.
To be sure, such an elaborate underground apparatus was not
created in this country in the short period that has elapsed since
1945 nor with a view solely to the present emergency. The process
is world-wide and dates from the very inception of the Com
munist movement. But it assumes new national importance and
becomes a paramount international issue in the light of what has
happened in 'the world since 1945. It constitutes the bridgehead
over which the Red Army expects to pass at the appointed hour ..
CHA
Vialectical
RECOGNITION of the Oi
of the Russian Revolution is th
of its outward success and its
and recognition of opportunities
tion were all present, to be
Communist faith remains u:rc.a
Matelialism. By that infusion
Lenin lives, moves, and prese
Neither time nor space w,,11
antecedents and genesis of H
life and social evolution pro.[',
tions, and the emergence of ne'
It must suffice to say that SUe
gave' him a starting point
non-Communist cultures. He h""
tion of history which
instincts. His subsequent dire\['
included, as we have alreadv II
revolutionary theory, there
. . . Only a party guided
vanguard in the fight." For pt'
of the forces now aligned
the Marxist adaptation of
ontradiction
dues are no longer kept,
. destroyed. On April 3,
Senate subcommittee that
,:1 :a.'lmost two years previously.
t 'i.)ouriers to Cuba and Mexico
3 and essential records
::itS in those countries. Secret
stored in basements and
{c\"u:t'crte editors are ready on
;3::i'5 of editors who may be
trained for the surreptitious
secret buildings have
and conspiratorial
E:-de leaders are ready to step'
as fast as they may
in written and personal
been contrived; designated
between Communist
organizations. An array
outlawed conspirators
been cultivated. A corps of
every legal loophole for
DES been recruited amJ. even
the sole purpose of bending
Planted agents and spokes
bodies have been
coached for defiance of
on'!: to mass violence. Sabotage
as "factory nuclei," have
ria'! plants of the country.
.=:derground apparatus was not
period that has elapsed since
--:!resent emergency. The process
inception of the Com
nBV national importance and
issue in the light of what has
It constitutes the bridgehead
to pass at the appointed hour.
CHAPTER V
riwlectical Materialism in Arms
RECOGNITION of the constant facto" among the variables
of the Russian Revolution is the essential key to an understanding
of its outward success and its continuity. The timing of zigzags
and recognition of opportunities in the general postwar demoraliza
tion were all present, to be sure, but the cornerstone of the
Communist faith remains unaltered. It is known as .Dialectical
Materialism. By that infusion of secular revelation the empire of
Lenin lives, moves) and preserves its being.
Neither time nor space will permit an extended review of the
antecedents and genesis of Hegel's celebrated hypothesis: that
life and social evolution proceed through contradictions, nega
tions, and the emergence of new forms through death of the old.
It must suffice to say that such a concept 'fascinated Lenin and
gave him a starting point for a systemized offensive against all
non-Communist cultures. He had found at last an over-all explana
tion of history which satisfied and supported his revolutionary
instincts. His subsequent directions for organizing a revolution
included, as we have already noted, the basic canon: "without a
revolutionary theory, there cannot be a revolutionary movement.
. . . Only a party guided by an advanced theory can act as
vanguard in the fight." For purposes of practical understanding
of the forces now aligned against us, at least a brief review of
the Marxist adaptation of Hegel's triadic process would seem to
107
be imperative - that is, if our policy toward Russia is to remain
something better than continuous improvisation and reliance
on the ingenuity of each new quarterback rushed into the
diplomatic fray.
Dialectical materialism is perhaps the most mystical and esoteric
dogma in the Marxian interpretation of economic history ..
theless it is explicit in all their revolutionary strategy and Imphclt
in their tactics. A speCial brand of metaphysics thus entered, for
the first time, into the practical politics of a modern State, be
coming the official language of its governmental intelligentsia and
a permanent force in their campaigns for the conquest of power
on a world-wide scale. Each term should be clarified. Materialism
defines itself as the doctrine which explains all human phenomena,
phYSical, mental, and moral, by the activities, combinations, and
reactions of matter, to the exclusion of spirit and ideals. It exalts
matter to the prerogative of mind, and limits mind to the un
explored capacities of sentient matter. By so doing, and by thus
seeking to explain the manifold activities of life and intellect by
physics, chemistry, and motion, materialism demands more miracles
than faith has ever required. Chief among the postulates which
materialism assumes is the sweeping requirement to attribute ex
clusively to unaided matter the phenomena of thought, volition,
knowledge of the abstract, universal ideas, and the powers of
deduction and induction.
Dialectical materialism means the establishment and defense of
such materialism in the field of social relations by a specific
process of argumentation called dialectics, which Marx derived
from Hegel and adapted to everyday economics. This form of
reasoning approaches the subject which it is investigating by first
regarding the object -or the process, or the fact - primarily for
the purpose of discovering what its opposite or contradictory
would be, is, or will be. Then, by comparison with the opposing
form thus discovered, one arrives at a satisfying knowledge of
the nature of things. Lenin writes in one of his philosophical
notebooks: "The division of the one and the knowledge of its
contradictory parts ... is the essence of dialectics."l In a letter
1 Collected Works, Vol. XIII, p. 320.
Dialectical Mal
to Maksim Gorki, November 2\
gad, the philosopher Hegel
contradictions."
The dialectical method was p
before Christ and is develope(
Dialogues. In the Platonic fom:
conversation, a debate, in which
however broad and tentative, a
the discovery of truth. Another
question the proposition, by e
contradiction attaching to it or
the statement. This contradictm
focused definition of terms, Crt
in better expression of ideas
reached by such a process of a
tion and ending in reconciliatio;
It sought to find truth by knm
kind of assumed skepticism whicl
to exclude falSity and assert
methodology, which he called
ideal utopian State in the Repul
honesty of philosophic inquiry
nature of Law in the Crito, exar
the Phaedo, discourses on virtue
Timaeus, and so following.
Hegel's sweeping panorama
inner processes of the human
which dominated and shaped
fullling itself in affirmation, nE
him the very core of being, i
tedious and irrelevant, requirili,
at our disposal, to rehearse here
to ideas, to being, to the m'n{
result was a highly complicate
somewhat shopworn. The usable
service of social revolution bv :
all things pass through
their opposite, and finally

toward Russia is to remain
rrnprovisation and reliance
qua.."i.erback rushed into the
me most mystical and esoteric
economic history. Never
:LIltionary strategy and implicit
E :net2.physics thus entered, for
of a modern State, be
. g2vemmental intelligentsia and
for the conquest of power
be clarified. Materialism
<::l;.Jl-a.li.L> all human phenomena,
activities, combinations, and
spirit and ideals. It exalts
c... and limits mind to the un
.tter. By so doing, and by thus
:tidties of life and intellect by
cCC.L"'-'-'.LU demands more miracles
among the postulates which
requirement to attribute ex
:.:henomena of thought, volition,
ideas, and the powers of
establishment and defense of
social relations by a specific
a3.alectics, which Marx derived
economics. This form of
it is investigating by first
:ess, or the fact - primarily for
: its opposite or contradictory
. comparison with the opposing
at a satisfying knowledge of
es in one of his philosophical
one and the knowledge of its
:ence of dialectics."l In a letter
Dialectical Materialism in Arms 109
to Maksim Gorki, November 29, 1909, Lenin further wrote: "By
gad, the philosopher Hegel was right - life does progress by
contradictions."
The dialectical method was popularized by Plato four centuries
before Christ and is developed to its classic perfection in his
Dialogues. In the Platonic form, it was essentially a philosophic
conversation, a debate, in which one participant made an assertion,
however broad and tentative, as a starting point on the road to
the discovery of truth. Another member of the symposium would
question the proposition, by endeaVOring to demonstrate some
contradiction attaching to it or allege a difficulty growing out of
the statement. This contradictory attitude would lead to a more
focused definition of terms, create greater accuracy, and result
in better expression of ideas so that, finally, a conclusion is
reached by such a process of affirmation, followed by contradic
tion and ending in reconciliation or synthesis of divergent ideas .
It sought to find truth by knowledge of its opposites and by a
kind of assumed skepticism which forced the defender of a doctrine
to exclude falsity and assert only the naked truth. By this
methodology, which he called the dialectic, Plato arrives at his
ideal utopian State in the Republic, sets Socrates on a search for
honesty of philosophic inquiry in the Apology, establi'lhes the
nature of Law in the Crito, examines the soul and immortality in
the Phaedo, discourses on virtue in the Protagoras, on eternity in
Timaeus, and so following.
Hegel'S sweeping panorama of history and his analysis of the
inner processes of the human intellect resulted in conclusions
which dominated and shaped his whole philosophic system. Motion
fulfilling itself in affirmation, negation, and synthesiS became for
him the very core of being, of intellect and history. It would be
tedious and irrelevant, requiring much more time than is now
at our disposal, to rehearse here how Hegel applied this method
to ideas, to being, to the mind, and to social categories. The
result was a highly complicated and subtle metaphysics, now
somewhat shopworn. The usable element that was drafted to the
service of social revolution by Marx is preCisely the claim that
all things pass through successive contradictory stages, tend to
their opposite, and finally emerge in some final and more perfect
form which is, in essence, the negation of the form that immediately
preceded it. Hence, reality is best understood by the negation of
negatives; light is best understood by contrast with darkness and
truth ascertained by experience of falsehood. But Marx did not
accept this Hegelian machinery in its entirety. He combined
it - or better, modified it to his revolutionary purposes by
addirig ideas derived from another German philosopher, Ludwig
Feuerbach, who had revolted against Hegel's idealism, particularly
against his apparent acceptance of a divine personality. Retaining
certain Hegelian principles, Feuerbach adopted an atheistic posi
tion which coincided with Manes personal beliefs. Hence, pre
serving the Hegelian dialectical pattern but turning it upside
down and adopting Feuerbach's anti-Christian empiricism, both
Marx and Lenin evolved a new dialectical materialism designed
for social conHict. In the words of Adoratsky, Director of the
Official Institute in Moscow which interprets the thought of
Marx, Engels, and Lenin: "Dialectical thinking is the opposite of
metaphYSiCS, which regards things and phenomena not in their
unity and inter-relationship, but each separate from the other ...
not in motion ...."'2
For Aristotle and his school the important consideration, the
very starting point for reasoning about the table on which these
lines are being written is the fact that it exists here and now
as a wooden substance carpentered to the accidental shape of a
Hat-topped desk. But still more important for Hegel is the fact
that it once was a tree and one day will be dust or ashes. The
same destiny, in varying degree, is true of all things. Each of
them is a something headed for its contradictory, nothing. This
perpetual becoming (das werden), not the present mode of being
(das ding an sich) , is the highest expression of reality. Hence,
full knowledge of an object, be it thought, life, society, or the
State, is attained when we know what it once was, what it now
temporarily is, and what it finally will be after its necessary
evolution and triadic stages. Lenin, in multitudinous ways through
out his voluminous writings, and in the detailed fashion that has
become classic among Communist propagandiSts, applied this
2 Dialectical Materialism, p. 30.
Dialectical 'AIa
methodology to the economic ,
to Capitalism and Communi.qr
The process of discovering C(
scientific form of knowledge. 1
In Mathematics: we have
integral.
In Mechanics:
we ha\-e
In Physics:
we have
In Chemistry:
we have
of atoms.
In Astronomy: we have
nebUlae.
In Social Science: we have
resulting
tatorsbip
No knowledge, consequently,
concept is worth wasting time
struggle and the eventual
fact, the only value of the
Lenin lies in its applicability it,
availability as a prop to
mitted his reasoning to arriye
Lenin penciled on the margin ,
of Marx and Lenin would ruIl 't
property was assumed to be
one sole proprietor, the mass.
respond to the thesis of the He
the contradictory form was e
from the corruption of
Hower and tree. Thus private
the collective way of life
continues until, inevitably h:
abuses of capitalism, an 0ppo
is evolved, namely, Communis!
a Although they appear sporadkal:!
ceptions are found in systematic or;::
section dealing with Hegel's Science
ontradiction
the form that immediately
00derstood by the negation of
cv contrast with darkness and
f.alsehood. But Marx did not
On its entirety. He combined
revolutionary purposes by
. German philosopher, Ludwig
idealism, particularly
personality. Retaining
adopted an atheistic posi
p1J"rsonal beliefs. Hence, pre
but turning it upside
empiricism, both
materialism designed'
Adoratsky, Director of the
interprets the thought of
thinking is the opposite of
and phenomena not in their
' ~ ' " separate from the other . .
important consideration, the
the table on which these
t that it exists here and now
~ to the accidental shape of a
:lportant for Hegel is the fact
will be dust or ashes. The
true of all things. Each of
:s contradictory, nothing. This
:lot the present mode of being
t expression of reality. Hence,
t thought, life, society, or the
it once was, what it now
y will be after its necessary
in multitudinous ways through
:1 the detailed fashion that has
t propagandists, applied this
Dialectical Materialism in Arms III
methodology to the economic organization of society, particularly
to Capitalism and Communism.
The process of discovering contradictories, he notes, is the most
scientific form of knowledge. Thus:
In Mathematics:
In Mechanics:
In Physics:
In Chemistry:
we have plus and minus, differential and
integral.
we have Action and Reaction.
we have Positive and Negative electricity.
we have Combination and Disassociation
of atoms.
In Astronomy: we have the attraction and repulsion of
nebulae.
In Social Science: we have the conflict of opposing interests,
resulting in Class Struggle and the Dic
tatorship of the Proletariat.
s
No knowledge, consequently, no literature, no art, no scientific
concept is worth wasting time with, unless it bears on the class
struggle and the eventual dictatorship of the indicated class. In
fact, the oIllyvalue of the Hegelian Dialectic for Marx and
Lenin lies in its applicability to economic life and its consequent
availability as a prop to support Communism. When Hegel per
mitted his reasoning to arrive even at a vague concept of Deity,
Lenin penciled on the margin of the text: "swine." The argument
of Marx and Lenin would run thus: The primitive form of holding
property was assumed to be collectivism, in which there was
one sole proprietor, the mass, the community. This would cor
respond to the thesis of the Hegelian cycle. In the course of time,
the contradictory form was evolved, just as plant. life springs
from the corruption of seed life burgeoning into plant and
Hower. and tree. Thus private property arose as a corruption of
the collective way of life (antithesis). The evolutionary process
continues until, inevitably because of the contradictions and
abuses of capitalism, an opposite and contradictory social form
is evolved, namely, Communism synthesis.
S Although they appear sporadically throughout Lenin's writings, these con
ceptions are found in systematic order in his Philosophical Notebooks in the
section dealing with Hegel's Science of Logic.
I
I
As projected by Marx and Engels into the future evolution
of economic life throughout the entire world, the cycle would
begin with the existing social order. Bourgeois society as they
observed it in the nineteenth century would be the thesis, which
itself had emerged from the disintegration of a previous feudalism.
The antithesis would be the proletariat created .. by the conflicts
and contradictions set in motion by the Industrial Revolution of
the eighteenth century. The synthesis would be twentieth-century
Communism born of the conflict between the owning-employing
class and the working class during the nineteenth century. The
final triumph of Communism would mean the arrival of a golden
age for the general good of all mankind. Wherever you may choose
to begin the cycle, one conclusion is predetermined in the Marxist
dialectics - you must come out a Communist.
Hence the law of, life, as he sees life, and the logic of
his dialectic compel the Communist to an act of faith in dynamic
change - not only change in ideas but in political institutions, in the
manner of producing economic goods, in the marketing of them,
and in the concept of property. Knowledge of these inevitable
opposites is what constitutes the special inner vision and the
infallibility which convinces a Marxist that the decadent political
and economic institutions of the bourgeois world are doomed to
be cast -into "the dustbin of history." What will survive is likewise
defined as an article of faith: the dictatorship of the proletariat
a Sovietized World State. The old classical philosophy merely
mterpreted the world; the new evangel intends to change it. The
motio? of matter viewed as self-sufficient in its repro
ductIve energy IS the Communist God, no other divinity allowed.
And that is all that men need know of the supernatural.
From this prime postulate establishing the basic rhythm of life
flo:" important attitudes governing social relationships. The
phIlosophy of law and the legal institutions of the Soviet system
are logical corollaries of the dialectical premise. Hence the role
of the judiciary is both a key to understanding of the dialectic
and an instrumentality of government for continuing the Revolu
tion. The duty of Soviet courts is not to guarantee or administer
justice impartially through independent tribunals but to safeguard
the class interests of the new elite. In the words of one of the
Dialectical M a
most authoritative interpreters
tative until sometime in the
justice under Communism:
The court is . a weapon for thE
ruling class . . . a club is a primitiv,
the most efficient is the court . . . au:
in the political field. . . . We look
organ of government power. . . .
Although the earlier, ruthle
which persists unchanged undE
NKVD, MVD":'" has been subj,
the psychology of class
opponents remains unaltered.
introduced for the purpose of
The savageness of Krylenko in
I saw him perform as Pub1i1
doctrines disappeared with birr
But nothing substantive in So'
doned. It is still the practice tc
theft, or similar statutory crime.;
State theory and the Comnmn
touchables, not the dignity of :
individuals. Hence judicial dec
precedent, however, is not consi
There is no constant jurisprudeIi
of the dictatorship of one clas
all others. Thesis - antithesis
, Mr. Vyshinski succeeded K
became one of the contemporfu
both by his law textbooks an
definition of Soviet courts is
dealing with the nature and
of the U.S.S.R., second editiOI
State is an inseparable part (
machinery of the proletarian G
that the entire work of the S
secure an unswerving fulfillme]
Line by the court." And in 1
i
ontradiction
into the future evolution
world, the cycle would
Bourgeois society as they
"r would be the thesis, which
of a previous feudalism.
created. by the conflicts
Industrial Revolution of
v;-auld be twentieth-century
the owning-employing
, &e nineteenth century. The
1Z!:e.:m the arrival of a golden
,\Vherever you may choose
p:-e,:!etermined in the Marxist \
J::7T'. TI" urrist.
3.:"",5 life, and the logic of
a!l act of faith in dynamic
political institutions, in the
:in the marketing of them,
of these inevitable
'F,:.ccial inner vision and the
t..T:iat the decadent political
world are doomed to
will survive is likewise
dictatorship of the proletariat
classical philosophy merely
intends to change it. The
23 self-sufficient in its repro
y::. no other divinity allowed.
of the supernatural.
the basic rhythm of life
social relationships. The
titutions of the Soviet system
tical premise. Hence the role
mderstanding of the dialectic
for continuing the Revolu
at to guarantee or administer
cut tribunals but to safeguard
In the words of one of the
most authoritative interpreters of Soviet legality (he was authori
tative uIitil sometime in the '30's) , Krylenko frankly defined
justice under Communism:
The court is ... a weapon for the safeguardmg of the interests of a given
ruling class ... a club is a primitive weapon, a rille is a more efficient one,
the most efficient is the court . . . our judge is above aU a politician, a worker
in the political field .... We look at the court as a class institution, as an
organ of government power. . . .
Although the earlier, ruthless PQwer of the Secret Police
which persists unchanged under its various titles, Cheka, OGPU,
NKVD, MVD":" has been subjected to certain legalistic controls,
the psychology of class justice and swift annihilation of political
opponents remains unaltered. Certain external forms have been
introduced for the purpose of creating appearances of legality.
The savageness of Krylenko in his court trials (at one of which
I saw him petform as Public Prosecutor) and certain of his
doctrines disappeared with himself during one of Stalin's purges.
But nothing substantive in Soviet jurisprudence has been aban
doned. It is still the practice to deal more leniently with murder,
theft, or similar statutory crimes than with political offenders. The
State theory and the Communist Revolution - these are the un
touchables, not the dignity of human personality or the rights of
individuals. Hence judiCial decisions follow governmental policy;
precedent, however, is not considered as a source of judicial action.
There is no constant jurisprudence, except the paramount precedent
of the dictatorship of one class and the organized liqUidation of
all others. Thesis antithesis synthesis.
Mr. Vyshinski succeeded Krylenko as Attorney General and
became one of the contemporary legal authorities in Soviet Russia
both by his law textbooks and by public pronouncements. His
definition of Soviet comts is found in the section of his work
dealing with the nature and organization of the judicial system
of the U.S.S.R., second edition, 1936: "The Court of the Soviet
State is an inseparable part of the whole of the governmental
machinery of the proletarian dictatorship. . . . This also requires
that the entire work of the Soviet Court be so construed as to
secure an unswerving fulllment of the general Communist Party
Line by the court." And in 1941 he added: "Neither court nor
114
criminal procedure is or could be outside politics. This means
that the contents and form of judicial activities cannot avoid
being subordinated to political class aims and strivings."4
The economic vulnerability and lack of social justice in certain
sectors of the non-Communist world is clear gain for the
Politburo. But that is incidental in the main account and is merely
good luck for the conspirators. Their program is directed against
all bourgeois society, good, bad, or indifferent, against all religion,
primitive or institutional. They would be bound, by the logic of
their position, even to include a Utopia among their enemies, if
the Utopians refused to follow the Communist pattern. The only
problem in that case would be the timing, the form of the assault,
the pretext, and the chances of success. A prosperous, well
balanced, socially just, and economically stable State might turn
out to be a harder nut to crack, but the Revolution is directed
against it as inevitably as against a government notoriously un
mindful of its underprivileged groups. .
That is why moderate Socialism is both hated and feared by
Communism. The record will show that Socialists and Agrarians
who did not wholly conform to the Marxist line were attacked
and liquidated without mercy, wherever and whenever Com
munism got the upper hand. When no longer needed, they are
first vituperated as "revisionists" or "deviationists," then indicted
as "agents of imperialism," and finally eliminated as "enemies of
the working class" or "warmongers." Witness the case of Marshal
Tito in Yugoslavia; the fate of peasant leaders such as Maniu in
Roumania, Petkov in Bulgaria, and Mikolajczyk in Poland. A Labor
government in England is as much of an abomination to Moscow
as a capitalist regime in the Argentine. There is no greater heresy
in the Soviet Index of Prohibited Thoughts than partial Commu
nism. That is usually more hated because more dangerous and
more knowing than outright capitalism. An American millionaire
was much more acceptable as ambassador to Moscow during the
'The vast subject of law, legality, and jurisprudence in Soviet Russia has
been treated in extenso by Vladimir Gsovski in his two-volume work, Soviet
Civil Law (University of Michigan Law School, 1949). The present writer
has profited from that scholarly work as well as from many personal confer
ences with Dr. Gsovski.
Dialectical Mat
honeymoon of Soviet-American
would have been, or a membe
Labor would now be.
Communism, therefore, in the
is the inescapable absolute, the
tion of human society. The stl
Russia passed and through wh
be accelerated, to be sure, by a
from the Marxists, the Lenini
columnists, all of whom consci
legitimate instruments of destir
metamorphosis of endlessly eve
interpreted as being on their s
inevitably liquidate the bourge
Certitude of intellect and for
a kind of theology of history, al
the strategy and tactics of cla!
constitute the most complete :
art of revolution. The deificati(
the necessary acceptance of ecc
rialistic conception of history. I
processes, the various types 0
cultures, the moral codes that e!
ments, and the diverse structun
mined ultimately by the specili
prevalent in the successive ph
cording to Marx in the Pref;
Economy, it is not consciousne
that determines the social em
on the contrary it is their sod!
inner life and ethical judgments
a given type of civilization, thE
power. There is a family reseml
Stalin collectivism to many anc
Origin of Species. For Hegel,
for Lenin, it was the Stateless,
take over after the " w i t h e ~
be it noted, not yet discernibl
f ad't'
mltt 'tc 'tOn
GTItside politics, This means
activities cannot avoid
aims and strivings."'"
social justice in certain
is clear gain for the
main account and is merely
program is directed against
,,,,different, against all religion,
bound, by the logic of
among their enemies, if
C'J[mn:LUwlst pattern. The only
the fonn of the assault,
stlccess. A prosperous,
stable State might turn
Revolution is directed
government notoriously un-
J:S both hated and feared by
that Socialists and Agrarians
:\farxist line were attacked
and whenever Com
longer needed, they are
"'deviationists," then indicted
eliminated as "enemies of
, the case of Marshal
lj2}t leaders such as Maniu in
in Poland. A Labor
an abomination to Moscow
'G.e, There is no greater heresy
than partial Commu
hecause more dangerous and
i:-:n. An American millionaire
::,"Sador to Moscow during the
in Soviet Russia has
in his two-volume work, Soviet
1949). The present writer
C"ll as from many personal confer-
honeymoon of Soviet-American relations than Nonnan Thomas
would have been, or a member of the American Federation of
Labor would now be.
Communism, therefore, in the dialectics,
is the inescapable absolute, the final and most perfect organiza
tion of human society. The stages of purgation through which
Russia passed and through which all the world must pass, will
be accelerated, to be sure, by a revolutionary prod now and then
from the Marxists, the Leninists, the Stalinists, and the fifth
columnists, all of whom conScientiously believe themselves to be
legitimate instruments of destiny, auxiliaries in a predetennined
metamorphosiS of endlessly evolVing dynamic matter. History is
interpreted as being on their side and the nemesis of time will
inevitably liqUidate the bourgeoisie.
Certitude of intellect and fortitude of will combine to produce
a kind of theology of history, and Lenin's voluminous writings on
the strategy and tactics of class warfare purged of all idealism
constitute the most complete handbook ever composed on the
art of revolution. The deification of matter and motion leads to
the necessary acceptance of economic detenninism and the mate
rialistic conception of history. By that is meant that all historical
processes, the various types of civilization with their resulting
cultures, the moral codes that ensue, even religion, artistic
ments, and the diverse structure of political institutions are deter
mined ultimately by the specific mode of prodUCing commodities
prevalent in the successive phases of human development. Ac
cording to Marx in the Preface to The Critique of Political
Economy, it is not consciousness or the mental processes of men
that detennines the social environment of man's existence, but
on the contrary it is their social environment that determines his
inner life and ethical judgments. Among all the factors influenCing
a given type of civilization, the economic element is the decisive
power. There is a family resemblance in the resulting
Stalin collectivism to many another modern offspring of Darwin's
Origin of Species. For Hegel, the absolute was the Prussian State;
for Lenin, it was the Stateless, proletarian dictatorship which will
take over after the "withering away" of the .State -a process,
be it noted, not yet discernible in the Soviet Union.
;@J
It is all very comforting for the initiated who have accepted
the predestined doom of the existing social order and its inevitable
transformation into a pattern agreeable to their conceptions. But
it is embarrassing when Destiny falters or drops asleep
at her histone task. In the first place, there is an awkward moment
in the early stages of the dialectical process as invoked by Marx
and Lenin. The argument assumes that property, by universal
custom, was collectively held and administered in the earliest
stages of the race. Now, Communism claims to be a scientific
process and a rational method based upon facts, not on myths
or manifestations of spiritual idealism, both of which are stigma
tized as "bourgeois prejudices." Very well. It should itself begin,
then, with an historic fact -- not with an imaginary condition of
unproved incidence. Let us consult the science in question, the
science of fact finding which is history. Limiting ourselves
again scientifically - to the recorded facts, we find that private
property in land and produced commodities was the normal form
of ownership discernible as far back as the records reach. The
institutions of the ancient Jews, the Egyptians, the Babylonians,
.and Sumerians, whether expressed in oral traditions or folklore,
on papyri or on cuneiform inscriptions, bear testimony to in
numerable business and financial transactions that can only be
explained by the fact of private ownership. In no place is this
clearer than in the code of Hammurabi. Such is the record of the
monuments, the tablets, the inscriptions, and the manuscripts. The
opposite assumption does summary violence to that very scientific
attitude which Marxism insists on arrogating exclUSively to itself.
It has sometimes been argued that such primitive tribes as still
exist in remote regions and whose mor.es have been examined by
anthropologists actually do practice the collective way of holding
property and hence they furnish presumptive proof of the property
customs existing at the dawn of organized society. Again the
argument falls back on an assumption, on an analogy, on an ex
parte interpretation of isolated cases which are then hypothetically
transformed into demonstrations of an assumed what-must-have
been and universal status. This is not scientific demonstration
nor will it ever be such until the missing first link in the
of proved facts is revealed to have been collectivism. But as far
Dialectical Ma
back as we can go historical
property, to contracts and CO]
The only safe conclusion to
the statement that when certa:
were addicted to the commu
it be alleged that their oral
elders can remember, the qu
back is that? Does it run i:
human societies?" There is
primitives maintain an unbroke
Progress and retrogression, he
barbarism are indicated in th,
bodia, Mexico, and southern
among primitive tribes might j
as proof of unbroken commU1l
this dialectic, one would be 10
ties, and unprovable assumpti
It is more rational and certai
of historical research to ab:c
definitive records. What do t
of land may have existed \vhe
acted. as a single family. or in
increase of progeny and the lis
a division of property resm
multiplication. Thus Abraham
Genesis, finding their herds "
agreed to separate, Lot choo:
'and Abraham the Land
sometimes existed for speciall:
but they do not cancel out
property. Hence it must be co
starts from an historically h
thinking, and ends in a falsE
class warfare and proletarian
of triadic devolution and
but they furnish no proof of ;
began or where it will end. Ii
series of events is endowed ,'t
:'ontradiction
initiated who have accepted
sccial order and its inevitable
,;2.01e to their conceptions. But
Destiny falters or drops asleep
:'::"c :here is an awkward moment
process as invoked by Marx
that property, by universal
.:: 3.-'lministered in the earliest
claims to be a scientific
o:,ed upon facts, not on myths
. both of which are stigma-
0:::- '-,-ell. It should itself begin,
an imaginary condition of
:: :he science in question, the
e
};;;:tory. Limiting ourselves
1
:: facts, we find that private
was the normal form
2.d;: as the records reach. The
::'2: Egyptians, the Babylonians,
:_, oral traditions or folklore,
:'p':iOllS, bear testimony to in
that can only be
In no place is this
2:"3.bi. Such is the record of the
::::JllS, and the manuscripts. The
'."iolence to that very scientific
exclusively to itself.
.at such primitive tribes as still
mures have been exami.ned by
, +-"1-,e collective way of holding
:sl1mptive proof of the property
Grganized society. Again the
:ion, on an analogy, on an ex
, which are then hypothetically
: an assumed what-must-have
; not scientific demonstration,
missing first link in the chain
, been collectivism. But as far
back as we can go historically the evidence points to private
property, to contracts and conventional finance.
The only safe conclusion to be drawn from the primitives is
the statement that when certain tribes were first discovered they
were addicted to the communal form of economic holding. If
it be alleged that their oral traditions run back as far as the
elders can remember, the question promptly arises: "How far
back is that? Does it run back to the original formation of
human societies?" There is no evidence, moreover, that the
primitives maintain an unbroken continuity in their social customs.
Progress and retrogression, heights of civilization and depths of
barbarism are indicated in the great, silent ruins of Java, Cam
bodia, Mexico, and southern Arabia. The observed collectivism
among primitive tribes might just as well be a case of devolution
as proof of unbroken communal customs. Obviously, by pursuing
this dialectic, one would be lost in a maze of conjecture, obscuri
ties, and unprovable assumptions.
It is more rational and certainly more in accord with the canons
of historical research to abide by the earliest obtainable and
definitive records. What do they reveal? Communism in tenure
of land may have existed when the human family was small and
acted. as a single family, or in the Garden of Eden; but with the
increase of progeny and the rise of separate parental responsibility
a division of property resulted as a natural sequel of such
multiplication. Thus Abraham and Lot, as related in the Book of
Genesis, finding their herds and flocks too large and unwieldy,
agreed to separate, Lot choosing the country about the Jordan
and Abraham the Land of Chana an. Communal warehouses
sometimes existed for special limited purposes in many social units
but they do not cancel out the evidences of general private
property. Hence it must be concluded that dialectical materialism
starts from an historically false premise, is based on wishful
thinking, and' ends in a false, prejudged conclusion helpful for
class warfare and proletarian revolution. The intervening examples
of triadic devolution and evolution may fascinate the imagination,
but they furnish no proof of the point where the alleged process
began or where it will end. It furthermore assumes that the bare
series of events is endowed with a dynamism and purposeful will
of its own, distinct from and above human volition. Too intelligent
for that, Hegel was forced to identify the processes of history with
universal mind: "Spirit is the only moving principle in History."
Impelled in a contrary direction by their phobia of divinity,
Marx, Engels, and Lenin took refuge in accusations of capitalistic
diabolism.
The dogmatism of the Marx-Lenin formula suffers negation also
from more recent realities. In Italy, for example, in 1923, every
thing was moving in strict Marxian grooves, except that, in the
hour of synthesis, the State fell, not into Communism, but into
the outstretched hands of Signor Mussolini and his Fascists, who
were the very antithesis of Communists. Germany, too, in 1933,
became dialectically ripe, only to fall into most un-Marxian hands.
Such embarrassing contradictions are left unexplained by Soviet
dialecticians, as they leave unexplained another extremely annoy
ing paradox.
If this triadic process is inherent to all vital forms, including
the State, and if perpetual evolution through contradiction is the
dynamic law of life, why should societal evolution stop short at
Communism? Who put the stop Signal precisely there? Why is
Communism the final term in an alleged perpetual motion which
is described as inherent and determined by "inner laws"? Does
not the argument demand a degeneration, in due time, of the
Communist form of social control and a reversion to its opposite,
which is private property? Echo still queries - Why? And who?
In point of fact, there is already much private property in Soviet
Russia today in the shape of investments, bank deposits, insurance
poliCies, and a limited measure of conveying property to heirs.
Nature is quietly triumphing over the unnatural.
But your orthodox Bolshevik has an answer for all contradic
tions; it derives from his love for abusive language, fortified by
a richness of expletive and vituperation that was taught him by
the master. I once made a catalogue of the favorite epithets used
by Lenin to describe those who questioned the Marxian hypoth
esis. In a very limited number of pages one finds: bootlickers of
the capitalists, idlers, drones, loafers, tyrants, bullies, bosses,
sweaters, exploiters, traitors, liars, despots, spoilers, grafters, rob
bers, swindlers, plunderers, thieves, and sneaks. To the unresponsive
Dialectical nIG
masses unendowed with a sense
such descriptive terms as:
crouchers, boneheads, boobs,
prisoners, cat's-paws, galley sla
of burden.
All of which duplicates the
mille driver in the artillery ,
War I. He came from the mOl
caisson stuck in the rich, cling
his mules forward with a i\i
leaves tremble. A chaplain Wf
curiosity he paused and asked
you learn it?" Who replied:
a giftl"
Thus armed" with a wide c
circumstances and to all leve!s'
embarked on its twenty-four
It became the avenging. 1)W01'(
in Moscow, its tip everywhere
world. The record of its activit]
devoted to secret conspiracies
governments in every corner
the Moscow headquarters we.:
educatiorial apparatus devotee
foreign and Russian. The Inter
University at Leningrad was
Duma, afterward called the t
,in stone, Workers of the W(
instruction, Jan Valtin,
5
record
students attended this univer:
for revolutionary work outsid
special division. Chinese, J ap2
trained for subversive activiue
of the East at Moscow and
Pacific University at Vladivos1
active in China and Korea
5 Out of the Night, p. 136.
'Jntradiction
volition. Too intelligent
the processes of history with
=--",;nn" principle in History."
phobia of divinity,
:; '" accusations of capitalistic
t\ClTIDula suffers negation also
example, in 1923, every
-).ODves, except that, in the
ffito Communism, but into
and his Fascists, who
Germany, too, in 1988,
,-nto most un-Marxian hands.
':" left unexplained by Soviet
another extremely annoy-
vital forms, including
contradiction is the
cietal stop short at
precisely there? Why is
perpetual motion which
by "inner laws"? Does
in due time, of the
,d reversion to its opposite,
queries - Why? And who?
c:n private property in Soviet
bank depOSits, insurance
'conveying property to heirs.
y,e- unnatural.
an answer for all contradic
language, fortilled by
ion that was taught him by
the favorite epithets used
stioned the Marxian hypoth
one finds: bootlickers of
=rs, tyrants, bullies, bosses,
spoilers, grafters, rob
sneaks. To the unresponsive
masses unendowed with a sense of C<gradualistic objective" he applied
such descriptive terms as: slaves, serfs, bondsmen, cringers,
crouchers, boneheads, boobs, goats, dupes, duffers, fools, tools,
prisoners, cat's-paws, galley slaves, curs, cravens, dogs, and beasts
of burden.
All of which duplicates the finality of the reply given by that
mule driver in the artillery regiment in France during World
War I. He came from the mountains of Tennessee, and when his
caisson stuck in the rich, clinging mud of the Argonne, he urged
his mules forward with a Niagara of profanity that made the
leaves tremble. A chaplain was hurrying past, and out of sheer
curiosity he paused and asked the mule driver: "Son, where did
you learn it?" Who replied: "Parson, it ain't ever learned: it's
a giftl"
Thus armed with a wide choice of weapons adaptable to all
circumstances and to all levels of literacy, the Third International
embarked on its twenty-four years of international belligerency.
It became the avenging sword of dialectical materialism, its hilt
in Moscow, its tip everywhere seeking the vitals of the bourgeoiS
world. The record of its activities would require a separate volume
devoted to secret conspiracies and open provocation of established
governments in every corner of the globe. The fountainhead in
the Moscow headquarters was fed from an elaborate subsidiary
educational apparatus devoted to the training of agitators both
foreign and Russian. The International Division of the Communist
University at Leningrad was located in the former palace of the
Duma, afterward called the Uritzky Palace, and bore the slogan
in stone, Workers of the World, Unite. One who attended its
instruction, Jan Valtin,5 records that by the winter of 1925, 6000
students attended this university, the foreign students intended
for revolutionary work outside Russia being incorporated in a
special division. Chinese, Japanese, -Koreans, and Malayans were
trained for subversive activities in The University of the Peoples
of the East at Moscow and in a smaller institution, The Pan
Pacific University at Vladivostok. The graduates are now openly
active in China and Korea and covertly organizing subversive
5 Out of the Night, p. 136.
120' The Seeds of Contradiction
elements in Japan and the other unconquered areas of Asia.
American Communists were instructed at The University of the
Peoples of the Westin Mosoow and in The Lenin School. Mr.
William C. White, writing in Scribners for June, 1930, reported
that he had found 450 students under training for the revolution
in the Moscow branches. Americans undergoing instruction in the
technique of overthrowing the government of the United States
numbered some 20 whites and 7 negroes; they were paid $35
a month with the usual perquisites free board, free lodging,
medical attention, and travel expenses to and from their homeland.
The curriculum in all these training centers of World Revolution
was directed almost exclusively to' practical subjects connected
with class w ~ r f a r e and the concrete struggle for power. Beginning
with Marx's theory of surplus value and economics in theory and
practice, the courses covered all aspects of revolutionary activity
- the fomenting of strikes, formation of "cells" in factories and
in the military forces, sabotage, secret press, illegal work, finger
printing, photography, invisible inks, sabotage; the transformation
of strikes into a civil war, and the transformation of imperialist
wars into civil strifes. One course treated the "Application of
Clausewitz's Rules of Warfare in the Conduct of Strikes." Another
dealt with "Mass Psychology and Propaganda." Officers from the
Red Army instructed the candidates in street fighting and the
scientific conduct of civil war, as well as in the use of small arms
and target practice. Valtin relates that one of the physical training
exercises consisted in doing gymnastics while standing under icy
showers; severnoe siyanie, the torture was called - aurora borealis.
The students arose at six thirty, awakened by a swarthy house
superintendent, a Georgian who ran from room to room shouting
hoarsely, 'Arise, ye prisoners of starvation.'''
The same pattern of indoctrination andformation of revolution
ary personnel was duplicated by local Communist parties in their
homelands. under the auspices of the Third International. Many
well-orgamzed normal schools after the Russian model were con
ducted in the United States - at New York, Chicago, Boston,
Buffalo, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Los Angeles, and San Francisco.
The two most pretentious institutions were located at 35 East
Twelfth Street, New York City, with 3000 students in 1934, and
Dialectical Mat
at Ruthenberg House, 121 Ha
announcement of the latter scha
authorized exponents of Marris
liberal schools." The science of :
distinguished from the shallmv
their bankruptcy and confusion
The curriculum of this Los Ang,
pated revolution in the United
ventional courses on Marxian
materialistic interpretation of h
fare of technical craftsmanshi1=
Strategy and Tactics which d e ~
revolutionary union and a rerm
strategy of strikes; Youth Move;
to revolutionary objectives;
"Capitalist Court Procedure" a::.r
Agitation and Propaganda TecllT.
fective revolutionary agitation
organization of street and rna.:
Journalism - workers' correspond
contradictions of the capitalist
function of the theater in societr;,
the bourgeois theater and rise ',Ji
is its historical successor." Hygl!:
tionship between food, health, 2.:
place, time, and Dr. H. F. Uz:.
The training of leaders, not
w,as consistently emphasized. fu
Convention of the Party, Mr. E
a realist and a competent
gates: "The best policy in
better than the people who mer
to the thousand variable
policy among the masses is
high quality leading person::.el,
training such leaders for
by Dimitrov, President of
World Congress, Moscow, 193:5:
ontradiction
IiIlconquered areas of Asia.
at The University of the
in The Lenin School. Mr.
icier'S for June, 1930, reported
training for the revolution
lIIldergoing instruction in the
'e::-rrment of the United States
they were paid $35
.-free board, free lodging,
ta, and from their homeland.
:'6 [-enters of World Revolution
subjects connected
for power. Beginning
economics in theory and'
of revolutionary activity
"cells" in factories and
press, illegal work, finger
. sabotage; the transformation
IT.a:lSformation of imperialist
the Application of
LonC1uct of Strikes." Another
n:vpaganda." Officers from the
ill street fighting and the
as in the use of small arms
Ec7: Clle of the physical training
ties while standing under icy
E ':,as called aurora borealis.
by a swarthy house
room to room shouting
"
- formation of revolution
'21 Communist parties in their
Cle Third International. Many
Russian model were con
Sew York, Chicago, Boston,
;. Angeles, and San Francisco.
.!DS were located at 35 East
h 3000 students in 1934, and
-
Dialectical Materialism in Arms
121
at Ruthenberg House, 121 Haight Street, San Francisco. The
announcement of the latter school warned the public against un
authorized exponents of Marxism, particularly against "so-called
liberal schools." The science of Marxism, it cautioned, "should be
distinguished from the shallow vaporings of pedants who hide
their bankruptcy and confusion under the title of 'liberalism.'"
The curriculum of this Los Angeles training center for the antici
pated revolution in the United States, in addition to the con
ventional courses on Marxian economics, Leninism, and the
materialistic interpretation of history, announced an appetizing
fare of technical craftsmanship. Thus we find: Trade Union
Strategy and Tactics which developed the difference between a
revolutionary union and a reformist union and emphaSized the
strategy of strikes; Youth Movements - how they may be guided
to revolutionary objectives; Self-Defense in Courts - a survey of
"Capitalist Court Procedure" and methods of proletarian defense;
Agitation and Propaganda Technique - theory and practice of ef
fective revolutionary agitation by slogans, pamphlets, leaflets,
organization of street and mass demonstrations; Revolutionary
Iournalism - workers' correspondence, reporting, shop papers, and
contradictions of the capitalist press; Revolutionary Theater
function of the theater in society ... period of radicalization within
the bourgeois theater and rise of the revolutionary theater "which
is its historical successor." Hygiene and Diet - no details of rela
tionship between food, health, and revolution were given, merely
place, time, and Dr. H. F. Unsinger, instructor.
The training of leaders, not only the incitement of the masses,
was consistently emphaSized. In his report to the Ninth National
Convention of the Party, Mr. Earl Browder showed himself both
a realist and a competent pedagogue when he warned the dele
gates: "The best policy in the world turns out in life to be no
better than the people who must execute it, who must apply it
to the thousand variable conditions of daily life. Application of
policy among the masses is first of all a problem of securing a
high quality leading personne1." The criteria for selecting and
training such leaders for the W orId Revolution were formulated
by Dirnitrov, President of the Third International, at the Seventh
World Congress, Moscow, 1935:
.
First, absolute devotion to the cause of the working class, loyalty to the
party tested in the face of the enemy in battle, in prison and in court. Second,
the closest possible contact with the masses. Third, ability independently to
find one's bearing and not be afraid of assuming responsibility in taking de
cisions.... Fourth, discipline and Bolshevik hardening in the struggle against
the class enemy as well as in their irreconcilable opposition to all deviations
from the Bolshevik line.
The traditional and official '1ine," obligatory on all affiliated
Communist parties, was radically and dramatically altered in
1935. Communism found itself at that period challenged by a
new rival judged more menacing even than the stabilization of
capitalist society. The commissars had long recognized that
Fascism and Nazism would bear watching; but they were now
convinced that the conquest of power by Hitler in 1933 marked
the intrusion of an aggressive competitor in a field previously
their own. He bulked far larger on their horizon than did
Mussolini. Important changes were taking place in Germany,
marking the culmination of an historic process in which Soviet
Russia was being displaced from leadership of the World Revolu
tion; the Communist State was menaced, too, inits national security
by an enemy endowed with formidable military efficiency.
During the years of Hitler's campaign to capture the organs
of government in Germany, a veritable race was in progress on
the continent of Europe, a race between two ideologies, between
two grandiose concepts of power and two practitioners of power.
The spectacular Five-Year Plan of Joseph Stalin was being sold
and successfully sold - to the Russian Revolution, while a thousand
year vision of Teutonic supremacy was being unfolded to Germans
in revolt. Teuton and Slav, historic rivals, were on the march again
while England slept, while France disintegrated and America
grappled with her great depression. Lenin's internationalism and
Stalin's industrialized soviets supplied the focus of world attention
in the first decade of the poshvar period; Hitler's meteoric rise
to power and the challenge of National Socialism dominated the
second. The Teutonic claims were finally climaxed in the third
decade by Hitler's order of the day letting loose the dogs of war
and affirming that the destiny of Germany was about to be deter
mined for the next thousand years.
Dialectical jjic
The two political concepts
those years - Communism an
objective, World Revolution.
language and psychological f,
were, in fact, the only dynamic
power. By their content and
destined for eventual collision.
hegemony could not coexist
programs for long on the S2
basically clear to both long
in June, 1941. Both, in their 0,1;
formulated in Mein Kampf:'"
compromise; world-concepts De
versaries; world-concepts prod,
Faced with a new and serle
vites executed a tactical maneuv
ing from the rise of Mussolici
democracy were no longer to
now Fascism. Hence the
regarded as potential allies in
Soviets apparently foresaw morE
men. In the summer of 1935, aftt
Third International was
Congress since 1928 and ne,,' 5
conventional heated oratory
had free rein and despite> the
close of the meeting in August,
tactics was observed. Dimitro",',
in his celebrated figure of
old legend of the conquest Tr
the attacking army by an insu."!
army that had suffered no sligh:
it succeeded in penetrating fit(\;
aid of the Trojan Horse. \Ve
hesitate to apply the same tacti
is protecting himself from ;2'
6 Chapter V, page 440.
'"' ontradiction
,::,E the working class, loyalty to the
in prison and in court. Second,
2L"S';S. Third, ability independently to
c!S;w""ing responsibility in taking de
hardening in the struggle against
;r,;::cilable opposition to all deviations
fiee," obligatory on all affiliated
dramatically altered in
that period challenged by a
e;,;en than the stabilization of
m had long recognized that
watching; but they were
'J'wer by Hitler in 1933 marked
in a field previously
2'1" on their horizon than did
'e.re taking place in Germany,
llitoric process in which Soviet
leadership of the World Revolu
too, in.its national security
mdable military efficiency.
a:::lpaign to capture the organs
ritable race was iJi progress on
)!et\veen tWo ideologies, between
two practitioners of power.
: Joseph Stalin was being sold
ian Revolution, while a thousand-
was being unfolded to Germans
; rivals, were on the march again
nce diSintegrated and America
J'n. Lenin's internationalism and
the focus of world attention
ll" period; Hitler's meteoric rise
ational Socialism dominated the
re finally climaxed in the third
ay letting loose the dogs of war
::;ermany was about to be deter
.r-.s.
123
The two political concepts which dominated Europe during
those years - Communism and Nazism - included an identical
objective, World Revolution. They expressed, each in its own
language and psychological forms, two potent principles; they
were, in fact, the only dynamic forces in the European balance of
power. By their content and universalism they were inexorably
destined for eventual collision. Two such claimants for universal
hegemony could not coexist and simultaneously activate their
programs for long on the same continent, a fact which was
baSically clear to both long before the German attack on Russia
in June, 1941. Both, in their own way, accepted the dogma Hitler
formulated in Mein Kampf:B "Political parties are inclined to
compromise; world-concepts never. Political parties count on ad
versaries; world-concepts proclaim their infallibility."
Faced with a new and serious situation the pragmatic Musco
vites executed a tactical maneuver dictated by the challenge result
ing from the rise of Mussolini and Hitler. The bourgeoisie and
democracy were no longer to be ranked as the main enemy. It was
now Fascism. Hence the democracies should be cultivated and
regarded as potential allies in the inevitable conflict which the
Soviets apparently foresaw more clearly than most Western states
men. In the summer of 1935, after seven years of postponement, the
Third International was suddenly convoked for the first World
Congress since 1928 and new sailing orders issued. Although the
conventional heated oratory against the bourgeOisie and capitalism
had free rein and despite the traditional theses published at the
close of the meeting in August, 1935, a decided change in practical
tactics was observed. Dimitrov, Secretary-General, set the compass
in his celebrated figure of speech: Comrades, you remember the
old legend of the conquest of Troy. Troy had protected itself from
the attacking army by an insurmountable wall, and the attacking
army that had suffered no slight losses could not be victorious until
it succeeded in penetrating into the heart of the enemy with the
aid of the Trojan Horse. We revolutionary workers should not
hesitate to apply the same tactics against our fascist enemy who
is protecting himself from the people by means of the living wall
6 Chapter page 440 .
of his bands of murderers." So was born the United Front phase
of the Russian Revolution. A world-wide mobilization of all
workers, lovers of peace and enemies of war and Fascism, was
decreed; the active and aggressive Communist Party was instructed
to "lead the masses from the struggle against Fascism into the
struggle for the rule of the Soviets." As executive director of the
Third National, though not its controlling hand, Dimitrov made
it perfectly clear that no change of ultimate objective was intended.
The redeployment of 1935 was merely one of the zigzag move
ments which Communism often executes in its Machiavellian
approach to revolutionary power in every country. Meanwhile,
he explained,
... all of the conditions for the unrolling of a real people's anti-fascistic
front exist in the fascist countries. This front could be used in the struggle
against fascist dictatorship, since the Social-Democrats, Catholics and other
workers, for example in Germany, can recognize immediately the necessity
of a common struggle with the communists against fascist dictatorship. . . .
. Comrades: Proletarian internationalism must acclimate itself, so to speak,
m every country, in order to send its roots far into the soil of the native land.
The national forms of the proletarian class-struggle, and of the workers' move
ments in the individual countries, are not contradictory to proletarian inter
nationalism. On the contrary, in these forms one can successfully defend the
international interests of the Proletariat as well. .
The effects of the new policy became apparent in every affiliate.
The Communist Party of the United States began a planned cam
paign of publications and speeches which developed the idea:
Communism is twentieth-century Americanism; Jefferson and the
founding fathers, though in previous polemics clearly included
among exploiters, landlords, slaveholders, and plantation bosses,
now became miraculously identi.B.ed with the democracy of Com
munism. Even the Catholic Church was courted with ardor and
unction. Although all religions are denounced by Mr. Browder in
his various works, notably in What Is Communism? (1936), he now
loyally followed the new line by moving his Trojan Horse close
to the battlements of the Catholic Church in the hope of breaching
the walls of Communism's most feared international opponent by
a show of amiability and conciliation. Nearly one hour of
Browder's four and a half hours of report at the National Con-
Dialectical
venti on of the Party in 1935
Catholic co-operation. "Within
claimed, "are included the gre
Catholic Church. We Commill
co-operation to them and
fighting shoulder to shoulder .
and social aims." As the Calli,
the unchanged religiOUS aims
put into effect once the ground
conquests, no one was impressE
new bedfellow. Mr. Browder
though the effort may have Sh2
no impression on the rock. Si
were unmoved by the eirenic 1,
Party of New Haven in Feb",
Wicks, the city secretary of th
note with a great deal of
organization is conducting a nat
that your local council is
"The Communist Party
towards the believers of the C
pleased by the prominent role
the recent elections in defeati:=
Landon combinations. \Ve
We strongly opposed such r62(
League and the Ku Klux
unionists and all progressive r:c'7
aefenders of the American Dr
The Communist Party of NewLF.
in common, feels that there 1.5
aims and we therefore
a Representative of the
our program for our mutual
no misunderstanding of the rrill
Communist Credo and being at
for the "Soviet America"
tabled the unsolicited offer of 3::
only doing his best to impleme
d't' {}l1rra 'lc'tOn
the United Front phase
mobilizatiQn of all
j;::5 of war and Fascism, was
,=rrllUunist Party was instmcted
against Fascism into the
executive director of the
hand, Dimitrov made
Ymate objective was intended.
one of the zigzag move
EIEcmtes in its Machiavellian
every country. Meanwhile,
of a real people's anti-fascistic
!::c'Jt could be used in the struggle
Catholics and other
immediately the necessity
against fascist dictatorship. . .
must acclimate itself, so to speak,
into the soil of the native land.
and of the workers' move
contradictory to proletarian inter
'ms one can successfully defend the
is well.
",.me apparent in I?very affiliate.
d States began a planned cam-
which developed the idea:
imericanism; Jefferson and the
nus polemics clearly included
lOlders, and plantation bosses,
:1 with the democracy of Com
h was courted with ardor and
denounced by Mr. Browder in
rs Communism? (1936), he now
']loving his Trojan Horse close
:hurch in the hope of breaching
ared international opponent by
illation. Nearly one hour of
)f report at the National COIl-
125
vention of the Party in 1938 was devoted to the question of
Catholic co-operation. "Within the camp of Democracy," he pro
claimed, "are included the great majority of the members of the
Catholic Church. We Communists extend the hand of brotherly
co-operation to them and express our pleasure to find ourselves
fighting shoulder to shoulder with them for the same economic
and social aims." As the Catholic community was well aware of
the unchanged religious aims of Communism and how they are
put into effect once the ground is prepared by social and economic
conquests, no one was impressed, though all were startled by the
new bedfellow. Mr. Browder continued to bite on granite and
though the effort may have sharpened his dialectical teeth, it left
no impression on the rock. Similarly, the Knights of Columbus
were unmoved by the eirenic letter received from the Communist
Party of New Haven in Febmary, 1937, in which Mr. Paul C.
Wicks, the city secretary of the C. P., assured the Knights: "We
note with a great deal of interest in the local newspapers that your
organization is conducting a nation-wide educational campaign and
that your local council is planning a campaign in this vicinity.
"The Communist Party has the greatest respect and friendship
towards the believers .of the Catholic faith and we are extremely
pleased by the prominent role that the Catholic people played in
the recent elections in defeating the reactionary Liberty League
Landon combinations. We Communists are not sectarians or bigots.
We strongly opposed such reactionary organizations as the Black
League and the Ku Klux Klan who attack Jews, Catholics, trade
unionists and all progressive minded people. We are believers and
defenders of the American principle of religious freedom. . . .
The Communist Party of New Haven, while we hold certain beliefs
in common, feels that there is some misunderstanding as to its
aims and we therefore suggest that at your forthcoming meetings
a Representative of the Communist Party be invited to present
our program for our mutual clarification," The Knights, being under
no misunderstanding of the militant atheism inseparable from the
Communist Credo and being abundantly informed of the program
for the "Soviet America" forecast in Communist pronouncements,
tabled the unsolicited offer of assistance. Of course Mr. Wicks was
only doing his best to implement the United Front and doubtless
had read Lenin's frank analysis in Volume XVIII of his Collected
Works: ''To build a Communist Society by the hands of Com-.
munists - this is a childish idea. The Communists are a drop in
the ocean, a drop in the ocean of the people. They will only be
able to lead the people along their path if they cOlTectly define
the path in the sense of a world historical direction. We shall be
in a position to define economic development if the Communi'lts
are able to build up this economic system by other hands, while
they themselves will learn of this bourgeoisie and direct it along
the path which they wish it to go,"
The Trojan Horse was thus zealously nibbling into many inviting
pastures around the world - until it encountered an earthquake
which shattered the very structure of the Party outside Russia.
The Soviet-Nazi Pact of August, 1939 which Virtually allied the
Communist State with the hated Nazi regime and enabled Hitler
to launch World War II without fear of attack on his eastern
flank - stunned and disintegrated the local parties which had been
left completely in the dark respecting impending plans in Moscow.
The cause of the Communist World Revolution reached the nadir
of discredit. American Communists had denounced the European
conflict as an "imperialistic war," had fomented strikes in war
industries, denounced President Roosevelt as a "warmonger," and
assured Europe that "the Yanks are not coming." The August
thunderbolt bewildered the Party ideologists - but not for long.
Quickly recovering their breath, they executed one of the dialectical
somersaults for which they were notorious, and slavishly followed
the new line which unfortunately had not been cabled from
Moscow in time to allow a decent period for gradual readjustment.
As a result the new position of Soviet Russia had to be justified
immediately and brazenly. Hence the alliance was simply described
as a masterpiece of statesmanship which would contribute to the
stability of Europe and remove certain silly misupderstandings
between two great peoples. But the effect on American liberals
was one of profound disillusionment; regular commuters began
quietly to drop off the Moscow local, generally at inconspicuous
way stations, or at night in the larger cities.
The Communist World Revolution now entered on a distinctly
new phase in Europe while Mr. Browder went to jail in America.
Dialectical M
It advanced militarily and, l::
Nazi invaders, occupied large
recovering at the .same time ill
and southeast Europe. :Mmil
missal'S succeeded in
the attention of England and
western Europe. But the ine\i
Nazi Germany turned saVE:
launched the historic invasion
reversal of fortune marked the
Communist foreign policy, as
gates ol Moscow, Leningrad,
cally and technically, if not
The provocations and
the United Nations in the
to bourgeois and proletarian
Pearl Harbor with its effect or
striking power of the United
ance, by the Allies, of Russ
power - with whatever reserv
Communist ideology.
Shrewdly timing his decisic
this sudden international ace
accommodations designed to "
the conduct of a nation presum,
He felt justified in sacrifiCing
game of power politics, a,van
,of trumps in reserve for the fi:
Church to re-establish its shal
the odium of religious persecl
ally enrolled against
offensive national anthem, thl
allusions to non-Communist
patriotic song in praise of 1\1
was taken on the road to cor:
solving the centralized admini
and committing Communist act
countries, a particularly obnoK
mtmdiction
XVIII of his Collected
by the hands of Com-.
e Communists are a drop in
They will only be
they correctly define
direction. We shall be
if the Communists
by other hands, while
.. and direct it along
into many inviting
;:encountered an earthquake
Party outside Russia.
which virtually allied the
and enabled Hitler
attack on his eastern
parties which had been
: 'icnpending plans in Moscow.
Eevolution reached the nadir
denounced the European
}E.d fomented strikes in war
as a "warmonger," and
:E: :!:lot coming." The August
- but not for long.
EI2cuted one of the dialectical
and slavishly followed
had not been cabled from
riGel for gradual readjustment.
Russia had to be justified
;;11'ance was simply described
would contribute to the
rt2in silly misu.nderstandings
" effect on American liberals
It; regular commuters began
generally at inconspicuous
or cities.
nmv entered on a distinctly
went to jail in America.
It advanced militarily and, by virtue of its partnership with the
Nazi invaders, occupied large areas of Poland and the Baltic States,
recovering at the .same time much disputed territory in the Balkans
and southeast Europe. Moving rapidly and daringly, the Com
missars succeeded in consolidating their geopolitical position while
the attention of England and France was engaged on the perils of
western Europe. But the inevitable transpired in June, 1941, when
Nazi Germany turned savagely on her former partner and
launched the historic invasion toward Moscow and Leningrad. This
reversal of fortune marked the third phase in the evolution of the
Communist foreign policy, as the Nazi attack, penetrating to the
gates ot. Moscow, Leningrad, and Stalingrad, threw Russia physi
cally and technically, if not spiritually, into the camp of the Allies.
The provocations and conspiracies of the past were forgotten by
the United Nations in the light of the new dangers now common
to bourgeois and proletarian States alike. The Japanese attack on
Pearl Harbor with its effect of seriously diminishing the immediate
striking power of the United States resulted in pragmatic accept
ance, by the Allies, of Russian military co-operation and man
power with whatever reservations might be possible respecting
Communist ideology.
Shrewdly timing his decision, the realistic Mr. Stalin improved
this sudden international acceptability by a series of domestic
accommodations deSigned to remove certain violent paradoxes in
the conduct of a nation presumably adhering to the Atlantic Charter.
He felt justified in sacrificing several minor cards in the revived
game of power politics, aware that he held a precious collection
of trumps in reserve for the final call. By permitting the Orthodox
Church to re-establish its shattered forces and elect a Patriarch,
the odium of religiOUS persecution could be lessened and a new
ally enrolled against world-wide Catholicism. By abolishing the
offensive national anthem, the Internationale, with its insulting
allusions to non-Communist States, and by substituting a new
patriotic song in praise of Mother Russia, another forward step
was taken on the road to conciliation and appeasement. By dis
solving the cenh'alized administration of the Third International
and committing Communist activities to local parties in the several
countries, a particularly o.lmoxious institution was curbed, though
by no means sterilized, as the Party line is still unifonnly and
effectively maintained throughout the world without the previous
open domination of the Moscow headquarters. The period which
ensued was one of good will and much fraternizing which enabled
hundreds of Communist officials, technicians, and members of
military commissions to circulate unimpeded throughout the
United States. Means and methods for clarifying the "Party line,"
instead of being decreased by the abolition of the Communist
International, were actually increased and improved by an enlarged
Communist personnel enjoying official and semiofficial status under
the great alliance. .
A final question in this review of the earlier tactics of World
Revolution concerns the reason or reasons for the failure of that
program while in the hands of the Third International. A passage
from the writings of Abraham Lincoln throws much light on this
aspect. Lincoln once said that in preparing a campaign speech he
spent one third of his time and energy in thinking about himself
and the form of his own argument but two thirds on his opponent,
what was thinking and what he might say. Lenin, though
academICally aware of that necessity, did not succeed in impressing
the tactics 6f foresighted restraint on his international collaborators,
and, indeed, often failed to exemplify it himself. Hence, the energy
of the Third International was primarily engaged in destruction of
the enemy's position; it was too little attentive to the possible
resisting power of Capitalism and Democracy.
The victory over a detested autocracy in Russia had been amaz
ingly easy and Lenin committed the psychological error of trans
ferring the mood of conspiracy and abuse to the entire field of
international controversy. His agents, for the most part, though
they employed the tongues of many countries, spoke in a language
and with a vocabulary alien to an outside world which was un
familiar with the jargon of professional Marxists. Maksim Gorki
very early in the Russian Revolution sensed that one blind spot in
Lenins leadership:
Lenin as a 'Ueader" and Russian aristocrat (certain mental traits of this
defunct class are not alien to him) deems himself in the right to perform over
the Russian people a cruel experiment, doomed to failure in advance. Ex
hausted and ruined by war, the people have already paid for that experiment
Dialectical
with thousands of lives, and will no
more... This inevitable tragedv
dogmas, nor his sycophants - his sfa
to Lenin. He does not know the m
them; only from books has he lear
haunches, and how one can most ,
class is for Lenin what ore is to thE
ing conditions, to cast a socialistic s;
possible; yet - why not try? What d
He is working as a chemist does in 1:
chemist employs dead matter with
works over living material and leads
The domestic revolution 'vit!
Third International. Had the r
wisely controlled, the very ex
revolt might have had far mor
where, on its own merits. But t
agents scattering mystical these
of capitalism, about the iron law
the dictatorship of the proletaru
fell on deaf ears, particularly in
of tenns found no recogIDz
pOSItion of the population nor
refonnist movements were rime
revelation was made mandaton'
of the working classes. Deviatl,
heresy against Moscow. Trade'
and power, became confused a
the United States developed i
sian domination. Religion was 1:
tianity because of the gross an(
amateur iconoclasts who lacked i
Voltaire and the popular eloque
was purified by a new dignitv
counteractivity by the
7 A.S in :z=:arkes, op. cit., pp.
Gorkl and hIS RU88ta, 472. Gorki died
to an obstinate belief that Stalin pe
doctors who attended him.
, ontradiction
line is still uniformly and
he world without the previous
2adquarters. The period which
TIch fraternizing which enabled
technicians, and members of
, unimpeded throughout the
for clarifying the "Party line,"
e abolition of the Communist
d. and improved by an enlarged
iaJ. and semiofficial status under
the earlier tactics of World
;:easons for the failure of that
International. A passage'
throws much light on this
ceparing a campaign speech he
in thinking about himself
two thirds on his opponent,
he might say. Lenin, though
did not succeed in impressing
:l his international collaborators,
fy it himself. Hence, the energy
engaged in destruction of
attentive to the possible
Democracy.
in Russia had been amaz
16 psychological error of trans
d abuse to the entire field of
for the most part, though
countries, spoke in a language
outside world which was un
Marxists. Maksim Gorki
:1 sensed that one blind spot in
:c::at (certain mental traits of this
himself in the right to perform over
aoomed to failure in advance. Ex
.,e already paid for that experiment
with thousands of lives, and will now be made to pay with tens of thousands
more... This inevitable tragedy does not embarrass Lenin, slave of his
dogmas, nor his sycophants - his slaves. Life, in all its complexity, is unknown
to Lenin. He does not know the mass of the people, he has not lived with
them; only from books has he learned how one can raise this mass on its
haunches, and how one can most easily infuriate its instincts. The working
class is for Lenin what ore is to the metallist. Is it possible, under the exist
ing conditions, to cast a sociallstic state out of this ore? Apparently, it is not
possible; yet - why not try? What does he risk, if the experiment should fail?
He is working as a chemist does in his laboratory, with the difference that the
chemist employs dead matter with results valuable for life, whereas Lenin
works over living material and leads the revolution to perdition.
7
The domestic revolution within Russia was achieved without a
Third International. Had the resulting missionary fever been more
wisely controlled, the very example of a successful proletarian
revolt might have had far more serious social repercussions else
where, on its own merits. But the dogmatism of hordes of foreign
agents scattering mystical theses about the inherent contradictions
of capitalism, about the iron laws of history, dialectical materialism,
the dictatorship of the proletariat, about peasantry and bourgeOisie,
fell on deaf ears, particularly in England and America where most
of the terms found no recognizable equivalent in the social com
position of the population nor in .the common vocabulary. Local
reformist movements were ridiculed and the purity of the Russian
revelation was made mandatory on all parties aspiring to leadership
of the working classes. Deviation from the preSCribed credo was
heresy against Moscow. Trade unionism, growing in acceptability
and power, became confused and divided, and - as happened in
the United States - developed into an obstinate opponent of Rus
sian domination. Religion was mobilized to the defense of Chris
tianity. because of the gross and blasphemous tirades on God by
amateur iconoclasts who lacked the far more dangerous urbanity of
Voltaire and the popular eloquence of Robert Ingersoll. Patriotism
was purified by a new dignity and then mobilized to widespread
counteractivity by the announcement of the Third International
7 As quoted in Parkes, op. cit., pp. 261-262. See Alexander Kaun: Maxim
Gorki and his Russia, 472. Gorki died in 1936 under circumstances giving rise
to an obstinate belief that Stalin permitted him to be "liquidated" by the
doctors who attended him.
published in Izvestia, December 5,1928: "The Communists consider
it unnecessary to disguise their views and purposes. They openly
declare that their aims can be accomplished only through the over
throw by force of the whole existing social order. . . . The hold
of the bourgeOisie can be broken only by ruthless violence."
As the Third International and the Soviet Government were both
agencies of the Russian Communist Party, one being designed to
govern the Russian State, the other to reduce all other States to
Communism, diplomatic intercourse and commercial relations
became a tangle of paradoxical inconsistencies. Mr. Stalin himself
furnished convincing evidence of this on May 26, 1929, by his
instructions to a delegation of American Communists visiting
Moscow. Referring to the depression then rapidly developing in
the United States, he exhorted them:
I think, Comrades, that the American Communist Party is one of those few
Communist parties in the world upon which history has conferred a task of a
decisive character from the viewpoint of the world revolutionary movement.
The force and power of American capitalism are well known to you. To many
it seems now that the general crisis of world capitalism will not touch
America. This, of course, is not true. Absolutely untrue, Comrades. The crisis
of world capitalism is developing at an increased speed and is bound to extend
also to American capitalism. Three million unemployed in America - this is
the first swallow, as it were, announcing that the crisis is maturing also in
America. And when the revolutionary crisis will open out in America, this
will be the beginning of the end of world capitalisms. It is necessary that the
American Communist Party should be able to meet this hiStorical moment
fully armed, and to take the lead in the coming class battles in America. For
this, Comrades, we must make preparations, using all our efforts and all our
endeavors. With this end in view the American Communist Party must be
improved and Bolshevized. . . With this end in view we must strain our
efforts to forge genuinely revolutionary cadres and genuinely revolutionary
leaders of the proletariat, who would be able to lead the many millions of the
American labor classes into the revolutionary class battles. With this end in
view we must eliminate all and every personal and factional consideration,
placing revolutionary education of the American labor classes at the head of
the comer.
S
Fourteen years later, with Nazi armies blasting at the gates of
Stalingrad, Marshal Stalin ordered the American Communist Party
to sheathe its battered sword and transform itself into a cultural
8 Published by the Moscow Bolshevik, January 15, 1930.
Dialectical
association for the educati(
blessings of Collectivism.
What Mr. Stalin abolishec
after maintaining for twent
was a private organization ;
no control- was a crude 1
tality which had not only 'fa
but had proved an embarra
ularly' in the new circuIDst2
into the United Nations. l\.
no longer needed. The
machinery were outmoded c
pact with Nazi Germany h;:;.,
in a few months, what the (
able to achieve in twentv "
were quickly lost to the . ~
Red Army finally restored
by the Allied landings in It
of which diverted enough Ge
to enable the Soviets to SID2
1945 Soviet Russia stood "\"dt
in a wholly diHerent guise>
conspicuously failed, mj1it
Dialectical materialism
confident enough to act
rnent without resorting to "
organization.
This progression to the em
had been observable for SCI
Stalin had enough of the bizl
in Soviet schools and universi
ful revolution. By another sao
practice of belittling historic
November 7, 1917. Peter
Nevsky, General Suvorov,
regained their proper place.
ntradiction
:;5:: "The Communists consider
:5 and purposes. They openly
i1:ished only through the over
: social order .... The hold
. ruthless violence."
Soviet Government were both
one being designed to
reduce all other States to
eo and commercial relations
J.sistencies. Mr. Stalin himself
,,1'\ on May 26, 1929, by his
:Gencan Communists visiting
n then rapidly developing in
Party is one of those few
has conferred a task of a
e world revolutionary movement.
2"e well known to you. To many
w';)Ild capitalism will not touch
untrue, Comrades. The crisis
speed and is bound to extend
. 'mcmployed in America - this is
that the crisis is maturing also' in
;is will open out in .America, this
It is necessary that the
I.e to meet this hiStorical moment
class battles in America. For
:5., using all our efforts and all our
:C2ncan Communist Party must be
:; end in view we must strain our
",dres and genuinely revolutionary
to lead the many millions of the
;r,' class battles. With this end in
,:::=8Ilal and factional consideration,
"nean labor classes at the head of
mes blasting at the gates of
l American Communist Party
ransform itself into a cultural
l:tuary 15, 1930.
association for the education of the American Democracy to the
blessings of Collectivism.
VV'hat Mr. Stalin abolished by a stroke of his pen in May, 1943
after maintaining for twenty years the fiction that the Comintern
was a plivate organization over which the Soviet government had
no control was a crude, boisterous, and provocative instrumen
tality which had not only failed to bring off the World Revolution
but had proved an embarrassment and a stumbling block, partic
ularly in the new circumstances to result from Russia's entrance
into the United Nations. Moreover, the Third International was
no longer needed. The indirect approach and the conspiratorial
machinery were outmoded by the geopolitics of war. Russia's 1939
pact with Nazi Germany had enabled her to acquire immediately,
in a few months, what the Communist International had not been
able to achieve in twenty years. Although these territorial gains
were qUickly lost to the Germans, the whirligig of time and the
Red Army finally restored them and much more, helped enormously
by the Allied landings in Italy and the invasion of France, both
of which diverted enough German divisions fl'om the Eastern Front
to enable the Soviets to smash through to Vienna and Berlin. By
1945 Soviet Russia stood within the gates of western Europe and
in a wholly different guise. Where revolutionalY illegality had
conspicuously failed, military prowess brilliantly succeeded.
Dialectical materialism thereupon became strong enough and
confident enough to act officially in the name of the Soviet govern
ment without resorting to the subterfuge of a so-called private
organization.
(!; (l (!; (l
This progression to the consciousness of a strong national State
had been observable for some time. Even before the war, Mr.
Stalin had enough of the bizarre distortion of education dominant
in Soviet schools and universities during the exaltation of success
ful revolution. By another stroke of his pen he canceled the previous
practice of belittling historic events and personalities antedating
November 7, 1917. Peter the Great, Ivan the Terrible, Alexander
Nevsky, General Suvorov, and numerous non-Marxian heroes
regained their proper place. The works of Professor Pokrovsky,
132 The Seeds of Contt'adiction
until recently the official interpretation of Marxized history, were
relegated to the category of "unrealistic." Textbooks both cultural
and scientific were hastily rewritten. The schools were liberated
from the mob rule of zealous Comsomols and restored to teachers.
Embarrassing publications, such as the Great Soviet Encyclopedia,
were quietly withdrawn from general circulation in foreign coun
tries. Its frequent slighting and sometimes hostile references to
capitalism were too awkward for a supposedly scientific publication
and were especially unwelcome in the home of Lend Lease. Military
uniforms grew more picturesque; medals and ribbons appeared
on stalwart proletarian chests and Mr. Stalin :finally donned a well
cut marshal's uniform. When Mr. Gromyko, Soviet Ambassador at
Washington, appeared at a Soviet celebration, November 8, 1944,
clad in a braided diplomatic costume, with decorations on his
breast and an ornamental dagger at his belt, the Renaissance of
form was completed. But the deposit offaith remained unchanged.
It is not enough, then - in fact it can be extremely dangerous
because misleading - to concentrate attention unduly on anyone
phase or development of Soviet foreign policy. Students of the
Russian Revolution must regard it as a moving panorama of
separate but co-ordinated forces; one must see the picture steadily
and see it whole, as Matthew Arnold phrased it when describing
the outstanding characteristic of Greek philosophy. You must
too, that Dostoevski in his Diary of a Writer prophesied
!,n.1876, that all. the great powers of Europe will be destroyed
. . . for the SImple reason that they will be worn out and
undermined by the unsatis:fied democratic tendencies of an
enormous portion of their lower class subjects - their proletarians
and paupers. In Russia, this cannot happen . . . and therefore
there will remain on the continent but one colossus - Russia. . . .
The future of Europe belongs to Russia.''9
eschatologr, though in Dostoevski's day a mystic
faIth III the RUSSIan orthodox religIOn, remains unaltered for the
Soviet successors of the Romanov Tzars. The Marx-Lenin-Stalin
9 The same conviction is found in the so-called "Last Will and Testament
of Peter the Great." See Appendix I. Several additional prophecies of a
remarkable character are found in the works of De Tocqueville (1835) and
the Spanish author and diplomat, Donoso CorMs (1850). See Appendix II.
Dialectical M
trinity has been substituted for
and dialectical materialism ret
The combination is not uili
of Moscow in 1619 promised
and a special prayer was then
It is no refutation of the r
progress of the Russian Revc
file of the proletariat cannot !"
of such an involved
correct. But the political COD.!
Communist nor the casual ci
over the metaphysics behind t
classic works of Plato and }
Bryce probably count for
a particular candidate on cIe
Soviet political thought is ill,
scious, of a philosophy of
thinkers who set in motion
then remain implicit in issue5
on future election days.
expression in the concrete act
over another, although he rna
his thinking. Similarly,
techniques to be applied in
direction to the daily work of l
vaccinates a child against C"
scientific theory underlying hi
immunization and the
. the premises giving power and
in a small town of Ohio in IS;:
The basic role of dialectiCfl
was trenchantly analyzed by f
Redemptoris, issued March
The doctrine of modem Commu:
most seductive trappings, is in subs::
and historical materialism previous:::
ticians of bolshevism claim to posse;
ing to this doctrine there is in the
cmtradiction
::len of Marxized history, were
Textbooks both cultural
The schools were liberated
and restored to teachers.
Great Samet Encyclopedia,
circulation in foreign coun
).metimes hostile references to
scientific publication
Lend Lease. Military
and ribbons appeared
:fro Stalin finally donned a well
Soviet Ambassador at
November 8, 1944,
:;:::ne, with decorations on hiS'
a.: belt, the Renaissance of
faith remained unchanged.
It can be extremely dangerous
is attention unduly on anyone
policy. Students of the
as a moving panorama of
::e must see the picture steadily
phrased it when describing
philosophy. You must
:is Diary of a Writer prophesied
Df Europe will be destroyed
:hey will be worn out and
democratic" tendencies of an
.ass subjects - their proletarians
ct happen . . . and therefore
but one colossus - Russia. . . .
s::fa."9
in Dostoevskfs day a mystic
remains unaltered for the
Tzars. The Marx-Lenin-Stalin
so--called "Last Will and Testament
Several additional prophecies of a
DIks of De Tocqueville (1835) and
Cortes (1850). See Appendix II.
trinity has been substituted for the Russianized Christ of Dostoevski
and dialectical materialism replaces the liturgy of the patriarchate.
The combination is not unknown in Russian history. The Synod
of Moscow in 1619 promised universal domination to the Tzars
and a special prayer was then appointed for its accomplishment.
It is no refutation of the role of dialectical materialism in the
progress of the Russian Revolution to protest that the rank and
file of the proletariat cannot possibly be familiar with the niceties
of such an involved intellectualism. The assumption is probably
correct. But the political conclusion is false. Neither the average
Communist nor the casual citizen of a democracy philosophizes
over the metaphysics behind the choice he makes at the polls. The
classic works of Plato and Aristotle, De Tocqueville and Lord
Bryce probably count for little as an American casts his ballot for
a particular candidate on election day. But both American and
Soviet political thought is the end product, conscious or uncon
scious, of a philosophy of government originating from previous
thinkers who set in motion the power of certain master ideas which
then remain implicit in issues presenting themselves for decision
on future election days. These principles find contemporaneous
expression in the concrete act of the voter preferring one system
over another, although he may never advert to their presence in
his thinking. Similarly, theory, principles, and certain approved
techniques to be applied in specified cases give confidence and
direction to the daily work of a physician. The country doctor who
vaccinates a child against contagion may never advert to the
scientific theory underlying his treatment; but the philosophy of
immunization and the experiments of Pasteur in Paris in 1851 are
the premises giving power and direction to his practice of medicine
in a small town of Ohio in 1951.
The basic role of dialectical materialism in the Soviet system
was trenchantly analyzed by Pope Pius XI in his encyclical Divini
Redemptoris, issued March 19, 1937:
The doctrine of modern Communism, which is often concealed under the
most seductive trappings, is in substance based on the principles of dialectical
and historical materialism previously advocated by Marx, of which the theore
ticians of bolshevism claim to possess the only genuine interpretation. Accord
ing to this doctrine there is in the world only one reality, matter, the blind
forces of which evolve into plant, animal and man. Even human society is
nothing but a phenomenon and form of matter, evolving in the same way.
By a law of inexorable necessity and through a perpetual conflict of forces,
matter moves towards the final synthesis of a classless society. . . .
Insisting on the dialectical aspect of their materialism, the Communists
claim that the confIict which carries the world towards its final synthesis can
be accelerated by man. Hence they endeavor to sharpen the antagonisms
which arise between the various classes of society. Thus the class-struggle
with its consequent violent hate and destruction takes on the aspects of a
crusade for the progress of humanity. On the other hand, all other forces
whatever, as long as they resist such systematic violence, must be annihilated
as hostile to the human race.
In October, 1948, the archbishops and bishops of the Anglican
and associated churches forwarded for reading to their congrega
tions throughout the world a circular letter similar to the several
encyclicals issued by the supreme pontiffs of the Catholic Church.
Based on a committee report drawn up at the Lambeth Conference
in London, the authorities of the Church of England and the
Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States declared:
The most highly organized, consistent, powerful and destrUctive form of
secularism is beyond doubt dialectical materialism and the type of communism
in which it is embodied. This is perhaps the one live alternative to the Chris
tian interpretation of man. Between the two there can be no compromise, and
it seems to be increaSingly probable that it is between these two that the
world must choose.
That the dialectic is still vigorous and accepted by certain
leader types is confirmed by an incident reported by Sam Welles,
Tinre correspondent, who communicated it to his readers in the
issue of August 1, 1949. The statement came from Shosuke Matsu
moto, a twenty-four-year-old student of economics in Keio Uni
verSity, Tokyo: "Nothing in the world is more important than
Communism. There is no truth except dialectical materialism.
I wish I could go to a university in Russia where it is the only
system taught. When Japan becomes Communist, we will teach
nothing but Marxism here."
The world witnessed a striking adaptation of dialectical material
ism in action during August, 1950, in the Security Council of the
United Nations. For a whole month Mr. Malik hurled the most
incredible accusations of conspiracy, warmongering, and aggression
Dialectical M l
against United States policy in
acquainted with the facts, the i
with Mr. Malik's basIc faith t1
to exist at all; hence, all its ca
things. On these premises ever:
a warmonger and aggressor b)
Communist State; its continued
What the non-Communist world
evil stubbornness at the present
to Moscow; it is contradicting
along in the triadic process; it ~ ,
sin against humanity from whit
bows to the synthesis prepared:
of the Politburo.
Stalin is fond of quoting Lenir
in a state, but in a system eel
Soviet Republic side by side ,vit
states for a long time is unthl
the other will conquer. And un
most terrible collisions behve,
bourgeois states is inevitable."lv (
Stalin once added: "Clear, one ,,\1
Not only does he thus adheI
inevitable war but Stalin ad de
Dialectical and Historical Mate
development, he deduces that
tariat is a natural and logical ac
as the Socialists think, by
smashing the entire existing ry
checked but carried on ahvays
evitable consummation. Hence,
in policy, one must be a revalue
promiser attempting to reconcile
bourgeOisie.
Now, the term "revolutionist'"
in the lexicon of Russian tenn
10 Stalin, Problems of Leninism.
'antradiction
8:l:2d man. Even human society is
:=l=:tier, evolving in the same way.
a perpetual conflict of forces,
.=: classless society. . . .
tCr.:! materialism, the Communists
w:I1d towards its final synthesis can
5:=2.',or to sharpen the antagonisms
SlDdety. Thus the class-struggle
takes on the aspects of a
:'''- me other hand, all other forces
=tic violence, must be annihilated
bishops of the Anglican
I>:r: reading to their con grega
letter similar to the several
of the Catholic Church.
at the Lambeth Conference
of England and the
States declared:
"powerful and destrUctive form of
and the type of communism
:.be ene live alternative to the Cbris
Tn there can be no compromise, and
t it is between these two that the
:nIlS and accepted by certain
reported by Sam Welles,
it to his readers in the
::nt came from Shosuke Matsu
lIt of economics in Keio Uni
mrld is more important than
::wept dialectical materialism.
11 Russia where it is the only
:es Communist, we will teach
of dialectical material
in the Security Council of the
h Mr. Malik hurled the most
warmongering, and aggression
against United States policy in Korea. Utterly ridiculous to those
acquainted with the facts, the indictment, however, was of a piece
with Mr. MaWs basic faith that the United States has no right
to exist at all; hence, all its capitalistic pomp and works are evil
things. On these premises every non-Communist State is logically
a warmonger and aggressor by the very fact of its not being a
Communist State; its continued existence is, of itself, an act of war.
What the non-Communist world is doing is to hold its position with
evil stubbornness at the present crucial point of historical antithesis
to Moscow; it is contradicting nature itself by refusing to move
along in the triadic process; it is, consequently, in a state of habitual
sin against humanity from which it will be purged only when it
bows to the synthesis prepared for it by the dialectical materialism
of the Politburo.
Stalin is fond of quoting Lenin's warning: "We live ... not only
in a state, but in a system of states, and the existence of the
Soviet Republic side by side with the imperialist [non-Communist] .
states for a long time is unthinkable. In the end, either one or
the other will conquer. And until that end comes, a series of the
most terrible collisions between the Soviet Republic and the
bourgeOis states is inevitable."l0 Commenting on this Lenin doctrine,
Stalin once added: "Clear, one would think." .
Not only does he thus adhere to the basic Lenin postulate of
inevitable war but Stalin added clarifications of his own in his
Dialectical and Historical Materialism. From the '1aws" of social
development, he deduces that revolution conducted by the prole
tariat is a natural and logical activity. Success cannot be achieved,
as the Socialists think, by gradual changes and reform but by
smashing the entire existing system. Class warfare must not be
checked but carried on always and uncompromisingly to its in
evitable consummation. Hence, he concludes, in order not to err
in policy, one must be a revolutionary, not a reformist, nor a com
promiser attempting to reconcile the clash between proletariat and
bourgeoisie.
Now, the term "revolutionist" has a definite and special meaning
in the lexicon of Russian terminology. It is no Sam Adams or
10 Stalin, Problems of Leninism.
136
Thomas Jefferson or Oliver Cromwell we find described there as
the challenger of some existing regime. Bakunin and Nechaiev
paint his portrait with precision in that revealing document:
Catechism of a Revolutionist. He must consider himself a doomed
man, with no reservations or weighing of consequences to himself;
even his pers,onality must' be without name - or bear an assumed
one. He has rejected all laws and all codes - except the one law,
revolution. He lives in bourgeois society only to destroy it; he is
disciplined, cold, and unemotional, prepared to kill all the human
feelings of his breast even that of honor, if it delays his program.
By friends he means those who serve the same cause, no sentimen
tality allowed; when their usefulness is exhausted or found to be
of inferior caliber, they must be regarded as capital to be expended
for the purchase of the one thing that counts destruction of the
existing order of things. Liberals in every land are to be exploited
coldly and Scientifically as means to an end; they must be led to
believe that the revolutionist (posing as a fellow liberal) agrees
with the reforms they advocate. Then by subtle devices and
planned stages, they are to be compromised by involvement with
the prepared revolutionary program. They are to be carefully fished
out of the mass by a hook, not by a net - and discarded when
no longer useful.
To minimize the sustaining infiuence of theory in Soviet foreign
policy is to miss entirely one of the most important components
of its being. Precisely because American "realists" in high places
ignored such theory, they missed the boat time and time again.
Stalin himself is quite frank about the secret of Communism's
successes: "Marxist-Leninist theory is the science of the develop
ment of society, science of the workers' movement, science of
the proletarian revolution, science of the construction of Com
munist society."ll In Problems of Leninism he further explains the
sources of Soviet diplomacy: "The strength of Marxist-Leninist
theory consists in the fact that it enables the Party to orient itself
in a situation, to grasp the internal connection of surrounding events
and to discern not only how and when events are developing but
also how and when they must develop in the future."
11 History of the All-Union Communist Party, p. 339.
Dialectical M
Understand all that, he exho
stand why the Communist "'
invincible. It advances toward
of scientific certainty and a ser
zigzags, ebbs and Haws, hig
ranking Communists who detl
where the trend is heading. Th
Conversely, the Achilles he(
paralyzing lethargy in respect
and controlling the beginning!
to conspirators and are freqt
or too dispersed in counsel tl
To be liberal and tolerant h2
procrastinators when debate ~
desired of us by the never tiri
of the eleven Communist leadl
a striking example of these ch
of the indicted Communists t
system are matter of public r,
the insults hurled at Judge :Mec
defiance of procedure all con
amazing but logical revelatio:
tactics. The patient and discip'l1
in the face of unprecedented p
ration and applause.
But one feature must not b
that historic trial consists in fr
munist sympathizers and from
people. The Communists on
untiring, and aggressive. Thep
themselves with reading the "S:
papers - and then continuing tt
the shock troops of the ~
with threatening telegrams 8lld
side his courtroom. After "
Forrestal, the placards in
fall like Forrestal." Simultanezn
letters and telegrams: "Jump
, d' t'
,frira lC wn
we find described there as
Bakunin and Nechaiev
''-' that revealing document:
1St c-onsider himself a doomed
,g consequences to himself;
Z: n ~ " I 1 e - or bear an assumed
c:odes - except the one law,
only to destroy it; he is
to kill all the human
2:;.::201", if it delays his program.
the same cause, no sentimen
; fs exhausted or found to be
as capital to be expended
;3.t eounts - destruction of the
every land are to be exploited
3..':l end; they must be led to
as a fellow liberal) agrees
by subtle devices and
':;,omised by involvement with
are to be carefully fished
a net - and discarded when
::e of theory in Soviet foreign
3 most important components
:1D.an "realists" in high places
15 boat time and time again.
secret of Communism's
5 the science of the develop
movement, science of
:: the construction of Com
1:inism he further explains the
strength of Marxist-Leninist
the Party to orient itself
mection of surrounding events
en events are developing but
in the future."
crt'}, p. 889.
Understand all that, he exhorts his followers, and you will under
stand why the Communist World Revolution is inevitable and
invincible. It advances toward its goal with a rationalized feeling
of scientific certainty and a sense of continuity, though not without
zigzags, ebbs and flows, high crests and low waves. But the
ranking Communists who determine policy are serenely confident
where the trend is heading. That is the inner source of their power.
Conversely, the Achilles heel of democracies reveals itself in a
paralYZing lethargy in respect to recognizing evil at its inception
and controlling the beginnings of danger. We leave the initiative
to conspirators and are frequently too bored or too indifferent
or too dispersed in counsel to resist vigorously and articulately.
To be liberal and tolerant has often meant to be debaters and
procrastinators when debate and delay are exactly the attitudes
desired of us by the never tiring enemies of democracy. The trial
of the eleven Communist leaders before Judge Medina in 1949 is
a striking example of these characteristics. The organized attempt
of the indicted Communists to wreck and discredit the judiCial
system are matter of public record; their contempt of the court,
the insults hurled at Judge Medina, the confusion, the shouting, the
defiance of procedure all conspire to make that trial the most
amazing but lOgical revelation of the virulency of Communist
tactics. The patient and diSCiplined conduct of the presiding judge,
in the face of unprecedented provocation, merited universal admi
ration and applause.
But one feature must not be overlooked. The final paradox of
that historic trial consists in the diversity of response from Com
munist sympathizers and from the broad masses of the American
people. The Communists on their side were organized, vocal,
untiring, and aggressive. The public, for the most part, contented
themselves with reading the shocking details in the daily news
papers - and then continuing their accustomed way of life. Not so
the shock troops of the Revolution. Judge Medina was swamped
with threatening telegrams and letters. Pickets were parading out
side his courtroom. After the tragic death of Secretary of Defense
Forrestal, the placards in Foley Square changed to: "Medina must
fall like Forrestal." Simultaneously, he was bombarded with new
letters and telegrams: "Jump now. You've got to jump eventually.
Go ahead. Get it over with. Jump, jump." A survey revealed that
99 per cent of the communications were hostile, denunciatory, and
threatening. The remaining 1 per cent expressed support and
encouragement. The proportion, however, was more than reversed
when the jury brought in its verdict of guilty for all the defendants.
Within the next six weeks approximately 60,000 letters and tele
grams poured in with congratulations and expressions of gratitude
for the fearless judge. An analysis revealed that one letter alone
among all that number was hostile and defamatory.
It may well be that the deep silence from well-wishers during
the trial was due to a sense of propriety which restrained law
abiding citizens from seeking to influence a judge on the bench
during the course of a trial. H so (the pres:nt writer is dubiou: on
that point) the disparity underscores agam the heavy handIcap
which democracy imposes on itself in any conflict with the diSciples
of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. They will attack without scruple
or restraint, whereas the bourgeois world is expected to observe
the rules, the conventions, and the laws of decency under condi
tions which; could lead to loss of a just cause and even to destruc
tion of our most precious liberties. Associate Justice Jackson of
the Supreme Court of the United States doubtless had the same
basic paradox in mind on May 16, 1949, when he asserted, in
dissenting from a 5 to 4 decision in a case involving freedom of
speech: "H this Court does not temper its doctrinaire logiC with
a little practical sense it will convert the Constitution's Bill of
Rights into a suicide pact."
With respect to the Russian people two prime considerations
must never be forgotten. The population of the Soviet Union is
not the negotiator with whom Mr. Acheson or Senator Austin or
Phillip Jessup or Mr. Dulles must treat. The chosen delegates per
mitted to venture beyond the Iron Curtain are branded and sealed
with Stalin's mark. Historically, the Russian people, whether under
medieval Tzar or modern Soviet, have been mute instruments of
a highly centralized autocracy. The Romanovs relied on love for
Mother Russia," the Politburo on the "Party line." The second
circumstance which strengthens Mr. Stalin's hand in his bid for
Dialectical &
total power is the adroit cor
Russian imperialism. Both arE
front where dialectical matE
taste. Marxian Communism :
ized messianic urge, a univer;
brash than the grossness of t
has hitched dialectical materi
always been galloping acros
water ports and the open se2
but the direction is constant
these three component elen
imperialism, and Marxian 0
present contender for control
him from all previous Ivan
Genghis Khans. He is enlarg
a universal Communist State (
than the domination achieved
Christendom in the fifteenth
Russia itself in the thirteenth
the Western hemisphere are Il
Whatever cannot be justifiec
ized by dialectical materialis:
imperialism. Taken together
troika with Mr. Stalin at
Nationalism, once so roune
aganda as a bourgeois supei
sanctified into a flexible weapc
momentum of victory carried
where Russian nationalism, as
served to justify the emerging
rediscover its past history, all(
torial losses suffered by the E
Brest Litovsk were recovere(
treaties with the Baltic States
Poland went into that e,'er
Poland, all of Latvia, L i t h u ~
openly reincorporated into t
balance of Poland, all of Ro'U
-:;ntradiction
"'""'p." A survey revealed that
,e''fe hostile, denunciatory, and
cent expressed support and
'Brer, was more than reversed
elf guilty for all the defendants.
60,000 letters and tele
expressions of gratitude
that one letter alone
defamatory.
,;Z}C:e' from well-wishers during
which restrained law
a judge on the bench
present writer is dubious on
again the heavy handicap
conflict with the disciples
attack without scruple
is expected to observe
of decency under condi
sst cause and even to destruc
Justice Jackson of
itates doubtless had the same
1949, when he asserted, in
a case involving freedom of
113e! its doctrinaire logic with
cert the Constitution's Bill of
'(>
hvo prime considerations
of the Soviet Union is
Acheson or Senator Austin or
::at. The chosen delegates per
'.1rtain are branded and sealed
lussian people, whether under
,we been mute instruments of
Romanovs relied on love for
the "Party line." The second
. Stalin's hand in his bid for
139
total power is the adroit combination of Russian nationalism and
Russian imperialism. Both are attractive arguments on the domestic
front where dialectical' materialism might be caviar to plebeian
taste. Marxian Communism has been re-enforced with an organ
ized messianic urge, a universalism unknown to the Tzars and less
brash than the grossness of the shelved Third International. Stalin
has hitched dialectical materialism to the Russian troika which has
always been galloping across snowbound steppes toward warm
water ports and the open sea. The driver and horses may change
but the direction is constant. It is the dynamism resulting from
these three component elements Russian nationalism, Russian
imperialism, and Marxian Communism which characterizes the .
present contender for control of Europe and Asia and distinguishes
him from all previous Ivans, Yermaks, Attilas, Genserics, and
Genghis Khans. He is enlarging the Russian National State into
a universal Communist State comparable to but far more ambitious
than the domination achieved by the Ottoman Empire over Eastern
Christendom in the fifteenth century and by the Mongols over
Russia itself in the thirteenth century. Western Europe and even
the Western hemisphere are not outside the orbit of his hopes.
Whatever cannot be justified by defensive nationalism is rational
ized by dialectical materialism. Both are then yoked to Russian
imperialism. Taken together they constitute the present Russian
troika with Mr. Stalin at the reins.
Nationalism, once so roundly condemned in Communist prop
aganda as a bourgeOis superstition, has been legitimatized and
sanctified into a flexible weapon of defense and counterattack. The
momentum of victory carried the Red Army into areas of Europe
where Russian nationalism, as a mechanism of defense, no longer
served to justify the emerging pattern. Soviet Russia continued to
rediscover its past history, and imperialism was reborn. The terri
torial losses suffered by the Russian Empire under the Treaty of
Brest Litovsk were recovered by easy military occupation;' all
treaties with the Baltic States and the nonagression covenant with
Poland went into that ever ready dustbin of history. Half of
Poland, all of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Bessarabia were
openly reincorporated into the expanding Soviet Empire. The
balance of Poland, all of Roumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Albania,
140
and Czechoslovakia became satellites by the infiltration technique.
China, always an objective of Russian imperialism, even under the
Tzars, next fell within Communist control. Then came Korea. If the
awakened appetite for aggresion remains unsatiated, the way is
now open to advance on Hong Kong, Thailand, Iran, Burma,
Malaya, Indochina, Tibet, and the ultimate grand prize of India
and Pakistan. On that vast continent of Asiatics live half the
popUlation of the world.
It will not do to console ourselves with historical references to
China's habit of absorbing her conquerors when the dust has
settled; that will furnish excellent gymnastics for the dialectical
skill of future historians generations hence. It offers no solution
for present problems of statecraft and military defense. Someone
in high place listened too easily to the soothing assurances that
Chinese Communists were in reality only "agrarian reformers." We
now know better in that instance, and we cannot wait for the
centuries to ratify or disprove the appeasers. A new world is being
born in Asia and old cliches sound thin and unconvincing in the
tumult of widespread revolution attending the passing of colonial
empires. Nor will speculation on futurities cancel out two grim
facts: the once friendly harbors of the China coast are now at
the disposal of an air-minded enemy who is simultaneously creating
a formidable Russian navy, and the once friendly people of China
have gone behind a new Iron Curtain as did Poland, Hungary,
Bulgaria, and Roumania. Equally tragic are the
consequences in the field of human relationships. Friendship with
the Chinese people and reciprocal confidence once constituted a
cardinal principle of American foreign policy. That traditional
amity is being systematically corrupted by the poisonous barrage
of hatred now being poured into their ears. Synchronized with the
, consistent and raw falsehoods of Soviet propaganda, this organized
distortion of truth has remained a constant factor in the Marxist
formula of class hatred as a prelude to class warfare. There is a rich
if melancholy field of scientific research awaiting the sociologist
who will set himself the task of producing a documented volume
on the power of the lie as a force in history.
It is cold comfort but a necessary audit at this point to recall
that when Lenin began translating the complexities of Marxian
Dialectical 'J.t
metaphysics into the hard reG
from Switzerland in April, 1
followers. Some records put
he became dictator on N oven
to 175,000 in a population th
thirty-four years later, the P'
and influences directly or inc
the human race, possibly 80{
of Europe one of every two
policies dictated by the Politic
Party. With the momentum a,
the same proportions now tlrr<
consequences? Even the nvo
jected to the Communist empt
foreign and domestic policy
influenced and often conditio!
Fpr the sociologist and psyc
ing possibility in the field cf
international consequences if u
succeed in producing more
Hexes become slowly habitua
petual resistance and underg
consonant with human nature,
will live in a state of perpetu
and the turmoil cannot eSG
worst were to happen and
tion and fatigue, habits of th(
gressively degenerate into a I
give rise to a new and
inevitable. That is precisely
nizers of Soviet military pow'
J.
OJhra
d'
tC
t'
wn
the infiltration technique.
imperialism, even under the
:i:::trol. Then came Korea. If the
emains unsatiated, the way is
Thailand, Iran, Burma,
d:L."Tlate grand prize of India
:cTIt of Asiatics live half the
::3 Wlm historical references to
when the dust has
for the dialectical
It offers no. solution
:=:d military defense. Someone
soothing assurances that
"agrarian refarmers." We
we cannot wait for the
A new world is being
and unconvincing in the
:ending the passing af calanial
-2turities cancel aut twa grim
: "he China coast are now at
is Simultaneously creating
cnce friendly people af China
:tain as did Poland, Hungary,
!!lania. Equally tragic are the
relationships. Friendship with
confidence once canstituted a
reign policy. That traditional
:ted by the paisonous barrage
:-IT ears. Synchronized with the
iet propaganda, this organized
constant factor in the Marxist
~ J class warfare. There is a rich
earch awaiting the sOciolagist
)ducing a documented valume
in history.
y audit at this paint to recall
the camplexities of Marxian
141
metaphysics into. the hard realities of life in Russia on his return
from Switzerland in April, 1917, he had possibly 75,000-80,000
followers. Some records put the figure as low as 40,000. When
he became dictator on November 7, his Bolsheviks had increased
to 175,000 in a population then estimated at 150,000,000. Today,
thirty-four years later, the pawer of the Kremlin reaches dawn
and influences directly or indirectly, something like ane third of
the human race, possibly 800,000,000 persons. On the cantinent
of Europe one of every two inhabitants lives under controls and
policies dictated by the Political Bureau of the Russian Communist
Party. With the momentum acquired by the Revolution in China,
the same proportions now threaten for Asia. Who shall predict the
consequences? Even the two thirds of humanity not directly sub
jected to the Communist empire are vitally affected by it, since the
foreign and domestic policy of every government is profoundly
influenced and often conditioned by what the Kremlin daes.
Fpr the sociologist and psychiatrist there arises another disturb
ing possibility in the field of human behavior. What will be the
international consequences if the Soviet government and its satellites
succeed in producing more generations whose psychological re
flexes became slowly habituated to the Marxist pattern? If per
petual resistance and underground conspiracy results, as seems
consonant with human nature, a large part af the world population
will live in a state of perpetual siege, the repercussions of which
and the turmoil cannot escape being felt everywhere. If the
worst were to. happen and the Russian peaple succumb to. frustra
tion and fatigue, habits of thought could result which cauld pra
gressively degenerate into a new pattern of canduct which cauld
give rise to a new and frightening culture of resignation to the
inevitable. That is precisely what Communist thinkers and orga
nizers af Soviet military power predict.
BOO
The Was
S J " B d A P d : ) , S " B . M . d q l
I I ) 1 0 0 H
CHAP
Soviet Tactics an
IN 19Z7 a delegation of fill
in Moscow and exchanged vie
real co-operation with Commu
he frankly pictured the future
prophecy directed toward the
course of further developmen
predicted, "two centers will :
struggle between these two cen
economy will decide the fate O!
whole world."
Here we have plain talk from
the United States is amplified
writings and addresses, in WIDe
America as "the chief country
expressed the same c o n v i c t i ~ n
Stassen in 1947. On other oec:
leading representatives of
May 6, 1929, Mr. Stalin intima
case for the Communist nuter::;
power of American capitalism.
come to the United States
cycle. But that it must come is a
present in Communist \.U.1J../."'-Lll,;;:'
CHAPTER VI
IN 1927 a delegation of American wodrers visited Mr. Stalin
in Moscow and exchanged views with him on the possibility of
real co-operation with Communist Russia. During the interview,
he frankly pictured the future zigzag of Soviet policy, adding a
prophecy directed toward the United States. " ... Thus, in the
course of further development of international revolution," he
predicted, "two centers will form on a world scale.... The
struggle between these two centers for the possession of the world
economy will decide the fate of capitalism and communism in the
whole world."
Here we have plain talk: from an expert. His general estimate of
the United States is amplified by numerous passages in his other
writings and addresses, in which he refers to the United States of
America as "the chief country of capitalism, its stronghold." He
expressed the same conviction in the interview with Governor
Stassen in 1947. On other occasions, notably in conference with
leading representatives of the American Communist Party on
May 6, 1929, Mr. Stalin intimated that America will be a tough
case for the Communist nutcracker because of the strength and
power of American capitalism. Social revolution, he thought, will
come to the United States only at the end of the revolutionary
cycle. But that it must come is a cold, intellectual supposition always
present in Communist thinking and never doubted by Mr. Stalin.
145
146
The Wasted Years
He urged his visitors to greater efficiency in hastening the revolu
tion in the United States.
It was on February 9, 1946, however, that Mr. Stalin in a public
address dropped all pretense at honest co-operation and openly
proclaimed that World War II was not due to diplomatic inefficiency
among negotiators, but to that old enemy, modem capitalism. He
argued that wars are inevitable in the future so long as capitalism
as a system continues to exist. Agreement and peaceful settlement
is impossible . . . "under present capitalist conditions of the
development of world economy." Coexistence of the two systems
in a permanent balance of power is not possible in Mr. Stalin's
logistiCS, though a truce is always possible - particularly when the
Soviet Union is faced with a dangerous emergency. Such a ,tempo
rary truce became advisable when Hitler invaded Russia in 1941.
To dramatize the situation, Stalin dissolved the Third International.
The Political Bureau of the Party, those fourteen men blessed
with a passion for anonymity who direct world unrest from the
Kremlin, are experienced strategists and flexible tacticians. They
are realists and cautious planners: though fanatic in their thought.
Hence, their reaction to American foreign policy will be of a far
diHerent type from the line employed against Finland or Turkey
or Norway or Iran or Korea. Such contiguous countries possess
little depth in defense and can expect but little respect for their
material power or capacity for resistance when the cards are down.
But in the case of the United States extreme caution is indicated,
in view of the demonstrated ability of this country to wage a
devastating campaign once its industrial resources are mobilized
and its man power summoned to technolOgical warfare. If outright
attack on America is not among the probabilities at the present time,
it could take place with ruthless speed if some internal disaster, such
as a paralyzing industrial crisis, overtook us. Since this hoped-for
depreSSion, long entertained in Moscow, has not yet been realized,
a revision of the Kremlin's timetable is probably in progress.
Although amazing the world by the audacity of its maneuvers
in eastern and central Europe, the Kremlin's assault there has been
largely of the indirect and covert kind. The Politburo is letting
the satellites carry the ball and harass the opposing team by con
stant fouls, brass knuckles in the scrimmages, and brazen defiance
Soviet Tactics and
of rules. The offensive has been
and carefully chosen areas. In E
on their home grounds and know
extension is not unknown to the .
each move have been carefully
prove fatal. This caution seeme(
China, where Moscow appeared
allies push their advantage too fa
She was not sure how far she COl
ship there. But the inhibition 1
a tempting prize, and the red tj
lessly southward and eastward
new conquest of vast territory
diplomatic defeat administered I
Although prophecy is the most
tion, there are, nevertheless, certa
which warrant consideration. Fir
record that Soviet Russia, althoui
launched an outright and
designated victim since the
risk has not been necessary. The
by means short of armed force
fare, but by the indirect approad
by gunrunning to satellites as b
by progreSSive domestic
trained in the academies of reva
Regiments of experts have h
Foreign Legion in recent times
the designated fields of
engineers of crisis was
Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. ']
and boring from within, in Fran
china, Burma, Indonesia, and :.
distinctly felt in Japan, though
vigilant administration of Genera.
licensed demolition squads
in a chain of training schools cor",
a classical demonstration of
ed Years
Bciency in hastening the revolu
-ever, that Mr. Stalin in a public
honest co-operation and openly
[lot due to diplomatic inefficiency
enemy, modem capitalism. He
future so long as capitalism
"cement and peaceful settlement
nt capitalist conditions of the
Coexistence of the two systems
, is not possible in Mr. Stalin's
possible - particularly when the
:iDUS emergency. Such a tempo-
Hitler invaded Russia in 1941.
issolved the Third International.
those fourteen men blessed
:;, direct world unrest from the
ts and flexible tacticians. They
though fanatic in their thought.
foreign policy will be of a far
;;ed against Finland or Turkey
h contiguous countries possess
but little respect for their
tance when the cards are down.
os extreme caution is indicated,
of this country to wage a
nstrial resources are mobilized
dmological warfare. If outright
at the present time,
d: if some internal disaster, such
=rtook us. Since this hoped-for
c-ow, has not yet been realized,
:; is probably in progress.
the audacity of its maneuvers
:remlin's assault there has been
kind. The Politburo is letting
ass the opposing team by con
immages, and brazen defiance
Soviet Tactics and Soviet Geopolitics 147
of rules. The offensive has been limited, moreover, to prescribed
and carefully chosen areas. In Europe and Asia they are playing
on their home grounds and know the hazards. But the risk of over
extension is not unknown to the planners, and the consequences of
each move have been carefully calculated. Miscalculation could
prove fatal. This caution seemed at one time to be operating in
China, where Moscow appeared reluctant to have her Communist
allies push their advantage too fast, too far, or too indiscriminately.
She was not sure how far she could trust the present native leader
ship there. But the inhibition proved ineffective in the face of
a tempting prize, and the red tide of conquest has rolled relent
lessly southward and eastward to the China Sea. Moreover, the
new conquest of vast territory in Asia has served to offset the
diplomatic defeat administered by the airlift in the West.
Although prophecy is the most hazardous form of human specula
tion, there are, nevertheless, certain salient facts in the present case
which warrant consideration. First and foremost stands the fact of
record that Soviet Russia, although blustering against Tito, has not
launched an outright and aggressive military attack against any
deSignated victim since the defeat of Hitler and Japan. Such a
risk has not been necessary. The Politburo has achieved its purpose
by means short of armed force - by not firing a shot in open war
fare, but by the indirect approach, by infiltration of trusted agents,
by gunrunning to satellites as in the Chinese invasion of Korea, and
by progressive domestic revolution engineered by technicians
trained in the academies of revolt at Moscow and elsewhere.
Regiments of experts have been schooled for the Communist
Foreign Legion in recent times and dispatched systematically to
the designated fields of combat. The tactical success of these
engineers of crisis was notable in Roumania, Bulgaria, Poland,
Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. They are still working assiduously
and boring frdin within, in France, Italy, Germany, Austria, Indo
china, Burma, Indonesia, and Malaya. Their influence has been
distinctly felt in Japan, though waning now under the firm and
vigilant administration of General MacArthur. In the United States,
licensed demolition squads of native Communists were coached
in a chain of training schools conducted in key cities; they furnished
a classical demonstration of their technique during the trial before
148 The Wasted Years
Judge Medina in New York, in 1949. A more subtle form of attack
by espionage was revealed in the confessions of Mr. Julian Wad
leigh and the former wife of Gerhard Eisler, by Mr. Budenz,
Whittaker Chambers, and Miss Bentley.
Then, too, the Kremlin has doubtless taken into account material
conditions of life in Russia subsequent to the Nazi invasion. The
vast areas of devastated countryside, the economic setback, the
destruction of industrial equipment, and the cruel suffering in
flicted on the Russian people by the Nazi invader have left the
Politburo with an exhausted, war-weary people on its hands.
Although the capacity for punishment and the ability to suffer
incredible hardships are known qualities of the Russian people
and were a source of perpetual amazement to us who worked
among them during the great famine, the continuing and still
unrelieved burdens of thirty-four years of constant sacrifice, priva
tion, and tension in a land already plagued by a lowered standard
of living, could bring about a total collapse of human endurance
if another crushing war effort were now demanded of them. The
prevalence of Draconian living conditions and the general drabness
of life reveal themselves whenever the Iron Curtain is raised even
by the fraction made possible through the escape of Soviet citizens
whose testimony in that respect is mounting: by Mrs. Kosenkina,
who flung herself from an open window in New York rather than
return to the Utopia; by the Russian flyers who escaped at the first
opportunity and headed for the freer atmosphere of the West;
by the former Soviet citizens whose tale is told in Louis Fischer's
..
recent book Thirteen Who Fled; by six disillusioned ex-Communists
who confessed their e.ITors in The God That Failed; by writers with
first-hand experience in the symposium, Verdict of Three Decades;
and by that mounting number of refugees who daily seek to reach
the American zone of Germany and Austria. From their reports,
and from such other intelligence as is available, cerlain probabil
ities may reasonably be deduced.
To repair the damage inflicted by the Nazi invasion, mobilize
the necessary armament for a full-scale war, and equip the man
power for such total warfare as would ensue in an atomic age
is a task that must give pause even to the masters of a slave
economy in a totalitarian State. Hence, it would seem more prob-
Soviet Tactics an!
able that the immediate effort v;
and organization of war potent
Communist leaders can be so 1
both within Russia and in the
conflict with the power of Arner
States has been crippled orl
devastating surprise attack. Rat
writing, points to a program of
thus achieving seven objectives
1. The strengthening of
forced support - among the Ru:s
countries by an impressive shu.,;
by pointing to the success
Europe and China.
2. The weaning away of any
adherence to the ideals of ,y,
strengthening of subversive rom
3. The unifying and armin ~
consolidation of Communist
Iran, and Korea.
4. Obstruction of the Marshal
capitalizing on the lowered
and covert assistance to ComITn
5. Ruination of the North
counterpressures, and by
By cultivating a feeling of
propagandizing the spectacle
the cockpit of another ruinous
some States to decide on a
Soviet-American hostilities.
As for eastern Germany, the 0;'
Those who hate Soviet Russia a:
already escaped in large numb
daily doing so. Those who I"e
intensive form of Sovietization
In addition to the Red Army
men, the Volkspolizei, which
estimated at over 50,000. Orga
'd Years
1. A more subtle form of attack
:onfessions of Mr. Julian Wad
Ehard Eisler, by Mr. Budenz,
taken into account material
lent to the Nazi invasion. The
the economic setback, the
.t, and the cruel suffering in
he Nazi invader have left the
:-';rreary people on its hands.
:lent and the ability to suffer
of the Russian people
mazement to us who worked
:tine, the continuing and still
an of constant sacrifice, priva
)lagued by a lowered standard
collapse of human endurance
now demanded of them. The
lions and the general drabness
he Iron Curtain is raised even
h the escape of Soviet citizens
nounting: by Mrs. Kosenkina,
dow in New York rather than
who escaped at the first
eer atmosphere of the West;
is told in Louis Fischer's
b:: disillusioned ex-Communists
d That Failed; by writers with
m, Verdict of Three Decades;
.lgees who daily seek to reach
Austria. From their reports,
is available, ceJtain probabil
, the Nazi invasion, mobilize
;ale war, and equip the man
mId ensue in an atomic age
n to the masters of a slave
:e, it would seem more prob-
149
able that the immediate effort will be one of continued preparation
and organization of war potential, particularly in heavy industry,
both within Russia and in the satellite countries. Few informed
Communist leaders can be so unrealistic as to court open armed
conflict with the power of America at this time - unless the United
States has been Crippled or can be caught unaware in some
devastating surprise attack. Rather, Soviet strategy, at the present
writing, points to a program of prolonging the war of nerves and
thus achieving seven objectives:
1. The strengthening of domestic SUppOlt even though it be
forced support - among the Russian population and in the satellite
countries by an impressive show of power and determination, and
by pointing to the success of Soviet foreign policy in eastern
Europe and China.
2. The weaning away of any wavering European opinion from
adherence to the ideals of Western democracy; meanwhile, the
strengthening of subversive movements in Latin America.
S. The unifying and arming of Cominform States and the
consolidation of Communist gains in China, Indochina, Manchuria,
Iran, and Korea.
4. Obstruction of the Marshall Plan for the recovery of Europe;
capitalizing on the lowered prestige of America in the Far East,
and covert assistance to Communist China.
5. Ruination of the North Atlantic Alliance by intimidation,
counterpressures, and by easily interpreted threats of reprisal.
By cultivating a feeling of futility in a tired Europe and by
propagandizing the spectacle of their countries again becoming
the cockpit of another ruinous conflict, Moscow hopes to lead
some States to decide on a polic);, of neutrality in the event of
Soviet-American hostilities.
As for eastern Germany, the conquest of loyalty is well advanced.
Those who hate Soviet Russia and hence cannot be relied on have
already escaped in large numbers to the western zones - or. are
daily doing so. Those who remain are being subjected to an
intensive form of Sovietization adapted to German environment.
In addition to the Red Army of occupation, numbering 250,000
men, the Volkspolizei, which has already been mentioned, is
estimated at over 50,000. Organized as a People's Police, these
150 The Wasted Yeats
local reliables are being trained as shock troops to form the
nucleus of a future German Army commanded by former German
officers but controlled by the Communist authorities. On October
18, 1950, the government of West Germany charged that this force
will number 200,000 by the end of 1950. Plans are also on foot
in East Germany to introduce military training of all youths over
18 years of age, a draft which would provide 120,000 conscripts
each year.
A similar recruitment of mercenary troops is in progress in all
satellite lands; these affiliates of the Red Army will serve as the
native spearhead for Moscow's military offensive whenever direct
armed aggression is deemed expedient. From such information as
is now available it has been estimated that these armies of
mercenaries in Europe alone will number two million men by
1952. The invasion of South Korea was the first overt testing of
local stamina on the Asiatic front. The fact that the attempt was,
at first, frustrated there offers no guarantee that it will not be
repeated elsewhere; the miscalculations and errors were corrected
in the ensuing Korean campaign as they were after the initial re
pulse in the attack on Finland in 1939.
B. Assuming that Soviet Russia remains in the United Nations,
enlargement of the Soviet bloc will be sought, by inclusion of
new voices and new votes from the areas which are newly brought
from time to time under Communist control. Each new delegate
and his staff will constitute a new cell in a carefully operating
espionage system on American soil. Domination or continuous
obstruction of proceedings in the Council and the Assembly will
be the Soviet pattern. If, on the contrary, the Politburo decides to
withdraw from the organization (which is among the possibilities)
and create a competing league of Communist States, world peace
will again be subjected to the intrigues and pressures of power
politics. We shall have retrogressed to 1914 - or worse.
7. By prolonging the psychological tension and requiring the
United States to embark on costly rearmament at home and
participation in defense of Europe, a continuing drain on our
budget will result. This process could eventually weaken our
financial structure and by consequence reduce our powers of re
sistance. While costing us dearly, the price is far less crushing in
Soviet Tactics anc
the relatively low-standard-of-li'
Russia. Ruination of .the Unite
death has always figured in tb
highly significant that the Krl
report its monetary condition t
the extent of its rapidly increasi
to be considerable. In a worl
weapon could be dumped into
the tacticians of World Revah
United States.
The patent improvement in t
the clear implications of Gener::
have not escaped the attention
direct hostile move is made
that the men in the Kremlin
as the more advisable tactics. C
ment increases, as more and mOl
military activities, and as the
sively limited in respect to good!
will resume its deadly spiral as(
petition for the dwindling
controls, rationing, black ,..,..,o,.L-.,h
will tend to create internal
freezing of wages. Strikes, if
fusion and possibly violence at
lawed under emergency .vJ:.Ul=....
that America is losing at
pretends to be battling abroad.
disciplined by official action, th
press will be loudly invoked a
the tireless propagandists of the
of psychological entanglement
ground, even as the little men
while he slept.
How deep and how TTnTer",',..;
penetrate became apparent in Ie:
distributed in the State of Xev.
Chinese exhorting the reader tc
1 Years
cs. shock troops to form the
"'UJ-'-'.l<Lll<"'C;U. by former German
;nnist authorities. On October
:::rmany charged that this force
1950. Plans are also on foot
ry training of all youths over
cd provide 120,000 conscripts
Y troops is in progress in all
. Red Army will serve as the
offensive whenever direct
!it. From such information as
mated that these armies of
QT2TIlber two million men by
was the first overt testing of
he fact that the attempt was,
:uarantee that it will not be
ms and errors were corrected
they were after the initial re
mains in the United Nations,
be sought, by inclusion of
Teas which are newly brought
t control. Each new delegate
in a carefully operating
t. Domination or continuous
mncil and the Assembly will
rarv, the Politburo decides to
ch 'is among the possibilities)
Immunist States, world peace
and pressures of power
to 1914 - or worse.
u tension and requiring the
. rearmament at home and
a continuing drain on our
mId eventually weaken our
ce reduce our powers of re
~ price is far less crushing in
151
the relatively low-standard-of-living economy prevalent in Soviet
Russia. Ruination of the United States by financial bleeding to
death has always figured in the hopes of Soviet planners. It is
highly Significant that the Kremlin has steadfastly refused to
report its monetary condition to international agencies or reveal
the extent of its rapidly increasing gold reserve, which is believed
to be considerable. In a world monetary crisis, that reserved
weapon could be dumped into the conflict in whatever manner
the tacticians of World Revolution deem most harmful to the
United States.
The patent improvement in the resisting power of Europe and
the clear implications of General Eisenhower's appointment there
have not escaped the attention of the Politburo. If no major and
direct hostile move is made against the United States, it will mean
that the men in the Kremlin have chosen the slow bleeding process
as the more advisable tactics. Costs will mount for us as rearma
ment increases, as more ,and more men are called to nonproductive
military activities, and as the internal economy becomes progres
sively limited in respect to goods for civilian consumption. Inflation
will resume its deadly spiral ascent as purchasers enter into com
petition for the dWindling supply of available commodities. Price
controls, rationing, black markets, and governmental "crack downs"
will tend to create internal tensions. Labor leaders will oppose
freezing of wages. Strikes, if not outlawed, will create new con
fusion and possibly violence at crucial moments; if they are o u t ~
lawed under emergency legislation, the hue and cry will be raised
that America is losing at home the very liberties for which she
pretends to be battling abroad. If such provocative utterances are
disciplined by official action, the sanctity of free speech and free
press will be loudly invoked against all "muzzling." Meanwhile,
the tireless propagandists of the Left will weave their own strands
of psychological entanglement and seek to bind the giant to the
ground, even as the little men of Lilliput swarmed over Gulliver
while he slept.
How deep and how mysteriously this subversive network can
penetrate became apparent in January, 1951. The official tax forms
distributed in the State of New York bore a printed paragraph in
Chinese exhorting the reader to support Communist policy in the
Far East. Unknown to public authorities, the subversive text had
been added to the regular forms at the last minute, just before they
were mailed to New Yorkers subject to the State tax.
All conjecture, however, respecting the improbability of direct
armed conflict at this time between the United States of America
and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics could be wholly nulli
fied by an unforeseen opportunity ariSing from some sudden shift
in the balance of power. Some inviting crisis in a nearby State
not too remote from Moscow or some other plausible circumstance
of a favorable nature might induce the Politburo to launch its
greatest gamble. But if the present rate of the stabilization and
unification of Europe continues, it may well be several years
before the official Soviet belief in the inevitability of war reaches
the boiling point. The Politburo lost its best chance in the years
of the great demobilization of the West, 1945-1950. But if an attack
is contemplated for an early date, timing is extremely important.
The Soviet High Command knows what winter means; hence,
spring, early summer, and early autumn are times for special
vigilance by intelligence and security agencies.
Decision, however, could be accelerated by desperation. The
North Atlantic Alliance and the appointment of General Eisen
hower to supreme command has introduced profound changes
in the alignnient of forces with which the Politburo has hitherto
been dealing. As Hitler moved by established pattern, isolating
his opponents, then conquering them one after another, so the
Soviet tactics have been to move against its preordained victims
one by one in a sequence determined by the vulnerability of each
and the ripeness of the moment. Hitler had his Henlein in the
Sudetenland as precursor of the rape of Czechoslovakia; he had
hisSeyss-Inquart to soften Austria for the Nazi absorption, and
his Quisling to condition Norway for the Balthazar feast of occupa
tion. That divide-and-conquer formula was disrupted by the
pledged word of the United States and Canada to associate the
power of both with each of ten western European States in a
defensive alliance. Attack on any of them will be considered
henceforth as an attack on all of them. This mobilization of power
resulted in a shift of Soviet attention elsewhere, to the Near and
Far East, i.e., to nonpact countries.
Soviet Tactics and
This wholly new form of allianc
principle of American foreign pol
Doctrine, presents Moscow with
consequences with cold pragmatJ
mitted to function and succeed? \
power were to hesitate for a peri'
its dogma of the inevitability of
results of this solid front stiml
manufactured revolution, to for
defense under Article 51 of the
Is it a question of now or never
were to die?
While these momentous issues a
the satellite psychology of the
into action with tirades of stereol
encirclement of an innocent hUIm
machinations of Wall Street; in
preparation to crush governments
similar accusations are being dire (
of historical logicality and forced
Atlantic Pact by a situation no:
to Soviet Russia's aggr'
wrecking of peace conferences, pn
the vituperation in the Soviet am
bitter indictment of the Pact
Gromyko's stereotypes in the tTnil
1949, and Mr. Malik's follow-up
is to be expected and is not,
danger. They always did that; th
rather a psychological index for
alliance had hit the mark. Damna;
of confusion in timid souls, and
strengthening of non-Communist ;
in the Marxist book.
Stalin's statement in Pravda, 0:::;
published here on February 17,
added little to the record. The orr
ment derived from the fact that
"ed Years
IluTmes, the subversive text had
last minute, just before they
,;:t to the State tax.
the improbability of direct
United States of America
Republics could be wholly nulli
- a,.'":ising from some sudden shift
rniting crisis in a nearby State
:me other plausible circumstance
1C'8 the Politburo to launch its
TIt rate of the stabilization and
it may well be several years
the inevitability of war reaches
ost its best chance in the years
Vest, 1945-1950. But if an attack
, timing is extremely important.
?;'S what winter -means; hence,
autumn are times for special
mty agencies.
::celerated by desperation. The
appointment of General- Eisen
introduced profound changes
the Politburo has hitherto
y established pattern, isolating
b.em one after another, so the
against its preordained victims
led by the vulnerability of each
Hitler had his Henlein in the
ape of Czechoslovakia; he had
, for the Nazi absorption, and
r the Balthazar feast of occupa
rmula was disrupted by the
s and Canada to associate the
western European States in a
of them will be considered
em. This mobilization of power
on elsewhere, to the Near and
153
This wholly new form of alliance, reversing, as it does, a cardinal
principle of American foreign policy which antedates the Monroe
Doctrine, presents Moscow with the necessity of weighing the
consequences with cold pragmatism: Shall this coalition be per
mitted to function and succeed? Would it not be too late if Soviet
power were to hesitate for a period of years before implementing
its dogma of the inevitability of war? Would not the concrete
results of this solid front stimulate other States, marked for
manufactured revolution, to form similar regional groups for
defense under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations?
Is it a question of now or never? What would happen if Stalin
were to die?
While these momentous issues are being debated" in the Kremlin,
the satellite psychology of the fifth and sixth columns is moving
into action with tirades of stereotyped propaganda. Warmongers;
encirclement of an innocent humanitarian State; bankrupt policy;
machinations of Wall Street; imperialism; aggressive coalition;
preparation to crush governments of, for, and by the people, and
similar accusations are being directed against a development born
of historical logicality and forced on the signatories of the North
Atlantic Pact by a situation not of their making but directly
traceable to Soviet Russia's aggressive public policy of menace,
wrecking of peace conferences, and veto. Hence came
the vituperation in the Soviet and its allied press, as well as the
bitter indictment of the Pact by Soviet officials, including Mr.
Gromyko's stereotypes in the United Nations on April 13 and 15,
1949, and Mr. Malik's follow-up throughout August, 1950. All this
is to. be expected and is not, of itself, indicative of immediate
danger. They always did that; the vehemence of the attack was
rather a psychological index for calculating how aptly the new
alliance had hit the mark. Damnation by anticipation, the creation
of confusion in timid souls, and constant denunciation of any
strengthemng of non-Communist resistance are classic procedures
in the Marxist book.
Stalins statement in Pravda, on February 16, 1950, which was
published here on February 17, followed the usual pattern and
added little to the record. The only contribution to our enlighten
ment derived from the fact that the invectives came from the
acknowledged head of the Soviet State, not from a subordinate.
These rare "interviews" by Stalin carry weight mainly because of
their origin and novelty. His denunciations of the United States,
Britain, Canada, and France on February 16, were obviously in
tended to impress the Russian people, since the accusations of war
mongering and aggression charged against the United States are so
palpably false and fantastic that he could hardly expect any reaction
except patient boredom on the part of free nations outside the Iron
Curtain. The interview, however, may have had a purpose. His in
sistence on the peace policy of the Soviet Union and his assurance
that war is not inevitable are familiar stereotypes. To repeat them in
February, 1951, may have been motivated by a feeling of special
urgency. The rearming of the West, the growing spirit of con
fidence observable in western Europe, and the decline of Com
munist strength in Italy and France cannot have failed to influence
the calculations of the Politburo. A zigzag, even thoygh verbal, may
have been deemed prudent, and is good Leninism.
Stalin's strictures on the United Nations, although no different
from similar tirades of Mr. Vyshinski, may, however, have had some
real significance. They were publicly and officially expressed this
time at the highest level and no more authoritative voice remains.
Concern was felt in some quarters that Stalin may be preparing the
Russian people for a proposed withdrawal of the Soviet Union from
membership in the United Nations.
To dominate ruthlessly over every association which Moscow
enters is traditional Kremlin policy. Having failed to prevent the
United Nations from declaring Communist China an aggressor in
Korea, the Politburo retreated to the propaganda sector of its highly
flexible tactics and prepared for the next encounter. Although
domination of the United Nations did not succeed, Russia's rule-or
ruin obsession still remains.
Those familiar with the Soviet record in international relations
will recognize another factor in this unsolved equation. The Polit
buro, consistent with its philosophy of dialectical materialism, has
little respect for the spiritual and the ideal as motives of conduct.
For them it is not the power of values that counts but only the
value of power. In mid-February, 1951, the skyline of the Las Vegas
area of the United States was illuminated and the whole area
Soviet Tactics a n ~
shaken five times by the
This testing of new weapons, tl
hundreds of miles away, was
understood by the master pr2c:
in the Kremlin.
More ominous in the present
silence from Moscow, coupled
nizable meaning, such as the '
personnel from foreign posts, l-h.
unobtrusive but' steady evacuat
from foreign capitals,and a gEn
tion abroad, including withdraw;
would be reserved for the last
should be added a heavy COllCt
ment in selecte'd spots, or UIl
T
.I5
and air power toward the
increased stockpiling of critical
of Soviet merchant ships from.
wave of Communist-led strL'lces
Communist world, then, obviousl
tions of the form of things to (
We should be particularly
were to relax its preparations
zone. It has been asserted bv
America would most probably c
and the United States, in the X
point, across a bare sixty-tv.-o E
and Kamchatka, numerous ne"
By her presence in Manchuria,
Soviet power now encircles T"'-1
American forces under Gene;a1
other geographical consideratioCl
Soviet geopolitics which
a special Significance in the orr
has already referred to Alaska
an alien power."12
12 On February 22, 1951, announce:
the Joint Chiefs of Staff to withdzaw
Years
it State, not from a subordplate.
weight mainly because of
11l!.l1ciations of the United States,
February 16, were obviously in
since the accusations of war-
against the United States are so
~ f:;JUld hardly expect any reaction
IT of free nations outside the Iron
may have had a purpose. His in
e Soviet Union and his assurance
jar stereotypes. To repeat them in
notivated by a feeling of special
the growing spirit of con
urope, and the decline of Com
:ce cannot have failed to influence
l zigzag, even though verbal, may
good Leninism.
(fNations, although no different
may, however, have had some
tidy and officially expressed this
nore authoritative voice remains.
that Stalin may be preparing the
b.drawal of the Soviet Union from
,.
very association which Moscow
;y. Having failed to prevent the
ommunist China an aggressor in
Ie propaganda sector of its highly
. the next encounter. Although
did not succeed, Russia's rule-or
record in international relations
Us unsolved equation. The Polit
lY of dialectical materialism, has
the ideal as motives of conduct.
values that counts but only the
.951, the skyline of the Las Vegas
Iluminated and the whole area
shaken five times by the explosion of a series of atomic bombs.
This testing of new weapons, the repercussion of which was felt
hundreds of miles away, was undoubtedly noted and the meaning
understood by the master practitioners of psychological warfare
in the ,Kremlin.
More ominous in the present circumstances would be complete
silence from Moscow, coupled with concrete measures of recog
nizable meaning, such as the withdrawal of leading diplomatic
personnel from foreign posts, the closing of Soviet consulates, the
unobh'Usive but' steady evacuation of their women and children
from foreign capitals, and a general retreat of Russian representa
tion abroad, including withdrawal from the United Nations, which
would be reserved for the last moment. If to such storm signals
should be added a heavy concentration of troops and war equip
ment in selected spots, or unusual movements of military forces
and air power toward the frontiers of Russia and its satellites,
increased stockpiling of critical raw materials, the calling home
of Soviet merchant ships from the high seas, and a co-ordinated
wave of Communist-led strikes in strategic centers of the non
Communist world, then, obviously, we should have specific indica
tions of the form of things to come.
We should be particularly recreant to duty if public policy
were to relax its preparations for defense of Alaska and the Arctic
zone. It has been asserted by informed experts that an attack on
America would most probably come across the polar seas. Russia
and the United States, in the Northwest, face each other, at one
point, across a bare sixty-two miles of water .. Beyond, in Siberia
and Kamchatka, numerous new air bases have been reported.
By her presence in Manchuria, Sakhalin Island, and the Kuriles,
Soviet power now encirc1es Japan and stands watch over the
American forces under General MacArthur. These and certain
other geographical considerations reveal an unfolding pattern of
Soviet geopolitics which should not be overlooked. And there is
a special significance in the ominous fact that the Soviet press
has already referred to Alaska as Soviet territory in the hands of
an alien power."12
12 On February 22, 1951, announcement was made of a decision taken by
the Joint Chiefs of Staff to withdraw all combat military forces from certain
156
The Wasted Years
The writer of these lines is well aware of the hazard he
assumes by even analyzing the logistics of Soviet Russia's present
geographical position. 'Warmongering" is the facile answer and
the usual reply; but that is a risk inseparable from a subject in
which even bare commentary makes the commentator a Guelph
to the Ghibellines, a Ghibelline to the Guelphs. It will be remem
bered that Nazi Germany made its own the celebrated theory of
the British geographer, Sir Halford Mackinder, respecting the
influence of geographical environment on history. As early as
1904 and again in 1919 and finally in 1944, he warned the Western
World that the pivot of history lay in that vast inner land
mass of Eurasia to which he gave the picturesque title of the
Heartland. Describing it as roughly coinciding ,vith what is now
Soviet territory, he declared, with extraordinary foresight, that if
this natural fortress, inaccessible as it is to sea power, should
ever be properly garrisoned militarily and developed economically
by a virile people, it could become the center of an empire
capable of ruling the world. Mackinder's brilliant hypothesiS
. ended with the warning: "Who rules East Europe commands the
Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the world island;
who rules the world island commands the world."
This thoughtful condensation of much human history and ac
curate observation of the influence of geography on history was
conceived and formulated, to be sure, in an age when air power
had not yet become a major component of military potential.
Hence, the theory has been modified, but not entirely canceled
out by the coming of the age of air power. Soviet Russia, con
sciously or unconsciously, is supplying the deficiency in terms of
military aviation. I believe the unknown geopoliticians behind the
Iron Curtain have adapted Mackinder's formula to the new cir-
COMMUNIST DRn-E
. exposed points in western Alaska and in the outer Aleutian Islands. These
( 1) Three Baltic nations annexed
measures were taken as planned tactics and in order the better to
U.S.S.R.
defend critical areas in case of war. shift in deployment of forces was
(2) Communist - dominated Go,"e
approved by a group of U. S. senators who had visited Alaska and examined
ment organized.
military preparedness. By withdrawing from indefensible pOSitions on the
(3) Tito, Communist leader, is nan:
periphery and concentrating ground and air forces at more advantageous .
Premier.
points, the Joint Chiefs of Staff considered the defense of the territory to be
(4) Groza becomes Premier ml,
now improved, not weakened. It was still admitted that: "The security of every
Soviet pressure.
American home begins in the snows of Alaska."
ted Years
',i.'ell aware of the hazard he
of Soviet Russia's present
is the facile answer and
;k inseparable from a subject in
the commentator a Guelph
Guelphs. It will be rem em
iiS own the celebrated theory of
:Mackinder, respecting the
l1Jment on history. As early as
1944, he warned the Western
in that vast inner land
picturesque title of the
coinciding with what is now
extraordinary foresight, that if
as it is to sea power, should
and developed economically
:\Ome the center of an empire
,!ackinder's brilliant hypothesis
East Europe commands the
nd. commands the world island;
ands the world."
much human history and ac
of geography on history was
;:m-e, in an age when air power
\mponent of military potential.
med, but not entirely canceled
air power. Soviet Russia, con
the deficiency in terms of
:no\v'1l geopoliticians behind the
formula to the new cir
n the outer Aleutian Islands. These
,- tactics and in order the better to
shift in deployment of forces was
,-ha had visited Alaska and examined
from indefensible positions on the
d air forces at mare advantageous
,d the defense of the territory to be
admitted that; "The security of every
laska."
fori/.
Sea.
COMMUNIST DRIVE WESTWARD SINCE 1939
( I) Three Baltic nations annexed by
U.S.S.R.
(2) Communist - dominated Govern
ment organized.
(3) Tito, Communist leader, is named
Premier.
( 4) Groza becomes Premier under
Soviet pressure.
(5) "People's republic" is officially
proclaimed.
(6) Communists consolidate control
in elections.
(7) Cabinet change gives Commu
nists power.
( 8) Communists take over Govern
ment in coup.
COURTESY NEW YORK TIMES AND LUCAS
COMMUNIST GAINS, TERRITORIALLY, IN
EUROPE SINCE 1939
Country
Estonia
Latvia .
Lithuania
Poland .
Czechoslovakia
Hungary
Roumania
Bulgaria
Albania
Yugoslavia
(Communist, but not Soviet satellite)
Communist Europe
Area, in Square Miles
18,353
25,402
21,489
149,958
54,196
35,875
113,887
39,825
10,629
469,614
96,010
565,624
COURTESY NEW YORK TIMES AND LUCAS MANDITCH
Soviet Tactics and So
cumstances of the air age. They
shifted some elements and emphasiz
solidation of land power in central 2.11
them free to accelerate control of TI
the world island. It may well be 1
controls the rimlands of Europe and " ~
of the World Revolution." The gr
especially of submarines, is not witha,,,
We may assume that the planne
Kremlin have drawn their specmcc:
terms of the resources at their dispos;
of the opposing forces. There are
of prime importance because of
States there clustered together. Ka
supply, population, economic resourc:
and political organization, and
to render such regions recognizable a
to less favored areas. Three such
today - all situated north of the
The first coincides broadly
Politburo sits: it comprises Europ
eastern and southeastern Europe,
Europe, including Britain. A second
political power, though of variable
lies at the eastern end of the Em;
Japan, Manchuria,' the ~ maritime F
teeming lands that stretch into sm;
The third center arose in the transati:
power potential located in that a ~
includes the eastern regions of the L
Canada.
All three of these power centers :
within which the major events of .
within that complex are found the t1:
civilization, Rome, Athens, and Jer
points of Oriental thought and religi(
out that these regions accommodati.
human race, although covering but
TERRITORIALLY, IN
~ I S C E 1939
Area, in Square Miles
18,353
25,402
21,489
149,958
54,196
35,875
113,887
39,825
10,629
469,614
96,010
565,624
::SY :NEW YORK TIMES AND LUCAS MANDITCH
cumstances of the air age. They have probably changed and
shifted some elements and emphasized others, so that their con
solidation of land power in central and eastern Europe now leaves
them free to accelerate control of marginal lands on the rim of
the world island. It may well be that they are saying: <Who
controls the rimlands of Europe and Asia can protect the Heartland
of the World Revolution." The growth of Soviet sea power,
espeCially of submarines, is not without meaning in such a program.
We may assume that the planners of global strategy in the
Kremlin have drawn their speCifications for a world State in
terms of the resources at their disposal and with due consideration
of the opposing forces. There are certain geographical regions
of prime importance because of the number and quality of the
States there clustered together. Natural location, climate, food
supply, population, economic resources, industrial potential, social
and political organization, and cultural development all coalesce
to render such regions recognizable as reservoirs of power superior
to less favored areas. Three such power centers exist in the world
today - all situated north of the equator.
The first coincides broadly with the area within which the
Politburo sits: it comprises European Russia, central Europe,
eastern and southeastern Europe, and terminates in western
Europe, including Britain. A second concentration of natural and
political power, though of variable and less developed character,
lies at the eastern end of the Eurasian plateau: China, Korea,
Japan, Manchuria, the 4 maritime provinces of Russia, and the
teeming lands that stretch into southern and southeastern Asia.
The third center arose in the transatlantic world with the principal
power potential located in that area of North America which
includes the eastern regions of the United States and southeastern
Canada.
All three of these power centers lie in the beneficent latitudes,
within which the major events of world history have occurred;
within that complex are found the three fountainheads of Western
civilization, Rome, Athens, and Jerusalem, as well as the focal
points of Oriental thought and religions. Geographers have pOinted
out that these regions accommodate nearly three fourths of the
human race, although covering but one eighth of the land surface
.
of the earth. They are the favored spots of nature, richly endowed
in many instances, potentially productive in others. Effective
control of them by anyone political force could guarantee
world empire.
Considering the first of these strategic areas we find that the
eastern half of it is already controlled by Soviet Russia. Out
side the Iron Cmtain, reaching to the English Channel, the North
Sea, and the Mediterranean, lie the critical non-Communist regious
of the West which the Marshall Plan visualizes as the last strong
hold of freedom, democracy, and Christianity in Europe. The
second power center, already occupied by Soviet Russia in the
north and in process of being rapidly absorbed into the Com
munist orbit in the southeast, is the present major theater of
operations in the open conflict between World Communism and
the non-Communist States of the Far East.
The remaining power center in the Atlantic world is as yet
free from direct and overt assault by the Revolution. Distance
has conferred a temporary immunity; youthful vigor, reSiliency,
and awakened consciousness by Americans of their inherent power
have induced considerable caution in the Kremlin. Hence the
conflict here remains in the preliminary stages of ideological war
fare, diplomatic skirmishing, infiltration, manufactured confusion,
and espionage. On Mr. Stalin's showing, however, the final act
of this world drama will be played out between this formidable
power center in the West and the Oriental strongholds of World
Communism. Meanwhile the Revolution is consolidating its position
in the old world by geographic stages and by measures which
become significant when viewed in their totality and in the
relationship of each to the master pattern.
a map of the world and follow with your finger the
creepmg progress of the Soviet empire since the disappearance
of the Nazi and the Japanese empires. Through Pechenga on the
north, acquired from Finland by force, she now has a new outlet
to the Atlantic. Drop a line from that point, through central
Europe, to Albania, her satellite on the Adriatic, noting as you
Yugoslavia, . to be when Stalin:Snally
deCIdes to deal Wlth TIto. Through Albama, on the fringe of her
power, she has access to the Adriatic and, hence, to the Mediter-
Soviet Tactics
ranean. Her march toward Gree(
Doctrine and her hopes for Com
frustrated with American assis::ar
the Hellenic world, she would l:i
power firmly in the western
to a corresponding eastern anchD:
a factor in her planning. But b
Spain, which go back even befar<
far by the tough hidalgos. Should
civil war in the Iberian Penm
satellite Communist State such
assumes will follow a domestic
the next target. Istanbul and
large in the expansionist progn
this craving for that trarutioll'S
Tzars, has not been neglected by
concessions have been demandE
but denied with equal dete:rmir:
backed up by American economi,
be renewed at a propitious mo
Meanwhile the atmosphere of
that psychological tension and t
the Dardanelles which Moscow
of 'nerves. The measure of
for free exit through the Dardan
European statesman has gone s
publicly that Russia should
and France so declared in 1916;
tween Moscow and Constantino]
to the ancient capital of the By
a wholly different significance, in
of World Revolution and the hop
governments such as Turkey. Tl:
as :we have already noted, whal
inherited tzarist tradition. TIlls
process of opening up new ten
was noted by the greatest of Rill
as the principal, fundamental fal
Years
~ spots of nature, richly endowed
productive in others. Effective
political force could guarantee
strategic areas we find that the
ltwlled by Soviet Russia. Out
the English Channel, the North
e critical non-Communist regions
visualizes as the last strong
d Christianity in Europe. The
::npied by Soviet Russia in the
:ipidly absorbed into the Com
the present major theater of
:v,veen World Communism and
'ar East.
:1 the Atlantic world is as yet
it by the Revolution. Distance
youthful vigor, resiliency,
lericans of their inherent power
n in the Kremlin. Hence the
mary stages of ideolOgical war
anon, manufactured confusion,
lOwing, however, the nal act
d out between this formidable
Oriental strongholds of World
lion is consolidating its position
cages and by measures which
in their totality and in the
pattern.
follow with your finger the
:lpire since the disappearance
res. Through Pechenga on the
:ce, she now has a new outlet
l that point, through central
1 the Adriatic, noting as you
)ossessed when Stalin finally
.!\1bania, on the fringe of her
c and, hence, to the Mediter-
159
ranean. Her march toward Greece was countered by the Truman
Doctrine and her hopes for Communist triumph there have been
frustrated with American assistance. Had her plans succeeded in
the Hellenic world, she would have been enabled to anchor her
power firmly in the western end of the Mediterranean, then turn
to a corresponding eastern anchor in Spain, which always remains
a factor in her planning. But her hopes for gaining control of
Spain, which go back even before 1935, have been frustrated thus
far by the tough hidalgos. Should she finally succeed ill fomenting
civil war in the Iberian Peninsula, with the !lmergence of a
satellite Communist State such as the Marxist pattern always
assumes will follow a domestic revolution, Gibraltar would be
the next target. Istanbul and the Dardanelles have always bulked
large in the expansionist program of Russian imperialism, and
this craving for that traditional objective, inherited from the
Tzars, has not been neglected by the new autocrats. Unreasonable
concessions have been demanded from Turkey in recent years
but denied with equal determination, and the refusal has been
backed up by American economic aid. But the demand will surely
be renewed at a propitious moment.
Meanwhile the atmosphere of pressure will serve to maintain
that psychological tension and expensive defense program along
the Dardanelles which Moscow utilizes so consistently in its war
of / nerves. The measure of validity in Russia's historical claims
for free exit through the Dardanelles is not slight. More than one
European statesman has gone so far in the past as to concede
publicly that Russia should have Constantinople. Both England
and France so declared in 1916; but that age-old controversy be
tween Moscow and Constantinople was limited in its application
to the ancient capital of the Byzantine emperors. It now carries
it wholly different significance, in view of tIle Communist program
of World Revolution and the hope to overthrow all non-Communist
governments such as Turkey. This new messianic universalism is,
as we have already noted, what Soviet Russia has added to her
inherited tzarist tradition. This urge to the sea and the constant
process of opening up new territories and colonization of them
was noted by the greatest of Russian historians, V. O. Kluchevsky,
as the principal, fundamental factor in Russian history. "All other
factors," he writes in Volume I of his celebrated History of Russia,
"have been more or less inseparably connected therewith. . . .
Debarred from settlement by the geographical features of their
country, the eastern Slavs [in their historical evolution] were
forced, for centuries, to maintain a nomad life, as well as to engage
in ceaseless warfare with their neighbors. It was this particular
conjunction of circumstances which caused the history of Russia
to become the history of a country forever undergoing coloniza
tion, a movement continued up to, and given fresh impetus by,
the emancipation of the serfs, and remaining in progress to the
present day."
An entirely new factor, possessing the dynamic energy which
Lenin imparted to it by dialectical materialism, has now been
superimposed on Kluchevsk)ls summation of Russian national
history. The evangel of World Revolution and the specific instru
ments to achieve it, whether in the form of the Third International
or the Cominform, are commonly ignored by those who seek to
justify Soviet conduct. They keep referring to certain old griev
ances, such as Russia's land-locked isolation, her legitimate striving
to acquire warm-water ports, the ignormg of her existence at
Versailles, the refusal to accord diplomatic recognition during so
many years, and her exclusion from the powers which met at
Munich although the latter should now be cause for gratitude
and not a stigma. Soviet Russia was predestined to bellicosity
from the very moment Lenin turned the successful domestic revolu
tion of 1917 into an organized Marxist revolution on a world scale.
And each decade as it passes will add to her man power. Her
population trend and fertility rate indicate an increase by 1970
which should bring her population to something over 250,000,000,
whereas the rest of all Europe combined will probably not exceed
400,000,000. And if we consider the population of newly acquired
territories, the Soviet total should be 270,000,000 by 1970.
This is not to include non-Russian satellite countries of Europe,
and China, in both of which fertility is high. Since population is
one of the important components of power, these new acquisitions
will progreSSively encourage the Politburo to more frequent use
of its favorite weapon - aggression by proxy.
Return now to the northern perimeter of Eurasia and continue
Soviet Tactics
along Soviet Russia's Arctic C()yEiS
is dominant there, and has no
She already claims approximatetv
tory lying within the Arctic
fields as Novaya Zemlya, Wrangel
the new Siberian group. Roundi:::g
as it projects into the Bering Starit
not only Kamchatka, Sakhalin,
Islands, but' exercises control o,-err
the important harbors of Port _1:-.:;:
strategic ports of China. The encLZ
of its rimlands, is nearly complete,
a cardinal point in the program
strategists have always maintain
furnishes the key to aU probleIJ:1S
General Headquarters for the
believed to be located in
Bangkok is reported to be enOI"mG
diplomatic need. From the
the west, she will be in a
offensive and defensive
ticularly in marginal regions
If her efforts to secure a base i
of Libya, had not been refused ill
have gained a coveted foothold ir:
great inland sea, if ever
prove of inestimable strategic val
protective areas, providing at the
Europe and the Atlantic world. T
ticularly enrages the Moscow gee
The invasion of Tibet in earh-
troops from China reveals two
The geographical position of tD.:
makes it a strategic, though dilTl:
advance on India, provided sui!
somewhere among its -towering
current that locations for the fust
surveyed by Russian agents on a
I
ed Years
his celebrated History of Russia,
3.bly connected therewith. . . .
; features of their
heir historical evolution] were
nomad life? as wen as to engage
:::ghbors. It was this particular
,n caused the history of Russia
ry forever undergoing coloniza
0, and given fresh impetus by,
a remaining in progress to the
the dynamic energy which
materialism, has now been
:LTilllation of Russian national
',"')lution and the specific instru
form of the Third International
ignored by those who seek to
referring to certain old griev
isolation, her legitimate striving
ignoring of her existence at
p!omatic recognition during so
om the powers which met at
ia now be cause for gratitude
'c;-as predestined to bellicosity
the successful domestic revolu
ist revolution on a world scale.
add to her man power. Her
indicate an increase by 1970
to something over 250,000,000,
Jined will probably not exceed
population of newly acquired
d be 270,000,000 by 1970.
satellite countries of Europe,
y is high. Since population is
power, these new acquisitions
,1itburo to more frequent use
)y proxy.
leter of Eurasia and continue
along Soviet Russia's Arctic coasts with a geopolitical eye. She
is dominant there, and has no contestant in those icy solitudes.
. She already claims approximately 50 per cent of all offshore terri
tory lying within the Arctic Circle, including such potential landing
fields as Novaya Zemlya, Wrangel Island, Franz Joseph Land, and
the new Siberian group. Rounding the eastern shoulder of Siberia
as it projects into the Bering Strait you will note that she possesses
not only Kamchatka, Sakhalin, the Kurile and Komandorskie
Islands, but exercises control over North Korea and still controls
the important harbors of Port Arthur and Dairen, both of them
strategic ports of China. The encirclement of East Asia, by control
of its rimlands, is nearly complete. These developments underscore
a cardinal point in the program of World Revolution: Communist
strategists have always maintained that the way China goes
furnishes the key to all problems on the international front. The
General Headquarters for the forthcoming struggle for Asia is
believed to be located in Thailand, where Soviet personnel in
Bangkok is reported to be enormously in excess of any legitimate
diplomatic need. From the Pacific, then, to the Iron Curtain on
the west, she will be in a position to mount an outer ring of
offensive and defensive installations around her Heartland, par
ticularly in marginal regions adapted to land-based air power.
If her efforts to secure a base in Tripolitania, the western half
of Libya, had not been refused in the United Nations, she would
have gained a coveted foothold in the Mediterranean basin. That
great inland sea, if ever dominated by Soviet influence, would
prove of inestimable strategic value in sealing the outer rim of
protective areas, providing at the same time a sea route to
Europe and the Atlantic world. That is why Tito's rebellion par
ticularly enrages the Moscow geopoliticians.
The invasion of Tibet in early November, 1950, by Communist
troops from China reveals two constant factors in Soviet strategy.
The geographical position of that hitherto inaccessible region
makes it a strategic, though difficult passageway for a military
advance on India, provided suitable airfields can be located
somewhere among its towering mountains. Reports are already
current that locations for the first potential air bases have been
surveyed by Russian agents on a Hat plain in western Tibet be
162
The Wasted Years
tween Lake Rakas and Lake Manasarowar. This would bring
Soviet striking power dangerously near ife heart of India. New
Delhi, the capital, lies approximately 300 miles to the southwest,
an easy two-way run for Soviet bombers through negotiable passes
of the Himalayas. .
To meet the requirements of political strategy, the planners of
the aggression invoked their usual pretext. They welcomed the
existence of a rival Dalai Lama, another claimant to the position
of ruler and high priest, who was living in exile in, China. By
supporting the claims of a second living Buddha of Mercy against
the actual incumbent, the Communist Politburo of China staged
another "liberation." They activated the familiar pattern of a civil
war to be instigated by Communists and utilized by the Soviet
Union for hidden intervention. The device is an old one and was
employed in Greece, China, and Korea. It was tried in Finland,
where a Communist regime was first installed under Kuusinen
as prelude to the invasion of 1939. The erection of a puppet State
usually follows and the Iron Curtain falls. Then, to preclude
assistance from outside powers, the Communist legalists invoke
international law as forbidding foreign intervention in a purely
civil war. This concept was introduced into the Soviet argument
against the United Nations' resolution to come to the assistance of
South Korea. It makes both the United Nations and the United
States of America not only iniquitous warmongers, but actual
aggressors by unilateral, legal definition. Since, according to Mr.
Vyshinski and all Communist jurists, the Soviet concept of law
is the only valid interpretation of legality in any situation, the
invasion of Tibet, like that of South Korea, became an act of
moral heroism and dialectical purity.
There may well be other considerations arising from the historical
development of Tibetan autonomy. China, to be sure, has never
officially acknowledged the separation of that remote province
from her sovereignty, although for a long time Tibet has acted
independently. The significant fact for humanity is the steady
advance of the Communist World Revolution into another area
of Asia and the establishment of new outposts in what has been
called "the roof of the world." This geographical pattern would
seem to extend itself to other significant spots much nearer the
Soviet Tactics a
Western World, where fonval
logistical preparation of the
ocally by Mr. Stalin: a
between the Somet Republic a:
Two other Soviet maneuvers
when related to this persuasi
grated with the concrete 1
strategists and diplomats. In'
requested to grant "fishing r:
waters adjacent to the Galapa
off the west coast of South
from the Panama Canal. The
in five hours by hostile war p
properly camouflaged "fishincr'"
to cripple the locks and se;el
the two Americas. Then, in J2.1
with,a Soviet demand for bas
group of Arctic islands, 3500 n
the industrial heart of the U:rr
a 5000-mile one-way cruiSing n
not only industrial centers rep::
but penetrate deep into contin
Should the Communist
English Channel on one
dominate the full coast line 0
other, the position of the
perilous. Consult your map (
projection will do if no other
graphical position of the 17m
a map which does not put
of the land mass of the ear-ill
Asia. That is our true positi<
movements and world forces - a
west by the two major old-,v
finally dominant in both of therr:
It is as important to analYZE
to do as it is to understand tb
has exercised the right to veto,
Years
a!lasarowar. This would bring
!lear t]:1e heart of India. New
ely SOO' mile,s to the southwest,
nbers through negotiable passes
strategy, the planners of
,1 pretext. They welcomed the
.!lother claimant to the position
:.s living in exile in, China. By
li'ling Buddha of Mercy against
!Ilist Politburo of China staged
:l the familiar pattern of a civil
ists and utilized by the Soviet
Eo device is an old one and was
Korea. It was tried in Finland,
fIrst installed under Kuusinen
The erection of a puppet State
rrtain falls. Then, to preclude
he Communist legalists invoke
,reign intervention in a purely
bced into the Soviet argument
lOll to come to the assistance of
Juited Nations and the United
ntous warmongers, but actual
nition. Since, according to Mr.
sts, the Soviet concept of law
: legality in any situation, the
mth Korea, became an act of
dty.
ations arising from the historical
. China, to be sure, has never
ltion of that remote province
r a long time Tibet has acted
rt: for humanity is the steady
l Revolution into another area
lew outposts in what has been
lis geographical pattern would
nificant spots much nearer the
Western World, where forward bases would be indispensable for
logistical preparation of the eventuality propheSied so unequiv
ocally by Mr. Stalin: " .. a series of the most terrible collisions
between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states is inevitable."
Two other Soviet maneuvers acquire special geopolitical meaning
when related to this persuasion of inevitability, and when inte
grated with the concrete position already taken by Soviet
strategists and diplomats. In December of 1946, Ecuador was
requested to grant "fishing rights" to the Soviet Union in the
waters adjacent to the Galapagos Islands, a highly strategic area
off the west coast of South America approximately 1000 miles
from the Panama Canal. The distance could easily be covered
in five hours by hostile war planes launched from the deck of a
properly camouflaged "fishing" bark. One bomb would be enough
to cripple the locks and sever one of the vital defense lines of
the two Americas. Then, in January, 1947, Norway was presented
with,a Soviet demand for bases on Spitsbergen, the ice-covered
group of Arctic islands, 3500 miles from New York, Chicago, and
the industrial heart of the United States. Modern bombers, With
a 5000-mile one-way cruising range from Spitsbergen, could reach
not only industrial centers represented by Detroit and Pittsburgh,
but penetrate deep into continental America.
Should the Communist empire ever advance as far as the
English Channel on one side of the world and eventually
dominate the full coast line of China and its pendants on the
other, the position of the United States would indeed be
perilous. Consult your map of the world again - a Mercator
projection will do if no other is available - and note the geo
graphical position of the United States. But be sure to take
a map which does not put the two Americas off on the fringe
of the land mass of the earth but midway between Europe and
Asia. That is our true position in the composition of world
movements and world forces - an insular power encircled east and
west by the two major old-world continents. Soviet Russia, if
finally dominant in both of them, would then be ready for the kill.
It is as important to analyze what Soviet Russia has refused
to do as it is to understand the things she is trying to do. She
has exercised the right to veto, in the United Nations, over forty
164
The Wasted Years
five times and claimed veto by absence in the session on Korea.
She refused to accept the forty-year treaty offered her by the
United States under the terms of which we would be obligated
to come to her instant defense in case of attack by an axis
aggressor. "There never was a greater example of friendship and
good will," said Senator Vandenberg on October 19, 1946, when
explaining the offer of a defensive pact. She has repeatedly
rejected similar friendly advances in the field of human relations
and cultural exchanges. The State Department, through Francis
H. Russell, Director of its Office of Public Affairs, declared on
April 20, 1949, that thirty-four proposals had been made by this
country over a period of three years to arrange for the exchange
of students, orchestras, and similar good-will visits to and from
the Soviet Union. In every instance, he reported, Communist
authorities in Moscow either returned no reply or refused to
accept the invitation. They have likewise refused to participate
in the International Bank, the World Health Program, the Inter
national Trade Organization, and numerous other constructive
forms of international co-operation, including UNESCO. Even the
proposal to create a modest United Nations police force of 800
armed men to protect the personnel and property of United
Nations' missions in foreign lands was attacked and denounced
by Soviet delegates in the General Assembly.
Moscow has consistently blocked every honest attempt to
arrive at a peace treaty for Germany and Austria. She has refused
to participate in common efforts to stabilize the European economy
and has prohibited her satellites from sharing in the Marshall
Plan. She has manifested inflexible opposition to all proposals for
effective control of the atomic bomb, despite the willingness of
the United States to sacriHce the overpowering advantage which
is temporarily ours by possession of a stockpile of these ghastly
weapons. Because of that particular denial of co-operation, and
refusal to submit to the same inspection in the field of atomic
energy which all other nations have agreed to accept, the result
is now no control at all.
Commenting on this aspect of the tragic impasse, the Washington
Post made an impressive prediction on August 13, 1947: "No
control at all would be a virtual death warrant for civilization.
Soviet Tactics a1
International control, without
tion and improvement of atar;:
an attack when that countr.'
power. The possibility of a W ~ I
be ruled out, but it can be
minimizing of that possibility t
by a conviction of responsibili:
of self-preservation. The road
a general shooting war will t
countermeasures in the seve:
Chapter IX of this volume.
Years
,sence in the session on Korea.
ear treaty offered her by the
which we would be obligated
case of attack by an axis
ater example of friendship and
on October 19, 1946, when
iye pact. She has repeatedly
in the field of human relations
Department, through Francis
Public Affairs, declared on
posals had been made by this
IS to arrange for the exchange
r good-will visits to and from
.!}c-e, he reported, Communist
h-ned no reply or refused to
likewise refused to participate
rld Health Program, the Inter-
numerous other constmctive
including UNESCO. Even the
d Nations police force of 800
rr::1el and property of United
was attacked and denounced
ral Assembly.
:ed every honest attempt to
y and Ausb'ia. She has refused
tabilize the European economy
from sharing in the Marshall
opposition to all proposals for
nb, despite the willingness of
lVerpowering advantage which
}f a stockpile of these ghastly
rr denial of co-operation, and
Jection in the field of atomic
e agreed to accept, the result
tragic impasse, the Washington
m on August 13, 1947: "No
:leath warrant for civilization.
International control, without Russia, will necessitate the reten
tion and improvement of atomic weapons as a safeguard against
an attack when that country comes into possession of atomic
power. The possibility of a world-destroying war cannot, therefore,
be ruled out, but it can be minimized." It is precisely to the
minimizing of that possibility that men of good will are obligated
by a conviction of responsibility as well as by the innate instinct
of self-preservation. The road to that goal and the prevention of
a general shooting war will be facilitated by a combination of
countermeasures in the several fields which are examined in
Chapter IX of this volume.
Five Years
players and forecasting the !
ball team, he is. still slow tl
CHAPTER VII
thing for him in the world
Third Russian Revolution. He
to know it not,. with the most
since the fall of the Roman En
what Napoleon said of his timf
in history until the whole
Five. Years of Cold War
French Revolution is extinct j
In the early stages of the (
disturbing blend of apparent
tone deafness in the reaction
probability of an open war \\7
to be sure, a sudden awakening
the past year, due to the she
MARSHAL STALIN'S greatest Five-Year Plan began in
and the emerging specter of tb
the spring of 1945 with the launching of planned psychological
horrors of a new war, crowding
warfare against the United States. That the grand alliance of the
ing conflict barely terminated:
Roosevelt-Hopkins era was definitely at an end became apparent
wilderment and a sense of
when Soviet forces first met Allied troops at the Elbe, although
the private mind was injected
warning signals had already more than once appeared on other . tending to confound the conru"
sectors of Soviet-American relations. But with the collapse of .
comment on the conviction
Hitler's military machine and with the joint occupation of Nazi readers in doubt whether his r
territory the honeymoon of cordiality and the toasts drunk in in trouble meant condonation oj
vodka soon gave way to an official policy of calculated estrange Secretary of the Air, Mr. Sy:
ment, the details of which have filled the press of the world. The even before the invasion of
number and the quality of the provocative incidents engineered the Soviet military establishm,
from the Kremlin make it possible to draw up a trial balance of the then Secretary of Defenst
our present position after five" years of constant skirmishing. nation that we could lick the:
Among the losses and failures must be entered the profound English scientist closely conne
and widespread incredulity current in the United States respecting in England and the United Sta
the continuing role and the unchanged tenets of Soviet Russia's for having transmitted critical
revolutionary philosophy. Until the average American's dislike of and was condemned to fourte
anything savoring of philosophic diScipline be exorcised from his later discovered that he was
mind, his reaction to the realities will continue to be expressed spies in the United States,
in terms such as fantastic, incredible, amazing. Quick and expert group of American physicists,
in evaluating the points of form and operation in a new model issued a joint appeal that the
automobile, or balancing the batting averages of favorite ball hydrogen bomb unless it has
166
VII ER
f Cold War
s-test Five-Year Plan began in
tching of planned psychological
. That the grand alliance of the
at an end became apparent
troops at the Elbe, although
than once appeared on other'
Jns. But with the collapse of
h the joint occupation of Nazi
and the toasts drunk in
1 policy of calculated estrange
led the press of the world. The
rovocative incidents engineered
to draw up a trial balance of
IS of constant skirmishing.
must be entered the profound
in the United States respecting
mged tenets of Soviet Russia's
, average American's dislike of
iscipline be exorcised from his
will continue to be expressed
fIe, amazing. Quick and expert
md operation in a new model
:ing averages of. favorite ball
players and forecasting the of an All-American foot
ball team, he is still slow to understand the most important
thing for him in the world today - the onward sweep of the
Third Russian Revolution. He is face to face, though he appears
to know it not, with the most fundamental single political event
since the fall of the Roman Empire. It goes that deep and recalls
what Napoleon said of his times: "... there will be no real peace
in history until the whole generation contemporary with the
French Revolution is extinct to the very last man."
In the early stages of the cold war there was a curious and
disturbing blend of apparent fatalism coupled with a kind of
tone deafness in the reaction of the average American to the
probability of an open war with Soviet Russia. There has been,
to be sure, a sudden awakening to the reality of the danger during .
the past year, due to the shock of events in China and Korea,
and the 'emerging specter of the hydrogen bomb. The anticipated
horrors of a new war, crowding so close on the heels of a devastat
ing conflict barely terminated, stunned the imagination into be
wilderment and a sense of frustration. Into this ferment of
the private mind was injected a series of public pronouncements
tending to confound the confusion. Secretary Acheson's ambiguous
comment on the conviction of Alger Hiss left many sympathetic
readers in doubt whether his refusal to turn his back on a friend
in trouble meant condonation of guilt or compassion for all sinners.
Secretary of the Air, Mr. Symington, had solemnly warned us
even before the invasion of Korea that the striking power of
the Soviet military establishment was superior to our own; but
the then Secretary of Defense, Mr. Johnson, kept assuring the
nation that we could lick them out of hand. To cap it all, an
English scientist closely connected with atomic production both
in England and the United States was arrested by London police
for having transmitted critical information to Soviet authorities
and was condemned to fourteen years of imprisonment. It was
later discovered that he was assisted by numerous collaborating
spies in the United States, all of them American citizens. A
group of American physiCists, also experts on atomic knowledge,
issued a joint appeal that the United States should never use the
hydrogen bomb unless it has first been employed against us.
167
168
The Wasted Years
Five Years
information supplied by spies i
Senator McMahon made a deeply moving appeal to the Senate
predicted, have the hydrogen h
that fifty billion dollars be assigned to a project calculated to
the consternation of her Weste
induce Soviet Russia not to proceed further in an armament race
fusion and indecision are pree
that must lead us all to self-engineered destruction. To sugges
psychological warfare. The decl
tions for one final conference with Mr. Stalin, the State Depart
smoothly and by appointed
ment replied that further direct negotiations are superfluous in
The tens lness of a near-battle
view of the offers of concrete co-operation still considered open
vated for five years; it had been
by the American government. The President was then quoted
the media of modern communic
by Mr. Krock of the New York Times as stating he can no longer
form, television, by the soum
put trust or credence in any promise made by Moscow. Mr.
facilities, by veto exercised mOrE
Churchill on the, contrary announced during the electoral cam
cavalierly repudiated, by denune
paign in England that he favored the idea of one more attempt
diplomatic insults from satellite
at agreement through another top-level conference with Mr.
was exposed it was manhandled
Stalin. Mr. Clayton, former Undersecretary of State, proposed to
tion. The complete documentati(
a congressional committee an immediate federation of North At
yet available and may never be :
lantic powers. The suggestion was opposed by his successorS in
But sufficient testimony is at h
the State Department. While Mr. Clayton was making his
in the memoirs of. Generals Dear
recommendations to the Senate, Soviet Russia and Communist
in the accounts by ex-Secretar:
China signed a thirty-year alliance patently directed against non
Communist States. The Communist Premier of China, Chou En.lai,
Leahy; in the monumental annah
of General Bedell Smith coven
at the signing of the pact in Moscow made direct reference to
"American imperialism" and' "disgraceful attempts" to prevent
ambassador in Moscow; and in !
friendship and alliance with Soviet Russia.
witnesses. The violent fluctuatio:
Meanwhile Soviet Russia, showing no confusion of mind or .
created by the Kremlin and ex;
divided counsel, continued unabated her accelerated program of
the hands of Communist China. I
warlike preparation. The insincerity of the "security" pretense was
if plotted as a fever chart, ';'01
unmasked as far back as the conference of foreign ministers at
in the history of crisis diplomac
Paris in the summer of 1946. Not only was the Kremlin offered
One element in the pattern
the security of membership in the United Nations but a direct
consistency which makes it ext
forty-year treaty with the United States which guaranteed instant
additional clue to Soviet psych
assistance in case an axis aggressor should ever threaten Soviet
each of the conquered areas ,vas
Russia again. It was refused.
1
She already has the atomic bomb
resort to direct action. Stalin h
partly consequence of the secret information and the
deSignated country into the Com
of uramum (U 233 and U 235) which Soviet diplomatic agents
ance of effective assistance
had filched in Canada some five years ago, and partly from the
trolled by reliable Moscow-trame
premature military action in his
at a Communist revolution in 1
1 Senator Vandenberg, in a radio interview, after his return from Paris,
October 19, 1946.
pOinted out, because of the I
d Years
moving appeal to the Senate
3d to a project calculated to
t further in an armament race
eered destruction. To sugges
:Mr. Stalin, the State Depart
egotiations are super.fiuous in
peration still considered open
~ President was then quoted
es as stating he can no longer
mise made by Moscow. Mr.
ed during the electoral caro
:he idea of one more attempt
p-Ievel conference with Mr.
:cretary of State, proposed to
diate federation of North At
opposed by his successors in
" Clayton was making his
Jviet Russia and Communist
Jatently directed against non
Temier of China, Chou En-lai,
ow made direct reference to
aceful attempts" to prevent
Russia.
!: no confusion of mind or
! ~ her accelerated program of
)f the "security" pretense was
:ence of foreign ministers at
illy was the Kremlin offered
United Nations but a direct
tes which guaranteed instant
should ever threaten Soviet
ready has the atomic bomb,
formation and the specimens
ich Soviet diplomatic agents
rs ago, and partly from the
ew, after his return from Paris,
information supplied by spies in America. She will, it has been
predicted, have the hydrogen horror in due time. She welcomed
the consternation of her Western opponents because such con
fusion and indecision are precious weapons in her arsenal of
psychological warfare. The decline of the West was progressing
smoothly and by appOinted stages; she planned it that way.
The tenseness of a near-battle psychology had thus been culti
vated for nve years; it had been conducted and stimulated by all
the media of modern communications: press, radio, lecture plat
form, television, by the sounding board of United Nations'
facilities, by veto exercised more than forty times, by agreemeuts
cavalierly repudiated, by denunciations from the Kremlin, and by
diplomatic insults from satellite governments. Wherever a nerve
was exposed it was manhandled by experts in the art of provoca
tion, The complete documentation of that amazing period is not
yet available and may never be laid before an incredulous public.
But sufficient testimony is at hand - and in increasing volume:
in the memoirs of Generals Dean, Eisenhower, Clay, and Howley;
in the accounts by ex-Secretary of State Byrnes and Admiral
Leahy; in the monumental annals of Mr. Churchill; in the memoirs
of General Bedell Smith covering his three years as American
ambassador in Moscow; and in the testimony of similar authentic
witnesses. The violent fluctuations in Soviet attitude deliberately
created by the Kremlin and enlarged by official harassment at
the hands of Communist China, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Roumania,
if plotted as a fever chart, would probably constitute a record
in the history of crisis diplomacy.
One element in the pattern appears and reappears with a
consistency which makes it extremely significant and offers an
additional clue to Soviet psychology. The internal situation in
each of the conquered areas was always carefully estimated before
resort to direct action. Stalin has never attempted to absorb a
designated country into the Communist empire without the assur
ance of effective assistance from a native Communist Party con
trolled by reliable Moscow-h"ained leaders. Lenin warned against
premature military action in his analysis of the abortive attempt
at a Communist revolution in Finland in 191B; it perished, he
pointed out, because of the lack of an adequate, organized
169
170
The Wasted Years
Communist Party. The Fourth Congress of the Communist Inter
national went on record in the same vein with respect to the
failure of Communists to seize power in Italy after World War I:
". . . the objective premises for revolution were a
Communist Party was missing." Stalin repeated the dIagnosIS ill
his Problems of Leninism: the attempted revolution in France,
1871 [the Paris Commune], suffered from a fatal division of
between two parties, "neither of can b.e called
a Communist Party." Once the Party edges Its way mto the
political arena, particularly into the Cabinet of. a coalition gove:n
ment, the pattern enters on its final stages. Like a cat croucru.ng
in a corner, the Politburo observes the progress from obstruction
to confusion, from confusion to crisis after crisis, until the great
collapse occurs. Then it pounces on its victim. Since
such an infiltration into the government of the Umted States has
not been effective, though attempted, the attack was concentrated
on foreign sectors of American interest, such as Germany, Korea,
and Austria. Tactics in Austria have taken the form of pro
crastination, until the Kremlin completes its organization of a
reliable Communist Party. The technique is revealed in a laconic
press announcement: London, July 10, 1950 (U.P.). The Western
Powers conferred today with Russia for the 256th time on the
Austrian Peace Treaty but reached tentative agreement on only
one point - to suspend the talks again.
This organized war of nerves first reached a peak of potential
danger during'the blockade of Berlin, 1948-1949; at one stage
of the airlift General Clay felt that the worst could happen at
any minute. But the Politburo was not yet ready for the supreme
gamble. The impossible had been achieved in fact, and Berlin
was saved from starvation by the superhuman accomplishment
of flying in food, supplies, and coal, sometimes 10,000 tons or
more in a single day. On April 16, 1949, 12,849 tons were landed
at the three airfields, one plane arriving every 68 seconds, making
a total of 1888 flights in 24 hours. Moscow calmly capitulated
before the power thus demonstrated, after putting the United
States to an unnecessary expense of 82 million dollars a month
for nearly a year. New pin pricks and a kind of minor blockade
Five Y
of Berlin began again b
great adventure in Korea,
The composite record
adds up to something ertr,:::-=
revealing. A new
Marxist organizers of
from long experience
Imperial Russia was and
Communist technique cert:ai::.
attempt at total power. But
and deceptive resemblanceS.
The Fuhrer of the R,
of social reyolution from Lis.
ready handbook of
of power, the function
and soil popularized by a
Fichte and Hegel to Rosenbe:g
to total power, it was the kOrl :
.. of superior force and
There was little subtlety,
book for a cat-and-mouse
Clausewitz supplying the
Although experienced
realized what Hitler was
ultimate tragedy from everrts
German State in the rnid-!:tlli:::
undiluted crisis; peace of
all the time. Circumstances
armament program was not 'Ie
deferment of direct assault
had not matured in the
respites out of
deviated from the broad
foreswore the ultimate COll:>'"'!J!:!2
we know with certainty
Years
:lgress of the Communist Inter
of Berlin began again in the winter of 1949-1950, followed by the
,arne vein with respect to the
great adventure in Korea.
,-er in Italy after World War I:
evolution were present, only a
talin repeated the diagnosis in
The composite record of the cold war on its several fronts
tempted revolution in France,
adds up to something extremely important because extremely
:;red from a fatal division of
revealing. A new weapon of attrition has been invented by the
leither of which can be called
Marxist organizers of World Revolution. It has been fashioned
Party edges its way into the
from long experience with conspiracy in the police State that
" Cabinet of a coalition govern
Imperial Russia was and Soviet Russia became. We detect in the
1 stages. Like a cat crouching
Communist technique certain characteristics also found in Hitler's
; the progress from obstruction
attempt at total power. But there are many differences, gaps,
isis after crisis, until the great
and deceptive resemblances.
in its bewildered victim. Since
The F'iihrer of the Third Reich inherited no organized theory
lIDent of the United States has
of social revolution from his Teutonic predecessors. He had no
the attack was concentrated
ready handbook of appropriate strategy beyond the philosophy
crest, such as Germany, Korea,
of power, the function of naked force, and worship of blood, race,
have taken the form of
and soil popularized by a long succession of Pan-Germanists from
}mpletes its organization of a
Fichte and Hegel to Rosenberg imd Streicher. In all their premises
hnique is revealed in a laconic
to total power, it was the iron in the will of Prussia, the argument
10,1950 (U.P.). The Western .
of superior force and massed might, that was to carry the day.
for the 256th time on the
There was little subtlety, small finesse, and slight regard in their
:1 tentative agreement on only
book for' a cat-and-mouse diplomacy. From them to Hitler, with
gain.
Clausewitz supplying the military counsel, the line runs straight.
st reached a peak of potential
Although experienced diplomats and candid statesmen early
1948-1949; at one stage
realized what Hitler was about and were able to forecast the
at the worst could happen at
ultimate tragedy from events following the Nazi seizure of the
not yet ready for the supreme
German State in the mid-thirties, the intervening years were not
achieved in fact, and Berlin
undiluted crisis; peace of mind was not kept hanging on a thread
, superhuman accomplishment
all the time. Circumstances were not ripe and the Nazi re
::Jal, sometimes 10,000 tons or
armament program was not ready until September 1, 1939. Such
1949, 12,849 tons were landed
deferment of direct assault did not mean that the seeds of conflict
ving every 63 seconds, making
had not matured in the soil of Hitler's mind. Despite the several
5. Moscow calmly capitulated
respites conceded, out of prudence, to a tired Europe, he never
:ed, after putting the United
deviated from the broad pattern of his projected conquests nor
}f 32 million dollars a month
foreswore the ultimate consummation of his resolve. That much
md a kind of minor blockade
we know with certainty from the captured documents at
171
172
The Wasted Years
berg. We know, moreover, that he advanced his date for beginning
hostilities from 1943-1945 to 1989 because he discovered how
demoralized, unprepared, and disarmed his opponents had be
come. "We have nothing to lose; we can only gain ... our enemies
have men who are below average; no personalities; no men of
action. . . . Our enemies are little worms. . . . I saw them in
Munich."2
When we tum to Hitler's successor on the continent of Europe
we find him profiting from a set of circumstances peculiar to
the Eastern Slavs, rooted in Russian history and very favorable
to a dictator. The technique of sustained crisis and calculated
panic with which Mr. Stalin has corrupted international relations
since 1945 was particularly adapted to the human material on
which he must rely for support. At home he manipulates a
population already molded to patient submissiveness by centuries
of autocratic rule. Few nations have suffered more from their
own rulers and few peoples have accepted suffering with such
melancholy mysticism. The mood is expressed in their household
word podvig expiation for sin, which runs through Russian
psychology and literature lilce an extra letter in the alphabet. It
is a frequent theme in Dostoevski, Gogol, Nakrassov, and in the
leading Russian writers already cited in a previous chapter.
In Under Western Eyes Joseph Conrad tells, as only Conrad
can, how a chain became symbolic of Russia. He narrates the
history of Peter Ivanovich, the gloomy Russian exile whose story
was known not only along the Boulevaf'd des Philosophes of
Geneva but in every capital of Europe. Escaping from a fortress
where he had been imprisoned by "administrative order," he could
not rid himself of the iron fetters that had been affixed to his
limbs by the tzarist jailers. Winding the loose end around his
waist he learned to creep furtively from village to village in the
endless forests of the Okhotsk province. He acquired genius in
the art of moving about without betraying his fetters except by
a faint clinking of metal. He felt that no man on earth' could
be trusted with the temptation of the unfastened chain. It
seemed impossible that some fellow Russian could resist the
2 U. S. Document 798 P.S.
'Five
urge to fasten the loose
rush away to find a policem",.::.
and the mumed rattling
chapters.
Mr. Stalin knows the
sustained trial short of
stream of a Russian UlUlL..LU"'
to command by weight
genealogy. The political
foundly affected by centurieS
and fifty years of Tatar
years of domestic
Ivan IV and the coming
reforms of Peter the Great
the early nineteenth
of the Duma under the last
the bloodletting of iU.1.':I:-'C-;;
tant Communism, the
of two famines, the
the inhuman brutalities
Calculating
heroic resistance to
however, that they have
adverse fortune that
of undue domestic
daring international
Russian people begin to sr.s .
be the first to recognize the
Should dissidents become to J
disposal in Siberia, and
unstable elements in
Truman has stated the
concentration camps may reac
press, radio, speech, public
furnishes Stalin an
ideas ranging from
submarine architecture,
ticular is publicized as a
Years
his date for beginning
mbecause he discovered how
,;:u-med his opponehts had be
e:::an only gain ... our enemies
:e; no personalities; no men of
Ie "worms. . . . I saw them in
;sor on the continent of Europe
t circumstances peculiar to
ian history and very favorable
sustained crisis and calculated
:orrupted international relations
ted to the human material on
. At home he manipulates a
eDt submissiveness by centuries
lave suffered more from their
, accepted suffering with such
is expressed in their household
which runs through Russian
extra letter in the alphabet. It.
. Gogol, Nakrassov, and in the
ed in a previous chapter.
Conrad tells, as only Conrad
ic of Russia. He narrates the
omy Russian exile whose story
Boulevard des Philosophes of
rope. Escaping from a fortress
'administrative order," he could
: that had been affixed to his
ing the loose end around his
from village to village in the
)Vince. He acquired genius in
)etraying his fetters except by
that no man on earth could
of the unfastened chain. It
low Russian could resist the
urge to fasten the loose end to a staple in a barn door and then
rush away to find a policeman. The presence of the hidden fetters
and mumed rattling of them is felt throughout all Conrad's
chapters.
Mr. Stalin knows the unbelievable capacity of his people for
sustained trial short of rebellion. The boiling point in the blood
stream of a Russian muzhik is high. He has been rendered docile
to command by weight of traditions reaching far back in his
genealogy. The political temperament of his forebears was pro
foundly affected by centuries of autocratic rule: by two hundred
and fifty years of Tatar domination, by four Ivans, by twenty-nine
years of domestic anarchy intervening between the death of
Ivan IV and coming of the first Romanov, by the peremptory
reforms of Peter the Great - and by the repressive measures of
the early nineteenth century followed by the constant frustration
of the Duma under the last of the Romanov line. Then followed
the bloodletting of 1914-1918, the iron discipline of Lenin's mili
tant Communism, the devastation of civil war, the demoralization
of two famines, the rigors of Mr. Stalin's five-year plans, and
the inhuman brutalities of the Nazi invasion .
Calculating shrewdly on the qualities of a people capable' of
heroic resistance to foreign invasion, twice proved, he knows,
however, that they have been broken so often on the wheel of
adverse fortune that their resignation to hardship relieves him
of undue domestic anxiety during the prosecution of his present
daring international adventures. Should the giant which is the
Russian people begin to stir uneasily in their bondage, he will
be the first to recognize the portent and he will act accordingly.
Should dissidents become too annoying he has large areas at. his
disposal in Siberia, and large precedent for their colonization by
"unstable elements in need of social rehabilitation." President
Truman has stated that the number of prisoners in Mr. Stalin's
concentration camps may reach 16 million. Complete control of
press, radio, speech, public assembly, food rations, and housing
furnishes Stalin an unparalleled field for the imposition of official
ideas ranging from genetics, music, and economics to geopolitics,
submarine architecture, and lingUistics. His foreign policy in par
ticular is publiCized as a logical vindication of Russian right
173
174
The Wasted Years
against Western wrong, of Soviet peace plans against Western
warmongers, of Communist nobility against bourgeois hypocrisy.
'" '" '" '"
In its external strategy and tactics the GHQ of World Com
munism capitalized successfully also on one of the psychological
qualities of the American mind. Your average American will
readily grasp an issue arising from things in the concrete or
from events discernible to one or more of his five senses: the
imprisonment and dishonoring of an American consul in China,
the cost of the airlift, the economic impact of the Marshall Plan
on social stability in Italy, the shooting down of an unarmed
American airplane over the Baltic, or the warfare in Korea. The
hurried, unphilosophic reader of daily headlines - and his name
is legion - is impatient of theory. He wants cold facts and he is
more at home among them than he would be during the tough
process of analYZing their causes. By and large he walks briskly
away from the abstract. To be sure, he will take up some great
moral or charitable issue which seizes his imagination, and he
will crusade for it with a measure of intensity and generosity
which amazes his more sophisticated European contemporary. But
the issue must be concrete in form and immediate in menace before
he gets angry to the point of seizing a musket and taking battle
station, if needs be in far-off Korea.
The American Revolution had precisely such a dramatic .appeal
because of a parliamentary injustice concretely connected with
taxation without representation on the part of the colonists. The
burden and the consequences of King George Ill's imbecility were
computable in shillings and pence; the tyranny was then dissected
by the metaphysicians, extended widely in the public domain,
and finally dramatized by Jefferson in the ringing phrases of the
Declaration of Independence so that the conflict was eventually
elevated to defense of inalienable human rights. The metaphYSics
came later than the material provocation. The original grievance,
in point of fact, might have been compromised away on practical
terms, with no thought of the colonists seceding from the British
empire. Benjamin Franklin made that clear to the Parliament at
Westminster during his testimony there in 1765. It is one of the
Five Y
ironies of history that the
pledging the colonies to
Crown, if only certain adJ::ni1lli1;
drafted and dispatched to I./J,t)l
Concord, Lexington, and
The controversy which
conflict in 1861 had revolYed
issue. The territorial exteDSio21
entered the Union raised
involved the legal prerogative
to withdraw from the U niOIL T
solved by Russia in the
in 1861) lay among the roots
be met some day, as it ,vas .
1868. But it was the concrete
southern states, followed
in April, 1861, which
Truslow Adams had much h1<:t
evidence on his side ,,,hen
"There is, of course, no doubt
. and that it made the best
and emotional substratum
come deadly. The mere
would not alone have been
Similarly, it was the speeD'::
the high seas which carried
committed us irrevocably to
though we did not fully
commitment at that time. T'h:c
was taken, as a matter of
rights. It was a pragmatic
language was keyed to high
and the social implications we:
decision had been taken on
It took Von Tirpitz' umestric
up to final action. The
national responsibility becaI!le
postwar but, again, I
ed Years
~ t peace plans against Western
ity against bourgeois hypocrisy.
<> (t
::tics the GHQ of World Com
on one of the psychological
Your average American will
'om things in the concrete or
r more of his five senses: the
an American consul in China,
ic impact of the Marshall Plan
;hooting down of an unarmed
or the warfare in Korea. The
laily headlines - and his name
He wants cold facts and he is
1e would be during the tough
By and large he walks briskly
'8, he will take up some great
eizes his imagination, and he
'e of intensity and generosity
:l European contemporary. But .
Id immediate in menace before
'g a musket and taking battle
i.
:cisely such a dramatic .appeal
~ e concretely connected with
part of the colOnists. The
g George Ill's imbecility were
Je tyranny was then dissected
idely in the public domain,
in the ringing phrases of the
t the conflict was eventually
unan rights. The metaphysics
ition. The original grievance,
npromised away on practical
sts seceding from the British
It clear to the Parliament at
~ r e in 1765. It is one of the
ironies of history that the celebrated Olive Branch Petition,
pledging the colonies to remain loyal subjects of the British
Crown, if only certain administrative abuses were corrected, was
drafted and dispatched to London after blood had been shed at
Concord, Lexington, and Bunker Hill.
The controversy which finally plunged this nation into fratricidal
conflict in 1861 had revolved for fifty years on a politico-economic
issue. The territorial extension of chattel slavery as new states
entered the Union raised the practical issue of states' rights and
involved the legal prerogative of anyone state or group of states
to withdraw from the Union. The moral issue of slavery (already
solved by Russia in the emancipation of the serfs by Alexander II
in 1861) lay among the roots of schism, to be sure, and had to
be met some day, as it was by Mr. Lincolns proclamation of
1863. But it was the concrete fact of the secession of eleven
southern states, followed by the bombardment of Fort Sumter
in April, 1861, which made civil war inevitable. Mr. James
Truslow Adams had much history and considerable documentary
evidence on his side when he wrote in the Epic of America:
"There is, of course, no doubt that slavery was in everyone's mind
and that it. made the best concentration point for all the vague
and emotional substratum of the sectionalism which had now be
come deadly. The mere abstract morality of slavery, however,
would not alone have been adequate to plunge the nation into war."
Similarly, it was the specific violation of American freedom on
the high seas which carried us back to Europe in 1917 and
committed us irrevocably to the fortunes of the Old World, al
though we did not fully appreciate the permanency of the
commitment at that time. The decision to become a belligerent
was taken, as a matter of historical fact, on the basis of legal
rights. It was a pragmatic decision, although Mr. Wilson's
language was keyed to high idealism. The ethical, the moral,
and the social implications were chiefly emphasized after political
decision had been taken on the grounds of wounded sovereignty.
It took Von Tirpitz' unrestricted submarine program to stir us
up to final action. The problem of human solidarity and inter
national responsibility became formal in the hot debates of the
postwar period but, again, no moral or legal obligation was
175
176
The Wasted Years
assumed respecting collective maintenance of world peace; we
declined to enter the League of Nations and American policy
reverted to isolationism. It reqUired the stunning shock of Pearl
Harbor, a concrete humiliating fact in the material order, to
organize the soul of America into indignant mobilization. The
philosophic, ethical, and moral aspects of Nazi racism, of Japanese
imperialism, and the Soviet aggression of 1939-1940 against Latvia,
Lithuania, Estonia, F:inland, and Poland had proved insufficient.
We needed the blow to the body which so nearly reached our
heart on December 7, 1941. We shuddered, recovered, mobilized,
and conquered, then demobilized, only to be shocked into new
indignation by the spectacle of American troops dying in Korea.
Mr. Churchill's pithy epigram about Soviet policy being a
riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma can do considerable
damage, if taken too seriously and outside the context of the
Marxist dogn:as which control the course of the Russian Revolu
tion. Many who are fascinated by Mr. Churchill's undeniable gift
of language and brilliancy of style do not pursue his thought in
that particular speech of October 1, 1939, to its better and more
reasoned conclusion. As a result, that picturesque phrase occurring
early in the text served as a poultice to solace the bruised feelings
of many a frustrated diplomat at the close of some futile round
of exhausting negotiations. The Churchillian figure of speech comes
easily to the lips as some Soviet negotiator suddenly reverses an
encouraging show of co-operation and abruptly stalks out of the
conference, laying another veto on the hopes of a tired Western
world. The riddle-mystery-enigma label is not a correct descrip
tion to pin on his retreating back or hang on his approaching
breast as he returns with some unexpected concession. It is not
a correct assessment of any Soviet move in the game for such
high stakes now being played across the board of Europe and
Asia. Neither does it discriminate between incidental phases of
Soviet tactics and. the unchanged permanent pivot on which
Kremlin diplomacy swings.
The plain truth of the matter is that Soviet policy is the most
logical and consistent political phenomenon that emerged from
World War I or prevailed after World War II. That is why the
Russian Revolution has advanced to the points of longitude and
Five
latitude where it now
The vacillations, the tallUllC\.';";:."'-.
and compromise were
until recently. They have net
Politburo. Communism ad-,-.ELIlC
it maintains a monolithic
with many dogmas, a
and a set of fixed geopolitic::l
demobilized.
Communists do not have
They have convictions vdlich.
true or false, constitute a
at the United Nations
Molotov, Vyshinski, Gromyb:::,
maneuvered into the nan-ow::;
mats are not negotiators
differences. They are
of revolution has no
what was meant when
that he who stops haJnvay
They are scientific Manists,
know their Machiavelli, and
phy is baffiing only to those li2.
and content of their resolve.
so frank and circumstantial iT::.
basic policy and its ultimate r
conclusion: the tragedy of unpp
in ourselves.
What Christianity and DemCh"
Russian Revolution in the
parate sectors of the internati':J:::
in a diplomatiC conference at
it is under the guise of a Chi;
lies as much in the use of
in the weakness and comprorci5
roster of victims. The still e,"ol,
that most dangerous of all
lute adapted to the temper
l Years
'renance of world peace; we
'\ations and American policy
~ the stunning shock of Pearl
::t in the material order, to
indignant mobilization. The
ts of Nazi racism, of Japanese
n of 1939-1940 against Latvia,
had proved insufficient.
,,,,hich so nearly reached our
iddered, recovered, mobilized,
JIlly to be shocked into new
eTIcan troops dying in Korea.
tbout Soviet policy being a
Il enigma can do considerable
i outside the context of the
'ourse of the Russian Revolu
h. Churchill's undeniable gift
not pursue his thought in
1939, to its better and more
picturesque phrase occurring
to solace the bruised feelings
e close of some futile round
h;llian figure of speech comes
sotiator suddenly reverses an
Ld abruptly stalks out of the
hopes of a tired Western
bel is not a correct descrip
)r hang on his approaching
:pected concession. It is not
nove in the game for such
;; the board of Europe and
::tween incidental phases of
iJermanent pivot on which
at Soviet policy is the most
)menOn that emerged from
d War II. That is why the
the points of longitude and
j
177
latitude where it now stands on the map of Europe and Asia.
The vacillations, the empiricism, the half measures, the weakness
and compromise were all on the other side of the table - at least,
until recently. They have not characterized the counsels of the
Politburo. Communism advanced simply and baSically because
it maintains a monolithic policy deriving from a deposit of faith
with many dogmas, a system of special ethics with no inhibitions,
and a set of fixed geopolitical objectives. The Revolution never
demobilized.
Communists do not have opinions or impressions or sentiments.
They have convictions which, whether they be noble or ignoble,
true or false, constitute a navigator's chart for procedure in debate
at the United Nations and serve as a lamp of gUidance for
Molotov, Vyshinski, Gromyko, and Malik whenever they are
maneuvered into the narrows of a critical situation. Soviet diplo
mats are riot negotiators seeking an adjustment of international '
differences. They are professional revolutionists for whom the art
of revolution has no fixed rules, only fixed objectives. They know
what was meant when Saint-Just warned his colleagues of 1789
that he who stops halfway in a revolution digs his own grave.
They are scientific Marxists, not JefferSOnian Democrats. They
know their Machiavelli, and the logicality of the emergent philoso
phy is bafHing only to those unacquainted with the special nature
and content of their resolve. No government in history has been
so frarik and circumstantial in spelling out and publiCizing its
basic policy and its ultimate intentions. Candor leaves but one
conclusion: the tragedy, of unpreparedness lay not in our stars but
in ourselves.
What Christianity and Democracy are dealing with is the Third
Russian Revolution in the flesh, not with isolated events on dis
parate sectors of the international scene. It is the same Revolution
in a diplomatiC conference at Washington, Berlin, or Vienna as
it is under the guise of a Chinese invasion of Korea. Its genius
lies as much in the use of a dynamic philosophy of conflict as
in the weakness and compromise so long manifest in its mounting
roster of victims. The still evolving World Revolution has created
that most dangerous of all' intellectual siege guns - a false abso
lute adapted to the temper of the times. It has not been afraid
178
The Wasted Years
of theory or dogma or metaphysics, provided the Revolution
controlled the metaphysician's mind and his printing press.
Permanent in Soviet policy, and pervading it from top to
bottom of its substance, is the absolute conviction that the Revolu
tion of November 7, 1917, was not an historical incident, however
striking, but a shift in the foundations of civilization, the. end
of one major epoch in the annals of the race and the beginning
of a new world order. Like Cato's incessant warning against
Carthage, this truth needs to be reiterated over and over again.
The French Revolution had something of that universalism, but
not the systematic and coherently progressive body of .dogmas
, that the Communist has at his disposal His is no mere declara
tion of the rights of man but a resolve to re-create the whole
man to the image and likeness of Lenin and Stalin. Democracy
is not his only target. He recognizes another formidable opponent
still standing squarely across his path. Christianity wrought a
profound transformation in the culture of the ancient world and
led Western man from paganism to monotheism and the ethics
of Christian culture. Hence, it was persecuted by the Caesars for
over three hundred years. The faith which created Christendom
and held it together when the last Roman consul had retreated
to the seat of his threatened empire on the Tiber is not expressed
in dogma alone. It is not only a religion; it is an accepted outlooK
on life that permeates the whole man. It is a cast of thought
that colors a man's way of living and influences his legal, his social,
and his domestic relations as well as his ritual of worship. He
has been elevated to the sonship of God not for Sundays only
but for weekdays as well.
Communism and Christianity part company at a very early
point of thought. It has sometimes been claimed that the early
Christian communities practiced collectivism and, since they were
nearer to the Founder in time, place, and inspiration, it would
follow that their customs reflected the true image of Christian
idealism.
s
Those who cite the Jerusalem community and the
a "The Communist regime in Czechoslovakia has set up a working com
mittee to search the Bible and religious texts for extracts suitable for Com
munist propaganda. Its purpose is to reinforce the Red Government in its
struggle against the Roman Catholic Church. A major objective will be to
Five Years
common way of life described
the totality of circumstances. l'
rise to the false conclusion d
material resources in what
chest. The motive was
in God but love of God in
motivation.. is anathema to (
Stalin, with its compulsion, a ~ h E
and dictatorship of a minOrity p
cation that Christ Himself ever
an economic institution; on
dence that He accepted it,
the case of the rich young maa
it would be for him to enter
Redeemer did not declare it
impediment which riches are '"
road to the Kingdom. The fact
banker did not prevent him
the first Evangelist.
Private property as a natural
Jerusalem community but was a
of the Apostles. The relevant tei
destitute were provided for "
their farms, homes, and similar t
what share of it he needed.
some of the purchase money
handed the balance to St. PeteJ
Sad, but indignant, Peter reprr.J5::
property was thine; after t h e ~ sci;::
what has put it into thy heart so
bast defrauded." Ananias, conUuTI.:
down and died on the spot.
that chiseler, not because of
persuade the highly religious Czech D
tivization projects have a sort of Dh-bi
1950).
4 Chapter 2, 44-.-47, Chapter 4, 32-:3
i
9d Years
1SiCS, provided the Revolution
ld and his printing press.
.nd pervading it from top to
)lute conviction that the Revolu
t an historical incident, however
:lations of civilization, the end
of the race and the beginning
ito'S incessant warning against
reiterated over and over again.
,thing of that universalism, but
y progressive body of dogmas
.sposal. His is no mere declara
resolve to re-create the whole
f Lenin and Stalin. Democracy
es another formidable opponent
; path. Christianity wrought a
ilture of the ancient world and
to monotheism and the ethics
persecuted by the Caesars for
ith which created Christendom
st Roman consul had retreated'
'e on the Tiber is not expressed
ligion; it is an accepted outlooK
man. It is a cast of thought
.d influences his legal, his social,
1 as his ritual of worship. He
of God not for Sundays only
lart company at a very early
been claimed that the early
,11ectivism and, since they were
lace, and inspiration, it would
:1 the true image of
erusalem community and the
:ovakia has set up a working com
texts for extracts suitable for Com.
inforce the Red Government in its
mch. A major objective will be to
common way of life described in the Acts of the Apostles ignore
the totality of circumstances. The texts which commonly give
rise to the false conclusion describe a voluntary pooling of
material resources in what today might be called a community
chest. The motive was Christian charity involving not only belief
in God but love of God in His creatures. Obviously, such a
motivation. is anathema to the Communism of Marx, Lenin, and
Stalin, with its compulSion, atheism, direct action, class warfare,
and dictatorship of a minority party. Moreover, there is no indi
cation that Christ Himself ever condemned private property as
an economic institution; on the contrary, there is abundant evi
dence that He accepted it, condemned only the abuses, and, in
the case of the rich young man, warned His followers how hard
it would be for him to enter the Kingdom of heaven. The
Redeemer did not declare it impossible but emphasized the
impediment which riches are wont to interpose on the narrow
road to the Kingdom. The fact that Matthew was a practicing
banker did not prevent him from accepting the call and becoming
the first Evangelist.
Private property as a naturlll right not only was not denied by the
Jerusalem community but was affirmed by St. Peter, the Prince
of the Apostles. The relevant texts in the Acts describe how the
destitute were provided for by the generosity of those who sold
their farms, homes, and similar capital "so that each might have
what share of it he needed."4 But Ananias secretly kept back
some of the purchase money from the sale of his property and
handed the balance to St. Peter as if it were the full amount.
Sad, but indignant, Peter reproached the racketeer: "Unsold, the
property was thine; after the sale, the money was at thy disposal;
what has put it into thy heart so to act? It is God, not man, thou
hast defrauded." Ananias, continues the Scripture, straightway fell
down and died on the spot. The pUnishment was meted out to
that chiseler, not because of his retention of all or part of the
persuade the highly religious Czech peasants that the regime's land collec
tivization projects have a sort of Divine sanction" (Newsweek, November 18,
1950).
4 Chapter 2, 44-47, Chapter 4, 32-87, Chapter 5, 1-12.
179
price received, since he was free to retain his entire estate or
sell it, tum in all the receipts or part of them. It was the lie
that brought judgment on his head, as it did on Sapphira, his
wife, who shared the conspiracy and repeated the falsehood.
The special way of life practiced for an unspecied time at
Jerusalem was unique of its kind. In no other apostolic com
munity is such a type of voluntary collectivism recorded by the
Scriptures. On the contrary, various epistles of St. Paul, who was
a contemporary of Peter, reHeot the practice and the legitimaoy
of conventional property holding. Thus he instructs the Corin
thians in the opening lines of the Sixteenth Chapter of his first
Epistle to them, how each should eoonomize and save so that
a fund might be created to send to needy fellow Christians in
Jerusalem. The same system of organized community budgeting
had already been set up among the Galatians. In his second
letter to Corinth, St. Paul invokes the example of a charity program
to the needy set by the churches of Macedonia which, despite
their poverty, showed exceptional generosity toward other com
munities in need of help. He counsels moderation in the collections
to be made for the distressed areas: ". . . there is no intention
that others be relieved at the price of your distress. No, a balance
is to be struck, and what you can spare now is to make up for
what they want; so that what they can spare may, in its turn,
make up for your want; and, thus, the balanoe will be redressed."
In Chapter 9, he succinctly defines the nature of their oontribu
tions for the relief of Jerusalem: "Only it is to be a free offering,
not a grudging tribute."
From these exhortations to Christian charity and generosity
it is apparent that no Communism could have existed in com
munities to which such appeals were directed. Generosity is the
virtue of those who possess and willingly share their abundance
with others. From the evidence at our disposal, we may conclude
that the emergency at Jerusalem was not a permanent economio
condition and the drastio measures adopted there oan by no means
be oonsidered as obligatory or derived as dogma from Christ.
Otherwise, they would have been common among all Christian
communities of the apostolio age.
The teachings of Christ, St. Paul's interpretation of them, and
Five
the subsequent developmeGI:
definite scale of values in res:::;:;"
As the first Christian :;U(;I01'<.;',:2.;::;
sis of His teaching to the ill:
to be the souroe and fountak"
mankind. He then progresse;!
civil society, the family,
political and economio feat-ill:::
proportion of His revelati:;:l
elements and in the order i:2c
with the techniques of
ditions in which men live.
minimized, but they do Ilotl
the Christian Church, except '"
eoonomic institutions imped.e t
inner life of the soul, or cniJ
Christianity. _
Even the Old Law which -M;:
did not disdain to obey in m2:3
ments in the singular number:
_obligations and the penalties 2
be passed on Matthew aIld
and Mary and Magdalen, rl:Ot
nor democracies nor autocnC2
families, on separate
and autocrats. Naked and abI:;;
solitary and stripped of
and alone we shall stand
Man's sojourn in socially
and natural, is only an
not his ultimate destiny.
Even on the rare occasions
promulgated dogmas of a
to individuals: "Render rh"-,.",,,-r,
Caesar's and to God the
majestic commandment
constitutes the master key
limitation of secular authority
~ Years
:0 retain his entire estate or
part of them. It was the lie
I, as it did on Sapphira, his
ad repeated the. falsehood.
I for an unspecified time at
In no o.ther apostolic com
collectivism recorded by the
epistles of St. Paul, who was
~ practice and the legitimacy
["nus he instructs the Corin
,hteenth Chapter of his first
economize and save so that
a needy fellow Christians in
anized community budgeting
he Galatians. In his second
example of a charity program
)f Macedonia which, despite
enerosity toward other com
moderation in the collections
: there is no intention
Eyour distress. No, a balance
now is to make up for
can spare may, in its turn,
.e balance will be redressed."
the nature of their contribu
ly it is to be a free offering,.
tian charity and generosity
could have existed in com
~ directed. Generosity is the
lingly share their abundance
r disposal, we may conclude
, not a permanent economic
Dpted there can by no means
ved as dogma from Christ.
ammon among all Christian
interpretation of them, and
the subsequent development of the Christian ethos follow a very
definite scale of values in respect to fundamentals and accidentals.
As the first Chlistian SOciologist, Christ directed the major empha
sis of His teaching to the individual soul, because He knew it
to be the source and fountainhead of the collective conscience of
mankind. He then progressed to the next component element of
civil society, the family, and made but limited references to the
political and economic features of the State. By far the greater
proportion of His revelation is concentrated on the first two
elements and in the order indicated; the smallest portion deals
with the techniques of social organization and the material con
ditions in which men live. These latter are neither excluded nor
minimized, but they do not constitute the prime obligation of
the Christian Church, except when the externals of political and
economic institutions impede the spiritual welfar'e, endanger the
inner life of the soul, or challenge the supernatural mission of
Christianity.
Even the Old Law which Moses promulgated, and which Christ
did not disdain to obey in many respects, wrote its ten command
ments in the singular number: Thou shalt and Thou shalt not. The
obligations and the penalties are personal; judgment for sin will
be passed on Matthew and Luke, on Mark and John, or Martha
and Mary and Magdalen, not on families as such, nor on cities
nor democracies nor autocracies, but on individual members of
families, on separate citizens, on single democrats, republicans,
and autocrats. Naked and alone each of us came into this world;
solitary and stripped of worldly trappings we shall leave it; stark
and alone we shall stand responsible before the judgment seat.
Man's sojourn in SOcially organized communities, though important
. and natural, is only an interlude between two eternities. It is
not his ultimate destiny. .
Even on the rare occasions when the Founder of Christianity
promulgated dogmas of a political character, He directed them
to individuals: "Render therefore unto Caesar the things that are
Caesar's and to God the things that are God's." That simple but
majestic commandment established the distribution of power and
constitutes the master key to Christ's political preachment. The
limitation of secular authority was equally laconic and in the
181
182
The Wasted Years
singular, addressed to Pilate: "Thou wouldst have no power over
me if it were not give!} thee from on high."
If the kingdom your Christ came to found is not of this world,
the sophist argues, Christianity should not concem itself with
political problems domestic or international. The fallacy is an
easy evasion for those who have not learned the discipline of
defining terms. If by politics one means the heated partisanship
and polemics of election campaigns, the curbstone vulgarities of
party conflicts, the smoke-drenched caucus rooms of national con
ventions which so often degenerate into three-ringed circuses, ob
viously the Christian Church as such has no mandate to descend
into that arena. But if by politics is meant the art of government
and the science of regulating the mutual relations and the social
conduct of men living in organized societies anywhere, then the
Christian Church is not only in politics but she cannot stay out
of politics any more than human beings can live outside the
atmosphere which envelops the earth. To breathe oxygen is an
inescapable condition of our bodily existence; to refuse to do so
brings death. By' reason of her sunoundings, both human and
institutional, the Christian Church faces many a challenge to the
vitality of the mission confided to her. Some of these are direct;
others are indirect, but not less relevant in the long run.
Contradictions arise from abuses in such overlapping fields as
government, economics, education, and social welfare, for it is
in the midst of such human adjuncts that the Church must live.
They meet and sometimes jostle her at many a crossroad of life.
Her children, who are citizens as well as members of a religious
faith, may be penalized by invasion of their most sacred rights
of conscience, as happened in the Oregon Schools Case of 1925
in which the Supreme Court of the United States eventually
upheld the parental rights of Protestants and Cath6lics alike
against the claims of the state legislature to monopolize education.
Slums breed unhealthy moral conditions, as well as unhealthy
bodies; gross industrial exploitation, social injustice, callous abuse
of financial power, and similar excesses constitute such palpable
menaces to the Christian sense of moral responsibility as to warrant
positive intervention on the part of the Church. So long as the
soul of man may be inclined to good or evil by the quality and
Five Y
pressures of environment,
to pronounce judgment on
tion, on political platform;;, e
ministrations. To do less "GFC
her stated mission.
In the performance of her
order she will not neglect
human nature, the daily ,,-etts
the lowly, the widow, the s17F,
Since, in the Christian herit.::g
vated to new dignity by
Christianity the world over h
compassion, collective charit;-.,.
Church was active and elaqlce
State became conscious of sew::
body, because it bears the sig:::
adore it. She knows that it ".::
flesh, not vice versa. To com:
sunender utterly. Henri Gh,ktcc
his finger on the alternath-e:
. is it to anybody to try to ,,1.
devitalizes the supernatural
by overmuch and disproportiGiI:
corruptible part of man's ll2-!-C
existence. It will progressiveI:
welfare agency and might beG
tarian foundation before it ecce
with the Red Cross, HoUywOGl(
Marxian Communism has 5
the Incarnation and drive me:
more material and more despi.::
of antiquity, because of thee;
most significant' victory has
abuses close to hand and to
discriminations, and low st:mc
masses of common men throu,!
- control of the total soul 2-TI
is kept under cover until its f
d Years
1 wouldst have no power over
on high."
to found is not of this world,
lOuld not concern itself with
:emational. The fallacy is an
not learned the discipline of
neans the heated partisanship
" the curbstone vulgarities of
caucus rooms of national con
into three-ringed circuses, ob
:1 has no mandate to descend
meant the art of government
mtual relations and the social
l societies anywhere, then the
but she cannot stay out
beings can live outside the
:th. To breathe oxygen is an
existence; to refuse to do so
rroundings, both human and
aces many a challenge to the
ler. Some of these are direct;
evant in the long run.
in such overlapping fields as
and social welfare, for- it is
:s that the Church must live.
. at many a crossroad of life.
ell as members of a religious
1 of their most sacred rights
)regon Schools Case of 1925
he United States eventually
testants and Catholics alike
me to monopolize education.
itions, as well as unhealthy
social injustice, callous abuse
,ses constitute such palpable
al responsibility as to warrant
the Church. So long as the
:I or evil by the quality and
pressures of environment, just so long is the Church obligated
to pronounce judgment on the spiritual consequences of legisla
tion, on political platfonns, economic programs, and civic ad
ministrations. To do less would be default in the essentials of
her stated mission.
In the perfonnance of her primary obligation to the supernatural
order she will not neglect the temporal and the visible needs of
human nature, the daily welfare and the material necessities of
the lowly, the widow, the suffering, the outcast, and the orphan.
Since, in the Christian heritage, the body of man has been ele
vated to new dignity by the indwelling of a ransomed soul,
Christianity the world over has not been wanting in works of
compassion, collective charity, and social service. The Christian
Church was active and eloquent in that domain long before the
State became conscious of social responsibility. She respects the
body, because it bears the signature of divinity. But she will not
adore it. She knows that it was the eternal Logos which became
:/lesh, not vice versa. To compromise on that primary issue is to
surrender utterly. Henri Gheon, in his book The Cure D'Ars, puts
his finger on the alternative: 'if truth is inescapable, what use
is it to anybody to try to whittle it down?" Any Church which
devitalizes the supernatural substance of religion pure and undefiled
by ovennuch and disproportionate solicitude for the transient and
corruptible part of man's nature will have lost the reason for its
existence. It will progreSSively degenerate into a disguised social
welfare agency and might better merge with some solid humani
tarian foundation before it ends by becoming a losing competitor
with the Red Cross, Hollywood, and Broadway.
Marxian Communism has set itself to reverse the effects of
the InCarnation and drive men back to an impersonal paganism
more material and more despiritualized than any heathen religion
of antiquity, because of the cold rationalism of its processes. Its
most significant' victory has been its success in emphasizing the
abuses close to hand and to eye: economic inequalities, soci,al
discriminations, and low standards of living among the teeming
masses of common men throughout the world. The main objective
- control of the total soul and the complete body of mankind
is kept under cover until its full conquest is achieved. The incl
183
184
The Wasted Years
dental fact is made to serve as the visible argument. "Facts,"
wrote Macaulay, "are the mere dross of history. It is from the
abstract truth which interpenetrates them and lies latent among
them, like gold in the ore, that the mass derives its value."
Because of this setting up of perishable flesh to be the eternal
Logos and the fascination of manufactured gadgets to be the
be-all and the end-all of intellectual capacity, Soviet philosophy
creates a secret loneliness of heart which seeks incessantly to
fill the void created in man's nature by the elimination of the
concept of God. The vacuum must be filled somehow and by
something. Man cannot repeal the law of his being. The Soviet
Government every government - is made up of men. There is
no more lonely man than the Godless man even when he is
absorbed outwardly with his wine, his women, his song, and his
luxuries. He may stifle conscience but he cannot wholly kill his
awareness of it. There is something forever lacking in his mind,
something haunting his intellect; to satisfy the ever constant urge
to find the absolute he increases the tempo of his fling at life
and enlarges the inquiry. Science will engage one type of tempera
ment; art, literature, gold, music, and endless speculation will
pass the hours for others. If a libertine, he will seek feliCity in the
flesh and still come back unsatisfied; if a Darwinian, he will find
repose in man as" a mere "social vertebrate." Fatigued and frns
trated he not infrequently reaches a point in his quest for happi
ness no thrill remains to be explored except the final gamble
of SUICIde. What he was forever seeking, but always afraid to
find, was God. \Vbat pursued and drove him ever onward, though
he never turned to look, was that Hound of Heaven whose
immanence is the subject of Francis Thompson's absorbing poem
of that name:
I fled him down the nights and down the days,
I fled him down the arches of the years,
I fled him down the labyrinthine ways of my own mind ....
So, too, a purely materialistic civilization with no vision beyond
the horizon of industrial productivity, pleasurable things, utilitarian
objects, and earth-bound motion must become a lonely introvert.
It has nothing better than itself to satisfy the yearnings of its
Five Years
rational nature and reply to
a kind of dreadful logicality, "Fe
to power on a grandiose scale f,
for perfectibility and to
paradise which distinguishes
General Eisenhower, in his
which illustrates the practical
that ignores the origin and the
company with a Soviet officer b
American soldiers, trained te
r
>;(,
locating hidden land mines
by a great mass of troops.
and disagreement: the way he
body of men across the field,
explode the mines. The area '"
artillery, and supplies. The ill
the value of the individual
By another of its macabre
Soviet science to a modernized
of convinced Communists, me
denly changing their very pee
confessing treason and \velcom;
the purge trials of Trotskyite::
often the very language of
took possession of the UCJLCLJlU",,"
technique was extended to nOll
was apparently improved, as t:
came more frequent there.
confessing improbable iniquity.
whose courageous account ;.:
subjected to extort a false
the State Department on
ment of Bulgaria promptly retE
a counterconfession from Shink(
meantime and put on trial '
is made to retract his former st<
the conduct of the Security
humane attitude. No tortu;e." f
'd Years
the visible argument. "Facts,"
ross of history. It is from the
;$ them and lies latent among
Ie mass derives its value."
rishable Hesh to be the eternal
nmactured gadgets to be the
Lll capacity, Soviet philosophy
rt which seeks incessantly to
are by the elimination of the
st be filled somehow and by
law of his being. The Soviet
is made up of men. There is
odless man even when he is
his women, his song, and his
out he cannot wholly kill his
g forever lacking in his mind,
satisfy the ever constant urge
tempo of his fling at life
:ll engage one type of tempera
and endless speculation will
he will seek felicity in the
!; if a Darwinian, he will find
ertebrate." Fatigued, and frus
t point in his quest for happi
:plored except the final gamble
;eeking, but always afraid to
rove him ever onward, though
3.T Hound of Heaven whose
, Thompson's absorbing poem
awn the days,
e vears,
I""a),s of my own mind ....
ization with no vision beyond
, pleasurable things, utilitarian
;st become a lonely introvert
, satisfy the yearnings of its
Five Years at Cold War
rational nature and reply to the nostalgia. It is inevitable, with
a kind of dreadful logicality, for such a dwarfed culture to turn
to power on a grandiose scale for satiation of that innate appetite
for perfectibility and to slake its unsatisfied thirst for a lost
paradise which distinguishes man from the beast in the field.
General Eisenhower, in his Crusade in Europe, relates an incident
which illustrates the practical consequences of a materialism
that ignores the origin and the destiny of human personality. In
company with a Soviet officer he was watching a picked group of
American soldiers, trained technicians, carefully and methodically
locating hidden land mines in an area soon to be passed over
by a great mass of troops. The Soviet general expressed surprise
and disagreement: the way he would do it was to send a large
body of men across the field, the weight of whose bodies would
explode the mines. The area would then be safe for the tanks,
artillery, and supplies. The dignity of the human person and
the value of the individual were ciphers in his accounting.
By another of its macabre inventions, the Politburo has enlisted
Soviet science to a modernized form of diabolism. The spectacle
of convinced Communists, tried and true Party stalwarts, sud
denly changing their very personality, eagerly and ,eloquently
confeSSing treason and welcoming punishment, first appeared in
the purge trials of Trotskyites in 1937. The avenging spirit and
often the very language of the public prosecutor, Mr. Vyshinski.
took possession of the defendants. In the satellite countries the
technique was extended to non-Communist prisoners as well and
was apparently improved, as the paradox of self-accusation be
came more frequent there. Bulgaria had its Evangelical pastors
confeSSing improbable iniquity. More recently Alexander Shipkov,
whose courageous account of the torture to which he had been
subjected to extort a false confession in Sofia was published by
the State Department on. March 4, 1950. The Communist govern
ment of Bulgaria promptly, retaliated on March 6 by publishing
a counterconfession from Shipkov who had been rearrested in the
meantime and put on trial for espionage. In it the harassed victim
is made to retract his former statement and assure the world that
the conduct of the Security Militia had been "Very good. ... A
humane attitude. No torture." Following the conventional pattern
185
186
I
The Wasted Years
he described his statement given while at liberty as false and
calumnious." Another recent example is that of the American
citizen R9bert Vogeler and the Englishman Edgar Sanders ad
mitting guilt and begging clemency in Hungary. But the most
compelling instance is that of Cardinal Mindszenty whose entire
previous character of firm, unshakable opposition to Hitlerism and
Communism alike was suddenly transformed into something un
recognizable as emanating from the same individual.
The bold, uncompromising figure of a saintly prelate whose
personal status as a Prince of the Church and the tenets of
whose faith required martyrdom, if necessary, became, in thirty
days, a broken, self-accusing penitent who threw himself on
the mercy of a usurping power whose pretensions he had com
bated up to the hour the doors of the Andrassy prison closed
on him on the night of December 25-26, 1948. It has been
ascertained that one of Moscow's specialists in the art of ex
torting confessions, a .certain Dr. Kaftanov, accompanied the
prisoner to the processing room." 'What went into that secret
chamber was not the figure produced for public trial a month later.
The corporeal structure of the man was the same; but the soul
was blurred and shriveled. Even the eyes, which are the windows
of the soul, were not the same. 'Whether this terrorizing of the
inner spirit and the patent transformation of the Cardinal's pub
licly known personality without destroying the union of soul with
body was accompanied by prolonged physical torture, by psy
chological terrorism, or induced by drugs such as actedron and
scopomorphine or by hypnotic control after a tampering with
the brain, may continue to be debated by students of the sub
conscious ego, by psychiatrists and toxicolOgists. 'What confronts
humanity is the end result of some hidden process capable of
effectively killing the completely developed personality of a
mature man and substituting another mind subservient and re
sponsive to the will of the conqueror all achieved with the
apparent consent of the victim and without his being conscious
that his freedom of will and. integrity of intellect have been
damage? The skill to effect s.uch a s.ublimation of one personality
and rebirth of another, even if exerCIsed by practitioners obedient
to the natural law and conscious of their moral responsibilities,
Five Years
would be frightening enough.
in the hands of unscrupulous i
sworn to world revolution a:;:
political and ethical possibilit
at Budapest give as much
consequences of atomic
matter.
The pioneer delvers into fu
closed in uranium or hvdrO'E
before the capacity for tb
is plunging deeper and
, .
man s mnermost persona TIE.[
material for their satanic alcn
research for the benefit of hl!
of the Soviet State. That
decree. We may rest certain,
sanctities of life and conscier
rapine smells sweet in the
tampering with flesh, blood, an
of the mind to a preSCribed p
be a more sinister triumph of t
. and political conquests.
ted Years
:1 while at liberty as "false and
ll1lple is that of the American
Englishman Edgar Sanders ad
~ n c y in Hungary. But the most
ardinal Mindszenty whose entire
cable opposition to Hitlerism and
transformed into something un
the same individual.
;me of a saintly prelate whose
the Church and the tenets of
, if necessary, became, in thirty
tenitent who threw himself on
whose pretensions he had com
; of the Andrassy prison closed
nber 25-26, 1948. It has been
/8 specialists in the art of ex
)r. Kaftanov, accompanied the
:1." What went into that secret
~ e d for public trial a month later.
man was the same; but the soul
:he eyes, which are the windows
'''"'hether this terrorizing of the
ormation of the Cardinal's pub
estroying the union of soul with
mged physical torture, by psy
drugs such as actedron and
::ontrol after a tampering with
ebated by students of the sub
ld tOxicologists. What confronts
)me hidden process capable of
v developed personality of a
)ther mind subservient and re
queror - all achieved with the
nd without his being conscious
ltegrity of intellect have been
1 sublimation of one personality
'rcised by practitioners obedient
of their moral responsibilities,
would be frightening enough. 'That fearsome power now reposes
in the hands of unscrupulous totalitarians and amoral pragmatists
sworn to world revolution and the extinction of religion. 'The
political and ethical possibilities foreshadowed in the courtroom
at Budapest give as much pause to civilized men as do the social
consequences of atomic fission in the physicai constitution of
matter.
The pioneer delvers into the secrets of the atom, whether en
closed in uranium or hydrogen, are now recoiling in dismay
before the capacity for evil they there discovered. Soviet science
is plunging deeper and deeper into the unexplored depths of
man's innermost personal nature. They have unlimited clinical
material for their satanic alchemy. 'Their motive is not scientific
research for the benefit of. humanity, but for the political profit
of the Soviet State. 'That objective has been specified by public
decree. We may rest. certain, they will not retreat before the
sanctities of life and conscience, nor spare them either, if the
rapine smells sweet in the nostrils of the new barbarians. 'This
tampering with flesh, blood, and nerves, ending in the domination
of the mind to a prescribed party pattern, may well tum out to
be a more sinister triumph of the Revolution than all its territorial
and political conquests.
187
The Wheel Can
CHAPTER VIII
the portent. Or perhaps he r,
had made from the \vitne5s
May 24, 1946:
oN WHITSUNTJDE, May 28, 1950, whatever ghosts still
haunt the ruins of Berlin beheld a spectacle which gave new
meaning to the old French proverb, Plus r;a change, plus cefft la
tMme chose.
1
The mobilization of German youth in the Eastern
the regimented columns of 500,000 semiuniformed zealots
massed to make a Soviet holiday, their marching in military forma
tions, their acclaim of Stalin and Communism, the banners and
the 10,000 militarized police participants were all paraded with
techniques and psychological overtones identical with the monster
demonstrations that prepared the German people for World
War II. The appeal to the eye, the communicated feeling of massed
power, the stirring up of emotions to stylized chanting of defiance
against the Western Allies needed but an occasional substitution
of other faces and other slogans to make onlookers imagine that
the Hitler Jugend was on the march again or that a new rally of
a resurrected Nazi Party was taking place in Nuremberg.
Not far away, at the same moment, in the Spandau prison,
Hitler's organizer of youth, Baldur von Schirach, was making
expiation for his crime of having achieved a similar regimentation
of eight million German youth as prelude to Hitler's attempt at
a World Revolution. One wonders if Von Schirach could have
heard the echoes of the Whitsuntide march of 1950 and recognized
1 The more that changes, the more it comes to the same thing.
188
It is my guilt, which I bear bE:
have formed the younger gencratk
long, long years I believed in as
thority I considered could not be
cated youth for a man who was ,
German youth is innocent . . . t
ruins of their fatherland . . .
saw in him an ideal and went to
that is all.
The memory of man is ama
events, let us say in respect tc
rearmament program was ad
the sequence of events shGU
would draw profit from a c[
accomplished by stealth
the occupied zones under
Germany after World War I 1
War II. The public
today is following a pattern
The rearming of the
bloody aftermath.
From the earliest years
considered Germany as the 3;;
Europe, as it has deemed
Asia. These two premises,
through the revolutionary lit!'
sistently in the programs of ill
and position of Germany as s
future Communist States
when Trotsky, over the
him, openly appealed to the
new proletarian regime in
insurrection and class warfare,
rial, directed to Germany even
the negotiations took place, 50
R VIII
Round Full Circle
28, 1950, whatever ghosts still
. a spectacle which gave new
D, Plus qa change, plus c'est la
. German youth in the Eastern
500,000 semiuniformed zealots
ieir marching in military forma-
Communism, the banners and.
cipants were all paraded with
ones identical with the monster
e German people for World
;ommunicated feeling of massed
to stylized chanting of defiance
Dut an occasional substitution
J make onlookers imagine that
;h again or that a new rally of
ng place in Nuremberg.
ment, in the Spandau prison,
1I von Schirach, was making
:;meved a similar regimentation
prelude to Hitler's attempt at
; if Von Schirach could have
~ march of 1950 and recognized
Jmes to the same thing.
The Wheel Comes Round Full Circle 189
the portent. Or perhaps he repeated to himseH the confession he
had made from the witness stand at the Nuremberg trials on
May 24, 1946: .
It is my guilt, which I bear before youth and the German Nation, that I
have formed the younger generation of this people for a man who fOJ: many
long, long years I believed in as a Leader, as Head of the State, whose au
thority I considered could not be questioned .... It is my guilt that I edu
cated youth for a man who was a murderer a million times over. . . But
German youth is innocent . . today they wander bewildered among the
ruins of their fatherland . . . they knew nothing of these crimes . . . they
saw in him an ideal and went to death for him. . . . I believed in this man,
that is all.
The memory of man is amazingly short for comparatively recent
events, let us say in respect to the period during which Germany's
rearmament program was achieved after the defeat of 1918. But
the sequence of events should not be forgotten by those who
would draw profit from a comparison between what was then
accomplished by stealth and what Moscow is now achieving in
the occupied zones under her control. The secret rearmament of
Germany after World War I led directly and inevitably to World
War II. The public rearmament of the Eastern zone of Germany
today is following a pattern which it would be folly to ignore.
The rearming of the Soviet zone of Korea has already had a
bloody aftermath.
From the earliest years of the Soviet regime, the Politburo has
considered Germany as the key to W orId Revolutiori in western
Europe, as it has deemed China the basis for Communist control of
Asia. These two premises, like a constant among variables, run
through the revolutionary literature of the Party and recur con
sistently in the programs of the Communist International. The role
and position of Germany as second to Russia itseH in a chain of
future Communist States appears as early as Brest Litovsk (1918)
when Trotsky, over the head of the German Army there facing
him, openly appealed to the population of that country to join the
new proletarian regime in Moscow by taking the road of domestic
insurrection and class warfare. His propaganda and printed mate
rial, directed to Germany even from within the German lines where
the negotiations took place, so angered the German High Staff that
190 The Wa8ted Years
Lenin was obliged to withdraw the firebrand and have Ohicherin
sign the treaty on March 3, 1918.
German social democracy was always the model and the hope
of Lenin. In the Seventh Congress of Soviets he described the
Russian effort as "raw" and needing the mature political experience
of Social Democrats in Germany, as wen as the general techno
logical skill of the German worker, whom he described as "intel
ligent . . . educated . . . because he is used to living. in an
advanced culture." In February, 1918, the Petrograd Soviet elected
Karl Liebknecht an honorary member in tribute to German leftism.
Lenin's writings were first translated into German. Jaffe and Buk
harin, two old Bolsheviks, were later installed in the Russian
embassy in Berlin, under cover of terms provided in the Treaty
of Brest Litovsk. Among the most active of leftist Germans of
the period was Wilhelm Pieck, still, in 1950, a Moscow-trained
Communist leader in the Eastern zone. When internal convulsions
threatened the Communist cause in Germany in 1920, Lenin showed
his concern by composing what was virtually a foreign policy for
German revolutionists. In July, 1923, Karl Radek, active in devel
oping Communism in Germany, issued his program for the future
of Germany in a special edition of the Rote Fahne.
The most significant influence of Moscow, however, was felt in
the secret process of rearming Germany, by which the Reichswehr
circumvented the Treaty of Versailles under the Weimar Republic.
Defeated in the field but never entirely conquered, the militarists
of the General Staff looked eastward for solace to the rising power
of Soviet Russia. As early as 1921 Radek made his proposal to the
intransigent generals: arsenals could be built on Russian territory
and armament built up for the day of reckOning with the Western
powers which had triumphed over Germany in 1918. In 1922 the
Rapallo Treaty established political relationship; ambassadors were
exchanged and commercial ties strengthened.
The author of this volume had considerable to do with the
first German ambassador in Soviet Russia, Count Brockdorff
Rantzau. An unreconstructed Junker, tan, hair en brosse, monocled,
and bitter, it was he who refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles,
though delegated to do so and a substitute had to be named by
Berlin. During the tense days of religious persecution in 1923, the
The Wheel
German Foreign Office had.
to exert a restraining :icllUi''i:o
of Mission in Moscow tum'd
political bargaining. In answe.r
the death sentence from the P
that my delicate mission
would do him a favor. The
Rhineland. France was a C?L
bring pressure on the Qu.ci
French troops? I could onlY
to such matters, but that
out comment to the Cardinal ~
beyond the killing of ~ I o l l S i
against Archbishop Ciepla..k.,
the others.
On another occasion,
ous I was engaged in making:
certain members of the
The Count invited me to
easiness in Moscow and to
personnel. I replied that me
offered lodging by the Italia:;:;
others would be received
Turkish diplomatic represent
"I have been offered hospit
British representative." The P!"!
he murmured, twisting the s
transporter votTe lit virginal
intended to let me know he W ~
though clothed in lay costw:m:
hence I felt free to reply in tl
that there would be no net IGS
members of the diplomatic CDr
compensation by their private
was taken, so far as I could
against mine, and said:
of his regiment - except that
stones of the fireplace.
d Years
. fuebrand and have Ohicherin
ways the model and the hope
s of Soviets he described the
the mature political experience
as well as the general techno-
whom he described as "intel
he is used to living in an
the Petrograd Soviet elected
ef in tribute to German leftism.
d into German. Jaffe and Buk
later installed in the Russian
terms provided in the Treaty
t active of leftist Germans of
ill, in 1950, a Moscow-trained
one. 'When internal convulsions
Germany in 1920, Lenin showed
LS virtually a foreign policy for
8, Karl Radek, active in devel
Cled his program for the future
:he Rote Fahne.
Moscow, however, was felt in
nany, by which the Reichswehr
es under the Weimar Republic.
tirely conquered, the militarists
d for solace to the rising power
tadek made his proposal to the
d be built on Russian territory
of reckOning with the Western
Germany in 1918. In 1922 the
relationship; ambassadQrs were
:ngthened.
~ considerable to do with the
iet Russia, Count Brockdorff
c, tall, hair en brosse, monocled,
:0 sign the Treaty of Versailles,
mbstitute had to be named by
ligious persecution in 1923, the
The Wheel Cames Round Full Circle
191
German Foreign Office had sought, out of courtesy to the Vatican,
to exert a restraining influence on the Kremlin. But their Chief
of Mission in Moscow turned the occasion into an opportunity for
political bargaining. In answer to my pleas for assistance in averting
the death sentence from the Petrograd clergy, the Count suggested
that my delicate mission might be facilitated if I, for my part,
would do him a favor. The French had recently occupied the
Rhineland. France was a Catholic country. Could not the Pope
bring pressure on the Quai d'Orsay to effect a withdrawal of
French troops? I could only answer that my powers did not extend
to such matters, but that his observation would be transmitted with
out comment to the Cardinal Secretary of State. N otbing happened
- beyond the killing of Monsignor Budkiewicz, the death sentence
against Archbishop Cieplak, and long terms of imprisonment for
the others.
On another occasion, during a sudden crisis that looked danger
ous I was engaged in making emergency provisions for transferring
certain members of the papal mission to places of greater safety.
The Count invited me to his embassy to discuss the current un
easiness in Moscow and to inquire about the disposition of our
personnel. I replied that those of Italian nationality had been
offered lodging by the Italian Commercial Agent, Signor Amadori,
others would be received by the Poles or by Mukhtar-Bey, the
Turkish diplomatiC representative. "And yourself?" he queried.
"I have been offered hospitality by Sir Robert Hodgson, the
British representative." The Prussian in him bristled - "Alors done,"
he murmured, twisting the stem of his wine glass, "V0U8 allez
transporter votre lit virginal aux Anglais." This catty remark was '
intended to let me know he was aware that I was a Catholic priest
though clothed in lay costume. The mood was outwardly playful,
hence I felt free to reply in the same vein. I ventured to suggest
that there would be no net loss in that field, as certain well-known
members of the diplomatic corps would probably continue to make
compensation by their private activities and roving eye. No offense
was taken, so far as I could judge. He lifted his glass, clicked it
against mine, and said: 'Touche, man pere." He followed the code
of his regiment except that he did not splinter his glass on the
stones of the fireplace.
But to return to His Excellency's government and its secret
rearmament program on Russian soil.
Traveling constantly throughout Russia after the German-Soviet
understanding at Rapallo, we could not escape noticing the
presence, in growing numbers, of German engineers, consultants,
businessmen, and military experts. The concrete results of their
collaboration appeared during the next three years. By 1928 it
was estimated that 800 special German agents had been dis
patched to Soviet Russia for work with the Red Army. Factories
arose under Junker engineering and direction, such as those at
Samara and Saratov; an airfield blossomed in the Tambov area;
German officers conducted training courses in chemical warfare
and aviation; the Hugo Stolzenburg firm constructed a plant for
the manufacture of Phosgene and Lost, two types of poison gas.
The Stinnes group and Krupp were prominent in the program.
It later developed that the trade agreement between Moscow and
Berlin was utilized to ship separate parts of knocked-down military
equipment to Germany, labeled as commercial supplies. Hand
grenades were delivered to the Reichswehr via Baltic ports such as
Stettin, a transaction which was discovered, however, by longshore
men at the time of unloading and revealed to the Social Democrats
who systematically collected the evidence and exploded the news
in the Reichstag on December 17, 1926. The conspiracy was
published in the Social Democratic Vorwiirts and the Berliner
Tageblatt, as well as in the series of articles in the Manchester
Guardian during December, 1926. But the power of the Reichswehr
and the interest of the German government combined to stifle
opposition and defeat the demand for a parliamentary investigation.
Meanwhile, within Germany itself, the process of preparation
for war was organized with characteristic German efficiency. The
Inter-Allied Military Control Commission was often circumvented
by ingenious devices; double walls in warehouses, subterranean
storehouses, entrances blocked with brickwork, and subterfuges
such as renting private storage space under the name of a legit
imate business enterprise. Even lighters were loaded to capacity
and then anchored offshore in charge of a trusted agent or a soldier
in civilian clothes. In the first disarmament period, after the
demobilization of the defeated army, large numbers of rifles of the
The Wheel
Free Corps had been
remote border spots in
The training of future
under the Treaty of
maneuvers. "Automobile
formed; student organizatioIlS B
preserved contact among
Officers' Corps maintained
a pproached his final triumpl;
became, tc.> all intents and
tion of Communists and
reserves, and the Labor Service
the intellectuals an appropri2.h=
their own ranks. Karl HaushofE!
encouraged the eventual and
in his voluminous writings;
of Lt. Colonel von NiedermavE
political potentialities of SO':'ie
hidden purposes, the e}:tent
Soviet collaboration must be !'i
secrets of modern history."2
The emergence of Hitler
thirties effected a distinct trli!::
process. It was no longer
more important was the
Rearmament now became ant
from the ties and the hopes wh
Germany since the days of
menace and a direct challenge
2 Cited from the conclusions re",(
Fischer, Stalin and German
No writer in modem times has mDI:
l:\on on the relationship between G
The present author is much
which supplements my observatior:s
with much of the evidence eont2.iz::o
by me at Nuremberg in 1945--194c:B,
sojourn in Japan during the ,"vinic]
Japanese leaders were on trial before
"'rue Far East.
i Years
,'s government and its secret
il.
lussia after the German-Soviet
uld not escape noticing the"
:;erman engineers, consultants,
The concrete results of their
next three years. By 1928 it
ierman agents had been dis
with the Red Army. Factories
!d direction, such as those at
ossomed in the Tambov area;
~ courses in chemical warfare
g firm constructed a plant for
Lost, two types of poison gas.
re prominent in the program.
;reement between Moscow and
parts of knocked-down military
:5 commercial supplies. Hand
hswehr via Baltic ports such as
overed, however, by longshore
vealed to the Social Democrats
idence and exploded the news
7, 1926. The conspiracy was
:c V orwiirts and the Berliner
of articles in the Manchester
!t the power of the Reichswehr
overnment combined to stifle
r a parliamentary investigation.
If, the process of preparation
enstic German efficiency. The
ission was often ci,rcumvented
in warehouses, subterranean
1 brickwork, and subterfuges
;e under the name of a legit
lters were loaded to capacity
of a trusted agent or a soldier
sarmament period, after the
large numbers of rifles of the
Free Corps had been greased, packed in cases, and buried at
remote border spots in Upper Silesia.
The training of future troops in excess of the 100,000 permitted
under the Treaty of Versailles was accomplished by indirect
maneuvers. "Automobile clubs" increased; "glider corps" were
formed; student organizations flourished; war veterans' associations
preserved contact among the rank and file, while the Prussian
Officers' Corps maintained an intact leadership. As Hitler
approached his final triumph, the SS contingents and Brown Shirts
became, to all intents and purposes, a private army for the liquida
tion of Communists and Jews, while the Hitler Youth furnished
reserves, and the Labor Service provided training in the field. For
the intellectuals an appropriate indoctrination was supplied from
their own ranks. Karl Haushofer, the father of German geopolitics,
encouraged the eventual and open alliance of Germany with Russia
in his voluminous writings; he wrote the preface to the joint work
of Lt. Colonel von Niedermayer and Juri Semjonov, on the geo
political potentialities of Soviet Russia (1934). All in all, the
hidden purposes, the extent and technical execution of the German
Soviet collaboration must be regarded as "one of the best kept
secrets of modern histOly."2
The emergence of Hitler and his seizure of power in the mid
thirties effected a distinct transformation in the hitherto hidden
process. It was no longer necessary to conceal the facts. \VIlat is
more important was the change of form, of tempo and association.
Rearmament now became an exclUSively Nazi weapon, divorced
from the ties and the hopes which Moscow had cultivated toward
Germany since the days of Rapallo. It became, in effect, a public
menace and a direct challenge to the Russian Revolution, a menace
2 Cited from the conclusions reached in the exhaustive study by Ruth
Fischer, Stalin and German Communism (Harvard University Press, 1948).
No writer in modem times has more intimate and authoritative documenta
tion on the relationship between German Communism and Soviet Russia.
The present author is much indebted to her account, particularly Chapter 24,
which supplements my observations of 1922-1923 inside Russia, coincides
with much of the evidence contained in the captured documents examined
by me at Nuremberg in 1945-1946, and rounds out data obtained during a
sojourn in Japan during the winter of 1947-1948 when Tojo and other
Japanese leaders were on trial before the International Military Tribunal for
the Far East.
clearly discernible in the violent language of Hitler's Mein Kampf
and made concrete in the civil war waged by the new praetorian
guard, the paramilitary units such as the SS troops and the
Brown Shirts mobilized by Hitler for his private warfare against
Communists and Jews. The traditional ascendancy of the Prussian
military caste declined; the Wehrmacht finally capitulated to the
elite represented by Goring, Hess, Himmler, and Von Ribbentrop.
Step by step, Hitler absorbed all organizations into the orbit of
the National Socialist revolution until the Nazi Party became the
German State.
Then Moscow took alarm, recognizing a formidable competitor,
and new directives were drawn up for the Seventh Congress of the
Communist International which was hastily convened in the summer
of 1935. Fascism became the public enemy in the Party line
imposed on World Communism, the Trojan Horse was groomed for
service, and Stalin liquidated Marshal Tukachevsky as well as all
other agents and colleagues who represented the previous policy
of co-operation with German militarists. It was another violent
zigzag in Communist tactics always responsive to sudden emergen
cies. The Olthodoxy of one phase became heresy and treason over
night in the rapid shifting of policy characteristic of the Politburo.
It is this ever present danger of being charged with "deviationism"
which hangs like a sword of Damocles over the head of every
Soviet official, not excluding Mr. Molotov or Mr. Vyshinski or
Mr. Malik. Greater than they met sudden death from it.
The braggadocio of Hitler and the cold opporturiism of Stalin
met on common ground in August, 1939, and another zigzag took
place on both sides. The inviting vision of joint domination of
Europe possessed both dictators, stirred their imagination, and
found voice in the Nazi-Soviet pact in which they buried their
hatchets after pledging mutual consent to a carving up of Eurasia
between themselves. The pact revived certain historic tendencies
latent in the thinking of many German publicists. A condominium
in some form or other had often been advocated in previous years
by Haushofer who followed BismarcJs:'scanny diplomacy and
cautious benevolence respecting the role of Russia in preserving
a balance of power favorable to Germany and irksome to France.
Neither a geopolitician nor a Pan-Germanist, the Iron Chancellor
The Wheel C
sought not so much German
strong, unified Germany, dOm!
by Russia, was his basic policy
Emperors' League
1881, effected a secret
and, in general, skillfully
impresSively increased Germru
tinent from 1871 to his retireill:
succeeding years, the balaI!ce
Wilhelm II, a;; Russia and Fran
solidarity of understanding iI:
enlarged into the Triple Enten
with Japan in sympathetic
pensate for the shift, Germ"'"';
shaky Triple Alliance and will
in power politics.
Resolved to profit by the G
much of his genius and
the Germanic camp and
again," he wrote after the Gel']
. shall Germany and Russia
of their adjustable spaces
It was the allocation of
frightened Hitler or
its aspirations of empire as s:1;
in the direction of the India;
and Baku in the general
evidence of a rival geopolities
December 18, 1940, that So;ie
even before the conclusion
momentous decision, vl!.lu\.ru..;.,;;cc
revealed at Nuremberg and
Mussolini, June 21, 1941, as
critical performance in the Ki,
The Nazi invasion of Russ
future historians as Hitler's ill
3 Zeitschrift fur Geopolitik, 1939:,
~ d Years
nguage of Hitler's Mein Kampf
r waged by the new praetorian
::h as the SS troops and the
for his private warfare againsf
mal ascendancy of the Prussian
nacht finally capitulated to the
Himmler, and Von Ribbentrop.
organizations into the orbit of
util the Nazi Party became the
nizing a formidable competitor,
for the Seventh Congress of the
; hastily convened in the summer
,blic enemy in the Party line
:; Trojan Horse was groomed for
,hal Tukachevsky as well as all
represented the previous policy
itarists. It was another violent
responsive to sudden emergen
ecame heresy and treason over
. characteristic of the Politburo ..
charged with "deviationism"
nocles over the head of every
:?\folotov or Mr. Vyshinski or
sudden death from it.
the cold opportunism of Stalin
1939, and another zigzag took
vision of joint domination of
stirred their imagination, and
ct in which they buried their
,ent to a carving. up of Eurasia
ved certain historic tendencies
nan publicists. A condominium
en advocated in previous years
narck's canny diplomacy and
e role of Russia in preserving
:rmany and irksome to France.
Germanist, the Iron Chancellor
sought not so much German expansion as German security. A
strong, unified Germany, dominated by Prussia and not menaced
by Russia, was his basic policy. To that end he revived the Three
Emperors' League (Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia) in
1881, effected a secret "reinsurance" treaty with the Tzar in 1887,
and, in general, skillfully isolated France, appeased England, and
impressively increased Germany's strategic position on the Con
tinent from 1871 to his retirement from public office in 1890. In the
succeeding years, the balance was reversed under the bellicose
Wilhehn II, as Russia and France gravitated more and more toward
solidarity of understanding in a dual alliance which was later
enlarged into the Triple Entente - England; France, and Russia
with Japan in sympathetic though unstable co-operation. To com
pensate for the shift, Germany and Austria wooed Italy into the
shaky Triple Alliance and waited for the next tum of the wheel
in power politics.
Resolved to profit by the debacle of 1918, Haushofer devoted
much of his genius and physical energy to restoring Russia to
the Germanic camp and enlisting Japan as an Eastern ally. "Never
again," he wrote after the German-Soviet alliance of August, 1939,
"shall Germany and Russia endanger the geopolitical fowndations
of their adiustable spaces by ideological conflicts."3
It was the allocation of spoils as proposed by Soviet Russia that
frightened Hitler or enraged him. The Politburo had described
its aspirations of empire as stretching far beyond Soviet borders
in the direction of the Indian Ocean and southward of Batum
and Baku in the general direction of the Persian Gulf. It was this
evidence of a rival geopolitics that convinced Hitler, as early as
December 18, 1940, that Soviet Russia would have to be crushed
even before the conclusion of the war against England. This
momentous decision, embodied in the Operation Barbarossa, was
revealed at Nuremberg and described by Hitler in his letter to
Mussolini, June 21, 1941, as designed "to put an end to the hypo
critical performance in the Kremlin."
The Nazi invasion of Russia will doubtless be accounted by
future historians as Hitler's most fatal error; by the same token,.
3 Zeitschrift fur Geopolitik, 1939, p. 773.
it must be regarded as a providential miscalculation in favor of
the hard-pressed Allied cause not yet reinforced by the entrance
of the United States into the war. If the Soviet-German pact had
held and been developed to its logical consummation, the map of
Europe might today be all red and brown from the Baltic to the
Mediterranean and from Vladivostok to the English Channel, with
the last remnant of British power established as a guest in Ottawa.
The defeat of Von Paulus before Stalingrad and the surrender
of the Sixth German Army, followed by other contingents, trans
ferred to Soviet control some 300,000 seasoned German troops
whose subsequent treatment as special prisoners of war made them
an important pawn in the contest for Germany. The Free German
Committee, composed of German officers in Moscow, served as
a propaganda agency under Soviet auspices. Dis banded officially
in August, 1945, this group's subsequent activities have been
nebulous; Von Paulus appeared for a brief sojourn at Nuremberg,
but how many German soldiers continue as an organized secret
army on Russian soil cannot be ascertained. It would be a highly
profitable enterprise, however, to attempt to find out how many
of them are enrolled for future military use in the German Police,
the V olkspolizei.
In addition to its political and ideological conquests in eastern
Germany, Soviet policy is busy with a program of military prepared
ness in her other satellite provinces of Europe. Wholly master of the
government of Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Roumania, and
Bulgaria, the Kremlin is systematically building up reserves of
trained man power in these subject areas. Already in control of the
police - a prime requisite in every seizure of power - their next
step is now in process of execution. Satellite armies under "reliable"
leadership are being organized which, in effect, will serve as reserve
corps of the Red Army. All Cominform countries are included in
this system of border levies. It has been estimated, as we have
already noted in a previous chapter, that the total strength of
these well-armed, well-trained, and Soviet-led mercenaries will be
approaching 2,000,000 by the year 1951-1952. It must not be for
gotten that one of the most productive centers of military armament
in Europe is the Skoda works in Pilsen, Czechoslovakia. It is oper
ating full blast and the products, for the most part, are moving
The Wheel CGmt
eastward or to Cominform allie
one of Europe's most importa
in the J oachimsthal region not
of the deposit extends into So',
In January, 1947, the slowly t
convinced Moscow that a co-.r:;::
The Council for Mutual AssiS
was the answer. By virtue of th<3
Soviet Russia and its satellites,
are rigorously controlled \vith
war materials, a preSCribed pe!",
to the Soviet Union, which had
materials at a price always fa;
is obliged to export 60-70 per
ucts to the Soviet Union or te;
the latter case, the Soviet CIT
a manner to insure a sort of brl
diminishes the possibility of eJ
which can fatally impair H1lI':
stability. By assigning similar ere
. Moscow feeds her own appetibJ
equipment suitable for war inar
ing her exploited satellites cua
crippling the export trade or w,
This exploitation of satellite
counterpart in Soviet Russias
citizens within the Union. It 1
economic serfs, at a minimum
and other State enterprises. ~ f ~
number much higher. The la"Y
dom were published within It,
ing House in 1941 and revealed
delegate to the United N atioIi
Geneva on July 22, 1949.
This code, with its 147 subse,:
for the recruiting of forced 12:1:;
empire. Wide latitude is aceor,
persons considered to be "cl
d Years
tial miscalculation in favor of
ret reinforced by the entrance
[f the Soviet-German pact had
.cal consummation, the map of
brown from the Baltic to the
( to the English Channel, with
tablished as a guest in Ottawa.
: Stalingrad and the surrender
:d by other contingents, trans
,000 seasoned German troops
.al prisoners of war made them
Ir Germany. The Free German
Dfficers in Moscow, served as
auspices. Disbanded officially
sequent activities have been
a brief sojourn at Nuremberg,
ntinue as an organized secret
"rtained. It would be a highly
ttempt to find out how many
ary use in the German Police,
eological conquests in eastern
program of military prepared
Europe. Wholly master of the
gary, Poland, Roumania, and
ally building up reserves ofl
reas. Already in control of the
seizure of power - their next
ltellite armies under "reliable"
in effect, will serve as reserve
Irm countries are included in
been as we have
r, that the total strength of
oviet-Ied mercenaries will be
l51-1952. It must not be for-
centers of military armament
n, Czechoslovakia. It is oper
r the most part, are moving
eastward or to Cominform allies. And it will be remembered that
one of Europe's most important sources of uranium was found
in the Joachimsthal region not far from Karlsbad; a northern spur
of the deposit extends into Soviet-occupied Saxony.
In January, 1941, the slowly maturing fruits of the Marshall Plan
convinced Moscow that a countereconomic move was imperative.
The Council for Mutual Assistance, the so-called Molotov Plan,
was the answer. By virtue of the bilateral trade agreements between
Soviet Russia and its satellites, economic relations with the West
are rigorously controlled with a view to increased production of
war materials, a preSCribed percentage of which must be exported
to the Soviet Union, which had aheady supplied much of the raw
materials at a price always favorable to Moscow. Thus Hungary
is obliged to export 60-10 per cent of her finished industrial prod
ucts to the Soviet Union or to a market approved by Moscow. In
the latter case, the Soviet Union manipulates the transaction in
a manner to insure a sort of broker's fee. This limitation of market
diminishes the possibility of commerce with the West, a handicap
which can fatally impair Hungary's ability to achieve economic
stability. By assigning similar quotas to Poland and Czechoslovakia,
Moscow feeds her own appetite for industrial products and heavy
equipment suitable for war industries, while at the same time keep
ing her exploited satellites cbained to the Kremlin's program and
crippling the export trade of western Europe.
This exploitation of satellites internationally has its domestics
counterpart in Soviet Russia's forced labor system applicable to
citizens within the Union. It has been estimated that 10,000,000
economic serfs, at a minimum, are detained in her labor camps
and other State enterprises. Many competent authorities place the
number much higher. The laws permitting this new form of serf
dom were published within Russia by the State Political Publish
ing House in 1941 and revealed to the outside world by the British
delegate to the United Nations Economic and Social Council at
Geneva on July 22, 1949.
This code, with its 141 subsections, provides in detailed language
for the recruiting of forced labor for the needs of the Communist
empire. Wide latitude is accorded to the government to round up
persons considered to be "class hostile elements" or
elements" for the purpose of "re-education . . . to socially useful
ends." One of the most sinister and revealing phrases to be found
in these statutes is the provision that suspected persons may be
deprived of liberty by that most characteristic device of tyranny
"by decree of an administrative organ," which means, of course, by
the arbitrary, star-chamber sentence of some governmental bureauc
racy. It is as if the National Democratic Committee in this country
had the power, through a Party agency located in the Interior
Department, to arrest and deport for re-education in Alcatraz or in
the uninhabited wastes of Alaska all Republicans deemed to be
unreliable or socially unstable. .
The code states textually that the armed guards who control the
economic slaves may be recruited, as they commonly are, from
convicted criminals, a procedure which guarantees ruthlessness and
callous administration. This practice had been widely adopted by
the Nazis in their concentration camps. To stimulate zeal among the
supervisors the Soviet code further provides that 5 per cent of
the net from the sale of products shall be deposited in
a "bonus fund for officials of corrective labor institutions."
Lenin's conviction of the prime importance of Germany in the
logistiCS of a Communist World Revolution is thus revea:ed
persisting unchanged in the Soviet policy rapidly
the Russian zone of occupation. By the tIme these lines are m
print, East Germany may aheady have been incorporated into the
Communist empire as another compliant satellite State under a
bogus treaty unilaterally imposed. The ficti:ious sove.reignty :hus
created could then claim place and delegates m the U ffited N abons,
together with the unpredictable number that could also be de
manded for a Sovietized China whose sprawling bulk, historic splits,
and geographic divisions offer specious pretexts for the setting up of
several pocket States in the service of the Kremlin.
Throughout this panorama of conspiracy and organized violence
runs a constant technique based on a systematic distortion of
values in the field of semantics. With the boldness which relies on
attack as the best defense, the followers of Lenin have turned the
of words upside down and attached special definitions to
The Wheel
traditional terms. In
support among the
which Lenin describes ill
discusses the use of
by the Greek writer of
a manner to convey
innuendoes without __
passage Lenin pretended
advocates all and any dec":?:::
where he counsels his
trickery, deception, lawless35
ing truth."
The Soviet adaptation
of evasion of known
illegal programs under color
cessantly on ideas
inserting guidance and ___ _
A special vocabulary was
the accepted meaning of
new semantics of the Corn!'fJP-:'
mous with Marxism;
. with dialectical
organization now prevalent ;..
justice whatever advances
whatever impedes the
thing Stalin does or Lenin .rec:[
submit to the inevitability C
peace the tranquillity foED
F
0r
the Red Army; war any atte
appreciative of Soviet
government adhering to '.
non-Sovietized society; fascISt
- one who pushes against the 10
the dialectic working up taa!!,
by instructed agents; history
in 1848 in the Communist Mafi:
4 Little Lenin Library, Vol. 15, p.
?d Years
ducation ... to socially useful
I revealing phrases to be found
that suspected persons may be
laracteristic device of tyranny
an," which means, of course, by
. of some governmental bureauc
:ratic Committee in this country
agency located in the Interior
Ir re-education in Alcatraz or in
all Republicans deemed to be
~ anned guards who control the
, as they commonly are, from
dch guarantees ruthlessness and
e had been widely adopted by
ps. To stimulate zeal among the
lr provides that 5 per cent of
products shall be depOSited in
:ctive labor institutions."
~ ~
tmportance of Germany in the
ievolution is thus revealed as
policy so rapidly maturing in
v the time these lines are in
~ v e been incorporated into the
tpliant satellite State under a
The fictitious sovereignty thus
elegates in the United Nations,
unber that could also be de
: sprawling bulk, historic splits,
15 pretexts for the setting up of
Jf the Kremlin.,
piracy and organized violence
m a systematic distortion of
1 the boldness which relies on
rers of Lenin have turned the
attached special definitions to
traditional terms. In order to confuse adversaries and mobilize
support among the unwary, they have excelled in the double talk
which Lenin describes in his treatise on Imperialism:!, He there
discusses the use of "Aesopian language" - the form of speech used
by the. Greek writer of fables, Aesop, who made animals talk in
a manner to convey criticism of human foibles and spread sarcastic
innuendoes without formally offending the reader. Although in that
passage Lenin pretended to a distaste for double talk, he openly
advocates all and any deceit in The Infantile Delusion of Leftism
where he counsels his followers: ''We must be prepared to employ
trickery, . deception, lawlessness, withholding truth and conceal
ing truth."
The Soviet adaptation of the Aesopian method takes the form
of evasion of known truths, emphasis on half-truths, covering up
illegal programs under color of legal privileges, hammering in
cessantly on ideas favorable to the Communist program, and
inserting gUidance and signposts recognizable to Communist eyes.
A special vocabulary was created in which, by dint of repetition,
the accepted meaning of familiar terms was smothered under the
new semantics of the Communist ideology. Truth became synony
mous with Marxism; falsehood meant any statement not in accord
with dialectical materialism; democracy became the form of State
organization now prevalent in the U.S.S.R. and satellite lands;
justice whatever advances the cause of the Revolution; injustice
whatever impedes the progress of Communism; morality - every
thing Stalin does or Lenin recommended; freedom -'-- the ability to
submit to the inevitability of Communist truth unilaterally defined;
peace the tranquillity following the conquest of a country by
the Red Army; war - any attempt at self-defense by a nation un
appreciative of Soviet aggression; warmonger - any person or
government adhering to the sovereignty and natural rights of a
non-Sovietized society; fascist - every non-Communist; reactionary
- one who pushes against the latest decree of the Politburo; logic
the dialectic working up to an aggression by proxy after infiltration
by instructed agents; history - a manner of thought first appearing
in 1848 in the Communist Manifesto; beauty - an anthology of the
4 Little Lenin Library, Vol. 15, p. 7.
writings of Marx, Lenin, Stalin; art - any approved representation
of life in Soviet Russia; ugliness - bourgeois culture; up - down;
right left; white - the absence of red.
In the field of police control and public administration, Aesopian
methodology endeavors to hide certain grim realities and ignore
them when it is. impossible to conceal them. From the outset of
the Revolution, the propagandists adopted a uniform terminology
respecting the evils of the Tzarist autocracy, which were serious
enough and hastened the end of the Russian empire. But they were
mildness and softness in comparison with the penal measures soon
to be adopted by its Soviet successor. Since Lenin, Stalin, and many
old Bolsheviks had done time in Siberia, the propaganda value of
the exile system under the Romanovs was utilized to the hilt. Little
was said or indicated of certain very important, but embarrassing
facts. It is possible, however, to make an estimate of the number
of exiles sent to Siberia from 1823 up to the fall of the Romanov
dynasty. The records of the Tzarist Bureau of Exile Administration,
erected on the initiative of a well-known reformer of earlier times,
Count Speransky, shows a total of 772,929 exiles sent there up
to 1887.
This date is selected because of the careful investigations made
in that field by George Kennan, the American journalist who first
explored Siberian prison life and published his monumental work,
Siberia and the Exile System, in 1891. Supplementing Kennan's
report by a computation based on comparison and analogy, we may
add another 400,000 to account for the years before the establish
ment of the Tzarist Bureau and the unrecorded years after 1887.
One may assume with fair accuracy that, in the space of a hundred
years, the Tzars banished something like 1,250,000 Russians to
Siberia, a figure which probably errs on the side of exaggeration.
But the liberators of the proletariat uprooted some 3,000,000
Russian peasants during the first two years of the First Five
Year Plan and transported them to penal service somewhere. The
additional millions confined in Siberia and in concentration camps
at the present moment may only be estimated. in figures already
cited, i.e., probably much in excess of 10,000,000, not counting the
victims in satellite regions.
If we wish to pursue one of those tzarist political exiles to his
The Wheel
place of confinement and
his punishment, we meet azs
propaganda. It will probably
be an informed and authen2'=
exiled to Shushenskoye in 18:?7
tions which are typical of
Let us consult his memoirs E
recounted with considerable,i
the official Lenin Institute,
1931, 1932, and 1933.
5
While awaiting his departrz
from the House of
1896, a long letter setting
There was ample time and
hence he decided to emba.ck
a list of supplies for his
to allot a sum of money
reference works were
and he crosses them off.
Another letter from the P,:'c
. 1896, acknowledges the ,."",,"=,.
his friend - tea in abunda1:2ce.
a shawl. He is permitted to :Dr
and it is delivered on the s.am
a day <Cand dreams about
He adds a postscript asking i.e
lead inserted in a holder. It
old-fashioned kind to be
"takes his time over it."
The remaining letters from .j
Petersburg are in the same
but no more underclothes
complete supply that there
. having dentistry work done . .
. . . has a traveling rug . . . b
By March 14, 1897, he is
5 A selected group of these leVeE::::!
of Lenin (New York: Harc014-t, B:a
l
l Years
- any approved representation
)ourgeois culture; up - down;
red.
ublic administration, Aesopian
:ain grim realities and ignore
eal them. From the outset of
lopted a uniform terminology
mtocracy, which were serious
R.ussian empire. But they were
;vith the penal measures soon
Since Lenin, Stalin, and many
eria, the propaganda value of
,vas utilized to the hilt. Little
important, but embarrassing
(e an estimate of the number
'p to the fall of the Romanov
ureau of Exile Administration,
oval reformer of earlier times,
772,929 exiles sent there up
le careful investigations made
American journalist who first
)lished his monumental work,
; ~ n . Supplementing Kennan's
Iparison and analogy, we may
be years before the establish
unrecorded years after 1887.
lat, in the space of a hundred
~ like 1,250,000 Russians to
-on the side of exaggeration.
3.t uprooted some 3,000,000
'i"O years of the First Five
enal service somewhere. The
, and in concentration camps
estimated in figures already
10,000,000, not counting the
tzarist political exiles to his
place of confinement and examine with objectivity the nature of
his punishment, we meet another semantic triumph of Soviet
propaganda. It will probably be conceded that Lenin himself will
be an informed and authentic witness in his own case. He was
exiled to Shushenskoye in 1897 and spent three years under condi
tions which are typical of administrative exile under the Romanovs.
Let us consult his memoirs and review his sufferings. They are
recounted with considerable detail in his Letters published by
the official Lenin Institute, and printed by Gosizdat, Moscow, in
1931, 1932, and 1933.G
While awaiting his departure to Siberia, he writes to a friend
from the House of Preliminary Detention, Petersburg, January 2,
1896, a long letter setting forth a program for the exile period.
There was ample time and permission for literary work in prison,
hence he decided to embark on the writing of a book; he encloses
a list of supplies for his friend to obtain for him; he is even able
to allot a sum of money for their purchase; some of the desired
reference works were obtainable in the prison library, however,
and he crosses them off.
Another letter from the Petersburg prison, dated January 24,
1896, acknowledges the receipt of a quantity of conveniences from
his friend - tea in abundance, a suit of clothes, a waistcoat, and
a shawl. He is permitted to order mineral water from a chemist,
and it is delivered on the same day. He sleeps about nine hours
a day "and dreams about the various chapters in my next book."
He adds a postscript asking for a special kind of pencil with the
lead inserted in a holder. It appears that the rules required the
old-fashioned kind to be sharpened by the prison warden and he
"takes his time over it."
The remaining letters from the preliminary detention prison at
Petersburg are in the same vein: thanks for the various supplies,
but no more underclothes should be sent . . . he has such a
complete supply that there is no more storage room . . . he is
. having dentiStry work done . . . needs a new Germ.an dictionary
. . . has a traveling rug . . . but needs pillowcases and towels.
By March 14, 1897, he is on his way to Siberia and writes to his
5 A selected group of these letters appeared in an English version Letters
of Lenin (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1937).
mother that he is proceeding partly by slow train and partly by
horseback. He foresees that he will need a sheepskin coat, felt
boots, and perhaps a fur hat . . . he is sleeping splendidly ..
he feels much better than he did in Moscow.
At Krasnoyarsk, on March 22, he visits the famous library
but notes that it is located two versts from the town whICh affords
opportunity for a brisk walk.
s
He hopes to use collection as
a source of reference in his task of writing the projected book. . . .
He is enjoying the pleasant town. . . . He has heard ru:nors that
his eventual residence will not be Krasnoyarsk. . . . HIS case of
books can be sent to him at the new address .... He makes ar
rangements for the use of the money he will receive for a recent
article . . . send it in three installments, about 50 rubles a
month.... He will subscribe to some periodicals which may not
be available at his new address, Shushenskoye, a small community
of about 1500 inhabitants. .
His letter of May SO, 1897, from the permanent address, exhibits
some querulousness about the nonarrival of his books. . . . But the
hunting is good, though difficult without a dog ... he rode out
twelve versts and shot duck and snipe .... He is sorry he did not
have a mackintosh cape. . . . Could one be sent to him . . . he is
thinking of buying a revolver... .
From this date to the terminatIon of hIS sentence, his letters
recount the bucolic life of a middle-class country gentleman . . .
he swims in the Yenisei, hunts frequently, writes books and articles,
has a stream of current literature coming and going, visits friends
in other towns over week ends, acknowledges receipt of his govern
ment allowance, discusses the possibility of having a good sporting
dog sent from Moscow . . . looks forward to the .arrival of Kmps
kaya, the lady who is coming out soon to marry hIm . . . have her
bring some gentleman's kid gloves ... also send a seal and
sealing wax for letters, together with a penwiper and small scissors.
On the 7th of May his fiancee arrives and preparations for the
wedding begin . . . the invitations are being prepared . . . his
book, The Development of Capitalism in Russia, is published and
6 This collection was purchased by American funds in 1901 and is now in
the Library of Congress, Washington.
The Wheel
he experiences the
his hand . . . it looks so
be raised . . . students
not more ....
In February, 1900, LellEtJ.
European Russia. On
Director of Police of
to travel to Ufa. He signs
nov, Pskov. In August he ::3
berg, later from Munica
Naples, Copenhagen,
strategic centers frequented 0
no longer Vladimir Ulianov
These recollections or 2
Tzars may with profit be
of similar dissidents
Aesopian language appears at
are condemned to labor
education" and "correction
domestic Iron Curtain
tion and exploitation fust
Chemavin, a former profess,]'r
grad. Arrested for "political
of the most notorious conCEll::
the White Sea. Escaping ill
account in a volume "'Ut..u"",,
Hale, Cushman and Flint, I,;:
their model for Dachau,
Prisoners were deliberately;
ance, explOited to the last orr::
of the day. Frozen and
do the heavy tasks of sao,\ing
ment they were "put out ill j-i".
victim was stripped naked, IT
and slowly freeze to death
frequent. Desperate men oft;:
their ax cut off a finger or E'
the penalty was of a piece ,tit
l Years
by slow train and partly by
1 need a sheepskin coat, felt
:1e is sleeping splendidly . . .
l<.foscow.
,isits the famous U din library
5 from the town which affords
lopes to use the collection as
riting the projected book. . . .
. . He has heard rumors that
Kiasnoyarsk. . . . His case of
,v address. . , , He makes ar
Y he will receive for a recent
~ e n t s , about 50 rubles a
ne periodicals which may not
shenskoye, a small community
~ e permanent address, exhibits
ivaI of his books. , . . But the
::hout a dog . . . he rode out
e, . . . He is sorry he did not
one be sent to him . . , he is
n of his sentence, his letters
-class country gentleman . . .
writes books and articles,
'Ding and going, visits friends
wledges receipt of his govern
litl' of having a good sporting
:-\vard to the arrival of Krups
n to marry him . . . have her
. . , also send a seal and
a penwiper and small scissors.
Ives and preparations for the
are being prepareQ. . . . his
n in RmS'ia, is published and
ican funds in 1907 and is now in
203
he experiences the author's thrill of holding the first volume in
his hand . . . it looks so good that he recommends the price should
be raised ... students should have a 25 per cent discount but
not more ... .
In February, 1900, Lenin's exile terminated and he returned to
European Russia. On April 20, 1900, he addressed a petition to the
Director of Police of Pskov respecting certain permissions he needed
to h'avel to Ufa. He signs it: Hereditary Noblerrum, Vladimir Ulia
nov, Pskov, In August he is in Germany, writing from Nurem
berg, later from Munich, Paris, London, Geneva, Zurich, Bern,
Naples, Copenhagen, Krakow, Zorenberg ( Sweden), and other
strategic centers frequented by Russian emigl'es. The signature is
no longer Vladimir Ulianov but Nicholas Lenin.
These recollections of a prominent political prisoner under the
Tzars may with profit be contrasted with the ruthless treatment
of similar dissidents under the Lenin and Stalin regime. The
Aesopian language appears at the outset. Opponents of the Soviets
are condemned to labor camps "for rehabilitation" ... "for social
education" and "correction of unsocial conduct." Once behind the
domestic Iron Curtain they undergo the brutal process of extermina
tion and explOitation first revealed to the world in 1934 by Vladimir
Chernavin, a former professor in the Agronomic Institute of Lenin
grad. Arrested for "political unreliability," he was confined in one.
of the most notorious concentration camps on Solovetsky Island in
the White Sea, Escaping in August, 1932, he published his moving
account in a volume entitled I Speak for the Silent (New York:
Hale, Cushman and Flint, 1935). It reveals where the Nazis got
their model for Dachau, Auschwitz, and Buchenwald.
Prisoners were deliberately worked to the limit of human endur
ance, explOited to the last ounce of energy during 14 to 16 hours
of the day. Frozen and hungry, they frequently were unable to
do the heavy tasks of sawing wood or constructing roads; as punish
ment they were "put out in the cold." This meant that the helpless
victim was stripped naked, made to mount the stump of a h'ee
and slowly freeze to death - or die later of gangrene. Suicide was
frequent. Desperate men often shammed an accident by letting
their ax cut off a finger or even a whole hand at the wrist. But
the penalty was of a piece with the barbarian code of the wardens.
204
The Wasted Years
Mter the conventional beating, the "self-cutters" were obliged to
stand before their assembled companions on parade and hold up
the severed fingers or entire hand and proclaim: "1 am a shirker."
If the victim still survived, he was sent to an "invalid gang,"
a battalion of sick, aged, crippled, and tuberculous prisoners, where
a lingering death awaited him.
The policy of inhuman extermination described by Chernavin
was modified in later years, as the loss of man power was felt in
the economic structure of the country. Concentration camps were
reorganized and are now commonly conducted with an eye to
business efficiency and with more refined cruelty. Hardened
criminals, who constitute perhaps 10 per cent of the population
of the camps, are put over the slave laborers and productivity is
stepped up by rigor, bribery, and use of food as a weapon. The
enormous increase of prisoners in recent years, augmented by
thousands of war prisoners and displaced persons from zones
occupied by Soviet troops, furnish one of the main sources of
labor for the heavy industries serving the present war economy
and armament program. It is a special function of the Secret Police
to provide a steady flow of new "workers" from the still silent
masses of the U.S.S.B.
The relentless memory of the Soviet government pursued its
victims even into western Europe after the cessation of World War
II hostilities. Those of us who observed Soviet activities in occupied
Germany at that time will not soon forget the groups of Soviet
officers and officials who combed the American zone to repatriate
the "non-returners," i.e., the hundreds of thousands of Russian
refugees who were unwilling to return to their native land out
of a well-grounded fear of the fate awaiting them there. Because
of a mistaken policy, American military authorities were obligated
to round them up and hand them over to the waiting Russian
slave-drivers and probable executioners. Fortunately, the repulsive
practice was halted when the tragedy became unbearable to humane
administrators.
eH
Counf
FREEDOM, of itself, is a.;:;,
serving impulse. By nature
If no controls of private or
the reach of those possessing
path of freedom can become 5
to corrupt," was Lord Acton's
corrupts absolutely." The rare!::
of power voluntarily setting li::.:
man's innate appetite for more
and new things.
Therein lies the profound s:
between Soviet Russia and t1
limited by responsibility to rm
which lifts the cold war in E:.z.
the level of a contest of
antagonism far more decisiye
a clash of arms over a
a right of way to the sea.
Russia since 1945 had not iny;
the conflict has been called a
illusory when one meditates
over, a disturbing indication Q
modem mind so frequently
~ d Years
e self-cutters" were obliged to
)anions on parade and hold up
and proclaim: "1 am a shirker."
ras sent to an "invalid gang,"
,nd tuberculous prisoners, where
nation described by Chernavin
loss of man power was felt in
ltry. Concentration camps were
liy conducted with an eye to
Ire refined cruelty. Hardened
10 per cent of the population
ve laborers and productivity is
use of food as a weapon. The
1 recent years, augmented by
displaced persons from zones
lone of the main sources of
dng the present war economy
ial function of the Secret Police
"workers" from the still silent
;oviet government pursued its
'ter the cessation of World War
red Soviet activities in occupied
~ n forget the groups of Soviet
Ie American zone to repatriate
reds of thousands of Russian
,turn to their native land out
awaiting them there. Because
tary authorities were obligated
over to the waiting Russian
lers. Fortunately, the repulsive
, became unbearable to humane
CHAPTER IX
Counterattack
FREEDOM, of itself, is an undiSciplined concept and a , e ~
serving impulse. By nature and definition it is impatient of restraint.
If no controls of private or public conduct be acknowledged beyond
the reach of those possessing the power to tamper with them, the
path of freedom can become the road to suicide. "All power tends
to corrupt," was Lord Acton's terse summation, "absolute power
corrupts absolutely." The rarest fruit of freedom is the spectacle
of power voluntarily setting limits to its own power and curbing
man's innate appetite for more and more domination of other men
and new things.
Therein lies the profound significance of the present conflict
between Soviet Russia and the American concept of freedom
limited by responsibility to moral law. There lies the difference
which lifts the cold war in Europe and the hot war in Korea to
the level of a contest of ideas and beliefs, which is a form of
antagonism far more decisive for the future of humanity than
a clash of arms over a strip of territory, a disputed frontier, or
a right of way to the sea. Because the tug of war with Soviet
Russia since 1945 had not involved explOSiVes on a grand scale,
the conflict has been called a cold one. Such a description becomes
illusory when one meditates on the issues involved; it is, more
over, a disturbing indication of the miscalculation to which the
modern mind so frequently tends whenever the visible things of the
205
206
The Wasted Years
market place are measured and weighed against the unseen things
of the spirit.
The admixture of truth and falsehood in Soviet State policy
constitutes a growing challenge to the alertness and vitality of
the truths upheld in the Christian credo and in the dogmas of
democracy. Orestes A. Brownson, that long-neglected figure in
nineteenth-century American thought, has an arresting and wise
passage in one of his works. It deals with the attitude one should
adopt respecting balance of mind in winnowing truth from error
. in an opponent's claims. We shall never rightly comprehend any
system, he argues, until we understand how much truth it embraces.
We shall never rightly comprehend it by merely detecting its
errors and fallacious conclusions. The main burden of refutation
consists in discovering, distinguishing, and accepting the measure
of truth which incomplete thinkers misapprehend, misinterpret,
and misapply.
AcknDwledgment of whatever is legitimate in the claims of Com
munism must have place in the case now before us, accompanied
by reconstruction of the social order in ways and steps conformable
to enlightened conscience. The patent iniquities will usually carry
their own refutation. The errors and exaggerations of Communism,
while meriting vigorous opposition, may even be considered as
beneficent occasions. They challenge stagnation where it exists
and purify vision that may have become jaundiced by easy living.
The Communist persecution of religion may well serve as a purga
tion of incidental human weaknesses in the Church and Lenin's
dictatorship by one class can serve to enhance the value of a
chastened democracy made conscious of its social obligations.
In their aggressive mobilization of motives and resources for
combat, the Communist crusaders have far outdistanced those who
have most to lose whenever Marxist tactics succeed in a given
country. The heralds of revolt are never timid propagandists; they
assume a confidence of manner and act as if their beliefs are worth
any and every sacrifice. On November 23, 1946, one of Soviet
Russia's most prominent novelists, Constantine Simonov, analyzed
the monopoly claimed by Marxist truth in the publication Literary
Gazette, an organ for correct orientation of Soviet writers:
In literature and on the sta;:."
builder of the future in such a
world will see the moral and
reared in a socialist society.
Our diplomats speak from the
convincingly not only because
and mainly because, in spite of
alone speak the truth about h='ill::r
which makes our representatin;s S-J:E
The subordination of cclhrr:
of the Communist State now t:
Dimitri Shostakovich once
music and expressed in
the most stirring of all the
aganda Committee of the CeT
Party haled the famous
dialectics in 1946 and accuse[
"warm ideological
was charged, showed no a'.var'
toys with musical harmonies
and converting the world to
render, Shostakovich promised
social and state interests . . . f
In 1950, a Soviet scientf-t,
Lepeshinskaya, was
"discovery" to Marxist science
of Soviet criteria, that the
formed from nonliving elemeTI
cells "under the right condiEI;
specified nor clarified. But til:
of the alleged scientific elise
According to the genetics no";;,
ment (if the right kind) is :m
Party line requires Soviet sc
capable of transforming Naru:r;
news bureau added the ine'.'
is approaching the solution
formation of nonliving matte:
Years
led against the unseen things
hood in Soviet State policy
the alertness and vitality of
:redo and in the dogmas of
hat long-neglected figure in
~ has an arresting and wise
v,ith the attitude one should
'winnowing truth from error
",-er rightly comprehend any
, how much truth it embraces.
it by merely detecting its
e main burden of refutation
, and accepting the measure
misapprehend, misinterpret,
inmate in the claims of Com
now before us, accompanied
\vays and steps conformable
: iniquities will usually carry
xaggerations of Communism,
may even be considered as
, stagnation where it exists
me jaundiced by easy living.
il may well serve as a purga
in the Church and Lenin's
to enhance the value of a
of its social obligations.
. motives and resources for
E: far outdistanced those who
tactics succeed in a given
er timid propagandists; they
t as if their beliefs are worth
)er 23, 1946, one of Soviet
nstantine Simonov, analyzed
rr in the publication Literary
)D of Soviet writers:
Counterattack 207
In literature and on the stage we must show the Soviet person the
builder of the future - in such a light that the audience and the whole
world will see the moral and spiritual superiority of people who have been
reared in a socialist society.
Our diplomats speak from the world tribune with such brilliance and so
convincingly not only because they are great statesmen and orators, but also
and mainly because, in spite of the lies and libel spread about them, they
alone speak the truth about humanity, a truth supported by our entire people
which makes our representatives superior to all' others in the world tribune.
The subordination of cultural forms to the political objectives
of the Communist State now includes music as well as linguistiCS.
Dimitri Shostakovich once held an honored place in the world of
music and expressed in many symphonies the universal appeal of
the most stirring of all the fine arts. But the Agitation and Prop
aganda Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party haled the famous composer before the tribunal of Marxian
dialectics in 1946 and accused him of cowardice in abandOning
"warm ideological conviction." Shostakovich's Ninth Symphony, it
was charged, showed no awareness of modern social problems; it
toys with musical harmonies when it should be expressing Marxism
and converting the world to the Soviet cause. In his abject sur
render, Shostakovich promised to harmonize his compositions "with
social and state interests . . . the voice of our Soviet Epoch."
In 1950, a Soviet scientist, a woman biologist named O. B.
Lepeshinskaya, was awarded the Stalin prize for adding another
"discovery" to Marxist science. She established to the satisfaction
of Soviet criteria, that the living cells of plants and animals are
formed from nonliving elements. The inanimate particles became
cells "under the right conditions," which, however, were neither
specified nor clarified. But the political and propagandistic value
of the alleged scientific discovery was high. Hence the prize.
According to the genetics now popular in Marxist circles, environ
ment (if the right kind) is much more potent than heredity. The
Party line requires Soviet scientists to believe that Marxism is
capable of transforming Nature itself into new forms. The Moscow
news bureau added the inevitable commentary: "Soviet science
is approaching the solution of the great problem . . . of the trans
formation of nonliving matter into living .... " Obviously, the
origin of life will b ~ discovered" some time in the future, to be
followed by Soviet creation of life with no primeval taint of
capitalism in it. The elimination of the Creator will then be not
only a political tenet, but a biological certitude. It will no longer
be necessary nor good form to have recourse to the crudities of
earlier days. On June 19, 1929, the Association of the Godless
contributed to the government a new airplane which was named
The Atheist. Its special function was described in the deed of gift
"to make war on heaven." The pilot dramatized his mission by
cruising over Moscow on the lookout for God.
Now, the romancing and propagandizing, though patent and
often ridiculous, is not to be minimized as a component of Com
munist power. The world membership of the Party was recently
declared in the Moscow Press to be approximately 25,000,000. An
unreflecting reader might be inclined to discount the strength of
such a small fraction of the 2,300,000,000 human beings in the
world. Nothing would be more dangerous or more unrealistic.
Each of these registered Communists is a chosen man; he has been
selected after careful examination and rigorous testing. He be
comes, not a passive, individual adherent of the Party line, but
an agent trained to be an active leader, the dynamo of a cell,
the' organizer of more malleable minds, and a local powerhouse
of energy and direction for hundreds, perhaps thousands, who
come within his specific circle of influence. How such fractional
minorities of a population manage to exercise a radiating control
over millions of non-Communists has been developed in a previous
chapter. In his discussion of events in France in 1789, Lord
Acton, the learned professor of history at Cambridge, put his
finger on a similar phenomenon: "The appalling thing in the
French Revolution is not the tumult but the design. Through all
the fire and smoke we perceive the evidence of calculating
organization."
The Soviet creed must be met and answered by chapter and
verse of an integrated philosophy of life. But faith in democracy
is not enough; there is work to be done. And the order of the
tasks is determined by the character and timing of the assault.
At the present moment, the predominant, though not the ex
clusive menace, is the military posture, i.e., the rearmament pro-
COUri
gram, Moscow's support of C
logistics of the Soviet Union's
consolation to have demonstra
justice of the four freedoms j
fronted with a gigantic war n
sea and air. "How many divisi
answer to a reference made by
of the Pope on certain aspects
conspirators have profited m i ~
bred of long enjoyment of freel
without having to bleed for i
the spiritual patrimony of Chri
price. They have not been s
administered painlessly with
They must be rewon and mer:
They will not be safeguardt
vigilant defense.
First and foremost among t
of the United States must coni
that any aggressor will tbin.-.k
another devastating conflict wii
is quickly grasped by the on
social philosophy on the :fu11
complishing the overthrow'
Russia, the value of po\vr f
An opponent with no
only beg for, not require,
dictatorship with a Marxian
law, to international law, to
of the moral law left the
leaving the Hegelians of ~ 1 G
brings them to respectful
force in being, with
than the bases which serve;
Concomitantly with m,H!:El
spiritual power in the
strength religion supplies to ~
of human personality, the
!
Years
ne time in the future, to be
with no primeval taint of
he Creator will then be not
1 certitude. It will no longer
recourse to the crudities of
Association of the Godless
;- airplane which was named
described in the deed of gift
)t dramatized his mission by
for God.
ndizing, though patent and
:ed as a component of C o m ~
lp of the Party was recently
"pproximately 25,000,000. An
l to discount the strength of
00,000 human beings in the
1gerous or more unrealistic.
is a chosen man; he has been
nd rigorous testing. He be
.erent of the Party line, but
"der, the dynamo of a cell,
Ids, and a local powerhouse
Os, perhaps thousands, who
luence. How such fractional
exercise a radiating control
been developed in a previous
5 in France in 1789, Lord
:ory at Cambridge, put his
The appalling thing in the
but the design. Through all
:he evidence of calculating
d answered by chapter and
life. But faith in democracy
done. And the order of the
and timing of the assault.
Iminant, though not the ex:
:e, i.e., the rearmament pro-
Counterattack 209
gram, Moscow's support of Communist China, and the general
logistics of the Soviet Union's geographical expansion. It is small
consolation to have demonstrated the truth, the beauty, and the
justice of the four freedoms if we find ourselves' suddenly con
fronted with a gigantic war machine on the march by land and
sea and air. "How many divisions has he?" was Stalin's pragmatic
answer to a reference made by President Roosevelt to the position
of the Pope on certain aspects of the world crisis. The Communist
conspirators have profited mightily from the tendency to inertia
bred of long enjoyment of freedom among men who inherit liberty
without having to bleed for it. The freedoms of democracy and
the spiritual patrimony of Christianity were all purchased at heavy
price. They have not been set up as a perpetual trust to be
administered painlessly with automatic revenue for heirs-at-Iaw.
They must be rewon and merited by each succeeding generation.
They will not be safeguarded by allelnias unaccompanied by
vigilant defense.
First and foremost among the practicalities, the military power
of the United States must continue to be so apparent and so alert
that any aggressor will think more than twice before provoking
another devastating conflict with America. That argument of power
is quickly grasped by the one government which has based its
social philosophy on the function of force and violence in ac
complishing the overthrow of non-Communist society. For Soviet
Russia, the value of power far outweighs the power of values.
An opponent with no adequate power behind his just claims can
only beg for, not require, respect and reciprocity from an armed
dictatorship with a Marxian conscience. Appeals to the divine
law, to international law, to Christian charity and the diScipline
of t4e moral law left the Hegelians of Berlin untouched. They are
leaving the Hegelians of Moscow cold and unresponsive. What
brings them to respectful attention quickest is a formidable air
force in being, with adequate bases. Air power is no stronger
than the bases which serve it.
Concomitantly with military force must go a renaissance of
spiritual power in the souls of men through recognition of the
strength religion supplies to the stability of the mind. The value
of human personality, the image of divinity which man carries in
.
his soul, the consciousness of heritage as sons of God, the resulting
obedience to the instincts of brotherhood - all coalesce to consti
tute a bedrock of motivation for the good life and for fulfilling
the responsibilities devolving on the good citizen. That is why
every totalitarian Caesar across the centuries has attacked religion
on his road to conquest. He cannot bear the challenge of divided
allegiance and acknowledgment of a higher law than his; by the
logic of his position he must annihilate the contradiction. That
is why Archbishop Stepinac is a prisoner of Tito; that is why
Cardinal Mindszenty has been subjected to scientific barbarism,
the Protestant pastors persecuted in Hungary and Roumania, the
Archbishop of Prague threatened with similar oppression, and
hundreds of missionaries martyrized in Communist China. Such
uniformity of violence can only stem from the depths of a great
resolve to Communize the world - or else destroy it. By fiat
of Marxism the fierce energy of its collective will has set up- a
material divinity in the form of economic and scientific pro
ductivity to fill the vacuum created by banishment of the concept
of Deity. One may speculate, possibly with apprehension, on the
consequences to society if Communism retained its political, social,
and economic totalitarianism but ever abandoned its atheism.
Jacques Maritain raised that paradox when he expressed fear of
the day when the dictator of Soviet Russia might order his people
to adore God above the electron.
It is disheartening after thirty-four years of public experience
with Marxian Communism as it evolved from a cabal to a world
power, to hear people of intelligence and good will maintaining
that the core of the conHict is economic. Normal trade conditions
they assert, industrial stabilization, and material prosperity will
solve the problem, or at least tend to lessen the aggressive psy
chology of Soviet Russia. That such desirable achievements in
the material order can strengthen resistance to the Communist
program for world domination is obvious and, hence, to be culti
vated at every turn. That they can cure or eliminate the basic
antagonisms of a moral and spiritual character inherent to the
Soviet fanaticism can be seriously maintained only by those who
never pene:rated to the roots of the official Soviet philosophy
of life. That. philosophy cannot change so long as Soviet means
Marxian Communism.
carded or modified in
or not workable either
To that extent stabilizatlAJ:1
so long as class hatred, das5:
terize the Soviet mind, CiJD:::W
peace. The ax must be
to stop on the surface
absence of pure Commun;'!E
State Capitalism.
Peace begins in the :mind
so will they act,
of the habits resulting fmm ..
and customary conduct
dividual citizens and
part of that frail and
aim at is the whole maIl,
The homo oeconomicus is
narrow conception of what
or nationhood. Man is au .,..
. be departmentalized,
engine of iniquity would
with, its giant capacity ill
skill and military power,
insanity of total and miHtE.::
federal government dedicated
The issue lies between t!::x
resolved by physical po,ver
with her own weapon will
the evil unconquered no matil
battle may eventually incline.
cision on points would not me:
primacy of those inner, spiritu
has challenged everywhere. Av
deep the lunge at the
condition of a satisfying -\icter
Half measures may bring a
thing that might look better to
Years
as sons of God, the resulting
lood all coalesce to consti
~ good life and for fulfilling
good citizen. That is why
;nturies has attacked religion
!ear the challenge of divided
higher law than his; by the
late the contradiction. That
isoner of THo; that is why
cted to scientific barbarism,
Hungary and Roumania, the
dth similar oppression, and
in Communist China. Such
from the depths of a great
or else destroy it. ~ y fiat
collective will has set up a
conomic and scientific pro
:' banishment of the concept
y ,vith apprehension, on the
3. retained its political, social,
ver abandoned its atheism.
: when he expressed fear of
.ussia might order his people
. years of public experience
'ed from a cabal to a world
; and good will maintaining
ric. Normal trade conditions,
md material prosperity will
o lessen the aggressive psy
1 desirable achievements in
9sistance to the Communist
ious and, hence, to be culti
cure or eliminate the basic
II character inherent to the
lintained only by those who
the official S o v i ~ t philosophy
ge so long as Soviet means
Counterattack
Marxian Communism. It might conceivably be temporarily dis
carded or modified in certain aspects if found to be unsatisfactory
or not workable either within Russia or at the international level.
To that extent stabilization of Europe may be contributory; but
so long as class hatred, class warfare, and militant atheism charac
terize the Soviet mind, economics alone are not the key to world
peace. The ax must be laid to the roots of the evil; it will not do
to stop on the surface of things. It is not enough to point to the
absence of pure Communism in Soviet Russia and call the system
State Capitalism.
Peace begins in the mind and the heart. As men think and feel
so will they act, individually, and collectively. It is the sum total
of the habits resulting from deliberate thoughts, accepted ideals,
and customary conduct which creates the character both of in
dividual citizens and of a nation. Economic stability is only a
part of that frail and elusive thing called peace; what we must
aim at is the whole man, for he does not live by bread alone.
The homo oeconomicus is a myth derived from a warped and
narrow conception of what constitutes the full dignity of manhood
or nationhood. Man is an integrated unit and his soul cannot
be departmentalized, like the shops and factories. What a fearful
engine of iniquity would confront civilization if the United States,
with, its giant capacity in material productivity, in technological
skill and military power, should suddenly be stricken with the
insanity of total and militant atheism fostered by a ruthless
federal government dedicated to world conquest.
The issue lies between two moral opposites and will not be
resolved by physical power alone. Hence, to combat Soviet Russia
with her own weapon will not suffice, for that leaves the roots of
the evil unconquered no matter in what direction the fortunes of
battle may eventually incline. Even a technical knockout or a de
cision on points would not mean that the West had vindicated the
primacy of those inner, spiritual values which World Communism
has challenged everywhere. Awareness of what is at stake and how
deep the lunge at the vitals of human freedom goes is the first
condition of a satisfying victory.
Half measures may bring a military stalemate - or even some
thing that might look better to the outward eye - but not permanent
211
liberation from the overhanging menace now haunting the soul of
humanity. Worse still, uneasy compromise, or dreary appeasement,
or hollow bargaining would only whet the appetite of a temporarily
restrained absolutism. There would be no solid substance to the
truce. External peace at any price is indeed an appealing argument
in normal circumstances. But if the vital issue of the present hour
remains unwon, the yeaming for peace can become a seductive
fallacy that could end in surrender of the supreme principle of
moral survival. Though the horrors of war are ghastly, they are not
the worst alternatives now confronting Western Civilization.
Mr. Arnold Toynbee, in his monumental work A Study of
History, discusses the disintegration of twenty civilizations from
the Minoan and Sumerian to the Mongol empire in China and
the Tokugama Shogunate in Japan. He then puts the question:
Can Western Christendom, before it is too late, regenerate itself
through spiritual rebirth after having shamefully succumbed to
the special temptation of neopaganism, "the intoxication of a showy
victory over physical naturer" It had applied the spoils, he con
tinues, to laying up treasures for itself without being rich toward
God. It had tried to stand alone but failed. To the question of
Nicodemus: Can a man enter the second time into his mother's
womb and be born again? Mr. Toynbee replies in the words
of Nicodemus' instructor: "Verily, I say unto thee, except a
man be born of water and of the spirit he cannot enter into the
Kingdom of God."
In the field of American jurisprudence one subversive tendency
needs constant attention. Confined at present to a liqlited group
of thinkers in the domain of law, it could, nevertheless, become
an element of infection if not countered step by step. The legal
philosophy of the late Associate Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes
has acquired an undeserved respectability because of the high
position of its advocate on the Supreme Court of the United States.
Yet, if it were ever to become a widely accepted pattern of
judicial thinking or a precedent to influence the evolution of
American jurisprudence, the logical results would be disastrous
both to the concept of natural right developed by Jefferson and
to the traditional respect for human personality on which the
liberties of the Bill of Rights repose. If wholly accepted and made
Courtl
operative by an entrenched gD
the abhorrent totalitarianism t
Soviet Russia synonymous
From certain judicial
occasional addresses,
respondence he conducted
it is possible to draw
Holmes's beliefs and dOlrrmlS..
He holds, in effect, that
right and wrong, good
the legal system that interprets
of social habits at a given time
ideas and customs of success;";
convenient or inconvenient fOj
place, but they have no nK.}:
majority that enacted the
squeezed dry of any moral
thinks; law is what the
wants; man has no
defined and recognized by
spiritual value other than as ~
destiny; man's place in ceC',
nervous system, a comparison
He asserted that he sa,,"
significance different in kind fr
or a grain of sand." In another
accept the common lot; an
'God what a good sleep ry
'Now for a rattling walk' - m ,
Functioning is all there is
we might call the higher sort
any more important than
the ultimate determinant of
phy, war is an admirable acti
a "divine" message. "The studE
slashed faces inspire me v;itJ
All this, of course, is
decanter scintillating with
, Years
ace now haunting the soul of
mise, or dreary appeasement,
: the appetite of a temporarily
no solid substance to the
ndeed an appealing argument
issue of the present hour
,ace can become a seductive
of the supreme principle of
. \V8.r are ghastly, they are not
1'2; Western Civilization.
nWumental work A Study of
twenty civilizations from
fongol empire in China and
He then puts the question:
: is too late, regenerate itself
xg shamefully succumbed to
1, "the intoxication of a showy
:l applied the spoils, he con
\vithout being rich toward
it failed. To the question of
econd time into his mother's
>ynbee replies in the words
I say unto thee, except a
lirit he cannot enter into the
,nce one subversive tendency
t present to a liII,lited group
could, nevertheless, become
Bred step by step. The legal
tice Oliver Wendell Holmes
:ability because of the high
Ie Court of the United States.
widely accepted pattern of
influence the evolution of
results would be disastrous
developed by Jefferson and
n personality on which the
[f wholly accepted and made
Counterattack 213
operative by an entrenched government it could lead straight to
the abhorrent totalitarianism that wrecked Germany and makes
Soviet Russia synonymous with despotism.
From certain judicial pronouncements, as well as from his
occasional addresses, published works, and from the long cor
respondence he conducted with Sir Frederick Pollock of England,
it is possible to draw up a series of conclusions respecting Justice
Holmes's beliefs and dogmas.
He holds, in effect, that there is no intrinsic difference between
right and wrong, good and evil. These terms, he maintains, and
the legal system that interprets them are mere historical expressions
of social habits at a given time; they correspond to the Huctuating
ideas and customs of successive generations who may find them
convenient or inconvenient for maintaining order in the market
place, but they have no roots deeper than the consent of the
majority that enacted the covering laws. Hence law is to be
squeezed dry of any moral content; truth is what the majority
thinks; law is what the majority wills; justice is what the crowd
wants; man has no natural rights antecedent to grants legally
defined and recognized by the State; humanity has no inherent
spiritual value other than as a functioning organism of unknown
destiny; man's place in the cosmos is similar to a ganglion in the
nervous system, a comparison of which Mr. Holmes is very fond.
He asserted that he saw "no reason for attributing to man a
Significance different in kind from that which belongs to a baboon
or a grain of sand." In another place he writes: "And I bid myself
accept the common lot; an adequate vitality would say daily:
'God - what a good sleep I've had!' 'My eye, that was dinner!'
'Now for a rattling walk' - in short, realize life as an end in itself.
Functioning is all there is - only our keenest pleasure is in what
we might call the higher sort. I wonder if cosmically an idea is
any more important than the bowels." Force is admitted to be
the ultimate determinant of right; hence, in Mr. Holmes's philoso
phy, war is an admirable activity which, though horrible, carries
a "divine" message. "The students at Heidelberg with their sword
slashed faces inspire me with supreme respect."
. All this, of course, is very old wine in a modem, cut-glass
decanter scintillating with Mr. Holmes's sophisticated diction,
wide learning, and Rabelaisian imagery. At bottom and as a set
of principles it is a distillation from many sources. It has some
thing of the subjectivism of Kant, the Hedonism of Epicurus, the
pragmatism of Henry James, the positivism of Comte and Austin,
the instrumentalism of John Dewey, the skepticism of Descartes,
the religious agnosticism of Robert Ingersoll, the callousness of
Treitschke, and the animal quality of the Nazi jurisprudence that
created the gas chambers and ovens for human sacrifice at Dachau
and Auschwitz. Like all synthetic philosophies it snips and culls
from many masters, althoJlgh achieving a certain consistency
the consistent negation of anything like an absolute value. While
publicly dogmatizing on the relativity of all values - except power
it publicly accepts the exception as a private absolute. Jacob
Burckhardt, the noted Swiss historian, once characterized the
escapist attitude later adopted by Justice Holmes as shallow and
unsatisfactory. "To begin with," he declared, not all things are
necessary, not by a long way, but much is accident and personal
guilt; and second, the worst verdict namely, the approval of the
fait accompli of success - is easily substituted for what was in
tended to be a suspended judgment." The moral relativism which
continually avoids an absolute judgment was, for Burckhardt, a
perpetual "staring into chaos."l
N either time nor the scope of the present chapter permits a
metaphysical rebuttal of Mr. Holmes's contradiction of Thomas
Jefferson nor his Hat negation of the principles on which the
American system of government was founded and on which it
continues to exist in a shattered world. Our direct concern is with
the consequences in the practical field of social control should
his philosophy become a dominating influence in American life.
Happily, it should be said in passing, Mr. Holmes's official de
cisions and opinions as a judge were often better and sounder
than his declared principles and his advertised conviction that
empiricism is the only stable element in the evolution of law.
Our comments will be illustrated in the first instance by im
portant facts revealed in the trial of the main Nazi leaders at
Nuremberg, 1945-1946. GOring, Hess, Von Ribbentrop, Streicher,
Rosenberg, and the other key figures of the Hitler regime made
and Freedom (New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1943), p. 71.
one point crystal clear
most valuable lessons of
tarian apparatus was erecte'G.
identical with the
of law. Day after day
justifications of tyranny
macy of the legal enactmes:13
the State decreed by
Party thought became
was law, to the exclusion
legal competency to
transport to Germany
laborers for the Nazi 'war
ten independent States
followed smoothly from
and accompanied by
and hence they had
law to the museums of
it should be kept.
logical consequences of
subjectivism in philosophy.
recognize how dehumanized
he follows to the bitter enG 3
law limited only by pm\'er
more important than a
grains of sand in the \Vars",'"
Dachau and Auschwitz. G:
the saturnalia, Hitler had
a rattling stroll along the
The application of similar ;;
extremely well and made it t
common instincts of llU.J.li'u..uv.
filled satellite countries
freedom. Mr. Holmes's
tion of social will, no
doctrine of economic
chapter. It will be remembere:;
by Marx in his Critique of
Years
ry. At bottom and as a set
many sources. It has some-
Hedonism of Epicurus, the
ivism of Comte and Austin,
the skepticism of Descartes,
[ngersoll, the callousness of
the Nazi jurisprudence that
,r human sacrilice at Dachau
ilosophies it snips and culls
ing a certain consistency
ke an absolute value. While
of all values - except power
.s a private absolute. Jacob
an, once characterized the
tice Holmes as shallow and
leclared, not all things are
lch is accident and personal
namely, the approval of the
Ibstituted for what was in
The moral relativism which
lent was, for Burckhardt, a
present chapter permits a
;'s contradiction of Thomas
le principles on which the
founded and on which it
. Our direct concern is with
:ld of social control should
influence in American life.
[, Mr. Holmes's official de
~ often better and sounder
advertised conviction that
: in the evolution of law.
In the first instance by im
: the main Nazi leaders at
Von Ribbentrop, Streicher,
of the Hitler regime made
n Books, Inc., 1943), p. 71.
Counterattack
215
one point crystal clear and in a manner that remains one of the
most valuable lessons of that trial. The Nazi State with its totali
tarian apparatus was erected and made to function on principles
identical with the fundamental tenets of the Holmes philosophy
of law. Day after day those trapped sadists poured out their
justifications of tyranny and bestiality by citing the formal legiti
macy of the legal enactments under which they operated: what
the State decreed by positive statute became justice; what the
Party thought became truth; what the dominant government willed
was law, to the exclusion of all or any other human rights. The
legal competency to slaughter six;, million Jews, shanghai and
transport to Germany five million foreign workers as slave
laborers for the Nazi war economy, assail the sovereignty of
ten independent States and reduce half of Europe to a shambles
followed smoothly from the existence of decrees duly enacted
and accompanied by power to enforce them. They had the might
and hence they had the right, because they banished the moral
law to the museums of superstition where Justice Holmes believed
it should be kept. Listening to that year-long revelation of the
logical consequences of positivism in law and raw Kantian
subjectivism in philosophy, no thoughtful man could fail to
recognize how dehumanized the human artimal can become when
he follows to the bitter end Mr. Holmes's functional concept of
law limited only by power of enforcement. Man did become no
more important than a baboon and the corpses did become as
grains of sand in the Warsaw ghetto and the gas chambers of
Dachau and Auschwitz. And Goring had many a fine dinner during
the saturnalia, Hitler had many a good sleep, and Rosenberg many
a rattling stroll along the Philosophers' Walk at Heidelberg.
The application of similar principles has served Soviet Russia
extremely well and made it the leviathan that has crushed the
common instincts of humanity beneath its weight of power and
filled satellite countries with phantom memories of a vanished
freedom. Mr. Holmes's conception of law as a transient manifesta
tion of social will, no moral basis allowed, is analogous to the
doctrine of economic materialism already mentioned in a previous
chapter. It will be remembered that one of the basic tenets taught
by Marx in his Critique of Political Economy was the dogma that
Counte
it is not consciousness or the mental processes of men that deter
mine the social conditions of man's existence, but, on the contrary,
it is the fluctuations of social environment that determine his inner
life and ethical judgments. Change a word here and there and
you have Mr. Holmes on law. Lenin's teaching on the nonexistence
of objective morality has likewise been cited: it is exclusively a
rule of conduot created by the will of the governing group as
an instrument of class control and interpreted in a manner to insure
the dictatorship of the proletariat. It creates its own absolute
and then declares it a universal norm to which all nations must
submit. In the name of a l!lajority, whose voice is still muted,
Soviet jurisprudence justifies the worst excesses of the Revolution,
rationalizes the presept enslavement of cowed peoples behind the
Iron Curtain, and validates Moscow's organized attempts to over
throw every non-Communist State weak enough to prove vulner
able. In following' Justice Holmes's philosophy of functionalism
as measuring the validity of law and in putting force as the
origin of rights, Lenin and his successors are strictly logical and
ethical unto themselves.
It will not do to protest that the humane and liberal Justice
would be horrified at the of Soviet Russia as well as
at the bestiality of the Nazi sadists and would probably resist
both to the best of his ability. Undoubtedly so. His humaneness
and native instincts would probably move him to do vigorous
battle against all flagrant abuses of despotic power in the concrete.
He might at times even use the language of moral law in defer
ence to convention and circumstances. But such opposition, as we
gather from several passages of his works, would be based on
feelings and sentiments. responsive to a case at hand; it would
not flow from principles or conviction that the dignity of man
must be respected. His concern would not be with inherent
justice or injustice, but only with bad manners in the aggressor,
It would rather be the reaction of a behaviorist resisting a player
who disregarded the rules of the game. ", . . I don't see there was
anything to be said [about Germany, in World War I} except:
we don't like it and we shall kill you if we can." He further
explains himself: "Our morality seems to me only a check on the
ultimate domination of force, just as our politeness is a check on
the impulse of every pig to pu
such a cynical libel on the dec(
the purely functional concept of
radation of justice to the level
a bone, with the contestants he
equities, but only to observe M
frail foundation for the erection
of domestic law or international
of moral nihilism, a degeneratioJ
the jungle. It is another melan
thinker slaying reason in the nan
the remark of another New
idol is the measure of the wors
The two primary reinforcerne
one. military, the other of
enhanced by a strengthening
dividuals and by stabilizing ou
saints, it is profoundly difficult
mind and a tranquil soul :if bese'
of an impoverished existence. .
only a mouth. Hence, a robust
for the habitation of the
guardianship and .development
minimizing of social injustices;
ligious inequalities should
antagonism, between capital am
ing those two specters which n",u
of income in the present, 1r,<::e
earning capacity has
these obligations of social
the coffin of Communism, for
trained or Moscow-duped
in America, because alien,
The government of the l:El
covering some of the
openly with Communism 1\
Years
processes of men that deter
istence, but, on the contrary,
nent that determine his inner
a word here and there and
teaching on the nonexistence
':en cited: it is exclusively a
of the governing group as
'rpreted in a manner to insure
It creates its own absolute
ill to which all nations must
whose voice is still muted,
,t excesses of the Revolution,
Df cowed peoples behind the
organized attempts to over
eak enough to prove vulner
philosophy of functionalism
.lld in putting force as the
5sors are strictly logical and
humane and liberal Justice
of Soviet Russia as well as
and would probably resist
mbtedly so. His humaneness
. move him to do vigorous
spotic power in the concrete;
uage of moral law in defer
. But such opposition, as we
works, would be based on
:> a case at hand; it would
)n that the dignity of man
ouid not be with inherent
d manners in the aggressor.
resisting a player
9. ". I don't see there was
" in World War I] except:
'OU if we can." He further
, to me only a check on the
our politeness is a check on
Counterattack 217
the impulse of every pig to put his feet in the trough." From
such a cynical libel on the decencies of human relationships to
the purely functional concept of law was an easy descent. Deg
radation of justice to the level of an umpire in a dogfight over
a bone, with the contestants held, not to respect of rights and
equities, but only to observe Marquess of Queensberry rules, is
frail foundation for the erection of a rational and viable system
of domestic law or international peace. It is the very definition
of moral nihilism, a degeneration one step short of the ethics of
the jungle. It is another melancholy example of an incomplete
thinker slaying reason in the name of thought and giving point to
the remark of another New Englander, James Russell Lowell: "The
idol is the measure of the worshipper."
o 0
The two primary reinforcements of security for America, the
one military, the other of the spirit, will be accelerated and
enhanced by a strengthening of our physical well-being as in
dividuals and by stabiliZing our domestic economy. Except for
saints, it is profoundly difficult for a man to maintain a clear
mind and a tranquil soul if beset and har-ried by the daily worries
of an impoverished existence. An empty stomach has no ears,
only a mouth. Hence, a robust citizenry prOViding sound bodies
for the habitation of the soul of democracy involves continuous
guardianship and development of national health; it means the
minimizing of social injustices; the combating of.. racial and re
ligious inequalities should they exist anywhere; co-operation, not
antagonism, between capital and labor; and provision for exorcis
ing those two specters which haunt the common man -
of income in the present, insecurity in future years when his
earning capacity has vanished. Every successful effort to meet
these obligations of social justice means one more nail driven into
the coffin of Communism, for then the cunning lies of Moscow
trained or Moscow-duped propagandists will fall on deaf ears
in America, because alien, mendacious, and superfluous.
The government of the United States is now engaged in re
covering some of the ground lost in recent years and warring
openly with Communism in Korea. Pitiless publicity by radio,
press, and platform must accompany the activities here
Representation and
No opportunity should be neglected to expound the peace pohcy
branch of
of the United States, particularly in radio broadcasts to foreign
financial agencies
lands and to Iron Curtain listeners not by half-hour broadcasts
that unity of defense
but around the clock. Refutation of Soviet propaganda; accurate
of control vested in
accounts of the defensive nature of the North Atlantic Paot;
be countered by total CT',Y"':CO'
documented comparison between a slave economy and rational,
we make the logistics
free enterprise; catalogues of the liberties enjoyed in Western
probabilities of a sh()otm;g
democracies under a Bill of Rights; the status of labor unions
The diplomatic senir:e
in Soviet Russia and here; comparative wage scales; the steps
primary eyes and ears
being taken to eliminate social and political inequalities com
and career personnel, 'is
pared with the huge numbers of political prisoners in Soviet
guarantee not only a oonfuD:]j
concentration camps and in the prisons of satellite lands; the
tion to the State
police control of Soviet citizens which requires an internal pass
but prOvide a direct
port to move from one locality to another; the frequent purges;
national policy ever;" at
the recounting of that particularly barbarous oppression by the
with Soviet diplomacy,
Soviet government in the annexed Baltic States of Latvia, Lithu
strengthen a constructiYe
ania, and Estonia, where so many thousands of peaceful persons
foreign opinion on
have been ruthlessly transported from their homeland to distant
diplomatic victory has
uninhabited wastes; the reasons for a high standard of living in
casual conversation
the United States - all such affirmative rebuttal will go far to
. his wife or with the
put the present world debate on a solid foundation of fact. In
Obviously, diplomatic
a word, while the conHict remains a cold war, no sector of the
peace offensive presuppose's
ideological front should be left undefended. And above all, Soviet
not been in striking evidene::
"peace propaganda" should be unmasked and shown to be what it
with a sporadiC rushing -",
really is Aesopian language contrived to induce non-Communist
breakthrough had already
States to disarm themselves and make ready their neck for the
psychology. The bare
sacrificial knife.
confines of her present
No relaxation of cordial relations should be permitted with
attitude represented by me:
respect to the Latin-American peoples. The solidarity of the West
Alliance, and the Point Fc:s:;:"
ern Hemisphere is one of the basic conditions for the defense of
The validity and success
the Atlantic world. The continuing freedom of the Atlantic world
demonstrated in the Italian
is the bedrock of confidence for freedom in the entire world.
American policy was
Weakness or disunion in the Western Hemisphere will mean
of the realities of the Italian
weakening the cause of liberty everywhere.
that we dared to take the h',
The of labor and of function which becomes necessary
between Togliatti and De
in our enterprise of conducting a world-wide mobilization for
the United States. Had
peace requires an active and planned diplomatic campaign.
18th of April, 1948, 13
i Years
. the activities here advocated.
l to expound the peace
n radio broadcasts to foreign
; not by half-hour broadcasts
f Soviet propaganda; accurate
of the North Atlantic Pact;
slave economy and rational,
liberties enjoyed in Western
s; the status of labor unions
rative wage scales; the steps
}Q political inequalities com
political prisoners in Soviet
,risons of satellite lands; the
requires an internal pass
another; the frequent purges;
barbarous oppression by the
Baltic States of Latvia, Lithu
:nousands of peaceful persons
om their homeland to distant
, a high standard of living in
:ative rebuttal will go far to
solid foundation of fact. In
a cold war, no sector of the
:-fended. And above all, Soviet
lsked and shown to be what it
to induce non-Communist
lake ready their neck for the
J.S should be permitted with
es. The solidarity of the West-
conditions for the defense of
freedom of the Atlantic world
freedom in the entire world.
stem Hemisphere will mean

,tion which becomes necessary
world-wide mobilization for
.anned diplomatic campaign.
Counterattack 219
Representation and formal negotiation by the foreign service
branch of government, if integrated with American economic and
financial agencies engaged in the international field, will achieve
that unity of defense measures which alone can match the oneness
of control vested in the Politburo. The menace of total war must
be countered by total mobilization for world peace. The hotter
we make the logistics of the cold war, the colder will become the
probabilities of a shooting war.
The diplomatic service of the United States constitutes the
pi'imary eyes and ears of national security; its permanent character
and career personnel, as contrasted with emergency agencies,
guarantee not only a continuous stream of authenticated informa
tion to the State Department from all quarters of the globe,
but provide a direct channel for the steady application of matured
national policy at every level. In addition to matching wits
with Soviet diplomacy, American diplomatic action will further
strengthen a constructive peace program by daily contact with
foreign opinion on every sector of international relations. A
diplomatic victory has been often won at a dinner table, in a
casual conversation with a Minister of Foreign Affairs or with
his wife or with the head of the National Banking System.
Obviously, diplomatic preparation for the planned objectives of a
peace offensive presupposes a fixed American policy, which has
not been in striking evidence in past years. Too late and too little,
with a sporadic rushing to some point of the line where a
breakthrough had already occurred, kept us in a purely defensive
psychology. The bare containment of Soviet Russia within the
confines of her present holdings gave place to the more positive
attitude represented by the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic
Alliance, and the Point Four Program.
The validity and success of the new psychology was strikingly
demonstrated in the Italian elections of April, 1948, during which
American policy was advertised and openly advocated in terms
of the realities of .the Italian situation. It was there, at long last,
that we dared to take the initiative; the issue lay not so much
between Togliatti and De Gasperi as between Soviet Russia and
the United States. Had Italy gone Communist on that fateful
18th of April, 1948, France, in all probability, would have been
next. The mobilization of every resource of publicity, from the
placards on public buildings of Rome and in the provinces to the
avalanche of letters to relatives in Italy from Americans of Italian
descent, was visibly reinforced by the tireless and repeated ap
pearance of the American ambassador, Mr. Dunn, at every port,
to welcome relief supplies and Marshall Plan commodities arriving
in American ships. In addition to the courageous attitude of
Pius XU, particularly in that eloquent address on spiritual values
before 400,000 people on Easter Sunday, the concrete assurances
of solidarity from official America contributed much toward con
vincing the Italian electorate that they would no longer be betting
. on a lOSing horse if they arrayed themselves on the side of the
United States against World Commuriism. The valiant decision
of Norway to take her stand with the western States of Europe
in a North Atlantic Alliance, despite her 122 miles of frontier
contiguous with Soviet territory, was another fruit of an en
lightened and positive diplomatic policy. The same may be said
of the results achieved at the London meeting of foreign ministers
- Mr. Acheson, Mr. Bevin, and Mr. Schuman - in May, 1950, and
more recently in September, 1950, at New York
It is far from being sterile speculation to reconstruct the possible
evolution of events had the firmer and more informed posture of
1950 been adopted sooner in negotiations with Soviet Russia...
Franklin Delano Roosevelt entered on the momentous wartime
conferences at Yalta and Tehran with heavy odds against him,
not only because of the pressing nature of the problems on
the table, but because of certain qualities inherent in his character,
and in his psychological make-up.
The diplomatic history of that crowded period and of subsequent
years emphasizes again the wisdom of the observations made by
that seasoned negotiator, Mr. Harold Nicholson, in his thoughtful
little book on Diplomacy. If diplomacy is the art of the pOSSible,
it is not less a process of negotiation involving mutuality, recipro
cal obligations, and the recording of agreements in carefully
worded documents. Whenever it stops short of preciSion and relies
on loosely worded guarantees, secret promises, or unilateral agree
ments, the way is open .. for fatal misunderstanding, deliberate
misinterpretations, and slippery evasions of the given word, The
personal conference
protocols and clear-cut
the way for dangerous
personal characteristics.
spoon one needs when ;f7T.;7
KarI Marx.
Mr. Roosevelt's title to 2. 'C2
presidents will rest more seC72::;
to his people in great UVllkC""D
than on his highly 1.J\;a"u.. '-l..
tions, whether in peace or t:::
his nature created violen:a::r'
Mr. Flynn's indictment,
Beard's Prosecuting Attome:i"
Coming of the War.
summations stands the e:r':-h'
the school which has
dimensions of a cult simil2G"
some hero worshipers of
will seek to establish
Even the closest and
Roosevelt have not minim;"*,,
President which, because
their elevation to inteman:;:
probably permanent influe::c
millions of human beings.
diary, portions of which h&.ve
often came to vital decisil}:33'
fessor Arthur M. Schlesinger.
Mr. Roosevelt's Russian po13.[
the downfall of Roosevelti.an '
that the President
BerIe, an important officialb
long period, also concedes
failure with tragic C01lSe'Ol1E
facts when he inclines to
2 Roosevelt and His Detractcr5.=
3 New York Times, Book Re;-:c-;;
Years
eurce of publicity, from the
c and in the provinces to the
llV from Americans of Italian
. tireless and repeated ap
er, }'Ir. Dunn, at every port,
Plan commodities arriving
courageous attitude of
address on spiritual values
the concrete assurances
:::ntributed much toward con
,y 'would no longer be betting
b:emselves on the side of the
tlunism. The valiant decision
western States of Europe
1e her 122 miles of frontier
'i:as another fruit of an en
olley. The same may be said
Dr meeting of foreign ministers
Schuman - in May, 1950, and
=.t New York.
to reconstruct the possible
md more informed posture of
"nations with Soviet Russia.
on the momentous wartime
cith heavy odds against him,
nature of the problems on
lities inherent in his character,
,ded period and of subsequent
of the observations made by
:l Nicholson, in his thoughtful
acy is the art of the possible,
1 involving mutuality, recipro
: of agreements in carefully
JS short of precision and relies
: promises, or unilateral agree-
misunderstanding, deliberate
sions of the given word. The
Counterattack
personal conference method, unless supplemented by precise
protocols and clear-cut obligations on a reciprocal basis, opens
the way for dangerous improvisations and the play of volatile
personal characteristics. Charm is no substitute for the long
spoon one needs when dining with diSciples of Machiavelli and
Karl Marx.
Mr. Roosevelt's title to a ranking place in the roster of American
presidents will rest more securely on remembrance of other services
to his people in great domestic crises and international emergencies
than on his highly personalized conduct of Soviet-American rela
tions, whether in peace or in war. The elements compounded in
his nature created violent antagonisms, such as those revealed in
Mr. Flynn's indictment, The Roosevelt Myth, and Professor
Beard's Prosecuting Attorney's brief, President Roosevelt and the
Coming of the War. Against the almost total blackness of these
summations stands the enthusiastic admiration and devotion of
the school which has elevated the Roosevelt personality to the
dimensions of a cult similar to the quasi-idolatry indulged in by
some hero worshipers of Justice Holmes. The judgment of history
will seek to establish balance between such extremes.
Even the closest and best-informed intimates of Franklin Delano
Roosevelt have not minimized the defects of character in their
President which, because of the time and the circumstances of
their elevation to international significance, had a distinct and
probably permanent influence on the destiny of millions upon
millions of human beings. Thus Mr. Morgenthau records in his
diary, portions of which have been made public, that the President
often came to vital decisions on "hunches" and trivialities. Pro
fessor Arthur M. SchleSinger, Jr., though by and large defending
Mr. Roosevelt's Russian policy, concedes that "Yalta represented
the downfall of Rooseveltian pragmatism." He correctly concludes
that the President miscalculated his Soviet opponents.
2
Mr. Adolph
Berle, an important official in the inner Roosevelt circle during a
long period, also concedes that the Yalta Conference "was a
failure with tragic consequences.''a But he is not so close to the
facts when he inclines to John Gunther's version that Mr. Roosevelt,
2 Roosevelt and His Detractors," Harper's MagaZine, June, 1950.
3 New York Times, Book Review, June 4, 1950.
221
222
The Wasted Years
on military advice, underestimated the strength of the American
,- position and so was outtraded. A full-length portrait including
Mr. Roosevelt's earlier and total attitude in dealing with Soviet
negotiators requires some additional lines of character: it was
not only underestimation of the logistics of the situation at
that moment but his recurring overestimate of his own powers
of persuasion as a good horse trader that betrayed the President
into the fateful appeasement of Stalin.
Mr. Robert Sherwood in his exhaustive and documented study,
Roosevelt and Hopkins, comments on the "complex mind" and
"heavily forested interior" of his chief. He likewise reports the
Roosevelt habit of dodging immediate issues "by maneuvering
the conversation into the realms of irrelevancy." Mr. Sherwood
frankly paints into his portrait the obstinacy of Mr. Roosevelt's
belief in his personal capacity to surmount obstacles "which would
have held other men earth-bound." He is frank to recognize the
deterioration in the President's physical condition at Tehran, as
well as the evil consequences of the secret agreements with Stalin
at Yalta regarding the increased number of votes Soviet Russia
would have in the forthcoming United Nations. Mr. Sherwood,
certainly not a Roosevelt hater but one of the President's most
h'usted advisers, describes this concession as "one of the worst
all-round botches of the war." Another secret pledge to Stalin
that Soviet demands in the Far East would be unquestionably
fulfilled after the defeat of Japan - is qualified by Mr. Sherwood
as "the most assailable point in the entire Yalta record."
Mter Tehran, Mr. Sherwood points out, President Roosevelt
was confident that the Soviets would prove tractable and co
operative; he felt sure that Stalin was "getatable."4 Similarly, the
secret commitment to Stalin regarding Soviet claims in China were
based on Mr. Roosevelt's belief in his own powers of persuasion.
"1 believe," writes Mr. Sherwood, "that he was hopeful that when
the time came to notify the Chinese, he would be able to
straighten the whole thing out with Chiang Kai-shek, but the
hope, of course, was not realized."
No man served President Roosevelt more faithfully and in more
diversified capacities than former Secretary of State, James F.
40p. cit., pp. 798-799.
Cou;;
Byrnes. Describing the course
Frankly, he considers Yalta a
of Soviet-American relations. '"
"had barely returned to Am::
ebb." Mr. Byrnes further ill:
and disillusionment weighed ]:
hours. This is confirmed
Roosevelt shortly before
shall never know how much
of Soviet Russia may ha\'e
psychologically to the final t
We now have additional t ~
often appeared in the
unusual political foreSight. ill ~
was visited by the then
and worried by the outbreak:
continuance of hostilities betrA'
explained to the AmbassadGJ."
solution for effecting
the main obstacle, he ,",01,=,'_",
which would settle the case,
belligerents to accept an
worked out between the
for 50 years respecting
of two disputed islands in .:1l
Such an arrangement, he
benefit and security of
Not familiar with the
south of the Equator, the
research. He found that c ~
yards wide at maximum,
bury was 3 miles long by 1
He could have added that IT
of which Canton and Enderb
area of some 16 square
5 "China in Stalin's Grand
1950, pp. 38-40.
Years
:he strength of the American
full-length portrait including
:i.tude in dealing with Soviet
lines of character: it was
logistics of the situation at
restimate of his own powers
r that betrayed the President
l'
llll.
.lStive and documented study,
on the "complex mind" and
bief. He likewise reports the
nate issues "by maneuvering
f irrelevancy," Mr. Sherwood
obstinacy of Mr. Roosevelt's
mount obstacles "which would
He is frank to recognize the
'sical condition at Tehran, as
secret agreements with Stalin
umber of votes Soviet Russia
nited Nations. Mr. Sherwood,
t one of the President's most
lcession as "one of the worst
,fuer secret pledge to Stalin
:ast would be unquestionably
. is qualified by Mr. Sherwood
e entire Yalta record.'"
)ints out, President Roosevelt
auld prove tractable and co
,vas "getatable."4 Similarly, the
I1g Soviet claims in China were
his own powers of persuasion.
that he was hopeful that when
rinese, he would be able to
ith Chiang Kai-shek, but the
elt more faithfully and in more
Secretary of State, James F.
Counterattack
223
Byrnes. Describing the course of events in his memoirs, Speaking
Frankly, he considers Yalta as the high-water mark in the tide
of Soviet-American relations. "But President Roosevelt," he writes,
"had barely returned to American soil when the tide began to
\
ebb." Mr. Byrnes further indicates in his text that foreboding
and disillusionment weighed heavily on the President in his final
hours. This is confirmed by a cablegram to Churchill from
Roosevelt shortly before the fatal seizure at Warm Springs. We
shall never know how much the realization of the renewed hostility
of Soviet Russia may have saddened his soul and contributed
psychologically to the final tragedy of sudden death.
We now have additional testimony of the unreality which so
often appeared in the thinking of a man otherwise gifted with
unusual political foresight. In September, 1939, President Roosevelt
was visited by the then Chinese ambassador, Hu Shih. Disturbed
and worried by the outbreak of a new war in Europe and the
continuance of hostilities between China and Japan, the President
explained to the Ambassador that he believed he had found a
solution for effecting peace in the Far East. As Manchuria was
the main obstacle, he believed he had found a workable formula
which would settle the case. As mediator he would invite both
belligerents to accept an agreement similar to the plan recently
worked out between the United States and Great Britain to last
for 50 years respecting Anglo-American interests and joint control
of two disputed islands in the Pacific, Canton and Enderbury .
Such an arrangement, he thought, could be applied for the joint
benefit and security of China and Japan in Manchuria.
Not familiar with the dimensions of those two coral islands
south of the Equator, the scholarly Ambassador did some quick
research. He found that Canton Island was 9 miles long, 500
yards wide at maximum, with a population of 40 persons. Ender
bury was 3 miles long by 1 mile wide with 4 persons living on it.
He could have added that the entire Phoenix group of islands,
of which Canton and Enderbury form a part, have a combined
area of some 16 square miles. "Manchuria, of course," he writes,
5
5 "China in Stalin's Grand Strategy," by Hu Shih, Foreign Affairs, October,
1950, pp. 38-40.
224
The Wasted Years
"has a population of 33,000,000 and an area of about 413,000
square miles.
n
Hu Shih ends his account with an expression of undiminished
respect for the generous idealism of a great humanitarian. But
he cannot escape the conviction that this favorite Canton
Enderbury precedent played a definite role in Mr. Roosevelt's
handling of the Chinese problem at Yalta. He further states that
history will not forgive Stalin for deliberately deceiving and
blackmailing the President.
Analysis of the human elements in this record confirms what
Aristotle meant by his observation that great mericome to disaster
through some weakness of psychological structure, by some defect
which, . at the same time, appears to them to be a factor of great
strength. Men, ,like trees, fall on their leaning side. With no
intimation here of failure in other policies, and with no blanket
endorsement of the bitter criticism leveled at the late President
by undiscriminating critics, one cannot escape the relevancy of
Aristotle's dictum in respect to Mr. Roosevelt's Russian policy,
which is the sole and exclusive object of the present inquiry.
His capacity for leadership and daring initiative proved a wel
come asset for the country when we were confronted with the
crisis of the great depression of the thirties and the challenge of
December 7, 1941. But overconfidence was an unjustified and
dangerous attitude when transferred to the international arena
where he was to encounter a wholly different breed of men. His
opponents there were no longer a minority of Republicans in
Congress who, though dissidents, were still Americans with the
tradition of democracy, the responsibilities of freedom, and the
discipline of Christian principles bred into the marrow of their
thought. He was no longer dueling with the National Association
of Manufacturers or with chivalrous individual opponents such
as Al Smith and Wendell Willkie. The President's opening remarks
at the Tehran conference, in which he welcomed the Russians as
"new members of the family circle," did much credit to his
amiability and love of domesticity, but were small tribute to his
comprehension of Communist psychology, if he really meant what
he said. The historian, however, must take the record as he finds it
and learn what is there to be learned.
COt
It has been argued that it
or conventional bargaining.
may have had good reason
unstable ally and might hf
had done once before. Sucl
her immense weight into tl:
at a moment when such a
have changed the whole cc
moment for quick, unqualifie
Germany and Japan. So h
commands a measure of 1
gravity of the consequences,
circumstances.
Yalta, it is admitted by 1'0'1
viras a calculated gamble th
remembered that the preced,
mum to Soviet Russia had 1
the President's military ad,
insist, that should not have
and more cautious playing of
of the United States, the i
still unimpaired resources of
period warranted clearer, ill
reciprocity from Soviet Rus.,
reconstruction of Europe. Tl:
come a welfare worker ,vss
men who had demonstrated
relationships and hazards \']
achieved the unprecedented.
electorate to retain
the United States for four tern
obstacle in American politiel
come a cropper before an
whom Trotsky once
the Russian Communist Pa;;
6 No longer possible in consecraf
accepted by the required
Years
! an area of about 413,000
expression of undiminished
f a great humanitarian. But
that this favorite Canton
cite role in Mr. Roosevelt's
Yalta. He further states that
deliberately deceiving and
in this record confirms what
'it great men come to disaster
lcal structure, by some defect
them to be a factor of great
their leaning side. With nO
}olicies, and with no blanket
leveled at the late President
mot escape the relevancy of
'. Roosevelt's Russian policy,
eet of the present inquiry.
mng initiative proved a wel
;;e were confronted with the
thirties and the challenge of
~ n c e was an unjustified and
d to the international arena
.' different breed of men. His
minority of Republicans in
(ere still Americans with the
ibilities of freedom, and the
into the marrow of their
with the National Association
IS individual opponents such
Ie President's opening remarks
he welcomed the Russians as
le," did much credit to his
but were small tribute to his
)logy, if he really meant what
t take the record as he finds it
med.
Counterattack
225
It has been argued that it was no time for cautious diplomacy
or conventional bargaining. President Roosevelt and his advisers
may have had good reason to fear that Soviet Russia was an
unstable ally and might have gone over to the Nazis as she
had done once before. Such a catastrophe would have thrown
her immense weight into the balance against the United States
at a moment when such a new alignment of power might well
have changed the whole course of the war. Hence, it was the
moment for qUick, unqualified strengthening of a new ally against
Germany and Japan. So be it. The argument is tenable and
commands a measure of respect. Candor, however, and the
gravity of the consequences, require objective exploration of the
circumstances.
Yalta, it is admitted by Mr. Roosevelt's friends and supporters,
was a calculated gamble that failed. In extenuation it must be
remembered that the precedents there set of conceding the maxi
mum to Soviet Russia had the approval and recommendation of
the President's military advisers. But it was a gamble, others
insist, that should not have omitted certain prudent reservations
and more cautious playing of high cards. The basic power position
of the' United States, the How of Lend-Lease supplies, and the
still unimpaired resources of America for disposal in the postwar
period warranted clearer, firmer, and enforceable guarantees of
reciprocity from Soviet Russia respecting her obligations in the
reconstruction of Europe. The assumption that the bully had be
come a welfare worker was an amazingly naIve conclusion for
men who had demonstrated such exceptional skill in the human
relationships and hazards of domestic politics since 1932 and
achieved the unprecedented record of persuading an intelligent
electorate to retain Franklin Delano Roosevelt as President of
the United States for four terms.
S
They hurdled the most formidable
obstacle in American political history, only to see their President
come a cropper before an obscure revolutionary from Georgia
whom Trotsky once described as the outstanding mediocrity of
the Russian Communist Party. The nature of Stalin's probable
6 No longer possible in consequence of the constitutional prohibition recently
accepted by the required majority of states.
226
The Wasted Years
maneuvers in the hour of allied victory were inherent in the
historical premises and should have been forever in the
ness of responsible negotiators.
The misplaced confidence of Mr. Roosevelt did not begin at
Yalta nor was it the result of the new optimism which flourished
during the strange but necessary alliance with Moscow from 1942
to 1945. It was not due to the prevailing climate of enthusiasm
for Soviet Russia as an ally against Hitler. It was not due to the
pressure of events nor the concurrence of Mr. Churchill. Its case
history goes farther back than that. It is spread on the record
as a political and moral miscalculation as old as the policy of
appeasement and credulity that began with the recognition of
Soviet Russia in 1933.
However valid and persuasive Mr. Roosevelt's pragmatism to
ward Soviet Russia may have seemed during the uncertain and tense
crises of war when qUick decision was imperative and bold
risks had to be taken, it still remains a lamentable improvisation
to have committed so much destiny for so long to a negotiator
so little acquainted with the special complexities of Russian history,
Russian mentality, and Soviet dialectics as was Mr. Harry Hopkins.
Again, a distinction must be made. The total record of Mr.
Hopkins and the controversies arising from his special role among
the President's intimates and counselors are not under examina
tion at this point. Weare concerned with a limited and specified
area of his activities, the Russian phase.
The deficiencies in psychological preparation for such a supreme
role are revealed in the official Hopkins report of his last special
mission to Moscow in May, 1945, after the death of President
Roosevelt. The text covers nearly sixteen pages of Mr. Sherwood's
book and runs to something over 8000 words. This record of the
intimate conversations with Stalin at a moment when the pattern
of the future was being formed are indeed revealing. Mr. Hopkins'
analysis of the rapid deterioration in Soviet-American relations
since the collapse of National Socialism is accurate enough but
not his understanding of the underlying causes. He seemed to
have no appreciation of the ultimate objectives of M'Oscow: hence
he complains to Stalin that friends of the Soviet Union were
experiencing "a sense of bewilderment . . . could not understand
why...." Nothing
the complete change
Soviet tactics, now
way for Soviet
strategy inherent in
Stalin, unperceived
of Russian patriot
Marxian Communism.
was dropped.
The progressive
constitute a classic
dialectios can confuse
by weaving a
problem. We had ne-v"
Malik in the Sectufu
August, 1950. Despite "hi;; e:s,,,
then as' in negotiations
on the defense from
admission . of. the
personnel of the nmv H<:,j3"-"',,",
of the United States tn,,,",,,,-'"
of .Lend Lease, the sm:re,]::];.E
these were alleged by }'k
Mr. Hopkins gave a
organized objections and
the explanations were tr",,,,
Soviet policy continued
concluded was a meeting
experienced negotiators
In his report to the State
Mr. Hopkins - himself a
value Mr. Stalin's assura::;2['(t
weaken the leadership aT
China, that Soviet Russia
that he agreed with Ame-rie:a
etc. Mr. Hopkins ends this EiB
"We were very encouraged
With respect to Poland.
Years
lictory were inherent in the
been forever in the conscious
. Roosevelt did not begin at
5\V optimism which flourished
lance with Moscow from 1942
ya:i1ing climate of enthusiasm
Hitler. It was not due to the
ace of Mr. Churchill. Its case
It is spread on the record
luon as old as the policy of
with the recognition of
[:;:-. Roosevelt's pragmatism to
during the uncertain and tense
was imperative and bold
ill a lamentable improvisation
:: for so long to a negotiator
c'Omplexities of Russian history,
tics as was Mr. Harry Hopkins.
de. The total record of Mr,
19 from his special role among
;elors are not under examina
with a limited and specified
Dbase.
?Ieparation for such a supreme
Elkins report of his last special
after the death of President
neen pages of Mr. Sherwood's
,000 words. This record of the
a moment when the pattern
indeed revealing. Mr. Hopkins'
in Soviet-American relations
ialism is accurate enough but
erlying causes. He seemed to
e objectives of M'Oscow: hence
:is of the Soviet Union were
lent . . . could not understand
Counterattack
227
why...." Nothing in the text indicates that Mr. Hopkins realized
the complete change that had taken place in the contemporary
Soviet tactics, now that the elimination of Hitler had cleared the
way for Soviet Russia's return to the permanent aggressive
strategy inherent in the nature of the Russian Revolution. And
Stalin, unperceived by Mr. Hopkins, discarded the temporary role
of Russian patriot and reverted to the belligerent universalism of
Marxian Communism. Nothing basic was changed, only a cloak
was dropped.
The progressive stages in the Hopkins-Stalin
constitute a classic example of the manner in which Soviet
dialectics can confuse basic issues and hide the Marxist objective
by weaving a complicated web of minor issues around the central
problem. We had new specimens of the ancient formula from Mr.
Malik in the Security Council of the United Nations during
August, 1950. Despite his energy and zeal for a specific argument
then as' in negotiations of earlier years, Mr. Hopkins was put
on the defense from the start. He was forced to discuss the
admission of. the Argentine to the United Nations, defend the
personnel of the new Reparations Commission, explain the attitude
of the United States toward the Polish question, the curtailment
of Lend Lease, the surrender of the German fleet, etc., etc. All
these were alleged by Mr. Stalin as proof of American default.
Mr. Hopkins gave a satisfactory answer to the great bulk of
organized objections and Mr. Stalin admitted in most cases that
the explanations were true and understandable. Nevertheless,
Soviet policy continued to run counter to what Mr. Hopkins
concluded was a meeting of minds, a sequence not unknown to
experienced negotiators with the chameleon of the Steppes.
In his report to the State Department and to President Truman,
Mr. Hopkins - himself a sick and dying man accepted at face
value Mr. Stalin's assurances that nothing would be done to
weaken the leadership or unified policy of Chiang Kai-shek in
China, that Soviet Russia had no territorial claims against China,
that he agreed with America's "Open Door" Policy in China, etc.,
etc. Mr. Hopkins ends this section of his report with the comment:
"We were very encouraged by the conference on the Far East."
With respect to Poland, Mr. Hopkins made damaging conces
l
228
The .Wasted Years
sions, particularly in the light of President Roosevelt's late dis
covery: "The Russians do not use words for the same pU1'pose
that we do." Mr. Hopkins agreed that Poland should have a
government "friendly" to the Soviet Union; apparently he was in
blissful ignorance as to what that word "friendly" means to the
anaconda appetite of the Politburo. He likewise declared to Stalin
that "the question of Poland per se was not so important as the
fact that it had become a symbol of our ability to work out
problems with the Soviet Union." Subsequent events showed how
tragically Mr. Hopkins was deceived on both counts. Poland
was the first major casualty in an important series of enslaved
peoples, which is an important fact per se. The symbolism of
Poland as an index of success or failure in reciprocal understand
ing with Soviet Russia was laconically described in that un
precedented rebuke administered by President Truman to the
first Sovietized Polish ambassador, on February 4, 1947. Recalling
the pledge to guarantee free elections, Mr. Truman asserted: "It
is cause of deep concern to me and to the American people that
the Polish Provisional Government has failed to fulfill that pledge."
All this, to be sure, is water over the dam. So is all history,
recent or remote. The value of hindSight consists in its contribu
tion to foresight applied ta new situations, particularly to the
American pOSition in 1951. History in its finest form is something
more meaningful than a bare narrative of human events accurately
assembled and verified under canons of scientific .research. Thu
cydides, the father of interpretative history, has a celebrated passage
on that quality of historical writing: "... but whoever shall wish
to have a clear view both of the events which have happened
~ n d those which will some day, in all human probability, happen
again in the same or similar way - for these to adjudge my history
useful will be enough for me. And indeed it has been composed,
not as a prize-essay to be heard for the moment, but as a possession
for all time."1
The norm may well be applied to the facts of record in Soviet
American relations. Although the historical mind as such is not
required to prophesy or philosophize from cause to effect, the facts
1 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Chapter 22.
COll
of history may do both-
for entertainment in leisure
the depths of the vast mirror
plation of the past, will see \<;:
what he as man of the same (
circumstances. He will proHt .
and unnecessary tragedies, 1"
to the pamphleteers. But a ::::;:1:
useless to a blind man.
I
Years
resident Roosevelt's late dis
e . ~ o r d s for the same pw:pose
that Poland should have a
Cillon; apparently he was in
-o!d "friendly" means to the
r ~ likewise declared to Stalin
',';-as not so important as the
our ability to work out
bsequent events showed how
cd on both counts. Poland
important series of enslaved
: per se. The symbolism of
!lie in reciprocal understand-
described in that un
,,- President Truman to the
: February 4, 1947. Recalling
25, :Mr. Truman asserted: '1t
to the American people that
s failed to fulfill that pledge."
: ::he dam. So is all history,
si;[ht consists in its contribu
:t';ations, particularly to the
its finest form is something
e of human events accurately
:; of scientific xesearch. Thu
tory, has a celebrated passage
". . . but whoever shall wish
",-ents which have happened
11 human probability, happen
[ these to adjudge my history
!ldeed it has been composed,
== moment, but as a possession
the facts of record in Soviet
storical mind as such is not
from cause to effect, the facts
n War, Chapter 22.
Counterattack 229
of history may do both - unless they are read out of curiosity or
for entertainment in leisure hours. A thoughtful man, looking into
the depths of the vast mirror which historians hold up for contem
plation of the past, will see what mankind has done, which means
what he as man of the same clay is capable of doing under similar
circumstances. He will profit by the procession of avoidable errors
and unnecessary tragedies, leaving denunciation and partisanship
to the pamphleteers. But a mirror is intended for seeing men. It is
useless to a blind man.
CHAPTER X
The United Nations and the Revolution
six months before the outbreak of hostilities in
Korea, the chair of Soviet Russia in the Security Council of
the United Nations had been vacant. That symbol of veto by
nonparticipation in the work of the organization clarified, as little
else has done up to that date, the basic paradox of a promoter
of World Revolution sitting pennanently with power of
tion on the board of directors of an institution dedicated to
world peace through mutual understanding and enforcement of
international law. The great attempt to conciliate great opposites
make the inHammable oil of class warfare blend hannoniously
the of re:o?ciliation reached its most revealing stage
durmg the cnSIS preClpItated by the invasion of South Korea in
June, 1950, by one of the affiliates of World Revolution. The
return of Mr. Malik on August 1, followed by his
served at least one extremely useful purpose. It brought
mto the open the latent contradiction between Soviet Russia's
public to be an advocate of peace, and
her patent conspIracy to organIZe and support aggressive conflict
whenever and wherever the cause of World Communism can be
advanced. Television of Mr. Malik's efforts to sabotage the k
of the Security Council brought the hard facts I'nto Am ,:or
. encan
homes wIth a force not previously experienced. .
By reason of its postwar strategy Soviet Russia has come in
230
The United Na
closer geographic contact
closer than imperial Russi<
new provinces of the Corr..:;
irriportance: first, geopoliti,
inviting areas for propagat
to spread Communism OU.1
from a messianic conscioUSI
in its youtbful stage.
hammedanism, passed
of its missionary advance
the Christian West; but, ;
munism and, less virile, Is
non-Muslim peoples in
religions of the East,
but rather a code of
ners. Buddhism is a conter;;
of personal repose and
much an expression of
its main tenets being:
of your heart, and VeneY2
political character by tl:.e
reduced position in Japane
plicity of sects, is a disti.'1ct
no aggressive tendency to
scale. Judaism, until hte
Temple, has been in exile a
retains the vehemence
Though entering into
never renounced its
destiny. The very
embodied in their members
ism of the Soviet creed all
dogmas. Hence, its every r
in a duel which, at bottom.
as political and economic.
Christianity or Mohammf
Confucianism, but a Sele
and Lenin. Hence the Soy]
R X
id the Revolution
le outbreak of hostilities in
in the Security Council of
ct. That symbol of -veto by
>rganization clarified, as little
b;sic paradox of a promoter
:ntly ,vith power of obstruc
an institution dedicated to
tanding and enforcement of
to conciliate great opposites
; warfare blend harmoniously
:ned its most revealing stage
invasion of South Korea in
of World Revolution. The
fonowed by his month-long
1;: useful purpose. It brought
[on between Soviet Russia's
an advocate of peace, and
d support aggressive conflict
: \Vorld Communism can be
efforts to sabotage the work
e hard facts into American
xperienced.
Soviet Russia has come in
The United Nations and the Revolution 231
closer geographic contact with the West than ever before, far
closer than imperial Russia penetrated, or desired to come. The
new provinces of the Communist empire have acquired a double
irriportance: first, geopolitically, as buffer states, and, second, as
inviting areas for propagating the evangel of Marxism. The urge'
to spread Communism outward from each satellite State stems
from a messianic consciousness 9haracteristic of political religiosity
in its youthful stage. The older counterpart of Christianity, Mo
hammedanism, passed through the same exaltation during the age
of its missionary advance by fire and sword into the heart of
the Christian West; but, now, much older than Marxian Com
munism and; less virile, Islam has learned how to coexist with
non-Muslim peoples in adult tranquillity. Of the other historic
religions of the East, Confucianism has not been a crusading faith
but rather a code of morals, philosophic behavior, and good man
ners. Buddhism is a contemplative faith, a search for the Nirvana
of personal repose and liberation from conflict. Shintoism was as
much an expression of Japanese nationalism as it was a religion,
its main tenets being: obey the emperor, follow the inspiration
of your heart, and venerate ancestors and heroes. Shorn of its
political character by the defeat of Japan, it now occupies a
reduced position in Japanese civic life. Hinduism, with its multi
plicity of sects, is a distinctly national growth of India and shows
no aggressive tendency to propagate its beliefs on a world-wide
scale. Judaism, until lately and since the destruction of the
Temple, has been in exile and on the defensive. Communism alone
retains the vehemence of its adolescence.
Though entering into the United Nations' organization, Moscow
never renounced its exclusiveness and sense of overpowering
destiny. The very universalism which the Council and the Assembly
embodied in their members was a latent challenge to the particular
ism of the Soviet creed and the universalism of its revolutionary
dogmas. Hence, its every maneuver and veto was parry or thrust
in a duel which, at bottom, is as much theological and philosophic
as political and economic. The Kremlin's god is not the God of
Christianity or Mohammedanism or Hinduism or Judaism or
Confucianism, but a scientific deity created by Marx, Engels,
and Lenin. Hence the Soviet mind, now committed to Mr. Stalin's
trusteeship, always considered itself as a segment of the elect
quartered among the heathens of Lake Success, a beleaguered
outpost of the Revolution that must stay always on the alert
against the Philistines. This inner persuasion of special assignment
to a dangerous mission manifested itself in the private life of
Soviet delegates and their families whose isolation and secluded
home life in New York created social barriers against contact with
the nonelect. The same atmosphere of suspicion and defensive
[J.loofness enveloped Soviet delegations in occupied Germany and
Japan. Even when fraternizing with us (on rare occasions), they
gave the impression of uneasy men living in enemy territory, but
armed to the teeth and waiting for some prearranged Signal from
their Muscovite Mecca. There was always a member of the Soviet
Secret Police circulating among the guests and keeping a vigilant
eye on his lest they become too cordial or comradely
with the bourgeois Americans. It was not uncommon for us to
see this guardian of Marxist tribalism tap even some high-ranking
Soviet general on the shoulder at any moment and whisper that
it was time to leave.
The dilemma which the Politburo faced in consequence of
President Truman's historic decision to come to the assistance of
the stricken Republic of Korea was solved - to their own satis
faction - in the usual way. The Kremlin refused the invitation,
promptly dispatched from Washington, to use Soviet influence
and the Soviet position in North Korea to force the invaders to
withdraw to their proper place north of the 38th parallel. The
Communist-controlled and Moscow-b'ained North Koreans ignored
the United Nations' order to cease firing and observe the common
agreement of humanity respecting a pacific solution of international
conflicts, a charter and a pact to which Soviet Russia was a
signatory. The action of the United Nations' Council against the
evident breach of peace was likewise repudiated by the Kremlin
as being null, void, and illegal since Soviet Russia was absent
from the session at which the vote was taken. Then, as the only
alternative, though a lOgical one in the Marxist premises, the
government-controlled and radio of Russia deluged the land
and the airways with fantastic distortions of truth. The people
of Russia, bereft of all sources of independent news and helpless
The United
prisoners of the Politburo,
had been launched bv Soutt
warmongers and that
Koreans constituted, in real
of peace and outraged libe!
Mr. Malik, on his retill
position as presiding
stereotypes. Mr. Vyshiruki
the Assembly convened ir"
at the United Nations to
the formula down to
was noted that the
by the Soviet representat:i>:
words spoken by General
a prepared text handed !iJ
Chinese had stepped from I.l
How complete this mas
inside Russia may be reall:
schools, public gatherings, t:
film industry, theater, aBC
dictatorship. Broadcasts
of "The Voice of America'"
estimated that in 1947
were in the form of
proportion of short-wa ve
broadcasts, even if such:;:;
"jamming" technique of
formation, on the contrar"-'
"wired speakers" which an:
in numbers exceeding si'l:. m:
cation can reach the e:rea1
With Soviet ""
1 These and similar controls a;
Russia by Alex Inkeles (H2r:2.:rl:
truth systematically broadcast t:::
United States officially inculcate,
documented report of a seas'}:::,
1942-1947: The Soviet Image
(New York: Harcourt, Brace &:
Years
as a segment of the elect
lke Success, a beleaguered
stay always on the alert
lasion of special assignment
tself in the private life of
hose isolation and secluded
Jarriers against contact with
of suspicion and defensive
; in occupied Germany anq.
lS (on rare occasions), they
ving in enemy territory, but
me prearranged signal from
rays a member of the Soviet
lests and keeping a vigilant
too cordial or comradely
,s not uncommon for us to
tap even some high-ranking
.. moment and whisper that
) faced in consequence of
o come to the assistance of
solved - to their own satis
m1in refused the invitation,
)ll, to use Soviet influence
'ea to force the invaders to
J. of the 38th parallel. The
,ined North Koreans ignored
and observe the common
solution of international
:r.'hich Soviet Russia was a
\ations' Council against the
repudiated by the Kremlin
" Soviet Russia was absent
'as taken. Then, as the only
Marxist premises, the
Russia deluged the land
mons of truth. The people
~ p e n d e n t news and helpless
prisoners of the Politburo, were made to believe that the invasion
had been launched by South Korea under the auspices of American
warmongers and that the military measures taken by North
Koreans constituted, in reality, a heroic counterattack in defense
of peace and outraged liberty.
Mr. Malik, on his return to the United Nations, used his
position as presiding officer of the Security Council to repeat the
stereotypes. Mr. Vyshinski continued the set pattern as soon as
the Assembly convened in September. General Wu, on arriving
at the United Nations to represent Communist China repeated
the formula down to identical phrases and abusive epithets. It
was noted that the Chinese delegation was met at the airport
by the Soviet representatives in the United Nations. The first
words spoken by General Wu on American soil were read from
a prepared text handed to him by Mr. Malik as. soon as the
Chinese had stepped from the airplane.
How complete this mastery of public opinion has become
inside Russia may be realized by recalling the domination over
schools, public gqtherings, the press, literature, art, science, radio,
film industry, theater, and Orthodox Church by the Communist
dictatorship. Broadcasts from the United Nations and programs
of "The Voice of America" encounter two barriers. It has been
estimated that in 1947 only 18 per cent of all radios in Russia
were in the form of private sets, with no available data on the
proportion of short-wave instruments capable of receiving foreign
broadcasts, even if such programs could survive the powerful
"jamming" technique of governmental stations. The Soviet in
formation, on the contrary, is blasted into every community by
"wired speakers" which are said to be set up in public places
in numbers exceeding six million. Hence no uncensored communi
cation can reach the great masses of common folk.
l
With Soviet logicality and in conformity with the Marxist
1 These and similar controls are well set forth in Public Opinion in Soviet
Russia by Alex Inkeles (Harvard University Press, 1950). The distortion of
truth systematically broadcast to the Russian people and the hatred of the
United States officially inculcated by Soviet policy are also described in the
documented report of a seasoned observer who resided in Moscow from
1942--1947: The Soviet Image of the United States, by Frederick Barghoom
(New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1950).
monopoly of truth, Mr. Gromyko, Deputy Foreign Minister of
the U.S.S.R., transmitted to the Security Council of the United
. Nations on July 4 an abusive indictment of the United States
which demanded the immediate withdrawal of American armed
forces from Korea. The cue was followed by the Gazette,
one of the many mouthpieces used by the Politburo, which de
scribed the Security Council as a body of "'bloody fools" and
ridiculed the entire United Nations as lap dogs led on a leash by
Mr. Truman. The General Secretary, Mr. Lie, who shortly before
had visited Moscow on a peace mission, was denounced with
scurrility as a coward and a stooge of Wall Street who had
fallen to the level of "an abettor of American aggression."
The immediate mobilization of public opinion throughout the
world, the endorsement of the positive policy of the United States
by 52 of the 59 members of the United Nations and the promise
of military support by several powers, sent a new wave of optimism
through the corridors at Lake Success where gloom and pessimism
as to the future of the organization had lately prevailed. On
July 14 Trygve Lie, on behalf of the United Nations, appealed
to the 52 supporting governments to prOVide combat troops,
particularly ground forces. Korea had become the supreme test
and if the United Nations survived the challenge there would
be less danger of the frustration and disintegration which ruined.
its predecessor on the shores of the lake at Geneva.
Mr. Churchill's moving phrase about England's finest hour
seemed to have found its fellow in the vocabulary of the times.
Mr. Truman's prompt decision may well go into history as marking
America's day of greatness. One must not only be right respecting
alternatives; he must be right at the right moment. One can be
wholly right but at the wrong moment which, in the unpredictable
flux of human relationships, could tum out to be as dangerous
as being wrong at the right moment. The stunning reverses suf
fered by United Nations' forces under the massive onslaught of
the Chinese invasion of Korea precipitated wide debate as to
the wisdom of Mr. Truman's original decision. Although a great
battle was lost, a crucial campaign was won. The mental fog
and indecision so long obscuring the minds of too many Americans
was at long last dissipated. But indecision of policy again seemed
The
to paralyze the
munist government
38th parallel was 'rrr.
and procrastination ill
with the prompt meaS12ra;
gression of North Korea..
It is too early, at the
resolution of the crisis.
it is high time to ex;:,,.,-,k
t
peets of world peace
Nations. And such an
complete without CO!lSide:-':.:
previous League of
descendant of the
internal structure, and
If collective security is
and consolidated by'
munication and swift
be clothed with real sa:;:
become the pawn of illTeZ
the whim of anyone
were among the fatal
historically incorrect,
for the failure of the
science of the United Sta::.
was not due to a partisan
Lodge but to the inhere9.t
It was not a league of
organized by five great
and balance of power
agency of equitable repre5e
been deVised, it was felt tb.:s:
denied its ineffective
War II and the bitter 6XDE
years supplied the
conspicuously absent from
elements are indispensable
sacrifice and reCiprocal
L
Years
Deputy Foreign Minister of
Council of the United
::tment of the United States
hdrawal of American armed
by the Gazette,
the Politburo, which de
body of "bloody fools" and
5 lap dogs led on a leash by
Lie, who shortly before
was denounced with
of Wall Street who had
American aggression."
opinion throughout the
,-e policy of the United States
zted Nations and the promise
, sent a new wave of optimism
s \vhere gloom and pessimism
Dr:: had lately prevailed. On
he United Nations, appealed
to prOVide combat troops,
become the supreme test
i the challenge there would
:1 disintegration which ruined
lake at Geneva.
about England's finest hOliI
vocabulary of the times.
"ell go into history as marking
:t not only be right respecting
e right moment. One can be
nt which, in 'the unpredictable
tum out to be as dangerous
,to The stunning reverses suf
der the massive onslaught of
:cipitated wide debate as to
a1 decision. Although a great
:l was won. TIle mental fog
minds of too many Americans
>.f!ision of policy again seemed
to paralyze the Security Council. The order to the Chinese Com
munist government to cease firing and withdraw beyond the'
38th parallel was ignored; the defiance provoked divided counsel
and procrastination in the United Nations, wholly at variance
with the prompt measures taken in June, 1950, against the ag
gression of North Korea.
It is too early, at the present writing, to predict the ultimate
resolution of the crisis. But it is not too early on the contrary,
it is high time - to examine with frankness and realism the pros
pects of world peace under the present constitution of the United
Nations. And such an examination of conscience would not be
complete without considering the defects and weaknesses of the
previous League of Nations, as the present organization is a lineal
descendant of the old and embodied much of its philosophy,
internal structure, and public procedure.
If collective securit}' is ever to be realized in a world shrunken
and consolidated by modern inventions, by instantaneous com
munication and swift transportation, the new police power must
be clothed with real sanctions quickly available, not left to
become the pawn of international rivalries and not subject to
the whim of anyone member of the Council. These deficiencies
were among the fatal defects of the first organization. It is
histOrically incorrect, and unjust as well, to lay responsibility
for the failure of the League of Nations so heavily on the con
science of the United States. Nonparticipation by this country
was not due to a partisan conspiracy hatched by Henry Cabot
Lodge but to the inherent dishonesty of the League's structure.
It was not a league of co-operating States but a holding company
organized by five great powers to maintain a definite status quo
and balance of power favorable to the senior partners. When an
agency of equitable representation and practical democracy had
been devised, it was felt that it would merit the popular approval
denied' its ineffective predecessor. The frightful ordeal of World
War II and the bitter experience acquired across the past five
years supplied the education and psychological preparation so
conspicuously absent from the previous experinlent. Both these
elements are indispensable to bring men to the acceptance of that
sacrifice and reciprocal confidence which are the invisible cement
'
required in constructing any workable international agreement.
The League of 1919, even if it had been more perfect struc
turally, was premature. It sought to by-pas too many historical
and psychological realities. Public opinion throughout the world
was not prepared, either by understanding or moral fraternity,
to scrap abruptly the habits of sovereignty and nationalism which
had been so widely cultivated since the Congress of Westphalia
in 1648, systematized by Bodin in 1576, and reaffirmed by the
Congress of Vienna in 1815. There were also undercurrents of
thinly disguised hatred in the instrument of 1919. Bad psychology
attended its birth. While admirable in expressed ideals and daring
in their vision of a humanity emancipated from the ancient fears
and shibboleths of war, its advocates were unrealistic in their
estimate of the time element; they were impatient at the slow,
laborious processes of education required to convince the world
of a new and daring revolutionary idea.
Twenty years would not have been too many for adequate
preparation. Political wisdom comes by experience; it is a birth,
not an instantaneous creation, and is accompanied by the pangs
attending all birth. Men are born in another's pain and die in
their own. Ideas run the same gamut. It is an amateur and futile
pedagogy which berates men for not straightway accepting unb:ied
assurances. No competent educator, and surely no compassionate
student of human nature, will wax wrathful and sarcastic at a
humanity whose intellect and emotions have been submitted to
the outrages of categoric imperatives and scientific arrogance for
so many generations. No. He will roll up his sleeves and continue
his pedagogy, having incurred the primeval curse of learning the
hard way. It has taken Christianity nearly two thousand years
to evangelize approximately one third of' the human race - and
the issue at stake was ,far more important than the League
of Nations.
To what extent did the United Nations profit by the experience
of the past and avoid the pitfalls revealed by the record of the
old League? A dispassionate comparison chapter by chapter and
verse by verse would show a mixed balance of success and failure
at Geneva, the successes mainly achieved in relatively minor issues
involving smaller States and collateral welfare activities, the
The United N afii
failures arising from inability,
with the challenge presented.
The League foundered on rne
under Mussolini, by Japan
of Hitler's National Socialisn:
Spanish Civil War. The at;:;
clouded by the lack of aIly
enforcement of decisions
screwed its courage up to
Upjted Nations flying side
States in Korea marked a
lective security.
Since it is Soviet Russia's
world which is engaging
her short membership in
summarily. At the outset ).{CliS'
tion as a den of thieves, an
iniquity similar to Natior:al.
Nazis, so was it with
menace of 'Japan in "VJ.(;l.,u,,,",,'J
somersault and joined
become such a thorn in its
canceled and her delegates ':3
of Finland was an obvious
the reasons for the expu'Isbn
purely administrative. TheT
character as a force hostile
League was founded.
The Assembly had
Dr. Joseph Motta, Chief
day of Soviet Russia's
against the adventure, the s
"From the point of view
indispensable principles
essential and outstanding reo
invincible, inevitable,
domination. Sovietism of its
four heavens. Of set purpose
Years
international agreement.
ad been more perfect
too many historical
throughout the world
tanding or moral fraternity,
ciflIlty and nationalism which
the' Congress of Westphalia
and reaffirmed by the
were also undercurrents of
Dent of 1919. Bad psychology
1 expressed ideals and daring
Dated from the ancient fears
tes were unrealisHc in their
were impatient at the slow,
,wed to convince the world
,
dca.
een too many for adequate
experience; it is a birth,
s accompanied by the pangs
!1 another's pain and die in
t. It is an amateur and futile
straightway accepting untried
and surely no compassionate
'.nathful and sarcastic at a
ions have been submitted to
s and scientific arrogance for
1 up his sleeves and continue
rillleval curse of learning the
. nearly two thousand years
:rd of' the human race - and
important than the League
lions profit by the experience
ovealed by the record of the
:1son chapter by chapter and
Jalance of success and failure
in relatively minor issues
!eral welfare activities, the
failures arising from inability or unwillingness to deal courageously
with the challenge presented by great powers intent on aggression.
The League foundered on the rocks created by the rise of Fascism
under Mussolini, by Japan in Manchuria, by the
of Hitler's National Socialism, and the problems created by the
Spanish Civil War. The atmosphere of frustration was further
clouded by the lack of any military sanction available for the
enforcement of decisions - if, indeed the League had ever
screwed its coumge up to the sticking point. The flag of the
United Nations flying side by side with the colors of the United
States in Korea marked a decisive step in the' evolution of col
lective security.
Since it is Soviet Russia's relationship to the non-Communist
world which is engaging our attention in the present chapter,
her short membership in the League must be recalled, though
summarily. At the outset Moscow denounced the Geneva organiza
tion as a den of thieves, an assembly of brigands, and a bourgeois
iniquity similar to National Socialism. But as it was with the
Nazis, so was :it with the League. Conscious of the growing
menace of 'Japan in Manchuria, the commissars turned complete
somersault and jOined the League of Nations in 1934 only to
become such a thorn in its flesh that Russia's membership was
canceled and her delegates expelled in 1939. The wanton invasion
of Finland was an obvious breach of international peace. Hence
the reasons for the expulSion were not trivial nor ephememl nor
purely administrative. They were inherent to her revolutionary
character as a force hostile to the very purpose for which the
League was founded.
The Assembly had already been warned of the inevitable by
Dr. Joseph Motta, Chief of the Swiss delegation, on the very
day of Soviet Russia's admission, September 18, 1934. Voting
against the adventure, the spokesman for Switzerland declared:
"From the point of view of sound international relations and the
indispensable principles of life that govern those relations, the
essential and outstanding feature of Russian Communism is its
invincible, inevitable, irrepreSSible tendency to secure universal
domination. Sovietism of its very nature scatters its seeds to the
four heavens. Of set purpose it aims to bring about world Revolu
tion.'" Replying to the argument that Russia's presence in the
League and closer contact with the West would have a beneficial
effect by tending to facilitate a gradual evolution in Soviet psy
chology and policy which would help to eliminate the danger
of future wars, the farsighted Dr. Motta replied: 'We are unable
to put one scintilla of faith in such a view. . . . The Swiss have
no confidence in the unnatural union of fire and water." But
the voice of prophetic realism was lost in the chorus of opportunism
and appeasement. The League welcomed the Russian delegation,
soon came to know them, then expelled them - and itself expired
soon after.
The next appearance of the Revolution in a resurrected society
of nations in 1945 was accompanied by a generous wiping out
of the previous record and a spirited show of enlarged expecta
tions. Not only was the Soviet Union welcomed with high optimism
and without reservation at San Francisco, but a grant of special
privilege was made in the form of three votes whereas every
other member nation was limited to one. The sequel is con
temporaneous history. By midsummer of 1950 - in five years
the Revolution had so multiplied its veto in the Council and
maneuvered its satellites in the Assembly that the United Nations
was reduced to a state of paralysis and coma from which it was
rescued only by the prompt action of President Truman in pledging.
the influence and resourceS' of the United States to the defense of
the Republic of Korea against the Soviet-supported Communist
invasion from the North. It was compensation full and overflowing
for the absence of the United States from the first League. This
dramatic assertion of a resolve to meet the obligations of member
ship in the present United Nations and the carefully executed
procedure of working in accordance with its charter furnished a
welcome demonstration of loyalty to the concept of collective
security and vindicated the rule of law over the unilateral dictates
of aggressive power. It cleared a murky atmosphere. But while
it post:Roned, it by no means solved the underlying paradox
created by the continuing presence of a revolutionary force dedi
cated to class warfare in the Security Council and Assembly of
a peace organization. The record of five turbulent years of cold
war culminating in hot warfare clearly demonstrates how futile
The
were the hopes
World Communism
Motta's prophecy was
entirely accurate.
The course of
consistently the
parliamentary instituticr:z::
tion failing, to destro;'
in Lenin's celebrated h",.;h. ",z.
Disorder. German
we participate in bourgs:.'
on the grounds that
cally obsolete." Lenin
their error and for
subjective desires
Chambers of Deputies,
. political apparatus of ;-i"i''='
cludes, ". . . you mlli"i:
the risk of becoming mrrc
follows from this is
that participation in a
weeks before the victor:'
victory, not only does
but actually makes it eSe:;:
why such parliaments des:?::
cess in dispersing them.. ;:
bourgeois parliamentariSim. bi
to take this experience
affiliation to the
its tactics
but international tacticsl, is
actually to retreat from ill':::::
it in words." The 2:C
In view of this ,
ing over the years in C';)1J:5,l';:
culminating in the KOreilr.l '
of converting World C amm'}
the United Nations is a
Years
lat Russia's presence in the
would have a beneficial
anal evolution in Soviet psy
,elp to eliminate the danger
otta replied: 'We are unable
a view .... The Swiss have
Ion of fire and water." But
t in the chorus of opportunism
Dmed the Russian delegation,
[led them - and itself expired
ntion in a resurrected society
d by a generous wiping out
cd show of enlarged expecta
,,;-elcomed with high optimism
lCisco, but a grant of special
f three votes whereas every
to one. The sequel is con
leI' of 1950 - in five years
lIs veto in the Council and
mbly that the United Nations
and coma from which it was
President Truman in pledging
nited States to the defense of
Soviet -supported Communist
?ensation full and overflowing
s from the first League. This
the obligations of member
; and the carefully executed
, \vith its charter furnished a
to the concept of collective
lW over the unilateral dictates
nurky atmosphere. But while
ved the underlying paradox
of a revolutionary force dedi
ity Council and Assembly of
: five turbulent years of cold
"?rly demonstrates how futile
were the hopes of those who believed in the gradual evolution of
Communism into a partner who could be husted. Dr.
Motta's prophecy was justified and his foresight proved to be
entirely accurate.
The course of events since 1945 reveals how obstinately and
consistently the Kremlin adheres to Lenin's doctrine of embmcing
parliamentary institutions in order to dominate them, or, domina
tion failing, to destroy them. This Machiavellian policy is developed
in Lenin's celebrated treatise: Left Wing Communism, An Infantile
Dworder. German Communists had raised the question: Should
we participate in bourgeois parliaments? Their reply was negative,
on the grounds that such were "historically and politi
cally obsolete." Lenin rebuked them with withering sarcasm for
their error and for their absurd pretentiousness in mistaking their
subjective desires for objective reality. Parliaments, Congresses,
Chambers of Deputies, Senates, popular elections, and the whole
. political apparatus of the bourgeois world exWt; hence, he con
cludes, ". . . you must work inside them . . . otherwise you run
the risk of becoming mere babblers.... The conclusion whioh
follows from this is absolutely incontrovertible: it has been proved
that participation in a bourgeois-democratic parliament even a few
weeks before the victory of a Soviet republic and even after that
victory, not only does no harm to the revolutionary proletariat,
but actually makes it easier for it to prove to the backward masses
why such parliaments deserve to be dispersed; it facilitates suc
cess in dispersing them, and facilitates the process whereby
bourgeois parliamentarism becomes 'politically obsolete: To refuse
to take this experience into account and at the same time to claim
affiliation to the Communist International, which must work out
its tactics internationally (not narrow or one-sided national tactics,
but international tactics), is to commit the greatest blunder and
actually to retreat from internationalism in deeds while accepting
it in words." The italics are all Lenin's.
In view of this declared intent and in the face of facts develop
ing over the years in consonance with such established principles
culminating in the Korean War, he who still clings to the hope
of converting World Communism to harmonious co-operation with
the United Nations is a hopeless sciolist and, if a statesman, he is
a reckless and dangerous leader. He will end in the frustration
which engulfed Mr. Benes and Mr. Masaryk and made ,
slovakia a house of bondage.
Whatever final consequence emerges from the war in Korea,
one conclusion seems inescapable. If successful there, the Russian
Revolution would have gone far toward destroying the United
Nations. That would usher in an unpredictable period of
statal anarchy for an exhausted humanity newly disillusioned. It
would mean a return to the ice age of international relations and
the triumph of totalitarianism. It would mean another long step
on the road to the vision of the world in flames which Zinoviev,
then head of the Third International, pictured to the visiting
Asiatics at the Congress of the Peoples of the East held at Baku
in September, 1920:
The real revolution will blaze up when the 800,000,000 people who live
in Asia unite with us . . . when we see the hundreds of millions of people
in revolt. Now we must kindle a holy war ....
If checked after Korea, the Revolution will assuredly strike again,
directly or indirectly, on some other sector of its extended battle
front and at a moment of its own choosing. It can never consent
to become a nonpracticing World Revolution. At best, its managers
may accept a prorogated truce until a safe opportunity to strike
presents itself.
Its tactics, however, are calculated to keep the heart and the
central military force of the Revolution uncommitted to direct
conflict. The risks and the wearing-down process are left to others.
By stimulating class warfare on the periphery of the bourgeois
world, now here, now there, now in Burma, now in Malaya, now
in Iran, now in Indochina or Greece or Turkey or Italy, it will
force the United States to be forever committed to the piecemeal
defense of democracy on an expanding global front without con
ceivably 'ever meeting the real enemy face to face except in the
form of bootlegged Russian tanks, Soviet-made planes, and
guised Soviet personnel. This exhausting process of attrition can
continue without the stronghold of the conspiracy ever experiencing
direct assault, while the cost in men, money, and supplies will
become a permanent and heavy charge on our natitmal economy.
The United
Moscow, on the other
against the hoped-for day
the United States, which
of global defense. Should \,-:c,:t
wound, the Politburo 'wiTl
horde across the moat CULt"",."-,,
for the final encounter
target. The Philippines,
will be in mortal danger;
that Soviet Russia will OIle B!
land and attempt to repossess:
by the tzarist government
betrayal of Russian interest
The rule-or-ruin
tober, 1950, on the occasio;:
on the reappointment
Despite the obstinate
Mr. Lie, because of his perrE
Korea, the Assembly voted tC0 0:
announced that the SOviet .
with the Secretary-General
majority. On November La.s
to assassinate the President:;;
Two men were killed and se
1
.'C"
and congratulations on his
tually all major foreign
Mr. Henry L. Stimson,
, Moscow, finally, though
conclusion open either to ,n'
no lasting settlement, he
Kremlin "either change theIr
present moment there is
one be announced, the
geopolitics must keep a
shufHes the elusive pea
He is an old hand at it. .-\r
another explosive possibilit:'"
dence are, we repeat, the C"i::iI
Years
e \vill end in the frustration
11asaryk and made Czecho- '
from the war in Korea,
successful there, the Russian
;ward destroying the United
npredictable period of inter
newly disillusioned. It
international relations and
mean another long step
'ld in flames which Zinoviev,
d, pictured to the visiting
1es of the East held at Baku
the 800,000,000 people who live
3e hundreds of millions of people
m 'vill assuredly strike again,
sector of its extended battle
]Dosing. It can never consent
olution. At best, its managers
1 a safe opportunity to strike
1 to keep the heart and the
ltion uncommitted to direct
i'.vLl process are left to others.
periphery of the bourgeois
Burma, now in Malaya, now
or Turkey or Italy, it will
. committed to the piecemeal
ng global front without con
y face to face except in the
,oviet-made planes, and dis
oog process of attrition can
. conspiracy ever experiencing
n, money, and supplies will
on our national economy.
Moscow, on the other hand, can husband its unspent forces
against the hoped-for day of complete exhaustion on the part of
the United States, which will be expected to bear the lion's share
of global defense. Should the lion falter or sustain a crippling
wound, the Politburo will recognize the moment and send its
horde across the moat already provided by its expendable satellites
for the final encounter with the West. Japan will be a prime
target. The Philippines, bound to the United States by many ties,
will be in mortal danger; and it is not outside the possibilities
that Soviet Russia will one day claim Alaska as rightful Russian
land and attempt to repossess it, declaring the sale of that territory
by the tzarist government in 1867 to have been a null-and-void
betrayal of Russian interest by the Romanov dynasty.
The rule-or-ruin psychology was again manifested in late Oc
tober, 1950, on the occasion of the debates in the United Nations
on the reappointment of Mr. Trygve Lie as
Despite the obstinate attempts of the Soviet bloc to repudiate
Mr. Lie, because of his performance of duty during the crisis over
Korea, the Assembly voted to re-appoint. Whereupon Mr. Vyshinski
announced that the Soviet delegation would have nothing to do
with the Secretary-General and would ignore the decision of the
majority. On November I, an attempt was made by two gunmen
to assassinate the President of the United States in Blair House.
Two men were killed and several wounded. Telegrams of sympathy
and congratulations on his escape reached Mr. Truman from vir- .
tually all major foreign powers - except from the Kremlin.
Mr. Henry L. Stimson, long an advocate of conciliaJtion with
. Moscow, finally, though reluctantly, came to the only tenable
conclusion open either to intelligence or charity. There can be
no lasting settlement, he wrote in 1947, until the men in the
Kremlin "either change their minds or lose their jobs." At the
present moment there is no sign of either miracle. And should
one be announced, the players in this prolonged game of global
geopolitics must keep a sharp eye on the prestidigitator as he
shufHes the elusive pea back and forth among the walnut shells .
He is an old hand at it. And there always lurks in the offing
another explosive possibility. Good faith and reciprocated confi
dence are, we repeat, the cement which makes the diverse human
elements cohere within the structure of international relations.
Because of the habitual lying and twisted propaganda of Soviet
negotiators, it can easily come to pass that no man will believe
them even in some great emergency when they may be forced
into the necessity of wanting to tell the truth.
The United Nations, like every predecessor of its kind in history,
from the Amphyctionic League to the North Atlantic Pact, represent
the age-long yearning of mankind to forge an instrument capable
of reshaping international anarchy into international order and
stable peace. Wars and new wars bulk through the annals of the race
as mankind's deadliest invention for self-torture. The conscience of
a tired humanity demanded at long last that the scourge be ended.
The presence of Soviet Russia among the consulting physicians and
her use of the prerogatives accorded her in the veto power, in her
triple vote, and in the unlimited franchise of. denunciation and
obstruction have resulted in corrupting the present constitution of
the organization into another invention for continued self-torture.
c
Atom Bombs
1:E place of
of power between ..
the uninvited guest at
scrap the advantage
other nations would agree t:
of the United States has ''::':'e
Soviet Russia. Thus she
she has a stockpile of atorr.::':'>.:
gorically, President Truma:::
he would authorize use
necessity arise and if
democracies of the world are ,3.
"that will never be necess2.;,-::"_'
The frightful effects
personal observation to the :=
days in the ruins of HirDs'bi:::
the victims who survived t:
employing such a lethal 1;17ez
intensity of the explosion
sands of civilians and ll:::'C'::f:
in military activities, is n::t
moral aspect is made intr:C':::'D:
new fact of total warfare.
d Years
UTe of international relations.
twisted propaganda of Soviet
pass that no man will believe
cy when they may be forced
II the truth.
edecessor of its kind in history,
~ North Atlantic Pact, represent
o forge an instrument capable
into international order and
~ through the annals of the race
self-torture. The conscience of
last that the scourge be ended.
Sthe consulting physicians and
l her in the veto power, in her
:ninchise of. denunciation and
ing the present constitution of
ion for continued self-torture.
CHAPTER XI
Atom Bombs and the Christian Conscience
LE place of A-bombs and H-bomb, m tIili complex clam
of power between East and West is, like the ghost of Banquo,
the uninvited guest at every international conference. Ready to
scrap the advantage conferred by those ghastly weapons if all
other nations would agree to effective controls, the government
of the United States has been blocked by the constant veto of
Soviet Russia. Thus she gains time while the sands run out, until
she has a stockpile of atomic bombs. Hence, regretfully but cate
gorically, President Truman announced on April 16, 1949, that
he would authorize use of atomic bombs again, should the dreaded
necessity arise and if the welfare of the United States and the
democracies of the world are at stake. "1 hope and pray," he added,
"that will never be necessary."
The frightful effects of that dreadful weapon are known by
personal observation to the present writer, as he spent some ten
days in the ruins of Hiroshima in 1947 and interviewed many of
the victims who survived the tragedy. The ethical problem of
emplOying such a lethal weapon, which by the very nature and
intensity of the explosion will exterminate thousands upon thou
sands of civilians and innocent bystanders not directly employed
in military activities, is not easy to resolve. Discussion of that
moral aspect is made intricate and inconclusive, moreover, by the
new fact of total warfare.
243
244
The Wasted Years
The concept of total war was advocated in Gennany even
before Hitler launched one in fact. The premise that all previous
theories of war were erroneous was published by General Luden
dorff in his work Vet' Totale Krieg (Total War) in which he
developed the new strategic conceptions. They were extracted
from his book and published in Winged Warfare by General H.
H. Arnold and Colonel Ira C. Eaker.1
1. You must wage war with the entire man power and material resources
of the people. War must become a mode of national existence.
2. It is absolutely essential to introduce universal service, and twelve
workers are needed at home for every soldier in the field.
S. The war program must engulf the entire people wiping out all civilian
activities which are unnecessary. Private business obviously would not be
tolerated except under the most stringent government regulation.
4. No internal politics would be allowed to continue within the State.
5. One of the most essential instruments in time of war is radio broad
casting and, if the war is to be won, it must absolutely be controlled by
the Government.
6. It is the business of the publicity department of the Government' to
encourage false pacifism abroad, and one of the most effective instruments
is, of course, the radio.
7. It is the function of the aircraft to spread, not only bombs, but also
leaflets in the enemy territory.
8. The total war means a total blockade by every means at the disposal
of the High Command, namely by submarine, warships, and by airplane.
9. The first thing. that the airplane should be used for after the outbreak
of war is for the attack on railroads and aerodromes.
10. With air mastery over a territory you can advance more troops hun
dreds of times faster than Napoleon ever dreamed of military movements.
This is the Blitzkrieg of today.
11. To wage a successful war for a long period of time a nation must be
self-sufficient and this can only be achieved by using artificial methods to
replace materials which can be cut off by a blockade. This was one of
General Ludendorff's suggestions which Germany followed so carefully that
she developed many new artificial and synthetic industries.
12. Next it is indispensable to attack all the enemy's centers of production
so that he cannot produce war materials or carry on peacetime business with
which to obtain foreign exchange to purchase the nation's requirements
abroad. Ludendorff emphasized the importance of total industrial mobiliza
tion and total industrial destruction by airplane bombardment.
1 New York: Harper Brothers, 1941.
Atom Bombs
IS. He also hinted at oa'.:ccc:::::z,c':5::;i;;;'
crops. By destroying the
resistance of the enemy.
14. In speaking of militar:..I'
conSistently, especially in
For this reason Germany used.
hundred hours of flying ca::
loss in equipment was not great.
standards as a transport plane
This idea was followed very
when he was Chief of Staff seye=iL
15. The strangest suggestio!!
commanded the Hindenburg Lb,,::E
the future no trench warf;;:'". H=
armored and motorized divisic'1:::'> ",
reported to have had 18 mechadze<!
16. Last but not least, Lud=6C'ri:
the element of surprise. Tbk is
forget. Hitler kept the whole
be. Then when he moved, he
sive blow.
The degeneration in
evils of total war have
There is no longer a
is no longer a defined
military forces, by men
soldiers, leaving a real' t-",..,...,,,,'C.,,,,,
to the same hazards under
Burnham, in The Coming
cases and asks: "Who is a'
military unifonn, following
in rags? a saboteur in a bus'''''
a factory or editing a
"Who is a 'military man:
won battles and studied tad:k:5
nuclear physics and biologI:J.';
gunnery? or the expert in
will, and break down
field, and the construction
Bd Years
:s advocated in Germany even
~ t . The premise that all previous
as published by General Luden
rieg (Total War) in which he
lceptions. They were extracted
Winged Warfare by General H.
aker.1
re man power and material resources
e of national existence.
Jduce universal service, and twelve
soldier in the field.
entire people wiping out all civilian
te business obviously would not be
3nt government regulation.
~ e d to continue within the State.
ents in time of war is radio broad
it must absolutely be controlled by
y department of the Government to
ne of the most effective instruments
to spread, not only bombs, but also
:ade by every means at the disposal
larine, warships, and by airplane.
lould be used for after the outbreak
d aerodromes.
you can advance more troops hun
'er dreamed of military movements.
lllg period of time a nation must be
leved by using artificial methods to
f by a blockade. This was one of
Germany followed so carefully that
synthetic industries.
tIl the enemy's centers of production
or carry on peacetime business with
purchase the nation's requirements
ortance of total industrial mobiliza
irplane bombardment.
Atom Bombs and the Christian Conscience 245
13. He also hinted at bacteriological warfare to be used against agricultural
crops. By destroying the soil, you destroy the food which makes for the
resistance of the enemy.
14. In speaking of military equipment one of the points he drove home
conSistently, especially in regard to airplanes, was the danger of obsolescence.
For this reason Germany used very inexpensive airplanes which after several
hundred hours of Hying can be rebuilt. If the airplane was shot down, the
loss in equipment was not great. A fighting plane does not require tlle same
standards as a transport plane which is built to fly many thousands of miles.
Thill idea was followed very carefully by the farsighted General von Seeckt
when he was Chief of Staff several years ago.
15. The strangest suggestion that came from General Ludendorff, who
cornmanded the Hindenburg Line of trenches for three long years, was: "in
the future no trench warfare." He favored a war of maneuver employing
armored and motorized divisions. In its early campaign the German Army is
reported to have had 18 mechanized division units, each with about 200 tanks.
16. Last but not least, Ludendorff emphasized tl1e cardinal importance of
the element of surprise. This is the one point the Nazis certainly did not
forget. Hitler kept the whole world guessing as to what his next move would
be. Then when he moved, he struck with devastating rapidity a hard deci
sive blow.
The degeneration in international conduct since 1939 and the
evils of total war have produced profound public consequences.
There is no longer a battle front in the conventional sense; there
is no longer a defined and limited zone of combat occupied by
military forces, by men who are expected to run the risks of
soldiers, leaving a rear territory inhabited by civilians not subject
to the same hazards under the old concept of warfare. Mr. James
Burnham, in The Coming Defeat of Communism, comes down'to
cases and asks: "Who is a 'recognized' combatant? A man in
military uniform, following specific orders? a guerrilla or partisan
in rags? a saboteur in a business suit? a fifth columnist running
a factory or editing a newspaper? a short-wave broadcaster?
"Who is a 'military man,' who a 'civilian'? The general who has
won battles and studied tactics? or the scholar who has mastered
nuclear physics and biological chemistry? the expert in naval
gunnery? or the expert in propaganda, who can unify the national
will, and break down enemy morale? Is naval strategy a military
field, and the construction of filters for uranium fluoride a civilian
246
The Wasted Years
occupation? Is the businessman 'who reports on the' chemical
industry abroad a spy? Is the general in charge of psychological
warfare a soldier, and the educator who teaches the errors of
foreign ideologies a man of peace?"
Today the total population is involved; the needs of technological
developments embrace so much organization for armament and
for supply that the battle front has moved into every city, town,
and village. There is no rear; there is no escape; and there is no
shield of legal status. That is one of the most calamitous conse
quences of the degeneration in the sense of values which began
with the Industrial Revolution and culminated in the crass mate
rialism of Communism and the cynical secularism of the Nazi
philosophy of the State. The dignity of human personality and
the inalienable rights of individuals were made subservient to
the fascination of mass production, mass movements, mass results,
and massed power. The sky lines of Christendom bear testimony
to the competition of spirit and matter. Huge, ugly chimney stacks,
belching clouds of factory smoke and gaseous fumes, jostle the
cross-tipped spires of Gothic cathedrals. What is of immediate
concern, then, is definition and clarification of the issue raised
by President Truman's reference to necessity and the welfare of
the United States, followed by his authorization to proceed with
production of the hydrogen bomb.
Direct assault launched against us by an enemy who is known
to have the atomic bomb and no power would now attack the
United States without it raises one type of question not too diffi
cult to answer. We should have no alternative but to retaliate in
kind. A second question is more compelling and it is with this
that we are here concerned: Would the United States be justilled
in launching an immediate atomic attack against an enemy power
before it could use that devastating weapon against our cities?
Under any hypotheSiS, the answer is extremely difficult to formu
late, both for ethical and historical reasons. Our every tradition
and instinct as. a people, as well as conscience itself, recoils before
such a dread alternative even in self-defense, although few moral
ists will insist that we must wait until the enemy delivers the first
atomic blow. Under the new conditions of the atomic age such an
aggression might very well be fatal, not only to a vast number
Atom Bombs
of individuals, as is
defense and to our ex1stE'D.]::'
would be used under uti",
be set up by every i3ffi
must be clarified, both
concrete circumstances.
The use of force for iCZ'",",-"-"",
natural law. This moral
by means reasonably
of the attack, is the
as well. In the case
an obligation, in view
safeguard the lives,
citizens viewed individu;:'Tt
v
'
attack is no longer'
leveled against whole
It has been
States could one
area stretching from
launching platforms erected
guarded by Soviet Russia.
that an unarmed AmeriC-Bn zs
of the Baltic in April,
fire with total loss of
successfully Russian geo:!?,cl:::::;
nostrum out of the Baltic S&.
A survey made by Mr.
staff correspondent, and
ing and progress of Soviet
in the strategic Baltic area h
zone of fortifications
operations. Alrea dy in ".,,! 11 ; '"
Finland, this area, from
frontiers of the British zone
2 The number of persons kille;d
either killed outright or W1Jund,e;d
date, has been put at 200,000.
l Yem's
'ho reports on the chemical
ral in charge of psychological
)r who teaches the errors of
,red; the needs of technological
ganization for armament and
moved into every city, town,
is no escape; and there is no
)f the most calamitous conse
sense of values which began
culminated in the crass mate
meal secularism of the Nazi
ty of human personality and
Is were made subservient to
mass movements, mass results,
f Christendom bear testimony
er. Huge, ugly chimney stacks,
LIld gaseous' fumes, jostle the
,drals. What is of immediate
lrification of the issue raised
necessity and the welfare of
authorization to proceed with
; by an enemy who is known
power would now attack the
type of question not too difB
alternative but to retaliate in
Dmpelling and it is with this
the United States be justifled
ttack against an enemy power
weapon against our cities?
is extremely difficult to formu
reasons. Our every tradition
:onscience itself, recoils before
:-defense, although few moral
til the enemy delivers the first
Dns of the atomic age such an
1, not only to a vast number
of individuals, as is obvious, but to our entire system of national
defense and to our existence as a nation.
2
Clearly, atomic bombs
would be used under title of defense only, a claim that would
be set up by every nation, Hence, the concept and term "defense"
must be clarified, both by definition and through application to
concrete circumstances.
The use of force for legitimate self-defense is conferred by the
natural law. This moral justification to repel an unjust aggressor
by means reasonably adapted and proportionate to the nature
of the attack, is the right not only of individuals but of ,the State
as well. In the case of the State, it goes further still; it becomes
an obligation, in view of the duty incumbent on government to
safeguard the lives, the liberty, and the temporal welfare of
citizens viewed indiVidually and collectively. In total war the
attack is no longer limited to acknowledged military targets; it is
leveled against whole peoples as peoples.
It has been asserted that a rocket bombardment of ,the United
States could one day originate from an inland base such as the
area stretching from Lake Baikal to Kamchatka in Siberia. Or from
launching platforms erected in the Baltic regions so jealously
guarded by Soviet Russia. There is great significance in the fact
that an unarmed American military plane flying over the waters
of the Baltic in April, 1950, was ruthlessly shot down by Soviet
fire with total loss of plane and crew. That incident revealed how
successfully Russian geopolitics have operated to make a 1'JU1,re
nostrum out of the Baltic Sea.
A survey made by Mr. Curt L. Heymann, an Associated Press
staff correspondent, and dated April 29, 1950, illustrates the mean
ing and progress of Soviet planning. Six hundred miles of coast line
in the strategic Baltic area have been transformed into a Soviet
zone of fortifications and armament centers for naval and air
operations. Already in control of Pechenga on the northern tip of
Finland, this area, from Kaliningrad (old Konigsberg) to the
frontiers of the British zone of occupation near Lubeck in Germany,
2 The number of persons killed at Hiroshima by the first atomic bomb,
either killed outright or wounded to a degree leading to death at a later
date, has been put at 200,000.
has been converted into one of the most concentrated war plants
on the continent of Europe.
Supplied by nature with numerous harbors and coastal advan
tages, the area is crowded with military installations, submarine
plants, and shipbuilding facilities, such as the Vulkan yards and
the Neptune Works, . all operating at full, blast. German vessels
taken over by the Soviets: e.g., the Hansa, the Oceana, and the
C01'dillera, were being converted into troop transports. Stettin is
the pnncipal naval construction base for Soviet Russia in Central
Europe; Swinemiinde is the headquarters .of the Baltic fleet. The
port of Memel is equipped with "bunkers" for the most modern
U-boats; Kolberg and Peenemiinde are closely guarded testing
grounds for rockets and V-bombs. Munition dumps abound. The
entire area is manned by an army of laborers and engineers engaged
in working the assembly plants and constructing military highways
to the hinterland. Security precautions are severe and the shore
patrol is said to be composed of the same type of Mongolians whom
I encountered in 1945 in Brandenburg guarding the Autobahn from
Helmstedt to Berlin, The Significance of this mobilization of war
industries in this particular area may be judged from the geographic
location. It was here that Hitler located his testing ground for new
weapons. From this same southern shore of the Baltic he launched
some of his most dangerous air and sea attacks.
Now turn to the Orient on a map of the world, preferably a
global projection; measure the air distance and bombing range
from Soviet bases such as Anadyr in eastern Siberia, or from
Petropavlovsk, or from the Komandorskie Islands, or over the
Polar Cap, to the heart of North America. We are no longer in
vulnerable behind wide expanses of water but exposed on both
flanks, and over the top, to air assault. A 5000-mile cruising range
(not impossible) will bring not only Canada but entire continental
United States under air bombardment. The strategic boundaries of
Soviet power are no longer lines on a map but peripheral zones
which are being pushed constantly outward from Moscow, thus
providing both depth for defense of the center and forward bases
for offensive installations. To be sure, the argument runs both
ways and Soviet targets are equally near, as the crow flies. But
American policy includes no program of aggression nor Xed resolve
Years
most concentrated war plants
herous harbors and coastal advan
1. military installations, submarine
os, such as the Vulkan yards and
at full, blast. German vessels
Hansa, the Oceana, and the
d L'1to troop transports. Stettin is
for Soviet Russia in Central
:c.auarters .of the Baltic Heet. The
:, ";:bunkers" for the most modern
;'-,oe are closely guarded testing
35, dumps abound. The
laborers and engineers engaged
constructing military highways
:3.utions are severe and the shore
same type of Mongolians whom
guarding the Autobahn from
;:;:mce of this mobilization of war
be judged from the geographic
Iocated his testing ground for new
shore of the Baltic he launched
and sea attacks.
, map of the world, preferably a
air distance and bombing range
in eastern Siberia, or from
mtindorskie Islands, or over the
h America. Weare no longer in
,5 water but exposed on both
A 5000-mile cruising range
Canada but entire continental
Dent. The strategic boundaries of
s on a map but peripheral zones
outward from Moscow, thus
the center and forward bases
sure, the argument runs both
ially near, as the crow Hies. But
r:h'Il of aggression nor fixed resolve
>'i
-'
"

:;:

::r
<:t
;J:
<:>0
i
<:;,
<.;,
....
i<..
....
<.;,

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3:1J
to achieve world domination. The active opposite components of
the Soviet mind are the decisive factors in attempting to set up
a balance of future probabilities.
Although the effective range of V-2 rockets was short and experi
mental when the Nazis bombarded London with them, it is no
secret that much progress has been made in the past five years
toward achieving intercontinental range for guided missiles capable
of carrying an atomic warhead. Nazi technicians were improving
and expanding rocket warfare so rapidly that the fate of England
might have been wholly otherwise if the collapse of Hitler's empire
had not come when it did. America would have been his next target
and we must not. run the danger of miscalculating the progress
Soviet science has accomplished from the point where the Nazis
ended. In his report of 1945 General Marshall points out: "Goring
stated after his capture that it was a certainty the eastern Amer
ican cities would have been under rocket bombardment had Ger
many remained undefeated for two more years. The first attack
would have started much sooner." Albert Speer, Hitler's Minister
of Armaments, made even more specific prophecies in his final
statement at Nuremberg in 1946:
In nve to ten years this war technique will present the possibility of firing
rockets from continent to continent with uncanny precision. . . . As former
Minister of the highly developed [Nazi] armament system it becomes my
last duty to affirm that a new large scale war will end with the destruction
of human culture and civilization. Nothing will prevent the unleashed tech
nique of science from completing the destruction of humanity, on which
it had [only] started in so dreadful a form in this recent war.
What Soviet Russia has accomplished with the schnorkel type
of submarine, taken over from defeated Germany, is a fair index
of the potentialities of the rocket program inherited at the same
time. The first warning might be the appearance of a cloud of
unidentified' missiles suddenly appearing on the radar screens of
the American protective network and approaching North America
at a speed of something like 2000 miles per hour. V -2 rockets have
already achieved incredible speed. At the Long Range Proving
Ground, Cocoa, Florida, a captured V-2 German rocket was success
fully tested on July 29,1950. It was a combination missile composed
of a parent rocket weighing 14 tons with a 700-pound rocket
mounted on top of it. The larger V -2 attained a speed of 2727
. miles an hour and reached an altitude of 9 miles. At that point,
the WAC corporal" detached itself automatically from its carrier
and continued eastward over the Atlantic at a speed of 3600 miles
per hour. Or the attack could come from a fleet of schnorkels
suddenly surfacing along the Atlantic or Pacific seaboard and dis
charging s>pecial types of atomic bombs from properly contrived
launching devices. It is suspected that at least one Soviet submarine
has already made a reconnaissance survey off the west coast of
the United States.
The problem, then, involves questions relating to the certainty
and immediacy of an attack under given circumstances as well
as to the nature of the defensive weapon. In the evolution of human
relationships from primitive to modern and complex, the elements
of certainty and immediacy have varied in step with the develop
ment of weapons of attack. Primitive man was justified in exercising
his right to strike a preventive blow when he saw a bare fist
descending on him at arm's length, or a stone lifted against him.
In the course of time he saw an ax uplifted, a dagger drawn, then
a sword thrust at him, then a spear leveled, then an arrow fitted
to a bowstring. The danger though moving back in space was still
immediate and certain in time. With the invention of gunpowder,
the assailant moved farther and farther away; but no basic change
was introduced in the elements of certainty and immediacy of
attack. Then, long-range artillery, though discharging explosives
from emplacements even out of sight and miles away, could menace
life and limb with equal certainty and immediacy.
Now comes the age of air power, with military aviation carry
ing flaming death from bases located 3000-5000 miles away. Air
craft carriers far out at sea, flying bombs, guided missiles, jet bombs,
and atomic explosives can now be a certain and immediate menace
from ever growing distances in this era of global-minded warfare.
Who shall maintain that the substantive and inherent right of self
defense is canceled out by an accidental circumstance or by the
ingenuity of an aggressor in a chemical laboratory?
The Japanese air force which bombed Pearl Harbor was carried
to a point deSignated for the take-off by a fleet of war vessels
including carriers, which, we now know, left the northern Japanese
Atom
port of Tankan
on December 7.
their carriers at a
Harbor. It would he c.
defense to deny the
destroyed that adva:2d:.::;.
We know, moreo',-,;:':', .t::.;.;::Z,
Congressional ColIl.TIErt.e:e
Government, on DeceTIlci;:":- ..:.
embassy to destroy
The message had bee!}.
decoded infonnation
ment in Washington;
burning of codes were
on Pearl Harbor, decoded
velt. On the evening
first thirteen paragrapbs
be handed to Secretary
already been intercepted,
Roosevelt. It was tesme-G.
Hopkins who was with
Early in the morning
message was intercepted _
emphasis on "one 0' clock
to happen at that precise
The fourteenth and final
the hands of the State
ident Roosevelt by 10 a.m. ::;':2
which was launched at
of the attack reached
The Japanese envoys
2:05 p.m., after the attack
The interception and
of ingenuity not limited.
breakers in Tokyo were
during the trial of Tojo
Military Tribunal for the F 2.1'
President Roosevelt's
1 Years
v-2 attained a speed of 2727
Ide of 9 miles. At that point,
automatically from its carrier
.antic at a speed of 3600 miles
1e from a fleet of schnorkels
c or Pacific seaboard and dis
)mbs from properly contrived
t at least one Soviet submarine
survey off the west coast of
tions relating to the celtainty
. given circumstances as well
!Jon. In the evolution of human
om and complex, the elements
ried in step with the develop
man was justified in exercising
'JW when he saw a bare fist
or a stone lifted against him.
Ilplifted, a dagger drawn, then
. leveled, then an arrow fitted
noYing back in space was still
1 the invention of gunpowder,
Cler away; but no basic change
: certainty and immediacy of
though discharging explOSives
and miles away, could menace
ad immediacy.
., with military aviation carry
3000-5000 miles away. Air
nbs, guided missiles, jet bombs,
certain and immediate menace
era of warfare.
tive and inherent right of self
:lenta! circumstance or by the
ical laboratory?
lbed Pearl Harbor was carried
-off by a fleet of war vessels
lOW, left the northern Japanese
port of Tankan Wan on November 26,1941, for the attack delivered
on December 7. The attacking planes took off from the decks of
their carriers at a point approximately 230 miles north of Pearl
Harbor. It would be a tortured interpretation of the right of self
defense to deny the corresponding right to have intercepted and
destroyed that advancing menace at any point, near or far.
We know, moreover, from testimony presented in 1946 to the
CongreSSional Committee on Pearl Harbor, that the Japanese
Government, on December 2, 1941, had instructed its Washington
embassy to destroy certain code machines and machine codes.
The message had been intercepted by Army Intelligence and the
decoded information handed to the proper authorities of govern
ment in Washington; similar secret messages ordering the
burning of codes were intercepted by the Navy before the attack
on Pearl Harbor, decoded and communicated to President Roose
velt. On the evening before the attack, i.e., December 6, 1941, the
first thUteen paragraphs of the final Japanese reply, which was to
be handed to Secretary Hull at 1:00 p.m. the following day, had
already been intercepted, decoded, and communicated to President
Roosevelt. It was testified that on reading them, he turned to Harry
Hopkins who was with him in his study and said, "This means war."
Early in the morning of December 7, at 4:37 a.m., a Japanese
message was intercepted by the Navy in Washington laying special
emphasis on "one o'clock" as a deadline; something was scheduled
to happen at that precise hour, which was about dawn in Honolulu.
The fourteenth and final paragraph of the Japanese note was in
the hands of the State Department, decoded, and handed to Pres- .
ident Roosevelt by 10 a.m. on December 7, the day of the attack,
which was launched at 1:00 p.m. Washington time. The first news
of the attack reached Washington from Pearl Harbor at 1:50 p.m.
The Japanese envoys handed their note to Secretary Hull at
2:05 p.m., after the attack had begun.
The interception and decoding of secret messages was a feat
of ingenuity not limited to American experts. Japanese code
breakers in Tokyo were equally efficient. From testinlony revealed
during the trial of Tojo and his associates before the International
Military Tribunal for the Far East, 1947-1948, we now know that
President Roosevelfs last, personal appeal to Emperor Hirohito
had been intercepted by the Japanese. The cable reached Tokyo
at noon and its contents were known to Japanese officials during
the course of the afternoon. It was not delivered to the American
Ambassador until 9 p.m. that night. As soon as he had decoded
the message Mr. Grew called on Foreign Minister Togo at 15
minutes after midnight but was refused an audience with the
Emperor. When Mr. Grew took his leave of the Foreign Minister
at SO minutes after midnight, the two countries were already at
war in accord with the timetable set in the Japanese naval
operations orders.
The question naturally arises: if the right of self-defense is as
unassailable as contended in the reasoning above, why were
appropriate and positive measures not taken in advance? The
answer does not lie in any weakness of evidence respecting an
imminent attack but in the false judgments made somewhere in
Washington respecting the place where the first blow was to fall.
It was known that a Japanese fleet of combat vessels and troop
ships was steaming southward in the Pacific, presumably toward
Indochina and the Kra Peninsula. Hence it was supposed that the
first blow would be struck in that area. Meanwhile the true menace
was creeping nearer and nearer to Pearl Harbor in the North
Pacific. The ghastly sequel is too well known to require repetition
here. But, should history repeat itself and produce a Soviet feint
in some remote area of Asia or the Middle East, it wfll be the
signal for those burned once in the fire of such deceit to keep their
eyes fixed on the Northwest and Arctic sector of our American
defense system. If the Government of the United States has sound
reason to believe (that is, has moral certitude) that a similar
attack is being mounted and ready to be launched against this
country from any source, then it would appear that President
TlUman would be morally justified to take defensive measures
proportionate to the danger. That couId mean use of the atomic
bomb, as no power would launch a surprise attack on the United
States without an adequate supply of atomic bombs. Should large
numbers of civilians be harmed by American necessity to use the
bomb in self-defense, that regrettable effect, not intended as such,
would be attributable to what moralists describe as the indirect
voluntary. An attack against us would have to be sudden, un-
Atom Bombs and
announced, sufficiently
as to cripple our powers
crippling would be so
government would risk the gz::
Losing the gamble under pres"':'=::
practical annihilation.
This argument presupposes:, 2
information, honest informati,:::
alert intelligence service. If tin:::,
matum to an enemy found to b
be given. But, with or withon::
morality, though much trageu;;
government of the United StE;:e
Neither reason nor theolog:.- :J:'
to commit suicide by reqmr&g
from a power with no moral 1
now under t;",,::
bombardment of atomic bombcSc ]
to seize a lash and drive the ]:
what an appalling responsibili;:;,
on diplomatic vigilance, and e::;.
gather and analyze informaac!J;
The measure of certitude,
and firm as is humanly
. .
decision at stake. Some mo":"",
alternative of lesser evil wonld
atomic weapons be limited tc, :
installations can be segregatEd
others would require a UIJite,:
American interpretation of
A final, perhaps more
faced. Would the argumen'tatl,:::
other country about to be
Atlantic Pact countries or
India? With regard to the J!::'?
defense of which has a!read.;
security of the United Stztes.. '?
has already been given by r::e:
~ d Years
nese. The cable reached Tokyo
}\Vll to Japanese officials during
s not delivered to the American
ht. As soon as he had decoded
1 Foreign Minister Togo at 15
refused an audience with the
is leave of the Foreign Minister
. two countries were already at
)le set in the Japanese naval
the right of self-defense is as
.e reasoning above, why were
eS not taken in advance? The
mess of evidence respecting an
judgments made somewhere in
Ivhere the first blow was to fall.
et of combat vessels and troop
the Pacific, presumably toward
Hence it was supposed that the
uea. Meanwhile the true menace
to Pearl Harbor in the North
well known to require repetition
tself and produce a Soviet feint
the Middle East, it will be the
~ fire of such deceit to keep. their
l Arctic sector of our American
t of the United States has sound
moral certitude) that a similar
tdy to be launched against this
it would appear that President
led to take defensive measures
t could mean use of the atomic
a surprise attack on the United
y of atomic bombs. Should large
)y American necessity to use the
lble effect, not intended as such,
lOralists describe as the indirect
would have to be sudden, un-
announced, sufficiently devastating, and so widespread in coverage
as to cripple our powers of reprisal; the reply to any partial
crippling would be so overwhelmingly atomic that no aggressive
government would risk the gamble without certainty of success..
Losing the gamble under present conditions of warfare would mean
practical annihilation.
This argument presupposes, as its crucial premise, accuracy of
information, honest information, competent information, and an
alert intelligence service. H time permitted, a warning or an ulti
matum to an enemy found to be preparing such an attack should
be given. But, with or without ultimatum, I personally see no im
morality, though much tragedy and horror of consequences, in the
government of the United States chOOSing the lesser of two evils.
Neither reason nor theology nor morals require men or nations
to commit suicide by requiring that we must await the first blow
from a power with no moral inhibitions and when, as in the case
now under consideration, the attack would surely include a
bombardment of atomic bombs. Even Christ Himself did not disdain
to seize a lash and drive the hypocrites out of the Temple. But
what an appalling responsibility is now laid on Military Intelligence,
on diplomatic vigilance, and on all related security agencies which
gather and analyze information in this atomic age.
The measure of certitude, moreover, must be convincing, as high
and firm as is humanly possible, in view of the gravity of the
decision at stake. Some moralists who reluctantly accept the
alternative of lesser evil would require in addition that the use of
atomic weapons be limited to military targets insofar as military
installations can be segregated from civilian surroundings. Still
others would require a United Nations decision, not merely an
American interpretation of urgency to act.
A final, perhaps more perplexing problem yet remains to be
faced. Would the argumentation thus far developed apply to an
other country about to be attacked by Soviet Russia, i.e., one of the
Atlantic Pact countries or Iraq or Iran or Greece or Turkey or
India? With regard to the areas included in the Atlantic Pact,
defense of which has already been considered as essential to the
security of the United States, a political answer in the affirmative
has already been given by President Truman. In his crucial pro
noun cement of April 6, 1949, he declared that use of the atomic
bomb would be authorized if the welfare of the United States and
the democracies of the world are at stake. The phrase "democracies
of the world" will need clarification even from the point of view
of political expediency, prescinding for the moment from the
moral justification.
It is probable that the term "democracy" was not used by the
President in a strictly analytical sense as signifying countries whose
governmental structure corresponded to the American understand
ing of desirable political organization. England is a constitutional
monarchy as are Belgium, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. It would
be unreal to conclude, even without the Atlantic Pact, that these
vigorous types of the democratic spirit were not to be included in
the President's broad delineation of nations meriting the support of
the United States against Soviet aggression. It would be safe to
assume that any non-Communist State whose sovereignty and free
dom are endangered by Soviet aggression and whose membership
in the United Nations entitles it to the assistance of other free and
sovereign peoples would be included in the collective security
which is the very essence and purpose of the United Nations'
organization. That is in the bond.
Hence, having entered on a military operation in fulfillment of
its pledge, the United States would next have to determine the
nature and extent of the weapons it would use under given
circumstances in developing the defense. The conditions enumer
ated earlier in this chapter would then operate, provided the
natural right of legitimate self-defense against a certain and
immediate danger is honestly established in favor of the aggrieved
people whose cause in the premises we have made our own. This is
a logical consequence of our having signed the charter of the
United Nations. The developments in Korea ma.ke apparent what
probably has not yet been fully realized: we are committed to an
entirely new and heavy international responsibility but a collec
tive responsibility. H, as previously set forth, we should be morally
justified in using the atomic bomb for our particular defense, and
since we have accepted the principle of collectively guaranteeing
the security of United Nations' members, because of the common
danger, we must be consistent in our moral conclusions.
Atom Bombs and
In my opinion, consequently,
an aggressor named as
though the invasion be not imme
States, would not violate Christi:;
pangs of conscience by sudden
some tranquil Sunday llllJLll="
bombs and will not scruple to ill
unjustly treated by an aggressQ;!
jurists among the legitimate
Grotius codified the law of Kalii
What if a nonmember of 1
What of Ireland, Spain, Austr
answer in' respect to Austr'l2.,
because of our presence and. rc
not less affirmative for the
our obligations to the spiritual
solely on legal or contractual
issue and the challenge. The
of World Communism; ever;: Di
added menace to Christian
Moslem world as well. That:;
least if life on this planet is t.o;
Ex-Governor Stassen, now
vania, evidently reacted
he proposed that an ultimatl.J:l::;:l
an actual declaration of \yar tJ f.
aggressions by attacking
world, whether by direct
organizing and supporting a C:S':
land. This measure he
possibility of seeing Americn
spread out in jungles and mc,c;::
of the world." Mter passage
General Assembly of the
approve the decision.
There is a certain
3 E.g., Francisco de Victoria, &
d Years
"dared that use of the atomic
cllare of the United States and
stake. The phrase "democracies
1 even from the point of view
19 for the moment from the
:nocracy" was not used by the
;.e as signifying countries whose
d to the American understand
on. England is a constitutional
)enmark, and Norway. It would
it the Atlantic Pact, that these
lirit were not to be included in
nations meriting the support of
ggression. It would be safe to
; i : ~ whose sovereignty and free
Tession and whose membership
the assistance of other free and
in the collective security
arpose of the United Nations'
ltary operation in fulfillment of
Id next have to determine the
1$ . it would use under given
::fense. The conditions enumer
~ d then operate, provided the
.efense against a certain and
l:ished in favor of the aggrieved
\ve have made our own. This is
ing signed the charter of the
in Korea make apparent what
llized: we are committed to an
al responsibility - but a collec
set forth, we should be morally
for our particular defense, and
pIe of collectively guaranteeing
mbers, because of the common
lIT moral conclusions.
In my oplIDon, consequently, use of the atomic bomb against
an aggressor named as aggressor by the United Nations, even
though the invasion be not immediately directed against the United
States, would not violate Christian morality. We may be spared any
pangs of conscience by suddenly learning to our amazement on
some tranquil Sunday morning that other nations have atomic
bombs and will not scruple to use them. Defense of allies or friends
unjustly treated by an aggressor was included by theologians and
jurists among the legitimate titles for armed intervention long before
Grotius codified the law of Nations.
s
What if a nonmember of the United Nations should be attacked?
What of Ireland, Spain, Austria, Germany, and Japan? If the
answer in' respect to Austria, Germany, and Japan is obvious
because of our presence and responsibilities in those zones, it is
not less affirmative for the others. Defense of human freedom and
our obligations to the spiritual values of Christendom do not repose
solely on legal or contractual grounds but on understanding of the
issue and the challenge. The danger arises per 8e from the advance
of World Communism; every new conquest by the Kremlin is an
added menace to Christian civilization, and to the Hindu and
Moslem world as well. That is the issue which must be met, at
least if life on this planet is to be worth the living.
Ex-Governor Stassen, now president of the University of Pennsyl
vania, evidently reacted deeply to this conviction. In August, 1950,
he proposed that an ultimatum be addressed to Soviet Russia with
an actual declaration of war to follow should Moscow continue her
aggressions by attacking any other country at any point in the
world, whether by direct assault or by the indirect technique of
organizing and supporting a Communist uprising in the designated
land. This measure he would accept as hard alternative to the
possibility of seeing American armed strength "dissipated and
spread out in jungles and mountains and valleys in distant parts
of the world." After passage of such a resolution by Congress, the
General Assembly of the United Nations would be asked to
approve the decision.
There is a certain logicality and sense of alternatives in this
8 E.g., Francisco de Victoria, at the University of Salamanca, 1532.
.
attitude. It is the practicality that gives pause. Such a resolute
position presupposes something that does not yet exist - the ability
to enforce it. "Preponderant power" was the phrase used to
describe the crux of the problem by Mr. Walter Lippmann who
dissented with much asperity from ex-Governor Stassen. Under
Our present limitations and in view of the present inadequate re
arming of western Europe, how, he asks, could we successfully
meet the "armed hordes of Eurasia" if they take to the field?
Again, the only ready answer lies in the atomic bomb, which if
used to halt such an invasion of westem Europe would probably
destroy as many of our friends as enemies. That is the tragic
impasse now weighing on the Christian conscience and it would
be folly to deny that the atheistic Politburo is profiting daily
from the debate.
But to return to the catalogue of affirmative steps which the times
demand. With the indicated measures for strengthening and
exemplifying the meaning of a workable democracy in a spiritually
chastened population well in progress, economic assistance to
liberty threatened abroad will carry not only material support but
the powerful argument of good example. A bad idea is best driven
out by a good idea, unless the evil aggressor succeeds in paralyzing
his prospective victim before the prophylaxis becomes effective.
Hence, military assistance, to the extent assumed by the terms of
the Atlantic Pact, and by the enlarged emergency created in the
Far East, is a reasonable adjunct in the circumstances. President
Truman's Report to the Congress, January 8, 1951, presented a
pOint-by-point enumeration of the measures proposed both on
the international and the domestic front.
1. Appropriations for our military build-up.
2. Extension and revision of the Selective Service Act.
3. Military and economic aid to help increase the strength of the free world.
4. Revision and extension of the authority to expand production and to
stabilize prices, wages, and rents.
5. Betterment of our agricultural laws, to help obtain the kinds of farm
products we need for the defense effort.
6.. Improvement of our labor laws to help provide stable labor-management
relatIons and to make sure that we have steady production in this emergency.
7. Housing and training of defense workers, and the full use of all our
man-power resources.
Atom Bombs and
8. Means for increasing the
medical personnel critically
9. Aid to the states to meet the
6econdary schools.
10. A major increase in taxes to
The cost of these
indeed be staggering but ron.:
the alternatives. There is
not spurts of enthusiasm}
fears nor programs for the
The cost of a needed commDC
truly s'tated by the price tag t
if it is not bought. A fire
sprinkler system for an indusm
in terms of the present
inmeasura!bly more expensive,
hand and in working con.ro;:l!;Ji
There is a fire aflame in fu
by a band of international arSD;C
tion as widely as pOSSible.
Berlin to Korea. Eight natiGe;:
to ashes already. The final c":}c
iean blood has been shed in a
whose emergence Stalin
the . Far East while their
conference tables which stref;;:
Channel, from Brussels and P
The unprecedented
became evident when the
bluntly declare a year ago '[
or credence in any promise rna
The President's later
Report on the State of the Urn,
of the Tzars. Previous Russian
been replaced by the even rna:
menacing imperialism of the r
willing to use this power to
domination of the whole
i Years
gives pause. Such a resolute
does not yet exist - the ability
was the phrase used to
,'/ Mr. Walter Lippmann who
t ex-Governor Stassen. Under
of the present inadequate re
e asks, could we successfully
if they take to the field?
In the atomic bomb, which if
:stem Europe would probably
enemies. That is the tragic
slian conscience and it would
::: Politburo is profiting daily
firmative steps which the times
.sures for strengthening and
,bIe democracy in a spiritually
!Tess, economic assistance to
'not only material support but
lple. A bad idea is best driven
succeeds in paralyzing
lrophylaxis becomes effective.
tent assumed by the terms of
emergency created in the
1 the circumstances. President
January 8, 1951, presented a
measures proposed both on
onto
up.
'e Service Act.
-ease the strength of the free world.
rity to expand production and to
to help obtain the kinds of farm
p provide stable labor-management
:lady production in this emergency.
rkers, and the full use of all our
8. Means for increasing the supply of doctors, nurses, and other trained
medical personnel critically needed for the defense effort.
9. Aid to the states to meet the most urgent needs of our elementary and
6econdary schools.
10. A major increase in taxes to meet the cost of the defense effort.
The cost of these combined preventives of future wars will
indeed be staggering but must be weighed in the balance with
the alternatives. There is need of complete thinking at this point,
not spurts of enthusiasm, of volatile sentiment, nor unfounded
fears nor programs for the partial containment of Soviet aggression.
The cost of a needed commodity or of an essential service is not
truly stated by the price tag but by the consequences
if it is not bought. A fire extinguisher for a modest home or a
sprinkler system for an industrial establishment may seem expensive
in terms of the present income of the respective buyers; it can be
inmeasurably more expensive, possibly fatal, not to have them on
hand and in working condition when a fire breaks out.
There is a fire aflame in the world today, kindled and fanned
by a band of international arsQnists bent on spreading the conflagra
tion as widely as possible. The Revolution is on the march. frorr
Berlin to Korea. Eight nations have had their freedom burned
to ashes already. The final confrontation now has come and Amer
ican blood has been shed in a major war. The two central figures,
whose emergence Stalin predicted, are committed to combat in
the Far East while their diplomats sit facing each other across
conference tables which stretch from the Kremlin to the English
Channel, from Brussels and Paris to New York and Washington.
The unprecedented character and stark realism of the conflict
became evident when the President of the United States could
bluntly declare a year ago that he could no longer put faith
or credence in any promise made by Soviet Russia.
The President's later analysis of the Soviet program, in his
Report on the State of the Union, compared it with the imperialism
of the Tzars. Previous Russian expansionism, he pointed out, ''has
been replaced by the even more ambitious, more crafty, and more
menacing imperialism of the rulers of Soviet Russia . . . they are
willing to use this power to destroy the free nations and win
domination of the whole world. . . The gun that points at them
points at us, also." This forthright language conveyed no news to
informed students of the Russian Revolution and probably not
to the Congress. The news element derived from the official pro
nouncement of it by the President of the United States before
such a legislative assembly, followed by an impressive catalogue
of positive countermeasures. The known facts beoame acknowl
edged facts for incorporation in a State paper as public basis for
stronger public policy.
In normal times such statements from the head of a government
would have meant instant rupture of diplomatic relations and a
probable full mobilization for war on both sides. But we are not
engaged in conventional diplomacy under accepted standards of
international decency such as prevailed at Vienna in 1815 after
the Napoleonic Wars. We are embarked on a kind of cosmic poker
game for the highest stakes in history. Some there are who believe
one of the players has been prolonging a colossal bluff which began
at Yal,ta 'and Tehran and which succeeded notably against the
leading player on the opposite side, who was then in failing health.
The government of the United States finally decided to call for
a showdown on the,Korean crisis and was sl!pported by the United
Nations. Had both done so earlier, the odds in favor of true
peace in Europe and Asia would have been far more favorable
and Soviet Russia would not have scored ,the gains that began
with the desertion of Poland by her former allies. On the issue,
when the cards eventually fall, may well depend the quality and
quantity of human freedom for generations to come.
The record is clear and the designs of Soviet Russia were never
unclear. Her gamble in Korea was lOgical perfidy .. Edmund Burke
in 1772 warned Europe that the partition of Poland by Prussia,
Austria, and Russia would not be the end of the feasting. It was,
he pointed out, only a breakfast for the great armed powers; but
where would they dine? He knew that neither history nor appetite
for power ever stops short.
The true question before the American people and before their
representatives in Congress is not so much the cost in dollars,
though heavy, but the alternative possibilities. If the grim record
of the past five years of Soviet-American relations has achieved
At01n Bombs and tj
anything, it has clarified the c(
The debate is not whether Vie
for the defense of
to do them?
Years
guage conveyed no news to
5:yolution and probably not
::rrved from the official pro
; the United States before
an impressive catalogue
:nnl facts beoame acknowl
it: paper as public basis for
ill the head of a government
diplomatic relations and a
hoth sides. But we are not
mder accepted standards of
~ e d at Vienna in 1815 after
on a kind of cosmic poker
Some there are who believe
, a colossal bluff which began
:cteded notably against the
GO was then in failing health.
" Rnally decided to call for
"as supported by the United
the odds in favor of true
;ve been far more favorable
;eoredthe gains that began
former allies. On the issue,
well depend the quality and
-alions to come.
of Soviet Russia were never
perfidy. ,Edmund Burke
tition of Poland by Prussia,
end of the feasting. It was,
the great armed powers; but
t neither history nor appetite
ican people and before their
o much the cost in dollars,
;sibilities. If the grim record
rican relations has achieved
anything, it has clarified the cold war down to a basic consideration.
The debate is not whether we can afford to do the necessary things
for the defense of Christian civilization - but can we afford not
to do them?
APPENDIX I
. Lagt WiU and Tegtament of
Peter the Great
In a book published in the eighteenth century as the posthumous
memoirs of the Chevalier d'Eon de Beaumont, there appeared a
very remarkable document purporting to be the will of Peter the
Grea-t. The notorious D'Eon is known to have gone to Russia in
the disguise of a woman, as a secret envoy from France. It is said
. that his intimacy with the lascivious Empress Elizabeth gave him
extraordinary opportunities for making important discoveries, and
that he transmitted his document to Louis XV, in 1757. .
Doubts have been cast upon the authenticity both of the memoirs
and of the so-called will; historical scholarship has declared the
latter a forgery ("The Testament of Peter the Great," in The
American Slavic and East European Review, VII, pp. 111-124,
April, 1948). Independently, however, of its authenticity, the will
possesses great intrinsic interest, as embodying principles of action
which have been notoriously followed out by Russia during the
last hundred years, with such modifications as time and circum
stances, and the variations of the European equilibrium, have
rendered necessary.
'" '" '" '"
The document begins thus:
"In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, We, Peter,
Emperor and Autocrat of all the ~ u s s i a n s , etc., etc., to all our
successors on the throne and in the government of the
Russian nation.
"Forasmuch as the Great God, who is the author and giver of
261
'
262 Appendix I
our life and crown, has constantly illumined us with his light and
upheld us during his support," etc.
Here Peter sets out in detail that, according to his view, which
he takes to be also that of Providence, he regards the Russian
nation as destined hereafter to exercise supreme dominion over
Europe. He bases his opinion on the fact that the European nations
have for the most part fallen into a condition of decrepitude, not
far removed from collapse, whence he considers that they may
easily be subjugated by a new and youthful race, as soon as the
latter shall have attained its full vigor.
The Russian monarch looks upon the coming inHux of the
northerners into the East and West as a periodical movement
forming part of the scheme of Providence which, in like manner,
by the invasion of the barbarians, effected the regeneration of the
Roman world. He compares these emigrations of the polar nations
wIth the inundations of the Nile, which at certain seasons fertilize
the arid soil of Egypt.
He adds that Russia, which he found a brook and should leave
a river, must, under his successors, grow to a mighty sea, destined
to fertilize worn-out Europe; and that its waves would advance
over all obstacles, if his successors wyre only capable of guiding
the stream. On this account he leaves behind him for their use
the following rules, which he recommends to their attention and
constant study, even as Moses consigned his tables of the law
to the JeWish people (from Kelly's compilation of Karamsin, Tooke,
and Segur [London, 1854] ):
1. The Russian nation must be constantly on a war footing to keep the
soldiers warlike and in good condition. No rest must be allowed, except for
the purpose of relieving the state finances, recruiting the army, or biding tlle
favourable moment of attack. By this means peace is made subservient to
war, and war to peace, in the interest of the aggrandisement and increasing
prosperity of Russia.
2. Every possible means must be used to invite from the most cultivated
European states commanders in war, and philosophers in peace: to enable
the Russian nation to participate in the advantages of other countries, with
out lOSing any of its own.
3. No opportunity must be lost of taking part in the affairs and disputes 1
of Europe, especially in those of Germany, which, from its vicinity, is of the
most direct interest to us.
4. Poland must be di"ided,
fusion there. The authorities InDi:
semblies corrupted so as to in:!lue:c::e
up a party of our own iliere,
them sojourn iliere so ilia:
remaining there for ever.
we must appease them for the
territory, until we can safely
5. We must take away as
contrive that they shall attack
subjugation. With this object
to Denmark, and Denmark tv
jealOUSies.
6. The consorts of ilie Russia-'"2
the German princesses, in order
Germans, and to unite our
our influence in Germany, to
policy.
7. We must be careful to
for she is the power which has
at the same time may be of the
our own. 'vVe must eJ.'}lort woed
and establish permanent COrITieric:::s
our own.
8. We must keep steadily
Baltic, and southward along the
9. Vie must progress as m;;cn
and India. He who can once
of the world. With this view
time with Turkey, and at
and docks in the Euxine, and
as well as of the Baltic, which
of our plan. Vve must hasten
if pOSSible, re-establish
Levant through Syria; and force
houses of the world; once there,
10. Moreover, we must take
union with Austria,
grandisement in Germany,
ilie minor states against her. In
or the other party shall seek
sort of protectorate over ilie
supremacy.
11. We must make the ho',,-'<e
Turks from Europe, and we !!l;';S:::
lx I
lumined us with his light and
according to his view, which
ence, he regards the Russian
rcise supreme dominion over
fact that the European nations
condition of decrepitude, not
: he considers that they may
youthful race, as soon as the
~ g o r .
m the coming influx of the
st as a periodical movement
idence which, in like manner,
Iected the regeneration of the
nigrations of the polar nations
deh at certain seasons fertilize
.lnd a brook and should leave
rOW to a mighty sea, destined
hat its waves would advance
were only capable of guiding
\'es behind him for their use
tmends to their attention and
signed his tables of the law
mpilation of Karamsin, Tooke,
on a war footing to keep the
) rest must be allowed, except for
recruiting the army, or biding the
ans peace is made subservient to
the aggrandisement and increasing
:0 invite from the most cultivated
philosophers in peace: to enable
LYantages of other conntries, with-
g part in the affairs and disputes I
which, from its vicinity, is of the
Appendix I 263
4. Poland must be divided, by keeping up constant jealousies and con
fusion there. The authorities must be gained over with money; and the as
semblies corrupted so as to influence the election of the kings. 'We must get
up a party of our own there, send Russian troops into the country, and let
them sojourn there so long that they may ultimately find some pretext for
remaining there for ever. Should the neighbouring states make difficulties,
we must appease them for the moment, by allowing them a share of the
territory, until we can safely resume what we have thus given away.
5. \Ve must take away as much territory as possible from Sweden, and
contrive that they shall attack us first, so as to give us a pretext for their
subjugation. With this object in view, we must keep Sweden in opposition
to Denmark, and Denmark to Sweden, and sedulously foster their mutual
jealousies.
6. The consorts of the Russian princes must always be chosen from among
the German princesses, in order to multiply our family alliances with the
Germans, and to nnite our interests with theirs; and thus, by consolidating
Our influence in Germany, to cause it to attach itself spontaneously to our
policy.
7. We must be careful to keep up our commercial alliance with England,
for she is the power which has most need of our products for her navy, and
at the same time may be of the greatest service to us in the development of
our own. We must export wood and other articles in exchange for her gold,
and establish permanent connexions between her merchants and seamen and
our own.
8. We must keep steadily extending our frontiers northward along the
Baltic, and southward along the shores of the Black Sea.
9. We must progress as much as possible in the direction of Constantinople
and India. He who can once get possession of these points is the real ruler
of the world. With this view we must provoke constant quarrels - at one
time with Turkey, and at another with Persia. We must establish wharves
and docks in the Euxine, and by degrees make ourselves masters of that sea,
as well as of the Baltic, which is a doubly important element in the success
of our plan. We must hasten the downfall of Persia; push on to the Persian
Gulf; if possible, re-establish the ancient commercial intercourse with the
Levant through Syria; and force our way into the Indies, which are the store
houses of the world; once there, we can dispense with English gold.
10. Moreover, we must take pains to establish and maintain an intimate
nnion with Austria, apparently countenancing her schemes for future ag
grandisement in Germany, and all the while secretly rousing the jealousy of
the minor states against her. In this way we must bring it to pass that one
or the other party shall seek aid from Russia; and thus we shall exercise a
sort of protectorate over the conntry, which will pave the way for future
supremacy.
11. We must make the house of Austria interested in the expulsion of the
Turks from Europe, and we must neutralize its jealousy at the capture of
264 Appendix I
Constantinople, even by allowing it a share of the spoil, which we can after
wards resume at our leisure.
12. We must collect around our house, as round a centre, all the detached
sections of Greeks which are scattered abroad in Hungary, Turkey, and South
Poland; we must make them look to us for support; and thus, by establishing
beforehand a sort of ecclesiastical supremacy, we shall pave the way for
universal sovereignty.
13. When Sweden is ours, Persia vanquished, Poland subjugated, Turkey
conquered when our armies are united, and the Euxine and the Baltic in
the possession of our ships, then we must make separate and secret overtures,
first to the court of Versailles, and then to that of Vienna, to share with them
the dominion of the world. If either of them accepts our propOSitions, which
is certain to happen if their ambition and self-interest is properly worked
upon, we must make use of one to annihilate the other; this done, we have
only to destroy the one by finding a pretext for a quarrel, the
issue of which cannot be doubtful, as Russia will then be already in the
absolute possession of the east and of the best part of Europe.
14. Should the improbable case happen of both rejecting the propositions
of Russia, then our policy will be to set one against the other, and make
them tear each other to pieces. Russia must then watch for and seize the
favourable moment, and pour her already assembled hosts into Germany,
while two immense fleets, laden with Asiatic hordes, and convoyed by the
armed squadrons of the Euxine and the Baltic, set sail simultaneously from
the Sea of Asof and the harbour of Archangel.
Sweeping along the Mediterranean and the Atlantic they will overrun
France on the one side while Germany is overpowered on the other. When
these countries are fully conquered the rest of Europe must fall easily, and
without a struggle, under our yoke. Thus Europe can and must be subjugated.
APPEX
The Prophecies
D T

e
Donoso
The fonowing passages cont?;'
distinguished Europeans
appeared to them over a
Spanish author and diplomat
Democracy in America first
. . . There are, at the present tir::::J,,,,,
seem to tend toward the same
I allude to the Russians and the },
nnnoticed; and while the attenUG1l
have suddenly assumed a most
world learned their existence
All other natiGns seem to na-;e :c:':
only to be charged with the mEb':::c::c2
in the act of growth; all the oth.e:G :z:::
extreme difficulty; these are nrrn"""C';7
path to which the human eye C""'::c
against the natural obstacles
are men; the former combats the
tion with all its weapons and its a:r':5:
gained by tlle plowshare; those cf 6e
ican relies upon personal interest t;
to the unguided exertions and CG=
centers all the authority of
of the former is freedom; of ..z
different, and their courses are r'.c'C
marked out by the will of Heaxezl t
(De Tocqueville, Democracy ill
dix I
lare of the spoil, which we can
e, as round a centre, all the detached
broad in Hungary, Turkey, and South
for support; and thus, by establishing
remacy, we shall pave the way for
nquished, Poland subjugated, Turkey
,d, and the Euxine and the Baltic in
st make separate and secret overtures,
to that of Vieuna, to share with them
them accepts our propositions. which
and self-interest is properly worked
tihllate the other; this done, we have
Ending a pretext for a quarrel, the
Russia will then be already in the
the best part of Europe.
}en of both rejecting the propositions
set one against the other, and make
must then watch for and seize the
:ady assembled hosts into Gennany,
.'\siatic hordes. and convoyed by the
e Baltic, set sail simultaneously from
b.angeI.
and the Atlantic they will overrun
is overpowered on the other. When
rest of Europe must fall easily, and
Europe can and must be subjugated.
APPENDIX II
The Prophecies Respecting Russia by
De Tocqueville .(1835) and
Donoso Cortes (1850)
The following passages contain the prophetic warnings of two
distinguished Europeans writing on the destiny of Russia as it
appeared to them over a century ago. Donoso was a brilliant
Spanish author and diplomat (1809-1853). De Tocqueville's
Democracy in America first appeared in 1885.
. . . There are, at the present time, two great nations in the world which
seem to tend toward the same end, although they started from different points:
I allude to the Russians and the Americans. Both of them have grown up
uunoticed; and while the attention of mankind was directed elsewhere, they
have suddenly assumed a most prominent place among the nations; and the
world learned their existence and their greatness at almost the same time.
All other natic;lUs seem to have nearly reached their natural limits, and
only to be charged with the maintenance of their power; but these are still
in the act of growth; all the others are stopped, or continue to advance with
extreme difficulty; these are proceeding with ease and with celerity along a
path to which the human eye can assign no tenn. The American struggles
against the natural obstacles which oppose him; the adversaries of the Russian
are men; the fonner combats the wilderness and savage life; the latter, civiliza
tion with all its weapons and its arts: the conquests of the one are therefore
gained by the plowshare; those of the other by the sword. The Anglo-Amer
ican relies upon personal interest to accomplish his ends, and gives free scope
to the unguided exertions and common sense of the citizens; the Russian
centers all the authority of society in a single ann: the principal instrument
of tlle fonner is freedom; of the latter servitude. Their startirig point is
different, and their courses are not the same; yet each of them seems to be
marked out by the will of Heaven to sway the destinies of half the globe
(De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Part I, Chap. XIX).
265
266 Appendix II
When there are no longer standing armies in Europe, as a result of their
having been liquidated by the revolution; when there is no longer any
patriotism in Europe, as a result of its having been snuffed out by socialistic
revolutions; when the great confederation of Slavonic peoples has become an
accomplished fact in Eastern Europe; when in the West there remain but
two great armies, the army of the despoiled and the army of the despoilers,
then, Gentlemen, Russia's hour will strike on the clock of the ages; then
Russia will be able to traverse our Fatherland unmolested, armed to the
teeth; then, Gentlemen, the world will be witness to the greatest punishment
within the memory of history (Donoso Cortes, Speech in Spanish Parliament,
January 30, 1850).
Basic Doctrines,

The classic sources of Co:::::::::
writings of Marx, Engels, L,=,=
their totality, these teachings
munism exercises such a
Marxists the world over he.,-e.
four components of power. It is",
philosophy of history with 2.
it. It is a deposit of faith er:;:c:
social, and economic dOgEas
because scientific. It supplies a ].
ruthless conspirators 'who h OJ;",,;'
elevation and held to their
Whether one considers Commrrr:01
half-truths, or calculated entr:::.pc:
not ignore the objective reeord
turmoil by their disseminatiuLL
The fundamental concepts ;;;;-,e,:,
and resolutions of the Third iT-:
the manifesto of its successor, t
pretative writings of
ogy of such key statements "'G2
A Handbook of Marxism by E
1087 pages to do it. Taken ill
troduced into the body of the p=
II
'"
=ies in Europe, as a result of their
i::i:ln; when there is no longer any
:2.\-mg been snuffed out by socialistic
n of Slavonic peoples has become an
;'l;he!l in the West there remain but
dIed and the army of the despo:i1ers,
\e on the clock of the ages; then
,,:merland unmolested, armed to the
J,e \vitness to the greatest punishment
C3rtes, Speech in SpanUih Parliament,
c
APPENDIX III
Basic Doctrines, Strategy, and Tactics of
World Communism
The classic sources of Communism are chiefly found in the
writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin. Taken in
their totality, these teachings permit us to understand why Com
munism exercises such a vitalizing influence on its adherents.
Marxists the world over have inherited an identical creed with
four components of power. It is a kind of secular mysticism. It is a
philosophy of history with a special methodology for interpreting
it. It is a deposit of faith expressed by a succession of political,
social, and economic dogmas which are declared to be infallible
because scientific. It supplies a Machiavellian code of conduct for
ruthless conspirators who have become crusaders by mystical
elevation and held to their course by dogmatic certitude of success.
Whether one considers Communist teachings as colossal lies, subtle
half-truths, or calculated entrapments of immature minds, he can- .
not ignore the objective record of an entire generation thrown into
turmoil by their dissemination.
The fundamental concepts were further' elaborated in the theses
and resolutions of the Third International during its heyday, in
the manifesto of its successor, the Cominform, and in the inter
pretative writings of representative leaders. An integrated anthol
ogy of such key statements would require a thick volume such as
A Handbook of Marxism by Emile Burns (1935). He required
1087 pages to do it. Taken in conjunction with the citations in
troduced into the body of the present book, the following selected
267
268 Appendix III
passages, arranged chronologically, present a condensed epitome
of the Communist scriptures and reveal the purposes which still
motivate the Politburo in 1951. They demonstrate the continuity of
ideas and the unchanged character of the Russian Revolution in
its role as the spearhead of World Communism.
The Marx-Engels Period
1. The history of all hitherto existing Society is the history of class
struggles. . . . Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two
great hostile camps bourgeoisie and proletariat. . . . Of all the classes
that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is
really a revolutionary class. . . . The Communists disdain to conceal their
views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only
by the violent overthrow of all existing social conditions. . . . The proletarians
have nothing to lose but their chains.... Working men of all countries,
unite!
The CommuT>ist MaT>ifesto, 1848.
2. The final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are to
be sought, not in men's brains, not in man's better insight into eternal truth
and justice, but in changes in the modes of production and exchange. They
are to be sought, not in the philosophy, but in the economics of each partic
ular epoch. The growing perception that existing social institutions are un
reasonable and unjust, that reasou has become unreason, and right wrong,
is only proof that in the modes of production and exchange changes have
silently talcen place, with which the social order, adapted to earlier economic
conditions, is no longer in keeping.
Engels Socialism: Utopi.an and Scientific.
3.... Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other,
and subject to certain rules of proceeding, which, when neglected, will
produce the ruin of the party neglecting them. Those rules, logical deduc
tions from the nature of the parties and the. circumstances one has to deal
with in such a case, are so plain and simple that the short experience of
1848 had made the Germans pretty well acquainted with them. Firstly, never
play with insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the consequences
of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefinite magnitudes the
value of which may change every day; the forces opposed to you have all
the advantages of organization, discipline, and habitual authority; unless you
bring strong odds against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the
insurrectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest determination,
and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of every armed rising; it is
lost before it measures itself wim
their forces are sC8lttering,
keep up the moral
you; rally those vacillating
strongest impulse; and which.
enemies to a retreat before
the words of Danton, the
de l'audace, de l'audace, en::.,:;,:"
\VritteIJ.
series D:
tion :n
4. The great basic
the question of the rel:aticms,ii:p
and nature .... Which is
divided into two great C2.!Ep5,
answered this question. Tho;.",
and who, in the last
the world was created . . .
regard nature as primary,
5. Freedom is the rec:ogllitt:;;:
is not understood.
6. In the eyes of dialectic
nothing is absolute or sacred..
stamp of inevitable decline;
of formation and destructk.::l.,
higher a process of which mz:
within the thinking brain.
7. In such great
there may come days
8. Two errors robbed the
stopped half-way; instead of
propriators," it was carried
in the country. . The
III
?resent a condensed epitome
'.-eal the purposes which still
demonstrate the continuity of
of the Russian Revolution in
)mD1unism.
..
l.s Period
; Society is the history of class
"e and more splitting up into two
:oletariat. . . Of all the classes
isle today, the proletariat alone is
,=umsts disdain to conceal their
t their ends can be attained only
ial conditions. . . . The proletarians
. . Working men of all countries,
fhe Communist Manifesto, 1848.
,,5 and political revolutions are to
::l'S better insight into eternal truth
of production and exchange. They
:It in the economics of each partic
existing social institutions are un
ecome unreason, and right wrong,
wtion and exchange changes have
order, adapted to earlier economic
oeialism: Utopian and Scwntific.
ite as much as war or any other,
ing, which, when neglected, will
them. Those rules, logical dedue
the circumstances one has to deal
mple that the short experience of
cquainted with them. Firstly, never
prepared to face the consequences
ith very indefinite magnitudes the
he forces opposed to you have all
and habitual authOllty; unless you
lefeated and mined. Secondly, the
lct with the greatest determination,
death of every armed rising; it is
Appendix III 269
lost before it measures itself with its enemies. Surprise your antagonists while
their forces are scattering, prepare new successes, however small, but daily;
keep up the moral ascendancy which the first successful rising has given to
you; rally those vacillating elements to your side which always follow the
strongest impulse; and which always look out for the safer Side; force your
enemies to a retreat before they can collect their strength against you; in
the words of Danton, the greatest master of revolutionary policy yet known,
de l' audaee, de l'audace, encore de l'audacel
Written by Engels and printed under name of
Marx, 1851-1852, New York Daily Tribune, ill a
series of articles on revolution and counterrevolu
tion in Germany during the period 1848-1849.
4. The great basic question of all, and especially of recent, philosophy, is
the question of the relationship between thought and existence, between spirit
and nature.... Which is prior to the other, spirit or nature? Philosophers are
divided into two great camps, according to the way in which they have
answered this question. Those who declare that spirit existed before nature,
and who, in the last analysis, therefore, assume in one way or another that
the world was created . . have formed the idealist camp. The others, who
regard nature as primary, belong to the various schools of materialism.
Engels - Ludwig Feuerbach.
5. Freedom is the recognition of necessity. Necessity is blind in so far as it
is not understood.
Engels - Anti-DUhring.
6. In the eyes of dialectic philosophy, nothing is established for all time,
nothing is absolute or sacred. On everything and in everything it sees the
stamp of inevitable decline; nothing can resist it save the unceasing process
of formation and destruction, the unending ascent from the lower to the
higher - a process of which that philosophy itself is only a simple reflection
within the thinking brain.
Engels - On Dialectical Materialism
passim - in his works.
7. In such great developments, twenty years are but as one day- and
there may come days which are the concentrated essence of twenty years.
Marx - Exchange of Letters with
Engels, Vol. III, p. 127.
8. Two errors robbed the brilliant victory of its fruits. . . . The proletariat
stopped half-way; instead of proceeding with the "expropriation of the ex
propriators," it was carried away with dreams of establishing supreme justice
in the country. . The second error was unnecessary magnanimity of the
.
270 Appendix III
proletariat: instead of annihilating its enemies, it endeavored to exercise 18. Revolutionary theory is ;a
moral influence on them. class movement throughout all
Marx - The Civil Wat in France theory out of touch with
(The Paris Commune of 1871). revolutionary theory thrmvs a
greatest force in the working d,,:s$
9. During . . the past four weeks I have read all sorts of things. Among
with revolutionary practice; far if:, .!l::
others Darwin's work on Natural Selection. And though it is written in the
fidence, guidance, and unlie!s1z=:G3:::
crude English style, this is the book which contains the basis in natural
alone can enable those "-.
science for our view.
whence and the whither w:;::
Marx Letter to Engels.
10. Religion is the opium of the people. . . . The criticism of religion is
the beginning of all criticism.
17. Tactic is the determinati=
Marx Critique of the Hegelian Philosophy of Right.
during a comparatively short
advance or retreat of the revoLutk:rr
11... The last vestige of a creator external to the world is obliterated.
substitution of new forms of
Engels - Anti-Diihring.
become out of date, or by the
bination of new methods' "itl:i.
12. Man, at last the master of his own form of social organization, be-
such wide purposes as the
comes at the same time the lord over nature, his own master free.
geoisie, tactic has a narrower aim.
Engels - Socialism: 'Utopian and Scientific.
whole, but with the fighting cf
this or that victory which l::E
the general revolutionary
strategy, and subordinate tUeret.:>,
The Lenin-Stalin Period
13. The roots of modem religion are deeply imbedded in the social '
18. As long as Capitalism ar::d
oppression of the masses . . . it is a kind of spiritual intoxicant.
in peace. One or the other wiJ!
Lenin - On Religion. oration for either the Soviet
postponing war.
14. During this past year a very great part of the work of the Pollt-Bureau
Lenin CoUectd.
consisted in deciding every question having to do with politics which arose
in the course of the work, combining the activities of all Soviet and Party
19. To wage war for the
organizations and of all organizations of the working class and conducting
war which is a hundred times
the entire work of the Soviet Republic. TIle Polit-Bureau decided all questions
cated, than the most
of international and domestic policy ...
beforehand the use of maneUvdB8'.>
Lenin - At the Ninth Party Congress
the interests of one foe
on March 29, 1920, in the re
effecting compromises (even
port of. the Central Committee.
porary character) - would not
might as well, when clin1bing
15. Without a revolutionary theory, there cannot be a revolutionary move
refuse in advance to make the
ment. Only a party guided by an advanced theory can act as a vanguard in
to give up the chosen directiO;} m
the fight.
be easier to negotiate.
Stalin Leninism. Lecture at Sverdlov
University, April, 1924.
Lenin - W,j's\t
: III
:nemies, it endeavored to exercise
: - The Civil War in France
(The Paris Commune of 1871).
.aye read all sorts of things. Among
ill. And though it is written in the
,hich contains the basis in natural
Marx - Letter to Engels.
Ie.... The criticism of religion is
the Hegelian Philosophy of Right.
enernal to the world is obliterated.
Engels - Anti-Diihring.
= form of social organization, bfro
atu.re, his own master - free.
,Socialism: Utopian and Scientific.
" 0
lin Period
re ,deeply imbedded in the social '
i of spiritual intoxicant.
Lenin - On Religion.
of the work of the Polit-Bureau
to do with politics which arose
~ e activities of all Soviet and Party
f the working class and conducting
he Polit-Bureau decided all questions
- At the Ninth party Congress
on March 29, 1920, in the re
port of .. the Central Committee.
ere cannot be a revolutionary move
xd theory can act as a vanguard in
1 - Leninism. Lecture at Sverdlov
Appendix III 271
16. Revolutionary theory is a synthesis of the experience of the working
class movement throughout all lands - the generalized experience. Of course,
theory out of touch with revolutionary practice gropes in the dark unless
revolutionary theory throws a light on the path. But theory becomes the
greatest force in the working class movement when it is inseparably linked
with revolutionary practice; for it, and it alone, can give the movement con
fidence, guidance, and understanding of the inner links between events; it
alone can enable those engaged in the practical struggle to understand the
whence and the whither of the working-class movement.
Stalin - Leninism. Lecture at Sverdlov
17. Tactic is the determination of the line to be taken by the proletariat
during a comparatively short period of the ebb or flow of the movement, of
advance or retreat of the revolution; the maintenance of this line by the
substitution of new forms of struggle and organization for those that have
become out of date, or by the discovery of new watchwords, or by the com
bination of new methods with old, etc. Whereas strategy is copcerned with
such wide purposes as the wimling of the war against tsarism or the bour
geoisie, tactic has a narrower aim. Tactic is concerned, not with the war as a
whole, but with the fighting of this or that campaign, with the gaining of
this or that victory which may be essential during a particular period of
the general revolutionary advance or withdrawal. Tactics are thus parts of
strategy, and subordinate thereto.
Stalin - Leninism.
18. As long as Capitalism and Socialism exist side by side we cannot live
in peace. One or the other will finally triumph. One will hold the funeral
oration for either the Soviet Republic or World Capitalism. It is only
postponing war.
Lenin - Collected Works, Vienna-Berlin, Vol. XXV, p. 64S.
19. To wage war for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie, a
war which is a hundred times more difficn1t, more prolonged, more compli
cated, than the most bloodthirsty of wars between States, while renouncing
beforehand the use of maneuvering,' of playing off (though for a time only)
the interests of one foe against the other, of entering upon agreements and
effecting compromises (even though these may be of an unstable and tem
porary character) - would not such renunciation be ,the height of folly? We
might as well, when clinlbing a dangerous and hitherto unexplored mountain,
refuse in advance to make the ascent in Zigzags, or to turn back for a while,
to give up the chosen direction in order to test another which may prove to
be easier to negotiate.
Lenin - Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XVIII, p. 158.
272 Appendix III
20. A vanguard alone will not lead to victory. To hurl the vanguard into
the fray before the masses are ready to support it, or, at least, are willing
to remain neutral, would not only be the height of folly but a crime. Agitation
and propaganda do not. suffice to bring the masses to a suitable frame of
mind. They need also to be schooled by political experience. This is the law
which lies at the root of all far-reaching revolutions, .a law which has been
confirmed in a striking manner both in Russia and in Germany. The Russian
masses, uneducated, often illiterate, and the German masses, whose education
and culture are at such an incomparably higher level, had each in turn to
learn by bitter experience all the powerlessness, the listlessness, the helpless
ness, the servility of the governments carried on by the leaders of the Second
Intemational- henchmen of the bourgeoisie. The masses had to learn by
experience that either of two dictatorships was inevitable: the dictatorship
of the ultra-reactionaries (such as Komiloff in Russia and Kapp and Co. in
Germany), or the dictatorships of the proletariat as a definite step on the
road to Communism.
Lenin- Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XVII, p. 173.
21. To be revolutionist, to be a socialist or communist sympathiser, is not
enough. It behooves us to find, at any given moment, that particular link in
the chain to which we can cling in order to keep the whole chain together,
and subsequently to pass on to the next link .... For tlle nonce, the particular
link is the stimulation of commerce on the home market, and, its effective
control and guidance by the State. Commerce is a "link" in the chain of
historical events, in the transitional forms of our socialist construction;
and we must cling to this link for dear life.
Lenin Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XVIII, Part I, p. 412.
22. Never play with insurrection; but, having begun one, make up your
mind to go through with it to the end. At the right place, and when. the
time is ripe, assemble forces greatly outnumbering those of the enemy for
otherwise the latter, better prepared and better organized, will annihilate the
insurgents. Once the rising has begun, it is essential to act with the utmost
resoluteness, and, without fail and unconditionally, to assume the offensive.
"A defensive attitude is fatal to an armed rising." We must try to take the
enemy by surprise, to seize the moment when his forces are dispersed. We
must endeavor to gain some success, however small, day by day (hour by
hour, even, if we are operating in a town), so that at all costs we may
maintain a superior "morale."
Lenin- Works, Russian Edition, XIV, Part II, p. 270.
23. We may consider that the time is ripe for the decisive struggle: when
all the class forces arrayed against us are in a state of confusion, are sufficiently
embroiled one with another, have been sufficiently weakened in combats for
which their strength is inadequate; when all the vacillating, unsteady, un
stable intermediate elements (the
racy, in contradistinction to me
before the people, have made '" oS:
when there has arisen and
in favor of decisive and
bourgeoisie. Then the time is
account of the
well, our victory is assure:::.
Lenin
24. But is there sum
thing as Communist
that we have no ethlcs err
Communists of
thrOwing dust in _
In what sense do
In the sense that
that ethics were God's
believe in God, and that
lords and the bourgeoisie
own exploiters' interests.
commandments of morality ..tr= .1!il
them from idealistic or'
similar to God's commaname:::1:::;:.
We repudiate all
We say that this is deceptio:1, .. :!i.
and peasants in the interests ci
We say that our morality is
class struggle of the
struggle of the proletariat.
The old society was based
peasants by the landlords and
overthrow this; but for this
such unity.
This unity could be created
proletariat, trained, and rOUSi7;1 i=:r:
class was formed did the ma.:::-s
now the victory of the
tries in tlle world, a country v.-!3.
of the bourgeoisie of the who;", ""
revolution is growing all over me
experience, that the proleta:r'..at
could take the lead of the disu:cited
stand all the attacks of the
masses to unite, to rally and
III
ictory. To hurl the vanguard into
!2pport it, or, at least, are willing
ight of folly but a crime. Agitation
he masses to a suitable frame of
GJitical experience. This is the law
a law which has been
ssia and in Germany. The Russian
German masses, whose education
higher level, had each in turn to
SIless, the listlessness, the helpless
:d. on by the leaders of the Second
1sie. The masses had to learn by
liS was inevitable: the dictatorship
'ff in Russia and Kapp and Co. in
detariat as a definite step on the
tSSian Edition, Vol. XVII, p. 173.
rr or communist sympathiser, is not
-err moment, that particular link in
to keep the whole chain together,
... For tlle nonce, the particular
he home market, and its effective
ILErce is a "link" in the chain of
m.s of our socialist construction;
ditian, Vol. XVIII, Part I, p. 412.
ha\ing begun one, make up your
At the right place, and when. the
mhering those of the enemy - for
organized, will annihilate the
is essential to act with the utmost
:linonally, to assume the offensive.
i ri_-mg." We must try to take the
"hen his forces are dispersed. We
-ever small, day by day (hour by
so that at all costs we may
:d:ition, Vol. XIV, Part II, p. 270.
for the decisive struggle: when
2. state of confusion, are sufficiently
.fficiently weakened in combats for
all the vacillating, unsteady. un-
Appendix III 273
stable intermediate elements (the petty bourgeoisie, the petty-bourgeois democ
racy, in contradistinction to the bourgeoisie) have exposed themselves enough
before the people, have made a sufficient parade of their utter bankruptcy;
when there has arisen and spread widely among the proletariat a strong feeling
in favor of decisive and unhesitatingly bold revolutionary action against the
bourgeoisie. Then the time is ripe for revolution. Then, if we have kept good
account of the before-mentioned conditions, and have chosen our moment
well, our victory is assured.
Lenin - Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XVII, pp. 180-181.
24. But is there such a thing as Communist ethics? Is there such a
thing as Communist morality? Of course there is. Often it is made to appear
that we have no ethics of our own; and very often the bourgeoisie accuse us
Communists of repudiating all ethics. This is a method of shuffling concepts, of
throwing dust in the eyes of the workers and peasants.
In what sense do we repudiate ethics and morality?
In the sense that they were preached by the bourgeoisie, who declared
that ethics were God's commandments. We, of course, say that we do not
believe in God, and that we know perfectly well that the clergy, the land
lords and the bourgeoisie spoke in the name of God in order to pursue their
own explOiters' interests. Or, instead of deducing these ethics from the
commandments of morality, from the commandments of God, they deduced
them from idealistic or semi-idealistic phrases, which were always very
similar to God's commandments.
We repudiate all morality that is taken outside of human, class concepts.
We say that this is deception, a fraud, which clogs the brains of the workers
and peasants in the interests of the landlords and capitalists.
We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the
class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is deduced from the class
struggle of the proletariat.
The old society was based on the oppression of all the workers and
peasants by the landlords and capitalists. We had to destroy this, we had to
overthrow this; but for this we had to create unity. God will not create
such unity. I .
This unity could be created only by the factories and works, only by the
proletariat, trained, and roused from its age-long slumber; only when that
class was formed did the mass movement begin which led to what we see
now - the victory of the proletariat revolution in one of the weakest coun
tries in the world, a country which for three years has repelled the attacks
of the bourgeoisie of the whole world. And we see that the proletarian_
revolution is growing all over the world. We now say, on the basis of
experience, that the proletariat alone could create the compact force that
could take the lead of the disunited and scattered peasantry, that could with
stand all the attacks of the exploiters. This class alone can help the toiling
masses to unite, to rally and completely build up, Communist society.
274 Appendix III
That is why we say that for us there is no such thing as morality taken
outside of human society; such a morality is a fraud. For us, morality is
subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat.
Lenin - Speech Delivered at the Third All
Russian Congress of the Russian Young
Communist League, October 2, 1920.
25. Every Marxist, if he is not a renegade, must put the interests of
socialism above the right of' nations to self-determination. Our Socialist
Republic has done what it could for the self-determination of Finland, the
Ukraine, and other countries. Nevertheless, if the situation demands a choice
between the existence of the Socialist Republic, which is being endangered,
and the right of self-determination of several nations, it is clear that the
conservation of the Socialist Republic is predominant.
Lenin - Issue No. 34, Pra1X1a, 1918.
26. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the fiercest and most merciless war.
Lenin - Left Wing Communism.
27. The dictatorship [of the Proletariat] means nothing more nor less
than power which directly rests on violence and is not limited by any law
or any absolute rules. Dictatorship means unlimited power resting on violence
and not on law.
Lenin-Collected Works, Vol. XXV, pp. 436, 441.
28. The working class without a revolutionary party is an army without
a general staff.
Stalin-Leninism (New York, 1932-1933), Part I, pp. 163-165.
29. We should not forget for a single instant the intrigues of international
reaction, which is hatching plans for a new war.
Stalin - 1946 May Day Order to the Red Army.
30. What is the meaning of the impossibility of the complete and final
victory of socialism in a single country without the victory of the revolution
in other countries? It means the impossibility of having full guarantees against
intervention, and hence against the restoration of the bourgeois order, with
out the victory of the revolution in at least a number of countries. To deny
this indisputable fact is to abandon internationalism, to abandon Leninism.
Stalin - Problems of Leninism.
31. The scientific difference between Socialism and Communism is clear.
What is generally called Socialism was termed by Marx the "first or lower
phase of communist society." In so far as the means of production become
public property; the
we do not forget that 5t
32. Years and yea.r.s
only the proletariat is
33. The transition fr0m
historical epoch.
Lenin - The
34. We are not doctripl',..er,
to action.
35. Events can neither he
On the thread of some
36. The different stages of E;
of parties in which the more
Without a guiding organizatk:u" 6
like steam not enclosed in a
is not the piston or the box
Trots1.:y -
37. Only from a theoretical
power] fully and correctly
Trotsky T:}
38. A revolutionary concepticm.
with a broken spring.
Trotsky - HistO'l"';iCi'
39. The mystic doctrine of sF'':'!'''!:
Trotsky - Histo'r:f of
40. And I can assure you thc.t
the core of this army, consider thcJ:lli
III
no such thing as morality taken
" is a fraud. For us, morality is
uggle of the proletariat.
Delivered at the Third AU
t Congress of the Russian Young
::nist League, October 2, 1920.
must put the interests of
seli-determination. Our Socialist
sell-determination of Finland, the
j the situation demands a choice
';.loUC, which is being endangered,
,eral nations, it is clear that the
redominant.
in - Issue No. 34, Pravda, 1918.
me fiercest and most merciless war .
..enin - Left Wing Communism.
i1 means nothing more nor less
ce and is not limited by any law
rr""mited power resting on violence
7
lJr
ks, Vol. XXV, pp. 436, 441.
ttionary party is an army without
Part I, pp. 163-165.
).,-tant the intrigues of international
v: war.
Day Order to the Red Army.
'sibility of the complete and final
mout the victory of the revolution
ty of having full guarantees against
tlion of the bourgeois order, with
;t a number of countries. To deny
::cationalism, to abandon Leninism.
Stalin - Problems of Leninism.
xialism and Communism is clear.
,rmed by Marx the "first or lower
; the means of production. become ;
Appendix III 275
public property; the word "Communism" is also applicable here, providing
we do not forget that it is not full Communism.
Lenin - The State and Revolution.
32. Years and years of firm rule of the proletariat are necessary, because
only the proletariat is capable of defeating the bourgeoisie.
Lenin - The Deception of the People.
33. The transition from Capitalism to Communism represents an entire
historical epoch.
Lenin - The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky.
34. We not doctrinaires. Our philosophy is not a dogma, but a guide
to action.
Lenin-Collected Works, Vol. XXI (1), p. 133.
(I
" "
Trotsky
35. Events can neither be regarded as a series of adventures, nor strung
on the thread of some preconceived moral. They must obey their own laws.
Trotsky -l!istory of the Russian Revolution, Preface.
36. The different stages of a revolutionary process, certified by a change
of parties in which the more extreme always supersede the less extreme ...
Without a guiding organization, the energy of the masses would dissipate
like steam not enclosed in a piston-box. But, nevertheless, what moves things
is not the piston or the box but the steam.
Trotsky - History of the Russian Revolution, Preface.
37. Only from a theoretical height is it possible to observe it [struggle for
power] fully and correctly understand it.
Trotsky-History of Russian Revolution, Vol. I, Chap. XI.
38. A revolutionary conception without a revolutionary will is like a watch
with a broken spring.
Trotsky - History of Russian Revolution, Vol. I, Chap. XV.
39. The mystic doctrine of spontaneousness explains nothing.
Trotsky - History of Russian Revolution, Vol. I, Chap. VIII.
40. And I can assure you that the communist workers who actually form
the core of this army, consider themselves to be not only the protecting troops
276 Appendix III
of the Russian Socialist Republic, but also the Red Army of the Third Inter
national. . . . When the time comes and our brothers of the western countries
call to us for aid, we shall answer: We are here, we have in the meantime
learned how to use these weapons, and we are ready to fight and to die for
the cause of the World Revolution!
Trotsky Statement at the First Congress of the
Communist International in March, 1919.
41. The revolution in the Soviet Union is a part of the world Revolution,
its commencement and the basis for its development.
Stalin vs. Trotsky Once More concerning the Social-Democratic
Aberration in our Party, State Publishing
House of the Soviet Union, December, 1927,
p.35.
Third International
42. One of the most important tasks of the cultural revolution affecting the
wide masses is the task of systematically and unswervingly combatting religion.
Program of the Third International at
Sixth World Congress, Moscow, 1928.
43. The Communists fight with courage and devotion on all sectors of the
international class front, in the firm conviction that the victory of the pro
letariat is inevitable and cannot be averted. The Communists disdain to con
ceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their aims can be attained
only by the forcible overthrow of the existing social conditions. Let the ruling
class tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose
but their chains. They have a world to win.
Program of the Communist International, 1928.
44. The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot come about as a result of
the peaceful development of bourgeois society and bourgeois democracy.
The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully captur
ing the ready-made bourgeois state machinery by means of a parliamentary
majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to every means of violence and terror to
safeguard and strengthen its predatory property and its political domination.
. . . Hence, the violence of the bourgeoisie can be suppressed only by the
stern violence of the proletariat. The conquest of power by the proletariat is
the violent overthrow of bourgeois power.
. Program of the Communist International, 1928.
45. To Comrade Stalin, the Les:
and the oppressed of all the
.' In the name of the million-s::r:y:::
World Revolution, in the name 01
you, Comrade Stalin, our Leader:.
Marx, Engels, and Lenin, to you
party of the new type, the party
about the victory of the great
of Socialism in the Soviet Ur:iC::L
international Proletariat and ::;f
than ten years have passed since
idea and action, the nnr.mCfptb
Comrade Stalin, fell the
struggle for the liberation
Under your leadership,
unshakable foundation of the
swore at Lenin's grave to
in all the world together, the tii2
and the communists in all
struggle under your guidance.
Now, when the capitalistic
and wars, the Proletariat
which it did not have durin", 6,;
the mighty Union of Socialist S:o-J;;:
ism, and the Comintern, the =I::.:::
leadership the U.S.S.R. has beo=e
Revolution, the bulwark of
Let the gentlemen of the
world whether they want "Ya.:
of the world do not want yea.:
more and more to the SO'iet r=i:
Comrade Stalin, the Leader of S"
The victory of SocialL<m S;;:
the proletarian World ReYolutic::..
The Seventh World-Congzes5
Comrade Stalin, in the
communists everywhere will
banner of Marx, Engels, Leni:::L,
munism shall triumph in all tho" =.::
Ercoli (ie.,
gress of 6"
III
the Red Army of the Third Inter
r brothers of the western countries
'e here, we have in the meantime
, are ready to fight and to die for
: at the First Congress of the
st International in March, 1919.
is a part of the world Revolution,
;velopment. .
'01lcerning the SocW-Democratic
r> our Party, State Publishing
Soviet Union, December, 1927,
0
ztional
:he cultural revolution affecting the
:1 unswervingly combatting religion.
crt the Third International at
~ V o r l d Congress, Moscow, 1928.
and devotion on all sectors of the
etlon that the victory of the pro
~ The Communists disdain to con
lare that their aims can be attained
ng social conditions. Let the ruling
1e proletarians have nothing to lose
1.
Communist International, 1928.
cannot come about as a result of
:ety and bourgeois democracy.
: does not mean peacefully captur
3ery by means of a parliamentary
means of violence and terror to
perty and its political domination.
ie can be suppressed only by the
lest of power by the proletariat is
, Communist International, 1928.
Appendix III 277
45. To Comrade Stalin, the Leader, Teacher and Friend of the Proletariat
and the oppressed of all the world!
. In the name of the million-strong anny of the fighters for the proletarian
World Revolution, in the name of the workers of all countries, we turn to
you, Comrade Stalin, our Leader, and the faithful disciple of the work of
Marx, Engels, and Lenin, to you who with Lenin have welded together the
party of the new type, the party of the Bolsheviks, the party 1iVhich brought
about the victory of the great proletarian October Revolution and the Victory
of Socialism in the Soviet Union. We turn to you, beloved Leader of the
international Proletariat and of all the oppressed, with fiery greetings. More
than ten years have passed since we lost Lenin, this giant of the revolutionary
idea and action, the unforgettable leader of the World Revolution. To you,
Comrade Stalin, fell the gigantic task of replaCing him at the helm in the
struggle for the liberation of all toiling humanity.
Under your leadership, Socialism prevalled in the Soviet Union, and the
unshakable foundation of the proletarian World Revolution was laid. You
swore at Lenin's grave to strengthen the ties which bind the active workers
in all the world together, the ties which are represented by the Comintern,
and the communists in all countries are realising this oath in their heroic
struggle under your guidance.
Now, when the capitalistic world is entering upon a new stage of revolutions
and wars, the Proletariat possesses the surest guarantee of its final victory
which it did not have during the first cycle of wars and revolutions, namely
the mighty Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, the land of victorious Social
ism, and the Comintern, the unifonn world party of Communism. Under your
leadership the U.S.S.R. has become an impregnable bulwark of the Socialist
Revolution, the bulwark oB the struggle against Fascism, Reaction and War.
Let the gentlemen of the BourgeoiSie try today to ask the peoples of the
world whether they want War or Peace, Fascism or Socialism. The peoples
of the world do not want War and they do not want Fascism. They turn
more and more to the Soviet Union and look with hope and love to you,
Comrade Stalin, the Leader of the active workers of all countries.
The victory of Socialism in the Soviet Union opens up the new stage in
the proletarian World Revolution.
The Seventh WorId-Congress of the Communist International assures you,
Comrade Stalin, in the name of the sixty-five communist parties, that the
communists everywhere wlll keep faith with the great and unconquerable
banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin forever .. Under this banner Com
munism shall triumph in all the world.
Ercoli (i.e., Togliatti-Italy) -The Seventh World Con
gress of the Communist International, Moscow, 1935.
~ ~ ~ 0
278 Appendix III
The Cominform
46. Because of the above, the imperialistic camp and its directing force,
the United States of America, show a growing aggressive activity. This activ
ity evolved at the same time in all spheres in the sphere of military and
strategic activities, economic expansion and ideological warfare. The Truman
Marshall plan is only a farce, a European branch of the general world plan
of political expansion being realized by the United States of America in all
parts of the world. The plan of the economic and political subjugation of
Europe through American imperialism is complemented by plans for the
economic and political subjugation of China, Indonesia, and South America.
The aggressors of yesterday the capitalist tycoons of Germany and Japan
- are being prepared by the United States of America for a new role as
tools of the imperialistic policy in Europe and Asia of the United States of
America.
Manifesto of the Cominform, October 5, 1947.
47. We should not forget that the imperialist agents, through their clatter
regarding the danger of war, try to intimidate vacillators and weaklings and
thus gain through blackmail concessions for the aggressor.
In the same way as the appeasement policy of Munich led to Hitler's aggres
sion, today concessions to the United States of America and the imperialist
camp may cause its instigators to grow even more shameless and aggressive.
Manifesto of the Cominform, October 5, 1947.
Miscellaneous
48. Our Army ... is the Avantgarde of the World Proletariat. Our Army
is an international,Army. By victories in other countries also, the Proletarian
Revolution will create new detachments of the Red troops. The Red Army
is the Avantgarde of the armed forces of the World Revolution.
Voroshilov - DeclaratiOll at Session of the Moscow Soviet on the Tenth
Anniversary of the Red Army, Pravda, No. 50, 1928.
49. As we observed the tanks driving by us, and the airplanes Hying past
us in the air, we observed from the Red Square the military power not only
of the working class of the Soviet Union, but rather the strength and the
power of the Revolutionary Proletariat on a world-wide scale.
The Soviet Government, Comrades, is the government of the Proletariat,
and the Soviet Government protects the interests of the workers, the producers, \
the oppressed throughout the world. The interests of the Soviet Government
- are the interests of the Wodd Proletariat. .
When you
of the Red
but also the
The Soviet
50. . .. in the prriopZSE',::ll:!J
must be the press
secondary aid.
51. War psychosis i:l::JStigz:et
circles of certain COlli:lt:ie$"
place among them, is
menacing character.
A furious campaign
press of the CoUlltries ""')"'"",',,'0,'"
spread already for a cGre:,-36,,::c:2.:':),i'i'
the public opinion in c:z
ence newspapers,
War-hungry psychosis
lic, excited and fanned
52. The Revolution dGes 2xi;:?J::=
E.
53. The Soviet Union
between the peoples of
peoples, in the interests of
will realize the truth of this. T2
of the working people of the
in defense of these interes-cS,
real forces, in their
the U.S.S.H.
This pact, like the unsuC;:'!fES::CZ.
that no important questions
Eastern Europe even less, (:,"c
the Soviet Union, that any
such questions behind its back
The Soviet-German
7rm
:5c camp and its directing force,
aggressive activity. This activ
- in the sphere of military and
""""J"L';:''';'''-' warfare. The Truman
of the general world plan
U:cited States of America in all
=ie and political subjugation of
cDmplemented by plans for the
a., Indonesia, and South America.
of Germany and Japan
for a new role as
zr:d Asia of the United States of
Cominform, October 5, 1947.
ill:st agents, through their clatter
!:ate vacillators and weaklings and
the aggressor.
y of :Munich led to Hitler's aggres
,5 of America and the imperialist
more shameless and aggressive.
.6 Cominform, October 5, 1947.

}US
the World Proletariat. Our Anny
her countries also, the Proletarian
the Red troops. The Red Anny
the World Revolution.
J.e Moscow Soviet on the Tenth
Anny, Pravda, No. 50, 1928.
. us, and the airplanes Hying past
quare the military power not only
but rather the strength and the
1 world-wide scale.
Ge government of the Proletariat,
rests of the workers, the produq'lrs, \
oterests of the Soviet Government
,to .
Appendix III 279
When you (our Russian brothers and strengthen the fighting force
of the Red Anny, you not only strengthen the power of the Soviet Union,
but also the power of the World Proletariat.
The Soviet Union and its Red Anny are the guardians of peace among
nations. The Soviet Union is the citadel of the Proletarian World Revolution.
Dimitrov Speech made in the Hall of Columns
of the Town Hall, May 1, 1985.
50. . .. in the propaganda of Marxism-Leninism the chief decisive weapon
must be the press . . . and oral propaganda should occupy the place of a
secondary aid.
Party Decision on the Press in History of the.
All-Union Communist Party, 1988, Moscow.
51. War psychosis instigated by the efforts of the militarist and expansionist
circles of certain countries, United States of America occupying the foremost
place among them, is continually spreading and assuming all the more
menacing character.
A furious campaign in the press, mainly in American press, and in the
press of the countries following obediently the U.S.A., like Turkey, is being
spread already for a considerable lapse of time for the purpose of coaxing
the public opinion in favor of a new war. All means of psychological influ
ence newspapers, magazines, radio, cinema have been used.
War-hungry psychOSiS is stimulated in every way among the American pub
lic, excited and fanned by militarist and expansionist circles of the U.S.A.
Vyshinski's Speech at the United Nations General
Assembly, on September 18, 1947.
52. The Revolution does not simply happen, it must be made.
E. Browder- What Is CommunWm.? New York, 1986.
58. The Soviet Union signed a pact with Germany, fully assured that peace
between the peoples, of the U.S.S.ft. and Germany is in the interests of all
peoples, in the interests of universal peace. Every sincere supporter of peace
will realize the truth of this. This pact corresponds to the fundamental interests
of the working people of the Soviet Union and cannot weaken our vigilance
in defense of these interests. This pact is backed by firm confidence in our
real forces, in their complete preparedness to meet any aggression against
the U.S.S.R.
This pact, like the unsuccessful Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations, proves
that no important questions of international relations, and questions of
Eastern Europe even less, can be settled without the active participation of
the Soviet Union, that any attempts to shut out the Soviet Union and decide
such questions behind its back are doomed to failure.
The Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact spells a new turn in the develop
280 Appendix III
ment of Europe, a turn towards improvement of relations between the two
largest states of Europe. This pact not only eliminates the menace of war
with Germany, narrows down the zone of possible hostilities in Europe, and
serves thereby the cause of universal peace: It must open to us new possibil
ities of increasing our strength, of further consolidation of our position, of
further growth of the influence of the Soviet Union on international
developments.
There is no need to dwell here on the separate clauses of the pact. The
Council of People's Commissars has reason to hope that the pact will meet
with your approval as a document of cardinal importance to the U.S.S.R.
The Council of People's Commissars submits the Soviet-German Non
Aggression Pact to the Supreme Soviet and proposes that it be ratified.
Molotov Speech before the Council of the Union
and the Council of Nationalities of the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R., August,
1939.
54. In the pamphlet Regarding the Questions of Leninism, Comrade Stalin
very clearly showed wherein the significance of the Proletarian Dictatorship
really lies. He showed us three fundamental sides of the Proletarian DiCtator
ship: (1) The full use of Proletarian Power for the suppression of the exploit
ing classes, for the protection of the country, for strengthening the relations
with the proletarians of other countries, for bringing about and insuring the
victory of the Revolution in all countries. . . .
Molotov During the Fifteenth Session of the
Seventeenth Party Congress of the
Communist Party (Bolshevik), So
viet Union, January-February, 1934.
55. There can be no respite in the ideological war. Any position which we
abandon today will not remain empty tomorrow the enemy will occupy it.
And at the present mament our ideological enemies are extremely aggressive.
They are attempting to gain ground, and wherever we, representatives of
Soviet art, permit it, they will not only attempt it, but will actually gain
ground.
We should and shall fight on the ideological front. That follows naturally
from what we have been taught by the party of Lenin and Stalin. That
follows naturally from our traditions, from our character, trained by the
periods of the five-year plans, tempered during the days of the war.
Our enemies find that we are stubborn and unpleasant. We have no inten
tion of changing, however unpleasant they find us. We take this as a com
pliment, coming from our enemies.
We declare at the tops of our voices, to the whole world, from the tribune
of our art, that we are fighting and shall continue to fight for communism;
that we consider communism the only worthy future for mankind; that our
communist ideals were, are, =0 ,
one can ever cause us to falte::-..
And to those who languish
There are different views uTI b
holds that beauty in life is fo==
suffering; accordingly, beauty :b 2:
there is another view which
struggle, labor, and suffering thrt
ingly that the beauty of a.:t fs ;z.
view of life and art. This is
More than that :we are
.56. In literature and on t1:c= 3ts
builder of the future in SI::ci:: a
will see the moral and
in a socialist sOciety.
Our diplomats speak from fu=
convincingly not only bec:ms",
and mainly because, in spi:te 6
alone speak the truth about b-y"C
It is the moral and
57. The dictatorship of :he
peacefnl development of
can arise only as the result
the bourgeOiS army, the bC,:rT;;:,;c'if
Lesson III, t:
Clo<38 Use
Supreme
Communi:;:ts
58. Summation of
The United States.
The goal of the Co=ur..fs':: :2=
for a minority rather UI2.TI
electorate. . . . Violent and =:'ie:
dispensable methods to
credible naYvete to expect _'02:;
III
eut of relations between the two
Iv eliminates the menace of war
hostilities in Europe, and
It must open to us new possibil
consolidation of our position, of
Soviet Union on international
separate clauses of the pact. The
to hope that the pact will meet
tal importance to the U.S.S.R.
':7.lomits the Soviet-German Non
I proposes that it be ratified.
dore the Council of the Union
Council of Nationalities of the
Soviet of the U.S.S.R., August,
dons of Leninism, Comrade Stalin
. of the Proletarian Dictatorship
.I sides of the Proletarian Dictator
, ior the suppression of the exploit
:ry, for strengthening the relations
r bringing about and insuring the
the Fifteenth Session of the
=uteenth Party Congress of the
:ununist Party ( Bolshevik), So
rruon, January-February, 1934.
war. Any position which we
morrow the enemy will occupy it.
enemies are extremely aggressive.
! wherever we, representatives of
attempt it, but will actually gain
gical front. That follows naturally
party of Lenin and Stalin. That
m our character, trained by the
:o.'":ing the days of the war.
.r:d unpleasant. We have no inten
. find us. We take this as a com
the whole world, from the tribune
continue to fight for communism;
rthy future for mankind; that our
Appendix III 281
communist ideals were, are, and always shall be unchangeable; and that no
one can ever cause us to falter.
And to those who languish for "pure" art, we say:
There are different views on beauty in art and beauty in life. One view
holds that beauty in life is found outside the limits of struggle, labor, and
suffering; accordingly, beauty in art is likewise found outside their limits. But
there is another view which holds that it is exactly within the limits of
struggle, labor, and suffering that the greatest beauty of life lies, and accord
ingly that the beauty of art is also found within these limits. That is our
view of life and art. This is a view which takes sides. We approve of it.
More than that :we are proud of it.
Constantine Simonov - Litraturnaya Gazeta,
November 23, 1946.
56. In literature and on the stage we must show the Soviet person - the
builder of the future - in such a light that the audience and the whole worId
will see the moral and spiritual superiority of people who have been reared
in a socialist society .
Our diplomats speak from the world tribune with such brilliance and so
convincingly not only because they are great statesmen and orators, but also
and mainly beCause, in spite of the lies and libel spread about them, they
alone speak the truth about humanity, a truth supported by our entire people.
It is the moral and ideological superiority of our people which makes our
representatives superior to all others in the world tribune.
Constantine Simonov - Litraturnaya Gazeta,
November 23, 1946.
57. The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the result of the
peaceful development of bourgeois society and of bourgeois democracy; it
can arise only as the result of the smashing of the bourgeois state machine,
the bourgeois army, the bourgeois bureaucratic machine, the bourgeois police.
Lesson III, in Outline of Marxist-Leninist Fundamentals for
C1MS Use or Self-Study, distributed by Communist Party
of, United States. Exhibit 51, p. 128, U. S. Brief before
Supreme Court, October term, 1950, on appeal of eleven
Communists against their conviction in New York.
58. Summation of Communist Strategy and Tactics in Supreme Court of
The United States.'
The goal of the Communist Party is to seize powers of goverrunent by and
for a minority rather than to acquire power through the vote of a free
electorate. . . . Violent and undemocratic means are the calculated and in
dispensable methods to attain the Communist Party's goal. It would be in
credible naivete to expect the American branch of this movement to forego
282 Appendix III
the only methods by which a Communist Party has anywhere come into
power. In not one of the countries it now dominates was the Communist
Party chosen by a free or contestable election; in not one can it be evicted
by any election. The international police state has crept over Eastern Europe
by deception, coercion, coup d'etat, terrorism and assassination. Not only has
it overpowered its critics and opponents, it has usually liquidated them. The
American Communist Party has copied the organizational structure and its
leaders have been schooled in the same technique and from the same tutors. ; ..
The Communist Party alone among American parties past or present is
dominated and controlled by a foreign government. It is a satrap party'
which, to the threat of civil disorder, adds the threat of betrayal into alien
hands.
Mr. Justice Jackson in American Communications Association
v. Douds, 339 U. S. at 427.
1905:
1917:
1918:
1919
1920:
1921:
1922
1923:
1924:
1924
1927:
1928
1932:
1933:
Selected
of the Russfanl
First. attempt to E:37':::-'.2..":
Tzanst govemm=t 1 ::
Fall of Romanoy
on November 7.
Treaty of Brest Litc.:yci::., S
Lenin saves the
Civil wars,
ternal agent of HeYo!::::xc=.
New economic p:'li:=;;- :::.:
controlled Capitalism p=
The great famine.
States. The Reyoluc!)=- =
Death of Lenin. T!:le
leadership.
The Trotsky-Stalin duel. S
The Revolution resumas'"
First Five-Year Plan tJ _
aggression pacts signed. ,J.:
used to achieve
Recognition by U.S_-\. ni:t:
III
Party has anywhere come into
v dominates was the Communist
ion; in not one can it be evicted
,te has crept over Eastern Europe
n and assassination. Not only has
has usually liquidated them. The
~ organizational strncture and its
dque and from the same tutors ....
.erican parties past or present is
;overnment. It is a satrap party
the threat of betrayal into alien
:an Communications Association
7.
APPENDIX IV
Selected Dates in the Chronology
of the Russian Revolution Since 1905
1905: First attempt to establish Soviets in St. Petersburg. Defeated by
Tzarist government. The Revolution goes underground.
1917: Fall of Romanov dynasty. Return of Lenin. Bolsheviks seize power
on November 7. Revolution triumphant.
1918: Treaty of Brest Litovsk. Revolution retreats before German advance.
Lenin saves the Revolution by compromise.
1919
1920: Civil wars, counterrevolution. Lenin founds Third International as ex
ternal agent of Revolution.
1921: New economic policy in face of impending famine. Modified and
controlled Capitalism permitted. Revolution again retreats.
1922
1923: The great famine. Revolution invites co-operation with non-Communist
States. The Revolution survives civil wars and famine.
1924: Death of Lenin. The Revolution falters. Internal feuds over
leadership.
1924
1927: The Trotsky-Stalin duel. Elimination of Trotsky and victory for Stalin.
The Revolution resumes its progress.
1928
1932: First Five-Year Plan to strengthen the Revolution internally. Non
aggression pacts signed with neighboring States. Diplomatic measures
used to achieve acceptance of the Revolution.
1933: Recognition by U.S.A. Roosevelt-Litvinov Agreement.
288
284 . Appendix IV
1934: The Revolution enters the League of Nations.
1935: A major zigzag is ordered by the managers of the Revolution in view
of the rising menace of Hitler. Communists throughout the world
ordered to co-operate with bourgeois governments. The Trojan Horse
technique. The common front advocated.
1939: August 23, the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Stalin becomes partner of Hitler. As
Germany invaded Poland, the Russian Revolution began its advance
into western Europe and attacked Finland. League of Nations expels
Soviet delegation.
1940: Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia annexed to U.S.S.R.
1941: Hitler invades Soviet Russia. The Russian Revolution retreats. Soviet
lands occupied by a competing Revolution.
1942
1943: Low water mark of the Russian Revolution. Last stand at Petro grad,
Moscow, and Stalingrad.
1944: Recoil and recovery of the Revolution. Pursuit of the retreating Nazis.
1945: Triumph over the Nazi Revolution by joint forces of Allied powers.
Capture of Berlin by Soviet forces. End of World War II.
1946
1948: The Russian Revolution reverts to classic Communist program. Ma
neuvers for world domination. Founding of Cominform. Blockade of
Berlin countered by the airlift. Consolidation of satellite system.
1949
1950: Zenith in progress of the Revolution. Triumph in China, compromise
in Europe in view of Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Alliance, and
defiance by Tito. The Revolution advances into South Korea.
1951: Rearmament of United States. Stiffening of will to resist in western
Europe. General Eisenhower returns to Europe as Commander in
Chief of European forces. Heavy losses in Party membership in Italy,
France, Germany, etc. Reduction in Party membership ranges from 31
per cent in Italy to 84 per cent in Luxembourg. United Nations
forces in Korea stem Chinese advance and drive them back toward
North Korea. The Revolution agrees to another conference of Foreign
Ministers. The Politburo shifts its attention to the oil resources of Iran.
ABC of Communism, official te:;:t, ':,5
Absorption of border state.s,
process of, 81 ff
Acheson, Secretary, and
conviction, 167
Adoratsky, on dialectical
"Aesopian language," Sodet
199, 203, 218
Aggression, not in Americ2.!:.
248 f; UN commitments
255 f; use of A-bomb n;!';u:s" 0==
Agreements with Soviet Ru:ssT".
tion needed in, 20 ff; the
agreement, 25; Russia's
record, 26
Alaska, importance to U. S.,
Soviet designs on, 241
Albania, Russia's seizure of,
Alternatives to Communism,
America, chances for war v;i
149; Communist Party
103 f; De Dr:);:)"'"':-
265; discovery of, ",\,;U'UV)=<e
tion, 74; discovery of, jm'nn'-O'.
30. See also United States
American Communists, collabcT;?;b'27':F
95 ff; directives from Stalin, ::
education in Russia, 120; :::::0'7"2:
for aiding Communism, 101 tt;
pathizers, 97 ff; trial of eleye!C,
137
American genius, technical, 27
American indifference, toward. Ce:::::
munism, 137 f, 166 f
American mind, analysis of, 174 E
American Relief Administraticn, :
famine in Russia (1921-192.8 i,5 E
72
American Revolution, crossroad cf
tory, 32; results of, 37
Anglican Church, and dialectical =
terialism, 134
IV
of Nations.
anagers of the Revolution in view
:ommunists throughout the world
is governments. The Trojan Horse
Icated.
ilin becomes partner of Hitler. As
ian Revolution began its advance
!'inland. League of Nations expels
"xed to U.S.S.R.
tussian Revolution retreats. Soviet
lution.
volution. Last stand at Petrograd,
m. Pursuit of the retreating Nazis.
by joint forces of Allied powers.
End of World War II.
classic Communist program. Ma
:tding of Cominform. Blockade of
uscilidation of satellite system.
1. Triumph in China, compromise
, the North Atlantic Alliance, and
.dvances into South Korea.
ening of will to resist in western
us to Europe as Commander in
sses in Party membership in Italy,
Party membership ranges from 31
in Luxembourg. United Nations
nee and drive them back toward
to another conference of Foreign
:ention to the oil resources of Iran.
Index
ABC of Communism, official text, 65
Absorption of border states, Soviet
process of, 81 H
Acheson, Secretary, and Alger Hiss
conviction, 167
Adoratsky, on dialectical method, 110
"Aesopian language," Soviet use of,
199, 203, 218
Aggression, not in American plans,
248 f; UN commitments versus,
255 f; use of A-bomb versus, 255
Agreements with Soviet Russia, cau
tion needed in, 20 H; the 1933
agreement, 25; Russia's violation
record, 26
Alaska, importance to U. S., 155 f;
Soviet designs on, 241
Albania, Russia's seizure of, 94, 139
Alternatives to Communism, 258 f
America, chances for war with Russia,
149; Communist Party in, 97 f,
lOS f; De Tocqueville's' prophecy,
265; discovery of, economic motiva
tion, 74; discovery of, importance,
30. See also United States
American Communists, collaborators,
95 H; directives from Stalin, 130 f;
education in Russia, 120; motives
for aiding Communism, 101 H; sym
pathizers, 97 H; trial of eleven, 105,
37
American genius, technical, 27
American indifference, toward Com
American mind, analysis of, 174 H
American Relief Administration, and
famine in Russia (1921-1923), 5H,
72
American Revolution, crossroad of his
tory, 32; results of, 37
Anglican Church, and dialectical ma
terialism, 134
Appeasement, F. D. R. and, 226;
futility of, 212
Asia, Soviet plans for expansion in,
140
Atomic bomb, eHects of, 243 f; im
ments in, 249; Russia and,
use justifled, 246 H
Atomic control, Russia's attitude on,
164 f, 243
Austria, Peter the Great and, 263;
Russian influence in, 147, 164, 170
Baltic, the, Peter the Great and, 263,
264; scene of Russian rearmament,
247
Beard, Prof., on F. D. R. and Soviet
American relations, 221
Bednyi, early Soviet poet, and con
. cept of man, 92
Benes, Mr., relations with Moscow,
83,240
Bentley, Elizabeth, confession of, 95,
148
Berle, Adolph, on F. D. R. at Yalta,
221
Borah, Senator, onetime Soviet advo
cate, 96
Bourgeois'society, as enemy of the
Revolution, 88
Brest Litovsk, Treaty of (1918), 48 f,
139, 189
Browder, Earl, cited, 279; overtnres
to Catholics, 124 f; at Seventh
W orId Congress (1935) , 26; on
training of Communist leaders, 121
Brownson, Orestes A., on recognition
of truth and error, 206
Budenz, Louis, confession of, 95, 148
Budkiewicz, Msgr. Constantine, liq
uidated, 13 H, 17, 191
Bulgaria, Communist control in, ,94,
114, 139, 140, 147, 169, 185
285
'
286 Index
Burckhardt, Jacob, on moral relativ
ism, 214
Burma, Communist efforts in, 147
Burnham, James, on determining non
combatants in a total war, 245 f
Burns, Emile, A Handbook of Marx
irul,267
Byrnes, James F., and the cold war,
169; on F. D. R. and Soviet-Amer
ican relations, 222 f
Canada, Stalin's denunciation of, 154;
vulnerability of, 248
Capitalism, as cause of war, 79, 146
Catholics, approached by Communists,
124 f; persecution of, 12 f. See also
Religious persecution.
Certitude of attack, measure required
in use of A-bomb, 253
Chambers, Whittaker, confession of,
95, 148
Chekhov, Anton, and Russian tem
perament, 44 f
Chernavin, Vladimir, expose of Rus
sian labor camps, 203
Chesterton, G. K., and idea of "nat
ural" wars, 40
China, Communism's advance in, 94,
140, 147, 149, 161, 162, 167, 169,
209; declared aggressor in Korea,
154; delegates at UN, 233; key to
Asiatic control, 189; Soviet claims
in, 222, 227; Soviet plans for, 198
Christianity, and Communism, 4, 12,
178 ff, 206; no economic motive,
74 f, 179 f; and political problems,
182f
Christ's birth, crossroad of history, 30 f
Chronology of Russian Revolution
since 1905, 283 f
Church, Anglican, on dialectical ma
terialism, 134
Church, Russian, history of, 41 ff
Churchill, Winston, and F. D. R., 226;
his memoirs, 169; on Soviet policy,
176; on World War III, 38f
Cieplak, Msgr. Jan, Archbishop of
Mogilev, persecuted, 12 f, 17, 191
Citrine, Sir Walter, on wages in Soviet
Russia, 76
Class circulation, Pareto's theory of,
35ff
Clausewitz, On War, influence on
Hitler, 171; influence on Lenin, 94;
use in Russian schools, 120
Clay, General, and the air lift, 170;
his memoirs, 169
Cold war, during 1945-1950, 166 ff;
illusory description of, 205; roots in
Soviet psychology, 27; thirty years
of, 52
Collectivism, in early Christianity,
178 if; without historical basis, 116 f
Cominform, cited, 278; successor to
Third International, 160, 267
Comintern, directives to Communist
Party in America, 104 f; not a pri
vate organization, 22, 63, 96, 131
Communism, and the American mind,
174; and Christianity, 4, 12, 178 ff;
classic sources of, 267 ff; constants
in, 140; Engel's definition of, 66;
the good in it, 206; materialistic
viewpoint of, 183 f, 210; military
pattern of, 93 f; motivation of, 179;
objective of, 63, 177; partial, un
popular with Moscow, 114; and re-,
ligion, 65 f, 208, 210 f, 231; uni
versalism of, 139, 159, 178, 231
Communist Control Law (September,
1950), 95
Communist Manifesto, cited, 268; in
terpretation of history,' 73 f; one
sidedness of, 67
Communist Party, in America, 97 f,
103 f; international membership, 63,
208; military character of, 93 f;
once Social Democrats, 61; require
ments for membership, 98
Compromise with Russia, impossible,
239,241
Courad, Joseph, history of Peter
I vanovich, 172 f
Constantinople, Fall of, importance,
30; Peter the Great and, 263, 264;
. Russia's claims on, 159
Coplan, Judith, case of, 95
Cortes, Donoso, on destiny of Russia,
265f
Crossroads of history, reviewed, 30 ff
Czechoslovakia, Communist sek-C':'
81 f, 94, 140, 147, 196, lS7,
Dardanelles, Russia's claims 0':1, :
Das Kapital, edited by 5':
Davidson, Jo, sculptor, pro
Dean, General, his memoirs, If:.;
Democracy, at odds with S=c
policy, 206; handicapped
Communism, 137 f;
Russia, 48 f
Denmark, Peter the Great =::..,
De Tocqueville, on c.es+h'e"
America and Russia, 265
Dialectical Materialism,
107 ff; role in Revolution, :;5;::
Dialectics, defined, 108
Dimitrov, ,cited, 278 f;
Bulgaria, 94; ;
Trojan Horse tactics, 12:3:;;
selection and training dO
121 f
Diplomacy, challenge to,
type required, 258
Diplomatic service, U. S., :.
Discovery of America, crosSID::':: :::i
tory, 30; economic moev::::::::;:;
74
Dostoevski, characteristics of :'; <
45; on dehumanization of
prophecy for Russia, IS':::: 7?'
Russian character, 46
Drucker, Peter F., on wa\Zes _ ;:'
Russia, 77
East Germany, armed :::::'2
149f, 196; rearmamez:.t
Revolution in, 94 f; Scviet
150, 198
Economics, not the whole isS:::;';c .:::
Economy, national, need hI :::".2.7;
ing, 217
Ecuador, Soviet manen\',,;:; t,
Education, parental
Stalin's reforms in, .t:
Educators, American, and Cc'=:
sympathies, 96 f
Eisenhower, General, his
appointment, 151, 152; his
169, 185
x
:lass circulation, Pareto's theory of,
S5 ff
:lausewitz, On War, influence on
Hitler, 171; influence on Lenin, 94;
use in Russian schools, 120
:lay, General, and the air lift, 170;
his memoirs, 169
:old war, during 1945-1950, 166 ff;
illusory description of, 205; roots in
Soviet psychology, 27; thirty years
of, 52
:ollectivism, in early Christianity,
178 ff; without historical basis, 116 f
:ominform, cited, 278; successor to
Third International, 160, 267
:omintern, directives to Communist
Party in America, 104 f; not a pri
vate organization, 22, 63, 96, 131
:ommunism, and the American mind,
174; and Christianity, 4, 12, 178 ff;
classic SOurces of, 267 ff; constants
in, 140; Engel's definition of, 66;
the good in it, 206; materialistic
viewpoint of, 183 f, 210; mnitary
pattern of, 93 f; motivation of, 179;
objective of, 63, 177; partial, un
popular with Moscow, 114; and re- ..
ligion, 65 f, 208, 210 f, 231; uni
versalism of, 139, 159, 178, 231
ommunist Control Law (September,
1950), 95
ommunist Manifesto, cited, 268; in
terpretation of history, 73 f; one
sidedness of, 67
ommunist Party, in America, 97 f,
IDS f; international membership, 63,
208; military character of, .93 f;
once Social Democrats, 61; require
ments for membership, 98
ompromise with Russia, impossible,
239,241
:)TIrad, Joseph, history of Peter
Ivanovich, 172 f
:::1stantinople, Fall of, importance,
SO; Peter the Great and, 263, 264;
Russia's claims on, 159
Jplan, Judith, case of, 95
:lrtes, Donoso, on destiny of Russia,
265f
rossroads of history, reviewed, 30 If
Index 287
Czechoslovakia, Communist seizure of,
81 f, 94, 140, 147, 196, 197, 240
Dardanelles, Russia's claims on, 159
Das Kapital, edited by Engels, 66
Davidson, Jo, sculptor, pro Russia, 24
Dean, General, his memoirs, 169
Democracy, at odds with Soviet
policy, 206; handicapped against
Communism, 137 f; primitive, in
Russia, 48 f
Denmark, Peter the Great and, 263
De Tocqueville, on destinies of
America and Russia, 265
Dialectical Materialism, defined,
107 ff; role in Revolution, 133
Dialectics, defined, 108
Dimitrov, cited, 278 f; control in
Bulgaria, 94; Secretary-General, and
Trojan Horse tactics, 123 f; on
selection and training of leaders,
12lf
Diplomacy, challenge to, 220 f; new
type required, 258
Diplomatic service, U. S., job of, 219
Discovery of America, crossroad of his
tory, 30; economic motivation for,
74
Dostoevski, characteristics of his work,
45; on dehnmanization of man, 90;
prophecy for RUSSia, 132; reveals
Russian character, 46
Drucker, Peter F., on wages in Soviet
Russia, 77
East Germany, armed police force in,
149 f, 196; rearmament in, 189;
Revolution in, 94 f; Soviet plans for,
150, 198
Economics, not the whole issue, 210 f
Economy, national, need for stabiliz
ing, 217
Ecuador, Soviet maneuvers in, 163
Education, parental rights in, 182;
Stalin's reforms in, 131 f
Educators, American, and Communist
sympathies, 96 f
Eisenhower, General, his European
appointment, 151, 152; his memoirs,
169, 185
Engels, Friedrich, an ABC of Com
munism, 66; cited, 268, 270; his
cycle of economic life, 112; his
writings, 267 if
England, Peter the Great and, 263
Estonia, Communist seizure of, 88,
94, 139, 176, 218
Europe, Peter the Great and, 264
Example, good, power of, 256
Exile system, Russia's, 200
Fall of Constantinople, crossroad of
history, SO
Fall of Roman Empire, causes, 33;
crossroad of history, 30; results, 34 f
Famine, in Russia (1921-1923), 5ff,
72
Fascism, as enemy of Communism,
87, 122 f, 194
Fatalism, in Russian temperament, 45
Feoderov, Leonidas, Exarch for Catho
lic Slavs in Russia, persecuted, 15 ff
Feuerbach, Ludwig, influence on
Marx, 110
Finland, Communist invasion of, 88,
176, 237
First International (1864-1872), 64
Fischer, Louis, Thirteen Who Fled,
148
Five-Year Plans, first (1928), 85 f;
greatest (1945), 166
Flexibility of Soviet program, 56
Flynn, indictment of F. D. R., 221
Formosa, position. in Communist ad
vance, 83
Foster, at Seventh World Congress
(1935), 25
France, Communist efforts in, 94, 147;
Peter the Great and, 264; 'Stalin's
denunciations of, 154
Franco, as enemy of the Revolution,
87
Free enterprise, advantages for
America, 77
Freedom, nature of, 205
Functionalism, Justice Holmes's phi
losophy of, 216
Geography, influence on history, 156
Geopolitics, Russian, 156 if; Russo
German rivalry in, 195
288 Index
Gennan-Russian relations, after World
War I, 23, 126, 131, 190 ff
Gennany, Communist youth in, 188;
disproves Marx's cycle theory, 117;
failure of Nazi relation, 28; key to
Western Europe, 189; Peter the
Great and, 263, 264; relations with
Russia after World War I,23, 126,
131, 190 ff; Russian opposition in,
147, 164, 170. See also East Ger
many
Gibraltar, Communist designs on, 159
Good example, power of, 256
Gorki, Maksim, criticism of Lenin,
128f
Graham, Stephen, on Russian charac
ter,47
Great Britain, Stalin's denunciation of,
154 .
Greece, Peter the Great and, 264
Gromyko, and the UN, 89, 132, 153,
177,234
Gsovski, Vladimir, on Russian law,
legality, and jurisprudence, 114 n
Gunther, John, criticism of F. D. R.,
221
Haskell, Col. William N., and Ameri
can Relief Administration, 5, 10 f
Health, national, importance of, 217
Hegel, philosophic system of, 107,
109
Heymann, Curt L., on Soviet arma
ment plans, 247 f
Hiss, Alger, conviction of, 95, 167
History, Communist philosophy of,
267; crossroads of, 30 ff; geography
a.nd, 156: materialistic interpreta
tion of, 73, 115; Saint-Simon's in
terpretation of, 80
History of property, disproves Marx
116 '
Hitler, and cult of power, 90 f; as
enemy of Communism, 87, 88,
122 f, 126 f, 193 f; invasion of
Russia, 195 f; revolutionary tech
nique of, 171; and youth, 188 f
Holmes, Justice Oliver Wendell, con
cepts of law and morality, 212 ff
221 '
Holy Russia, the people and, 50
Hoover, Herbert, 1950 defense plan,
39
Hoover, J. Edgar, on Communists in
America, 98, 103
Hopkins, Harry, and Soviet-.i\merican
relations, 226 ff
Howley, General, his memoirs, 169
Hubbard, L. Eo, on wages in Soviet
Russia, 76
H Charles Evans, and Papal
'ef Mission, 18
Hull, Cordell, disillusionment with
Russia, 25, 26
Humanity, Nazi division of, 56; Soviet
division of, 56
Hungary, Communist seizure of, 94,
139, 140, 147, 169, 196, 197, 210;
Peter the Great and, 264
Hu Shih, Chinese ambassador, and
F. D. R., 223 f
India, Peter the Great and, 263;
vulnerability through Tibet, 161 f
Indifference, American, toward Com
Indirect voluntary, and use of A
bomb, 252 f
Indochina, C=munist gains in, 147,
149
Indonesia, Communism in, 147
Industrial Revolution, crossroad of his
tory, 32; effects of, 90
Italian Renaissance, crossroad of his
tory, 31
Italy, Communism in, 94, 147, 219 f
disproves Marx's cycle theory, 117
Ja.ckson, Justice, on American Com
munist Party, 281 f
Japan, and Pearl Harbor, 250 ff;
position in Communist advance,
83; Soviet designs on, 241
Johnson, Secretary of Defense, on
Soviet strength, 167
Jurisprndence, American, subversive
tendency in, 212 ff; Communist,
excesses of, 17, 216; Nazi, animal
quality of, 214 f
Justice, under Communism, 113
Kennan, George, American journalist,
on Siberian prison life, 200
Kluchevsky, V. 0., on
Russian expansion, 159 f _
Knights of Columbus, and
Haven Communists, 125
Korea, Communist activity
140, 147, 149, 161, 162,
results of invasion of, 3:3, 38,
240; Soviet logistics rewaJe.::
37 f; Soviet morality eX"illlJlli:e::.
56; Truman's decision
232, 234; and UN, 230; U. S.
mitment in, 254
Kosenkina, Mrs., fall of, 148
Krylenko, on justice under Cc=.!
nism, 113; as Soviet Public Pt::i5.e.:c:
tor, 12
Labor camps, Soviet, life in, '
Latin America, important in
218; Soviet tactics in, 149
Latvia, C=munist seizure c:,
139, 176, 218
Law, Justice Holmes's
Soviet philosophy of,
League of Nations, faiJure
Leahy, Admiral, his memoirs,
'Lenin, and abusive languag.e.
advice to revolutionistS, as.
i69 f, 239; basic . .
55; character of, 59; cited, < .
. compromise with \..7<:;11-",=.
58 f; his concept of
and Constituent
and dialectical . ::
and Gennan social
his letters from Sibe=izs
201 ff; his letters from Sv,it::f.:il::.
53 f; materialism 97;
ity; 216; his policy of
239; his practical geniU3,
a theory of revolution, 55,
115; on Trojan Horse
his writings, 52, 267 if
Leo xm, on class conscim.:"",e,.:.
social refonns of, 73
Lie, Trygve, Communists'
234; reappointment of,
Lippmann, Walter, on
naming Russia aggressor, :15::
Lithuania, Communist seiz:t:L.-e
94, 139,218
r
oover, Herbert, 1950 defense plan,
39
oover, J. Edgar, on CommUllists in
America, 98, 103
opkins, Harry, and Soviet-.,'\merican
relations, 226 ff
owley, General, his memoirs, 169
ubbard, L. E., on wages in Soviet
Russia, 76
ughes, Charles Evans, and Papal
Relief Mission, 18
ull, Cordell, disillusiomnent with
Russia, 25, 26
umanity, Nazi division of, 56; Soviet
division of, 56
ungary, Communist seizure of, 94,
139, 140, 147, 169, 196, 197, 210;
Peter the Great and, 264
u Shih, Chinese ambassador, and
F. D. R., 223 f
ldia, Peter the Great and, 263;
vulnerability through Tibet, 161 f
.difference, American, toward Com
,direct voluntary, and use of A
bomb, 252f
dochina, Communist gains in, 147,
149
donesia, Communism in, 147
dustrial Revolution" crossroad of his
tory, 32; effects of, 90
llian Renaissance, crossroad of his
tory, 31
lly, Communism in, 94, 147, 219 f;
disproves Marx's cycle theory, 117
ckson, Justice, on American Com
munist Party, 281 f
pan, and Pearl Harbor, 250 ff;
position in Communist advance,
83; Soviet designs on, 241
nnson, Secretary of Defense, on
Soviet strength, 167
cisprudence, American, subversive
tendency in, 212 ff; Communist,
excesses of, 17, 216; Nazi, animal
quality of, 214
;tice, under Communism, 113
nnan, George, American journalist,
JD Siberian prison life, 200
Index 289
Kluchevsky, V. 0., on necessity of
Russian expansion, 159 f
Knights of Columbus, and New
Haven Communists, 125
Korea, Communist activity in, 3, 83,
140, 147, 149, 161, 162, 167, 170;
results of invasion of, 33, 38, 150,
240; Soviet logistics revealed in,
37 f; Soviet morality exemplified in,
56; Truman's decision on, 154,
232,234; and UN, 230; U. S. com
mitment in, 254
Kosenkina, Mrs., fall of, 148
Krylenko, on justice under Commu
nism, 113; as Soviet Public Prosecu
tor, 12
Labor camps, Soviet, life in, 203 f
Latin America, important in defense,
218; Soviet tactics in, 149
Latvia, Communist seizure of, 88, 94,
139, 176, 218
Law, Justice HoImes's concept of, 213;
Soviet philosophy of, 112
League of Nations, failure of, 235 f
Leahy, Admiral, his memoirs, 169
-Lenin, and abusive language, 118 f;
a.dvice to revolutionists, 82, 86, 93,
169 f, 239; basic dogmas of, 54,
55; character of, 59; cited, 270 ff;
. compromise with Germany (1918),
58 f; his concept of morality, 55;
and Constituent Assembly, 59 f;
and dialectical materialism, 107 ff;
and German social democracy, 190;
his letters from Siberian exile,
201 ff; his letters from Switzerland,
53 f; materialism of, 97; on moral
ity, 216; his policy of absorption,
239; his practical genius, 54; and
a theory of revolution, 56, 61, 64,
115; on Trojan Horse tactics, 126;
his writings, 52, 267 ff
Leo XUI, on class consciousness, 90;
social reforms of, 73
Lie, Trygve, Communists' opinion of,
234; reappointment of, 241
Lippmann, Walter, on practicality of
naming Russia aggressor, 256
Lithuania, Communist seizure of, 88,
94, 139, 218
Litvinov, Maksim, and American Re
lief Administration, 10; character
sketch of, 22 f; delegate to U. S.
( 1933), 19 f; and Russian debt
agreement, 25
Lodge, Henry Cabot, and League of
Nations, 235
Ludendorff, General, on total war,
244
Mackinder, Sir Halford, on inHuence
of geography on history, 156
Madison, James, principles of balance,
8
Malaya, Soviet designs on, 147
Malik, and the UN, 50, 134 f, 153,
177, 194, 227, 230, 233
Manchuria, Communist gains in, 149;
F. D. R. and, 223 f
Maritain, Jacques, on Communistic
atheism, 210
Marshall Plan, Communist obstruction
of, 149, 164
Marx, Karl, and bourgeois society,
his hatred of, 68 ff; and capitalism,
false judgment of, 80; cited, 269 f;
C1'itique of Political Economy, 73;
cycle of economic life, 112; and
dialectics, 108; eclecticism of, 80;
economic postulates, false, 71 f;
estimate of, proper, 81; and First
International, 64; and history, ma
terialistic interpretation of, 73 f; ma
terialism of, 97; personal history,
68 ff; as prophet, false, 78 ff; and
research, strong on, 67; his writings,
267 ff
Marxism, failure to improve Russia's
economy, 78
Masaryk, Jan, relations with Moscow,
83,240
Materialism, and Communism, 182 f,
210; defined, 108; Lenin and, 107
McCullagh, Francis, journalist, on fate
of Msgr. Budkiewicz, 14 f
Medina, Judge, and trial of eleven
Communists, 137 f, 148
Mindszenty, Cardinal, victim of Soviet
science, 186, 210
Mohammedanism, crusading spirit of,
231
290
Index
Molotov, cited, 279 f; and the UN,
89, 177, 194
Molotov Plan, affecting economic re
lations with West, 197
Morality, Justice Holmes's concept of,
213; Lenin's teaching on, 216; Nazi
definition of, 55; Soviet concept of,
55; and use of atomic bomb, 246
Morgenthau, Henry, criticism of F. D.
R.,221
Motta, Dr. Joseph, on Russia's ad
mission to League of Nations, 237 f
Music, set to political objectives, 207
Mussolini, as enemy of
87,122 f
Mysticism, Communist, 267; part of
Russian temperament, 44, 46, 47
National economy, need for stabiliz
ing, 217
National health, important now, 217
Nazi jurisprudence, sampled,55
Nazi revolution, failure of, 28
Nazism, as enemy of Communism,
122f .
Negotiations, interminable, Soviet
policy of, 11, 25
Nicholson, Harold, on diplomacy,
220f
Nihilism, in Soviet character, 46, 47
Noncombatants, in a total war, 245 f
North Atlantic Alliance, and A-bomb,
253 f; Communist threat to, 149;
importance of, 152; nature of, de
fensiVe, 218, 219, 220
Norway, and North Atlantic Alliance,
220; Soviet strategy in, 163
Orthodox Church, manipulation by
Stalin, 127
Pace, Frank G., Jr., on cost of recon
struction, 99
Papal Relief Mission, during 1921
1923 famine in Russia, 13, 14, 18 f
Parental rights, in education, 182
Pareto, Vilfredo, theory of class cir
culation, 35 ff
Parks, Henry Bamfor<t on capitalism
and war, 79f
Patterson, Robert P., former Secretary
of War, on Hoover defense plan,
39
Peace, mobilization for, 219; not at
any price, 212
Peace of Westphalia (1648), crossroad
of history, 31
Pearl Harbor, intrigue behind, 250 ff
Persecution, religious, Russia and, 12,
21. See also Religion
Persia, Peter the Great and, 263, 264
Peter the Great, last will and testa
ment of, 261 ff; and the Russian
Church, 41 f
Philippines, critical position of, 241
Philosophy of history, Communist,
267
Philosophy of life, versus Soviet creed,
208
Philosophy of revolution, permanent,
166
Pius XI, on class consciousness, 90;
on dialectical materialism, 133 ff;
on economic evils, 72 f; negotia
tion with Russia, 13
Plato, dialectical method of, 109
Poland, Communist seizure of, 82,
88, 94, 114, 127, 139, 140, 147,
176, 196, 197, 227 f; Peter the
Great and, 264
Politburo, knowledge of the Russian
people, 48 f
Political problems, Christianity's con
cern with, 182 f
Population, factor in Russian aggres
sion, 160
Pospelov, Peter, verbal attack on
U. S., 89
Power, cult of, in the Revolution, 90;
three world centers of, 157; value
against Communism, 209
Proletariat, Engel's definition of 66
67 ' ,
Propaganda, American, good effects
in Italy, 219 f; important in counter
attack, 217 f; program of, 218 f
Propaganda, Soviet, and the Five
Year Plans, 85 f; role in Communist
advance, 153, 208, 233, 242
. Property, history of, disproves Marx,
116; private,
179 ff
Proudhon, and
tion," 80
Psychological u",_.... ;:..-
people, 44 ff
Psychological wau"",::c.
40; versus U. S.,
Pushkin, on Russian ..
Rearmament, in East L.-C=.=,,:.
in Russia, threat
need for, 209
Religion, Communism
20 f, 65 f, 87, 97,
Russian background
Religious persecution,
in Russia ( 1923 ) ,
Persecution
Renaissance, Italian,
31; economic mntlv,,,"',r:'C
Revolution,
Revolution;
trial Revolution;
64; opposltion
process t
see Russian
of,6
Revolutionist, Russian
135f
Ricardo, labor theory of
Roman Empire, Fall
importance, 30;
Romanov dynasty, ,- -.
Revolution, 87
Roosevelt, Franklin D., and A.r::I:r.?::i:2
recognition of .;..
ures of, 221 f; and Hu
Ambassador, 223 f; his self-.:::::::;
dence, 24 f; at Yalta and Te=-.::
220
Roumania, Communist seizure:::.
94, 114, 139, 140, 147, 169;
210
Riihle, Otto, biographer of Man:,
Ruskin, and natural beauty, 4
Russell, Francis H., on Russia's l:lSe
veto, 164
Russia, De Tocqueville's prophec:'
265; DOriOSO Cortes' prophecy
c
ltterson, Robert P., fanner Secretary
of War, on Hoover defense plan,
39
mobilization for, 219; not at
any price, 212
:ace of Westphalia (1648), crossroad
of history, 31
,arl Harbor, intrigue behind, 250 ff
,rsecution, religious, Russia and, 12,
21. See also Religion
,rsia, Peter the Great and, 263, 264
,ter the Great, last will and testa
ment of, 261 ff; and the Russian
Church, 41 f
:rilippines, critical position of, 241
:nlosophy of history, Communist,
267
lilosophy of life, versus Soviet creed,
208
mosophy of revolution, pennanent,
166
:us XI, on class consciousness, 90;
on dialectical materialism, 133 ff;
on economic evils, 72 f; negotia
tion with Russia, 13
:ato, dialectical method of, 109
)land, Communist seizure of, 82,
88, 94, 114, 127, 139, 140, 147,
176, 196, 197, 227 f; Peter the
Great and, 264
lmowledge of the Russian
people, 48 f
)litical problems, Christianity's con
cern with, 182 f
)pulation, factor in Russian aggres
sion, 160
cspelov, Peter, verbal attack on
U. S., 89
)wer, cult of, in the Revolution, 90; .
three world centers of, 157; value
against Communism, 209
:detariat, Engel's definition of, 66,
67
:opaganda, American, good effects
in Italy, 219 f; important in counter
attack, 217 f; program of, 218 f
:opaganda, Soviet, and the Five
Year Plans, 85 f; role in Communist
advance, 153, 208, 233,242
:operty, history of, disproves Marx,
Index
291
116; private, early Christians and,
179H
Proudhon, and "philosophy of destitu
tion," 80
Psychological background of Russian
people, 44H
Psychological warfare, Soviet use of,
40; versus U. S., 95, 166 H
Pushkin, on Russian temperament, 46
Reannament, in East Gennany, 189;
in Russia, threat of, 208 f; in U. S.,
need for, 209
Religion, Communism and, 4, 12 f,
20 f, 65 f, 87, 97, 208, 210, 231;
Russian background in, 41 f, 47
Religious persecution, early, 42, 43;
in Russia (1923), 190 f. See also
Persecution
Renaissance, Italian, importance of,
31; economic motivation for, 74
Revolution, American, see American
Revolution; Industrial, see Indus
trial Revolution; Lenin's theory of,
64; opposition required for, 85 f;
process to legality in, 57 f; Russian,
see Russian Revolution; Soviet idea
of,6
Revolutionist, Russian definition of,
135f
Ricardo, labor theory of value, 80
Roman Empire, Fall of, causes, 33;
importance, 30; results, 34 f
Romanov dynasty, target of the
Revolution, 87
Roosevelt, Franklin D., and American
recognition of Litvinov, 19 f; fail
ures of, 221 f; and Hu Shih, Chinese
Ambassador, 223 f; his self-confi
dence, 24f; at Yalta and Tehran,
220
ROUlllania, Communist sei=e of, 82,
94, 114, 139, 140, 147, 169, 196,
210
Riihle, Otto, biographer of Marx, 70 f
Ruskin, and natural beauty, 4
Russell, Francis H., on Russia's use of
veto, 164
Russia, De Tocqueville's prophecy on,
265; Donoso Cortes' prophecy on,
265 f; fanline in (1921,...1923), 5,
72; population growth of, 160; the
real enemy in, 50. See also Soviet
Russia
Russian character, background of,
41 H, 47
Russian Church, character of, 41
Russian people, not the real enemy,
138; present capacity for fighting
new war, 148; psychological back
ground, 44 ff; spiritual character,
41
Russian psychology, 49, 172
Russian Revolution, chronology of,
283 f; continuity of, 29 ff, 35 f, 89 f,
107 H; crossroad of history, 32; im
portance of, 28; plans for U. S., 7;
tactics in satellite countries, 146 H
Russo-Gennan relations, after World
War I, 23, 126, 131, 190 H
Saint-Simon, and interpretation of his
tory, 80
Sanders, Edgar (English), victim of
Soviet science, 186
Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr., criticism of
F. D. R., 221
Science, Soviet, satanic, 187; in serv
ice of Communism, 185 f
Second International (1899-1914), 64
Secret police, Russian, 9, 15, 16, 113,
200, 232
Self-defense, morality of A-bomb in,
247; right of, 252
Sherwood, Robert, on F. D. R., 222;
on Harry Hopkins, 226 f
Shipkov, Alexander, victim of Soviet
science, 185
Shostakovich, Dimitri, subjected, 207
Simonov, Constantine, cited, 280 f; on
monopoly of Marxist truth, 206 f
Sismondi, economic theory of, 80
Smith, Gen. Bedell, his memoirs, 169
Snow, Edgar, on wages in Soviet
Russia, 77 f
Social Democrats, now Communists,
61
Socialism, as enemy of Communism,
114

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SCIENCE AND CULTURE SERIES

JOSEPH HUSSLEIN, S.T., PH.D., GENERAL EDITOR

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