IRAN

Journal
VOLUME III

of

the

British

Institute
1965

of

Persian

Studies

CONTENTS

Page
Governing Council
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

.
. . . .

ii iii v I 9 41 53 87 97 og
12I

Statement of Aims and Activities Director's Report .

. .

The Mechanics of Ancient Trade in Western Asia, by M. E. L. Mallowan Excavations at Pasargadae, Third Preliminary Report, by David Stronach Coin Hoards from Pasargadae, by G. K. Jenkins
. . .

A Comparative Ceramic Chronology for Western Iran, . . . . by T. Cuyler Young, Jr .

50oo-5oo B.c., . . . . .

Zoroastrian Survivals in Iranian Folklore, by R. C. Zaehner

The Area ofJijjarm in Western Khurisin, by Brian Spooner Arghiymn. . . . New Material for the Text of IHjffiz, by R. M. Rehder Iranian Dress in the Achaemenian Period, by Georgina Thompson Le Vase en or de Hassanlu, by Madame Pouran Diba . . .
.

127

Published annuallyby

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, London, W. I

Price: ?2 Ios. od.

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TITLES The titles of books and periodicalsshould be printed in italics (in typing, underlined), while the titles of articles in periodicals should be in Roman letters between quotation marks. REFERENCES Where references are made, the volume and date of publication of a book should both be cited in the first reference to it. The number of a volume in a series should be given in Roman numerals. ILLUSTRATIONS Only clear glossy prints of photographs or strong outline drawings should be submitted. Photographs reproduced as half-tones or collotypes will appear as " Plates ", numbered in capital Roman numerals. All line drawings, including maps, will appear as " Figures ", numbered consecutively in Arabic numerals throughout each article. TRANSLITERATION The transliteration into Roman script of names and words in Oriental languages (other than modern Turkish) should be in accordance with the system employed by learned bodies such as the Royal Asiatic Society. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current Turkish orthography.

MEMBERSHIP OF THE INSTITUTE Anyone wishing to join the Institute should write to the Honorary Secretary, J. E. F. Gueritz, Esq., M.A., 85 Queen's Road, Richmond, Surrey. The annual subscription for Membership of the Institute is ?1, while the total sum of ?2 Ios. od. entitles the subscriber to receive the Journal. Application Forms opposite page I32.

IRAN
Journal
of

the

British

Institute

of

Persian

Studies

VOLUME III

1965

CONTENTS Page
Governing Council .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

.
. .

ii iii v

Statement of Aims and Activities Director's Report .

. .

.
.

The Mechanics of Ancient Trade in Western Asia, by M. E. L. Mallowan Excavationsat Pasargadae,Third PreliminaryReport, by David Stronach
Coin Hoards from Pasargadae, by G. K. Jenkins
. . .

I 9
41

.
B.c.,

A Comparative Ceramic Chronology for Western Iran, 1500-500 . . . . . by T. Cuyler Young, Jr . . Zoroastrian Survivals in Iranian Folklore, by R. C. Zaehner .

. .

53 87

Arghiyan. The Area ofJajarm in Western Khurasan, by Brian Spooner

New Material for the Text of H~fiz, by R. M. Rehder . . .

97
o09

Iranian Dress in the Achaemenian Period, by Georgina Thompson

Le Vase en or de Hassanlu, by Madame Pouran Diba . .

.
.

121
127

Published by annually

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, London, W.I

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES GOVERNING COUNCIL President *Professor M. E. L. MALLOWAN, C.B.E., M.A., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. Vice-President Professor A. J. ARBERRY, M.A., Litt.D., D.Litt., F.B.A. Members R. D. BARNETT, Esq., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. MAURICE BOWRA, M.A., D.Litt., Litt.D., LL.D., F.B.A. *Sir J. A. BOYLE, Esq., B.A., Ph.D. The Hon. Sir PATRICK BROWNE, O.B.E., T.D. Sir TRENCHARD COX, C.B.E., D.Litt., F.S.A., F.M.A. ProfessorW. B. FISHER, B.A., D. de l'Univ., F.R.A.I. Professor C. J. GADD, C.B.E., D.Litt., F.B.A., F.S.A. BASIL GRAY, Esq., C.B.E. Professor A. K. S. LAMBTON, O.B.E., D.Lit., Ph.D. Professor SETON H. F. LLOYD, C.B.E., M.A., F.B.A., F.S.A., A.R.I.B.A. GERALD R. REITLINGER, Esq., B.Litt. *Sir MORTIMER WHEELER, C.I.E., M.C., T.D., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. Professor R. C. ZAEHNER, M.A. Hon. Editor LAURENCE LOCKHART, Esq., Litt.D., Ph.D., F.R.Hist.S. Hon. Treasurer Sir JOHN LE ROUGETEL, K.C.M.G., M.C. Hon. Secretary JOHN E. F. GUERITZ, Esq., M.A.

OFFICERS IN IRAN
Director DAVID STRONACH, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.

Assistant Director BRIAN SPOONER, Esq., B.A.

c/o The BritishAcademy, BurlingtonGardens, LONDON, W.I.

P.O. Box 2617, Tehran, IRAN.

*DenotesFounderMember

STATEMENT OF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES

I. The Institute has an establishment in Tehran at which British scholars, men of learning versed in the arts, friends of Iran, may reside and meet their Iranian colleagues in order to discusswith them subjectsof common interest; the arts, archaeology, history, literature, linguistics, religion, philosophy and cognate subjects.
2. The Institute provides accommodation for senior scholars and for teachers at British Universities

in order that they may refresh themselves at the source of knowledge from which their teaching derives. The same service is being rendered to younger students who show promise of developing interests in Persian studies.

3. The Institute, whilst concerned with Persian culture in the widest sense, is particularly concerned with the development of archaeological techniques, and seeks the co-operation of Iranian scholars and students in applying current methods to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems. 4. Archaeological excavation using modern scientific techniques as ancillary aids is one of the Institute's primary tasks. These activities, which entail a fresh appraisal of previous discoveries, have already yielded new historical, architectural, and archaeological evidence which is adding to our knowledge of the past and of its bearing on the modern world. 5. In pursuit of all the activities mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the Institute is gradually adding to its library, is collecting learned periodicals, and is publishing a journal, Iran, which is expected to appear annually. The Institute aims at editing and translating a series of Persian edited by ProfessorA. J. Arberry, has already appeared. texts, the first of which, the Humay-Nama, 6. The Institute arranges occasional seminars, lectures and conferences and enlists the help of distinguished scholars for this purpose. It will also aim at arranging small exhibitions with the object of demonstrating the importance of Persian culture and its attraction for the world of scholarship. 7. The Institute endeavours to collaborate with universities and educational institutions in Iran by all the means at its disposal and, when consulted, assists Iranian scholarswith technical advice for directing them towards the appropriate channels in British universities.

iii

DIRECTOR'S REPORT
June Ist 1963 to May 31st 1964

During the past year the Institute's new premises in Avenue Takht-i-Jamshid have proved an invaluable asset, providing the necessary space for our expanding library, a suitable hall for lectures, and sufficientlygenerous accommodation to meet the needs of all those wishing to stay at the Institute. At the same time, an unusually rewarding season at Pasargadae, where our third campaign culminated in the discovery of an Achaemenian gold treasure, has helped to draw attention to the varied forms of field research that are sponsored by the Institute. Guests Visiting expeditions and individual scholars have again made very full use of the Institute's hostel facilities. Those staying at the Institute since June 1963 have included the following: Mr. Nicholas Jardine Mr. David Crowther Mr. Jonathan Parry Mr. Richard Tapper Miss S. C. Hayman Dr. Charles McBurney Mr. and Mrs. K. E. Wilson Mr. T. Ware Mr. John Clegg Mr. David Seddon Mr. Garry Hume Mr. Rhys Jones Mr. Simon Harris Mr. Hereward Corley Mr. G. Williams Mr. Peter Pritchard Dr. Keith McLachlan Mr. R. Pinder Wilson Mr. Peter Willey Mr. David Towill Mr. J. M. Rogers Mr. C. H. Cooper Mr. D. A. Parkins Mr. C. A. Clayton Mr. Colin Harris Mr. Gaynor Hagen
Mr. Shaun Gordon Mr. Hugh Herbert-Burns Mr. Nigel Read Mr. Nicholas Newman Professor R. B. Sergeant

King's College, Cambridge. Botanical collecting in Northern Iran. King's College, Cambridge. Social anthropological research among the Shah Savan. Girton College, Cambridge. Modern Persian. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to N.E. Iran. Oxford University Soil Survey Expedition to North Iran. Oxford University Soil Survey Expedition to North Iran. Oxford University Soil Survey Expedition to North Iran. Oxford University Soil Survey Expedition to North Iran. Department of Economics and Politics, S.O.A.S., engaged in ten months research on rural economics. Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum, on a four months study tour. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition. Samiran Expedition.
Samiran Expedition. Oxford Expedition to Girdkuh. Oxford Expedition to Girdkuh. Oxford Expedition to Girdkuh. Professor of Arabic, S.O.A.S., through.

London

University.

Passing

Director of the Department of Economics and Politics, S.O.A.S. Economic development and oil affairs. Mr. John Burton-Page Lecturer in Hindi, S.O.A.S. Visiting Islamic monuments. Dr. Mary Boyce Reader in Persian Studies, S.O.A.S. Study of Zoroastrianreligious cycle near Yazd. Mrs. Penelope Betjeman Visit to Isfahan and Shiraz. Dr. J. A. Boyle Lecturer in Persian, University of Manchester. Passing through. Mr. and Mrs. P. Hulin Cuneiform epigraphical enquiries. Mr. R. M. Rehder Persian studies. Dr. Hans Helbaek Field study of plant remains from Ali Kosh and Tepe Sabz, Dehloran, Khuzistan. Mr. John Carswell Associate Professorof Art, American University of Beirut. Study of tilework in Julfa, Isfahan. Mr. W. G. Lambert Lecturer in Akkadian, Johns Hopkins University. Visit to museums. Professorand Mrs. G. Redard Atlas of Iranian Languages. Mr. R. L. Raikes Hydrological studies at Mohenjodaro. Passing through. Dr. A. P. Treweek Reader in Classics, University of Sydney. Visiting museums and monuments. Rear-Admiral and Mrs. Plant collecting in Iran and Afghanistan. Paul Furse Dr. Eric Sunderland Lecturer in Social Anthropology, Durham University, engaged in anthropological research near Yazd. Miss Judith Travers Research Student from the Department of Geography, Durham University, engaged in six months anthropological research near Yazd and Jajarm. Dr. and Mrs. Geza Feherviri S.O.A.S. Visiting Islamic monuments. Dr. C. E. Bosworth Lecturer in Arabic at St. Andrews University. Historical research in Iran and Afghanistan. Professorand Mrs. Visiting museums and historical monuments. Francis Wormald Mr. David Darwent Research Student from the Department of Geography, Durham University, engaged in a Study of Urban Development in Meshed. Dr. Marion Bowley Reader in Economics at University College, London. Visiting projects of economic interest. Mrs. M. S. Drower Senior Lecturer in Archaeology at University College, London. On study leave, visiting archaeological sites. Visitors Among many other visitorsto the Institute during this same period, we were very pleased to welcome Professor K. Barr, Professorand Mrs. A. Bausani, Mr. R. Curiel, ProfessorJ. Deshayes, Mr. L. P. Elwell-Sutton, Dr. E. Ettinghausen, Dr. N. R. Keddie, ProfessorA. K. S. Lambton, Professor G.
Lazard, Dr. W. Leslau, and Professor and Mrs. S. Weinberg. Lectures On June 29th, in a lecture introduced by Dr. Hafez Farmanfarmaian, Director of the Institute of Historical Research at Teheran University, Dr. Gavin Hambly read a paper entitled " The Economic Organization of Iran under the Early Qajars ". Some six months later, Dr. R. D. Barnett spent some three weeks in Iran, giving a series of lectures in both Teheran and the provinces under the joint auspices of the Institute and the British Council. In his opening lecture at the Institute on January I9th, Dr. Barnett spoke on " The Earliest Illustrations of the Persians ", while in his second lecture, vi

Dr. Edith Penrose

given the next day at the British Council, his subject was " Sir Robert Ker Porter: A Visiting Artist to Persepolis in 1819 ". Following the second occasion, Dr. Barnett was the guest of honour at a reception organized by the Society for the Preservationof National Monuments, at which H.E. the late Mr. Hussein Ala presided. During the provincial part of his tour Dr. Barnett repeated his first lecture at both Isfahan and Shiraz. At the same time he was also able to see something of the Institute's excavations at Pasargadae, to visit the monuments at Persepolis, and to join Mr. Stronach and Mr. Keall in a brief archaeological perspection in the Malamir basin, east of Khuzistan. Early in April, Professor R. C. Zaehner, the Institute's second Visiting Lecturer, came out to Teheran to give a series of two complementary lectures at the Institute and the Ancient Iranian Cultural Society. In his talks, each of which was extremely well attended, he gave a very full account of the character and significance of the remarkable work " Irradiant " which, by a series of chances, had come into his hands little more than a year before. The text of the first of his two papers, " Zoroastrian Survivals in the Folklore of Luristan ", appears in the present volume of Iran while the text of his second is promised for the succeeding issue. Finally, the Institute was fortunate enough to obtain Dr. C. E. Bosworth as a further guest lecturer in May. His paper on " Mahmud of Ghazna in Contemporary Eyes and Later Persian Literature " again attracted much interest and it is hoped that the text will also appear in Iran IV. AnnualGeneral Meeting On the occasion of the Institute's first Annual General Meeting, held in the rooms of the British Academy last November, a distinguished audience met to hear Mr. Basil Gray, C.B.E., deliver a lecture on " Illuminations in Persian Manuscripts at Shiraz under the Timurids ". The XXVIth Orientalists' Congress from three members of the Governing Council, Professor A. K. S. Lambton, Dr. R. D. Apart Barnett and Dr. J. A. Boyle, both Mr. Stronach and Mr. Spooner were able to attend the XXVIth Orientalists' Congress,held in New Delhi fromJanuary 4th to ioth. During the course of the Congress, Mr. Stronach gave an illustrated paper describing the results of the Institute'swork at Pasargadaeover the past three years, while Mr. Spooner, in a brief visit to Kabul after the Congress, was successfulin exploring certain possibilitiesfor anthropological research in Afghanistan. Excavations Pasargadae at The Institute's third season of excavations at Pasargadaeagain began in October and lasted through to December. The field staff consisted of the following: Mr. David Stronach (Director), Mr. M. E. Weaver (Architect and Surveyor), Miss Elisabeth Beazley (Architect), Miss Olive Kitson (Photographer), Mr. Edward Keall (Architect and Field Assistant), Mr. Ferdinand Hinzen (Architect), and Mr. Mahmoud Aram (Representative of the Iranian Archaeological Service). In the course of an active and varied season, in which architectural studies were well to the fore, detailed surveys were carried out at the Gatehouse, the Audience Hall, the Private Palace and the Zendan. In addition, Mr. Weaver's general survey of the site made excellent progress. As the result of yet another season of excavations on the Citadel Hill, we can now point to the existence of four distinct building periods, the first three of which date to between the sixth and the
third centuries B.C. and the last of which almost certainly dates to the early Islamic period. With reference to Period II (c. 522-280 B.C.), many new parts of the Citadel were examined for the first time. One particularly rewarding sector of the site lay along its northern edge where, apart from recovering important details of the defences, we were also fortunate enough to find a hoard of thirtyfour silver tetradrachms. Buried in the debris of the violent destruction that brought Period II to an end, the coins at last seem to fix the date of this event at 280 B.C. Another place of great interest to be examined was the so-called Sacred Area, where we were able to reveal the ground plan of the dry-stone terrace walls that surround the " temple mound "; the flight of stone steps that affords the only means of access to the mound; and the extent of a small
vii

mud-brick platform on the summit. In addition, an examination of the two limestone podia that stand at the eastern end of the Sacred Area showed that each had been provided with a polished black limestone border, flush with the level of the surrounding turf. Elsewhere, two other discoveries of importance were totally unexpected. In the flat ground west of the Gatehouse the discovery of an isolated limestone block led to the recovery of the complete plan of a fifteen-columned bridge that had once spanned an ancient canal or watercourse that ran through the site. And lastly, between the Palace of Audience and the Private Palace, the excavation of a small garden pavilion led to the recovery of an intact, and remarkablywell preserved,cache of Achaemenian jewellery. Among the objects, which are described in the main report below, were three pairs of gold earrings; a pair of beautiful ibex-headed gold bracelets; two silver spoons; three lion-shaped beads; and an infinite variety of smaller gold spacer-beads,pearls, and stone beads. Taken as a whole, indeed, the collection representsan important addition to the relatively small range of Achaemenian jewellery that has come to light in the course of scientific-as opposed to clandestine-excavations. Fieldwork During the late spring and early summer of 1964, the Assistant Director, Mr. Brian Spooner, continued his social anthropological research in Persian Baluchistan. Mr. Spooner's main aim was to study in greater detail the period of transition from the peak of agricultural and pastoral activity in the spring to the period of the date harvest, which, commencing in the warmer areas in late June and spreading to the higher and cooler zones throughout the summer, causes an influx of population in the date groves and reciprocates the movement out to the pastoral areas each spring. In completing his study-in a period that extended for some two months beyond May 1964-Mr. Spooner was also able to observe a climatic condition of particular interest. For, in the Makran range, as well as in the country south of it, there were almost daily rainstormsfrom the end of June onwards. Often the rain was very heavy and the main rivers were flooded several times. Even when there was no rain low grey cloud kept most of the sun from the dates which, as a result, began to rot instead of to ripen, though, in other parts of the country, this same rain meant an extra crop of wheat. Apparently this type of summer weather, although it does not occur every year and seems never to have been properly described, is a frequent enough phenomenon to have a special name "bash"-and is a theme often found in Baluch poetry. As in the past, Mr. Spooner enjoyed full official backing from the Institute of Social Studies and Research of the University of Teheran, and, during the year as a whole, collaboration between the Institute and the Institute of Social Studies and Research became particularly close. Apart from the value of regular informal discussionsbetween people in relevant fields passing through the Institute and teachers and students of the Institute of Social Studies and Research, the Institute was able to organize field training for two Persian students from the Institute of Social Studies and Research, one of whom went to join MissJ. Travers in Jajarm and the other of whom went to work with Mr. D. F. Darwent in Meshed. In addition, Dr. K. S. McLachlan and Mr. B. J. Spooner combined to give a joint lecture in English and Persian to Teheran University students on some social and economic problemsinvolved in the development of Khorasan. In connection with further archaeological work, the Institute was also able to extend its assistance to three British groups working in the northern half of the country. The first, under the direction of
Dr. C. B. M. McBurney of Cambridge University, was engaged in a preliminary survey of Palaeolithic cave deposits in N.E. Iran; the second, under Mr. Peter Willey, was able to complete a brief campaign of rescue excavations at the partly flooded site of Samiran; and the third, an undergraduate expedition from Oxford led by Mr. Hugh Herbert-Burns, carried out a most useful survey of Girdkuh-the famous Assassin castle near Damghan which succumbed to the Mongols only after a siege lasting many years. WolfsonFellows As one of the Institute's two Wolfson Fellows for the year I963/4, Mr. David Brooks has been engaged in a social anthropological study of a section of the Bakhtiari tribe. After several months of
viii

research in the field-in which he has taken part in the annual spring migration and also spent some time in the tribe's summer quarters-Mr. Brooks has already amassed important information that promises well for the future of his study. The Institute's second Wolfson Fellow, Mr. Edward Keall, has embarked on a field study of Sasanian remains, with particular emphasis on the architectural and artistic features of the period. One of his most valuable contributions to date, in what must also be a prolonged programme of study, has been his isolation of certain regional and chronological criteria that pertain to Sasanian methods of construction and pottery decoration. Secretary In view of the increasing scale of office work in Teheran, Miss Amirzadeh Madjd was appointed as the Institute's Secretary last February. As time goes on it is also expected that Miss Madjd will take an increasingly active part in caring for the Institute's library. Library Thanks to the very generous grant from the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation mentioned in last year's Report, the library has more than doubled its size since last June. Important acquisitions have included both Persian and Arabic works and the Institute's present collection of books already constitutes a most useful working library. It is also a pleasure to acknowledge the British Embassy's most generous loan of over I2o books, including several rare volumes of the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series. In addition, a special word of thanks is due to Franklin Publications Inc. for their welcome donation of the Persian edition of E. Schmidt's Persepolis I-a work that still eludes us in the original. Publications Lastly, in pursuit of one of the Institute's chief scholarly concerns, ProfessorA. J. Arberry'srecent study of an early Persian epic, the Humay-Nama, has allowed the Institute to publish the first of a series of Persian texts which will appear from time to time in the form of Institute Monographs.

ix

THE MECHANICS OF ANCIENT TRADE IN WESTERN ASIA Reflectionson the location of Magan and Meluhha By M. E. L. Mallowan
I am indebtedto Dr. A. Ghosh,Director-General Archaeology Indiafor his kind permissionto publish here the substance a lecturewhich1 in of of delivered the OrientalCongress Delhi, in 1961 to in

Anyone whose professionis excavation has sooner or later found some ancient objects which in their time had been imported from abroad, and has no doubt asked himself: how did these foreign goods reach their destination? To me this question and the problems which it invokes have always been most rewarding, for the answers are fundamental to our understanding of human progress. The movement of goods must imply the transit of ideas; it is a function of archaeology to elicit the evidence and to draw the proper conclusions from it. Let me begin with two concrete examples from prehistoric sites in Mesopotamia. Many years ago I was working in a North Syrian settlement called Chagar Bazar which flourished during the fifth millennium B.c. and there, satisfactorilystratified, I found a little decorative shell of a variety known Vitellus.1It had been imported from the Indian Ocean, probably from that end of it which as Cypraea we now know as the Persian Gulf-a distance of perhaps a thousand miles or so. Who brought it there ? Was it carried all the way by a lonely prehistorictrader, or did it pass through many hands on its long journey? Behind this little bead there lies a long forgotten story of prehistoric travel which helps to explain the widespread evidence of technological ideas at this very time, for the contemporarypainted pottery of the southern Euphratesvalley in the city of Eridu, not far from the Persian Gulf, was already reflecting the gay designs of a village ware that was then in use and truly at home a thousand miles to the north. Belonging to that same period we found at Arpachiyah, not far from Mosul, in the upper Tigris valley, large quantities of obsidian.2 There was an obsidian necklace; there were the component parts of what seem to have been a helmet, thousands of obsidian blades, knives and scrapers together with large cores from which they had been struck. Now obsidian, which may be popularly described as a kind of natural volcanic glass, is a comparatively rare commodity and in this case we happen to know exactly where it came from: the region of Lake Van where three varieties, including a clear crystalline, a tortoise-shell, and a shiny black, exactly comparable to the discoveries at Arpachiyah, have been located together. In order to obtain supplies of this commodity prehistoric caravans probably had to make a returnjourney of about 400oo miles between Northern 'Iraq and Eastern Asia Minor.3 Again we ask ourselves the question how were these journeys organized? What was given in exchange? Were any of the craftsmen who struck and fashioned the obsidian northerners? Did they live in Arpachiyah, or did the northerners supply the goods and the Mesopotamian natives fashion them? Why eventually did this trade die out? The answers are shrouded in the mists of prehistory. But again we learn that such movements had even wider ramifications, for not far from the obsidian
quarries we also find prehistoric village settlements at places such as Tilki Tepe,4 where the peasants were using an inferior variety of the now familiar painted pottery known as Tell Halaf ware which was then the household crockery of villages in the upper Tigris region. At Arpachiyah the women drank cream from Halaf pots while the men shaved with Vannic obsidian razor blades.
Iraq III, part I (1936), p. io, note 4. 2 Iraq II, part I (1935), pl. XI. * The subject of obsidian is one that is being at present extensively investigated by Mr. Colin Renfrew and his conclusions when published will be of great interest and relevant to this problem. It may be that other sources of supply were available to the
1

inhabitants of Arpachiyah and it remains to be seen if we are entitled to draw any definite conclusion in the matter. I have now learned that an article discussing this problem is likely to appear soon; see J. R. Cann and A. C. Renfrew in the Proceedings the SocietyXXX, London, 1964. of ' Iraq VIII (1964), "Excavations in the Balikh Valley", p. I 15, note 4.

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Thus far we are obliged to speculate, but fortunately in Mesopotamia, quite early on, written documents break through the silence of prehistory. Let me give you an example. A little before 2350 B.c. King Sargon who reigned at Agade, a city still undiscovered,and as I think, buried beneath the far-flung silt of Babylon, was called to rescue a colony of the merchants who were being sorely oppressed by the local ruler of a city called Parsuhanda5which was situated in the middle of Asia Minor; its relief therefore involved a march of nearly a thousand miles. Unfortunately, this heroic episode was rememberedfor more than a thousand years in the archives of the Hittite and the Egyptian capitals.6 It seems most probable that the motive for the march was King Sargon's determination to defend the interestsof fellow nationals who were doubtless trading in cloth and in garments in exchange for silver and other commodities. Here we have an amusing ancient parallel for the resort to force by early traders of the East India Company, who by some most distinguished authorities have been condemned for pleading the defence of an acquisitive trade as an excuse for imperial aggrandizement. But to return to Sargon, that episode properly recorded on clay tablets was long thought by epigraphists to have been a traditional romance, a mere travesty of history. Archaeology has proved how wrong they were, for about fifty years after those tablets had been deciphered an expedition which I directed at Tell Brak in the Habur valley of North Syria discovered an enormous Palace-Fortress which had been built by Sargon's grandson, Naram-Sin, certainly for the express purpose of guarding his lines of communication with Asia Minor.' A palace built at Assur on the Tigris, as I think at about the same time, was planned on very similar lines to the one at Brak and shows how in the last quarters of the third millennium B.c. Akkadian trade had in its train brought with it the spread of a uniform architectural planning. An improved architecture was in fact a by-product of the trade in metal and in wool. The Sargonid dynasty which achieved these things was remembered for nearly 2,000 years as the classical pattern of Mesopotamian monarchy.8 Its military organization brought it into touch with more distant fields than had ever been reached before: with Cappadocia and the Mediterranean Sea; with Assyriaand the PersianGulf; and by a treaty,with the King of Elam. Their worksof art, sculpture, bronzes and seals, many of them supreme triumphs of craftsmanship,spread to all these places. As a part of this hitherto unparalleled expansion we find an inscription of Sargon who ascended the throne in about 2370 B.c. proclaiming that ships destined for Tilmun, Makkan and Meluhha were moored in the harbour of Agade (Fig. i). Here for the first time in history we have documentary evidence for trade with the fringes of India, already attested by the tangible evidence of archaeology. This trade, which continued over a period of at least four centuries, was based largely on the exchange of Mesopotamian garments, wool, silver, perfumed oil and leather, against large quantities of copper and smaller but no less valuable supplies of ivory, beads, semi-preciousstones and onions. It was above all the ivory, both raw and manufactured, and perhaps also the beads which came from the Indian end of this far-flung trade route. I need not discuss this evidence in detail for it must be familiar to most of you, and indeed many of my colleagues have written learnedly about it: the relevant texts from Ur were Merchants first brought into perspective by A. L. Oppenheim in a classic paper entitled The Seafaring island of Bahrain, or if not Bahrain, of Ur.9 There it was rightly stressedthat Tilmun-probably the then a locality near to it-was the entrep6t for the trade between Babylonia and Makkan-Meluhha.x0 Exactly where these latter places are to be located we do not yet know, and doubtless their boundaries
'J.
Garstang and 0. R. Gurney, The Geography the Hittite of Empire, p. 64; located near the modern Neveehir, see map opposite p. I. Oriental Society74, No. i, January-March 9 Journal of theAmerican 1954. 10 Recent discoveries in Bahrain were the subject of an interesting paper read at this Congress by Geoffrey Bibby. We await with interest his publication of a number of cylinder seals, Mesopotamian in character, which may provide strong confirmation for the chronology of Indianesque seals and other material found in the island. See also " The Ancient Indian Style Seals from Bahrain " by the same author in AntiquityXXXII, No. 128, December 1958. The island of Failaka, about forty miles south of Basrah, the scene of recent excavations, also has claims for identification as Tilmun, but conclusive proof is still lacking.

* For discussion of the sources see Sidney Smith, Early Historyof Assyria, p. 8I f.
7 8

Iraq IX (i947). Good account of the Sargonid dynasty in B. Hrozny, Ancient History of WesternAsia, " India and Crete ", pp. 69-76, and see also The Cambridge Ancient History I, ch. XIX (x963), C. J. Gadd, The Dynastyof Agade and the GutianInvasion.

THE

MECHANICS

OF ANCIENT

TRADE

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were never exactly defined, but the problem needs reinvestigation since T. Jacobsen has recently challenged the assumption that they are to be connected with India and asserted that they should be identified with Egypt and Ethiopia respectively." Weidner had perhaps better grounds for suggesting that at a period much later than the one with which we are concerned their geographical setting had been switched to the Arabian foreshore.12However that may be, for several centuries before and after 2000 B.C. they certainly lay on the route to India. This has now been decisively proved by Ilya Gershevitch through a fresh examination of a passage in one of the Achaemenian inscriptions.13 Gershevitch has identified the old Persian name of the timber imported by Darius for his palace at Susa as the Sissoo tree, a Himalayan species of hard wood which still grows freely in S. Iran, for example in the district of Kermdn. Now in the Akkadian version of Darius's trilingual inscription this same Sissoo tree (0. P. Yaka) is referred to as the mesuwood of Makkan. And to that same country and to Meluhha adjacent to it a Sumerian priest-king named Gudea sent expeditions in the twentysecond century B.C. in search of the same hard wood.14 In these early inscriptionsmany passages make it perfectly clear that Magan or Makkan was a part of Iran beyond Elam, and next to the mountains of Kimash from which Gudea also extracted copper and made maces. Magan, the country of mines, also supplied him with a hard stone, probably diorite, and it is clear that foreign enterprisewas attracted by the prodigious wealth of copper in the Zagros, archaeologically best attested by the innumerable bronzes of Luristmn. As to Melulha, that really was regarded by men of Mesopotamia as the back of beyond. A recently published clue to its location comes in a proverb,'6most probably written in the old Babylonian period, about I8oo B.C., from Nippur which runs: The donkey of Anshan
The ... of Parahse

The cat of Meluhlha The elephant of the steppe . .. which bite off willow as though it were a leek. MeluBha was thus deemed to be situated beyond two districts of S.W. Iran next to a country in which the elephant had its habitat. The testimony of this text is strengthened by a complementary passage in the Survey of Sargon's Empire (Sargon of Agade) which states that 12O biru(about 8oo miles) [is the distance] from the tail of the Euphrates to the border of Meluiha.'6 If, as seems probable, the " tail of the Euphrates " lay approximately on the latitude at which this river flowed into the marshy lakes at the southern end of
11 Iraq XXII (1960), p. 184, note 16. 12Iraq XXII (1960), p. 184, note 16, reference quoted. " is BSOAS XIX (1957), part 2, Sissoo at Susa ". 14 Called egu or KAL in the texts. p. 15 B. W. G. Lambert, Babylon WisdomLiterature, 273. 16 This passage in the text is quoted by Sidney Smith, Early History of Assyria, p. 89. It is therein stated that at " the border of MeluhhiBa Bit-Sin, which Sargon, the king of hosts, is when he conquered all heaven.. .". Consequently an ancient site of this period should be identifiable on the western frontier of Meluhha. The latest and best edition of the text is by Weidner in AFO XVI (1952-3) and in that article there is a full discussion of Melubia. Furthermore I owe the following reference and comment to the kindness of Professor C. J. Gadd: " Another interesting reference to Meluhba is in a variant, unpublished as yet, from Ur of the 'Enki and Ninhursag' myth edited by Kramer. Here Meluhha with the same characteristic products comes between Tukrish and Markhashi (or Parabse). The trouble with all these eastern districts is location. For Paraihse, see E. Sollberger, JCS X, 1956, p. 19: 'Five fat sheep for Banana, the man of Marhaii (as he was) going to Uruk: they were loaded in the boat.' In the next paragraph there is a reference to the man of Simanum which

I suppose was in the vicinity. The text is one of a series relating to the coronation of Ibbi-Sin. A series of religious ceremonies were performed on various days at Ur, Nippur, and Uruk. Meluhha is closely associated with Magan (especially) but also with Anshan, Parahse, Tukrish, and another land called Sherikhum, which is in the Sargon inscriptions. None of these can at present be satisfactorily located with geographical limits, but it is certain that they were all lands in W. and S.W. Persia, and very probable that at least Magan and Meluhha were somewhere on the N. shores of the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, how far eastward extending we have yet to obtain satisfactory evidence, but I have no doubt it is now only a question of time. It seems to me certain, in any case, that Meluhha was-in this early period at least-a land to the east of Babylonia, and nowhere in Africa at all. But despite all this it seems we cannot dismiss the African location for other ages, difficult as it looks to us to admit such an enormous variation; references in the Amarna letters of Rib-Addi appear the most decisive, where it seems impossible to suppose anywhere else implied." Furthermore in the neoAssyrian period, seventh century B.c. (Sargon II of Assyria to Assur-bani-pal) Melutba was certainly thought of as lying beyond Nubia.

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Sumer below the city of Eridu,17 may reckon that the western boundary of Meluhha must be sought we at least as far east as modern Jask on the Persian Gulf, and if so the littoral of this province would probablyhave comprisedthe localitiesof Chihbdr, Gwadar, and perhapsPasniat its eastern end (Fig. I )."1 There are therefore good grounds for the conclusion that in the early second millennium B.c. the eastern end of Meluiha marched with the very confines of ancient India, against that part of it which today is denominated as independent Pakistan. Moreover there is a possible allusion to Meluhha in classical Sanskrittexts where a word Mleccha, said to be of non-Indo-Aryan origin " was used to denote foreign tribes and languages, especially those peoples who did not respect vedas and the Aryan way of life ".19 If we can accept the usage of this word as the equivalent of the ancient Meluhha we have a powerful reinforcement to our previous arguments. The products of Meluhha that attracted trade were much the same as those of Magan: copper, mesu sissoo wood, onions, ivory, as is appropriate to a country near to India, and above all a coveted or form of ivory ornament, a bird called the DAR (muSen) Me-luh-ha: can it have been the peacock so often represented on Harrapan pottery? In the time of Sargon of Agade goods from these distant parts may have been carried by men who were not native to Mesopotamia, for it is less likely that Akkadian sailors from the middle Euphrates
would have ventured so far. Two centuries later under King Ur-Nammu (c. 210oo B.c.) who revived

the coastal trade which had evidently ceased in the confusion at the end of the Agade dynasty, this situation had changed. Thereafter, until the Larsa period (c. 1900 B.c.) the trade was organized which may be freely translated" the go-getters by a class of merchantswho styled themselvesalik Tilmun of Tilmun ". These men were natives of Ur and accredited to this coastal entrep6t. Makkan ceased to be mentioned altogether in the old Babylonian period; the supply of ivory then dwindled to nothing, and with the collapse of Larsa these enterprisescame to an end. It was at the time when Ur was subject to Larsa that the widely diffused Indianesque seals most strikinglyattest the transmaritimerange of a far-flungmerchandiseand remind us of the part played by men such as the Tilmun merchants. For a year or two I was familiar with one of them, if I may put it that way, for in I925-31 I worked in the city of Ur and still have a vivid memory of digging out the
17 Ur

and possiblyEridu were the two largest cities at this early periodon the southernconfinesof Sumer,but it is knownthat below that latitude there were still a number of ancient all settlements, of themin marshycountry. Theselatterplaces, with the exceptionof a site named Abfi Salabikh,seem for the mostpart not to be much earlierthan the firstmillenniumB.c., and in any case are likelyto have been thoughtof as below the " tail of the Euphrates On the other hand it seems not ". unlikelythat a part of the area now underwaterwas relatively dry, especiallyalong the lower reachesof the Euphrates,and if so we might easilycalculatethe westernconfinesof MeluBba as lying as much as Ioo miles east ofJask. For the topography of ancient settlementsin the marshesof southernIraq see the article by Dr. GeorgesRoux entitled " Recently Discovered Ancient Sites on the Hammar Lake District (Southern XVI (196o), p. 20 f. Iraq) ", Sumer 18There does not appearto be any very ancient sea-porton the barren and inhospitable coast of the Makran, but two Harappancoastalsiteshaverecentlybeenidentified-see note22 below. Inland along the Kej valley a number of ancient settlementsinvestigatedby Aurel Stein may have represented stages on an overlandroute through Makkanand Meluhba. Interestingin this context is SutkaganDor which now lies some fifty miles upstreamfrom the bay of Gwadar, on the Dasht river which however only becomes navigable some thirty-sixmiles below SutkaganDor, and allowing for considerablechangesin the alluviumduring the last 4,000 years can hardlyhave been accessibleto shipping,even in antiquity. The Balfichtraditionthat SutkaganDor was once reachedby the sea and served as a harbour," bandar", would however

seem to be based on the fact that sea-shells abound in the district. It is thus probable that the transit of goods depended on a combination of overland with maritime traffic: Akkadian texts provide clear evidence that shipping was much used from the Agade to the Larsa period. Stein believed that the archaeological material from Sutkagan Dor was at least in part contemporary with that of Periano Ghundai, Moghul Ghundai, and Sur Jangal: there is nothing against its having been occupied towards the end of the third millennium B.c., and it may well have lain on or near the confines of MakkanMeluhBa. For the evidence see Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey India, No. 43; Sir Aurel Stein, An Archaeological Survey of of Gedrosia,p. 61 f. The problem of the location of Meluhha has been discussed at length, recently, with the evidence well summarized by W. F. Leemans, Foreign Tradein the old Babylonian Period, p. 159 f., who had independently suggested that the bird of Meluhha might have been the peacock. On p. I6i loc. cit., Iran should I think have been added as a possible alternative; Leemans was not aware of the article by Gershevitch which proves that mesuis the sissoo tree. Lastly if, as is possible, uknuis lapis lazuli, and gug gi-rin-e is carnelian, both mentioned, e.g. in the Gudea texts as imports from Meluhha, it may well be inferred that this country extended as far as Afghanistan at the time; indeed Sogdiana supplied Darius I with both of these stones for his palace at Susa. For the inscription and the Old Persian text see R. G. Kent, Text Lexicon,p. 142 f. Old Persian Grammar L9Quoted from W. F. Leemans, Journal of Economicand Social History III, part I, April Ig6o, whose attention had been drawn to this reference by Professor C. J. Gadd.

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house once owned by a Tilmun merchant c. 1900 B.C.20 My then chief and great master, Sir Leonard Woolley, had to wait twenty-five years for the full significance of the many cuneiform texts which we found in that house to be revealed by the brilliant work of A. L. Oppenheim. And rather more than thirty years later I had the pleasure of setting foot in Mohenjo-daro and seeing with my own eyes a Harappan city built of burnt-brick which to my mind was a striking technological reflection of the builders' methods used in these contemporary merchant houses at Ur. Oppenheim's researcheshave given us a glimpse of the changing mechanism in this trade. At the beginning of the Agade and Third Dynasty of Ur periods it was under ecclesiastical and royal supervision. In the Larsa period it seems to have been privately financed by merchant trading-companies, and the ventures were so risky that the capitalists who laid out the bulk of the money for the journeys shared only in the profits and not in the losses. I do not think, as Oppenheim seems to imply, that we yet have enough evidence to show whether or not this change was the result of a progressivedevelopment in economics-I mean from state to private trading. Throughout the long period of Mesopotamian economy you find evidence for both, alternately or together, according to the contemporary political situation. The tablets which provide the bulk of our evidence for private trade in the direction of India come from Ur at a period when direct royal control was vested in the city of Larsa, and it would certainly be interesting to excavate the business houses in that place now represented by the great mound of Senkereh, and see whether or not trading conditions there were similar or different. I commend this project to my distinguished 'Iraqi colleagues who have done so much recently for the rehabilitation of the ruins at Ur. In Iran who knows what may not come to light by working on the littoral of the country where the limits of Magan and Melubia are still but dimly defined. In India archaeologistshave once again been adding quite recently to the evidence which has a bearing on this problem. I must mention especially the revealing work of Sri Rao and his colleagues at Lothal; elsewhere we have new evidence from the excavations by Dr. F. A. Khan at Kot Diji in Pakistan, and from Amri.21 Only recently two more Harappan coastal stations have been added to the map, namely: Sotka Kon, and Bala Kot; the former lies not far from Pasni, in the Makran coast; the latter, about fifty miles from Karachi-see Map (Fig. I).22 In all these directions a concerted effort is bound to widen and deepen our knowledge of this fascinating trade. As archaeologists we have to concentrate for the most part on the material evidence, but a preoccupation with it should not distract us from recalling that such materials are only of real value in so far as they are the expression of the spirit, intellect and emotions of the men who made them. From time to time we must reflect on the human background of archaeology. What then of our traders, Akkadian, Iranian, Indian, or our middlemen, whoever they may have been? Did they behave in 2000 B.C. much as we do now, or were they different? Were they more advanced or were they more primitive? The answer again lies in our Babylonian and Assyrian tablets, and it is that they behaved in much the same way as merchants do the world over today; they had their laws, and much more important, their codes of honour, which their weaker brethren transgressedfrom time to time. When there were disputes the root cause was almost invariably a matter of quality which would involve doubtless an appeal, first to honour, then to arbitration, and only lastly to law. " Behave like a gentleman " (lu awelati)was a favourite expressionbetween one disgruntled Assyrian merchant and another. In Sumer Ea-nasir, the famous Tilmun merchant of Ur, once got himself into serious trouble because of the poor quality of his copper ingots which he had gracelessly delivered with the quip " take it or leave it ". " Who am I to be treated in this manner " his colleague replies: " that such a thing could
happen between gentlemen!" But in fact such letters imply the recognition of a standard and of an accepted ethical code which can be the only stable basis for all long-term operations between one human being and another. Let me conclude on a lighter vein with a letter written in about I 800 B.C. from one merchant prince
20 Antiquaries Journal XI, p. 364, pl. XLVII.
21

22

Subject of an interesting paper by M. Jean-Marie Casal read to the Congress in Delhi, in 1961. For mention of these two sites, see R. L. Raikes, American Vol. 66, No. 2, April 1964, article entitled " End Anthropologist,

of the Ancient Cities of the Indus ", p. 290; and G. F. Dales, AntiquityXXXVI, No. 142, June 1962, pp. 86-92, " Harappan Outposts on the Makran Coast ". The unorthodox views espoused by Raikes have been criticized by Mortimer Wheeler in AntiquityXXXVIII, No. 152, December 1964, pp. 307-9.

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to another. I quote an extract of what was written by a prince of Qatna in the Orontes valley of W. Syria to Ishme Dagan, the eldest son of the King of Assyria. This document was found in the Palace of Mari on the Euphrates; this is a free reading of it: " Here is a matter which I can hardly bear to mention, but to ease my heart, I must. You, a great King, asked me for the two horses of your desire, I had them sent to you. And believe it or not, you then sent me only 40 lb. of tin. Was there any bargaining, any reservation when you had from me the objects of your desire? And you have the effrontery to send me this small quantity of tin! Had you sent me nothing at all, it is true that on account of my father's god my heart would have been vexed. The price of these horses at our place in Qatna is 6oo shekels of silver, and now you have sent me 40 lb. of tin. When anyone comes to hear of this whatever will he say? He will be unable to put us on the same footing. And yet your house is my house. What is lacking in your house that one brother cannot satisfy another brother's desire? Had you sent me no tin at all my heart would have had no reason whatever for being vexed. You are no great King! Why have you done this? Yet this house is your house!"23 There ends the letter, and on that human note I think we may agree to infer that those concerned in the trade which linked the Indian Ocean with the Persian Gulf 4,000 years ago were neither better nor worse in their human relationships than we are today. But on a more hopeful note let me conclude by recalling what I hinted in the beginning: that in the free exchange of ideas which accompanies the exchange of things the only glimmer of hope for the future lies. A gathering such as this of scholars and craftsmenlinked by a common love of their pursuit is as a small beacon of light ready to kindle a greater flame.

s Archives de royales Mari V, " Correspondance de Iasmah-Addu " by G. Dossin, letter 2o.
2

EXCAVATIONS AT PASARGADAE:THIRD PRELIMINARY REPORT By David Stronach

The third season of excavations at Pasargadae again lasted for two months, from October I5th to December I5th. The work was conducted by the writer assisted by Mr. M. E. Weaver (Architect and Surveyor), Miss Elisabeth Beazley (Architect), Miss Olive Kitson (Photographer), Mr. Edward Keall (Architect and Field Assistant) and Mr. Ferdinand Hinzen (Architect and Field Assistant). Mr. Mahmoud Aram acted as the Representative of the Iranian Archaeological Service, and valuable local assistancewas also received from Mr. A. Hadavi, the resident Curator at Pasargadae. The work at the site was supportedby grants from the BritishAcademy, the Royal Ontario Museum, the Ashmolean Museum, the University of Sydney, the Iran Oil Operating Companies and the British Institute of Persian Studies. In addition our warm thanks are due to Mr. H. Mashun, Director-General of the Iranian Archaeological Service, Mr. F. Tavallali, Director of Antiquities in Fars, and Mr. J. Ra'nai, Director of the Persepolis Museum, for loans of equipment and other generous help. Summary the 1963 Campaign of The 1963 season proved an unusually varied one, despite the fact that we were no longer concerned with any of the prehistoric soundings that had occupied us in both 1961 and 1962.' Architectural studies were particularly prominent, and detailed surveys, accompanied by limited excavations, were carried out at such major monuments as the Gatehouse, the Audience Hall, the Residential Palace and the Zendan. In addition, Mr. M. E. Weaver was able to complete the necessaryfield measurementsfor an accurate site plan that will embrace all the main monuments.2 As in the past, our principal excavations were concentrated on the Citadel, or, to give this dominating position its local name, the Tall-i-Takht or Throne Hill (Figs. I and 4). But elsewhereseveral new excavations were attempted for the first time in both the Sacred Enclosure (Figs. 5-7) and in the flat, but by no means featureless, ground that extends between the Gatehouse and the Residential Palace. In the latter area we were rewarded with the plan of two hitherto unrecorded stone monuments, the columned Bridge (Fig. 8) and the Garden Pavilion (Fig. 9), while, in certain final soundings near the last structure,we also had the great good fortune to unearth a simplejar (P1.VIc) that had been used to secret a collection of late Achaemenian gold and silver jewellery (Pls. X-XIV). the Hall andthePrivatePalace Architectural Surveys the Gatehouse, Audience of As part of the expedition's plan to complete a series of architectural studies of the principal monuments at Pasargadae, the Gatehouse (Fig. I) was one of the first of the major buildings to be examined during the past season. First excavated by Herzfeld in 1928,3and again by Sami in the early fifties,4it yielded relatively few undisturbed areas. But among other points of interest, an examination of the old ground surface outside the eastern doorway revealed a mass of stone fragments, all of which
constitute important evidence for the detailed decoration and design of the winged bulls that once guarded the entrance. For, despite the value of Herzfeld's observation5 that the figures were paired as in the Gate of All Nations, he appears to have left us without illustrations or any comprehensive record of the fragments recovered. A second point of significance is the fact that none of the earlier plans of the Gatehousee indicate the presence of two opposed side chambers, each of which probably afforded access
1 For accounts of the two previous campaigns see D. Stronach, Iran I, pp. 19-42 and Iran II, pp. 21-39 (henceforth Iran I and Iran II); and C. Goff, Iran I, pp. 43-70 and Iran II, pp. 41-52. s At present in the final stages of preparation, a part of the plan appeared in Iran I (fig. 3). In mentioning the progress of this project, it is also a pleasure to record our debt to the L.C.C.'s Architect's Department, which generously allowed Mr. Weaver special leave to join the expedition for a second time. 3 E. E. Herzfeld, AMI I, p. Io C. 4 A. Sami, Pasargadae,1956, p. 59 f5 AMI I, p. 1. of 6 See IAE, pl. XLII; H. Frankfort, The Art andArchitecture the AncientOrient, I954, fig. Iog; and Sami, op. cit., p. 66.

SACRED PRECINCT

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Plan Fig. I. Sketch of Pasargadae.

EXCAVATIONS

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11

to the battlements above. But in one other context our brief soundingswere less productive, for, despite several attempts to locate the limits of the adjoining defensive wall, we failed to find any traces of mud-brick and had to conclude that, in this area at least, deep ploughing had robbed us of even the foundation courses.7 But, if nothing else, the plan, together with certain changes in the surfacedressing of the exterior of the Gateway, would seem to indicate the width and position of such walls as were built up against the structure. Like the Gatehouse, the Audience Hall called for relatively little excavation before detailed planning could begin. Indeed, the only major obstacle came from the modern protective wall that was found to run over many of the stones at the edge of the platform. The presence of this wall and the deposits behind it also complicated our search for traces of the surrounding terrace and steps which Herzfeld apparently found during his original excavations.8 But it is again possible that such outlying features could have been more or less ploughed out during the intervening years.9 In undertaking fresh work at the Residential Palace-the third of these major buildings which is due for proper publication in a future report-we were fortunate to have the experienced assistanceof Mr. Ferdinand Hinzen of the German ArchaeologicalInstitute in Teheran. For, apart from completing a detailed architecturalsurvey of the building, which is at present being drawn out for final publication, Mr. Hinzen also took charge of the trial excavations within the area. Among other results, the excavations produced several new fragmentsof sculpturedstone from the east door of the main hall; numerous fragmentsof column bases, column drums and other minor architecturalelements; and even a spherical object in black stone which could represent part of a knobbed, stone throne leg. On the other hand, nothing was recovered of the wall frescoes that are mentioned by the site's two earlier excavators.10 The unusual open areas that lie to the north and south of the central hall were also examined with particular attention, but unfortunately nothing more than vestigial traces could be found of the doors and cross-wallsthat appear in Herzfeld's small scale plan of the palace." In many ways this last loss is particularly unfortunate, for Herzfeld's impression that the palace was a residential building largely rested on the domestic appearance of these features, and now that they have virtually disappeared without any adequate documentation, it is extremelydifficult to judge the validity of his interpretation.1" Architectural Survey theZendan of In completing this brief notice of architecturalwork carried out at largely free-standingmonuments, a rather more full account must also be given of the resultsof last season'ssurvey of the structurethat is known today as Zendan-i-Suleiman or Solomon's Prison.13 As can be seen from the present drawings (Figs. 2 and 3), each of which stems from a careful study of the existing standing and fallen remains (P1. Ia-c), it is now possible to describe the original appearance of the Zendan without continual recourse to its better preserved replica, the Ka'bah-i-Zardusht at Naqsh-i-Rustam. The structurewas built in the form of a house (Figs. 2 and 3), its three rows of false windows giving the impression that it was three storied. The lower part of the tower was solid, however, and the handsome stairway on the north-west face led to but a single, lofty chamber. The total height of the monument from its base to the apex of its shallow roof was 14- 15 m. In plan the tower was almost exactly square: the north-west and south-east walls each measuring 7 25 m. in length while the northeast and south-westwalls measured 7 22 m. in length. Also, while the three steps of the plinth measured m. respectively, the total paved area at the base I4-82 x 14-72 m., I2 "05 X I'56 m. and 8 -95 x 8
of the monument-excluding 82 m. 19'51 x 14. "80 the undressed borders at the northern and western corners-measured

7 As we know from an earlier examination of the outer fortifications of the Citadel Area (Iran I, p. 41) large sections of Pasargadae's perimeter defences were built entirely of mudbrick. 8 See IAE, pl. XLIII. 9 Of course the onus of proof may rest with Herzfeld. We have none of his large scale plans and he may have felt that certain embellishments were permissible in his reconstructions. 10 See AMI I, p. 13; and Sami, op. cit., p. 58.

x1See IAE, pl. XLII; and H. Frankfort, op. cit., fig. 0o9. 12 Ghirshman, for instance, has already challenged Herzfeld's

interpretation and has offered his own view that the building was a Reception or Banqueting Hall. R. Ghirshman, Persia the from the Originsto Alexander Great, 1964, p. 134. 13 The present name was probably bestowed on the building in early Islamic times when, to judge from many another such label, Solomon's name was held in particular esteem.

ceilinglevel

lI

nI

restored

front elevation

restored

side elevation

METRES

PASARGADAE "THE ZENDAN+-SULEIMAN"

the above restorations of stonework on the site. november.1963. the above restorations are entirely based on the detailed measurement are entirely based on the detailed measurement of stonework on the site . november. 1963. e. beazley& m.e.weaver a.o.dipls e. beazley& mne weaver ao.dipls

Front and Side Elevationsof the Zendan. Fig. 2. Restored

m.n.december.1963.

"THE ZENDAN-I-SULEIMAN"
mens et dlt m.e.weaver &e. beazley a.a.dipls.

PASARGADAE

pan.

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2 3 4

5 6

7 8

9 10.METRES.

Reconstruction Roof and Upper Walls at right. Fig. 3. Plan of Zendanwith Axonometric of

EXCAVATIONS

AT PASARGADAE:

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13

Equipped with twenty-nine steps, the staircase measured 8 -02 m. in length and 7 -76 m. in height. Each individual step approached 27 cm. in height-a height almost identical to that of the steps in the not Citadel's A and B staircases14 to mention that of the steps that still survive in the Sacred Precinct The much damaged door appears to have been I -83 m. high and 94 cm. broad-measure(Fig. 7). ments that make it 44 cm. taller and 16 cm. wider than the door to the Tomb of Cyrus. As to the chamber, which shared an elevation of 7 - 76 m. with the top step, its original area probably measured to two in 3-21 x 3.98 m. while, possibly because the architects wished to reduce the roof courses
number, its height reached 4. 73 m. (Pl. Ib). The pitch of the roof measured 40 45'.

Coming to the surface detail of the tower, it was composed of seventeen horizontal coursesof white limestone, each of which was carefully graded in size save that, for obvious structuralreasons, the three uppermost courses were somewhat larger than those immediately beneath them. As in the Tomb of Cyrus, the courses were extremely finely jointed, set without mortar, and reinforced by lead and iron clamps. To relieve the monotony of the white wall surface, and possibly to simulate a distinction between certain of the brick and wooden parts of a composite prototype, black limestone facings were inserted both in the frameworkof the doorway and in the deep sockets that were left for window frames (Fig. 3). In addition, as a further device for ornamenting this otherwise starkly designed structure, a series of narrow, rectangular recesseswere let into the upper surfaceof each wall. Disposed alternately in horizontal rows, these shallow recessesmay have been inspired by the narrow observation windows or that appear to have been common in Urartian, and also perhaps Median, architecture15 else by Further Urartian influences seem something as simple as the vertical interstices in a mud-brick wall. to be present in the double faciae frameworkof the windows, in the dentil cornice that representsthe wooden beam-ends of the roof, and in the corner buttressesthat find a parallel in a tower at Karmir Blur.16 Seen from ground level, the upper stages of the Zendan would have lookedjust as abruptly truncated as those of the Ka'bah still do today. However, as can be seen from the reconstructionin Fig. 3, the roof was probably composed of four massive blocks, each of which was cut to accord with a uniform pyramidal design."7 From the arbitrary treatment of the blocks, which are shaped without any regard for the position of the joints between them, it is clear, in fact, that the architectsof the Zendan were only interested in reproducing the outline of a wooden form of roof in another, heavier medium. But whereas the internal span of the Tomb of Cyrus (2 - Ii m.) was evidently considered short enough to permit the constructionof a heavy, steeply pitched stone roof, the internal span of the Zendan (3 21 m.) seems to have been considered too long for any similar, wholly faithful, reproduction. Accordingly, much to the detriment of its external appearance-and that of the Ka'bah at a later date-the Zendan was only granted the shallow, emasculated version of a pyramidal roof that appears in the present reconstructions(Figs. 2 and 3). The architrave of the doorway, which is only represented today by a fragment of an up-turned terminal and an open slot for certain missing elements (P1. Ic) has had to be restored almost entirely on the evidence of the Ka'bah's well preserved architrave. Precisely where this complex, originally wooden composition was first evolved we do not know; all that can be said is that, in view of so many other northern parallels, it is more than likely to have had a North West Iranian or Urartian origin. The interior of the doorway has attracted little in the way of comment, save that Sami, who would like to see the tower identified as a tomb, has made the claim that the door was " set in a stone frame "
and " permanently closed ".*s He has supposed, in fact, that the surviving "jamb " on the south-west side of the doorway is a true jamb and has noted that it lacks anything like a proper socket near its outer edge. But, as we can see from its three clamp recesses (Fig. 3), combined with the presence of miniature dowel holes and chisel marks on the adjoining floor, the surviving "jamb " could never have
14 Iran
15

I, p. 31. See R. D. Barnett, Iraq XII, pt. x, pl. i; and E. Herzfeld, History of Iran, 1935, fig. 2. Also R. D. Barnett, Archaeological Iraq XIX, pt. I, p. 74. 16 R. D. Barnett, ibid. Also Oganesyan, KarmirBlur IV, x956, pls. 58 and 59.

17

The details for the reconstruction are partly taken from a study of fallen blocks at the Zendan itself and partly from a comparative study of the Ka'bah. It should be added that, despite the testimony of Dieulafoy's well-known illustration (L'Art Antique de la Perse I, fig. 26) the Ka'bah had only four, and not twenty-two, roof-stones. 18 Sami, op. cit., p. 79-

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been a true jamb. Instead the existing " jamb " appears to have been a solid structural anchor for a decorative black stonejamb with a very similar profile. What is more, the width of the truejamb would almost certainly have allowed it to reach, and mask, the one complete door pivot that we still have, while elsewhere it was very probably cut back to allow the south-west door-leaf to lie flush with the reveal. Unfortunately, the opposite side of the doorway is too broken to reveal nearly as much, although certain surface indications have been marked in Fig. 3. Not surprisingly, some of the closest parallels to all these arrangements come from the Ka'bah-iZardusht, where double-leaved doors of almost identical width were again masked from the outside by separate blocks of black stone. In fact, the chief difference between the two entrances probably lies in the quite distinct methods that seem to have been used to insert the doors. For, while the Ka'bah would seem to illustrate an exceptionally rigorous example of the normal methods of " trough insertion ",1,9 the Zendan, with its shallow, intact, floor socket, would seem to show that other methods were sometimes used as well. But, in the absence of the upper sockets from the Zendan, we shall never know whether the doors were mounted simultaneouslywith a specially prepared lintel or whether the upper sockets were enlarged after the building had been completed. If the latter system were employed, the sockets would have to have been packed with a stone or metal shoe as soon as the doors had been inserted. Within the chamber itself it is interesting to find that the surviving walls still show a detail that is definitely paralleled in the Tomb of Cyrus and probably also paralleled in the Ka'bah. This consists of the semi-circularbead moulding, cm. in diameter, which lies immediately below the ceiling and 5"5 which seems to represent a skeuomorphic, timber wall-plate. Lastly, the double-socketedstone threshold that lies directly in front of the staircase (Fig. 3) would seem to give obvious substance to the suggestion that the immediate environs of the Zendan were provided with a mud-brick enclosure wall, pierced by a double-leaved entrance.20 But, while ample traces of mud-brick have been located at a slightly greater distance from the Zendan,21it should be stressed that no traces have been detected immediately beside or behind the threshold, where twin flagstonesmay have formed part of a paved approach, and that even the threshold itself is only bedded in loose earth. In short, the testimony of these isolated stones is not quite so clear-cut as it first appears and we should perhaps consider the possibility that all three stones were still only temporarily bedded when the Zendan fell out of use. Function theZendan of Without the assistance of Dr. Erich Schmidt's definitive publication of the Ka'bah-i-Zardusht, which is due to appear in the next volume of the Persepolis report, it would seem advisable to defer certain more detailed structural comparisonsbetween the Ka'bah and the Zendan to a later occasion. But since the architecturalfeaturesof the two monuments accord so closely, and since our own work has thrown fresh light on at least two or three points, it may not be inappropriate to say something about the original function of both structures. As is well known, both buildings have been a source of controversyfor almost a century. Dieulafoy, Herzfeld, Perrot, Chipiez, Curzon and Sami have all maintained that they must have served as tombs, while Sarre, Erdmann, Ghirshman and others have taken the view that they must have been built as fire temples.22 In consideringthe towers as tombs their orientation, their isolation, their imitation of a distinct type of house, and their megalithic construction have all been used, on perfectly sound grounds, to suggest that they should be identified with the tradition of free-standing tomb construction that we know to have existed in Iran during the greater part of the sixth century B.c. Even the substantial elevation of the single chamber, which must have been demanded by functional as well as by structural factors, could be taken as a corroborative detail. But very few other arguments carry conviction. Herzfeld, for instance, has tried to substantiate the view that, even in the face of his probable identification of
19 Paralleled in the Tomb of Cyrus but more especially in the
21

rock-cut Tomb of Darius.

20

See Sami, op. cit., p. 8o.

See below, under p. 16. 22For a comprehensive bibliography see K. Erdmann, " Das iz Iranische ", Feuerheiligtum Sendschrift DeutscheOrient-Gesellschaft (hereafter Sendschriftii D.O.G.), p. 17 f.

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Takht-i-Rustam as the tomb of Cambyses II,23 We still require other mausolea at Pasargadae and Naqsh-i-Rustam for such personages as Cambyses I, the father of Cyrus, and Hystaspes, the father of Darius.24 And yet, if we consider the merits of such candidates, we must wonder why Cambyses I should have had to leave it to his son to provide him with a tomb after a reign of forty years and why Darius should have chosen to inter his father in an identical, archaic type of tomb at a time when we know rock-cut tombs to have been returning to favour as one of the symbols-religious or otherwiseof his own line. A second argument that has been used to bolster the tomb theory has been Dieulafoy's contention that the floor troughs in the entrance to the Ka'bah were each cut to facilitate the introduction of a heavy load, such as a sarcophagus.25 But, as a number of other parallels show, such deep, partly shelving troughs were almost certainly cut to assist in the introduction and subsequent retention of the doors and nothing else. Equally, Sami appears to be definitely over-simplifyingthe case when he states that, because the doorway representedthe only source of ventilation in the Ka'bah, the two towers must have been tombs rather than fire temples.26 Apart from the fact that such an assumption dismissesany alternative functions that either building might have had, it overlooks the fact that, during its long history, the Ka'bah's lofty chamber might have made a not inadequate sanctuary for the slow burning
" eternal fire ".27

Finally, before leaving the tomb theory entirely, mention must be made of the suggestion that the towers were built as temporary tombs, where the body of the king could always have been laid to rest pending the completion of his permanent tomb. If nothing else this novel interpretation accounts for the presence of a ceremonial approach to the door-something that is otherwise only found on late Achaemenian tombs of the fourth century B.c. But in every other sense such a theory has little to commend it, since it largely depends on the close proximity of the Ka'bah to the tombs at Naqsh-iRustam and takes no account of the fact that the Zendan and the Tomb of Cyrus share no such relationship. Turning to the second school of thought, Sarre and Erdmann have each taken the resemblance between the towers and certain altar-bearingdevices that appear on Fratadara coins of the second half of the third century B.C. as an important indication that the towers must have served as fire temples in Achaemenian times.28 The fact that the coins are still early enough to reflect Achaemenian religious practicescannot be denied, but, at the same time, there are important considerationswhich would seem to prove that the towers themselvescannot be representedon the coins. To begin with the altar supports do not appear in isolation: they are shown beside a standing figure of a priest and, to judge from such a scale, they could not have been very much more than 2 m. high-a height that compares very closely with that of the two limestone supportsthat survive in the sacred enclosure at Pasargadae.29 Secondly, the points of resemblance between the towers and the devices on the coins are not precise: in particular, elaborate crenellations-in themselves nearly a third of the height of the structure below-are often shown on the corners of such supports.30 And lastly, the actual construction of the two towers would seem to rule out any possible relationship, since neither of them was equipped with a flat roof let alone any staircase leading to the roof.31
E. Herzfeld,IAE, p. 214.E. Herzfeld, ibid. 25Dieulafoy, L'Art Antiquede la Perse III, p. 2, note 2. 26 Sami, op. cit., p. 94. 27 The sacred fire in a modem Zoroastrian temple, for instance, is almost always slow-burning, almost smokeless, in character. 28See K. Erdmann, Sendschriftix D.O.G., p. 19 f. 29See Figs. 5 and 6. 20 Cf. G. F. Hill, Greek CoinsofArabia, Mesopotamia Persia, 1922, and pls. 29 and 30. 31 It should be added that Professor Ghirshman has put forward yet another theory that appears to obviate such objections and even appears to add a measure of support to the fire temple theory from an otherwise unexplored direction. In stating his case (in his article entitled " La Tour de Nurabad " in Syria
25

24

XXIV, 1944-45, p. 175 f.) he draws an initial picture of a deliberate separation of fire temples and fire altars, such as would still allow our isolated sixth century towers their proper place in the early part of an evolutionary sequence, and then, with the observation that the distance between the temple and the altars in the fourth century ayadana temple at Susa was only i6 m., he goes on to argue that a continuously closer association ultimately led to a coupling of the two elements in a single structure. Finally, as a visible proof of his last contention he cites the Tower of Nurabad-a Parthian structure sufficiently like the Ka'bah to suggest a measure of inspiration from that quarter, with also, of course, a staircase to the allimportant roof and an internal chamber that is presumed to have been large enough to have housed a perpetual fire. Unfortunately, however, the evidence adduced to support this overleaf [continued

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Still further interest in the fire temple theory has grown from Sprengling's study of a Pahlavi inscription of Shapur I that was found on the lower walls of the Ka'bah during Schmidt's excavations in the mid-1930's.32 In two separate papers setting out his views33Sprengling has suggested (a) that the Ka'bah must have been connected with the enthronement ceremonies of the Sasanian kings, (b) that the Ka'bah could have been used to house the crown jewels and (c) that the Ka'bah almost certainly served as the shrine of the Anahit fire of Istakhr in Sasanian times. But, apart from stressing that the Sasanians would not necessarily have been aware of the Ka'bah's original function, and that they might well have found new purposes for the building, it should be remembered that, even with regard to the Sasanian period, all such suggestions are purely interpretative. The Ka'bah is never referred to as a fire temple; it is only inferred that this must have been its r6le. Fortunately, a much firmer clue to the function of the building, in at least Sasanian times, has emerged from a study of a second Pahlavi inscription, found at a still lower level, which was erected by KARTIR, the founder of the Sasanian national church. In commenting on this inscription, Professor W. B. Henning has observed that the Ka'bah itself was referredto as " this foundation house " (bwny BYT' = bun-xanak), and, from this wording, which represents the only direct descriptive reference that we have, he suggeststhat the building must have been destined " for the safe keeping of the charters
and records of the Sasanian Church among them .
..

there is no hint, in either the Pahlavi designation or in ProfessorHenning's interpretation, of the two conflicting theories that have commanded so much attention in the past. Moreover, it is probably true-even if the somewhat evasive term " foundation house " should not have come down to the Sasanians from the Achaemenians35-that a search for a unique function of this kind will take us further than any other line of enquiry. In terms of our own work, there are perhaps three new points that deserve attention. In the first place, a fresh examination of the fragmentary Zendan inscription, which representsthe only contemporary inscription associated with either tower, has shown that the first, much damaged sign in the initial Old Persian line has always been misread in the past and that, far from confirming the structure as the tomb of Cambyses II or that of any other monarch, the whole inscription stands as a purely enigmatic document, still without any obvious bearing on the problem before us.36 Secondly, our excavations in the immediate vicinity of the Zendan have confirmed the fact that it was probably surrounded, at no great distance from its stone platform, by a mud-brick enclosure wall.37 Thus, instead of standing in a spacious garden as the Tomb of Cyrus did, the Zendan appears to have been much more closely enclosed and, if we may believe the corollary, still more rigidly guarded. Finally, to make a point that pertains to both towers, there is a discrepancy in the dressingof the two buildings that has never been commented upon. For, while the dressingof the Zendan is virtually free of broad,
32

the principal copy of the Avesta ".34 As we see,

E. Schmidt, OIC, no. 21, p. 103. 37 Limited excavations in line with the main staircase have proved that a much-denuded mud-brick wall, or possibly a platform, M. Sprengling, A.J.S.L. LIII, 1937, p. 126 f. and Z.D.M.G. s3 stood only some 5 m. from the edge of the stone platform. In XCI, p. 652 f. addition a further mud-brick wall or platform has been 4 W. B. Henning, in the Introduction to CorpusInscriptionum encountered behind the Zendan, again at a distance of little Iranicarum, III, vol. II, portfolio II. pt. more than 5 m. from the platform. In the almost complete As 1961, p. 17. 65 Hinz has already stressed. W. Hinz, Zarathustra, absence of potsherds of any kind, brick sizes would still seem to confirm an Achaemenian date for the structures concerned. "e See Iran II, p. 38 f. continued from previous page] theory of gradual fusion-with its implicit confirmation of the rble of the two earlier towers-is relatively limited in its range and turns too heavily on the testimony of a single, as yet unparalleled, structure of Parthian or, as Herzfeld thought, Sasanian date. It would seem far more relevant, in fact, to make direct comparisons between the twin towers and such Achaemenian or relatively early post-Achaemenian fire temples as we have. And here it can only be stated that, even if we allow for certain religious changes in the reign of Artaxerxes II or still further changes by the middle of the third century B.C., there is still not the slightest sign of any relationship between the towers and either the ayadanatemple at Susa or the later Fratadara temple at Persepolis. In addition, Erdmann's demonstration that the Ka'bah and the somewhat remote fire altars at Naqsh-i-Rustam cannot have been associated before Sasanian times, since the latter have definite Sasanian characteristics (Erdmann, M.D.O.G. 81, 1949, p. 6 f.), must surely be enough to destroy, or most seriously weaken, the supposed connection between the Zendan and the still more distant Pasargadae altars. Equally, the unique qualities of the two towers would seem to rule out S. Wikander's suggestion that, in keeping with the known presence of other such shrines throughout the Empire, the Zendan and the Ka'bah could have been built as temples to the goddess Anahita. (See Wikander, in Feuerpriester KleinasienundIran, 1946, p. 68 f.).

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multi-toothed chisel marks, that of the Ka'bah, in keeping with all other free-standing monuments of Darius and his successors,is amply covered with such marks. The importance of this discrepancyneed hardly be stressed; taken together with the archaic architectural features that both monuments share-such as a use of black and white stone-it proves that the Ka'bah was almost certainly built by Darius as a direct substitutefor the Zendan, and that the Ka'bah was not, as might otherwise have been supposed, a still more ancient monument, at least as old as the Zendan itself.38 The possible motives behind this last substitutionare of interest. Such a replacement may have been dictated by nothing more dramatic than the construction of a new dynastic centre that had to be we complete in itself. Or, as Hinz first suggested,39 may even have a reference to the substitution, and the immediate reason for it, in the Bisitun inscription where Darius says-in a phrase that is tantalizing because we know so little of such places-" As before, so I made the sanctuaries which Gaumata the Magian had destroyed."40 Certainly the identical appearance of the two buildings is a most curious and arresting phenomenon: Darius himself was not afraid of innovation, yet he seems to have deliberately sought to produce nothing less than a slavish imitation of the Pasargadae tower. In fine, whatever the function of either tower may have been, it would seem possible that this extremely rigid imitation depended, more than anything else, on the wanton destruction of the Zendan and Darius' determination to make precise, exact amends for the outrage. Whether or not these same observationshelp to prove that the towers were mentioned in the early Bisitun inscriptionis still debatable. But, if this were so, and if the towers should be defined by the term ayadana-the word that is taken to mean a sanctuary in the Bisitun inscription-it may only reflect the considerable breadth of that term. For, as we have seen, we have tried to define a unique type of structure, with a singular, still obscure function, that seems to have had no specific spatial relationship with any other class of building although always being assuredof an important, central position in the dynastic home of the day.41 Excavations theCitadel on As a consequence of last season's excavations it is now possible to distinguish four distinct phases of occupation on the Citadel: the monumental phase of stone construction initiated by Cyrus the Great (Period I); the succeeding phase of mud-brick construction which we now know to have lasted from early in the reign of Darius to c. 280 B.c. (Period II); the still later phase of largely mud-brick construction which probably falls within the years 280-230 B.C. (Period III); and, as a last addition to this sequence, a brief phase of early Islamic occupation (Period IV). PeriodI (c. 550-522 B.C.) In two or three final sondages connected with Period I, little fresh information could be added to that already gained during our two previous seasons.42 It was only at the north-easterncorner of the southern recess, in trench Z, that we were able to recover at least some evidence of the plans that were originally entertained for the great stone platform. At this strategic point, a relatively deep sounding revealed the apparent beginnings of a Period I ground plan (Fig. 4). Consisting of a line of four heavy stones running into the heart of the platform, the blocks in question would seem to have been intended as part of a substantial north-south cross-wall, separating the bulk of the platform from the rest of the hill behind. But, as was to be expected from the unfinished nature of so much Period I
stonework elsewhere, nothing else was found beyond the fourth stone and, despite an intensive search, we were unable to locate any complementary cross-walls, either at the north side of the platform or at the western limit of the south recess. In trench Z again, a massive, unfinished corner-stone (P1. Id) and a small iron shoe (P1. VIa) would also seem to illustrate the abrupt suspension of all Period I construction. The block itself still
S8 For

an earlier discussion of the significance of the multitoothed chisel, see Iran II, p. 27.

41

39 W. Hinz, GeistigeArbeit, 1942, pp. 1-2.

40

R. G. Kent, Old Persian Grammar, Texts, Lexicon, 1953, p. 12o.

The search for still further clues-both architectural and epigraphical-would probably be most rapidly promoted by a fresh examination of the deep, but still largely unexplored Achaemenian level at Naqsh-i-Rustam. 42 For earlier reports on Period I see Iran I, pp. 30-7 and Iran II, PP. 30-3?

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lies where it was abandoned, and where it was subsequently covered by the higher floor of Period II, only a few metres from its intended position at the south-east corner of the recess, while the small shoe still sits in the more northerly of two stone sockets, each of which were almost certainly connected with an important lifting rig.43 Another discovery of much interest from trench Z is represented by the first course of a stone parapet which, from certain dressingchannels on the stone course below (Pls. Id and IIa) can be said to have run from the eastern to the western limits of the southern recess. With recessed panels at its base on its inner (P1. IIa), as well as its outer, face it appears to prove that the floor level of at least this part of the platformwas intended to be nearly a metre lower than the later street level of Period II.44 Also, from the relatively modest width of the parapet's first course, we can be sure that it was not intended to rise to any great height. With other building plans in mind there may even have been a conscious effort to preserve as much of the attractive southern view as possible.
Period II (c. 522-280
B.c.)

During the past year many new parts of the Period II Citadel were examined for the first time, with the result that almost all the uneroded areas of the site have now been excavated. Beginning in the area of room I14, at what might be termed the eastern edge of the Citadel's western rectangle, where the ground level begins to rise and the deposit starts to thin, the most impressivefeature consisted of a large water tank (P1. IIb), 5 m. long and almost 3 m. wide, which had been cut into bed-rock for a depth approaching 4 m. Marked on the site plan as 130, this deep tank appears to have served as the site's chief reservoir throughout Period II. Its sides are far from regular, showing many an awkward bulge, but, as a protection against seepage, the entire pit was evidently plastered and replastered several times. At the top of the pit itself a distinctive wall, with a stone exterior and a mud-brick centre, probably carried the top of the tank to a point several metres above ground level. Inside the pit, a mass of boulders at the base would all seem to have come from a collapse, or a seriesof collapses, in the original superstructurewhile, at a higher level, a series of ash bands can be directly related to the extensive fire that spelt the end of the Period II occupation.45 Room I 14 itself representsone of the largest chambers in this particular portion of the site. But despite the fact that it was heavily burnt in the II destruction, it yielded hardly any objects. One of the few featuresof any unusual interest proved to be an incomplete partition wall, which looks as if it may have served as a makeshift roof-supportin the final years of the II occupation.46 North of room I14 a smaller room, 200, gave access to what may have been an open area still further to the east. But because the ground level rises very steeply at this point, all contiguous traces of II or III occupation were swept away in the levelling process that preceeded the construction of the Period IV settlement. Where more evidence does survive, north of room 200, the hearths in rooms 65 and 66 and the paved " washing area " in room 68 all seem to point to the domestic nature of a string of small rooms (65-68 and I117) that taper into eroded areas east and north of room 68. Indeed, the presence of yet another domestic range of rooms on the southern side of the Citadel (76-79 and 145-147) almost certainly indicates that important elements of the garrison were permanently billeted near the junction of the Citadel's eastern and western rectangles (Fig. 4). One of the more interestingfeaturesof the southern range consists of the miniature plastered bathroom (room 146) seen in P1. IIc. Entered from room147, where the water was heated over a semi-circular fireplace, the bathroom consists of
two miniature chambers with the remains of a low partition between them. The larger, outer chamber is plastered throughout with a smooth floor sloping towards a small, circular drain-hole at the northwest corner. By contrast the small inner chamber has no drain-hole; but it was furnished with two remarkable features: a low, square plinth and an adjoining bowl-shaped depression. Quite what these unusual features were used for is not certain: the plinth almost seems too low for a proper seat
43

The sockets in question are each marked by dots in the S.E. extension of trench Z. "4The higher Period II level probably had the advantage that, apart from anything else, it covered all unfinished stonework wherever it happened to occur.

45 See p. 22.
46

Cf. the late walls that were added to the northern end of theReception Hall once it had fallen into disrepair. Fig. 4 andc Iran II, p. 34.

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and the shelving sides of the hollow in the floor would hardly seem to fit the requirementsof a practical foot-bath. Owing to much recent disturbance in this same quarter of the site, no other room proved quite so well preserved. But at the same time the earlier II floor in room 76a still had much of its original plaster surface, and its northern corner even produced a bronze model of a couchant ram, 3 - I cm. high and
4 - o cm. long.

The limits of this last crowded area appear to have been defined by a heavy, curved wall of boulders to the north-east and by a continuous, solidly constructed mud-brick wall to the south. While the former marksthe probable limits of a central summit terrace, the latter may have flanked an important access route to the ground floor corridorwithin the outer wall. Certainly some such point of access to the corridor would seem to have been required to balance those connected with streets I east and 85a on the northern side of the Citadel. As can be seen from Fig. 4, the street 85a divides one area of original Period II construction from another of distinctly secondary date. The earlier rooms to the west provide little evidence of their former function, although it is interesting to note that many of their walls were truncated and levelled after the II destruction and that at least two Period III walls (in rooms 189 and 216) were then built against the outer fortificationsat a new ground level about a metre above the old (P1. IId and Fig. 4)Moving east along the inner side of the northern defences, rooms 86a, 86b and 87 each appear as relatively late II additions, with the last but one Seleucid floor in room 86a still associated with a small hoard of four Alexandrine drachms, the latest of which date the floor to the last decade of the fourth century B.C.47 Further east again, towards the north-eastcorner of the Citadel, we find evidence of a number of regular II structures in the angle of the outer wall (rooms 99 and 190-192) while a series of less regular apartments (rooms 93-97) seem to mark a certain measure of building activity in the later years of Period II.48 The dividing wall between the two areas is of particularinterest since its plan suggests the presence of occasional buttressed towers along its length. Presumably it also ran back to the north-east corner of the summit terrace, where some formof internal gate may have helped to regulate the flow of traffic inside the walls. Finally, in areas K and H, our work was concentrated on the two successivedrainage systems that were used to channel water away from the inner face of the defensive wall. As regards the first system, there is every reason to suppose that the preparation of its open jubes and heavy stone-lined outlets must have preceded all other work on the wall itself, and, since the stoneworkof the B drain is of very high quality, it has already been suggested that such preliminariesdate back to Period I.49 But as time went on the local ground level appears to have risen, and we find that, with the jubes abandoned, new covered drains took their place. These last drains, with a sinuous, meandering course (Fig. 4), were built from whatever materials came to hand, notably large pithos fragments, stones and baked bricks. But in one case this haphazard use of different materials led us to a most important discovery, for, in the middle of the K trench, at a point just over 35 m. east of the B drain, we found that an almost complete, beautifully finished, grey limestone foundation tablet had been used as a makeshift draincover (P1. IIIa). The text of the tablet is well known. It represents the third known copy of the famous Daiva Inscription in which Xerxes attacks the cult of the Daivas and extols the worship of Ahuramazda.50 With sixty lines of Old Persian cuneiform divided into two panels of twenty-seven lines and two panels
of three lines (P1. V), the tablet measures 52 x 51 cm. with a maximum thickness of lo09 cm. The broken, top left-hand corner accounts for part of the text of lines 1-8, 50-57 and 58-60. But despite this defect it is still perfectly clear that we are dealing with an exact copy of the only complete Persepolis
4' Information kindly supplied by Mr. G. K. Jenkins, Deputy

Keeper of Coins and Medals at the British Museum. See also p. 41. Even the earliest group of buildings appears to have remained in use until a late date, the latest floor of room 192 producing the joining halves of a late fourth century or early third century forged, silver plated tetradrachm that had been broken in half

48

in antiquity. See G. K. Jenkins, p. 50 and pl. IV, bottom right. 49See Iran II, p. 33. Also note that a stone-lined drain of much poorer construction runs out under the floors of rooms 2 1o and 187, east of street 85a. 50 See Herzfeld, " Xerxes' Verbot des Daiva-Cultes ", AMI VIII, 1937, PP. 56-77; Schmidt, op. cit., pp. 12-15; and Kent, op.

cit., pp.

150-2.

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text; not only are there no variant readings in the surviving text but, more than that, each word and each individual character lies in precisely the same relative position on each tablet.51 As a result of this exact correspondence,the Pasargadae tablet can hardly be said to add anything freshfrom a linguistic point of view. Instead its chief significancelies in what it tells us about Pasargadae itself, for the very fact that a foundation tablet should have been sent to the site during the reign of Xerxes (486-465 B.C.) is an independent testimony to the attention that was still paid to the old dynastic home long after the death of its Founder. Also, to be more specific, the provenance of the tablet is an important clue to the scale of building that must still have been in progresson the Citadel

well into the fifth centuryB.C.52

The context in which the tablet was found is not out of keeping with the other secondary uses to which such tablets were sometimes put. At Persepolis, for instance, we know that a whole series of Xerxes' stone tablets, including the other copies of the Daiva Inscription, were incorporated in a mud-brick bench and other such appointments in the garrison quarters.53 Thus, from all the evidence that we have, it would appear that out-dated, unused foundation stones were only respected for a limited period of time before they were made available for almost any convenient, secondary purpose.54 The Plan of thePeriodII Defences A relatively well preserved stretch of the perimeter wall between towers I and 4 did much to illustrate the whole nature of the Citadel's defensive system, while still further excavations on the south side of the Citadel would seem to have revealed the probable location of the main entrance (Fig. 4)Beginning in area V, on the north side of the Citadel, we were at last able to define the true outline of tower I, which now appears to have been the only projecting redoubt in an otherwise unbroken fagade from area A to X. It was also found that the base of tower i was strengthened by a line of boulders, while, at a still higher point, above an artificial ground surface, repeated coats of white plaster evidently added to the spruce appearance of the defences. The north-south section through trench V also confirmedlast season'sconclusion that the upper part of the defensive wall east of tower i had fallen inwards rather than outwards at the time of the II destruction.55 In area X, where the mud-brick deposit grew particularly thin, it often proved difficult to trace the line of the fagade. But fortunately two or three stretchesof stone foundations,such as those found at the base of tower i, still filled most of the gaps, making it almost certain that there was no major entrance at this point. At the corner marked P, where the deposit again grew deeper, the external fagade was distinguished the presence of a deep niche which extended to within 55 cm. of ground level. 56 The practical value by of such a niche remains uncertain; but it should be noted that in at least one place, just east of tower 3, it was complemented by what would seem to have been either a lightwell or a ventilation shaft within the perimeter corridor. Despite its apparently exposed position, tower 2 represents the most informative example of all
Compare our illustrations with Schmidt, op. cit., fig. Io; and Kent, op. cit., pl. IIIa. 52 The assumption that Darius was mainly responsible for the conversion of the Tall-i-Takht from a strong, but unfinished, palace platform to a more mundane mud-brick citadel (see Iran I, p. 36 f.) is probably not affected by the discovery of the tablet, which presumably only confirms the length of the task. As we have seen, thereis ample evidence of the extremely rapid start that was made to the original conversion, which still preserved loose iron shoes in their original position. It might also be added that none of the details recovered from the Citadel can be said to lend any support to Professor Ghirshman's theory, formulated before our work began, that the platform dates from the time of Cambyses I (Ghirshman, op. cit., p. 131). For prestigious and almost unnecessary as Cyrus' additional building efforts on the Tall-i-Takht may seem, we must still remember that a defensible citadel was an
5'

essential part of any site at this period. Cyrus, like Darius, would not have overlooked the point. r3 See Schmidt, op. cit., p. I i f. In concluding these notes on the tablet, I would like to express 54 my warm thanks to the Reverend Norman Sharp for his unfailing readiness to examine any new inscribed material as it was found, as well as my equally warm thanks to Professor E. Benveniste for his constant interest in our epigraphic discoveries and for his valued comments on them. r5 See Iran II, p. 35. The width of the fall alone would suggest m. high. But if that our walls must have been at least II x-50 we also take account of Schmidt's estimate (Schmidt, op. cit., p. 8) that the slightly broader walls of Persepolis sometimes attained a height of I5 m., it is perfectly possible that our walls also attained heights of 13 and 14 m. 56Possibly the height of the artificial ground level at this point.

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the towers that were excavated, and, with its almost equally well preserved twin, tower 3, it allows us to describe what seems to have been the standard ground plan of all the towers disposed along the Citadel's defences. Linked to the rest of the defensive system by a ground level corridor within the perimeter wall, each individual tower was supplied with a small ground floor chamber, 3 80 x 40 m. 2" in area. In the absence of any mud-brick steps within such chambers, however, it can only be assumed that ladders were used to reach the upper stories. Taking a still wider range of evidence into account, almost every tower on a straight stretch of wall would seem to have had three distinct buttresseson its inner face, while twin corner towers would always seem to have shared a compressed, central buttress. Finally, within the perimeter corridor itself, certain slight but notable constrictionsat the edge of each tower would seem to point to the special provision of weight-bearing arches wherever any extra load was likely to be felt. Throughout most of its long, 740 m. circuit, the spacious perimeter corridor appears to have been level, save perhaps at its inner corners D and X, where it almost certainly had to climb to meet the natural contours of the Citadel Hill. In each case, however, flights of mud-bricksteps (P1.IIIb) would seem to have eased the ascent or descent.57 Regular points of access, such as the entrances marked 44, I east and 85a, also representa typical feature of the corridor,wherever it happens to be well preserved. Indeed, from such doorways, we can guess that the corridor not only served as a valuable link at moments of crisis, but that it also served-particularly as the centre of the Citadel became more cluttered with secondary buildings-as a not insignificant artery of everyday communication. In completing the present brief description of the defences, it must be stressed that the eastern extremitiesof the northern wall, and the whole length of the eastern wall have been reconstructedon a minimum of evidence. The denuded north-eastcorner, for instance, may have had a still more complex plan that anchored it to the outer fortificationsthat encircled the valley to the north.58 But at the same time the surviving buttress in trench H, and the excellently preserved buttressesin area 12o, are each of value in supporting the reconstructionof the southern wall shown in Fig. 4. In particular, the right angle turn in the inner face of the wall in area 12o presents a unique variation in plan which-for all the sad degree of denudation further east-would still seem to speak for the existence of an entrance, or some other quite exceptional feature, in the immediate vicinity. Further than this one probably cannot go-save to say that the proposed entrance stands at the head of much the easiest ascent to the Citadel, along which even wheeled traffic could have completed most, if not all, of the climb.59 TheSummitTerrace Facing the largely denuded entrance, at a distance of 30-35 m. to the north, is the indented facade of a monumental mud-brick terrace that seems to have straddled the summit of the Citadel (Fig. 4)Now denuded at many points, it is impossible to reconstructits entire plan. But from its relatively well preserved south-eastern corner in area R, from a fragment of facade found in trench Y, and from a segment of curved walling found east of room 147, it is perhaps possible to calculate that its approximate dimensions exceeded 70 m. in one direction and approached 6o m. in the other. The very thickness of its retaining wall, which is best illustrated by an inner wall-face in area 173, also provides a valuable clue to the original height and purpose of the terrace. For although the summit boasts no ground plan, but only the earth and pebble deposit that formed the core of the terrace, we can still guess that it once supported an elevated, inner redoubt consonant with the scale of the outer defences. Also, it may
not be entirely an accident that the base of the terrace should have produced some of the deepest ash associated with the II destruction.60
5' Although the evidence at the D corner is too tenuous to prove 60 The

whether or not any steps existed there, the evident change in the contours is certain to have called for them. 58 For an account of our earlier examination of these fortifications see Iran I, p. 41. The valley floor itself was not tested until the past season, but unfortunately our excavations failed to reveal any sign of permanent Achaemenian habitation. 59The modern track in this position is clearly visible from almost any southern vantage point (pl. IXd).

be added that certain domestic additions to the base of the terrace, such as room I6o, do not necessarily invalidate the military character of the terrace; such relatively early additions probably only reflect the prior consideration that was given to internal building needs at a time when almost any inner fortification must have seemed a remote requirement.

deepest layers were found in areas Ioo and 104. It should

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The Date of thePeriod Destruction II the past season one of the most important single events was the discovery of a large hoard During of Hellenistic silver coins,'x all of which were found lying on the floor of the internal corridor that runs between towers 3 and 4 (Fig. 4). Scattered over a radius of some 20 cm. (P1. IIIc) they were sealed beneath the thick band of debris that partially choked the corridor between areas I86a and I86d at the time of the II destruction. Consistingof thirty-foursilver tetradrachms,the coins represent no less than ten mints, five of which are new to Pasargadae. But apart from the intrinsic interest of certain of the earlier issues, such as that of a coin from Ake-Ptolemais that bears a date equivalent to 313-312 B.C.,62 it is the latest coins-the eight tetradrachms bearing a helmeted portrait of Seleucus I-that necessarilysupply the date of the hoard and the II destruction. For the first time, in fact, we now have incontrovertible evidence that the great fire, which swept over the site from tower 2 to the deep reservoir (130) was not the work of Alexander, but rather a product of still later events that took place in the first quarter of the third century B.C. The precise date of the attack obviously hinges on two points: the date of Seleucus' helmeted issue and the condition of the eight coins concerned. With regard to the first point, there is still no absolute certainty as to the date of the issue, although it is generally agreed that the coins were minted to commemorate Seleucus' victory at Ipsos in 301 B.C.; with regard to the second, a number of the coins are sufficientlyworn to suggest that they may have been in currency for something approaching twenty years. Thus, on the evidence of at least this one hoard, which is embedded in the clearest context one could ask for, the destructionof the Period II settlement could have taken place as late as 280 B.C., the year in which Seleucus I died.63 This late date for the II destruction also leads to several other observations. In particular it shows that the isolated, secondarystructuresin trench H-which were associatedwith a coin hoard of identical chronological value-were destroyed with the rest of the II Citadel.64 The absence of any earlier battle scars also seems to show that the Pasargadae garrison was not called upon to play any active part in the struggle between Eumenes and Antigonos. Indeed, the apparently peaceful conditions at Pasargadae would seem to confirm the fact that the fighting between the two armies was confined to regions still further to the north.65 PeriodIII As can be seen from the above evidence, the date of the Citadel's third settlement now has to be adjusted to a period that begins after 280 B.C. Equally, the extent of the II destruction now appears to have been much greater than had been supposed. With regard to the more damaged sectors of the perimeter wall certain repairs had to be put in hand at once. In order to afford fresh access to tower 4, and presumably other parts of the debrischoked northern defences, a narrow secondary passage was driven through the north wall of room 87. With rough reveals on one side and a crude hearth on the other (P1. IIId) it bears all the marks of a hurried secondary construction. Still further to the east, a series of wall reinforcementsin rooms 88, 91 and 95, and a totally new floor level in room 191, may also be associated with repairs to the defences. But elsewhere, wherever the perimeter seems to have remained more or less intact, hardly any efforts were made to renovate the wall or even, as far as one can see from trench H and trench R, to repair such damaged structuresas lay inside the defences. Indeed, the great majority of Period III construction now appears to have been concentrated in area C-the point where it was first met in 196Iand where it sits directly over some of the worst of the II debris (P1. IVa). In objects the III settlement also appears poorer than we had thought, although its pottery, including several whole vessels from area C, is still closely related to much that we know from Period II.
61 For full details see G. K. Jenkins, pp. 41-52. 62 G. K. Jenkins, p. 47. 63 Cf. G. K. Jenkins, p. 52. 64 This hoard is again discussed in Mr. Jenkins' article. For previous references see Iran II, pp. 36 and 38. One other object of unusual interest from the destruction level in trench H is a

smallpotterydice thatwasfoundearlylast season. Likecertain GazaIII, earlierexamplesfromTell el Ajjiil (F. Petrie,Ancient I933, pl. XXVIII), it only differsfrom a moderndice in the way that its dots indicate the numberthree (pl. VIb). 15For details of the engagementsconcernedsee Diodor. XIX. 21 f. Also E. Bevan, TheHouse Seleucus 1902,pp. 43-6. of I,

Pl. Ia. Zendan-i-Suleiman from the west.

Pl. Ib. Zendan-i-Suleiman from the east.

doorway. Pl Ic. Detail of the damaged

PeriodI Pl. Id. Lookingnorthtowardsunfinished stoneconstruction trenchZ. in

P1. Ha. Looking west along inner edge of parapet in trench Z.

Pl. IIb.

The plastered cistern (130) in

Pl. MIc. The miniature bathroom (146) showing the " seat " and "footbath " in the foreground.

Pl. MId. Internal angle of outerfortifications in area P sh and door to tower 2.

Pl. Ilia. Part of thecovered drainshowingthe originallocationof the Daiva Inscription. K

corridor (186a) in thecourseof exca P1. IIIb. The perimeter and staircaseleadingto area X

corridor Pl. IIIc. The hoardof silver tetradrachms found on thefloor of theperimeter (i86c).

Pl. IIId. Lookingnorththrough secondary the Perio

levelsof corner the cisternshowingthe superimposed of P1. IVa. Viewfrom the south-west settlements III and IV. II, end Pl. IVb. Viewoverwestern of Citadelshowingremainso

with Pl. IVc. Detail of PeriodIV externaldoorway showinglowestcourseof mud-brick blocking towervisibleat right. part of protective

Pl. IVd. The Pillared Hall from the north. A secondary cr

Pl. V. The Daiva Inscription.

Pl. VIa. A small ironshoe from trenchZ.

H. level Pl. VIb. A potterydicefrom theII destruction in trench

Pl. VIc. View of tre

Pl. VId. Part of a stepped altarfound near the Tombof Cyrus. fire

Pl. VIe. Fragment Old Persianinscription fou of edgeof Palace Area.

excavation. before P1. VIIa. Thefire altar supports

P1. VIIb. The southplinth showingthe remainsof two c level.

centralcubeand staircaseblock. Pl. VIIc. Detail ofjoiningfaces between

Pl. VIId. The northplinthfrom the west showing

Moundin the courseof excavation. from the east showingthe Terraced Pl. VIIIa. The SacredPrecinct

Pl. VIIIb. The northstaircasewithpart of the adjoinin

Pl. VIIIc. Part of thepaved terrace walls. between thirdandfourth terrace the

Pl. VIIId. The gold hoard from thepaved te

Pl. IXa. View of centralsectionthrough Bridge lookingeast towardsthe Gatehouse.

column Pl. IXb. Detail of complete from northcorner Bridge withpit in of boulder showingrammed foundations. foreground

columnsin the centralrow. Pl. IXc. The banded,water-worn

Pavilion seen Pl. IXd. The Garden from the south. The Zendanand the Citadelappearin the background.

P1. Xb. Detail of gold bracelet.

PI. Xc. Detail of gold bracelet

Pl. Xa. Pair of gold ibex-headed bracelets,

Pl. XIa. Pair of gold earringseach with hollow gold meshon outside,threerows of gold pendants in centreand large lapis lazuli pendantat base.

Pl. XIb. Pair of gold earrings each with two concentric circles of go and sixteen free-standing rosettes round the ou

Pl. XIc. Detail of gold earring showing dot of granulation at end of each petal.

P1. XId. Pair of gold earrings each with inset plates and three-sidedp turquoise coloured paste.

~9~\ 99

~lig~isll~t ~"

9 ~ ~ 99

9 9~ 9 99'~'Z~ 99 '~ ~999999~99~99 9 9~ 99.. 99999999999

9~
1 11
$:?~9

'

'~
t3

Pl. XIIIb. The complete collection elevengo of still in position. gold bells, threewith theirclappers P1. XIIIa. Four miniature

Pl. XIIId. The complete collection gold c of Pl. XIIIc. Selection large and small gold lotus-shaped of spacerbeads

Pl. XIVb. Triple spacerbeadseach with miniature gold discs surrounded granulation. by P1. XIVc. Fragm Pl. XIVa. Selection gold beadsand spacerbeadswith of decoration. granulated

Pl. XIVf. Small gold rod

spacerbeads. P1. XIVd. Plain gold quadruple

of P1. XIVe. Selection largergold beadsincludinga gold and silverpendantat bottom right.

Pl. XIVg. Gold objectsincludingtwopendantsand tw6 beadswith coloured segmented inlays.

of pearls. P1. XIVh. Selection perforated

Pl. XIVi. A the various fo

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In the face of such evidence, which points to diminished architectural standards, an unexpected tolerance of extensive debris within the limits of the site, and a reduced building area, it is tempting to suppose that we are dealing with an indigenous re-occupation that met its end in some form of local conflict, possibly in the second half of the third century B.c. Also, from what little we can learn from the available written and numismatic evidence, the pattern of historical events in Fars would accord with such a picture. In the first place, the latest literary reference to fourth century Fars reflects the of the II Citadel strongly suggests that an immediate revolt must have attended the death of Seleucus; and thirdly, as the coins from the Persepolishoard seem to indicate,67the coins of Seleucus I were not followed by those of his successor,Antiochus I, but rather by those of Bagadat, the first king of Persis to mint his own money. PeriodIV Apart from last year's work on the Achaemenian and Seleucid phases, the past season also saw a much more intensive examination of a short-lived Islamic occupation that first attracted attention in 1962.68 As can be seen from Fig. 4, most construction was concentrated on the crown of the hill, east of area C and north of trench R. In the former area we were fortunate enough to find a long stretch of the perimeter wall, complete with an entrance, a protective tower, and a mass of small rooms within the fortification. Although now very largely reduced to its boulder foundations, the entire plan is still remarkably clear (P1. IVb). The projecting portion of the tower is rounded, with a diameter of 4-90 m., while the broad doorway still shows the remains of a secondary, mud-brick blocking (P1. IVc). Individual bricks from the settlement are seldom completely regular, but the average size, 39 x 39 x I cm., is appreciably larger than anything found in either the Achaemenian or Seleucid levels. Within the rooms themselves, simple beaten earth floors always seem to have been the rule. In comparison with these rather mundane quarters the Pillared Hall at the summit of the Citadel (17o, i17') is a much more imposing structure (Fig. 4 and P1.IVd). With its broad stone walls, plastered both inside and outside, its carefullyplastered floor and two square, plasteredcolumn bases, it represents much the most elaborate building that survives from this late occupation.69 As it stands, however, it is a curiously isolated phenomenon, and one can only conclude that it must have been built as part of an unfinished quarter that was abandoned long before it could be completed. The actual duration of the settlement probably barely lasted fifty years. Almost the only signs of secondary construction come from the Pillared Hall itself, where a rough stone cross-wall eventually took the place of one of the columns (P1. IVd), and from the broad external doorway, where the exigencies of defence probably called for a hasty blocking. As to the end of the settlement, this was again violent: the clearest evidence of sudden burning and desertion coming from a Period IV floor that had been cut into the summit terrace near area 100oo;70 from two or three scattered vessels on the floor of room 153; and from a distinct layer of ash on the floor of the Pillared Hall. The pottery from Period IV is quite distinctive, with a predilection for rather heavy, ribbed and grooved vessels. In colour it is usually pale buff, brown, grey or black with a matt, or, on occasion, a burnished, finish. Shapes include large, round-bodied storage jars, often with a " water holding" collar on the shoulder;V7smallerjars with a flat base, globular body, constricted neck and out-turned
rim; and heavy, almost coarse, bowls with a flat base and flaring sides. Turning to the date of the settlement, it appears perfectly clear that it had no connection with the thirteenth century Atibeg occupation that grew up near the Tomb of Cyrus.72 Instead the almost total absence of glazed pottery-none at all could be said to be properly stratified-is a most valuable
66 7' See E. T. Newell, Coinageof the Eastern SeleucidMints, 1938,

growth of a strong nationalist party at least as early as 316 B.C. ;66 secondly the date of the destruction

Diodor., op. cit., loc. cit.

70

The inner edge of the floor is marked on fig. 4 by the thin white line that appears east of area Ioo. See Iran II, pl. VIIb.

p. I6o. 68 Iran II, p. 36, note 47. 69 Pottery from the Hall proved identical with that from the barrack-like structures east of area C.

71

~2 See Sami, op. cit., p. 0ol.

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indication of a very early Islamic, or possibly even a very late Sasanian, date. At. both Istakhr and Naqsh-i-Rustam, for instance, Schmidt found that glazed ware was virtually unknown before 750 A.D.73 Also, although Schmidt has still to publish his pre-Abbasid pottery, it cannot be without significance that close parallels to our Period IV vessels are to be seen in the Persepolis Museum.74 Precinct TheSacred In undertaking the first survey of the isolated Sacred Precinct (Fig. I) since ProfessorHerzfeld's limited soundings of 1928, we were able to complete a series of independent excavations at the two limestone plinths (Figs. 5 and 6), at the Terraced Mound (Fig. 7), and at certain strategic points along the line of the enclosure wall (Fig. 7, Inset). As largely free standing monuments, the two plinths at the western end of the enclosure (P1.VIIa) have long been recognized as twin fire altar supports of early Achaemenian date.75 As such they not only disprove Herodotus' statement that it was not the Persian practice " to make and set up statues and temples and altars ",76 but they also demonstrate the high antiquity of the fire altar plinth and the equally long tradition behind the use of twin altars.7 The actual dedication of the altars is still uncertain. Olmstead regards them as twin altars " to the tribal divinities Anahita and Ahuramazda ";"1 Ghirshman considers that, with a third altar elsewhere, they may have been dedicated to the triad Ahuramazda-Mithras-Anahita;79 and Godard suggests that they may have been intended for offerings to the sacred elements, fire and water.80 In the present discussion, however, we shall be less concerned with these varying opinions than with the evidence as it stands, for in many ways remarkably little has been said about the complex nature of the Precinct and its individual monuments. Turning first to the readily datable twin fire altars, the central cube of the southern plinth (Fig. 5) consistsof a hollow white limestone block approximately 2- I6 m. high and 2 43 m. square at the base. Its lower edge is marked by a narrow protruding step 35 cm. high and 9 cm. wide while its upper edge is characterized by a pair of deep channels or recessed steps, the upper one of which was either unfinished or else purposely irregular in plan. To judge from a shallow recess on the upper inner face of the staircase block, as well as the presence of deep dowel holes on each channel (Fig. 5), such upper steps were intended to accommodate a series of black limestone additions to the upper part of the monument. Also, if we should take yet another slot on the inner face of the staircase as a proper guide (Fig. 5 and P1. VIIc), it would seem possible that still other embellishments were planned at various medial points. But, more important still, the base of the monument was particularly well furnished with black stone additions. As can be seen from Fig. 5 a highly polished black limestone border enclosed both the plinth and the staircase block, while each corner of the plinth border was also marked by a
small protruding rectangular plinth, 70 x 52 cm. in size.

The precise function of such miniature plinths remains a mystery, save that the nature of their surface dressing seems to indicate that each of them must have supported a further stone object of almost identical size. Had they been situated somewhat closer to the walls of the main plinth it might have been supposed that they could have supported corner pilasters leading up to an overhanging superstructure,sibut as it is their present position hardly accords with the very slight overhang that probably existed.82 In these circumstances only one other immediate solution suggests itself. For although there is no representation of any such arrangement, nor anything in the known religious beliefs of the time to support such a suggestion, it does seem faintly possible that a series of four
subsidiary fire altars could have stood on such plinths in addition to the main altar above. At the
4'Thesearemarkedsimplyas " Istakhr: Islamic". The Curator writesto me that the Museumcataloguesbear nothingbut the same description. 71 See A. III, Godard, " Les Monumentsdu Feu ", Athar-e-Iran p. 65 f. 76Herodotusi. 131. 7 Twin altarsof the steppedvarietyalsoappearin the earlytomb relief of Sakawand,south of Kirmanshah. See Herzfeld,IAE, p. 205 f. and fig. 316.
7' Schmidt,op.cit., p. ioI.
78 A.

T. Olmstead, Historyof the PersianEmpire, 1948, p. 6x.

"7 R. Ghirshman, op. cit., p. 229. 80 A. Godard, op. cit., p. 67. 81 Such an arrangement seems to be illustrated in some of the

altar supports depicted on Fratadara coins. See G. F. Hill, op. cit., loc. cit. The best evidence for the width of the overhang comes from the s82 shallow cut in the upper face of the staircase (pl. VIIc).

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1 2 3 4 5. METES. Cr SUM'''2 ft?; @U=COPSAMM ;5? ?2SAM= P081 OF UV9L NOUCH?;~?:::~:

I- I' .-..

-I

"--

Side

Elevation

SQ

f -H

E61NT
rn-ew

.Or-7rhW.

e'b.

1963.

FiPl.g an
momen

an

5.

Ekvation
cmes

of
fom
as

te

South

Plinth

the

nly

alar fire requsite Tomb

irectSuppotsale of
The fondatins ofthe

fo
he

sucha

noton

th
in
a

of

Cyrus.?:~:~'?:?' suther ne conist o from tothreemassie plinh

(Pl

V~d),3which

foud

uppr

hal

urely

of econdar

stepe
bloks

wie

imstn

contet,

clos

to

th

ofstone

thos

me w.

e.b. 1963.

Fig. 5. Plan and Elevationof the SouthPlinth.

moment the only direct support for such a notion comes from the upper half of a stepped white limestone fire altar of the requisite scale (P1. VId),83 which was found in a purely secondary context, close to the Tomb of Cyrus. The foundations of the southern plinth consist of from one to three massive blocks of stone, those under the main cube approaching a depth of 90 cm. To the north of the monument the excavations also revealed the remains of a rough pavement (Fig. 5) which almost certainly served as an original

working surface.

Finally, with regard to the date of the monument and its probable ascription to Cyrus, there is little that could suggest any other author for such a rigorous construction. Only the absence of the swallow-tail clamp is unusual. But against this one detail the eight individual risers of the staircase block each fall within the standard scale that obtains for all other monumental steps found at Pasargadae. In a number of ways the northern plinth (Fig. 6 and P1. VIId) appears to have been a rather more simple monument than its southern counterpart. Its upper stages are unchannelled; its central plinth is composed of at least three stones instead of one; and last but not least its polished black limestone border appears to have been without any corner plinths. At the same time, however, its finely joined stones reflect a high standard of workmanship; its contrasted dressing marks on its upper surface
83

The broadest measurement at the top of the altar (which is inverted in the photograph) is 54 cm. Its central, shelving bowl has a maximum diameter &o of cm.

26

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..Il I . I

l.

...

0 1--------3

5. METRES.

me.w

e.b. 1963

Fig. 6. Plan and Elevationof the North Plinth.

indicate the probable addition of a black limestone capping; and, as one can see from Pl. VIId, its massive foundations lose nothing in comparison with those from the southern plinth (P1. VIIb). In height the northern plinth is 2 0om. high while its base is 2 -80 m. square. The narrow step at the base is present once more although this time measuring 46 cm. in height as against 9 cm. in width. Also, the larger stone is again hollow. But in this case the attempt to reduce the weight of the stone
appears to have had serious consequences, for, from all the evidence available, the stone would only seem to have reached the site in a damaged condition, without the better part of its north-eastern corner. As a rather hurried solution both the upper and the lower stones were cut back to admit the insertion of a new L-shaped block, and, as one can see from Fig. 6, the latter was then clamped to the upper surface of the upper stone. In the course of time, however, the clamps were removed, the blocking stone-the last obstacle in the path of any treasure seekers-was either carried off or broken up, and the full extent of the original gap was again revealed.84 The foundations of the northern plinth easily exceed a metre in depth and above all else they illustrate the extensive use of " retaining foundations" that seem to have been inserted purely to prevent any lateral movement on the part of the central core (P1. VIId). But, despite the oft-repeated assertion that the steps at the base of the Tomb of Cyrus must have come from this particular altar,85
* Any suggestion that there was meant to be some sort of door in this position is not only refuted by the above mentioned dowel marks but also by the almost jagged profile of the internal ceiling at the original point of breakage (fig. 6).
85

In point of fact the four steps concerned could only have formed half the necessary flight.

EXCAVATIONS

AT PASARGADAE:

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PRELIMINARY

REPORT

27

it must be noted that there was no trace of any suitable foundation slab for a staircase. Indeed, the evidence is so clear on this point-particularly if we compare the foundations of the two altars-that we can hardly escape the conclusion that the northern plinth was never intended to have a staircase. In some ways this intelligence should not come as a surprise; we still know remarkably little about appointments of this kind and it is just this kind of distinction that will ultimately lead us to a closer identification of the little material that we have.

THE TERRACEDMOUND PASARGADAE

mems et delt me weover & e beaoley oa dpis 5 0 5 10 15 20 25 metres

m 0 section showing wall & terrace *Y" on ine A -A inset

50

100

pmof sacred precinct

Mound with Inset Plan of SacredPrecinct. Fig. 7. Plan and Sectionof Terraced

Coming next to the less securely dated Terraced Mound, which lies 123 m. to the west (Fig. 7 and P1. VIIIa), it must be confessed that Herzfeld's original descriptions of the monument leave much to be desired.86 As far as one can see, one of the chief reasons for this was that Herzfeld himself was strongly convinced that there was an essential architectural symmetry between the Tomb of Cyrus and the Mound. Regarding the two monuments as complementary tiered structures-deliberately
placed at the extreme south-west and the extreme north-west corners of the site-he felt that they were bound to mirror each other in almost every respect. As a consequence he suggested that the uppermost mud-brick platform could have supported a stone cella similar to the gabled portion of the Tomb; that there were six rather than five terraces; and that each succeeding terrace shared a regular, rather than a quite irregular, plan. In choosing the site of the monument the original architects were clearly bent in extracting as much help as possible from the natural rock outcrop that forms the core of the Mound. But at the same time the precise alignment of the Mound, which is very close to that of the fire altars, and the slight irregularities in its outline, cannot be said to have been entirely dictated by the shape of the rock layers beneath the surface. As to actual measurements, the length of the mound is more or less constant at m. at its southern end to 50 40 m. at its northern end. Its 85 m. while its width varies from 46 74" summit stands some level m. above the "65 of the surrounding plan. 5-40 In contrast to some of the shallower terrace walls at a higher level, the better preserved parts of the
B6 See E. Herzfeld, IranischeFelsreliefs, I9Io, p. 90 f.;

AMI I, p. 8 f.; IAE, p. 215 and pl. XLIV.

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outer wall often exceed 2 m. in height (P1.VIIIb). But in construction alone there is hardly anything to choose between the first four walls since all illustrate the same use of dry-stone masonry. Only the scale of the stones seems to show a slight reduction as one reaches the fourth terrace (P1.VIIIc), while the fifth and last terrace is very largely composed of mud-brick. The outer approaches appear to have been two in number. On the north face a probable external entrance is indicated by the remains of a dry-stone staircase some 2 - 20 m. high and -50 m. broad (P1.VIIIb). Unfortunately the surviving evidence from the adjoining east face-opposite the altarsis far from as clear. But an obvious discrepancy in the alignment of this face leads one to believe that another staircasemight well have existed at the point where a narrow gap appears in the plan (Fig. 7). Above the first terrace there is only one other indication of an approach to the summit. It consists of nothing more than a narrow gap in the second terrace opposite the head of the north staircase, but in this position it seems to speak for a relatively direct, northern approach to the topmost terrace. As to the arrangementof the terracesas a whole, they present a most unusual and yet symmetrical plan (Fig. 7) in which the fifth and last terrace seems to define the absolute limits of any appointments that may have crowned the whole structure.87 In construction the summit itself consists of nothing more than a most carefully built mud-brick platform. It is now almost certainly denuded, but the important point is that it possessesa uniformly even surface without any trace of burning or destruction or any sign of eroded mud-brick walls. Also, to make only one other observation, the extensive pavement on the third terrace (P1. VIIIc) may indicate that several of the other lower terraces were equipped with a similar flooring. To complete this descriptive account of the Sacred Precinct, it should be stressed that the oddly aligned enclosurewall (Fig. 7, Inset) attests the same dry-stone technique as that found in the Mound's terraced walls.88 Also, if we consider the rather curious angles of the enclosure wall, it must be admitted that they bear a not dissimilar appearance to some of those found on the Mound itself.89 Thus, despite all that has been said in the past about the probable association of the altars and the Mound, and the probable secondary date of the wall,90it would seem perfectly clear that any discrepancy in date must come between the altars and the other two structuresthat share so many similar, less finished details. From the very fact that Cyrus would never have considered erecting two such magnificent altars without taking steps to improve any associated appointments in the same area, we can conclude that the Mound and the wall each representlater, rather than earlier, constructions. At the same time the brick sizes from the fifth terrace would seem to indicate that the Mound and the wall cannot have been very much later additions. Falling within the standard range used at Pasargadae throughout the Achaemenian and early Seleucid periods (c. 32 x 32 x 12 cm.), the bricks alone reflect a construction date between the sixth and the third centuries B.C. Thus, from all that we know of the energetic, if somewhat economical programmesof construction undertaken on the Citadel during the reigns of both Darius and Xerxes we might wonder if these last additions owe their existence to one or other of these monarchs. It might be added that Period I walls with similardry-stonemasonry-and even similar angles-can be found in variousparts of the Citadel!91 As to the pottery from the Mound this was meagre and disappointing to a degree. Most of it consisted of small, worn fragments that could have fallen anywhere within the centuries mentioned above. But one example, a little more distinctive than the rest, probably indicates some form of occupation even in Seleucid times.92 One other discovery consisted of a small hoard of gold objects from the paved terrace (Fig. 7 and P1. VIIId). Buried in a broken patch of paving near the fourth terrace wall, in an area without any trace of a later floor, the objects appear to have been secreted either at the end of the active life of the
87 88

The available space approaching 15 x 20 m. But in the present condition of even the northern junction (the last I5 m. of the southern wall have had to be restored on the plan) it is not possible to say whether or not there was any degree of bonding between the two structures. 8* The internal measurements of the enclosure wall are: width

86. 60 m., length of south wall I86 . 6o m., and length of north wall 20oo0 8o m. 00 See E. F. Schmidt, PersepolisI, I953, p. 20. 31 Cf. rooms 118, 117, 65, etc. **A full study of all the Pasargadae pottery will appear in the final report.

EXCAVATIONS

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29

mound or at some still later period. Unfortunately the hoard itself has hardly any dating characteristics,consisting of nothing more than three perforated, terminal strips of gold, several intermediate strips of gold of varying length and thickness, a plain gold sleeve, and a split carnelian barrel bead. Accordingly, if we should incline to date the objects to the end of the life of the mound, it can only be because this would seem the most likely period for such precious objects to have been hidden on the site. To conclude this survey of the Precinct, then, what can be said about the original function of the Terraced Mound? Apart from all other considerations,it seems very likely that Cyrus' grand design was never brought to completion, and that the effortsof his successorsconstituted an attempt to complete the outline of an earlier plan that had already envisaged some degree of construction on the adjoining hillock. Also, from the evidence of the topmost terrace, we can probably rule out any notion that the Mound was built to support a temple, and we can perhaps agree with Erdmann93 that the open summit was either a stage for sacrificial rites or else a support for a third altar. The PalaceArea The extensive Palace Area, which stretches from the Gatehouse to the Residential Palace in one direction and from the Palace of Audience to the base of the Citadel Hill in the other, was also the scene of several new discoveries. Not least in interest were one or two objects from the surfaceincluding a fragment of a black limestone bas-relief with part of a single line Old Persian cuneiform inscription (P1.VIe). Measuring only 10 6 x 8-5 cm. in size, the fragment is still distinguished by several folds of a robe, a rivet hole for some form of metal embellishment, and a determinant part of the phrase vazrakaor Great King.94 Indeed, from its several characteristicsone can hardly mistake it xldyaO8ya: for anything save a part of one of the lost CMc inscriptions,all of which served to identify the figures of Cyrus in the doorways of the Residential Palace with the words " Cyrus the Great King, an Achaemenian ".95 Only the odd position of the fragment, which was found close to the stones of a northern boundary wall, at a point 210om. north-east of the Zendan, would seem to cast a slight doubt on this attribution. But even this is not a serious criticism. It only underlines the fact that, at a site with so little cover, a great many stones were broken up and moved to secondary positions.96 TheBridge In completing our survey of the southern half of the Palace Area particular efforts were made to recover the surviving plan of the stone water channels and basins that had once irrigated the royal gardens.97 But a still more interesting revelation came from the discovery of a single white limestone block that barely broke the surface of the ground at a point almost 150 m. west of the Gatehouse. For, on further investigation, this apparently isolated stone proved to be part of the buried foundations of a bridge (Fig. 8 and P1. IXa) that had once spanned a large watercourse in this part of the site
(Fig. i). Unparalleled by any other structure, the partly excavated foundations consist of two opposed limestone side walls with five rows of three columns between them. Almost square in plan (Fig. 8) the m. The average space between m. and a span of bridge appears to have had a width of 15"95 the normal diameter of each column columns, measured from centre to centre, was 3 90 m. while 15"6o appears to have been 85 cm.98 The original height of each column seems to have been somewhat over 2 m. Also, as can be seen from the plates, each column seems to have stood on a rammed boulder
I " K. Erdmann, Sendschrift D.O.G., p. 13 f. 94 Still visible are part of an initial divider, virtually the whole of the first ideogram, another divider, and part of the first character of the second word. 9* These single line inscriptions, cut in the folds of the king's garments were first observed and reported by Herzfeld (A.M.I. I, p. 14 f.). On the basis of the evidence from the Palace, Kent describes the Old Persian text of such trilingual inscriptions as " entirely destroyed " (Kent, op. cit., p. Io7). **This important point should never be forgotten in considering the history of any block with a poor or uncertain stratification. It is most unfortunate, for instance, that the Zendan inscription should not have been noticed (Sami, op. cit., p. 99) until the Department's excavations were over and all hope of studying the surrounding stratigraphy had gone. Such channels were first studied in detail in I951 (Sami, op. cit., pp. 7-7). Our own results will be embodied in Mr. Weaver's forthcoming site plan.

0'

" In keeping with the rather rough finish of all these foundation columns, diameters vary from as little as 77 to as much as 86 cm.

30

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mn dec.1963.

1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 METRES.

THE BRIDGE PASARGADAE

mens et delt m.e.weaver. & e beazley aa.dipls

Areasof the Bridge. Plan showingExcavated Fig. 8. Axonometric

foundation with nothing more than a rough, almost square, stone base beneath its lightly (P1. IXb) or heavily (P1. IXc) eroded drum. Capitals were not used.99 As to the well-dressed limestone side walls, m. in length while the south-east one measures I6- Jo m. in length. the north-west one measures 15"95 Both stand on a similar foundation block, that of the north-west wall having an internal projection of 20 cm. and an external projection of 90 cm. Including such foundation blocks, both walls would seem to have shared a maximum height of 2 36 m. Beam recesses, such as still can be seen opposite the first

two rows of columns to the north-east, seem to have measured 37 cm. in depth and I m. in width.
Also, as a rather rare addition, one or two joints in the side walls illustrate the use of swallow-tail clamps.100 The watercourse itself runs along what always was-and still is-a natural line of drainage through the site. In all probability, therefore, the original architects first took advantage of this circumstance in order that they could float heavy building blocks right to the heart of the site. But once having
" Above all else, the varying condition of the columns would seem to reflect the relative hardness or softness of the stones employed. Metal clamps of some kind also seem to have been used to x0O counter any cracks in the columns themselves (P1. IXb).

EXCAVATIONS

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dredged such a canal it is more than likely that they also decided to retain it as a valuable addition to the amenities of the royal gardens. Certainly the construction of the bridge itself can only support such a conclusion as does the silt on the base of the canal (Fig. 8) and the excellent quality of the canal's dry-stone walls above and below the limits of the Bridge.10oAs for the eventual abandonment of the canal, the deep erosion on some of the central columns (Pl. IXc) would seem to show that it must have remained in use throughout most of the Achaemenian period. But at the same time the eventual collapse of the canal's dry-stone revetments appears to have been almost enough to keep it permanently hidden from view.'02 Unfortunately no trace of any superstructure survives above the Bridge's present foundations, although, from the existing plan alone, it is tempting to suppose that a light, possibly wooden, columned pavilion once stood above the waters of the canal, making a most attractive inner entrance to the Palace Enclosure. Also, whether or not any such superstructureexisted, the surviving substructure still remains of the greatest interest, both as a remarkably early example of a columned bridge and as yet another illustration of the Achaemenian genius for adapting and transformingknown architectural elements. The Garden Pavilion One of the expedition's last tasksin the Palace Area was to complete the excavation of a small stone structure that was already partly exposed at a point I20 m. due north of the Audience Hall (Fig. I). As it stands today, the building consists of a rectangular platform of dressed stones, approximately I I - 70 X I - 15 m. in area, with what were probably the foundations of elaborate porticoes on its north-eastern and south-westernsides (Fig. 9 and P1. IXd). To describe this small building's quite varied features in turn, the platform itself not only shows multiple plough marks but it also illustrates the curious occurrence of a series of tightly grouped circular depressionsnear the south-westernentrance (Fig. 9). Quite what the purpose of such random markings may have been it is difficult to say, but from the present depressed surface of the stones concerned (P1. IXd) it at least seems possible that they document a somewhat laborious method of lowering the level of a stone floor-largely by means of a circular drilling process. The twin stones that projectfrom the middle of each of the platform'sshortersides (Fig. 9) almost certainly mark the presence of two paved doorways, each of which appearsto have lost part of its central paving at some earlier date. The narrow gap at each side of such doorways, between the platform and the foundation stones of the two porticoes, strongly suggeststhe presence of an original mud-brick wall which not only enclosed the central hall but which also ran out, possibly as a somewhat thinner partition, along the opposed arms of the porticoes themselves. Further confirmation of this last suggestion possibly also comes from the baked brick and stone reinforcementsthat appear at the extremities of the two north-eastern arms. m. and a width of 17-30 m. As regardsthe porticoes themselves-each of which had a depth of 4"30 four, small columns. But if not -it is more than likely that each was enhanced by the addition of two, since neither the north-westernnor the south-eastern recessesseem to have possessedany direct access to the main hall it is perhaps less likely that they were adorned in the same way. Indeed the only distinctive features from the two long sides of the building consist of certain marginal strips of stone which may have served yet again as some sort of wall foundation. Meagre as they are, these details comprise almost all that can be said about the architectureof this small yet distinctive structure which, from the form of its masonry, dates from the reign of Cyrus and which, from its size, position and appointments, would seem to have served a decorative rather than a utilitarian purpose in one of the more favoured parts of the Palace gardens. Yet at the same time this modest, much denuded structureled us, at the very close of our last season, to perhaps the most striking discovery ever made at Pasargadae. The Treasure Work had been in progress at the Pavilion for some days when our excavations near the southern arm of the south-west portico happened to reveal the remains of a tall, buff ware Achaemenian water
101

One such wall was traced for a distance of over 8 m.

102 Note

the depth of the stone debris in fig. 8, particularly that towards the north end of the north-west wall.

32

JOURNAL

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m.n. nov.1963.

JAR CONTAINNCTREASURE

10METRES.

THE

GARDEN

PAVILION

PASARGADAE

mens et delt m.e.weaver & e. beazley a.a. dipls

Pavilion. Fig. 9. Plan of the Garden

jar that had formerlyserved either the Pavilion itself or the surroundinggardens. (Fig. 9).103 Reduced by continuous ploughing to little more than a third of its original height (P1. VIc),104 the upper walls of the jar still contained some 15 cm. of earth while the lower part contained the rich range ofjewellery

shownin Pls. X-XIV.

As a whole the objects from the jar were still remarkably well preserved. The larger pieces each rested in what would seem to have been their original positions, the only bracelets (P1. X) lying at a horizontal angle near the base while three pairs of earrings (P1. XI) and a silver spoon (Pls. XIIa and b) each stood at a somewhat higher level, stacked against each other at a vertical angle. The fact that matching pieces were always found side by side may also mean that all the more important paired objects were tied to each other before interment. Unfortunately, the smaller elements proved to have been much less carefully buried. Consisting almost entirely of the multiple elements of several different necklaces (Pls. XIId-XIVi), they would seem to have been interred above, below and even between the principal objects with the result that they eventually fell into almost total disorder.x05 Apart from the larger objects already mentioned, the treasure also included one other notable piece: a single gold button with a delicate cloisonn6 pattern. Altogether the material from the jar includes 1,162 objects, described below under thirty-seven different heads. the vessel may once have approached cm. in height. of The jar was found I m. fromthe stonefoundations the 60 all necklace Withthe decayof thevarious arm southern and2 2o m. fromtheplatform. practically strings 100 fell beads to thebaseof thepotwhilemostof the thesmaller to '0" Still standing a heightof 25.5 cm., with a maximum at elements leastslidoutof place. necklace of cm. and a basediameter 7 cm., diameter of major existing 17"5
103

EXCAVATIONS

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33

CATALOGUE i. Pair of gold bracelets, each with a spirally twisted wire hoop and detachable, ibex-headed terminals (Pl. X). Composed of multiple, twisted wires, each slender hoop shows a slight inward bend opposite the opening. Each terminal consists of a cast ibex head with a hollow, decorated collar. While each head possesses inset ears and horns, the latter formed from a single beaded loop set in granulated sockets, each collar is encircled by two opposed, beaded bands, a fine wire chain, a series of filigree spirals, and a zigzag wire pattern that masks the true edge of the sleeve. Maximum diameter of upper example in P1. Xa 6 5 cm., of lower example, 7-o cm.; respective weights of each 41-8 grm.
and 42 -8 grm.

2. Pair of penannular gold earrings, each with a large lapis lazuli pendant at the base (P1.XIa).lo0 Enclosed,in a hollow wire mesh with small globules masking each join between its component wires, each earring boasts three rows of pendants at its centre. In each case the upper two rows contain eight and twelve pomegranate-shapedpendants respectively while the lower knobbed bar supportssix discs. Regardless of their shape all such pendants were hung as loosely as possible, each shimmering and trembling at the slightest movement. At the base of each earring a broad ring supportsan oval piece of lapis lazuli in a wire mesh cage, which is itself furnished with small internal caps at either end; the base of the cage takes the form of a seven-pointed filigree star with a pyramid of hanging granulation at its centre. The catch on each earring includes a thick, hinged pin, that is still anchored at one side by a spherical-headed split-pin.107 Diameter of each example 5 - I cm.; thickness of each 0o9 cm.; weight of each 20 grm. 3. Pair of penannular gold earrings,each with a disc and rosette design (Pls. XIb and c). Divided into an inner register with eight two-sided discs, each encrusted with granulation, a central register with twelve slightly larger discs, and an outer register with sixteen free-standing, three-dimensional wire rosettes, each earring is without any form of inlaid decoration. But as a further decorative detail each petal of each rosette still bears a small drop of granulation near its point (P1. XIc). Towards the top of each earring a single metal strip supports three miniature pendants while the catch itself attests a nail-headed, rather than a spherical-headed,split-pin. Diameter of each example cm.; thickness 4"9 of each o -9 cm.; weight of each 19 grm. 4. Pair of penannular gold earrings, each with up to three free-hanging pendants (P1. XId). Bordered by a double row of granulation on the inside and pyramids of granulation on the outside, the central register of each earring consists of a double set of open wire scrolls, each of which support eight oval plates set back to back. Each inlaid with turquoise coloured paste at one time, several such plates still retain fragments of their original inlay. Below the main register each earring was formerly equipped with three segmented pendants, each piped with granulation and each inlaid with turquoise paste in one base, and three side, compartments. Diameter of each example 3 -6 cm.; weight of single
complete example 9 grm. 5. Silver spoon with duck or swan's head handle (Pls. XIIa and b). The bowl is broad shouldered, tapered, with a flat rim save at the tip. The handle, freshly broken above the bowl, is circular in section, double curved, and terminates in a duck or swan's head. Incised lines mark the top of the neck while still others define the nostrils, bill markings, eyes and feathers of the broad-billed head. Overall length 15 cm.; maximum width of bowl 3 4 cm.; weight 40 5 grm. 6. Silver spoon with a zoomorphic handle ending in a cloven hoof (P1. XIIc). The bowl is almost flat, circular, with only a trace of a rim towards the beginning of the handle. The handle, with its clearly marked hock, fetlock and hoof, is flat near the bowl although fully circular in section towards the hoof. The hoof itself is cleft down the front as well as along its underside. Overall length cm.; 8"3 maximum width of bowl 2 -6 cm.; weight 13 -6 grm.
106

I am much indebted to Mr. M. Rustami, the Teheran Museum photographer, for the present carefully lit illustration of these earrings as well as for the details shown in Plates Xb and c and XIc. The remaining photographs of the

treasure form part of Miss Kitson's admirable field record. The free end was probably held in place by a second sphericalx'07 headed pin that simply dropped into place-to be secured by wire binding if necessary.

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7. Carnelian bead in the form of a couchant lion (P1. XIId left). Equipped with a single longitudinal perforationclose to the base, the bead also possessesa further parallel groove on its base-such as could have been fitted to a lower string in order to keep the bead upright. Incised lines depict the facial features,the heavy mane, and other details of the legs and body. Length I cm.; height I -o cm.; "9 width o -6 cm. 8. Amethyst bead in the form of a couchant lion (P1. XIId centre).Without any groove on its flat base, the bead only attests the normal longitudinal perforation at a slightly higher level. Lightly etched lines indicate the facial, and certain body, features. Length I -7 cm.; height I cm.; width .o cm. 9. Lapis lazuli bead in the form of a couchant lion (P1.XIId right). Identical in size and treatment to No. 8. Io. Eleven gold bell-shaped pendants, nine with their clappers still in position (Pls. XIIIa and b). Each equipped with a flanged suspension loop, ten of the eleven examples possess horizontally ribbed walls while the two longest examples also possess a flanged lower rim. The one unique example (P1. XIIIa second from right), which largely depends on granulated motifs for its visual effect, shows, among other decorative elements, a denticulated fringe, concentrations of granulation in a free field, and triangles of granulation near the base. Length of longest example I -6 cm.; length of shortest
I I cm.

0o5

I I. Two large, terminal, gold spacer beads, each with the profile and stylized petal markings of a lotus bud (P1.XIIIc bottom row). Made from two separate gold sheets, each bead is hollow with five individual string holes at one end and a single broad opening at the other. Length of longest example 2- I cm.; length of the other 2 o cm.; maximum thickness of each o 3 cm.
12. Twelve small, terminal, gold spacer beads, each with the stylized profile and petal markingsof a lotus bud (see selection in P1. XIIIc top and centre rows). Similar in construction to the two larger models, four examples possessfour string holes while the remaining eight possessonly three. Of the last four pairs, two are decorated on one face only. Length of longest example I - 2 cm.; length of shortest

I - I cm.; maximum thickness of each o-25 cm.

(P1.XIIId top three rows). Plain on the reverse side, each charm is suspended from a small gold bead o 2 cm. in diameter and from two interlocking rings of similar size. Overall length of each example
I-3 cm.

I3. Fifty-one gold charms, each depicting a cast, full-face view of the head of the Egyptian god Bes

14. Thirty gold charms similar to those described above, each depicting a human head in profile
with a simple, ring-like earring, a flat-topped hat, and a prominent bun of hair (P1. XIIId fourth and fifth rows). Overall length of each example I - 2 cm.
15. Twenty-six gold charms, again of the same type, each depicting an ibex head in profile with one horn thrust forward and the other bent back over the long, slender line of an ear (P1. XIIId sixth and seventh rows). Overall length of each example I I cm. I6. Twenty-four gold charms, also of the same type, each depicting a lion head in profile (P1. XIIId bottom two rows). Overall length of each example o -9 cm.

I7. Gold button with a domed section. The convex outer face bears a delicate cloisonn6 pattern in which a series of small roundels, petals and triangles, inlaid with turquoise, white and grey coloured paste, surround a central, four pointed gold boss. The hollow inner side possesses a small gold loop for fastening. Diameter 2 9 cm.; height o07 cm. 18. Four large gold beads, each consisting of a central cylinder surrounded by external granulation cm. cm.; diameter of smallest (P1. XIVa third row). Diameter of largest o.6 o'7

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Each complete spacer bead consists of three individual beads, each with a central cylinder surrounded by one large and four small, flanking rows of granulation. Length of each complete spacer bead I 2 cm. 20. Elements of thirty-fourquadruple gold spacer beads (Pl. XIVa fifth, sixth and seventh rows) Each complete spacer bead consists of four individual beads, each of which is composed of a double thickness of seven minute granulations. Length of each complete spacer bead o 9 cm. 21. Fifty-two triple gold spacer beads, each faced on one side with triple gold caps with granulated edges (Pl. XIVb). Backed by nothing more than three plain, transverselyperforated, cylinders, with a plain metal strip on the reverse face, each spacer bead appears to have been strung immediately next the to its neighbour,108 whole collection making a continuous string at least 21 cm. long. Length of each spacer bead I - I cm.; breadth of each 0o4 cm. 22. Elements of twenty-nine quadruple gold spacer beads, each composed of plain beads c. o 2 cm. in diameter (Pl. XIVd). Length of each complete spacer bead o -85 cm. 23. Five hundred and seventeen gold beads with an average diameter of 0-2 cm. 24. Three plain, spherical gold beads, two (Pl. XIVe top left and top right) with diameters of 0o cm. and one (Pl. XIVe left centre) with a diameter of 0 -75 cm. -4 25. Three ring-like gold beads, one (Pl. XIVe top centre) with a diameter of o -3 cm.; a second (Pl. XIVe right centre) with a diameter of 0 5 cm.; and a third (Pl. XIVe bottom left) with a diameter of o -65 cm. 26. Two ring-like gold beads, each composed of a series of globules, soldered together and then lightly smoothed with a file (Pl. XIVe centre examples in second row). Diameter of each o 6 cm. 27. Gold and silver pendant, consisting of a partly crushed gold globe suspendedfrom a silver loop; the join between the two parts is masked by a silver collar (P1.XIVe bottom right). Height of pendant o -8 cm. 28. Composite globular bead with alternating turquoise and lapis lazuli segments. Its metal parts include vertical gold dividing walls, a medial, horizontal dividing wall and a central cylinder without flattened caps. Diameter 0 9 cm. 29. Composite globular bead with turquoise, lapis lazuli and brown paste segments. Its metal parts include vertical gold dividing walls and a central cylinder ending in flattened caps (P1. XIVg bottom right). Diameter -7 cm. 30. A composite bead similar to No. 29, with alternating red and green paste segments (P1. XIVg bottom left). Diameter o -6 cm.
3'. Lunate-shaped gold pendant109 with a small loop at the top; section rhombic to circular (P1. XIVg top left). Height I .7 cm. 32. Cage-shaped gold pendant with a loop at the top and a pyramid of hanging globules at the base; originally composed of four rough gold strips, one of which is now detached (P1. XIVg top centre and cm. top right). Height 33. Small gold rod with a hand worked, faceted surface (P1. XIVf). Bent, twisted, and also broken at one end, it clearly represents a fragment of some larger object. Length 6 2 cm. 34. Fragment of unworked pink coral (P1. XIVc). Length 2 2 cm. 35. Fifty minute pink coral beads, each rather less than o 2 cm. in diameter.
108

19. Elementsof twenty-one triple gold spacer beads (Pl. XIVa first, second, fourth and eighth rows).

2"3

At least half a dozen beads still lay next to each other at the base of the jar. x09 It is also possible that this same ornament was first used as an earring, for, if the lower point should once have been longer,

the whole ornament could have been inverted and worn from the ear. Cf. a gold earring from Persepolis with a bell-shaped pendant hanging from its smaller, closed loop. E. Schmidt, PersepolisII, 1957, pl. 45, 30.

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36. Two hundred and forty four pearl bead? (see selection in Pl. XIVh) consisting of I8O beads with diameters close to o 2 cm. and a further sixty-four with maximum measurementsranging from 0o3 cm. to 0o9 cm. 37. Twenty-five stone beads (Pl. XIVi) comprising ten onyx or carnelian spacer beads, each with a segmented upper surface (average length I -4 cm.); nine singly perforatedonyx eye stones (average diameter -9 cm.); four singly perforatedcarnelian beads; one speckled black and white bead with a single perforation; and the greater part of an onyx pendant (length 2 2 cm.) which represents the only damaged stone object in the collection. As one of the rare groups of Achaemenian jewellery to have been found on a scientific excavation, the present collection representsa most welcome addition to the scant range of material that can claim both an exact provenance and an exact series of associations.110 But as such an unusual discovery it is all the more unfortunatethat it should not have come from a more firmly dated context. For although the jar containing the objects was found only a metre away from the limits of an Achaemenian building, the whole adjoining area proved bereft of any stratigraphicdetail that might have helped to date either the installation of the vessel or the deposition of the objects.111Furthermore, the coarse nature of the jar itself, or at least that part of it that still survives, is such that one can hardly hope to date it within narrow limits.112Thus, despite all the evidence that might have emerged under less disturbed conditions, the date of the treasureand the date of its secretion can only be said to rest-save for the broadest of estimates-on the testimony of the objects themselves. In admitting this, and in relying on such evidence for dating purposes, it must be conceded that any attempt to date Achaemenian jewellery on grounds of style alone is fraught with difficulties. In spite of the scientific discoveries already alluded to we still have much too little dated material to be sure of the various lines of stylistic development and we can only advance certain working hypotheses. If we should consider the evidence and assumptions that support the present, broadly accepted, chronological classification of at least one important form, the caprine-headed bracelet, we shall perhaps illustrate the complexities of the situation. Different types of caprines-ibex, gazelle and antelope-are widely represented in art of the Achaemenian period and, in particular, we possess a series of bracelets decorated with the heads of such animals. Unfortunately, however, none of these bracelets is narrowly dated. At Vouni alone, the probable date of the destruction of the palace, which the excavators set at 380 B.C.,113 furnishes an ante approximate terminus quem.As to style, it is more than probable that it evolves from an early form of stiff, schematic representationto a later form of more supple, naturalistic representation. But, even if this should be granted, who is to say that such an evolution was a continuous, uniformly gradual process? Apart from the style of the animal heads one must also consider the nature of the rest of each bracelet: the form and decoration of the hoop and the decoration of the sleeves between the hoop and
the animal finials. It is certain, for instance, that, among the older bracelets, we can include those that were made in one piece while, among the more recent examples, we can include those with separately made finials that were affixed to the end of the hoop. But in this context too the distinct traditions of a region, a workshop or even an individual goldsmith must always be allowed for. In the case of the bracelets from the sarcophagus burial at Susa we are almost certainly confronted with single-piece bracelets of late, rather than early, fourth century date'14 and the same may be said for a number of single-piece examples from the famous Oxus treasure.115
110o

iii

Earlier scientific discoveries include a complete collection of feminine jewellery recovered from a late fourth-century sarcophagus burial at Susa (J. de Morgan, M.D.P. VIII, 1905, PP. 29-58) and a collection of gold and silver objects, including two gold and fifteen silver bracelets, from Vouni ExpeditionIII, p. 238 f.). (E. Gjerstadt, The SwedishCyprus Deep ploughing proved to have removed even the earliest working floors, such as might have been associated with the construction of the Pavilion.

112At best, it can only be ascribed to a period between the sixth

and third centuries B.C.

Its E. Gjerstadt, op. cit., pp. 278, 285-8.
1xi

i15

For a detailed discussion of the date of the Susa material see P. Amandry, AntikeKunst I, 1958, P. 2I. Again see Amandry, op. cit., p. 21 f. Also, for particularly obvious parallels to the Susa torques and bracelets see O. M. of Dalton, The Treasure the Oxus, 1926, nos. I8, 12o and 132.

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With such reservationsin mind, then, we may perhaps set out the following chronological classification of caprine-headed bracelets, which is central to the dating of not only our own bracelets but also that of the Pasargadaetreasure as a whole:116 I. Single-piece gold bracelet from the Badisches Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe. Sixth to fifth
centuries
B.C.117

2-3. Pair of single-piece gold bracelets from Vouni. Second half of the fifth century to the beginning of the fourth century.118 4-5. Pair of single-piece gold bracelets from Anatolia, now in the Schmuckmuseum, Pforzheim. Date as above. 6-7. Pair of single-piece gold bracelets from Sardis (?), each with a horizontally fluted hoop."" Date as above. 8. Detached gold head of a bracelet of unknown provenance, now in Paris.120Mid fourth century. 9. Detached gold head of a bracelet of unknown provenance, now in Berlin.121Mid fourth century. So-i I. Pair of gold bracelets with detachable heads and with each hoop composed of spirally twisted bands and beaded threads. From the Wiberg Collection, Stockholm.122 Second half of the fourth century. 12-13. Pair of gold braceletsfrom Macedonia with detachable heads and with each hoop composed of spirally twisted bands.123End of fourth century. 14. Single gold bracelet with detachable heads and with a hoop composed of spirally twisted bands. National Museum, Taranto.'24 End of fourth century. From this list covering at least two centuries it is clear that the Pasargadae bracelets cannot be too far removed from a series of developed bracelets, each with separate finials and twisted hoops, that belong to the fourth, and more particularly to the second half of the fourth, century B.c. At the same time, however, the Pasargadae heads (P1. X) still reflect a number of archaic features, notably in the in stylized, straight lined, treatment of the beard,125 the careful delineation of the tuft of hair on the and in the use of inset ears as well as horns,'28that must forehead,'26 in the upright set of the ears,127 divide them from the main body of such late bracelets. Admittedly the eyebrows are not drawn in with the distinct, bulbous outline that is so obvious in the Pforzheim and Sardisheads, but eyebrows of this traditional Achaemenian type are already replaced by 'grooved' eyebrows in several other heads that should be at least as old as the Pforzheim and Sardis examples.129Thus if we take full account of
these various small points-not to mention the intermediate position of the faithfully modelled

Pasargadaeheads between the stiff, stumpy heads of the early series (nos. I to 7) and the subtler, more
116 In embarking on this discussion it is a particular pleasure to
121

record the debt that I owe to Professor Amandry for his warm interest and help as well as to acknowledge the further help that I have received from both Mrs. R. Maxwell-Hyslop and Professor H. Luschey. 11? Found in Greece in I887. See P. Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art, p. 32, n. 6 and P. Amandry, op. cit., p. I2. 118sThe inferences that can be drawn from Gjerstadt's destruction date are summarized in Amandry, op. cit., p. 2o. in 11uR. Zahn, Austellungvon Schmuckarbeiten Edelmetall aus den Museenzu Berlin, 1932, P. 22, no. 17 and H. Luschey, Staatlichen Archiologischer Anzeiger, 1938, no. 53, col. 771, fig. 20 as0 Acquired in Teheran in 2955. P. Amandry, op. cit., 5. ;5, n. 49 p.
11

123

12'

15

Found in Anatolia. See P. Amandry, op. cit., p. 15, n. 51 and pl. 12, no. 34Found in the region of Pang~e. R. Zahn, op. cit., p. 7;, no. 2; H. Luschey, op. cit., col. 771 and fig. 6; and H. Greifenhegen, Anzeiger, 1961, col. Io8 and fig. 52. Archiiologischer See G. Becatti, Oreficerie antiche dalle minoichealle barbariche, 2955, P. 96, no. 373. Best paralleled in the ibex heads of a single-piece silver bracelet of probable fifth century date from the former Reber in the GenSardis (nos. 6 and Also prominentow o the n Sardis heads heads (nos. 6 and 7). Cf 7). A combination also found on a stratified, loop-earring finial from fifth century Ashdod. N. Dothan, I.L.N., December 7th, P. 944 and fig. '. x963, Cf. the gold ibex heads from Vouni (nos. 2 and 3).

and pl. 12, no. 33. R. Zahn, op. cit., loc. cit., no.

x8

and H. Luschey, op. cit., loc. cit.

128

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elongated heads of the later series (nos. 8 to 14)-we may place the Pasargadae bracelets somewhere between the bracelets of the Vouni-Pforzheim-Sardis group and the isolated heads (nos. 8 and 9) from Paris and Berlin. The treatment of the hoop may also be said to accord with this relative position, which would date the bracelets to the first half of the fourth century B.c. Although the fifth century saw the introduction and possibly in of quite a wide range of coiled elements in such articles as rings and vase handles,130 as well,131we still cannot point to any bracelets with spirally twisted hoops that were hoop-earrings definitely produced before the fourth century. More than this, the Pasargadaehoops may well illustrate the first, relatively simple, form of twisted hoop to be produced. Not only would one except hoops of plain coiled wire of uniform thicknessto represent the archetype of all the more complex forms of hoop that later developed-such as those composed of coiled wires of two different sizes,132 of flat, twisted or or bands,133 of isolated, beaded wires used against a smooth groundl34-but also one or two other small clues would seem to support such a possibility. In the case of one of the very first bracelets not to rely ,on a penannular tube or rod-namely the fifth century snake-headed bracelet from the tumuli of the Seven Brothersin the Kubanl35-we again find an exclusive use of thin wire of uniform diameter, even if the hoop itself should be composed of a cross-linkedchain.136Also, two slim armletsfrom Greece, each with coiled hoops of alternate plain and beaded wires of uniform diameter,137 may well document something of the gradual elaboration that overcame simple hoops of the Pasargadae type during the second half of the fourth century.'38 Turning to the collars or sleeves of the Pasargadae bracelets, they appear at first sight to be surprisingly large and surprisingly complex for finials of early date. Contrasted with the minimal sleeves of the separate Paris and Berlin heads (nos. 8 and 9) and even those of certain still later bracelets from Macedonia (nos. 12 and 13), they stand out as remarkably accomplished components. In the actual arrangement of their various decorative elements-the simple zigzag border excepted-they find frequent links with the filigree motifs found on hoop-earringsof Hellenistic date'39and they even find their closest parallel in the sleeve ends of a late fourth century or third century torque from Kul Oba.140 But the one piece of evidence that again seems to confirm our original date-apart from the long life of all the decorative elements in question-comes from a close consideration of the probable evolution of the zigzagged motif that is found at the edge of the sleeve. For, if we consider the nature of this ornament as it is found on such probable fifth century products as the Ashdod finial and a gold plated bracelet with ram's head finials from Curium,'4'it seems to have first appeared as a border motif that only rested on the surfaceof the sleeve. Then, as evinced by the Paris and Berlin heads (nos. 8 and 9), it became an open wire pattern that definitely crept beyond the limits of the sleeve, while finally, as shown by large numbers of later braceletsx42 it and earrings,143 developed into a solid, protruding as can be seen from P1. X, our own relatively simple zigzag pattern again accords with petal. Thus, what seems to have been a largely early to mid fourth century form of decoration. Among the earringsfrom Pasargadae,the outstanding pair in P1.XIa may be said to have much the
most important bearing on the date of the treasure. Closely related to a fourth century pair from Akhalgori, which also attests a partly granulated, penannular tube and certain suspended, internal
HilLne 1s0See P. Amandry,Collection Stathatos I953, p. 72, no. I, HdlneStathatos 1963, p. 244, n. 3. III, 214 and Collection aS' E. Coche de la Fert6, Les BijouxAntiques, I956, P.59 and pl. XVII, I. 3asE.g. the silver bracelets from Taman with ram terminals. M. Rostovtzeff, Iraniansand Greeks SouthRussia, 1922, in 2. 133 pl. XV, E.g. nos. 134 E.g. the gold braceletswith sphinx terminalsfrom Kul Oba xo-14, du Cimme'rien, pl. XIII, (S. Reinach, Antiquitis Bosphore 1892, I); the gold braceletwith lion-headedterminalsfrom Temir Gora (Hermitage T.G. 6); the gold braceletwith lion-headed terminals, of unknown provenance, now in New York Museumof Art no. 45.1x.Io); and the bracelet (Metropolitan with a rock crystaland gold wire hoop and gold ram's head terminals from Macedonia (G. Becatti, op. cit., pl. XCV, no. 37I). de rendu la Commission 1877, imperiale 135Compte archeologique, pl. II, io and M. Rostovtzeff,op.cit., pl. XV, I. H61zne xs3Possibly best illustrated by Amandry in Collection Stathatos p. 240. III, P. Kunst p. 19 and pl. 14, no. 46. I, 1'37 Amandry,Antike 138For still later thin wire survivalssee R. A. Higgins, Greek and
1 Roman Jeellery,

96I, p 72 andp. 53G

p. 7 and .

r, 16,

140S. Reinach, op.cit., pl. VIII.

14

R. A. Higgins, op.cit., p. I29 and pl. 30A.

'ts R. A. Higgins,op.cit., pl. 47, C and E.

14 E.g. nos. Io-14.

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these examples are still more notable for their diagnostic use of wire mesh. For, with elements,144 dominant penannular tubes composed of hundreds of small wire elements, each sweated together with small globules to mask the joins, they can only be associated with a particular technique of wire mesh decoration that first evolved during the fourth century and lasted through to the second."14 Furthermore, it is probably relevant that large rings and pendants are also found at the base of Etruscan earrings of the fourth and third centuries B.C.146 Distinguished by a small row of delicately suspended, internal pendants, a prominent central aperture, and a light, aerial appearance, the two earringsin Pls. XIb and c are again in the developed, fourth century tradition of those in P1l. XIa. But although disc ornamentation is to be found on at least one pair of earringsof similar date,'4"there is still no immediate parallel for the three-dimensionalgold rosettesthat march round the circumferenceof each earring. All that can be said, perhaps, is that such rosettes are not dissimilar in conception to the short-stemmedpellets that stud the circumferenceof a somewhat earlier earring in the Louvre148 and those that are found on at least two other earrings from Deve Huyuk.149 The last two earrings, which have an almost identical central aperture to the Susa earrings,15'are perhaps most notable for their openwork scroll design (P1. XId). Ultimately descended from a considerably older pattern,'"' such scrolls reflect the revival of openwork filigree that marks the fourth, and also the third, century. The addition of inlaid plates is of course in line with the Achaemenian predilection for inlay, although here we see a pleasing spirit of restraint not always shown. The use of triple pendants also seems to be a known fourth century feature.152 In individual design, however, the Pasargadae pendants appear closest to an older, three-sided pattern from Assur,153which is otherwise unparalleled in Iran. Finally, the pyramids of granulation on the circumferenceare too common a phenomenon to have any particular dating value, although more or less contemporary parallels can be found as far afield as Tell el Ajjil.54S Turning to some of the other objects in the collection, the beautifully proportioned spoon in Pls. XIIa and b representsyet another outstanding article that can claim a certain chronological value. For although it finds no very close parallel among other Achaemenian spoons or ladles, many of which also terminate in duck's head handles,'55it does bear a striking resemblance to a partly looped " handle ", with a small calf's head at one end and a stiffly stylized duck's head at the other, which probably dates from the early fifth century.s56 And, since the duck's head on the Pasargadae spoon illustrates a much more naturalistic form, it can at least be argued-on the stylistic grounds advanced above-that our example from the treasure represents a later product, stemming from either the second half of the fifth century or perhaps even the fourth century. To seek the immediate origins of Achaemenian cloisonne work one should almost certainly look to Assyria, where the technique was firmly established in all principal industrial centres. Apart from all other evidence to this effect, a cloisonne button from Assur'57representsa remarkable parallel to
x14 R. Ghirshman, Persia from the Origins to Alexanderthe Great,

fig. 559; and J. I. Smirnov, Der Schatz von Achalgori, '934, p. 23 and pl. III, 25a and 25b. "5 For lists of examples see B. Segall, MuseumBenaki, Katalog der Goldschmiede-Arbeiten, 1938, p. 4i; P. Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art, 9Ig44, pp. 148-9; and P. Amandry, CollectionHillne StathatosI, pp. I 13-6 and III, p. 253, n. 2. A particularly close parallel comes from part of a tubular bracelet or necklace which is covered with a filigree mesh and which dates either to the last years of the fourth century or to the third century. See E. Coche de la Fert6, op. cit., p. 69 and pl. XXV, I. 146 R. A. Higgins, op. cit., p. I51 and pl. 43D. '47One example, with only one of its triple pendants still in position, appears in R. Ghirshman, Persiafrom the Origins to Alexander Great,fig. 324. the 1s E. Coche de la Fert6, op. cit., p. V, 4 and R. Ghirshman, the Persiafrom the Originsto Alexander Great,fig. 323. u4 C. L. Woolley, L.A.A.A. VII, p. 123 and pl. XXIII, 5 and 7. Cf. also a pair of gold earrings of probable early fourth

century date, possibly from Anatolia, with small granulated rosettes on the ends of similar, flat-topped pellets. Sotheby's Catalogue,October sgth 1964, no. 38. 1s0 See J. de Morgan, op. cit., pl. V, nos. 3 and 4151 Cf. an Etruscan earring of seventh century date from Vulci. E. Coche de la Fert6, op. cit., p. 45 and pl. V, I and R. A. Higgins, op. cit., p. I37 and pl. 32F.
in

See n. 147 above. x5sA. Haller, Die Graberund Griiftevon Assur, I954, p. I6I and pl. 38c. 154 F. Petrie, AncientGaza IV, p. 6 and pls. XIII and XIV, nos. 28 and 29. Hilene StathatosIII, pp. 268, 269, 16 See P. Amandry, Collection n. I and pl. XXXVIII, no. 181; H. Luschey, BerlinerMuseen LIX, Heft 4, p. 8I; and Materialsfor the Archaeology ofRussia, 1894, pl. VI, figs. 2 and 3. 156 See Amandry, AntikeKunst I, p. I3 f. and pl. Io, I5, I6. 1'5 A. Haller, op. cit., p. I29 and p1. 28b.

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both a pair of such buttons from Susa'58as well as to the single Pasargadae button (cat. no. I7)-which again underlines the continued popularity of this form in fourth century Persia. Among the small gold charms in the Pasargadae collection (Pl. XIIId) it is also worth noting that our own lion-headed pendants are by no means dissimilar to the lion-headed pendants at Chicago, which Professor Helene Kantor has ascribed " with considerable probability " to the reign of Artaxerxes II (404-359 B.c.).159 Stone beads in the form of a couchant lion or bull are known from both Elamite and Achaemenian contexts160 while small bell pendants, very like our own, are attested both in the Oxus treasurel61 and at Persepolis.162 for still other small elements, many of which were As in vogue for a considerable period of time, it is important to note that gold spacer beads, probably cylindrical beads, segmented beads, stone barrel beads and minute pearl beads, can all be paralleled amongst the necklace ornaments in the Susa collection.163 To conclude, the stylistic evidence of the bracelets is broadly supported by the rest of the objects from the treasure,which seem to range in date from the second half of the fifth century to the middle years of the fourth century B.c. Also from the fact that we know the women of this period to have been richly adorned, often with a very similar range of jewellery,164 can perhaps assume that we we are dealing with the personal finery of a great lady of the Achaemenian court. More than this, the date of the treasure and the nature of its secret deposition would even suggest that it might have been hidden at the express orders of its owner, as Alexander the Great advanced on Persepolis and as or not this last suppositionshould be correct, the treasureas a whole still stands as a remarkableaddition to the known range of Achaemenian jewellery as well as a vivid testimony to the skill and artistry of the Achaemenian goldsmith.
members of the Achaemenian court began to flee northwards in the years 331-330
B.c.

But, whether

168 J. de Morgan, op. cit., pl. IV, nos. 2 and 3. '" H. Kantor, J.N.E.S. XVI, I957, p. 20. o60 See M.D.P. VII, pl. XIII, 13; and Schmidt, PersepolisII,
'x 16

pl. 43,1. O. M. Dalton, op. tit., pl. XXI, I50. E. F. Schmidt, PersepolisII, pls. 44, 22 and 45, 30.

6s J. de Morgan, op. cit., pls. IV-VI. Also, for further parallels to our cylindrical beads, see Schmidt, PersepolisII, pl. 43, 7; and C. Densmore Curtis, Sardis XIII, 1925, pl. V, no. 25. 164 The quantity and range of the material from the female burial at Susa is very similar indeed, including only one pair of bracelets and at least half a dozen necklaces.

41

COIN HOARDS FROM PASARGADAE

By G. K. Jenkins
This account is concerned with the Hellenistic coins found in 1962 and 1963 during the excavations on the Tall-i-Takht or Citadel Hill at Pasargadae. The two main groups of coins are Hoard I (1962) found with miscellaneousjewellery in room 82,1 and Hoard II (1963) from the corridor near room 187. These two hoards each comprise (a) coins of the type minted for Alexander the Great both during his life and posthumously, and (b) coins of Seleucus I of a type minted principally at Persepolis. The general character of Hoards I and II is closely similar and there is every sign that the two hoards are of approximately the same date. Their discovery is fortunate as it helps to determine the date of the destruction associated with the archaeologists'Period II-the date in question is towards or at the end of the reign of Seleucus I, when the rule of the Greeks in this area came to an end as the result of a native uprising which it is fair to put at about 280 B.c. Hoard III, consisting of only four drachms of the Alexander type, found in room 86A, could be somewhat earlier, with a terminus of c. 300 B.C. Finally there is an isolated piece, perhaps a barbarousimitation, from room 192. In the description of the coins which follows, the list will be given of each hoard separately, with details of the coins arranged by mints from west to east: the mint attributions are those determined by the great American numismatist E. T. Newell, and most of them appear in his published works. For some of the unpublished attributions I am deeply indebted for much kind help and advice to Margaret Thompson of the American Numismatic Society.2 It will be observed that the weights of the coins as given are highly irregular: this is presumably due to the state of preservation, but it seems unprofitable to discuss the matter, not having seen the originals. The maximum diameters are given in centimetres as a check on the scale of the illustrations. Bibliography and abbreviations: ESM: E. T. Newell, Eastern Seleucid Mints (New York, 1938). WSM: E. T. Newell, Western Seleucid Mints (New York, I94i). Demanhur: E. T. Newell, The Demanhur Hoard (Numismatic Notes and Monographs No. 19, New York, 1923). Reattributions: E. T. Newell, Reattributions of certain tetradrachms of Alexander the Great (New York, 1912). Miiller: L. Muiller,Numismatique d'Alexandre le Grand (Copenhagen, I855). E. T. Newell: Dated Alexander Coinage of Sidon and Ak (New Haven, 1916) Appelgren: T. G. Appelgren, Doktor Otto Smiths Miinzensammlung im Kgl. Muinzkabinett Stockholm (Stockholm, 193I). GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE COIN TYPES TYPES OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT Obverse: Head of Herakles to right, wearing headdress composed of lion's scalp, with the front paw of the lion knotted around the neck. Reverse: Zeus enthroned, to left, holding sceptre in his left hand, and his right hand outstretched with an eagle perched on it. (Details and inscriptions below.)
TYPES OF SELEUCUS I

Obverse: Head of Seleucus I, to right, wearing helmet with cheekpieces, adorned with bull's horn and ear; the whole surface is covered with a leopard skin. Around the neck, the skin of the leopard is shown with the paws knotted together.
1
2

Stronach, Iran II, p. 36. I am grateful also to Miss Helen Mitchell for sending me the weights of coins no. 5, 8 and 13 from Hoard I (which are now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford); to Mrs. Ulla Westermark

for her help over ESM 420 in connection with nos. Ii and 12 of Hoard I; to Miss Olive Kitson for the photos of Hoard I; and to Mr. K. A. Howes for the drawings of the monograms.

42

JOURNALOF PERSIANSTUDIES

Reverse: Nike standing with open wings, placing a wreath on a trophy which consists of helmet, cuirass and shield decorated with a star, arranged on a tree stump with sprigs of leaves below. Inscription: BAZIAEU (Further details below.) (on right); ZEAEYKOY (on left). TABLE OF MONOGRAMS

2 I

At

EE1

1 VI
6 6

&

PT
I0

12

13 14

2i 17

21

22

23

24
HOARD I

26

29

30

Discovered in 1962 in room 82 TYPES OF ALEXANDER Mint: AMATHUS i Tetradrachm. c. 325-319 B.C. Zeus has one leg drawn back, both feet on footstool; throne without back. In the left field, symbol, prow. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). gm. Diam. 2-9. Weight 16"45 Cf. Demanhur 271I, Reattributions, pl. 30.1 I, 12; the style of the obverse is however finer than that of the specimens illustrated by Newell. PAS 62/243. Mint: Uncertain of CAPPADOCIA or N. SYRIA 2 Tetradrachm. c. 319-301 B.C. Zeus has crossed legs on foot stool; throne with high back. In the left field, symbol, Corinthian helmet and letter Z. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). gm. Diam. 2 -85. Weight 17 "45 As regards the attribution of this specimen, I am indebted to Margaret Thompson for the following information. A specimen from the same obverse die was placed by Newell with a group of further coins (Miiller 1465-67) in his collection under the mint of Tarsus; however, it appears from notes left by Newell that he later envisaged attributing the group of coins in question to a mint in the region of Cappadocia or N. Syria, the later products of which are those detailed in WSM 1332, etc. Cf. Hoard II, no. 5 (below). PAS 62/244.

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FROM

PASARGADAE

43

Mint: ARADUS 3 Tetradrachm. c. 327-319 B.C. Zeus' legs not crossed; throne without back. Below the throne, monogram I. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BAIIAE LQ (below). oo grri. Diam. 2-8. Weight I6. Demanhur 3302, Miiller 1360. PAS 62/253. 4 Tetradrachm. c. 319-317 B.c. Zeus' legs not crossed; no footstool; throne with high back. In left field, monogram 2. Below throne, letter I. Inscription: bIAIHIIOY (on right); BAZIAEDEL (below). Weight 16.35 gm. Diam. 2-75Cf. WSM, pp. 192 ff. and pl. XLIII.B. Miiller I o. PAS 62/252. Mint: MARATHUS 5 Tetradrachm. c. 317 B.C. Zeus' legs not crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, monogram 3. Below throne, monogram 4. Inscription: bIAIIIIIOY (on right); BAMIAEUM(below). Weight 16.49 gm. Diam. 2 75. Cf. WSM, p. 194 and pl. XLIII.G. PAS 62/251. 6 Tetradrachm. c. 317-301 B.C. Zeus' legs not crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, symbol, anchor and monogram 5. Below throne, monogram 6. ~L (below). Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BAMIAE Weight 16-55 gm. Diam. 2-65Cf. WSM, p. 194 and pl. XLIII.H, I. Miiller 1492-1501 (monograms cf. gold stater, Miiller 1494) PAS
62/245.

Mint: BABYLON 7 Tetradrachm. c. 323-32o B.C. Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In field and under throne, letters M B. Inscription: IAIIIIIOY (on right); BAIAE GL (below). Diam. 2.62. Weight 7"35 gm.
Demanhur 4601. PAS 62/250.

44

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STUDIES

Mint: ECBATANA
8 Tetradrachm. c. 31 -303 B.C.

Zeus has crossed legs; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, monogram 7 and symbol, grazinghorse. Below throne, monogram 8. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right).
Weight 16- 13 gm. Diam. 2-8.

ESM 439. Perhaps same obverse die as ESM pl. XXXIII.I5. PAS 62/246. TYPES OF SELEUCUS I Mint: PERSEPOLIS
(all c. 300-280 9-I o Drachms.
B.C.)

Reverse, left field, letter H; centre field, letters A X. Weights 4-o5, 4-05 gm. Diams. I -68, i -6I.
ESM 418. PAS 62/254, PAS 62/255.
I1-12

Tetradrachms.

Reverse, left field, letter M; centre field, letters A X. ESM 420. Both obverses from this.72, same die (not illustrated by Newell, but cf. Appelgren
no. 257), as also Hoard II, nos. 32-34PAS 62/247, PAS 62/248. 13 Tetradrachm. Weight I6.31 gm. Diam. 2-65ESM 424PAS 62/249. 14 Drachm. Weights 17 -35, 16'9 gm. Diams. 2
2 -73.

Reverse monograms 9 and Io.

This specimen was not suitable for illustration, but appears to have been of the same type as nos. 9-io above; the exact variety could not be identified. Weight 4 - gm. Diam. I "7. PAS
62/256.

HOARD II Discovered in 1963 in the corridor near room 187

TYPES OF ALEXANDER Mint: AMPHIPOLIS I Tetradrachm. c. 328-327 B.C. Zeus' legs not crossed; throne without back. In the left field, symbol, cock. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight I6-8 gm. Diam. 2 "4. Demanhur 792. PAS 63/307.

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PASARGADAE

45

2 Tetradrachm.

c. 325 B.c.

Obverse very corroded, but reverse generally similar to no. I; symbol uncertain. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (above); BAZIAE IE (on right). Weight I5 I5 gm. Diam. 2 -7.
Demanhur 1o43 ff., Group G; cf. Reattributions pl. 9.5-12. PAS 63/311.

Mint: KITION
3 Tetradrachm. c. 332-320
B.c.

Zeus' legs not crossed; throne without back. In left field, monogram 11 (name of the mint). Inscription: BAZIAE Z (on right); AAE EANAPOY (below: effaced). Weight I5 '9 gm. Diam. 2 -48.
Cf. Demanhur 2546, 2619. PAS 63/302.

Mint: MYRIANDROS
4 Tetradrachm. c. 328-326
B.c.

Zeus' legs not crossed; throne without back. Below throne, monogram 12. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight Io- 7 gm. (probably plated). Diam. 2 6. Cf. Demanhur 2766.
PAS 63/310.

Mint: Uncertain of CAPPADOCIA or N. SYRIA

5 Tetradrachm. c. 319-301 B.C.

Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, symbol, helmet and letter E. AAE EANAPOY (on right). Inscription: Weight I6 15 gm. Diam. 2'79On the attribution, see note to Hoard I, no. 2 (above). PAS 63/306. Mint: ARADUS
6 Tetradrachm. c. 327-319

Zeus' legs not crossed; left leg slightly drawn back; throne with high back. Probably monogram I below throne, together with a letter in left field; also inscription: AAE EANAPOY BAUIAE Z; all these details are however effaced. The identification is nevertheless certain, on account of the style of the obverse, which fits perfectly for the earlier issues of the mint of Aradus.
Weight I4-O gm. (very worn). Diam. 2-7. Demanhur 3302 ff.; cf. Reattributions, pl. 22.7-12. PAS 63/304. 7 Tetradrachm. c. 319 B.c. Zeus' legs not crossed; throne with high back. In left field, symbol, caduceus. Below throne, monogram i. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BA~IAE i2 (below). Weight gm. Diam. 2.52. i6.5 Cf. Demanhur 3467. PAS 63/293.

B.c.

46
8 Tetradrachm. c. 319-317

JOURNAL B.c.

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne with high back. On left, monogram I3. Below throne, letter I. Inscription: IAIHIIIOY (on right); BAXIAEfGL(below). Weight 6 -5 gin. Diam. 2 74. Not in M*iller; cf. generally WSM, pp. 192 if. PAS 63/301. 9-I Tetradrachms. c. 319-317 B.C. Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne with high back. On left, monogram 14 and symbol, grapes. Below throne, letter I. Inscription: 0IAIIIIIOY (on right); BALIAEUE (below). 2-6. Weight I6-3, 17 -o, 15-0 gm. Diams. 2*75, 2 "9, Cf. WSM, pp. 192 ff.; Muiller56. PAS 63/281, PAS 63/283, PAS 63/299.

12-13 Tetradrachms. c. 319-317 B.C. or after.

Zeus' legs parallel; footstool; throne with high back. On left, monogram 14 and symbol, grapes. Below throne, monogram 15. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BAZIAEGLX (below). Weight 15 15 gm. Diams. 2-7, 2-8. "3, "4 Not in Muiller,but cf. Muiller56 of Philip III (no. 9 above); cf. generally WSM, pp. 192 ff In the absence of a full study of the Aradus series it is difficult to determine whether this issue, which is clearly linked to that in the name of Philip (no. 9 above), is contemporary with the latter or not; the same may be said of no. 14 below. PAS 73/288, PAS 63/3o8. 14 Tetradrachm. c. 319-3I7 B.C. Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, symbol, prow (?). Below throne, letters AI, I. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BAZIAEO (below). Weight 13 .8 gm. Diam. 2-52. Cf. Muiller I275 (prow with letters AY above, and I below throne). PAS 63/289. Mint: BYBLOS 15-16 Tetradrachm. c. 320 B.C. Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne without back. On left, monogram 16. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right).
Weight 16-9, 15'7 gm. Diams. 2-8. 2"75, Demanhur 3624. PAS 63/285, PAS 63/303.

17 Tetradrachm. c. 32o B.c. As no. I5, but the throne has a short back. Weight gm. Diam. 2- 8. 15.6 PAS 63/292.

Pl. I. Coin Hoard Ifrom Pasargadae (1962).

Nos. 1-13.

CoinHoardII from Pasargadae(1963). Nos. 1-12. PI. IIH.

Pl. III. Coin Hoard H from Pasargadae (1963).

jNos. 13-24.

Pl. IV. CoinHoardI from Pasargadae Nos. 25-34(I963). HoardIII from Pasargadae(1963), and plated tetradrachm Pasargadae Bottomright: four drachms, room192. from

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PASARGADAE

47

The monogram which appears on nos. 15-17 is interpreted by Newell as that of the local king of

Byblos, Adramelek, successor to Ainel (Enylos) who was reigning there at the time of Alexander's arrival and whose initials in Phoenician letters appear on the first coins of the Alexander type minted at Byblos (Demanhur pl. VI.3). Mint: AKE

18 Tetradrachm.

313-312 B.c.

Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; throne without back. On left Phoenician date 35 (313-312 B.C.) and mint name in Phoenician letters, ok. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight (?). Diam. 2-78. Newell, Dated Alexander Coinage of Sidon and Ake; Ake no. 40o.
PAS 63/291.

Mint: BABYLON
19 Tetradrachm.

c. 320-317

B.C.

Zeus' legs crossed; throne with high back. On left, symbol, wheel(not visible on this specimen) and monogram 17. Below throne, monogram 18. (on Inscription: bIAIH11IOY right); BAZIAEUE (below).
Weight

Cf. Demanhur 4609. PAS 63/282.

2o Tetradrachm. c. 316-306 B.C.

I4.9

gm. Diam. 2-98.

Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; thrown with high back.

On left, monogram 19.

Below throne, letters MI. Inscription: AAEEANAPOY (on right); BAZIAELU2(below). Weight I6-65 gin. Diam. 2-78. Miiller 734PAS 63/290.

Mint: SUSA
21 Tetradrachm. c. 318-316 B.C.

Zeus' legs parallel; footstool; throne with high back. Below throne, letters AA. (below). (on Inscription: IAIIIHHOY right); BAXIAE2E. 16 25 gmin. Diam. Weight 2.5.
Cf. Miller 85. PAS 63/300. 22 Tetradrachm. c. 318-316 B.c. Similar to no. 21. In left field, monogram 20o. Below throne, letters AA. Inscription: AAEEANAPOY (on right); BALIAEfl Weight gm. Diam. 2.7. 16.6 Miiller 831. PAS 63/287.

(below).

48

JOURNAL

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23 Tetradrachm. c. 318-316 B.c. Similar to no. 21. In left field, monogram 21. Below throne, monogram 22. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right); BAZIAE Z (below). Weight 16-9 gm. Diam. 2-65PAS 63/286. For the attribution of no. 23, I am indebted to Margaret Thompson. The style is close to that of nos. 21-22, and the date thus probably the same. For the dating of Alexander type coins of Susa to the period of Antigonos Monophthalmos' rule there, see Bellinger,Byblos hoard, (Berytos p. 45. X), Mint: ECBATANA 24 Tetradrachm. c. 311-303 B.c. Zeus' legs crossed; footstool; thrown with high back. In left field, monogram 23 and symbol, grazinghorse. Below throne, monogram 8 (not visible on this specimen). Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight gm. Diam. 2-5. I6.o ESM 434 (obverse die same as pl. XXXIII.Io). Newell (ESM, p. 167) emphasizes the appropriateness of the horse symbol at the mint of Ecbatana in allusion to the famous Nisaean horses of Media. PAS 63/294. 25 Tetradrachm. c. 31I-3o3 B.C. Similar to no. 24. In left field, monogram 24 and symbol, grazinghorse. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight 16-3 gm. Diam. 2-7. ESM 447. PAS 63/305. 26 Tetradrachm. c. 303-293 B.c. Similar to no. 24. and horse. In left field, monograms 8 and 25; symbols, anchor Below throne, letters 2: . Inscription: AAEEANAPOY (on right). Weight I6-8 gm. Diam. 2 "75. ESM 473PAS 63/284TYPES OF SELEUCUS I Mint: SUSA
27 Tetradrachm.

Reverse: in left field, letters AP; in centre field, monogram 22. Weight I6.9 gm. Diam. 2.68. Same obverse die as ESM 301, which was hitherto the only recorded specimen of this type of tetradrachm for the mint of Susa (and which is now in the British Museum). ESM 301 however, is a different variety, having a symbol, Helios bust, in the centre field, with the monogram in the right field. The arrangement on the present coin is the same as on the
drachm ESM 302. PAS 63/277.

c. 300oo-298 B.c.

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49

Mint: PERSEPOLIS
28-29 Tetradrachms. c. 300-280 B.C.

Reverse: in left field, monogram 26; in centre field, letters ALI. Weights I6. I, I6-5 gm. Diams 2-75, 2-8. ESM 413. Both from the same obverse die as ESM, pl. XXXII.I. PAS 63/274, PAS 63/278.
30-31 Tetradrachms. c. 300-280
B.C.

Reverse: in left field, letter H; in centre field, letters AX. Weights I6-8, I6-o gm. Diams. 2-8, 2-5. ESM 4i7. Both obverses from same die (probably that of ESM, pl. XXXII.9). PAS 63/276, PAS 63/279.
32-34 Tetradrachms. c. 300-280
B.C.

Reverse: in left field, letter M; in centre field, letters AX.

Weights 17o-0, 15.4, i6.6 gm. Diams 2-7, 2-7, 2-7. ESM 420. All three obverses from same die as that of Hoard I, nos. I11-12 (q.v.). PAS 63/273, PAS 63/280, PAS 63/275-

HOARD III Discovered in 1963 in room 86A, floor III TYPES OF ALEXANDER Mint: BABYLON
I Drachm. c. 329-326 B.C.

Zeus' legs parallel; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, letter M. Below throne, monogram 27. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight 3 gm. Diam. I - 18. "9 Cf. Demanhur
4331 (tetradrachm). PAS 63/295.

Mint: SUSA
2 Drachm. c. 318-316 B.C.

Zeus' legs parallel; footstool; throne with high back. Letters or monograms not clear, but possibly a trace of letters AA below throne. Inscription not clear but perhaps VIAIIIHIOY(on right).
Weight 4 I gm. Diam. I -i18. Mtiller 86 (?). Cf. Hoard II, no. 21 (above). PAS 63/295. 3 Drachm. c. 3Io-3oo B.c. Zeus' legs not crossed; footstool; throne with high back. In left field, monogram 28. Below throne, monogram 29. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight gm. Diam. I 4"8 ?65. PAS 63/297.

50

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B.C. 4 Drachm. c. 310-3oo00 Similar to no. 3. In left field, monogram 3o. Below throne, letters AP. Inscription: AAE EANAPOY (on right). Weight 3 gm. Diam. I -67. "9 For the letters below the throne cf. ESM 292. The style of the obverse is not very like the latter, but the Zeus is extremely similar. There seems little doubt that nos. 3 and 4 are from the same mint; their precise date however must remain provisional for the moment. PAS 63/296. I am much indebted to Margaret Thompson for her help over nos. 2-4 above, and for the information that there is in the Newell collection a drachm similar to no. 3, but nothing like no. 4 (which thus appears to be, for the moment at least, unique).

Single coin discovered in 1963 in room 192 TYPES OF ALEXANDER Tetradrachm. c. 300 B.C. (?). Zeus' legs are crossed; throne with high back. In the left field, symbol, wreath and perhaps another symbol below it. Below throne, indeterminate letters. Weight 13 25 gm. (plated). Diam. 2-4This specimen seems to be an unofficial base metal imitation probably of a tetradrachmsimilar to ESM 284 of the mint of Susa, where the wreath in the left field is accompanied by a horned horse's head symbol (of which there is perhaps a trace on the present specimen). The inscription is quite obscure. PAS 63/309The significance of these finds, especially of Hoards I and II, consists of course mainly in the coins of Seleucus I which they contain. Before discussing these however it may be convenient to say something about the earlier coins: these include a fairly wide selection of the currency of Alexander's empire both from his own lifetime and from the subsequent period when the coins continued to be minted virtually unchanged by the successors in their own territories. One change which occurs temporarily is the replacement of the name of Alexander by that of his titular successor Philip III, until his death in 317 B.C.; examples from the present material are to be found listed above under the mints of Aradus, Marathus, Babylon and Susa. After 317 B.C. however the name of Alexander is resumed, though later still the name of Seleucus occurs on that king's issues of the Alexander type. The number of coins in Hoards I and II is scarcely large enough to furnish much in the way of statistical evidence for the circulation of the coinage by comparisonwith other hoards. A glance at the tabular summary above serves to reveal only that the mints whose coins are represented are virtually confined to the eastern section of the Macedonian empire-Cyprus, Phoenicia, Mesopotamia and Persia. There are only two western coins, from the important mint of Amphipolis in Macedonia, whose enormous output under Alexander and until c. 319 B.c. is so prominent in the great Demanhur hoard from Egypt. It was the evidence of this hoard which formed the basis of Newell's masterlyreconstruction of Alexander's coinage, and largely for this reason it is convenient to take 319 B.c., the burial date of the Demanhur hoard, rather than 323 s.c. the date of the death of Alexander, as the dividing line between earlier and later coins (see the tabular summary). In the period of Alexander'ssuccessors,and especially after 319 B.c., it is generally found that coins of the western mints do not tend to reach eastern hoards, and this is already clear from such larger hoards as those from Byblus, Phacous and Kuft.3 On the
SA. R. Bellinger, Byblos hoard, in Berytus X, 1950-51, pp. 37-49; G. K. Jenkins, Phacous hoard, in Museum Notes

(AmericanNumismaticSociety) IX, pp. I7 ff.

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51

Tabular summary of the coins from Hoards I and II Lifetime of AlexanderAfter and to c. 319 B.C. HoardI Typesof Alexander . . Amphipolis Amathus . .. Kition . . . or N. Syria Cappadocia . . Myriandros. Aradus . . . . Marathus . . . . Byblus Ake . . . . . . . Babylon Susa . . . . Ecbatana . . . Typesof Seleucus Susa . .0. Persepolis . HoardII
2
319 B.C.

HoardI

HoardII

I
.

I
I I

. (imitation ?) 2 3 . . I 2

7
I 2 3 3
I

other hand the great preponderanceof coins of Babylon which is a notable feature of these other hoards is not noticeably paralleled in the selection of Alexander coins which we have from Pasargadae. Here instead it seems to be the issues of Phoenicia, especially of Aradus, which are most prominent; and inasmuch as these Phoenician issues were mostly made at the time when this area was in the orbit of Antigonos, it is clear that the coins circulated freely enough irrespective of political frontiers. In fact the coins attributed by Newell to Aradus and Marathus have been found before in Babylonia (cf. WSM, p. I93). Likewisethe coins of Susa from Hoard II seem to have been minted during Antigonos' control of that region. Of the eastern issues in the hoards, only the later specimens of Babylon and those of Ecbatana were minted in Seleucus' territory. So far, the Pasargadae hoards remain virtually alone as a concrete example of the circulation of the coins of Alexander at the period in question from southern Iran. It is however the coins of Seleucus I with the helmeted portrait of the king which form the important feature of Hoards I and II. The portrait seems youthful and is almost certainly idealized, by contrast with more purely realistic portraitsof the king which were subsequentlyproduced on coins at Pergamon4 and elsewhere. As Newell and others have pointed out, there seems a deliberate parallelism between the iconography of this head and that of the Herakles head on the coins of Alexander: the leopard skin which covers the helmet and is knotted around the neck is an interesting feature, perhaps as has been suggested intended to recall Dionysos the mythical invader and conqueror of India and so to suggest a similar role for Seleucus after the considerable success of his campaign against India in 304-303 B.C.5 The precise significance of the further adornment of Seleucus' helmet, the bull's horn and ear, is not clear beyond the fact that these attributes symbolize power and royalty: as such the same emblems occur on the helmet worn by Eukratides of Bactria on his coins of over a hundred years later.6 But
' Newell, WSM, pl. LXIX.
6 Seltman, Greek Coins, pL LV.5.

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if the helmeted portrait of Seleucus is supposed to evoke his activities in India, it has been universally agreed by numismatiststhat the reverse showing a Nike or victory crowning a trophy was intended to mark the occasion of the decisive victory of Seleucus over Antigonos at the battle of Ipsos in 301 B.C. As a result of this victory Seleucus was assured of the control of a large part of Alexander's erstwhile empire. There seems no reason to doubt that this was indeed the occasion for the issue of the coins in question: it is even possible, as Newell argues that the star which decorates the shield of the trophy on the reverse may be an allusion to Demetrios Poliorketes,son of the defeated Antigonos.7 The issue of these coins was confined to the mints of Susa and Persepolis. Extant specimens of the very brief Susa issue are of great rarity, the fine specimen from Pasargadae (Hoard II, no. 27) being only the second known of the tetradrachm. The issue at Persepolis was rather more extensive, though still of limited quantity, as is attested by the fewness of the dies used to strike the specimens extant: the remaining specimens in the Pasargadae hoards are all of that mint. Newell's attribution to Persepolisdepended, apart from various indirect arguments, on the occurrence of a single specimen in a hoard found by Herzfeld at Persepolisitself in 1934-35: with it were coins of the succeeding kings of independent Persis (Bagadat, Oborzos, Autophradates I).8 Now the discovery of further tetradrachms and drachms at Pasargadae may be said to confirm Newell's attribution, unless the mint was at Pasargadae itself, which remains a possibility. These coins then were minted after Ipsos, and their beginning may be put at about 300 B.C.: Newell estimated that the issue at Persepolis lasted until towards the end of Seleucus' reign, viz. 280 B.C. This seems reasonable, particularly in view of the argument that the breakaway of Persis from the Seleucids is less likely to have occurred during the lifetime of Seleucus than during the period of confusion immediately after his death (280 B.c.). The concealment or loss of Hoards I and II must evidently have taken place at about this time. It is worth stressingthat there is virtually no difference between the two hoards as regards the latest coins contained in each. It is admittedly true that of the three groups into which Newell divided the Persepolisissue, only groups A and B appear in Hoard II, and only B and C in Hoard I.9 But this is a comparatively trivial difference, and even if it is insisted on, the date of the two hoards cannot be regarded as differing by more than a very few years at most: in fact they are with far greater probability to be regarded as contemporary. Since Hoard II is securely associated with the destruction of Period II, it seems necessarynow to conclude that Hoard I should be connected with this same destructionand not as had originally been thought with that of Period III.10 Thus the combined evidence of the two hoards, the contents of which are well dated, has an important bearing on the history of the Pasargadae site.

' ESM, p. 158. 8 ESM, pp. 159-60. 9 Hoard II: Newell, ESM 413 (group A) and 417, 420 (both group B); Hoard I: ESM 418, 420 (both group B) and 424 (groupC).

10

Cf. Stronach, Iran II, p. 36; also AntiquityXXXVIII, 1964, pp. 14-15. I am most grateful to Mr. Stronach for discussing this point with me and for communicating his revised views. See further p. 22 in the present volume of Iran.

53

A COMPARATIVE CERAMIC CHRONOLOGY FOR

WESTERN IRAN,
1500-500

B.C.

By T. CuylerYoung,Jr.
June Ist 1964 This paper is a discussion of the comparative ceramics of western Iran in the proto-historicperiod (c. 1500-500 B.C.). A second article, to appear at a later date, will deal with the historical sources which refer indirectly to this important period and the relationship of those sources to the ceramic evidence.' The present discussion is divided into three principal parts: first, a brief and rather selective presentation of new ceramic materials from the excavations at Hasanlu in Azarbaijan and from a surface survey of Ziweye in Kurdistan; second, a re-examination of the stratigraphy and internal chronology of the late second and early first millennium levels at Tepe Sialk, Tepe Giyan and the Achaemenid Village at Susa; and third, a comparative typology and chronology, with absolute datings where possible, of materials from these primary sites and from several other sites in western Iran. The main emphasis throughout is on pottery. The quantity of available materials combined with practical limitations of space and time led to this emphasis. It is furtherjustified, in the author's opinion, by the fact that ceramics are the most sensitive measure of cultural and chronological change in the period under consideration. Before turning to the evidence itself, it is imperative to stress the tentative nature of the conclusions to be presented. The recent increase in archaeological activity in Iran, particularly in western Iran, has made a preliminary synthesis such as this possible. Yet it is also true that the continuation of such activity and the final publication of the resultsof excavations now reaching conclusion will undoubtedly call for a marked modification of our conclusions. The value of the discussion, therefore, lies largely in its usefulnessas a point of departure for the consideration of a mass of interrelated questions and in the hope that it will make possible an even more rapid increase in the available data by pointing the way to future opportunitiesfor profitable field work. If this and the paper to follow stimulate discussion which leads to both more evidence and a better synthesis,they will have performedtheir most important function. New Materials from Hasanluand Ziweye Recent excavations at Hasanlu Tepe in Azarbaijan have established a well-documented sequence of late second and early first millennium ceramics.2 Since this sequence provides the framework for much of the discussionto follow, it is necessaryto describe briefly the pottery from periods VI to III at Hasanlu, and to establish, on internal evidence, the cultural and chronological relationships between these periods.3 PeriodIII: (Figs. I and 2.) Period III, the most recent of the four periods at Hasanlu which concern the present discussion, is stratigraphically divided into two sub-periods, IIIA and IIIB. Pottery from sub-period IIIB, the earlier of the two, can be sorted into three wares distinguished by
1 This and the article to follow are based on the author's doctoral

dissertation presented to the University of Pennsylvania in May 1963. The author would like to thank publicly Professors Mark J. Dresden and Robert H. Dyson, Jr. for the time, energy and wisdom that they put at his disposal as dissertation advisors. 2The principal preliminary reports on the excavations at Hasanlu are: R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Iran, 1957: Iron Age Hasanlu ", University Museum Bull. 22(2): 25-32, 1958;

R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Digging in Iran: Hasanlu 1958 ", Expedition 1(3): 4-17, 1959; R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Hasanlu and Early Iran ", Archaeology13(2): 118-29, 1960; V. E. Crawford, " Hasanlu 1960 ", Metropolitan Museum of Art Bull. 20(3): 85-94, 1961; and R. H. Dyson, Jr., " The Hasanlu Project ", Science135(3504): 637-47, I962. S The author wishes to thank Robert H. Dyson, Jr., Director of the Hasanlu Project, for permission to use these materials in advance of the publication of the final excavation report.

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77

10

NIASAINLU III
COMION WAil

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quality of paste: Smudged Coarse Ware; Common Ware, in three varieties, plain buff, red-slipped, and painted; and Fine Ware, found in the same three varieties as Common Ware. The colour of this pottery, with the exception of the red-slipped varieties of Common and Fine Ware, varies from light tan to reddish buff. Vessels which are slipped are covered both inside and out with a dark red maroon coloured slip. The painted varieties of Common and Fine Ware are decorated with simple geometric designs drawn in a purplish-brown paint. In Smudged Coarse Ware and Common Ware a matt or smoothed finish is most common. Burnishing is usual on vessels or sherds with a red slip, and a very high burnish which approaches a polish is characteristicof all three varieties of Fine Ware. Finally, a few sherds of a blue-white glazed ware also occur in Period IIIB. The pottery of sub-period IIIA essentially continues the traditions of IIIB with only a few minor exceptions. The Fine Ware seems to disappear. The painted variety of Common Ware continues, but rare sherds of a bichrome ware with brownish-black and red lines painted on a cream-buff ground are now found. New shapes such as a canteen jar with paired shoulder strap handles,jars with a small hole at the base of a strap handle and pouring jars with large trefoil rims appear. On the whole, however, given these slight changes in the ceramic complex, sub-periodsIIIA and IIIB should probably be considered as simply phases within a larger period. Such a conclusion, based on the pottery alone, is not contradicted by stratigraphic excavation in areas on the mound where the two sub-periods are found superimposedone above the other with some structuresused in both periods. Period IV: (Figs. 6 and 7.) Four wares, again distinguished by quality of paste, occur in period IV. A Coarse Ware appears in three varieties: plain buff, smudged or smoke blackened, and redslipped (rare). A Common Ware occurs in the same three varieties. Coarseand Common Ware, except for the red-slipped variety, is always light tan to reddish-buffin colour, and is either matt or smooth finished. Fine Ware comes in two varieties: medium fine and thin fine or " palace ware ". Pottery of the medium fine variety is almost always grey in colour, having been intentionally fired in a reducing atmosphere. The occasional brown to buff sherd which does occur is very probably a firing error. Surfacesare almost always burnished. Some examples of" streakburnishing " with vertical lines which do not form any particular pattern are found. The thin fine variety is much less common. Ninety per cent of all sherdsor vesselsof this variety are dark grey or jet black in colour, and the rare examples of brown to buff ware are again probably firing errors. Only about one or two per cent of this pottery is intentionally fired red-buff. The surface is always highly burnished, often to the point where the burnish marks are no longer visible. Finally, a Glazed Ware is found, with a very coarse paste covered by a grey, yellow-green or blue-white glaze rather crudely applied and with a tendency to crackle. Some imported Late Assyrian black, yellow and blue-white glazed ware is also found. Detailed statistical studies of the pottery from period IV have not yet been attempted, but a general impression of the assemblage suggests that something like forty per cent of the pottery is grey ware and hence one of the two varieties of Fine Ware, and the remaining sixty per cent of the complex is buff ware and hence either Coarse or Common Ware. Statistically, the Glazed Ware represents an insignificant proportion of the total complex. PeriodV: (Fig. 8.) Excepting the Glazed Ware and the thin fine variety of Fine Ware, all of the wares of period IV are found in period V. Statistically, the plain wares of period V divide into grey and buff wares in almost the same proportionsfound in period IV. Surface treatment is, on the whole, similar to that found in period IV, but also includes true pattern burnishing, the most common design
being a band ofcross-hatching on the vessel shoulder. In addition to these plain wares, a Painted Buff

Ware with a blackish-brown or reddish-brown paint on a tan to buff-white ground is found in very
limited quantity in period V. Period VI: For present purposes it need only be noted that the pottery of period VI represents a markedly different ceramic tradition from that of period V. The complex is a mixture of plain and painted wares, with the painted ware representing a considerable proportion of the whole. The plain

ware is all buff coloured, ranging from a pinkish orange to yellow, and a distinctive variety of incised ware is fairly common. With the exception of the very rare painted vessels of period V, which appear
to be survivals of the painted ware of period VI, none of the other wares of period V appears in period VI.

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III SHASANLU
WAlR SCOMMON
FIN WARE

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The Internal and Chronology Cultural Relationships HasanluVI to III of PeriodsVI to V: Excavation has not yet established the fine points of the stratigraphicrelationships between these two periods, but it would seem that there is no marked erosion surface between the upper stratum assigned to period VI and the lowest stratum of period V. Approaching the problem from the point of view of the ceramics, the very restrictedsurvival of a few painted vessels of period VI type in period V is the only evidence for cultural continuity between the two periods. This carry-over suggests that no great lapse of time occurred between VI and V. On the other hand, the evidence for discontinuity between these two periods is striking. Of particularimportance is the fact that: (I) period VI is principally a painted ware complex, whereas period V is a plain ware complex; (2) grey ware appears at Hasanlu for the first time in period V; (3) the red-slipped and other varieties of Common and Coarse Ware are first introduced in period V; (4) none of the incised wares, so common in period VI, occurs in period V; (5) most of the shapes found in period VI are not found in period V; and (6) the diagnostic shapes of period V-the button-base and pedestal-basegoblet, for example-are not found in period VI. Period V, therefore, representsa distinct cultural break in the ceramic traditions of Hasanlu. PeriodsV to IV: As yet, excavation has revealed no stratigraphicevidence for any important chronological gap between periods V and IV. Evidence for both cultural continuity and cultural change between these two periods is marked, however. On the side of continuity one finds that: (I) there is a fundamental similarity of the two ceramic complexes-in both, plain ware predominates in approximately the same proportions of grey and buff ware; (2) with the exception of the rare painted ware of period V, all of the wares and varieties of wares found in V continue into period IV including the distinctive red-slipped variety of Common Ware; and (3) all of the principal shapes of the Common and CoarseWare of period V occur in period IV. In favour of cultural change one should note: (I) the complete absence of any painted ware in period IV; (2) the appearance of a great many new shapes and special features in period IV; (3) the first appearance of the thin fine variety of Fine Ware in period IV; (4) the first occurrence of Glazed Ware in period IV; and (5) the disappearanceof several of the diagnostic shapes of period V with the beginning of period IV. Whether one decides for or against basic cultural continuity between these two periods depends entirely on how these several items of evidence are weighted. On the whole, it would seem that the evidence for continuity is as convincing as that for change. Taking this view, period IV gives the impression of being principally an elaboration of a ceramic tradition first introduced at Hasanlu in period V, augmented by the introduction of several new elements which could be either the result of local developments or features brought into the complex from some neighbouring source. Certainly there is no evidence in the pottery for any chronological gap between periods V and IV. Such a chronological conclusion is borne out by radiocarbon dates from these two periods. Dates for period V range from I1217 122 B.C. (P--98) to IoI6 + 45 B.C. (P--49).4 A total of eight samples taken from charred beams in structures built at the beginning of period IV, and hence dating the construction of these buildings and the start of period IV, range from 1050 + 56 B.C. (P-42I) to 945 ? 64 B.C. (P-439)- It is at once clear that there is a considerableoverlap between the earliest date for period IV and the latest date for period V, supporting the conclusion that an extremely short period of time is involved in the shift from period V to IV.
Periods IV to III: The stratigraphic evidence for discontinuity between periods IV and III, despite the facts that the main citadel fortification wall foundation from period IV was re-used in period III and that some of the period III house walls were founded on stumps of period IV walls, is impressive.

The complete destruction of the period IV citadel is itself the type of calamity that often leads to
discontinuity in the occupation of a site, although there is some evidence for a short period of" squatter " occupation in the period IV ruins. There is no relationship either in building plans or in quality of construction between the architecture of period III and period IV. Finally, the stratification, when viewed in section, reveals a considerable erosion surface over the top of the initial period IV collapse,
SAll radio-carbon dates have been calculated with the Libby half life value of 5568 + 30 years.

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COMMON WARE 0 5

Fig. 3

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followed by a fairly deep level of secondary collapse mixed with fine silt which underlies the structures and occupation debris of period III. The stratigraphic evidence, therefore, suggests a considerable chronological gap between these two periods. The ceramic evidence supports the stratigraphic data, but leaves a thread of doubt as to just how complete the cultural discontinuity between periods IV and III may be. In many rather crucial respects period III is not at all like period IV. For example: (I) the grey ware firing technique, introduced at the beginning of period V and so characteristic of period IV, is missing in period III; (2) in period III a distinctive painted ware appears for the first time; (3) a wide range of shapes and features such as tubular and trefoil spouts or canteen jars appears for the first time in period III; and (4) most of the distinctive shapes and features of period IV do not carry over into period III. On the other hand: (I) the red-slipped variety of Common Ware carries over from period IV to period III; (2) a few of the less distinctive shapes of IV linger in III; and (3) the thin fine variety of Fine Ware in period IV could be considered the proto-type of the fine-walled Fine Ware so characteristicof period III. The general impressionis of a rather marked cultural shift, but not of a total cultural discontinuity between the two periods. The radio-carbon dates, however, confirm the evidence for a considerable chronological gap between these two periods. The average of two samples which provide preliminary dates for the end of period IV-one a sample of charred grain and the other a sample of charred grapes-is 862 + 49 B.c. Two radio-carbon dates of period III context (probably from sub-period IIIB) yield figures of 647 ? 54 B.C. (P-399) and 597 + 54 B.c. (P-398). Thus the gap between periods IV and III may be as much as one hundred and fifty to two hundred years, that is, from the late ninth to the late seventh century.

Ziweye (Figs.3 and 4)

On several occasions members of the Hasanlu expedition have been able to visit the site of Ziweye in Kurdistan and to collect a considerable number of potsherds.5 Large groups of these sherds were found heaped up beside the extensive trenches opened by commercially licensed diggers who cut into the site after the discovery of the famous Ziweye Treasure. What little stratigraphic evidence can be gleaned from these trenches indicates that the structures on the summit of the Ziweye hill probably represent only a single period of occupation, for no evidence of architectural rebuilding is visible, and no sequence of occupational debris can be traced in any of the exposed sections. The conclusion that Ziweye is a one period site is borne out by an examinationof the ceramic complex found. The pottery from Ziweye may be sorted into five wares on the basis of quality of paste: Heavy Coarse Ware, Coarse Ware, Common Ware, Fine Ware and Glazed Ware. Heavy Coarse Ware is usually matt finished, but sometimes is burnished, and ranges in colour from light to reddish buff. Coarse Ware may be subdivided into two varieties on the basis of surface finish, matt and burnished. The matt finishedvariety varies in colour from light brown to cream buff. The burnishedvariety occurs in four sub-varieties: (I) plain buff, with a colour range from light brown to white; (2) red-slipped, with vesselscovered inside and out with a light red to maroon slip; (3) brown, with a colour range from light to dark brown; and (4) grey, varying in colour from light to dark grey. The red-slipped, brown and grey sub-varieties tend to be highly burnished. Common Ware also occurs in two principal varieties, matt and burnished. The matt finished variety ranges from a light brown to an almost white
colour. The burnished variety occurs in three sub-varieties: (I) plain buff; (2) red-slipped; and (3) painted. The plain buff and red-slipped sub-varieties are in all respects, except quality of paste, similar to their counterparts in Coarse Ware. Some " streak burnishing" occurs on the plain buff sub-variety. The painted sub-variety is usually decorated with a blackish-brown pigment on a cream to cream-buff ground, though a single sherd of bichrome pottery with red and black lines on a white ground was found. Fine Ware is always highly burnished, usually to the point where no burnish marks are visible and a true polish is achieved. Four varieties, based on surface colour, may be distinguished: (I) plain buff, ranging in colour from buff to reddish-buff; (2) red-slipped, in all respects similar to the
" R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Archaeological Scrap: Glimpses of History at Ziweye ", Expedition5(3): 32-7, 1963.

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COARSE and FINE WARE

Fig. 4

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red-slipped pottery in other wares; (3) white-slipped, ranging in colour from a light reddish-white to a true white and always highly polished; and (4) painted, with a light brown to buff ground decorated with reddish-black paint. As on the painted Common Ware, only simple geometric motifs are used. Finally, one finds a very few sherds of a grey-blue to white Glazed Ware, plus a single sherd which displays a pattern in shades of blue and white. The plain buff and white-slipped Fine Wares, the plain buff burnished Common Ware and the matt finished Coarse Ware are often decorated with incising. Patterns are mostly variations on a suspended triangle or diamond motif and are usually arranged in horizontal bands on the upper half of the vessel. Other less common incised patterns include: checker boards, chevrons, multiple looped lines, cross-hatched zig-zags and small drill circles. Fluting and deep grooving are also common decorative techniques. Several interesting points emerge from a statistical study of Coarse, Common and Fine Ware at Ziweye (Fig. Io). For example: (I) the bowl is the dominant shape in all three wares; (2) Common Ware accounts for almost fifty per cent of the total collection; and (3) painted and red-slipped pottery is very rare. The most important observation that can be drawn from these statistics, however, is that this sherd collection appears to represent a single ceramic complex. In other words, if one considers the collection from the point of view of the types of wares represented, proportions of one ware to another, relationshipsbetween special features and the several wares, and the uses to which the pottery was probably put (Coarse Ware representing " kitchen or cooking " pottery, Common and Fine Ware the " table china "), there are no striking gaps or duplications of categories in the complex. This suggests that even though the sample came to hand by means of surface collection from the dump of commercial excavations, it probably representsa reasonable sample of the pottery available at the site. Most important of all, it does not reveal any of the quantitative or typological characteristicswhich one might expect were more than a single, homogeneous ceramic period representedin the collection. The Stratigraphy Internal and Chronology TepeSialk, TepeGiyanand theAchaemenid of Villageat Susa TepeSialk The two periods at Tepe Sialk which concern the present discussion are Necropoles A and B, hereafter referredto as Sialk V and VI respectively.6 The pottery from Sialk V is divided by the excavator into four principal wares on the basis of surface colour: Grey-black Ware, Red Ware, Common Ware and Painted Ware.7 Grey-black Ware predominates (eighty-two per cent of the complex), ranges in colour from light grey to black, and is either smoothed or burnished. Decorative techniques such as pre-firingincising, post-firingincising with the grooves then filled with white paste, and pattern burnishing are found. Red Ware is slightly more coarse than Grey-black Ware, ranges in colour from light to dark red, and is always matt finished. It representsonly eight per cent of the complex. Common Ware is tempered with large grit inclusions, is a terra cotta colour, and is always matt finished. It also accounts for only eight per cent of the complex. Painted Ware is very rare; only three vessels were found. The ground colour ranges from yellow to greenish-yellow and the paint is either grey-black or brown. The ceramic remains from Sialk VI also divide into four main wares: Common Ware, Black Ware, Red Ware and Painted Ware.s Further study of the vessels listed as Red Ware, however, indicates that a red-slipped and plain red variety can be distinguished. Common Ware, representing nineteen per
cent of the complex, is apparently much like the Common Ware of period V. Black Ware, the surface treatment of which usually involves burnishing to the point of a high polish, represents twenty-four per cent of the collection. Red Ware-both varieties-is dark red in colour. The red-slipped variety accounts for seventeen per cent of the complex, whereas the plain red variety represents only six per cent of the collection. The Painted Ware, by far the most common pottery in the period (thirty-four per cent
6 See R. Ghirshman, Fouilles de Sialk pris de Kashan, vol. II. 7 Sialk 2, pp. 5-9. 8 Sialk 2, pp. 29-40.

Paris, 1939. Hereafter Sialk 2.

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of the complex), has a pale brown or light yellow-buff ground colour and is decorated with light red or pink to a true vermillion or purple paint. Clay " rivets " and fluting are common decorative techniques on all but Common Ware. A very long cultural and chronological gap separates Sialk IV and V, and the latter period marks a totally new occupation of Sialk.9 Would that the cultural and chronological relationship between Sialk V and VI were as clear ! On the whole, there is very little evidence for cultural continuity between these two periods. The Grey-black Ware so characteristic of period V is found in period VI as well, but in greatly diminished proportions.Red Ware, on the other hand, is found in both periodsin roughly similar proportions. A few vessel shapes which appear in Sialk V were continued or further developed in period VI. Spherical pots from V (e.g. Sialk 2, P1. XLV, S. 659b) occur in VI. Bottles with elongated necks and handles which appear in V (e.g. Sialk 2, P1 XXXVIII, S. 45Ib) develop in VI, where they are much more common. Similar bottles, without handles, (e.g. Sialk 2, P1. XL, S. 475) also occur in V and have a strong development in VI. A single trough spout attached to the vessel rim occurs in V (Sialk2, P1. XLVII, S. 677a), whereas eighteen are known in VI. Free standing shoulder spouts occur in both periods (e.g. Sialk 2, P1. XLV, S. 66oa), but in details of form the examples in V are not paralleled in VI. Ceramic evidence for marked cultural discontinuity between these two periods, on the other hand, is considerable. The three vessels of Painted Ware from period V are stylistically quite unlike those of VI. It is even possible, since they are so very rare, that they are not of local manufacture. Sialk VI, however, is justly famous for its remarkableand distinctive Painted Ware, the most common pottery in the period. A large number of the vessel shapes characteristicof period V are absent from period VI. Concave-sided bowls (e.g. Sialk 2, P1. XLI, S. 498b), tripod bowls, pedestal-base bowls, spherical pots with concave lower halves, and pedestal-base goblets, all common in V, disappear in VI. Conversely, many shapes common in period VI are not found in V. Several bowl types, ewers, tubular shoulder spouts, canteen jars (e.g. Sialk 2, P1. LXXIV, S. 913), and several types of vessels with rather elaborate shapes (e.g. bottles linked together in groups of three) are all found in VI and entirely missing in V. Finally, fluting and the application of clay " rivets " in imitation of metal forms are found only in Sialk VI, whereas pattern burnishingand white-filled incisions are decorative techniques confined to Sialk V. This considerablecultural discontinuity between Sialk V and VI may also representa chronological gap, but how long the hiatus between the two periods may have been is difficult to say on the internal evidence alone.10 For one thing, the chronology is complicated by the fact that the Sialk VI cemetery clearly covers a considerabletime span. Several of the tombs showed signs of disturbanceduring period VI, one (T. 52) yielded three bodies superimposed, and several tombs (e.g. T. 7) showed signs of multiple use at different times. Furthermore,trilobate arrow heads (e.g. Sialk2, P1.XCII, Nos. 17 and 18) and canteen jars, both known to be fairly late horizon markers in the proto-historic period, are documented for Sialk VI. In the final analysis, the size of the chronological gap between the quite different cultures of Sialk V and VI can be determined only by comparative archaeology. TepeGiyan For the present discussionwe are concerned only with periods I and II at Tepe Giyan." For some time it has been recognized that period I at Tepe Giyan covers a long time span and is
not a homogeneous cultural unit. Thus it has become standard procedure to break down Giyan I into three sub-divisions called periods IA, IB and IC. Period IA includes graves 63 to 60 and is a transitional period between Giyan II and I; period IB includes graves 59 to I and is the main part of Giyan I; and period IC includes two graves, numbers 53 and 3 of the so-called "genre Luristan", which are said to represent an intrusive element in the sequence." Like the rest of the Giyan sequence when first excavated, these three sub-divisions of Giyan I were defined purely on stylistic grounds. It is possible,
* D. E. McCown, The Comparative Stratigraphyof Early Iran. Chicago, 1942, p. 54.
10 Sialk

2, pp. 96-7.

See G. Contenau and R. Ghirshman, Fouilles du Tipi-Giyan pros de Ndhavand. Paris, 1935. Hereafter Giyan. 1i L. Vanden Berghe, Archiologiede l'Irdn Ancien. Leiden, I959, pp. 89-9o. See also Gjyan,pp. 77-8.
11

;i~ iii~ ii !iii;iiziiii~ iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii iii~ ~iiiiiiiiiiiii!!iiliiii~iiiiii~ iii!iiii~!ii~ !~

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iiiiiiliiii iiiiiii~ ~i~ iii~ i~ i~ iiiiiiiiiiiii~ii liiii i~ liiiiiiiii!:!iiiiiiiiiiiiiilli!iiii: i! ii:i: ~i~;~ i~ ~ ~iiii~i i~i i!iii ii~i i~iiiiiiiiiii~

iiiii i i i;iil!;:~

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o m Red* grown#

?'iiiiiiii

Fig. 5

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No. 10
MISCEIIANIOUS WARES

1:3

Nos. 2-4, 7and 8 1:2

Fig. 6

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however, to suggest a different set of sub-divisionsfor Giyan I based on a re-examination of the stratigraphy of the site as it can be reconstructedfrom the excavation reports. These suggested divisions of Giyan I will, it is hoped, prove useful for purposesof comparative archaeology. The key to the understanding of the stratigraphyof Giyan I is the relationship between the graves of the period and the remains of a large building called Construction I which covered the main part of the area excavated. The mud brick walls of this structurewere first encountered at a depth of 1.25 m. below the surfaceof the mound, and were preserved above the tops of their stone foundations to heights varying between 3.00 m. and 0o50 m. The tops of the stone foundations were at a depth of 3.00 m. and the foundations themselves ranged in height from 0.40 to o060 m. A stone door socket (Crapaudine C), associatedwith a small patch of brick pavement and a large slab of stone forming the threshold of a doorway, was uncovered at a depth of 1.25 m. below surface. These finds, along with a similar door socket (Crapaudine D) and another patch of brick pavement uncovered some 3.50 m. to the north, have always been considered as integral parts of ConstructionI.13 A closer look, however, suggests that all of these features were actually part of a building later in date than Construction I. Door sockets, threshold stones and pavements normally bear a functional relationship to the walls of the buildings which they serve. Yet door sockets C and D, their associated pavements and the threshold stone with Crapaudine C bear no such meaningful relationship to the walls of Construction I.14 In fact, according to the plan presented, the pavement with door socket C actually extended over the top of one of the walls of Construction I.15 The vertical or sectional view of these architectural elements as reported shows conclusively that two distinct structures are involved, one stratigraphically above the other. Horizontally positioned architectural features such as door sockets, brick pavements and threshold stones must also be related to a floor level. Thus the question arises as to what depth below the surface of the mound the floor of Construction I lay. Although this question cannot now be answered with certainty, a reasonable guess is that the floor lay at the top of, or somewhere below the top of, the stone foundations. That is, the floor must have been between 3.00 and 3.60 m. below the surface of the mound. In any case, it would not have been at 1.25 m. below surface, for that was the depth at which the mud brick walls of Construction I were first encountered. Since in part, at least, the walls continued below this level for another 2.35 m., to put the floor of the building at 1.25 m. would mean that if the foundations were set in a trench, the trench would have been sometimes 2.35 m. deep and the walls themselvessunk into the ground some 1.75 m. above the tops of their stone foundations. This is nonsense architecturally speaking, since it ignores one of the major functions of stone foundations-that is, to protect the mud brick walls from the erosive action of ground water. Yet the two door sockets, the brick pavements and the threshold stone were found at a depth of I .25 m. below surface. Since these features must rest on a floor, and since the floor of Construction I cannot have been at 1.25 m. below surface, these features cannot have been part of Construction I and must belong instead to a structure stratigraphicallylater in date than Construction I. For ease of reference this structure can be called Construction IA. The walls of Construction I were definitely set in foundation trenches, for it is recorded that these cut through three of the period I graves. To allow a reasonable margin of error, let it be assumed that the walls were sunk to the full height of their stone foundations. This puts the surface of the mound at the time ConstructionI was built at 3.00 m. below the surfaceof the mound at the time of excavation, and means that the debris of Construction I filled a depth of from 1.25 m. to 300oo Just how much m.
of this total of I.75 m. of debris accumulated while the building was in use, and how much resulted from the collapse of the structure is difficult to determine. The record of a " petit bas-relief en cloche " having been found " engage dans le debris d'un mur en briques crues de cette construction" at a depth of 2.80 m. suggests,16 however, that perhaps only about 0o20 m. of debris accumulated during the life of the building and, as we should expect, that the bulk of the debris represents the collapse of the building after its destruction or abandonment. Turning to the relationship between the graves of Giyan I and Construction I and IA, and recalling
is Gjyan,pp. 8-9. 14 Giyan, p. 9.

16

16GVyan, 4. pl.
Giyan,
p.

9.

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Nos. 2-6

1:2

HASANLU IV
MEDIUM FINE WARE

Fig. 7

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that ConstructionI covered almost the whole of the main area excavated, we note first that graves 29 and 31, at a depth of 3-oo m. below surface, and grave 34, at a depth of 3.20 m., are describedas having been cut by the foundation trench of Construction I.17 These graves, therefore, clearly predate Construction I, and we may assume that all graves below a depth of 3oo00 are older than ConstructionI. m. This group of graves, numbers 59 to 29, thus becomes the first major sub-division of Giyan I. The remaining graves postdate the building of Construction I. In sub-dividing these remaining twenty-eight graves, it would seem safest to assume that some of them were dug at a time when Construction I was in use. Graves 20 to 28, which cluster between 2-80 and 2-90 m. below surface, are therefore,considered to be of uncertain date but perhaps contemporary with Construction I. This group of graves representsthe second new sub-division of Giyan I. Having established this margin of safety, it becomes reasonably certain that graves I to 20 were sunk into the collapsed debris of Construction I and thus postdate its destruction or abandonment. The existence of ConstructionIA, however, makes possible yet a further division of this group of graves.
Graves I to 5, in the depth range of 1.50 to I-oo m. below surface, were probably either contemporary

with or later than Construction IA, and form the fourth new sub-division of Giyan I. Graves 6 to 20, therefore, are marked off as a group of graves sunk into the collapsed debris of Construction I before Construction IA was built and define the third new sub-division proposed for Giyan I. Using a new terminology to avoid confusion with the older sub-divisionsof Giyan I, the discussion thus far can be summarized as follows:
Giyan 14 Graves 59 to 29 between 3.70 and 3-00 m. below surface: earlier than the building of

Construction I.

Giyan I3

contemporary with Construction I. Giyan I2 Graves 19 to 6 between 3.80 and 1.50 m. below surface: postdating the collapse of Construction I and predating Construction IA. Giyan I1 Graves 5 to I between 1-50 m. and the surface: either contemporarywith or later than Construction IA. The original division between Giyan I and Giyan II (graves 64 to 82) was based wholly on stylistic grounds."s Any new proposed division of the Giyan sequence at this point must still, unfortunately, be based on typological considerationsand is thereforerather arbitrary.It is here suggested that Giyan II proper be only graves 82 to 70, for these graves reveal a ceramic content which is fairly homogeneous. Painted pottery accounts for some eighty-nine per cent of the published complex and the collection is marked by several distinctive vessel shapes and decorative motifs. If Giyan II so defined is compared with Giyan I (consideredfor the moment as a unit), it is at once clear that there is very little cultural continuity between the two periods. Giyan I consistsof ninety-five per cent plain ware, and the painted ware that does appear is totally unrelated to that of Giyan II and so rare as to suggest that it was not of local manufacture. Among the plain wares, a highly burnished Fine Red and Fine Grey Ware, a Red-slipped Ware and a burnished or polished Medium Coarse Ware all appear at the site for the first time in period I. Finally, with one exception, the vessel shapes of Giyan I and II are quite different.
Yet that one exception is of some importance. A pedestal-base is a common feature of Giyan II, where it occurs on small and medium sized spherical pots (e.g. Gi3yan, 80, 2 and T. 73, 2). In Giyan T. I, the hallmark of the period is a slender drinking goblet with a pedestal-base, and a similar base again appears on cups or small spherical pots (e.g. Giyan, T. 35, I and T. 42, 2 and 3). Thus, despite the basic cultural discontinuity between periods II and I, there is at least one important ceramic link between the two complexes, and the pedestal-base goblet of Giyan I may be considered as a direct development of the pedestal-base pots in Giyan II. In the old division of Giyan I into sub-periods, Giyan IA, graves 63 to 60, was considered a transitional period between Giyan II and I primarily on the grounds
p. 17 Giyan, 9-Io. 18Cf. G. Contenauand R. Ghirshman," Rapport pr6liminaire sur les fouilles de T6p6 Giyan pres de N6havand (Perse)", pl. pl. II, No. 2 with Giyan, 2., T. 76, No. i. Syria14, x q3,

Graves 28 to 20 between 3-00 and 2-80 m. below surface: of uncertain date, but perhaps

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No. Nos. HASANLU V

1:3 1:2

8-14

MISCELLANEOUS WARES
0 5

Fig. 8

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that the pedestal-basegoblet in its characteristicperiod I form is found in these graves, but painted in a style clearly linked with period II. Using the same criteria, it would seem more useful to designate graves 69 to 6o as such a transitional period, for the first true pedestal-base goblet occurs in grave 69. Furthermore,the pedestal-basegoblet occurs in graves 69, 67 and 66 in plain ware as well as in painted ware. If graves 69 to 6o are all considered as representing a transition period, then sixty-one per cent of the complex is plain ware-a figure which seems to indicate a trend toward the almost pure plain ware tradition of Giyan I. To summarize: it is proposed that Giyan II be considered as graves 82 to 70 only, that graves 69 to 6o be considered as a transitional period between Giyan II and I called Giyan II-I, and that Giyan I (as divided above) be graves 59 to I. In the end, all of these attempts to distinguish a transition period between Giyan II and I will perforce remain based on stylistic considerations, and thereforeit is still impossible to say on the internal evidence alone whether the marked cultural discontinuity between Giyan II and I is in fact a sudden or a gradual development. On the whole, the four sub-periods of Giyan I are quite alike in their material remains. Two internal developments of importance, however, stand out against this background of similarity. First, the pedestal-base goblet, popular early in Giyan I, became less common and eventually disappeared. This shape accounts for thirty-five per cent of the Giyan 14 complex, eight per cent of the Giyan Is complex, and sixteen per cent of the Giyan I2 complex. It is not found at all in Giyan I'. Second, except for a single iron spear head in grave 23 in Giyan I1, no iron objects were found in Giyan 14 to 2.x19 On the other hand, in Giyan Ix twenty-nine per cent of all metal objects were made of iron. This marked increase in the use of iron in period I, taken with the complete disappearance of the pedestal-base goblet in the same period, indicates that though Giyan I-I2 remain difficult to distinguish on internal evidence alone, Giyan I" definitely representsa period of significant cultural change. The Achaemenid Villageat Susa A brief examination of the stratigraphy and the ceramic remains of periods I to III of the Achaemenid Village at Susa indicates that: (I) the later periods, II and III, should probably be considered as a unit for comparative purposes; and (2) there is a cultural and chronological break between periods I and II-III.20 At the time of excavation it was often difficult or impossible to distinguish between the walls of period II and period III, and no distinction is attempted in the final report.21 The two periods are not, therefore, very accurately defined. An examination of the ceramic evidence confirms this conclusion. In both periods II and III four wares are reported: Heavy Common Ware, Grey-black Ware, Red Ware and Glazed Ware.22 Making some allowance for the fact that the period III complex is not large, all of these wares seem to be found in each period in roughly the same proportions. Vessel shapes in the two periods are also much the same. Given these fundamental ceramic similarities and the rather uncertain stratigraphic and architectural evidence for distinguishing these two periods, Achaemenid Village II and III are considered, for the purposes of this discussion, as a single period called Achaemenid Village II-III. In contrast to the situation observed for periods II and III, the ceramic evidence points to a considerable cultural discontinuity between periods I and II-III. Four main wares are reported from period I: Heavy Common Ware, Fine Common Ware, Painted Ware and Glazed Ware.23 A single sherd of Red Ware was also found in this level, but probably represents a stray from level II where this pottery is common. We have already noted the four main ceramic wares reported from period II-III: Heavy Common Ware, Red Ware, Grey-black Ware and Glazed Ware. A single sherd of Painted Ware was found in level II, but, as with the single Red Ware sherd in level I, probably representsa stray. Two wares, therefore,which are found in period I, Fine Common Ware representing
19 The

appearance of an iron object in Giyan I could perhaps be explained on the grounds that grave 23 is an intrusive burial from the Giyan IF time range. The other objects in this grave, however, are not sufficiently diagnostic to prove such an assertion. en See R. Ghirshman, Mtmoiresde la Mission Archlologique Iran, o20

t. XXXVI

Ach. Vill.

Village Perse-Achiminide.Paris, I954.

Hereafter

2s Ach. Vill., p. 15 and Plan 3.

2 Ach. Vill., pp. 25-9. u Ach. Vill., pp. 2 1-5.

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69

KHORVIN -

CHANDA.R

WARES MISCELLANEOUS
0 5

Fig. 9

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six per cent of the published complex and Painted Ware representing twenty-three per cent of the complex, are entirely missing from period II-III. Conversely,neither Red Ware nor Grey-blackWare, representing seventeen per cent and nine per cent of the period II-III complex respectively, is found in period I. Only Glazed Ware and Heavy Common Ware appear to link the two periods. An examination of the Heavy Common Ware in the two periods, however, shows that the ware of each period is quite different if one considers both paste and vessel shapes.24 The period I ware is made of very poorly levigated clay, is often badly fired and is usually very friable. Vessels are thick walled and were thrown on a slow wheel. Heavy Common Ware in period II, on the other hand, is reasonably well levigated, has fewer and less coarse inclusions, is more smoothly finished and in general displays much better workmanship than the Heavy Common Ware of period I. More significant of the difference between the two wares, however, is the fact that four of the principal shapes found in Heavy Common Ware in period I, goblets (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXV, G.S. I201); small cups without handles (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXV, G.S. 954); spouted jars (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXIX, G.S. 957); and open " flower " pots (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXVIII, G.S. 1262), are not found in period II-III. Conversely, four of the diagnostic period II-III shapes, small bottles (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXXVI, G.S. 2130); canteen jars (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXXV, G.S. 1270 and P1.XXXIX, G.S. 1176); large shallow bowls (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1.XXXVII, G.S. 1222); and flat-bottomed pitcherswith handles (e.g. Ach. Vill., P1. XXXV, G.S. 2241), are not found in period I. Thus, even in Heavy Common Ware, there are distinct differences between the two complexes, and, considering all of the ceramic evidence, there appears to have been a marked cultural discontinuity between Achaemenid Village I and II-III. The stratigraphic evidence available seems to indicate a chronological as well as a cultural gap between these two periods. A change in building plan occurred after period I and the walls of period II-III were not always set directly over the walls of period I.25 When the author visited the site in 1961 there appeared to be a stratigraphicdisconformitybetween the tops of the period I walls and the base of the period II-III walls. At several points, but particularly in rooms I, 2, 7 and 8, and in the section to the north of the structure, an erosion stratum approximately 0.25 m. thick composed of water washed earth, clay, pot sherds and pebbles separated periods I and II-III. The presence of such a stratum, and the architectural variations between the two periods, suggests the presence of a chronological hiatus in addition to the cultural discontinuity between periods I and II-III. How long this hiatus may have been cannot be determined on the internal evidence alone. and Comparative Typology Chronology The integration of the foregoing ceramic data from proto-historic western Iran into a coherent picture involves three steps: first, the documentation of typological parallels between the several sites; second, the establishmentof the relative chronology of the various complexes; and third, the assigning of absolute dates to this relative chronological structure wherever possible. Typological Comparisons The basic documentation for the typological comparisonsof the pottery from the five sites discussed above and from the other relevant sites in Iran (Geoy Tepe, the Zendan at Takht-i Suleiman, KhorvinChandar, Persepolis/Pasargadaeand Tepe Hissar) is presented in tabular form in Figs. I I, 12 and 13. The discussion which follows is an analysis based on those tables.
A rapid review of the sites under discussion indicates that they fall naturally into three typological groups: first, an Early Western Grey Ware Horizon; second, a much later Late Buff Ware Horizon; and third, a Late Western Grey Ware Horizon of intermediate date which is, on the whole, not a true horizon in the sense of sharing a unified ceramic tradition, but rather a collection of diverse but interconnected complexes. Th/eEarly WesternGrey Ware Horizon (data in Fig. I I) Hasanlu V, Giyan Ie-I, Sialk V, Khorvin-Chandar and Geoy Tepe B all share a common ceramic tradition characterized by a mixture of plain grey and buff ware and by the rare and quantitatively
24 Ach. Vill., pp. 21-3 and 25-6.
25 Ach. Vill., p. Is.

ZIWEYE: SHERDANALYSIS SHAPESand FEATURES WARES, MAJOR

HH

0-

JARS

t~

oo

tv-

64

JARS BOWLSN3 DEEP BOWLS

POTS

64

00 w Lk>n

*.o
F-

Ln

m 00 -

229

3
12

POT SS
STRAPHANDLE
w
00
-

12 24
-

BAR HANDLES
HORIZN BARSE
LUGS--BAR-TOP KNOBS TAB HANDLES
_ -

2 13

00

5
5 5

TAB HANDLES SH, SPOUTS

I
F-

ATT. SPOUTS

12 4

TREFOIL
RIM SPOUTS FLAT BASES
DISC BASES
-

F-"___
____

4
2
6
H
-

POINTEDBASE

INCISED

51

TOTAL o-' ,

I-

4o-

Fig. zo

72

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

limited occurrence of painted ware. Three very distinctive vessel shapes are horizon markersfor this group and are found at all five sites: simple cups with handles, jars with free standing pouring spouts and pedestal-base goblets. Two of these three common vessel shapes, a slightly divergent form of the cup with a handle and the jar with a free standing pouring spout, link this Early Western Grey Ware horizon with the Hissar IIIB-IIIC complex. Another shape, the " istikhan ", links Hasanlu V, Giyan I4-PI and Sialk V with Hissar IIIB-IIIC. Pattern burnishing, so distinctive a decorative technique in Hissar III, is also found at Hasanlu V, Sialk V and Khorvin-Chandar.26Giyan Sialk V, Khorvin-Chandar and Hissar I4-I3, IIIB-IIIC are linked typologically by trough rim spouts, vessels with concave lower halves, and bottles with elongated necks. Within the Early Western Grey Ware horizon itself, a total of nine ceramic parallels link Sialk V with Khorvin-Chandar (see Fig. 9). Significantly, four of these parallels are not shared by the more western sites in the group. These specific comparisons of vessel shape are supported by a general similarity in the grey ware fabric of Sialk V and Khorvin-Chandar. In terms of firing, temper and surface finish the grey ware from the two sites cannot be distinguished by macroscopic examination. Indeed, the grey ware at these two sites is so similar that were sherdsfrom both mixed into one collection, it would be impossible to sort them out again by site. That Sialk V and Khorvin-Chandar are clearly very closely related is not too surprisingin view of their geographical proximity. Thirteen ceramic parallels link Sialk V and Giyan I4-I2. Of these, eight are also found at other sites, and five are found onlyat Sialk and Giyan. One of these parallels occurs at Giyan in Giyan 12I1 (long necked bottles and jars with vertical bar handles), one occurs only in Giyan I2, one appears in Giyan I4I2 but is much more common in I4-IS (pedestal-base goblets), and the remainder (ten) all occur in Giyan I4-I3 only. It would seem, therefore,that Sialk V is related most closely to Giyan I4-I3, is only rather tenuously linked with Giyan I1, and is not related in any important way to Giyan I'. Seven parallels link Sialk V typologically with Hasanlu V. Only one of these, vertically pierced lugs, is found exclusively at Hasanlu and Sialk. On the other hand, eight parallels connect Hasanlu V with Giyan. Three of these links are found exclusively at Hasanlu and Giyan: carinated bowls with everted rims in Giyan I-I3, and pedestal-base goblets with painted horizontal bands and flat-rimmed bowls with painted groups of radial lines on the rim in Giyan II and II-I. The remainder of the Hasanlu-Giyan parallels, with the exception of the jars with vertical bar handles, all occur primarily in Giyan I4-I3. On the whole, therefore,Hasanlu V appears to be related principally to Giyan I-I3, but shares with Giyan at least two ceramic traits which occur in Giyan II and II-I and are thereforeearlier than anything linking Sialk V and Giyan. Only five typological comparisons link Hasanlu V with Geoy Tepe B, three of which are shared the entire Early Western Grey Ware horizon. The other two are found exclusively at Hasanlu and by Geoy Tepe. Geoy Tepe B, therefore,despite its being geographically near Hasanlu, has fewer parallels and is more marginal to the horizon as a whole than is Hasanlu V. Hasanlu V in turn has fewer parallels to either Sialk V or Giyan I-I than the latter two sites share between themselves. It is, therefore, also perhaps somewhat marginal to the Early Western Grey Ware horizon, but is, nevertheless, closer to this ceramic tradition than is Geoy Tepe B. In general, Sialk V and Giyan P-I- define the geographic centre of the Early Western Grey Ware horizon.
The Late Buff Ware Horizon (data in Fig. I 2) The sites in this group can be divided geographically into a northern sub-group including Hasanlu III, Ziweye and the Zendan, and a southern sub-group including the Achaemenid Village at Susa and Persepolis/Pasargadae. Seventeen ceramic parallels link Hasanlu III with Ziweye, the most striking perhaps being the

Painted Ware parallels (see Fig. 5). Thirteen of the links between Ziweye and Hasanlu III occur in
6

The pottery from Khorvin-Chandar illustratedin Fig. 9 was collected by the author on severalvisits to these twin sites in is ig61. Patternburnishing not documentedfor this site from

this sherd collection, but is known on a vessel certain to be in from Khorvin-Chandar the collection of the Smithsonian Institute,Washington,D.C.

TEPE GEOY
Fig. 33, No. 1004

HASANLU
SIMPLE CUPS WITH HANDLES: PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED

GIYAN
PL 16. T. 43, No. 3 (I

SIYALK
POTS WITH SINGLE HANDLE: PL XLIV, S. 610

KHORVINE-CHANDAR
Fig. 9, No. 2

Pl. S. and 671a b XLVII,

PL. XXXIX, S. 454 XLVII S 671

HISSAR
XLI,. .

db

Pl.

$33 (Imc)

Fig.

34, No.

38

PEDESTAL-BASE GOBLETS: Fig. 8, Nos. 1, 2, 9 and 10

PL 19, T. 54, PL 19. T. 57.

No.

No. 2 2

PL. IV. Nos. 4 and S Pl. XLIII, S. 523a PL Pl. XLVI, XLVII. S. 668 S. 671a

Fig.

9, No. 4

PL 14, T. 33, No.

PL 10, T. 10, Nos. 1 aod 3 PL 1S, T. 35, No. 1 COMMON IN 14 I3: FOUND ALSO IN I

PL

32, No.

37

UNBRIDGED POURING SPOUTSr ILLUSTRATED PRESENT; NOT

PL

39 PL 18, T. 52,

PERHAPS:

Pl. PI.

XL, S. 478 XLV, S. 660&

Fig.

9, No. 8

No.

(4

PI. XXXVIII, H. 5084 (Is) LOUVRE COLLECTION: GIAN; -

P4 XX, No. I

ISTIKHANS:

Fig.

8,

Nos.

11 - 14

PL 22,

T. 72,

No. 1 No. 1

(II) (61

PL. XL, S. 472

PL 17. T. 49, No. 3 (1) ,

Pl. 14, T. 30.

PI. XXXVIII,

H.

01

(IB)

HANDLES: Fig. 8, 'No.

JARS WITH SINGLE VERTICAL

BAR

PL.

9, T. PL. U, To 16o No.

5, No. Z

(5I)

PL

XXXVII

S, 485b

BOWL WITHOUT LUG: Fig. 33, No. 1015

CARINATED BOWLS: NOT ILLUSTRATED

PRESENT;

Fig.

34, No. 22

BOWLS WITH APPLIQUE DECORATION IN SHAPE OF SMALL WORM: PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED

CARINATED BOWLS WITH EVERTED RIMS: Fig. 8, No. 8

Pl.

15, T. 35, No. 4. OCCURS IN II - I; COMMON IN 14 13

PEDESTAL-BASE POTS WITH PAINTED HORIZONTAL BANDS:

Fig. 8, No. 3

PL 21, T. 65, No. 3. OCCURS IN II AND II- I ONLY

PAINTED GROUPS OF RADIAL LINES ON RIM: Fig. 8, No. 6 PATTERN BURNISHING: 4 Fig. 8,.No.

FLAT-RIM BOWLS WITH

IN II

PL 23, T. 76, No, 2, OCCURS

PL. XLII,

S. 503a

and d

PL XXXVII,.H. 3841 P4. XL, H. 3933

PL XXXVII, H. 2391
VERTICALLY PIERCED FigS. 8, No. 8 SHALLOW PLATTERS: NOT ILLUSTRATED LUGS: PL XLIV. S. 611 Fig. 9, No. 5

PRESENT;

TROUGH RIM SPOUTS: Pl. 15, T. 39, Nos, 4 and 5 (II) HANDLES WITH HORN - LIKE PROJECTIONS ON TOP: PL 13

PI.

XLVII,

S. 677a

PRESENT:

NOT SI.USTRATED

PL LVII, LOUVRE

H. 4883(IIIC) COLLECTION: GIYANC

Pl. XX, No. 2

PL IV, Nos.

1 and 2

T. 28, No. I

(EARLY 1I
P1. XLIV, S. 608

BAR HANDLES WITH IMITATION RIVET: P. 12, T. 20, No. 5 (13)

POTS WITHCONCAVELOWER HALVES: PL 14, T. 31, No. 1

PL 15, T. 39, No. 1 1 AND

Pl. XXXVIII, S. 438

P. P XL, S. 481b and . 497

PI, XXXVII, IL 2406 (IIIB) PL XLIII, H. 3305 (IUC)

Pl. 18, T. SO, No. 1 (ALL 1)

PL 19, T. 57, No. CUPS WITH HANDLES PEDESTAL BASES. PL 9, T. 8, No. 2 1 2 (ALL It)

PL XXXVII, S. 442 and S. 436 PL XXXIX, S. 453d PL XL, S. 481a and 473a S. 671a

A(I

PL 12, T. 24, No. PL 14, T. 32, No. Pl. 16, T. 44. PL 19, T. 55,

PL XLVII,

No. 2 No. 2 3

P1. 19, T. 58, No.

BOWL WITH ANIMAL HEAD LUG: P 14, T. 310.No, 2 (2w) LONG NECKED PL BOTTLES: S (Il

P1. XXXVII,

S. 440

PL XL, P. P. XLII, XLV,

S. 475 SO3a S. 660b S. 673

PL

XXXVII,

H. 4993

(IIB)

1, T. 17, No.

TRIPOD P.

BOTTLES. No. 1 (1"

P.

XLVII,

13, T. 26,

DEEP BOWLS WITH FLAT BASES AND FLARING SIDES

Fig.

9, No. 6

S.

P.

XL 479

S. 474, 470, S. sad S. 480b BOWLS: NOT

5. 430

TRIPOD

P3,

XXXiI, PI,

PRESENT;

ILLUSTRATED 3

PEDESTAL-BASE

BOWLS

Fig.

9, No.

S. XXXVIIY, 439

INCISING: P1 XLVI, S 662 and 667s and P1 XLI, S. 493

Fig. 9, Nuo.7

Fig. II

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OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

both Hasanlu IIIB and IIIA, three are with Hasanlu IIIB only (those which involve Fine Ware at Hasanlu), and one is exclusively with Hasanlu IIIA (bichrome painted ware). Ten of these same parallels link Hasanlu III and the Zendan, all ten being equally at home in Hasanlu IIIB and IIIA. Three other features, bowls with round bases and slightly thickened everted rims, tab handles, and incising, are found at Ziweye and the Zendan but not at Hasanlu III. These three sites, therefore, form a related ceramic horizon, with Hasanlu III typologically closer to Ziweye than to the Zendan. This northern Late Buff Ware Group is linked to the west with the Late Assyrian pottery found at Nimrud. In general, the Nimrud complex belongs to a buff ware tradition, and the quality of some of the Fine Ware at Ziweye and Hasanlu is matched by the Fine Ware at the Assyrian site. It is also perhaps significant that the excavators of Nimrud report a red-slipped ware which they feel may have been imported.27 Specific parallels between Hasanlu III and Nimrud are: I. Sharply carinated bowls with incurving sides and simple pinched rims: cf. Fig. 2, No. 6 with Oates II, P1. XXXVII, No. 2. 2. Bowls with gently curving sides and simple pinched rims: cf. Fig. I, No. I with Oates II, P1. XXXVII, No. I. 3. Small bottles with slender necks and opposed handles: cf. Oates I, P1l.XXXVIII, No. 89. Hasanlu III example not illustrated. XXXVIII, No. 88. Hasanlu III 4. Small bottles in reddish clay with a light slip: cf. Oates I, P1l. example not illustrated. Specific parallels between Ziweye and Nimrud are: I. Sharply carinated bowls with rounded bases: cf. Fig. 3, No. 6 with Oates II, Pl. XXXVII, Nos. 7 and 8. 2. Bowls with a distinct ridge just below the rim: cf. Fig. 3, No. 4 with Oates I, P1l.XXV, Nos. 12 and 25. The parallel is not exact, but the principle is the same. 3. Bowls with a slight carination, short straight collar and a slightly everted, rolled rim: cf. Fig. 3, No. 3 with Oates I, P1. XXXV, No. I I. 4. Saucer lamps: cf. Fig. 4, No. 4 with Oates I, P1. XXXIX, Nos. I04, 105 and io6. In the south, eleven parallels link the Achaemenid Village at Susa with Persepolis/Pasargadae. Eight of these ceramic characteristics are found only at these two southern sites; and all but two, painted upright shoulder spouts and vessels with pointed bases, occur in Achaemenid Village II-III. This southern Late Buff Ware horizon is related typologically with the Late Buff Ware horizon in the north. Hasanlu III is linked with Achaemenid Village II-III by eight parallels, two of which are found exclusively in Hasanlu IIIA and the remainder in either Hasanlu IIIA or IIIB. Four parallels connect Hasanlu III with Persepolis/Pasargadae: two in either Hasanlu IIIA or IIIB and two exclusively in Hasanlu IIIA. Only one of these parallelsis not also found at Achaemenid Village II-III. Three of these several north-south parallels, bowls with rolled rims, bowls with everted sloping rims, and trefoil shoulder spouts, are also found in the north at Ziweye. It is of considerablesignificancethat there are no links between the two southern Late Buff Ware sites and the Zendan, and that no parallels
exist between Achaemenid Village I and any of the northern Late Buff Ware sites. The Late WesternGrey Ware Group (data in Fig. 13) Hasanlu IV, Geoy Tepe A (in part, for it is a mixed complex), Sialk VI and Giyan 11 (and perhaps in part I2) form a Late Western Grey Ware horizon that falls typologically and chronologically between the Early Western Grey Ware horizon and the Late Buff Ware horizon. The typological relationships between the sites in this group are considerably weaker than are those for the earlier and later groups.
a7J. Oates, " Late Assyrian Pottery from Fort Shalmaneser ", Iraq 21(2): 136, 1959. Hereafter, Oates I. See also, J. Oates, " Late Assyrian Pottery from Nimrud ", Iraq 16(2): 164-7, 1954. Hereafter, Oates II.

HASANLU
BOWLS WITH WIDE FLARING COLLARS AND SIMPLE PINCHED RIMS: Fig. 2, No. 6 CARINATED BOWLS WITH INCURVING COLLARS AND SIMPLE PINCHED RIMS: Fig. 1, Nos. 2 and 4 CARINATED BOWLS WITH THICK, FLAT, EVERTED RIMS: Fig. I, No. 6 BOWLS WITH INCURVING SIDES AND ROUNDED RIMS: Fig. I, No. 1 POTS WITH EVERTED NECKS AND SIMPLE PINCHED RIMS IN COMMON WARE: Fig. I, No. 9 POTS WITH FLATTENED RIMS AND A GROOVE RUNNING DOWN THE RIM CENTER: Fig. 1, No. 8 Fig. Fig.

ZIWEYE
3, Nos. 6 and 11; 4., No. 6 Pl

ZENDAN
50, Nos. 6, 7 and 8

ACH. VILL.

FARS
PER II, P. 7Z, No. No.$ PtW 1;

Fig.

3, No.

14

PL. 56,

Nos.

7, 8 and 9

Fig.

4, No.

PL

56,

No. 22

Fig.

3, No.

PL 56, No. 4

Fig.

3, No.

13

PL

55. No. 14

Fig.

4, No.

PL

60,

No.

11

OMPHALOS

BASES:

Fig.

1, No. 7

Fig.

3, No.

12

PL 50,

Nos,

7 and 8

CRUDE "TRAYS" WITH FLAT BASES AND STRAIGHT SIDES: PRESENT; NOT.ILLUSTRATED BOWLS WITH ROLLED RIMS: Fig. I, Nos. 3 and 5P7Z BOWLS WITH EVERTED RIMS: Fig. 2, No. 10 SLOPING

PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRAIED

P.

60,

Nos.

16, 17 and 18

Fig.

3, No. 3, No. 4, No.

19

PER II,

P1. 89. No. 10 o0 No. S

Fig. Fig.

2 8

Pl.

XL,

G.S.

1248c

(11 - III)

POTS WITH EVERTED NECKS AND SIMPLE PINCHED RIMS IN FINE WARE: Fig. Z, No. 11 TREFOIL SHOULDER Fig. 2, No. 4 SPOUTS:

PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED

P1. XXXVII, (U - I)

G.S.

1221c

OICG No. 21. Fig. 62, PT3 261 5- ACH. VILL., P. XXIV, No.

CROSS-HATCHED TRIANGLES ON THE INSIDE OF THE VESSEL RIM: Fig. 2, No. 8 DIVIDED TRIANGLES ON A FLAT, EVERTED BOWL RIM, WITH THE TRIANGLE SOMETIMES HALF SOLID: Fig. 5 LOOPS ALONG THE VESSEL SHOULDER: Fig. 5 SWIRLS OR SIMPLE SPIRALS ON THE INSIDE OF BOWLS WITH FLARING NECKS: Fig. 5 LINES IN BICHROME: RED AND BROWN PAINT ON AN UNSLIPPED WHITE-CREAM GROUND: Fig. 5 POTS WITH EVERTED NECKS AND SIMPLE PINCHED RIMS: Fig. 1, No. I0 Pi SPOUTS BELOW BOWL RIM. OUTLET IN SHOULDER: Fig. 2, No. 5 CANTEEN JARS: PRESENT; NOT

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

60,

Nos.

7 and 8

P1. 45, No. 1

ILLUSTRATED TREFOIL RIMS: Fig. 2, No. Fig. 7

PL XXIX, P1. XXIX, 2

G.S.

1176 1221d G.S.

(II I) (UI- DI)

OIC, No. 21, Fig.

62, PT3 145 62, PT3 294

G.S.

OIC. No. 21, Fig.

IMITATION "RIVETS": and 3 Nos.

PL. XXXIX, (II - III) PL XXXVI, G.S.

1249d

POTS WITH TRIPLE SHOULDER RIBS: PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED JARS WITH SHORT, UPRIGHT, BRIDGED SHOULDER SPOUTS: Fig. 2, No. I SMALL JARS WITH OPPOSED LUGS: Fig. 2, No. 9

IZl8e

(I-

I)

PL XXXVII. G. S. 1221b and P. XL, G.RS. 1251 ) (11-

PL

XL,

G.S.

Z342

(UH-

HI)

BOWLS WITH ROUND BASES AND SLIGHTLY THICKENED, EVERTED RIMS: Fig. 4. No. TAB HANDLES: Fig.

PI. 56, 7

No. 1

4, No. 9

PL 57, Nos.

8B-1

INCISING: PRESENT; ILLUSTRATED

NOT

49

POINTED BASES: G.S. 2383 (I)

P1. XXVI,

OIC, No. 21, Fig.

62, PT3 311

JARS WITH SHORT NECKS AND SLIGHTLY OVERHANGING RIMS:

PAINTED JARS WITH UPRIGHT TREFOIL SHOULDER SPOUTS: P1. XXXII, G.S. 787 (I) JAR STANDS: P1. XXXVDI,

VANDEN

BERGHE,

P1. 61a

O.S. 12;1 (U-ID)

830 (UID= )

PER U, P1. 72, No. 4 PER II,

SQUAT BOTTLES: 0.S.

P1

XLI,

PUEW
PER . H_

P1 72. No. 8: No. 6

SHORT, CbNICAL SPOUTS: P1 XL, (U - ID)

SHOULDER G.S. 2372

PL 74, No. 41

TURTLE JARS: P1. XXXV, G.S. 1270 (U -IDm) SIMPLE, XL, G.S. FLAT BASES: P1. I2NOo

PER UI, P1. 72, No. 13

PER0,

P1

72, No. 16

Fig.

12

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In fact, it could be argued that at these levels we are not dealing with a culturally related ceramic horizon at all. On the whole, compared with either the Early Western Grey Ware horizon or the Late Buff Ware horizon, the Late Western Grey Ware horizon is a time of considerable ceramic diversity in western Iran. Despite the fact that Geoy Tepe A is a mixed complex, with some traits related to Hasanlu III, it is predominantly a Late Western Grey Ware level. A total of eleven parallels link Geoy Tepe A with Hasanlu IV. In this period, these two sites share more common ceramic elements than any two other sites in the group. Hasanlu IV and Sialk VI share one important general ceramic trait: the Grey-black Ware of Sialk VI, which, as we noted, formed twenty-four per cent of the total complex, parallels the thin fine variety of Fine Ware at Hasanlu by being consistently grey-black in colour and having a highly burnished or polished surfacefinish. Yet only five specific ceramic traits link Hasanlu IV with Sialk VI, suggesting that the ties between these two sites in this period were not particularly strong.*2 This is borne out by a comparison of the general, over-all characteristicsof the two assemblages. Sialk VI, quite unlike Hasanlu IV, is a mixed plain and painted ware complex, the painted ware of which is unique at present in all of western Iran. The important point to be made here, therefore,is that though Hasanlu IV and Sialk VI are sufficiently related to one another to prove roughly contemporary, they are actually quite different complexes-an issue whose cultural implications are discussed in greater detail in the article to follow. Still within the Late Western Grey Ware horizon itself, only four ceramic parallels link Sialk VI and Giyan I1_I2. One other trait, a tripod bottle, is found in Sialk VI and Giyan 13, but this shape is also found in Sialk V and is one of the few links between that period and Sialk VI. Sialk VI, therefore, is more closely related chronologically to Giyan I1_I2 than to any other sub-period of Giyan I, but, as when comparing Sialk VI and Hasanlu IV, it must be stressedthat no sub-period of Giyan I is really very closely related to Sialk VI. Underlining the ceramic diversity of western Iran in the Late Western Grey Ware horizon is the fact that there are no parallels between Hasanlu IV and late Giyan I. The Late Western Grey Ware horizon is linked, on the one hand, to the Early Western Grey Ware horizon principally by connections between Hasanlu IV and V, and, on the other hand, with the Late Buff Ware horizon by connections between Hasanlu IV, Ziweye and the Zendan and between Sialk VI, Giyan I1_I2 and Achaemenid Village I. We have already discussed above the close connections between Hasanlu IV and V. In this same vein it is important to note that two ceramic parallels link Hasanlu IV and Sialk V: knob handled goblets, possibly prototypes for the tab handled vessels of Hasanlu IV, are attributed to Sialk V by the excavator (Sialk 2, P1. IV, Nos. I and 2), and tripod bowls are common in Sialk V (Sialk 2, P1. III, Nos. I, 4 and 5) and also are found in Hasanlu IV (not illustrated). Nine ceramic parallels link Hasanlu IV with the Zendan in the Late Buff Ware Group, six of these traits also being found at Geoy Tepe A. Four of these parallels are found at Ziweye. One link, " streak burnishing ", between Hasanlu IV and Ziweye is not found at the Zendan. This evidence suggests that, in terms of relating the Late Western Grey Ware horizon as found at Hasanlu IV with the Late Buff Ware horizon, the Zendan is closer typologically to Hasanlu IV than is Ziweye. Curiously enough, there are as many ceramic links between Sialk VI and the Achaemenid Village as there are between Sialk VI and either Hasanlu IV or Giyan I. A total of five featureslink these two
sites, four of which are found at the Achaemenid Village exclusively in period I, and one of which, the canteen jar, is found only in Achaemenid Village II-III. Giyan I, in turn, yields four ceramic parallels with the Achaemenid Village. Three are in either Giyan Ii or I', and one is common from Giyan I4 to 12 (the pedestal-base goblet); all are found principally in Achaemenid Village I. Giyan I1_I2, Sialk VI and Achaemenid Village I thus overlap to a limited extent.29
28

It is strikingthat no fewer than nineteen distinct typological Furtherstudieswhich involve more than the ceramicevidence will certainlyalter and augmentthe presentdiscussion. parallelslink Hasanlu IV and Sialk VI if metal objectsfrom the two sites are compared. This is a clear illustrationof how " Despite the parallels between Sialk VI and Achaemenid differentaspectsof materialculturecan have separatehistories, Village I, it carries the argument too far to suggest that and is an indication of the limitationsinherent in discussing AchaemenidVillage I is basicallyonly a late manifestation of the cultureof Sialk VI. See Ach.Vill.,p. 56. only one aspect of the material culture of a site and period.

HASANLU
JARS WITHSHOULDER RIB: Fig. 6, Nos. I and 9 SMALL JARS WITH SHOULDERRIB: Fig. 7, No. 9 LOOPED TAB HANDLES: Fig. 7, No. 3

GEQY TEPE
Fig. 40. No. 1177

ZENDAN

ZIWEYE

SIYALK

GlYAN

AC44.,VILL.

Fig. 38, No. 20

Fig. 14, No. 102 Fig. 36, No. 102 Fig. 37, No. 120 Fig. 35, No. 126 PL 57, Nos. 8 Fig. 4, No. 9 g 17 . 3, N. HANDLESWITHHORN-LIKE 571; PROJECTIONS: 3, 17 P. LII, S. 3 No Fig. No. 770; PL LXIII, PL LXIIo S. S. 850; Pl. LXIX, S. 946; P1. LXXI, S. 889 and Pl. LXXIX, S. 985a and 986

SHORT, TUBULARSPOUTS: Fig. 7, No. 7 TAB HANDLES: Fig. 6,

Fig. 35, No. 284

Fig. 38, No. 1034 POTS WITHFLUTINGON SHOULDER: Fig. 6,ILLUSTRATED No. 7 CARINATEDPOTS: Fig. 6, No. 5 Fig. 37, No. 984 Fig. 38, Np. 399

PL 54, No. 9

PRESENT; NOT

BRIDGEDPOURINGSPOUTS: Fig. Fig. 38, No. 1032 No. 2 6, No. 8 and Fig. 7, LUGS IN THE SHAPE OF Fig. 36, No. 915 ANIMALHEADS:PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED BOWLSWITHINSTEP AT AND SIMPLE SHOULDER PINCHEDRIMS: Fig. 7, No. I CARINATEDBOWLSWITH COLLARSAND INCURVING SIMPLE PINCHEDRIMS: Fig. 6, Nos. Z and 4 "TRAYS"IN COARSEWARE; PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED CARINATEDBOWLSWITH SINGLEHANDLE: Fig. 7. No. 8 RAISEDSPIRAL RIDGESAS DECORATION:Fig. 6, No. 10 UPTURNEDTABULARLUGS: ; PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED STREAKBURNISHING: PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED FRUIT STANDS: Fig. 7, No. 5 LONG, TUBULARSPOUTS: Fig. 7, Nos. 4 and 6PL zig. 37, No. 650

PL 51, No. Z4 UNBRIDGED PL 57, No, 6

Fig. 4, No. 5

FOR EXAMPLE: Pl. XII, No, 6

PL XXXVIII, G.S. IZZIb and PL G.S. I I XL, (U-IIf)

Fig. 36, No. 103

P1. 56, Nos. 23 and 24

PL 60, PL 56,

Nos. 16 - 18 Nos. 26 - 33

PRESENT; NOT ILLUSTRATED

P1. 54, No. 4

P1. 46b PRESENT, NO' ILLUSTRATED PL LII, S. 568 PL LX, S. 624 andS. 637 LXU, PL LXII, S. 772b PL LXXVIII, S. 962e P1,. LX, S. 651 JARS WITHSHORTNECKS AND A SINGLEHANDLE: Pl. LIX, S. 648 and PL LXIII, S. 853b JARS WITHOUT HANDLES: PL LXXIII, S. 934b andd TRIPOD BOTTLES: Pl. LXIII,. S. 848; Pl. LXIV, S. 863 and . PL LXXVIII, S. 964a BOWLSWITHRIM TROUGH SPOUTSAND A SINGLE HANDLE: P1. XVII SPOUTS: TUBULARSHOULDER PI. LX, S. 624 and S. 637 SHORT, STUBBY SHOULDER SPOUTS: Pl. LXXI, S. 890OC BRIDGEDUPRIGHTSHOULDER SPOUTS: Pl. LXXIX, S. 987a FAN-SPOUTS or SHORT, STUBBY, UPRIGHTSHOULDER SPOUTS: P. XIII, Nos. 1,2,3, CANTEEN JARS: P1. LXXIV, 913 and Pl. XVIII, No. 1 5. PAINTED ZOOMORPHIC VESSELS: P1. XXI, No. 3 PEDESTAL-BASE GOBLETS: PL I, T. 19, No, 3 PL 15, T. 37, No. Z SNo. 4 2 -I 4 P. 16, T. 42, CommoninoPeriodsI SMALL SPHERICALJARS WITHOPPOSED PIERCED LUGSON SHOULDER: PL. 2 9, T. 6, No. I "(I) TREFOIL SPOUTS: PL 39 ZIG-ZAGDECORATION:P1. 8, T. 3, No. 1 (II) PL 8, T. 1, No. 2 (II I (I1) P (1 8, T. 2, N. PL I1, T. 16, No. I (2) PL 11, T. 17, No. 2 (I1) PL 11, T. 18, No. 2 (I2) PL 13, T. 26, No. 1 (13

COLLANDERS: Fig. 6, No. 6 '

PL XIV, No. 5

PL 39 Pl. 8, T. 2, No 2 (11) PL XXIX, G.S. 957 (1)

P1. XXXI, G.S. 2394 ()

PL XXXII, G.S. 787 (1)

XXXV, G.S. 1270 and PL XXXIX, G.S. 1176 (II-III) Pi. XX, No. (1)

PL XXX, G.S. 1206a and 0G.S. 1205 (I)

P1. XXXI, G.S. 863 (1) PL XL, G.S. 2342 (11- I)

PL XXXII, G.5. 787 (1) PL XXXVIlI, G.S. 1221g (II-.II) P1. XXXI, G.S. 863 (I)

Fig. 13

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The evidence clearly indicates that the Late Western Grey Ware horizon was far more fragmented into individual ceramic traditions than was either the Early Western Grey Ware horizon or the Late Buff Ware horizon. Each site yields a few ceramic connections with other sites in the group and with one or two of the Late Buff Ware sites, but there is no series of unifying traits binding Hasanlu IV, Geoy Tepe A, Sialk VI and Giyan I-I2 together into a cultural whole. RelativeChronology (Fig. 14) On the basis of these typological comparisons and the discussion of the internal chronology of the five principal sites above it is now possible to make relative chronological distinctions between these various sites and levels. As we have seen, the internal evidence at Sialk indicates a fairly marked cultural disconformity and probably a chronological hiatus between periods V and VI. On the other hand, Hasanlu V blends culturally and chronologically into Hasanlu IV. The typological links between Hasanlu V and Sialk V are sufficiently strong to suggest that these two periods are probably in the main contemporary, though the few ceramic links between Sialk V and earlier Hissar IIIB and C, three of which do not occur at Hasanlu V, suggest that Sialk V may have begun slightly before Hasanlu V. It must be kept in mind, however, that the closer ties between Hissar IIIB and C and Sialk V may be only a result of greater geographical proximity. The temporal relationship between Hasanlu IV and Sialk VI and V is much less clear than that between Hasanlu V and Sialk V. The fact that there is a gap between the two Sialk periods and no gap between Hasanlu IV and V, considered with the two rather tenuous ceramic links between Hasanlu IV and Sialk V, suggests that Hasanlu IV may have begun slightly before Sialk VI sometime in the hiatus between Sialk V and VI. In general, however, these two periods are probably for the most part contemporary. Geoy Tepe B can probably be considered contemporary with Hasanlu V; but the chronological relationship between Sialk V and Khorvin-Chandaris perhaps not so clear. To judge from the pottery collected at the twin sites of Khorvin and Chandar (both cemeteries) by the author in 1961, on which the typological connections between this site and Sialk V discussedabove are based (see Fig. 9), the two sites are in the main contemporary. On the other hand, a good number of ceramic traits documented by collections made by others at Khorvin-Chandar and by materials proporting to come from these sites suggest that these two cemeteries may have first been used some time prior to the beginning of Sialk V and may have remained in use down into the Sialk VI time range.30 Until more material of certain provenance is published the question must remain open, but it seems safe to conclude that, on the whole, Khorvin-Chandar is contemporary with Sialk V. Hasanlu V shows a few links with Giyan II and II-I, but the bulk of the parallels between Hasanlu V and Giyan are in Giyan I4-I3. On internal evidence, the transition from Giyan II to Giyan I4 appeared to be bridged to some extent by Giyan II-I, although we noted the possibility of a circular argument in this regard since Giyan II-I is something of an artificial period originally defined in terms of its transitional nature. When Giyan II and Giyan I (early) were considered separately, a marked cultural disconformity between the two periods was at once apparent. At Hasanlu the cultural shift from period VI to period V appears to be no less radical than that from Giyan II to Giyan I, but at Hasanlu the stratigraphic evidence suggests that there was probably no major hiatus between periods
VI and V. Hasanlu VI, despite the fact that it is not yet adequately defined by excavation, is probably roughly contemporary with Giyan II. On the basis of the few links between Hasanlu V and Giyan II and II-I, and the clear parallels between Hasanlu V and Giyan IP-I, it seems possible to suggest that, like the shift from Hasanlu VI to V, the cultural shift from Giyan II to Giyan I, radical as it may be, does not represent any significant chronological gap. Hasanlu V, sharing as it does a few traits with Giyan II and II-I, probably began slightly before Giyan IP, but is, in the main, contemporary with

GiyanI-I3.

The bulk of the evidence indicates that Sialk V is essentially contemporary with Giyan I-IS, with

so See L. Vanden Berghe, Archologie de l'Irdn Ancien. Leiden, 1959, pp. 123-4 and pls. I53-8. For bibliography, see, ibid., p. I96.

A COMPARATIVE

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CHRONOLOGY

FOR WESTERN

IRAN,

1500-500

B.C.

79

KHORVIN CHANDAR

SIALK

GI YAN

GEOY TEPE

HASANLU

ZIWEYE

ZENDAN

ACH.VILL.

1500
1450

1400 1350
1300 1250 1200

\\

II

VI

V 1150 B V

950
2 _

850 800
750

VI
-.

GA P

700 650 600

III I B

500 450 400

350

sI

,,

300

Fig. r4

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only a few traits linking it to Giyan I2 as well. We have seen that Sialk V may have begun slightly before Hasanlu V, and we have also suggested that Hasanlu V may have begun slightly before Giyan 14. Therefore, it follows that Sialk V probably began before Giyan 14. The complete absence of any traits in Sialk V which can be linked with the painted pottery complex found at Giyan II and Hasanlu VI does not stand against this conclusion, since Sialk V, in fact, represents what is essentially a new beginning of the Sialk cultural and ceramic sequence after a very long hiatus. Sialk VI on the whole shows the most parallelswith Giyan I1_I2, and these two periods can probably be considered as in part contemporary. Sialk VI also yields a few parallels with Achaemenid Village I, and the later part of VI, therefore,may overlap Achaemenid Village I. Such a conclusion is supported by the fact that Giyan I~I2 also has some links with Achaemenid Village I. These connections between Sialk VI and the Achaemenid Village in period I are not, as they might seem at first, too surprising, for we have observed above that on the internal evidence alone-and particularly on the basis of the appearance of late horizon markers such as the canteen jars and trilobate arrow heads-Sialk VI is probably a very long lived period. The same holds true for Giyan I. Before turning to the relative chronology of the Late Buff Ware sites, a further word on Giyan 12is perhaps necessary. This period appears to be related to such widely diverse ceramic cultures as Achaemenid Village I on the one hand, and Hasanlu V, Giyan I4-I3 and Sialk V on the other. Clearly this level at Giyan is not a pure manifestationof the Early Western Grey Ware horizon, nor is it a pure example of the Late Buff Ware horizon. Chronologically it must, therefore, be later than Hasanlu V, Giyan IP-I3 and Sialk V, but cannot be as late as Giyan I' or Achaemenid Village I. Thus, more or less by default, it falls into the Late Western Grey Ware period-a conclusion supported somewhat by its connections with Sialk VI. It seems to represent a continuation of certain ceramic traits found in the Early Western Grey Ware horizon into the time range of the Late Western Grey Ware. On the basis of the internal evidence we have postulated a chronological gap between Achaemenid Village I and II-III as a partial explanation of the cultural discontinuity between these two periods. Achaemenid Village II-III is clearly related to Persepolis/Pasargadaeon typological grounds, and is linked thereby to the historical Achaemenids. Achaemenid Village I thus is probably pre-classical Achaemenid in date, a conclusion borne out by the connections which it has with Giyan I1_I2and Sialk VI, neither of which, no matter how long lived they may have been, can have lasted until the occupation of Persepolis/Pasargadae. In the north, Hasanlu III is largely contemporarywith Ziweye and in part contemporarywith the Zendan at Takht-i Suleiman. We noted, however, the strong case to be made for a considerablehiatus between Hasanlu IV and III. Thus, since the Zendan shows several rather fundamental connections with Hasanlu IV, it must have begun a good deal before Hasanlu III at some time after the grey ware tradition of Hasanlu IV had died out, but while many of the ceramic features of Hasanlu IV were still in use. Perhaps,since the Zendan has no parallels that are exclusivelywith Hasanlu IIIA (later Hasanlu III), its occupation ended before the end of Hasanlu III. Ziweye, like the Zendan, also shares some features with Hasanlu IV which are not found in Hasanlu III, and therefore probably began slightly before Hasanlu III. On the other hand, Ziweye is quite closely linked with Hasanlu III (more so than the Zendan) and must be for the most part contemporary with that period. Since one of the links between Ziweye and Hasanlu III (bichrome ware) is found exclusively in later Hasanlu IIIA, Ziweye probably was occupied longer than the Zendan.
Finally, Hasanlu III is fairly well tied in with Achaemenid Village II-III in the south, and more tenuously with Persepolis/Pasargadae. In the main, Hasanlu III and Achaemenid Village II-III are probably contemporary. Whether the chronological relationship between these two sites can be more closely drawn must remain an open question, but the fact that Achaemenid Village II-III has no parallels with Hasanlu III that are exclusively in Hasanlu IIIB and does have two parallels with the northern site which are found only in late Hasanlu IIIA suggests that Hasanlu III probably began sometime shortly before Achaemenid Village II-III. Such a conclusion is supported by the fact that of the four Hasanlu III-Persepolis/Pasargadae parallels, there are two from either Hasanlu IIIA or B, two from Hasanlu IIIA only and none from Hasanlu IIIB only. Achaemenid Village I is, therefore, certainly earlier than Hasanlu IIIA, perhaps in part (by inference) contemporary with Hasanlu IIIB,

A COMPARATIVE

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CHRONOLOGY

FOR WESTERN

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but probably is on the whole earlier than any of Hasanlu III. The complete absence of any parallels between Achaemenid Village I and Ziweye or the Zendan makes it difficult to establishjust how much earlier than Hasanlu III Achaemenid Village I may have begun. To summarize the comparative conclusions thus far: Hasanlu V, Sialk V, Giyan I4-I3, Geoy Tepe B and Khorvin-Chandar are, on the whole, contemporary. Sialk V may have begun slightly before Giyan I4-I and Hasanlu V, and Hasanlu V probably began a little before Giyan 14. KhorvinChandar perhaps began before Sialk V and may have lasted longer than any of these sites, but the present evidence does not permit any firm conclusions on this point. All of these sites are partly connected with Hissar IIIB and IIIC, though Sialk V may be slightly closer to the latter complex than the other western Iranian sites. Hasanlu IV and Sialk VI are in part, at least, contemporary, though Hasanlu IV may have begun in the hiatus between Sialk V and VI. Sialk VI is contemporary with Giyan I1I2, in part, and may also overlap a bit with Achaemenid Village I. Giyan I-I2 is linked to Achaemenid Village I, but shows no connections with Hasanlu IV. Giyan I2 representsa continuation of the Sialk V, Hasanlu V and Giyan 4~-I3tradition into the period of the Late Western Grey Ware. After the end of Hasanlu IV, sometime in the gap between Hasanlu IV and III, a buff ware horizon appears in northwestern Iran, probably first at the Zendan, slightly later at Ziweye and finally at Hasanlu III. Sometime in the same time range falls the occupation of Achaemenid Village I. Achaemenid Village II-III is contemporary with Hasanlu III, and most closely with Hasanlu IIIA. By means of the relationships between Achaemenid Village II-III and, to a lesser extent Hasanlu IIIA, and Persepolis/Pasargadae,the Late Buff Ware horizon is firmly tied to the historical Achaemenids. Absolute Dates The points of departure for establishing absolute dates for these various periods and sites are: (I) the radio-carbon dates from Hasanlu, (2) parallels between Hasanlu III, Ziweye and the firmly dated pottery from Nimrud, (3) the certain Achaemenid date of Achaemenid Village II-III, and (4) the date of the door sockets of Construction IA at Tepe Giyan. The absolute dating of a relative chronology is very difficult, and even when this much evidence is available one must proceed with caution. Nevertheless, the attempt must be made so that we may eventually translate the archaeological evidence into historically meaningful patterns. The LateBuf WareHorizon We have seen that Achaemenid Village II-III is most closely related to Persepolis/Pasargadaeand is, therefore, of Achaemenid date. The bulk of the parallels between the village at Susa and the Achaemenid sites of Fars is found at Persepolis, suggesting that Achaemenid Village II-III did not begin until the reign of Darius I or later. The few parallels which come from Pasargadaeindicate that this period may have begun as early as the reign of Cyrus (559-530 B.C.). The recent excavations at Pasargadae,however, have establishedthat the site was occupied for the greater part of the Achaemenid period and thus even the bulk of the ceramic material from Pasargadaeprobably dates to afterthe reign of Cyrus.31Consideringall of the evidence, a date between 550 and 500 B.C. for the start of Achaemenid Village II-III appears reasonable. The end of the period does not concern the present discussion. The absolute dtees for Achaemenid Village I depend (I) on the length of the hiatus between
periods I and II-III, and (2) on the date of the most recent material in Sialk VI and Giyan II2. Both of these issues are discussed further below. The two Hasanlu III radio-carbon dates mentioned above, which are probably from Hasanlu IIIB, yield an average date of 622 ? 38 B.c. If the range of possible error is doubled so that there are twentyone out of the twenty-two chances that the true date falls within the range allowed, Hasanlu IIIB falls somewhere between 700 and 550 B.C. The one date available which provides a terminus ante quemfor Hasanlu IIIA is 467 + 54 B.c. (P-420), giving a range of 575 to 350 B.c. On the comparative side of the argument, we have noted that Hasanlu III is in roughly the same time range as Achaemenid Village
31

D. Stronach, " Excavations at Pasargadae, First Preliminary Report ", Iran 1: 42, 1963.

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II-III, with Hasanlu IIIB probably having begun slightly earlier than Achaemenid Village II-III. Since most of the parallels between these two sites are found at Hasanlu in either IIIA or IIIB, it is not likely that only the end of Hasanlu III overlaps with the beginning of Achaemenid Village II-III. Furthermore,there are a few ceramic links between Hasanlu III (both A and B) and the Late Assyrian pottery from Nimrud, all of which is dated by the excavators with considerable certainty between 612 and 550 B.C.32 Finally, it is probably significant that there are no parallels between Hasanlu IIIB and Achaemenid Village I. All of the evidence, considered as a whole, suggeststhat Hasanlu IIIB probably did not begin much before 650-600 B.c. The beginning of Hasanlu IIIA cannot be set with any certainty given the present evidence. That Hasanlu III certainly continued well down into the Achaemenid time range is indicated by the radio-carbon date for IIIA. Again, the end of the period is not a concern of the present discussion. Ziweye, since it is on the whole contemporary with Hasanlu III-perhaps slightly more with Hasanlu IIIB than with IIIA-thus also dates to around the mid seventh and early sixth centuries B.C. The links between Ziweye and Hasanlu IV, however, have suggested that Ziweye was probably first occupied slightly before Hasanlu IIIB. The beginning of occupation at Ziweye, therefore, will fall sometime between c. 675 and 625 B.c. Since Ziweye appears to have been a single period site, it probably was not occupied nearly as long as Hasanlu III. Unfortunately, there is no evidence for an absolute date for the end of Ziweye. The occupation of the Zendan began slightly before the occupation of Ziweye since it shows more parallels to Hasanlu IV than does the latter site. Still, it is in the main contemporarywith Ziweye and has some parallels to Hasanlu III (A and B). Thus a possible guess for the beginning of occupation at the Zendan might be somewhere in the range of 700 to 650 B.c., and it is clear that occupation here continued down to at least the end of the seventh century B.c. if not longer. The Late Western GreyWareHorizon The average radio-carbon date for the start of Hasanlu IV is oo001+ 20 B.C. The average radiocarbon date for the end of the period (a preliminary date since there have been only two runs so far) is 862 + 49 B.C. If one allows a maximum margin of error, these dates indicate that Hasanlu IV may

have begun as early as 1050 B.C. and ended as late as 750 B.C. Allowing for the possibility that this period may have begun sometime between Io5o and I000 B.C. and may have ended sometime shortly after 8oo B.C., the absolute dates for Hasanlu IV are roughly Iooo to 8o00B.C. have begun sometime after O5O0-loooB.C., say perhaps between Iooo and 9oo B.C. The date for the

Since Hasanlu IV may have begun sometime in the hiatus between Sialk V and VI, Sialk VI would

end of Sialk VI depends on the date of Giyan Ix and Achaemenid Village I. We have established that the tombs of Giyan IP were either contemporary with or later than the two door sockets found in Construction IA at Tepe Giyan. R. Ghirshman, on the basis of Assyrian parallels, has dated these door sockets to the eighth century B.C.33 Giyan Ii, on this evidence, would be eighth century or later. This rather slim evidence is all that is available to establish the absolute date of the end of Sialk VI, the end of the Giyan I sequence and the start of Achaemenid Village I, all of which overlap typologically suggestion supported by the appearance in Sialk of the late horizon markers, trilobate arrow heads
and canteenjars.34 Giyan Ii may last equally long. Achaemenid Village I, on the other hand, probably overlaps Sialk VI and Giyan I' at its start only, for, unless the hiatus between Achaemenid Village I and II-III is very large, and that seems unlikely, occupation at the Village could not have begun much before 750 B.c. Unfortunately, the actual length of this all important gap still cannot even be estimated with any accuracy.
32 Oates I, p. 130. 88 Sialk 2, p. 95 and Ach. Vill., p. 6o. 3"As this article went to press the attribution of trilobate arrow heads to Sialk VI was challenged by the excavator: see R. Ghirshman, The Arts of AncientIran From its Origins to the Time the of Alexander Great. New York, 1964, p. 279. For a contrary opinion, see Ach. Vill., p. 55. Whether from Sialk VI tombs or not, the trilobate arrow heads found at the site still require explanation. The canteen jar for Sialk VI remains firmly documented.

to some extent. Thus Sialk VI may have ended as late as sometime between 750 and 700 B.C., a

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The Early Western GreyWareHorizon The radio-carbon dates for Hasanlu V indicate that the period may have begun sometime around I250 B.C. The dates for the end of the period overlap the dates for the start of period IV, and we have seen that there is no cultural discontinuity or chronological gap between these two periods at Hasanlu.
Thus the dates for Hasanlu V are 1300/1250

On the basis of comparative typology, we have suggestedthat Sialk V may have begun shortly before Hasanlu V. Thus, given the Hasanlu radio-carbon dates, Sialk V may have begun sometime around the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries B.C. Allowing for the indicated gap between Sialk V and VI, the end of Sialk V probably falls sometime between Io5o and 10ooo B.C., or about the same time as the end of Hasanlu V. Khorvin-Chandaris, in the main, contemporarywith Sialk V, but may have begun sometime in the fifteenth century (or earlier) and have lasted down into the Sialk VI time range (post Iooo B.C.). Giyan 14,since it probably began sometime shortly after the start of Hasanlu V, began around I200 B.C. Giyan I4~I3 may have lasted no longer than Hasanlu V or Sialk V, but there is no way to be certain on this point. We noted that some of the traits of the Early Western Grey Ware horizon carried over into Giyan I2, but that this period is also typologically linked with the Late Western Grey Ware horizon by parallels with Sialk VI. Both the beginning and end of this period, therefore, cannot be determined with any degree of certainty. Finally, the possibilityof a hiatus between the end of Giyan I2 and Giyan I', should be considered. Conclusion A series of typological comparisons has enabled us to establish three main ceramic horizons in proto-historic western Iran, to order these groups by sites into a relative chronology, and, combined with other evidence, to establishrough absolute dates for the sequence. It remains to discussthe cultural dynamics of the archaeological evidence so ordered, and to compare the archaeological data with the written sources on proto-historicwestern Iran in an effort to shed some light on a few of the historical problems of the period. This will be the substance of a second paper. The tentative nature of the conclusionsreached must again be stressed. Although the argument was consciously limited to the ceramic evidence, this is not the end of the matter. What has been attempted with pottery must be tried with the other categories of material and cultural remains from these several excavations, so that eventually a much more comprehensive and well integrated chronology can be constructed for proto-historic western Iran. With a more complete archaeological picture, a suitable general terminology can be developed to replace the working terms used here.

to I050/100ooo B.C.

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FIGURE CATALOGUE No. r Fig. No. I No. 2 No. 3 No. 4 No. 5 No. 6 No. 7 No. 8 No. 9 No. Io Fig. 2 No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. i 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Io
ii

Ware Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Fine Common Fine Common Fine Fine Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common Common
Common Common Common Common Coarse Coarse Heavy Coarse Coarse

Variety Plain buff Red-slipped Red-slipped Red-slipped Plain buff Red-slipped Plain buff Plain buff Red-slipped Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Red-slipped Plain buff Painted Red-slipped Plain buff Painted Plain buff Plain buff Red-slipped Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff
Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Red-slipped Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff

Finish Matt Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Matt Burnished Burnished Matt Burnished Matt Matt Burnished Matt Burnished Burnished Polished Burnished Burnished Polished Matt Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished
Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Matt Burnished Matt Burnished

Colour Buff* Red Red Red Buff Red Buff Buff Red Buff Buff Buff Buff Grey Buff Red Buff Buff Red Buff Buff Buff Buff Red Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff
Buff Buff Brown Red Buff Buff Buff Buff

Fig. 3 No. I No. 2 No. 3 No. 4 No. 5 No. 6 No. 7 No. 8 No. 9 No. Io No. I No. 12 No. 13 No. 14 No. 15 No. 16
No. 17 No. I8 No. I9 Fig. 4 No. No. No. No. No. I 2 3 4 5

*Thetermbuffdesignates colour a whichranges froma lighttan through shades lightredto brown. of

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No. No. 6 No. 7 No. 8 No. 9 No. Io No. i i No. I2 Fig. 6 No. I
No. No. No. No. No. No. No. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Ware Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Common

Common Fine Common Fine Common Fine Fine

Variety Plain buff White-slipped Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff
Plain buff Thin fine Plain buff Medium fine Plain buff Thin fine Medium fine

Finish Burnished Polished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished

Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Polished Burnished

Colour Buff White Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff Buff

Buff Buff Buff Grey Buff Grey Grey

No. 9 No. Io Fig. 7 No. I

No. 2

Fine Common Fine

Fine

Mediumfine Red-slipped Mediumfine

Medium fine

Burnished Burnished Smoothed

Smoothed

Grey Red Buff

Grey

No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine Fine

Fine

Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine Mediumfine

Medium fine

Matt Polished Burnished Burnished Smoothed Burnished Burnished Burnished

Burnished

Grey Black Red-slipped Red-slipped Red-slipped Grey Grey Grey Buff

Grey Grey

Fig. 8 No. I
No. 2 No. 4

No. 3 No. 5 No. 6 No. 7

No. 8 No. 9 No. Io

Common
Fine

Painted
Medium fine

Matt
Burnished

Fine Common Fine

Fine Fine Fine

Mediumfine Painted Mediumfine

Medium fine Medium fine Medium fine

Smoothed Matt Burnished

Burnished Burnished Burnished

Grey Buff Grey

Grey Grey Grey

No. No. No.

Fig. g No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

1 I 12

13 No. 14 I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Common Common Common

Common Common Fine Common Fine Common Common Common Common

Plain buff Plain buff Plain buff

Plain buff

Matt Matt Matt

Matt Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished Smoothed Smoothed Burnished Burnished

Buff Buff Buff

Buff

Grey Grey Grey Grey Grey Grey Brown Grey

87

ZOROASTRIAN SURVIVALS IN IRANIAN FOLKLORE By R. C. Zaehner

Visitors to the Vatican Museum in Rome will remember that the very first monuments, flanking the entrance to the first room in the vast gallery that leads ultimately to the Sistine Chapel, are neither saints not angels but what appear to be devils: for at each side of the entrance door, guarding it with their baleful presence, stand two most un-Christian deities with the head of a lion and gaping jaws. In both hands they bear keys, a snake encircles their bodies, and the Signs of the Zodiac are impressed on their limbs. Coming face to face with these awesome figures Christiansmay well recall the words of St. Peter: " Be sober and watch; because your adversary, the devil, as a roaring lion, goeth about seeking whom he may devour " (I Pet. 5.8). The serpent too which envelops the body of the lionheaded deity is all too familiar, and one is tempted to identify it with that selfsame serpent which tempted our first mother, Eve, to eat of the forbidden fruit. Yet, interestingthough the Christianparallelsmay be, we have long known that this rather repulsive deity has nothing to do with the Christian devil, for he figured in a cult that was for long Christianity's most potent rival in the early Roman Empire. This rival religion which has left monuments throughout the length and breadth of the Roman Empire is known as Mithraism, and its roots were originally in Iran; for the god Mithra, from whom the New Persian word mehr,meaning both the " sun " and " affection " derives, was, in the Zoroastrianismof the later Achaemenian Empire, second only to the supreme Deity, Ahura Mazdah himself. Everything in the history of Zoroastrianismis obscure, and not least the relationship between the Mithraism so widely practised in the Roman Empire and the varieties of Zoroastrianism we must assume to have existed in Iran. With the central figure of Mithra-Mithras himself we are not for the of present concerned. Though the r61le Mithras in the Mithraic mysteries is quite different from that of the genuinely Iranian god Mithra of the later Avesta, at least we know that the Roman Mithras, whose slaying of a bull in sacrifice is recorded in innumerable monuments, must ultimately derive from the Iranian Mithra, the divine guardian of the compact, if for no other reason than that the name is the same. The lion-headed deity, however, who, next to Mithras himself, is the most frequently met with among all the deities of the Mithraic pantheon, was until quite recently a much more puzzling figure. The great Belgian scholar, Franz Cumont, had identified this sinister figure with the Iranian god of time and fate, Zurvan, largely because the statues are often adorned with the Signs of the Zodiac; and such was this scholar's immense prestige that lesser men followed all too tamely in his footsteps. It was left to another Belgian, ProfessorJacques Duchesne-Guillemin (Ohrmazd Ahriman, 128) et p. and myself (BSOAS, 1955, p. 237) to point out that this truly " diabolical " god can scarcely have been other than the Zoroastrian devil, Ahriman, however surprising that might seem to be. Among
the various dedications to Mithraic deities that survive there are none to Zurvin or to any corresponding Roman God of time or fate, but quite a number deo Arimanio," to the god Ahriman ". Common sense should have told us long ago that the gaping lion-headed monster must in fact be Ahriman himself. As I then wrote: It seems to me certain that the god represented is not Zurvin, as Cumont had supposed, but Ahriman. It would seem inconceivable that this deity which is of more frequent occurrence than any except the Mithras Tauroctonus himself should not be mentioned in any Mithraic dedication. Prima Facie then the lion-headed to deity whose body is encircled by a snake would represent the deusArimanius whom votive tablets are dedicated. That there should be no dedications at all to a deity which obviously played an extremely important part in the cult seems incredible; and of the deities to which votive tablets are dedicated, none can conceivably be the leontocephalous monster except Arimanius-Ahriman.

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Mithraism, however, though it is unquestionably of Iranian origin, differs so radically from any form of Zoroastrianismwe know of in the Iranian sources that we have to look for possible affiliations elsewhere. What, indeed, distinguishes Mithraism from the main forms of Zoroastrianism we know from the Avesta, the Pahlavi books, and the later Zoroastrian sources written in New Persian is the cult it offers to Ahriman. To a Zoroastrian,to offer homage to such a being would be as unthinkable as it would be for a Moslem, whether ShPI or Sunni, to prostrate himself to IblIs. Yet we know that there were persons, claiming to be Zoroastrianswho did precisely this, for we read in Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride(369D-37oD): Some [Iranians,he writes]recognizetwo gods,-as it were rival artificers,-the one the creatorof good things,the otherof bad: but otherscall the better[power]God, and the othera " daemon", as does Zoroaster showed too that of all sensiblethings the formerresembledchiefly light, but the latter, on the other hand, resembleddarkness and ignorance. Betweenthe two is Mithras,whereforethe Persiansalso call Mithrasthe Mediator. And he taught them to sacrificeto the one votive offeringsand thanks-offerings, to the other but offeringsfor avertingevil, thingsof gloom. Theologically this correspondsfairly closely to what we learn from the Pahlavi books, but the cult offered to Ahriman, even for the understandable purpose of averting evil, is absolutely anathema to any orthodox Zoroastrian. Of all sins the propitiation of Ahriman and his attendant demons was considered to be the worst. What Plutarch calls the teaching of Zoroaster was in fact abhorred by Zoroastrian orthodoxy: it is what the Zoroastrian texts call divdsnZh " devil-worship ". This is or mentioned and condemned in the Pahlavi books, but we learn very little from them about frequently the actual beliefs and practices of these much-persecuted people. " Thus ", I wrote in 1955, " in seeking to interpret Mithraism against the background of these ' devil-worshippers', we run the risk of seeking to explain the unknown from the unknown. It is, however, legitimate ", I added, " to see in the Mandaeans and YezTdis Iraq and in the Ahl i Haqq of Kurdistanremote survivorsof precisely of such a religion. It is true that the Ahl i Haqq texts appear in Shl'a, or more precisely 'All-Ildhl guise, but the pagan substructurestill shows clearly through." This hunch that light might one day be thrown both on what the Zoroastrians call " demonworship " and on Mithraism which seemed to be a Western offshoot of it, has recently been confirmed in a quite extraordinary way, for I now have in my rooms in Oxford an enormous work which can only be described as a popular Epic and which, so far as I know, has never before been written down. It originates in Luristan. Just how this remarkable work came into my hands is so peculiar and so full of coincidence that I must recount it in some detail. The story begins at the end of the last war when I was working in the British Embassyin Tehran and when, to my immense regret now, my thoughts were no longer directed towards Zoroastrianism,let alone to the folklore of Luristin, of which I in any case knew nothing and in which at that time I had no interest. When the British and American armies left Iran a whole mass of servants and menial workerswere temporarily thrown out of work, and their former employers naturally tried to find jobs for them with those of their compatriots who remained in Iran. One such person came my way, and although I did not really have any employment to offer, so remarkablewas he that I took him on as an extra houseboy. In appearance there was nothing extraordinaryabout him. He came from a village called Raykhan
in southern Luristan. Throughout the war he had taken on odd jobs with American or British units in Tehran, but he never seemed to stay long as he had often to return to Luristin to help his family out there with what money he had earned in the capital. What, however, distinguished him from the vast majority of his own kind-for, it must be remembered, he came from a very poor peasant familywas that not only was he wholly literate in Persian, but in the course of the war years he had become literate in English too. I do not mean that he had picked up a word or two in his day-to-day dealings with the Americans and British; no, he had painstakingly taught himself the language with practically no assistance from outside. And this was not all. When he came to my notice he was engaged in writing what appeared to be a very long novel in English, and he had already written some ioo,ooo words. the Magus. . . . He called the one Horomazes (Ohrmazd) and the other Areimanios (Ahriman); and he

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Now, one might have supposed that with these astonishing linguistic achievements to his credit, he might have sought a clerical job, but he never did. On the contrary, he had a strong aversion to clerical work of any kind, and an even stronger one for the kind of person normally employed on this type of work. Being very much of the earth, he deeply mistrusted the townsman, and this made him somewhat anti-social and incapable of co-operating with others who were on the surfaceso much more " polished " than himself. Of his personal appearance he took no care whatever, and this made it extremely difficult to fit him in. In fact he only stayed with me about six weeks and then simply vanished. I have never seen him again. During this short time, however, he did occasionally consult me about his " novel ". In English it was called " Irradiant " (the Persian, as I have subsequently learnt, was nir-afgan)which was the hero's name. Another prominent character in the book had the evocative name of " Chandelier " The (here again we happen to know that the original Persian was chehel-cherdgh). basis of the story, I imagined (correctly), must derive from folklore, and the names certainly suggested an ultimately Zoroastrianorigin-some version, that is, of a struggle between the powers of light and the powers of darkness. However, the author, 'Ali Mirdrakvandi, for such was his name, disappeared, taking the unfinished manuscript with him, and I thought no more about it. Fortunately, a former employer and friend of Mirdrakvandihad been more farsighted than myself. This was Mr. J. F. B. Hemming, now resident in Cornwall, who had been in touch with him for much of the war. Mirdrakvandiwas literally obsessed with the idea of learning English, and Mr. Hemming used to correct the letters he sent to him from time to time. These became longer and longer, so that Mr. Hemming finally asked him whether he didn't know a story he could write for him in English. He replied, Yes, he did know one story. This was Irradiant, and by the time Mr. Hemming left Iran less than half the story had been actually written. Arrangements, however, were made by which the story was to be sent on in instalments to England. In the end the book was completed and Mr. Hemming found himself with the colossal manuscript of nearly 400,000 words, not knowing what, if anything, could be done with it. With the paper shortage prevailing after the war plainly the publication of so immense a work was out of the question; so it had to be put away in cold storage. Meanwhile he continued to correspond with Mirdrakvandi, but no letter has been received from him since 1949. Whether he is still alive we do not know, and this is, of course, one of the things I should still like to ascertain. Here the story might have ended, but in the autumn of 1963 Mr. Hemming again bethought himself of the mammoth manuscript in his charge, and started to make enquiries at the London School of Oriental and African Studies as to whether this material had any academic interest; and so in due course I received a letter from him. I was immediately interested, first because I too had known Ali Mirdrakvandiat first hand, and secondly because I thought that Irradiant might contain material which would help to illumine some of the knottier Zoroastrian problems. I confess that I was not overoptimistic; and the first instalment I received seemed to me no more than a very good and extraordinarily imaginative fairy-tale with very little religious significance. I had hoped for something along or the lines of the Ahl i Hlaqqtales published by Ivanow, and I was disappointed that Irradiant Nir-afgan his name, was no contained no obviously religious myth as the Kurdish tales did. Nar-afgan,despite incarnation of the Sun-god as are the heroes of the Ahl i HIaqq tales, but simply the son of very poor
and very aged parents in the best fairy-tale tradition. When I reached Book II, however, I began to rub my eyes, for the first words I read were these: The Lionish-God was sitting on his throne and his crown on his head. His orb was sitting in his left hand. All the Prophets of high rank were sitting behind him, every one in his own place. Well, this certainly seemed interesting. In 1955 I and Professor Duchesne-Guillemin had suggested that the prototype of the lion-headed god in Mithraism was the Zoroastrian Ahriman, and here I had stumbled into a " Lionish-God sitting on his throne and his crown on his head ". Surely, I thought, this must be Ahriman himself surviving in a folk-tale. Before proceeding any further I must say a few words about the setting of the story. In Book I we have so far heard nothing about Lionish God: all we know is that there are two religions practised

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in the country in which Irradiant was born: these are called respectively" deists " or " true-believers" on the one hand and " heathens " on the other. In Persian this would presumably beyazddn-parastdn or mo'menin the one hand and kofdfr kdfirdn the other. All this, of course, might very well be on or on Moslem, and the " heathens " might represent any non-Moslem or pre-Moslem sect; for so far we have been told very little about the beliefs of either religion. We are, however, told that the " heathens " are also worshippers of Satan, and this puts us in mind of the YezIdIspopularly called " devil-worshippers" by their enemies. Not very much is known about their beliefs except that they pay especial honour to a " Peacock Angel " or " Peacock of the Angels " whom their enemies identify with Satan and who is most beautiful. In Irradiant, the end of the first of the many wars of which this Epic tells, when the unbelievers at have been conquered, most of the vanquished submit and agree to give up the worship of Satan and to turn to the worship of the true God who dwells in heaven. One very old man, however, refuses. " 'Why you don't believe in God who is in Heaven when all your fellows have done?' asked the king. 'My fellows are foolish but I'm not, I have seen the Satan with my eyes, he is more beautiful than Irradiant. He can be seen, but your God who is in Heaven can't be seen'." This myth is certainly of Semitic origin-Satan being Lucifer, the " bringer of light " whose fall is occasioned by his refusal to serve God. In Mohammadan tradition Satan is sometimes spoken of as having been designated to rule the lowest heaven, and he was only deprived of this dignity when he refused to bow down to Adam. Worship of a most beautiful Satan is thus easily explained from the Mohammadan tradition itself. Satan is a Semitic devil with nothing Iranian or Zoroastrianabout him. In Book II, however, we come to know Lionish God, who, as we shall see, is almost certainly a survival of the Iranian devil, Ahriman; and it is somewhat surprising,then, that we are told that Satan and Lionish God are in fact brothers. This is, however, the way religious syncretism works: old ideas are dressed up in new forms and the most surprisingidentificationstake place. Beforewe try to explain this surprisingconjunction, however, we must return to the plot of the story. Irradiant is born of very aged and very poor parents who are true-believers, and they live in a predominantly heathen country whose king is a heathen. They are persecuted and imprisoned, but Irradiant escapes and, after a long series of adventures, he overthrowsand kills the king and makes his father king in his place. Before doing this, however, he overthrowsthe king of a neighbouring country who becomes a true-believer, destroysthe king of a third heathen country and makes an " inn-keeper" who had befriended him and who is himself a true-believer, king, and saves what at this stage of the story is the only country of true-believersfrom an enchantment which had literally paralysed its queen and all her subjects. With these allies he overthrowsthe king who had persecutedhis parents and makes his own father king in his place. At this point, one would have thought, the story would naturally come to an end. It is, however, only the prelude to a far more titanic struggle between Irradiant and his allies on the one hand and Lionish God of whose very existence we were ignorant throughout Book I on the other. Book II, as we have seen, opens with Lionish God sitting on his throne with his crown upon his head. This is the first we have heard of Lionish God, and though, in the first book, we have met with all manner of supernatural creatures--demons, hags, satyrs and so on-none of these is ever referred to as a god. Lionish God, on the other hand, is repeatedly called " god ", and he refers to himself as the Creator. Moreover, he is surrounded by what appears to be an angelic court; for we read on:
Gabriel prostrated himself before Lionish God, and he said, " Thou certainly knowest [that] who is standing outside thy high palace." " Yes, I know who he is, but I like you to tell me ", replied Lionish God. Now, there are two points worth noticing here. First, what is the Angel Gabriel doing in the company of Lionish God ? And secondly, why does Lionish God who is believed to be omniscient, still insist on being told who is outside the palace ? The answer to the second question is that he has to ask because he is not really omniscient, and only believes himself to be so. The significance of this will become clear later. The presence of Gabriel presents further problems, the answers to which is not plain. Lionish God, as I hope to show, is really related to the lion-headed deity of Mithraism and is there-

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fore the lineal descendant of the Zoroastrian Ahriman. Does this mean that the original authors of this Epic wished thereby to identify their own Ahriman with the God of the conquering Moslems ? It is very hard to say since there are obviously level upon level of interpolation and addition within the main story, and one of these at least is Moslem, since the " true-believers" give the Koranic account of Satan's refusal to pay homage to Adam, and later in the book the " true " Gabriel turns up in the presence of Lionish God's rival, " Heavenly God ". To return to the second point, however. Lionish God claims to be omniscient, but in fact he knows very little, even of what is going on in his own kingdom. Similarly the Zoroastrian Ahriman is described as a-ddn," without knowledge ", and as duldkds," evilly conscious "; he deceives himself (Dinkart,ed. Madan, 585.8) into believing that he is omnipotent and omniscient. So too in Irradiant the fall of Lionish God is largely due to the gradual realization among his subjects that he is in fact neither omniscient nor omnipotent. These resemblancesmay not amount to very much, but there are further resemblanceswhich are very striking indeed. In Irradiant there are two gods, the true one-Heavenly God-who is the creator of heaven and earth and dwells in heaven and is invisible, and the false one-Lionish God-whose realm is this earth, who believes himself to be omnipotent and omniscient, and who claims to be creator of the earth but not of heaven. In the Zoroastriancreation myth too we have two gods-Ohrmazd who dwells in the lights on high, and Ahriman who dwells in the darknessin the depths. The chief difference, of course, betwen the two accounts is that the ZoroastrianAhriman dwells in eternal darknesswhile Lionish God is representedas being an earthly king. Yet I think that there is more to it than this; for it is quite clear that Irradiant reflects a form of Zoroastrianismthat is by no means orthodox-a form that allowed very much more power to Ahriman than is allowed to him either in the Avesta or in the Pahlavi books. This appears to have been the case in Mithraism too, for on many of the statues of the Mithraic lionheaded deity the Signs of the Zodiac are embossed, and almost invariably this sinister deity holds a key in each hand. The symbolism of this appears to be that this god controls the fate of the world through the heavenly bodies and that he holds the keys of heaven too. He is, then, a malign power that keeps the soul imprisoned in the world and prevents it from rising up to heaven. Ahriman then, in the Mithraic system, is the prince of this world. This idea is not unknown in other sources, for we read in the Moslem heresiographerShahristdnI (Cureton, p. 183) that according to one sect of the Zoroastrians,the Zurvanites, Ahriman did in fact " master the world " and that for a time Ohrmazd had no power against him. Again according to the Armenian Christian polemist, Eznik of Kolb, Ahriman rules the world for nine thousandyears, while Ohrmazd rules above him, presumablyin heaven: the one is king in time, the other in eternity (Venice edition, p. 139). In the Pahlavi sources themselves a measure of earthly power is granted to Ahriman, though he never really has a chance of winning. According to the Bundahishn: Ohrmazdknewin his omniscience withinthesenine thousand wouldpassentirely that yearsthreethousand the will of Ohrmazd,threethousand wouldpassaccording the will of bothOhrmazdand Ahriman, to according and that in the last battle the DestructiveSpirit would be made powerlessand that he himselfwould save creationfromaggression 7). (p. This pattern is precisely what we find in Irradiant.Before passing on to that, however, we must describe the original state of existence as it is found in Zoroastrianmythology and see how oddly this
same situation reappears in the form of a fairy-tale in Irradiant. In both the scene is dominated by two rival gods, the one good and the other evil. The situation in the Zoroastrian myth is described by the Bundahishnin this way: Ohrmazd was on high in omniscience and goodness; for Infinite Time he was ever in the light. The light is the space and place of Ohrmazd: some call it the Endless Light. Omniscience and goodness are the totality of Ohrmazd .... Ahriman, slow in knowledge, whose will is to smite, was deep down in the darkness: [he was] and is, yet will not be. The will to smite is his all, and darkness is his place: some call it the Endless Darkness. Similarly in Irradiant Heavenly God is depicted as dwelling above in heaven, Lionish God, like the Mithraic rather than the Zoroastrian Ahriman, holds sway here below on earth. Further just as

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Ahriman is " slow in knowledge ", so is Lionish God extremely badly informed: he lays claim to omniscience, yet always has to ask what is going on. He knows little, and what little he knows, he knows too late. Again, like Ohrmazd, Heavenly God " was and is and evermore shall be ", whereas Lionish God " was and is, yet shall not be ", for he is slain by Irradiant at the end of the story with his own sword. Similarly in the popular version of the destruction of Ahriman we are told that they dragged him outside the sky and cut off his head (Aflydtkdri Zdmdsaik, ed. Messina, 14.17) with his own sword (Mortezd Rdz4, ed. Eqbal, Tehran, I313, p. I3). Ahriman, of course, being eternal in time past, believes himself also to be eternal in time future, and this view is shared by Lionish God in Irradiant; for his daughter who bears the astonishing name of Twinkling Starlet, says of him: " My father has been reigning for the past Ioo years; he will reign forever, and he will never die." So far the resemblances are astonishingly close. Let us see how the Zoroastrian myth goes on: Ohrmazd in his omniscience knew that Ahriman existed, that he would attack and, since his will is envy, would mingle with him; and from the beginning to the end [he knew] with what and how many instruments he would accomplish his purpose. In ideal form he fashioned forth such creation as was needful. Ahriman, ever slow to know, was unaware of the existence of Ohrmazd. Then he rose up from the depths and went to the border from whence the lights are seen. When he saw the light of Ohrmazd intangible, he rushed forward. Because his will is to smite and his substance is envy, he made haste to destroy it. Seeing valour and supremacy superior to his own, he fled back to the darkness and fashioned many demons, a creation destructive and meet for battle. Ahriman, then, once he comes to know of Ohrmazd's existence, sets out to destroy him, but before doing so he makes a preliminary reconnaissance at the borders of Ohrmazd's heavenly realm which, it should be noted, is intangible. This too is faithfully reflected in Irradiant. There it is not indeed explicitly stated that Lionish God does not know of the existence of Heavenly God since in the fairytale the episode does not take place at the beginning of time, but the Zoroastrian story of the two gods preparing their instruments for the battle does re-appear, for Lionish God, after his attack on heaven has failed, says: " Heavenly God had set himself against me from old days and also he had prepared all the instruments of war on me ". This recalls the Bundahishnphrase: " In ideal form he fashioned forth such creation as was needful." Let us return to the Bundahishnto see how the situation between the two gods,.develops there. Each has now created a spiritual armament with which to combat the other, but the difference between the two is that whereas Ahriman is bent on destroying Ohrmazd and his whole creation, Ohrmazd, in his goodness, desires only peace. And so: Ohrmazd, knowing in what manner the end would be, offered peace to Ahriman, saying; " O Ahriman, bring aid to my creation and give it praise that in reward therefor thou mayest be deathless and unageing, uncorrupting and undecaying. And the reason is this that if thou dost not provoke a battle, thou shalt not thyself be powerless, and to both of us there shall be benefit abounding. But Ahriman cried out: " I will not bring aid to thy creation nor will I give it praise, but I shall destroy thee and thy creation for ever and ever: yea, I shall incline all thy creatures to hatred of thee and love of me." And the interpretation thereof is this, that he thought Ohrmazd was helpless against him, and that therefor did he offer peace. He accepted not but offered threats. And Ohrmazd said: " Thou canst not, O Ahriman, accomplish all, nor canst thou bring it about that my creation should not return to my possession." All this reappears in closely parallel form in Irradiant. Lionish God attacks heaven on two occasions. The first attack seems to correspond to the preliminary reconnaissance of the kingdom of light by Ahriman to which we have already referred. God's spiritual creation, as we have seen, is intangible, and this too emerges from Irradiant. As Lionish God prepares his attack, a false friend urges him on in these words: "Thou surely wilt destroy the Heavenly God and conquer Heaven if thou settest thy armies against him, for the Heavenly God has no armies. He hath only several bands of angels. The angels have no armour, nor can they fight. They can only worship their God and praise him."

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This exactly corresponds to Ahriman's belief that " Ohrmazd was helpless against him, and that therefor did he offer peace ". Lionish God's treacherous adviser, however, failed to point out that Heavenly God's creatures in heaven were spiritual beings, and therefore, as the Bundahishntoo has it, " intangible ". This is demonstrated in the most vivid way when the attack actually takes place: They went to heaven with all speed. Ten hours passed. They reached a place where they could not see the earth any more, either by their telescope (sic) or by the magnifier. Twenty-five hours passed. They reached the air where they could see the sun no more, nor could they see the moon either, or the stars. The Lionish God was exceedingly angry. His commanders said to him: " Thy godly knowledge is much greater than is any of ours (Text: 'is much over all of us ', sc. az hameh bdldtar ast), but we think that the heaven has been taken md away and the heavenly God has escaped himself." " I think so ", replied the Lionish God and his angriness increased from minute to minute, Then Heavenly God said to heaven: " Go down where my creatures may reach thee and see thee." So the Heaven came down by the power of Heavenly God. " O that is heaven ", cried all the troops. A furious attack on heaven is now unleashed. Arrows pour into heaven from all directions, but there seems to be no one there. So: The Commanders said to the Lionish God: " We think that the heavenly God has eloped(!) and the heaven has been evacuated, for we have not seen any angel living or being killed, although we have entered the heaven by about five miles." . . . All the angels began to laugh. And they besought Heavenly God that they might be permitted to hurl the aggressor out, but Heavenly God replied: " Nay, nay, No, I don't allow you to destroy them; let them be happy, let them carry on their business and let them bully(!) me, for they don't understand." This surely is the Zoroastrian Ohrmazd speaking, the God of whom the Minik i Khrat (28) says: " Ohrmazd, the Lord, is the most patient; for for nine thousand years he sees Ahriman [inflict] misery on his creatures, yet he does not smite him except with justice and patiently." Like Ahriman's preliminary reconnaissance Lionish God's first attack on heaven comes to nothing, but for different reasons. Ahriman returns to the darkness because he realizes he is not yet strong enough to attack, Lionish God returns because there is no solid food to eat in heaven and because the provisions he had brought with him turn into camphor ! In neither case is anything effective done. It is at this stage of the Zoroastrian myth that Ohrmazd offers peace to Ahriman, and the same happens in Irradiant. Lionish God returns from heaven with a captive lion who is really Heavenly God's messenger. This messenger is imprisoned, but Lionish God allows his daughter, Twinkling Starlet, to visit him, and he tells her about Heavenly God, his power, and his peaceful ways. So she duly reports back to her father and says: Heavenly God is stronger than the other creators and has authority all over the world. . . . But Heavenly God is a peaceful creator, and he likes the other creators, albeit he is able to destroy all other creators ere long. He says that Heavenly God never wishes to persecute any creature, nor any creator at all without any cause. My father and my creator, my original desire is that thou wouldst make this poor lion free, and forgettest about the heavenly God and heaven. My father, make a peace between thee and Heavenly God, and let this poor lion go, I pray thee, I am sure Heavenly God will send many gifts for thee, if thou wilt make a peace, for heavenly God is surely wilful of the peace. Here again the correspondence with the Zoroastrian sources is extraordinary. Heavenly God offers peace as in the Bundahishn,and in addition he offers gifts-the gifts being, according to the Bundahishn, immortality and " benefit abounding ". The offer of peace is, however, rejected, and Ahriman threatens either to destroy Ohrmazd and his creation or to cause his creation to love him and to hate Ohrmazd. So too in IrradiantLionish God issues dire threats against Heavenly God (I keep the strange English of the original to give you some idea of the curious flavour of the book). This is what he writes: Verily I say unto you, my greatest and highest wrath has been spread into the air, it is floating on air, on earth, and upon where no one knows but myself. It shall not cease, unless you be murdered and your heaven be conquered. I shall excuse you no more, neither shall you reign up in heaven any more, nor shall another creator live any more, but I, who am called " Excellence Lionish God ".

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according to which the conflict will be limited to nine thousand years. In the words of the Bundahishn: Ohrmazdsaid to Ahriman: " Fix a time so that by this pact we may extend the battle for nine thousand years." For he knew that by fixing a time in this wise Ahrimanwould be made powerless. Then Ahriman, not seeingthe end, agreedto that treaty,just as two men who fighta duel fix a term[saying]," Let us on such a day do battle till night falls." Or in the words of the Minoki Khrat: For nine thousandyears [Ahriman]made a treaty with Ohrmazd through infinite Time and till it is completed no one can change it or make it different. And when nine thousandyears have fully elapsed, Ahrimanwill be made powerless. This " treaty " is paralleled in Irradiant though the details do not agree. After the first attack too on heaven Lionish God writes a letter to Heavenly God in which he threatens to destroy him. And his letter is followed by an agreement signed by the " Creator of Earth, Excellence Lionish God ". It has ten articles none of which, however, exactly correspond to the much simpler Zoroastrian account. The agreement starts in this way: AGREEMENT. I-I shallagree: The war betweenme and HeavenlyGod shall continueuntil Heavenly God be destroyedand the originatorof all becomesone, who I am. 2-There shall never be peace between me and HeavenlyGod. He further promises to destroy Heavenly God and to burn up all who continue to worship him. With Heavenly God thus disposed of, " My brother devil shall be the judge on the judgment dayIo-Heavenly God shall never be taken out from Hell, after he has been cast down into it." Admittedly the terms of the treaty are not the same in the two accounts, but the fact that the treaty reappearsat all amounts to additional proof that this strange Epic which has survived purely by chance is really based on the Zoroastrianmyth of the conflict between Ohrmazd and Ahriman, which probably dates back at least to the fourth century B.c. Every phase of the myth duly reappearsin the story from Lurist~n. Beforepassing on to the next episode it is worth pointing out that Lionish God, though he claims to be a creator, never claims to have created anything but the earthand all that it contains: he is creator of what is now called the dunyd; he is not nor does he claim to be the creator of the 'dlamor universe. This may well have been the belief of the so-called " demon-worshippers" and of the Roman Mithraists as we shall see in our next article. In the Bundahishn Ohrmazd and Ahriman have now agreed to limit the battle to nine thousand Ahriman now attacks again, and is again repulsed: years. ...: and he showedto Ahrimanhis own final victory,the powerlessThen Ohrmazdchantedthe Ahunvar the ness of Ahriman,the destructionof the demons, the resurrection, Final Body, and the freedomof all
creation from all aggressionfor ever and ever. When Ahriman beheld his own powerlessnessand the destruction of the demons, he was laid low, swooned, and fell back into the darkness. . . . Unable to do harm to the creatures of Ohrmazd for three thousand years Ahriman lay crushed. This second defeat of Ahriman, surely enough, reappears in Irradiant. Lionish God collects a massive army which he transports to heaven on demons. He reaches what the text calls the " resemblance of heaven " at midnight; but suddenly " a voice came from heaven saying, ' O, Lionish God, fear Heavenly God and take your troops back on earth, otherwise, you will get trouble.' " Lionish God disregards the voice and sends some of his troops towards the sun. " Suddenly the same voice came from heaven to Lionish God saying, '0O, Lionish God, you will be faced with danger, if you don't take your armies back on earth.' " Again Lionish God pays no attention and bids his com-

to creatures hate theircreator,so is it Againjust as Ahrimanclaimsthat he will causeOhrmazd's said of LionishGod that he " has causedthe creatures earthto forgettheiroriginalCreatorwho is on on HeavenlyGod"; he " has set the creatures earth againsttheir principalCreatorwho is Heavenly God ". The exactitudeof theseparallellisms reallyquite astonishing. is The next episodein the Bundahishnthe compactwhich Ohrmazdand Ahrimanmake together is

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manders attack. His words to them are worth quoting if only to give you some idea of the peculiar but charming English in which this amazing Epic happens to have survived: " I said [says Lionish God] don't listen to that bad voice; attack from that direction, get on the ball." [Then] the voice came from heaven thrice [so] loud and strong. .. . The voice said to Lionish God wrathfully, " This is my last voice. Take your armies back on earth ; fear your God who has given you authority on earth." Lionish God, however, is undeterred, and he and his troops rain arrows into heaven. Then, After they had shot for fifteen minutes, suddenly a little black piece of cloud came over the armies and it begun to thunder quickly. After the cloud had thundered for one minute, suddenly one thunderbolt came out among the thunders and it was explosion. The voice of the explosion of the thunderbolt was so offensive and so strong and so light that the distance between heaven and earth had been lighted like day time. All the armies had been fainted, some had been died and some had been deaf. ... All the armies began to fall [off] But the part of Lionish God's troops who had gone to the direction coming down from heaven to earth. attacks on heaven from the direction of sun. Suddenly a very little star of sun, they were yet continuing their.... came out from the sun and it was burst, after it had entered among [that] part of [the] troops. A kind of fire came out from the small star. That kind of star was so vigorous that all [that] part of the troops had been burnt up during five minutes. ... Lionish God's armies reached a hundred miles far from earth during their fainting. Here the resemblance between the two accounts is quite astonishing. In the BundahishnOhrmazd causes Ahriman to lose consciousness by chanting the Ahuna Vairya prayer. Similarly in Irradiant Heavenly God warns Lionish God three times and his voice is followed by thunder and lightning which cause Lionish God to lose consciousness and fall down to earth. The " fainting " and the " falling " could almost be a literal translation of the Pahlavi words sturt ut abj6 used in the Bundahishn,so exactly do the two accounts correspond. Moreover, the Ahuna Vairya prayer itself is in three parts, each comprising seven words, and, according to the Bundahishn,this is the effect it has: When one third thereof is recited, Ahriman shudders for fear; when two thirds are recited, he falls on his knees; when the prayer is finished he is powerless. Thus the three voices mentioned in Irradiant again reflect an ancient Zoroastrian tradition. In the Bundahishn account Ahriman remains unconscious for three thousand years. During this period Ohrmazd creates the material world as a bulwark against Ahriman when he again attacks. When this third attack at last comes it is devastatingly effective, and Ahriman succeeds in defiling everything Ohrmazd has created, first the sky, then the waters, then the plants, the prototypes of the animal kingdom and of man, and finally fire. He has achieved what appears to be a complete victory, and he exultantly exclaims: Perfect is my victory: for I have rent the sky, I have befouled it with murk and darkness, I have made it my stronghold. I have befouled the waters, pierced open the earth and defiled it with darkness. I have dried up the plants, and brought death to the Bull, sickness to Gay6mart. . .. I have seized the kingdom. On the side of Ohrmazd none remains to do battle except only man; and man, isolated and alone, what can he do ? 2.18). (Zdtspram, In his first war against the material creation, then, Ahriman wins a crushing victory. How do matters stand in Irradiant ? After his second defeat which sent him swooning back to earth, Lionish God is utterly dejected, not knowing what to do. One night he dreams, and in his dream " suddenly he saw a very beautiful young-man come to him. Lionish God asked him,' Who are you, although I know you.' The young-man replied,' I am thy brother Devil and have come to show thee how givest a blow to Heavenly God.' " The Devil then goes on to tell him that he can never conquer heaven or kill Heavenly God, and he counsels him to concentrate his efforts on destroying the true-believers. This episode is interesting for the Devil here fills the r61e of Ohrmazd in the Bundahishn; for in reciting the Ahuna Vauryaprayer Ohrmazd " showed Ahriman his own final victory, the powerlessness of Ahriman, the destruction of the demons ", and so on. In Irradiantit is the Devil who shows Lionish God that he cannot hope to conquer heaven or destroy his heavenly rival. The most that he can hope

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to do is to destroy or convert the believersin Heavenly God. How and why it is the Devil who gives this truthful advice I shall try to explain in my next article. Suffice it to say that Lionish God follows the Devil's advice, and, just as Ahriman does in the Zoroastrian legend, he wins an instantaneous and crushing victory. Two of the four countries which worship Heavenly God are instantly overrun; their kings, of whom Irradiant's father is one, are slain, the population is either slaughtered or converted back to the worship of Lionish God and his brother, the Devil, the countrysideis pillaged and wrecked, and the cities are demolished. The wreckage is complete. All this again tallies with the Bundahishn account and with the character of Ahriman " whose will is to smite and whose substance is envy ". In both accounts the Evil One's victory on earth, in the material world, is instant and apparently complete; but in both accounts it is really only the beginning of the end; and the counter-attack, when it comes, is relentless. As the Bundahishn says: This too did Ohrmazdknow in his omniscience,that within these nine thousandyears three thousand would passentirelyaccordingto the will of Ohrmazd,threethousandin mixturewould passaccordingto the and that will of both Ohrmazdand Ahriman,and that in the last battle Ahrimanwould be made powerless he himselfwould save creationfrom aggression. This chronology of the Bundahishn which is repeated throughout the Pahlavi texts does not appear in Irradiant in one passage, but this is a crucial one. After Lionish God has crushed two of the except kingdoms of the true-believers and slain Irradiant's father, there is a counter-attack in which Chandelier, not Irradiant, is the commander. The forces of Lionish God are expelled, and a great rite is celebrated commemorating the creation-a rite lasting six days and called in English the " general origination days ". On reaching this point in the manuscript I thought that here at last we were going to be told the secret doctrines of whatever sect Ali Mirdrakvandibelonged to. I was, however, bitterly disappointed: forty-two pages had been left blank with only this note to explain the lacuna: Notice: It is very difficultto write about what the true believersdid duringSunday,Monday,Tuesday, Wednesday,and Thursday. Yet despite this maddening lacuna,we do learn that for three thousand years men will forget to prostrate themselves before Heavenly God-this surely a dim memory of those three thousand years which " pass according to the will of both Ohrmazd and Ahriman ". I hope that I have said enough to convince you that there exists in the folklore of Luristan an Epic which, in its oldest level, is based on the Zoroastrianreligious myth of the conflict between Ohrmazd and Ahriman, God and the Devil. The resemblances are too many and too exact to be fortuitous.

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ARGHIYAN1 The area of Jdjarm in western Khur sdn By Brian Spooner

Introduction The extreme west of Khurds.n, whether we think of the present ustdn the historical province, has or never contained a large city. Between Sabzavar, the Gurgan Plain and Bastim (or Shdhrid) has always been relatively empty border country between Khurdsan and the central provinces. In the north are the mountains, which separate the plateau from the Qara Qum, and the Atrak corridor. In the south lies the Great KavIr. But between these stretches a long, narrow plain, which because of its position has naturally formed throughout its history a channel for east-west traffic. The routes through this plain have depended naturally on the position and prosperity and decline of the cities they serve outside it. The plain itself has never contained anything approaching the size of a provincial capital, and the settlements which it does contain have shared the vicissitudes of the cities served by the roads which pass through them. The main names in this plain are reasonably well known: Juvain, Isfardyin and Ja-jarm. The first two are the names of regions, although the second is now the name of the main town in its region, which is a not unusual development.2 It is thereforeunusual that the town of Jajarm (according to Sani'ud'Dauleh in the Matla'u'sh-Shams, I301 A.H., a corrupt form of Jd-i garm-" the hot place ") should have remainedJajarm, and the old name of the region-Arghiyan, often found in pre-Mongol writings, ever, as there is no other name which implies the region, I have retained it in this article. The plain has always formed a hinterland whichever of the surrounding cities has been most of flourishing. For example, it was dependent on NIshatpir in the first five centuries of Islam, and on Sabzavar under the Sarbadar dynasty. At present, it is divided between Sabzavar, ShThriid and Bujnurd. From a modern study of the area it would appear that the most likely reason for there never having been a large centre of population in the plain, particularly in Arghiyin, is lack of water. If the history of Persia is the history of areas, it is relevant to divide the areas into independent and dependent. Cities such as NIshdpiir or Gurgan, though the size of their respective cities has varied greatly, have always retained a sufficientpull over the surroundingcountryside to be regarded as relatively independent, local, economic and political units; whereas our plain, lacking the water supply for a large city and deriving major economic benefit from long-distance traffic, must always be dependent on a neighbouring independent area.3a Sources for the history of the plain are for the most part scrappy and vague. There are many
references, but most of them inform us simply (in the histories) that so-and-so passed through, or (in the geographies) give a subjective impression that such-and-such a village is prosperous, or such-andsuch an area has so many villages-when we know neither the writer's criterion of prosperity nor the
1

should have died out, for the writer knows of no mention of it since Rashldu'd-DIn (1306-I i).3 How-

The substance of this article formed part of a lecture delivered at the British Institute of Persian Studies in Tehran in December 1962. The purpose of the lecture was to demonstrate how scholars from different disciplines working together in the field and the library could contribute towards the knowledge and understanding of an area-an ecological unit. The reason for the choice of the particular region treated in this article is due simply to the writer's familiarity with it. Among the several people who have contributed to discussions on the ideas here presented I should like in particular to thank Mr. R. M. Rehder.

2 Cf. GunAbid for Jfymand, Darreh Gaz for MuhammadTbdd,

Sirjin for Sa'dIdbad, JIruft for Sabzavaran, and even Khurisan for Mashhad in modern usage. s Historyof GhazanKhan, ed. Karl Jahn, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial New Series XIV, 1940, pp. 23, 28. 3a Cf. The areas of Sar-i Kavir (Rishm and Husaindn) South of DAmghin, and Biydbinak (Khfir and Jandaq) North East of NA'in which have been dependent administratively at various times on each of the cities which border on the western half of the great Kavir: Yazd, Ni'in, Tehrdn, Simnin, Shahrfid.

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extent of the area which contained that number of villages. It is true that a close critical study and collation of all these references might yield more evidence for the economic condition and political dependence of the plain at certain periods, but it is unlikely that such evidence would be definitive, and the aim of this article is simply to outline general trends of prosperity and decline and ecological dependence, and to point out features which may prove typical in the historical ecology of Persia. The historical sources cited are thereforeconfined to those with more direct relevance to the condition of the plain. It is noteworthy that the length of referencesgenerally increasesas the degree of prosperity apparently declines, but this is most likely due to the fact that writers in the first centuries of Islam treated the world, whereas in the nineteenth century they were dealing with only a very much diminished Iran. Geographical The plain stretches in a wide arc from in the west to within Ioo kilometres of Nlshdpiir in the east. It is nearly 200 miles long and something under forty miles across at its widest point. It falls Bast.m traditionally into four distinct divisions separated by natural features. These natural features have been regarded as boundaries throughout history and are the basis of present-day administrative divisions. The western end of the plain once centred on Bastam and belonged to the mediaeval province of Quimis. Today it belongs to the shahristdn (sub-province)of Shahrtidwhich is part of the independent governorship (farmdnddri-i of Simnin. It is the most desert and least important part of the plain, kull) of containing only the bakhsh Mayamay, which consists of Mayamay itself under the mountain of the same name and the Kaldt-hd-a group of small villages--down in the plain. This section of the plain drains eastwardsand either side of the line of drainage is a strip of treacheroussoft salt earth, such as is normally referred to as " kavir", and by the local people-" lut ". The KMl-iShfir, for the most part of the year sluggish, meagre and highly saline, flows from the north-eastcorner of the plain to the centre where it turns south and cuts deep into the plain with salt flats extending up to half a mile on either side of it. It collects the drainage from the other parts of the plain and aims straight for the KavIr proper, at the north of which it passesunder the Pul-i Abrisham-the Bridge of Silk, which traditionally divides Qfimis from Khurdsin. The present-day bridge appears quite new, but Curzon's picture of it looks identical and he observes that it was built by Nadir Shth and restorednot long before he passed over it in 1889. The Bridge is mentioned at the end of the fifteenth century in the History of Heratt.4 Today the new railway bridge over the Kdl-i Shfir seems to have usurped the name. Neither bridge is is any longer justified by the trade in silk, and it is interesting that Pul-i-db-i raushan heard as an alternative name. Of the remainder of the plain the southern part is a long, comparatively narrow corridor known as which Juvain and famed in the middle ages for its fertility, its 400 villages, each with one or two qandts never failed.5 The corridor drains westwards into the KMl-iShir but there is no river bed to take the surpluswater and at certain seasonsof the year a swamp forms at the lower end of the plain which cuts off motorized communication between Jajarm and the railway. Juvain is the most fertile section of the whole plain, and is historically the best known. It is traditionally a part of the old province of Baihaq which lies on the other side of the Jughatdy mountains, and is today dependent on Sabzavar. The name Juvain is (according to Ydqfit, 1224 A.D.) an arabized form of Griyan, which was the old name of the district. The main town has been variously Az-dv1r, Furimad (which is strictly speaking not in
Juvain at all), and is now Jughatay. North of the Juvain corridor and separated from it by a low ridge lies the plain of Isfardyln, also very fertile and well known in particular for its fruit. The proper name of the main town is Miy~nbad. An earlier town on this site appears to have borne the name is at present an Mihrajmn.6 IsfarayIn but until the visit of then prime minister IqbMl in independent shahristdnin the province of Khurismn, 1958, it belonged to the shahristdnof Bujnurd. West of Isfar~yIn and north-west of Juvain in a bay in the mountains and commanding a pass to
4 Rauzdt-al Janndt fi Awsdf-i Madinat-i Herdt, University of Tehran 1339, part 2, pp. 142, 145, 3535 6

Beirut, 196o, p. 352Qazvini, Athdru'l-Bildd, YRqfit, Mu'jamu'l-Bulddn, Beirut, iqyrr, vol. I, p. 177.

Map of the Plain showiug Modern outes and Old and New PlacV Names
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Gurgdn and the north-west lies the smallest of the four divisions of the plain, isolated from the other three by the pattern and the nature of the drainage of the whole plain. The main town is Jajarm, which is the centre of a bakhsh which stretches north-west up to the main northern road and the pass which leads down on to the Gurgdn plain, and north-east past Sankhas about half way through the mountains on the way to Bujnurd. This was the district of Arghiyvn, though it is not known how far it extended northwardswhen the name was in use. It is in this last division that I am primarily interested. A quick glance at the town today suggests that it is now only a shadow of its former self, for it is surroundedby the remains of ruined walls. In its present situation it stands on the edge of saline ground which slopes away very gently towards the Kdl-i Shoir,about five miles away to the south-east. This circumstanceallows it to draw its water supply from the north and west only. There are the ruins of four considerableforts or fortifiedvillas within the area of the present town, one of which stands on a high steep-sided mound in the centre of the older part of the town. An even more substantial fort known as Qal'eh-i Jalalu'd-Dln may be seen three miles away to the north-west on an isolated hill which overlooks the entrance to the pass which leads to NardIn and the Gurgdn plain. Jajarm in fact guarded two important ways of access to the Persian plateau. When Persia's north-eastern border was less definite, or when the Turkoman were raiding, this was an important consideration, but it is no longer so, and this shows us one reason for the decline in the importance of the town. About three-quarters of a mile to the south of Jajarm a long low mound stretches about two kilometres in an east-west direction. It is locally known as Tappeh-i Pahlavdn yields mostly Islamic and Further south, and approximately two-and-a-half miles from the town lies another mound of pottery. a more interesting nature: for it gives the appearance of a small high mound with a fortificationwall, and a large proportion of its pottery is painted, chalcolithic, suggesting occupation of one period only, probably in the fourth millennium B.c.7 The first of these mounds at present marksthe southern limit of cultivation around Jajarm. The second is completely without vegetation and surroundedonly by the sparsestdesert scrub, leaving no easy answer to the question as to how it once obtained a sufficient water supply. The presence of these mounds suggests that the centre of the town has moved slowly northwards away from the desert and towards the mountains throughout a fairly long history. However, this apparent progressnorthwardsof the salinity and the desert and the resultant decrease in the amount of cultivable land aroundJajarm, although it is a natural processunder conditions of intensive irrigation, provides no immediate answer to the problem of its decline, since there is still land far in excess of the amount of water available for irrigation. Other smaller Islamic mounds and graves spread over a large area of unwatered land attest the prosperity quoted in some of the old travellers for the district of Arghiyvn. Communication Unfortunately any information about the region in prehistoric times will have to await scientific archaelogical excavation. Although at the present time this enormous plain cannot boast a single road, but only a few barely "jeepable " tracks, it used to carry a main west-east highway. Owing to the pattern of motor road development in the last quarter century or so, the entire plain has become suddenly isolated from the main arteriesof communication. The completion of the railway connection
to Mashhad in I958, which passes roughly through the centre of the plain was a step towards remedying this situation. But the railway is no substitute for a road, and anyway only serves the Kalit-hi and Juvain directly, while J.jarm is doubly cut off from it for some six months of the year by the swamp at the entrance to Juvain, and the Kil-i Shair. It is interesting and I suggest typical generally of the ecology of Persia that these four natural divisions look not across the open plain at each other, but, at least more immediately, over to the other side of the mountains under which they shelter and to which they owe their meagre water supply. Juvain looks to Sabzavar, Isfarayin to Bujnurd, Jaijarm to Bujnurd and Gunbad-i Qtbis.8 Centres of plains on the plateau are often saline, waterless and some7

I am grateful to Mr. D. B. Stronach for this evaluation of the pottery I collected there.

s Only recently, in the era of motorized transport, the pull of the capital has greatly increased traffic from Isfariyln to Sabzavir, and from Jijarm to Shihrnid.

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times treacherous; mountain ranges are invariably dissected by river courses which are passable for most of the year. Modern administrative divisions are here and often drawn through the centres of plains-not along ranges of mountains. The real line of demarcation in this area is the K|l-i Shir, a perennial but hopelessly salt and useless water course-except for a few fresh springs near its source, which however are not suitable for agricultural use. It flows through the middle of the plain and separates in the east-west section of its course the Bujnurd region from the province of Baihaq, and, when it turns south, Khurisdn from the west. The earliest information available about routes in the area is from Ibn Khurdddbih (864 A.D.), who with all the earlier itinerariesdescribesthe main west-east road as passing through Mazinan and Sabzavar.9 This has probably always been the post route, and is, of course, slightly more direct. It is attracted away from the plain by the richer region of Baihaq, which, since it would appear always to have supported a centre somewhat bigger than anything in the plain to the north of it, compensated for the long, exposed march (over 250 kilometres) over waterless desert from Bastam. Le Strange, in his synthesis of the geographies, describes (without clear references) two routes from Bastam to Nlshpaiir. " The more direct, the post road, lies along the edge of the desert, going through Sabzavir. The longer caravan road is to the north, and curves through the great upland plain of Juvain which is separatedfrom the Great Desert by a range of hills."10 In the middle of the eleventh century, Baihaqi records that " Amir Mas'id proceeded from Nishpfir to Gurgin via IsfariyIn ".11 It is not clear from the context whether Mas'fid would have been travelling by the main route or not. The journey was made in the winter and there was a strong cold wind.12 It is surprising that Isfardyin is specially mentioned, but there is no mention of any place between Isfardyin and Gunbad-i Qdbis (" Turbat-i Qdbifs At the beginning of the thirteenth century we know from Yaqiit that caravansfrom Bastam to "). NIshpiir passed throughJuvain,13presumably thereforemissing both Sabzavar and Isfarayin, though very likely calling at Jajarm if only for the sake of water (for a direct route from Azadvar to the Kalatha or Maydmay would in present conditions present water supply difficultiesfor a caravan). This was in fact the case in the mid-fourteenthcentury when MustaufI wrote. According to him, the caravan route to Maghz-7 parasangs; then Dih-i Sultan 7 parasangs; passed through the following stages: and the stretch of 6 parasangs; then south across the KMl-i Rabat-i Savanj 3 parasangs;Jajarm Bast.m Shfr kavfrto Azadvar 8 parasangs; and thence through the Juvain corridor to Nlshapfir, totalling 65 parasangs in all from Bastam to Nishapiir14-in fact only some 2 parasangslonger than today's motor road. Rabat-i Savanj is now known simply as Rabdt or Rabdt-i Jajarm-since now of course nobody passes through it except to go to J-jarm, for there is no longer any through traffic. Again there is no hint that they called at Isfarayin. court. He was immediately provided with fresh horses and was well impressed by the fact that Timur had built caravanserais and kept good supplies of horses at post stops along the route right up to Samarqand.15 Finally, Ndsiru'd-Din Shah Qajar, on his pilgrimages to Mashhad, camped at Jajarm (1283southern post road through Sabzavar and the other from Bastam north to NardIn, east to Jajarm, and on to Mashhad via SankhiSand Bujnurd,16-which surelyreflectsthe decline of all parts of the plain and the rise in importance of Bujnurdunder the ShdlG kurdswho had been moved up to the Atrak by
Shah 'Abbas. Jajarm is the only section of the plain left on a main route, and Jajarm was also, according to Curzon,x included in Shah 'Abbas' road from Gurgan to Mashhad, but in Qajar times at least this would seem to be due merely to its position half way between BastHm and Bujnurd rather
9 Le Strange, Lands of the EasternCaliphate,1930, p. 430.
14

At the beginning of the fifteenth century (I403-O4) Clavijo stopped at Jatjarm on the way to Timur's

1300 A.H.). The Mirdtu'l-Bulddn and the Matla'u'sh-Shams (3o01 A.H.) give us two routes: one the old

Ibid., p. 391. o0 11 Tdrikh-i

12

Bayhaqi, Tehrin, 1324 AHS, p. 448. This strong wind is of frequent occurrence in the plain and may occur at any season. Once it rises it normally takes about five days to blow itself out. In the summer the peasants wait for it for the winnowing. Ygqfiit, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 192.

Mustaufi, .Nuzhatu'l-Qulfb, ed. Le Strange, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, XXIII, 1, 1915, p. 174. 15 Clavijo, Embassyto Tamerlan,14o3-6, trans. Le Strange, I928, p. 176. 16Matla'u'sh-Shams, Tehran, 1301 AHS, pp. 6, 107. 17 Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, 1892, vol. I, p. 358. Cf. Alfons Gabriel: Die Erforschung Persiens, Wien, 1952, P. 127-

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than to any attraction in the town itself. Jajarm then, having entered written history as an entrep6t at a major cross-roads,had dwindled in the nineteenth century to being simply a village on the way, so that when it came to defining distinct lines of communication for motor trafficin this century the whole plain was left isolated and the district of Arghiyan, in particular, stranded. Historical In pre-Mongol times Jajarm is clearly stated to have been a frontier borough on the road to Gurgan from NIshipir, and the emporium of Gurgan as well as QOimis and Nlshapuir. It was situated within the confines of the district of NTshdpir.s1Our plain thereforecarried the commerce of three provinces, which met in Jajarm, and the whole eastern part of the plain despite its barren character naturally prosperedby this. Though no longer prosperous,it is still a frontier borough and it is not quite certain to which province it should belong. For Mashhad is almost as far to the east as Tehran is to the west, and Shihrtid is no less accessible than Bujnurd. The pre-Mongol sources in general speak well of the plain, though unfortunately not often in any concrete terms. In the Hudtidu'l-'Alam (982-983 A.D.),Azadvar was a pleasant borough in the desert on the road to Gurgdn.19In MuqaddasI (985 A.D.) it was the chief town of the Juvain corridor, which was very fertile in foodstuffs.20 And in Yaqit (1225) it was populous and had fine mosques, and outside its gate was a great khdnfor merchants, for its markets were much frequented. The gardens of its villages stretched continuously all down the valley and the water for their irrigation was brought by underground water courses from the springs in the southern hills. One hundred and eighty-nine villages were dependent on it.21 Muqaddasi describesIsfardyin as growing much rice [sic !] and fine had a fine Friday mosque and was a grapes. It was very prosperousand had good markets. J*ajarm well-fortifiedcity with seventy villages dependent on it.22 Arghiyan contained seventy-one villages, and Jajarm, now strangely mentioned separately from Arghiydn, had many villages-some of which are in the range overlooking Azddvdr-an area which is now deserted.23 Azddvdr was still the main centre of Juvain. The next detailed mention comes in Mustaufi in the middle of the fourteenth century. The Mongols had passed through, but apparently without very serious results. The capital of Juvain had changed to Furilmad (then spelt Fariyiimad), which is in fact not in the Juvain plain at all, but some miles south of the western end of it, and separated from it by the beginning of the Jughatay range. It used to be part of the tumdn Bayhaq, but is now independent (mufarrad). of Isfardyin,which was ravaged the Mongols in I220,24 had now become a city of medium size with nearly fifty dependent villages by and a strongly fortified castle to the north.25 In the middle of the fourteenth century it was for a while brought under the control of the shortlived Sarbadar dynasty in Sabzavar.26 When Clavijo passed through on his way to Samarqand in the summer of 1404 Isfardyin was a very fine place with many fine buildings, both private houses and mosques, but " all is now for the most part without inhabitants!"27

Mustaufl describesJajarm as a medium-sized town, and since for one or two days'journey all round the pasturage was of a poisonousherb, it was quite impossible for any army ever to approach the place. This poisonous herb still exists north of Jajarm over a fairly wide area and shepherds have to be very careful that their flocks do not stray near it, but it does not grow in any other quarter and the assertion
that no army could ever approach Jajarm because of it should perhaps be attributed to Mustaufi's love of wonders. He also mentions a strong castle in Jijarm, and says that there are many villages dependent on Jajarm, and that houses are not easily obtained within the town. Crops of corn and fruit were abundant.2 A little later (in I376) the castle of Jajarm was taken together with that of a village in
trans. Minorsky, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial New 18sHudadu'l-'Alam, 3 Yqiqt, Beirut. 24 Encyclopaedia of Islam. Series XI, 1937, pp. I02-32 Mustaufi, 19 op. cit., pp. 149-50. Op. cit., p. o02. 20 Muqaddasi, apud Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 28 Ibn Batuta, apud Rauzdt-al Janndt fi Awsaf-i Madinat-i Herdt, vol. 2, p. 378. p. 391. 21 27 Op. cit., p. 176. Y.qfit, apudLe Strange, Landsof theEasternCaliphate, 392. p. 22 28 Op. cit., p. 150. Muqaddasi, ibidem.

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Juvain.29 A little later still Clavijo gives the following account ofJajarm: " The town stands in a plain at the foot of some bare mountains, and from these they have tunnelled conduits to bring the water down. Standing in the middle of the town there is a castle crowning a low hillock artificially built up on clay foundations and the town itself has no wall round it. During the past winter much snow had fallen, and this, when the summer heat had set in, had melted and flooded the water conduits. A freshet had recently come down, and half the town had been destroyed by the waters, which too had overwhelmed the castle ! Further the floods had drowned out all the corn lands ...".30 Despite this, Clavijo's company with their royally appointed escort were immediately provided with fresh horses. During the Mongol period, therefore, unlike the rest of the plain, the Jajarm area would seem not to have declined, but rather to have grown in importance and prosperity-perhaps at the expense of written in 1595, IsfardyIn IsfardyIn. But if this is true, the reasons are obscure. In the Zlnatu'l-Majdlis, is still described as a middle-sized town, but would appear to have been destroyed again by the Uzbegs shortly after this.31 At the beginning of the eighteenth century we learn from the Tazkiratu'l-Muliik that Azddvdr was again the main centre in Juvain, but that the district of Juvain was much less important than IsfarayInwas again destroyed by Isfariytn.32 According to local tradition, recorded by Yate in 1900oo, the Afghans, and, when he passed through, the ruins of the old town were still visible and extensive and adjoined the new town.33 A hundred and fifty years later there is an interesting Collection JournalsandReports Capt. the by of Honourable G. C. Napier, who travelled extensively in the area and published his notes in 1876. He refers often to a serious drought and consequent famine which had recently afflicted the area. In Furilmad the famine had emptied a hundred houses and the ruins were visible in every direction. The town of Jughatdy (which had now displaced Furfimad and Azddvar as the most important centre in Juvain) contained the stronghold of the chief of Juvain, Allahydr Khdn, who, with his brother, Ja'far Khan, had held all the country as far as MazIndn and Sabzavar, but was defeated by Fath'All Shah in person shortly after the latter's accession. The town was nearly destroyed by the famine, and only about a hundred houses remained occupied. For more than a mile around the village of the principal of a group of four villages-the ground was covered with remains of ruined houses and Sankh.swalled gardens. However, Napier writes that on enquiry he was told that " the evident decrease in population was not due to the famine, for it had fallen lightly on these villages. The fine springsforming the source of their water supply had not been materially affected by the three years' drought, but had continued to yield sufficientto irrigate the village lands and to support the population. The true causes are obscure, for within the recollection of the predecessorsof the present oldest inhabitant, from whom I received the information, Sankhis numbered 750 houses, it has now only 200."34 Famine, particularlyas the result of drought, is not a rare phenomenon in Persia. The main feature of the precipitation pattern in Khurisan-in so far as we have enough figuresto judge-is its variability and unreliability.35It is reasonableto assume that subsistencefarming has been progressivelyincreasing since the Mongol invasions, simply because of general insecurity, particularly outside the cities. A small settlement tending to farm at subsistencelevel, when faced with the inevitable drought of several years, will stand little chance of pulling through intact, or even reattaining its formerlevel of prosperity, except by the efforts, expense and investment of a powerful man with a direct interest in the village community and its land. From the written evidence available there is every reason to suspect that such conditions did not obtain for the villages in the plain. and JLjarm, besides two or three springs at the foot of the hills, Napier found no Between here and there proved the existence in former times of villages, Sankh.s potable water. Mounds of ruined qandts but the waste was then abandoned to the wild ass and the gazelle and the Turkoman raiders, who had probably been the main instrument in reducing it to its present state. Nevertheless, he continues, for
29

30

Rauzdt-al-Janndt fi Awsdf-i Madtnat-i Herwt,vol. 2, p. 33.

Op. cit., p. 176. 31 Encyclopaedia Islam. of 32 Tarkiratu'l-Mulak,trans. Minorsky, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, I943, P. 103.

8I 34

and C. E Yate, Khorasan Sistan, 1900, p. 383 ft. Pp. 25, 26, 71, 73 f. in Assessment PotentialResources Khurasan Province, of 38 A Preliminary Iran, K. S. McLachlan and B. J. Spooner, Italconsult, Rome, 1963-

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many months past, the road had been as safe as roads in Persia usually are. Small parties of thieves lurked about the hill skirts, but the extensive ravages of former years had ceased. Jajirm was a small straggling town of 400 houses. " In the centre of the town is one of the high circular mounds, so frequently met with in northern Khurasan, surmounted by the ruins of a mud fort of not very ancient date. It bears the name of Ali VerdI Khan, the first chief of the Giraili Turks settled in the country. A small Imamzideh, lying a mile to the south east of the walls, contains a tomb covered with large blue tiles, on which are verses from the Qur'an. ... For some miles to the south the ground is covered with fragments of small red brick and blue glazed tiles, indicating the site of one of the towns founded after the Arab occupation.... Three miles to the north-westis a stone fort crowning a low isolated lime stone rock in good preservation.... The rock within the walls is pierced by a shaft to a depth of about Ioo feet, from which it is said a communication exists with the village of Garmeh, half a mile to the west. That the excavation was never of use as a well was evident from the remains of a number of large earthen vessels built into the foot of the outer wall which could only have been provided as receptacles for storing water. The only coins known to have been found are some silver pieces stamped (it is said) on one side with the usual inscription of the Khalifat, on the other, with the name of the city of Jajarm.35aThere are no other visible traces of remains other than those of a small town of the period of Arab occupation, the dispersion of fragments of masonry to so great a distance being accounted for by the fact that the plain is liable to sudden inundation from the mountains to the north. " That the present population of Jajarm, four hundred families, is only a remnant, is clear from the great extent of the old walls; in the time of Nadir Shah there were some 5,000 families [sic !],36 and as late as the reign of Fath'All Shah, the town furnished 200 men to the regiment known as the Lashkar-i 'Arab va 'Ajam. Its decline is attributed entirely to the Turkomans, who after the death of Nadir devastated the country, destroying the irrigation works by which only so large a population could have been maintained. The mounds of numerous qandts, now dry, surround the cultivated area. With the water supply at the present time available, the crops raised are insufficient for the inhabitants, who import largely from Shahrid and the Gurgan plain, supplying in exchange salt obtained from the water of the Kal-i Shtir, a briny stream flowing through the plain to the south. The scanty revenue of the ' belfik' of four villages-Jajarm, Garmeh, Iver, and Darreh,37in all seven hundred families-is entirely devoted to the maintenance of one hundred horsemen for border defence. These are to a great extent mounted by the Elkhan of Bujnurd, who relies on them to hold the passes north of the town."38 Shortly after Napier, Colonel C. M. MacGregorpassed through the plain, and noticed there remains of an old wall much beyond the then limits of Sankhassuggestingit had once been much larger than the
200

Turkoman raids and consequently the whole plain is dotted with towers of refuge, which are speaking monuments of the havoc committed by these wretches." MacGregor thought that the village of Jajarm " may contain three hundred houses, though there seems to be more. It boasts a good deal of cultivation some of which is dependent on rain and some on water brought by Karezes from the hills. Nearly the whole plain on which this cultivation is situated is covered by Turkmun towers, showing
what a dangerous spot this is . ...39

houses it then contained.

" The whole country around ", he writes, " is very much exposed to

to the north ofJajarm, which carries perennially a small amount of water through the first range Gazd from a valley behind.40 Their main objective was the main road between Mayamay and MazInan which they reached in one waterless stage from the spring at Ktih-i Baba.
ba Mongol coins fromJR-jarm are

The Turkoman entered the plain by a ravine, known as Guddr-i

therefore most likely repeating exaggerated tales of former quite numerous,but few have been published. For examplessee the Catalogue the Oriental prosperity heard on the spot. of in Coins theBritishMuseum S. Lane Poole, vol. VI, pp. 66 "7 Iver and Darreh are within a parasang to the west of Garmeh. by and 1o0. There are unfortunatelyno published sources for 88 Op. cit., pp. 73 ff. determiningthe life of the mint. Coins minted at Isfariyin 39 Narrative of Journey throughthe provinceof Khurasanand on the under the early Safavidsare cited in Coins, and North West frontier of Afghanistan in 1875, Colonel C. M. Medals, Sealsof theShahs Iran (1500-194.) by H. L. Rabino di Borgomale of MacGregor, vol. II, 10o4 f (1945). (I am indebted for these referencesto Dr. A. D. H. 40 Most of this water sinks into the plain as soon as it leaves the mountains, but a certain amount of it is carried in a jab to a Bivar.) 36Napier gives no source for this astoundingassertion,and is patch of cultivated land not far from Ja-jarm.

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Of the three main Persian sources on the area for this period-the Mir'dtul-Bulddn, Ndsiru'd-DIn Shah's Journey to Khurasan, and the Matla'u'sh-Shams-thelast gives the most comprehensive and detailed description of Jajarm. On his pilgrimages to Mashhad Nisiru'd-DIn Shah passed only on a route: Bastam, Nardin, through that part of our plain which used to bear the name Arghiymn, The was Garmeh, Jajarm, Sankhis, Bujnurd, on which Jajarm marked a stage. Ma.tla'u'sh-Shams from what was observed on the second of the Shah's pilgrimages in the compiled by SanT'u'd-Dauleh year 1300oo A.H.Q. At this time Garmeh contained 200 peasant (ra'fyat) families, a hammim and a mosque. There is mention of the qal'eh-i which is described as being built of stone, brick and plaster Jaldlu'd-Dln (gach),and having six turrets (burj)and several rooms (chandyurt).The well-shaftinside was filled in to a depth of twenty zar', and it is suggested that it was originally meant simply for storing water brought up from the spring, whereas the cisterns on the outside were perhaps for flour. The spring at the foot of the hill on which the qal'ehis situated, is estimated to have a flow sufficient to turn five millstones (panjsang db) in the summer, of which two-thirds was crown property (khdliseh-i divdn)and one-third belonged to the peasantry. " Jajarm itself was once more prosperous than it is now. It is now a reasonable town with a fort and turretsand extensive gardens." The town is encompassedby a fortified wall and details of the turretsare given. Seven quartersare named within the town, and the population is made up of ten distinct descent groups (tayifeh). Two of these are Giraili Turks who claim to have come from KIlpish (in the mountainous country to the north-east) during the reign of Aghd = Muhammad Shah, one is from Ganjeh, another is " Arab from the 'Persian Arabs' (Arab 'ajamhd Persian pastoral nomads ?) of Shihriid and Bastam "; a fifth are Uzbeg from Khwadrazm; a sixth from Bukhari; a seventh are sayyids;the eighth are Fakhrani; the ninth HiajjIs; and the tenth dihqdnhf or peasants. The governorshipused to be invested in one of the Giraili groups.41 We may presumably interpret this to mean that there were eight tribal elements of comparatively recent appearance, the peasants and being descendants of the peasants, small landowners and merchants of the old population. The new tribal !lite would naturally refer to these sections as other .hdljfs tribes. There are seven mosques, a fine caravanseraiand a good hammdm. The " Friday mosque " is very old and large enough to take 200 men. Two shrines are mentioned: one over the grave of an 'All ibn Mahziydr (Muhammad Ziyar) known as Khwajeh Mahziydr, which prospers (ba kulli dbddast); the other which is in ruins is known as KhwatjehKamal. Its ruin was being accelerated by the peasants, who, as they often do, were carrying away its building materials for use elsewhere. There are also remains of several other shrines. are Eight qandts named as serving Jajarm and the neighbouring small villages. The products are a little rice, a few types of tree fruit, melons, etc. Gazelle, wild sheep, and wild ass were to be wheat, found in the plain still, and Nasiru'd-DIn Shah was very keen to hunt. The flats on either side of the KAl-i Shiir provided salt for Gurgan, Bujnurd and Juvain. Most of the streetsin the town had been paved with rough stones, but were now in disrepairthrough lack of attention. Three millstones existed in the town of a size far too large for any of the existing mills. The author was at a loss to explain their existence, as were the local people. Sani'u'd-Dauleh records that Ja-jarmhad been once a part of Bastam, once of Astarabad, and then in the reign of Fatlh'AllShah when Isma'll Mirza was governor of Shahrid and Bastam it became part of that province. When he made Jajarm part of Nardn. .... Now it was part of Bujnurd, MulhammadShah came to Khlpnish
whereas at one time Bujnurd had been part of Jajarm!42 In I9oo00 another traveller, C. E. Yate, records that Jajarm contained about 500 houses, and that the or governor's deputy was still a Giraili. The area was badly supplied with water, and what there .Ndyib was was used up in the growing of cotton43for export to Russia through the Armenian traders in Sabzavar. The village did not even grow sufficient grain for its own consumption and the silk industry

it formerly possessedhad quite died out.

41

vol. I, 1o7 ff. Matla'u'sh-Shams, "2Ibidem. The sudden surfeit of detail, when the relative importance of the area has obviously diminished, provides an

interesting sidelighton the Qajir r6gime. **Author'sitalics.

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The Present There is much in the story of Jajarm which, put in general terms, would seem to be typical of much of Persia-particularly the eastern provinces. It is perhaps not possible to date the peak of prosperity, but the decline is obvious, and its relation to the change in the pattern of communications. It is tempting to interpret the evidence to mean that there used to be far more water than there is now. That rice could have been grown in Jajarm now seems astonishing, but it was probably never grown on any scale, and was simply a means of making use of what water there was during the summer after the wheat had been harvested. Cotton, a cash crop, has now taken its place. The nadir of decline was probably touched only a few decades ago. Since then a slow upward trend has begun which is probably entirely due to Westernizationand (comparative) ease of communication with the capital. The people can still name the seven quarters (mahall),each of which appears to be dominated by one or more extended families. However, the change is obvious, and the word " tRyifeh" is no longer heard. For Jajarm, of course, Westernization is really " Teheranization ". On the one hand there are new laws which affect the status quo. A very obvious example is Land Reform. On the other hand, there are effortsto change the appearance of the town. For example, all towns must have a khiydbdnmeans destroying many houses and so changing a broad, straight, main street. To build the khiydbdn the pattern of some of the quarters. When it has been built, those of the population with more contact and the traditional relationship with Teheran and other towns start to want houses on the khiydbdn, between kinship and neighbourhood begins to break up. For though this is a sedentary community and J-jarm has a long history, most of the more wealthy and powerful members of the present population came to Jajarm not so very long ago, since the Mongol invasions, and came organized on tribal lines. There is a definite connection between this tribal origin of the more influential part of the population of Ja-jarmand the general insecurity of the area up until very recent times. Jajarm is situated at the northern edge of the eastern side of the plateau which is Persia proper, and its situation guards two main ways of access on to the plateau. It must thereforehave sufferedthe maximum effects of any border insecurity in the north-east of Persia throughout its history, and the invaders have invariably been tribal. The two most influential sections of the population now are known as the and N[dyibihd the Sdddt. We know from Yate that at the end of the nineteenth century the Nayib was a Giraili. But many of the NMyiblhi are offended at the suggestion that they are therefore Turkish, and protest that they came from Ganjeh. We may perhaps therefore assume that the Ganjeh-i and have intermarried to the extent that they no longer Giraili tribes mentioned in the Matla'u'sh-Shams distinguish between each other, and so far as the present politics of Jtjarm are concerned have become one element. The same would now appear to be happening between the Nayibhia and the Sdatt. They are already intermarried to a high degree, but are kept apart for the time being by rivalry for official posts in the municipality. However, the number of people remaining who can name three or more ascending generations is few. The basis of former wealth-land and water-is no longer secure. The distinction with the " dihqdnhd "-perhaps descendants of original, non-tribal, peasants-is disappearing. And so the of personal relationshipsin the tribal elements gradually becomes that which is typical of the pattern normal cognatic peasant society, and alien wealth and status values replace traditional ones.
The present population is reckoned to be about 5,500 or 800 households, of which some 30 per cent own some land either around Jajarm itself or in the lower part of Juvain. Dasht in the north-west is largely owned and settled by Jajarmts, and many Jajarmis emigrate to Similqan and the Gurgin plain. There has been no immigration to Jijarm for a long time. Apart from agriculture most of the people in Jijarm own or have some interest in flocks, and the main pasturage areas are along the upper part of the K1-i Shiir, the lower end of the Juvain corridor, and to the north-west towards Dasht-nowhere less than nine miles from Jajarm. Exports from the town, in a good year, consist of cotton, fruit, wool, dairy products and some corn. Any conversation in Jajarm sooner or later turns to the subject of water. There is any amount of

land to be cultivated, but no water to irrigate it. As much as two-thirdsof the town's total water supply

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comes in an open jib three miles across the desert from the spring at the foot of Qal'eh-i Jaldlu'd-Dln. There is only one good qandt. Another one which was started recently has hit conglomerate rock and although its yield is good so far, it has become uneconomic to proceed with it. Any water tapped from the south or east of the town draws from the Kavir and is saline. East of north the ground slopes away and so does not allow the construction of a qandt.Was there more water in prehistoric or medieval times ? The Nuzhatu'l-Qulfib in its fantastic way tells of a mountain in the " neighbourhood of Jajarm which rises like a perpendicular wall and from the midst of this mountain wall three springs burst forth side by side, each sufficientin volume to turn a millwheel. For the space of an arrow flight they flow as through a spout, and then serve to irrigate many of the lands of Jajarm, and of the neighbourhood. The length of the stream is twelve leagues ".44 Legends of this nature are still alivein Jajarm and serve further to frustratethe present population, and expensive efforts and expert opinions in the last few years45have not succeeded in finding any untapped sources of any significance. Clavijo witnessed severe floods when he passed through Jajarm, and this is a phenomenon which has to be reckoned with over much of the plateau, particularly in the spring. Enormous quantities of water released by cloudbursts pour off the mountains across the plains and disappear again into the desert as quickly as they had come. In some parts46 certain amount is caught behind a " band" or a improvised dam and, allowed to sink through, after which a good crop can be grown on the land. But since Clavijo does not mention any such arrangement, it would not seem that Jajarm ever took any advantage of flood waters in this way. The problem remains unanswered, but a very large extent of Jajarm's former prosperity must have been due to its position on important trade routes which now bypass the whole plain.47 The borders of Arghiydn, or the area dependent on Jajarm, to the south seem to have varied little, but to the north-through the mountain and valley systems which mark the end of the plateau-in the periods of its prosperity extended beyond Similqan and eastwards towards Bujnurd to include whatever settlements sought its protection. But Jajarm never appears to have been an important provincial centre and nor does anywhere in the plain. Perhaps Miyanabad is on or near the site of the largest town the plain has held. This plain is in many ways typical of the areas into which the settled part of the Persian plateau may be divided. It is for the most part dry and barren. It has at times supported a much larger population than it does now, but shows some improvement now on the beginning of this century. The pattern of settlement in it tends to hug the base of the surroundingmountains, except in cases where the lie of the land allows the qandtsto tap more water if the settlement is further out in the plain. The villages rely for their prosperity on irrigation works which are expensive and complicated. These have fallen into disuse owing to lack of political and social security-special factors in this area being the Turkoman raiders on the one hand and on the other: the lack of any one landowner powerful and wealthy enough to provide the investment to start things going again-even if he had felt secure enough to make it worth his while. However, this area is somewhat unusual in that it has never had a real focal point within it. The influences on it have always been centrifugalrather than centripetal, which makes its plight all the more serious in the context of the present communications system, for there is no longer anything to bring people to the area. An interesting indication of this condition is the number of names of distinguished men which can be read in histories and anthologies ending in the nasab: ArghiynlT,JajarmI,IsfardyIni,Jughata-I, and of courseJuvaini. But none of these men made their reputation in the plain they were born in, and very few, if any of them, returned to
it to die. Jajarm is a bakhshsituated roughly halfway between Khurasan, Gurgan and what used to be called

Qilmis. At various stages of its history, it has been subordinate in turn to each of the larger centres
46 E.g. Baydukht in the GundbAd plain. In the enormous plain 4 Op. cit., p. 228. west of Kiih-i Taftdn in the sarbadd country of Balfichistdn 45 In I958 Jijarm officially became a shahr (town) with an there are many remains of this type of band, which are, howanjuman(council) and a shahrddr (mayor = executive officer of the anjuman). This made it possible for the first time for ever, no longer used in the area. In mountainous country they are found in the Qa'inat, and the MakrAn range. programmes to be undertaken in the name of the town. The main aim of the shahrddr (who is one of the Sadit: the h;sdbddr-i 47 Similar arguments for other areas are presented in BetweenOxus and shahrddrz from among the Nayiblhd) from the start has been is Jumna, Arnold J. Toynbee, O.U.P., 1961. to increase the town's water supply.

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which surround it: (Shdhroid),Baihaq, NIshapir, Nardin (eight parasangs to the west) and now belongs, because the main land owners of the area have for some time past Bujnurd to which it Bast.m been Shadlfi Kurds who live in Bujnurd. There is now talk of applying to be attached once more to the shahristdn Shahroid,because of the decline in the influence of the landowners and the pull of the of capital. Water and roads are the two outstandingneeds of the region. The people of the area feel, reasonably, that they have been left out of the present social revolution in Iran. They have done little to help themselves, and talk of lack of confidence in the future, although justifiable, cannot be accounted the sole reason for the absence of minor investment activity and agriculturalimprovement. The individual's solution is migration: to Tehran, or the Gurgan plain. There is little interest in Bujnurd or Khurdsdn in general, for in Persia everywhere one looks towards the capital. But no ordinary Persian villager lightly exchanges the dry climate of the plateau for the damp lowlands, or the freedom of village life for the commotion of Tehrin. With a little government investment, it would probably not be difficult to halt the migration and even attract back some of those who have migrated in recent years. But the only real answer lies in communications. The obvious route now for a road through the plain is Bujnurd-Jajarm-Shdhr-id.48Automatically Jajarm would once more become an important stage on an important road-from the north-east to the capital, and in a new ecological and economic context might perhaps manage to resume its former function and prosperity.

48 Cf. K. S. McLachlan and B. J. Spooner, op. cit., p. 4o.

109

NEW MATERIAL FOR THE TEXT OF HAFIZ By R. M. Rehder

The most recent, comprehensive and reliable surveys of Hjafizare: H. Ritter, " ", ISLAM der v. 5 (1950) ; H. Roemer, " Probleme der Hafizforschung und.Hfiz Stand ihrer ANSIKLOPEDISI, der und Wiesbaden (I 951); A. J. Arberry,Fifty Poemsof Losung ", Akademie Wissenschaften derLiteratur, with corrections 1953, Reprinted 1962 "); and J. Rypka, IranischeLiteraturHafiz (" Reprinted geschichte 256-65), ( 959). None of them contains eithera full discussionof the problemsof an edition (p. or a complete inventory of the oldest manuscripts; but they all touch the problem of the text of IH~fiz and they are the most up-to-date sources for its problems. Since their publication, however, new material has appeared which representsan important advance in our knowledge of the text of IH~fiz: Photostelle der Universitat zu K81n, 1958. Dr. Boelke has I. Elisabeth Boelke, Zum Textdes H.dfiz, collated three manuscriptsand the Qazvinl-GhanI edition of H~fiz against the text in the Buldq edition (1250/1834) of Sridi'scommentary. The manuscripts she has used are: (a) Aya Sofya 3945, the very old and important MS. which Prof. Ritter described in " Philologika XI ", Der Islam, v. 26 (I942), and of which he writes: " Dieser alteste, nur 22 Jahre nach des Dichters Tode in seiner Vaterstadt fiir den damaligen Herrscher dieser Stadt geschriebene Textzeuge darf sicherlich die h6chste Autoritit beanspruchen" (p. 241). The MS. is dated 813/14 and contains 458 ghazals. (b) British Museum is known not to be a copy, but a recension made in Harit for Prince Farldfin Iusayn Khan, a son of Sultan IHusaynBayqard, and it is said many MSS. were collected and used for this work. The preface to the recension and details may be found in Roemer's Staatsschreiben Timuridenzeit der (1952). (c) A MS. dated 911 containing 346 ghazals,which belongs to the Max Freiherrvon Oppenheim Foundation. The choice of the Buliq edition of Sfdi as the base for the collations is unfortunate as copies of it are very rare, and neither Sildl nor the Oppenheim MS. and the interesting British Museum MS. can be considered as authorities in establishing the text of I;Ifiz (unless it can be demonstratedthat they represent an old MS. tradition which in these cases is dubious). This is particularly true now when one may count thirteen and perhaps fifteen MSS. older than the Khalkhil MS., dated 827/1424, which is the base for the Qazvini-Ghani edition and which was once considered the oldest MS. of HIfiz. Nevertheless, the ordinary reader may make use of most of Dr. Boelke's variants using her book and the Qazvlnl-Ghani edition, and her collation of Aya Sofya 3945 is enough to make her book valuable.'
2. Parvlz Khanlarl, Ghazalhd-i Khvdjeh ldfiiz-i Shirdzz,Tehrdn, Sukhan, 1337-1959. In this book Dr. KhtnlarI has published a MS. of IHfiz's poems copied in 813 and 814 which forms part of a majmu' in the British Museum (number 261/27; described in Rieu's Catalogue, 2, p. 868). The copy, conv. taining 152 ghazals, was made for the Amir Jalil al-DIn Iskandar, who ruled in Firs for his uncle Shdhrukh. He was killed in a rebellion in 817. Therefore, his name on the MS. is additional evidence

Or. 3247 (number 268 in Rieu's Supplement, 177) which is dated 907 and contains 182 ghazals. This p.

for its age. This copy, like Aya Sofya 3945, was made in Firs where I~Ifiz lived and where one may assume there was the best chance of finding reliable copies of his poems (although MSS. were commonly moved as booty). Moreover, one may assume that whatever oral tradition there was would be there stronger and more reliable. Dr. Kh~nlari explains in his introduction that he has" corrected " the 813-14 MS. after comparing it with the Qazvint-GhanI text and two other MSS. This" corrected " text is the one he has published; however, all the original readings happily are printed in the notes at the end of the book. The two
SI thank Dr. Boelke for her special kindness in sending me a copy of her book.

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other manuscriptswhich he has used are: (a) a MS. in the Majlis Library, Tehrdn, dated 855, which was formerly part of TImimrtash's library and (b) a MS. belonging to Prof. Sddiq Gauharin of Tehran, dated 862. Dr. Khanlarl, like Dr. Boelke, appears to have made a more-or-less random choice of second MSS. He gives no reasons why these two MSS. should be considered in the edition of HIafiz's text. The older MS. is, again, of course, of capital importance. dar Tehrin, Sukhan, I337. These notes, 3. ParvCzKhlnlarl, Chandnukteh tashih-iDivdn-i and which appeared originally in the magazine, raghmd, concerned with the text of individual bayts, are I.dfiz, are given for words and phrases.2 This pamphlet contains what Dr. KhinlarI occasionally explanations considersare the important variants vetween the 8 13-14 MS., and his two other MSS. and the QazvinIGhanl Divdn. It is an adjunct to his book. Vostokovedeniye (1959), 4. G. Galimova, " The Oldest Manuscript of the Poems of Hafiz ", Sovetskoe p. Io5-12.3 Dr. Galimova describes what she believes to be the oldest IH~fizMS., number 555 in the oriental collection of the Academy of Sciences of the Tajik S.S.R. in what was Stalinabad. This is a with 41 ghazals and two qit'asby IjIfiz copied in its margins. The dating and other aspects of majmu' the MS. and the article I shall discuss below. The first reference to this MS. was made by S. Sh.
Mulladjanov in his " Divan-i dastkhatti-i qadimtarin-i 'Ubayd-i Zakani ", Sharq-i Surkh (1948), i/p. 30-33-

Mahdi Kamiliyan, "Nuskheh-i Divan-i HIfiz ", Farhang-i Irdn Zamin (I337), badalhi-i 5-. v. 6, pp. 204-72. This MS. is dated 818, contains 358 ghazals and I8 qit'asand rubd'is,and belongs, he says, to the " Indian Library " in New Delhi. Mr. Kamaliyan has collated this MS. only with the and has published unfortunatelyonly those variants which he believes have value Qazvlnl-Ghanl Dzvdn and merit (" vdjid-imadzyat rujhdn He does not describe the MS. This, however, is the MS. va "). described in Manuscripts Catalogue (National Museum, New Delhi, Descriptive from Indian Collections, 1964, PP. 90-i). The MS. which contains Kalilah wa Dimnah,Mantiq al- Tayr, and a Dvdn-i HJifiz, comprises231 folios and is in the National Museum on loan from the State Central Library, Hyderabad. The Dzvdnbegins in the margin of f. I37a. The Catalogue declares: " This is probably the oldest copy of the work." The sum of these publications is to make available three old Hafiz MSS. dated813/14, 813-14 and 818, and thereby to present us with a new foundation for the text of Hafiz. All of these MSS. will take their place in any future critical edition (unless radical new discoveries are made) and Aya Sofya 3945, because of the number of poems it contains (and its age), replaces the Khalkhall MS. of 827 as the base for any future critical edition. Whether or not the Stalinabad MS. can be accepted in the new canon of IHafizMSS. it is too early to say, but there are reasons for doubting some of Dr. Galimova's arguments. The Stalinabad MS. contains 156 folios, and, according to Dr. Galimova, 25 works of various kinds by various authors, including several medical treatises, a book of hadith, chronograms, works by al-IHallaj,'Iraql and 'Ubayd-i ZakanI, together with the poems by HIfiz and some poems by Ibn Yamin. The names of only two copyists are given. The main text (f. Ia-14oa) was copied by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marvi and finished shawwdl805 (April 1403). The rest of th maine text was written by at least two other hands. There is a text in the margins (f. Ia-I36a with at least
one intermission) which, " in general ", says Dr. Galimova, is the work of one person, a very skilful writer commanding several scripts, who gives his name as Ibn Mayman b. 'Abd-ullah b. 'Umar al-Hafiz al-Mu'allim Abarqihi. No more details, except on the poems of HIfiz, are given about the handwriting of the MS. The place of copying, she says, is noted in the margin of f. 34a as Abarqih, " a great centre under the Muzaffarids ", but this, it must be noted, does not prove the whole MS. was copied there. She
2

raghmd, v. I (1327), p.p 266-70, 325-7, 361-4, 393-6; v. 2 Literatur(I328), pp. 22-7, 302-7, 319-23. Rypka, Iranische p. geschichte, 256, n. 62a, mentions both KhAnlari's book and the

articlesin raghmdi.

8 1 thank Prof. M. B. Dickson for providing me an English translation of this article and Mr. Donald Stilo for helping me with several points of Russian. I must also thank Dr. W. Millward for helping me with some of the Arabic in this essay

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states, furthermore, that a colophon (f. I4oa) indicates that the copy was made for " a highly placed person " who she suggests may have been a local ruler of Abarqfih. His name, she says, is not cited in the colophon, only his titles are given. Three photographsshowing four pages of the MS., which I call in order of their appearance: A, B, C, D, illustrate Dr. Galimova's article. She does not identify them. From the dated colophons I have identified A as f. 45a, B as f. I39b, C as f. I4oa (the photograph shows the open MS.), but I have not been able to identify D. The poems are copied in the " excellent naskhkdfi" and the page is the recto side of the folio. The colophon for " a highly placed person " may be read from the photograph of the open MS. There is one line on the bottom of f. I39b, the rest, with the name of al-Marvl (not Ibn Mayman Abarqiihi) and the date, shawwdl805, is on f. I4oa. The copyist's note of his name and the date is below the rest of the colophon (which is the main text of the page), written at an angle to the main text in a smaller and somewhat different script. The whole colophon is in Arabic, and appears after a work Dr. Galimova identifies as the Dlvdn-iMa~hmad Muhammad. b. The main text reads (in my transcription; I have given the sum of Dr. Galimova's work above): " Tamma al-diwan wa al-hamdu lillah rabb al-'Alamln kutiba li-rasm al-khidmat li-khizanat al-kutub al-a'zam al-aqdam malja' wa maladh al-fuqara bayn al-umam wa law zadat fakhran la-zidtuhu walakin bihi al-alqab yasmu wa yafkharu a'ni jandb 'all wa muhatt rihdl al-alqdb li-s.hib majd wa ma'll a'la Allah ta'ala fl'l-khafiqayn sha' nahu 'izzan li'l-dawlat wa al-din wa lI zala
matharan.

karim lahu khuluq fi'-l-saifa

taliq al-muhayya 'amim al-nada From this we learn only that he was the owner of a library and had books copied for him, which suggests he was a rich man. Prof. Mo'in of Tehran tells me that the title sdhibal-a'zamindicates that he was a vaztror perhaps a prime minister. IjIfiz's poems were written by two different hands in the margins of the MS. There are 34 ghazals
copied in an " excellent naskh kdf! " (f. I36b-40oa;

karih al-shamal wa mi al-ghima[m] raz.ziyual-shamal saffiyu al-karam "

" a distinctive hand with numerous shikasteh ligatures " (f. 45a-46a; I39b; I4ob-I4Ia; I52b; I54b). Dr. Galimova prints the of all 43 poems, copied from the MS., marking with an asterisk those ma.tla's in the second script, and gives the full text of one ghazal and qit'a which are not in the Qazvlni-Ghani
Divdn. These poems appear in the Pizhman edition as numbers 284 and 707 respectively. There the Arabic. Three of these dates appear in the main text. The first, at the end of the major section copied by al-Marvi (f. 14oa), reads shawwdl 805/April 1403. The other two read II rabl' 8o6/October 1403 (f. 145a) and 20 II rabl' 8o6/6 November 1403 (f. 152a). Dr. Galimova estimates that there are eight

145a-151b) and seven ghazals and two qit'as in

is listed under " doubtful " qita'dt. qi.t'a There are seven dates in the MS. which are, with the exception off. 45a, written out completely in

to ten pages missing at the beginning of the MS., but mentions no pages missing at the end. The main text continues until the end (f. I56b) and there is no final colophon. The dating of this section is obvious. About five months later the MS. was taken up by another person and most of the margins were filled. There are four dates in the margins. They are, as Dr. Galimova gives them: 22 ramaddn 806/3

April I404 (f. I2a); I rabl' 8o7/September 1404 (f. 34a); 20 I rabZ'807/26 September I404 (f. 45a); I I shawwdl 807/12 April I405 (f. I3ia). It is not clear from Dr. Galimova's description how many of these colophons are by Ibn Mayman Abarqihi, who is responsible for most of the marginal text, or which colophons in the MS. give the names of the two copyists. In the photographs one can read the name of al-Marvi on f. I4oa and see that only the date is given in the margin off. 45a. This date reads 25 I rabl' 807, not 20 as Dr. Galimova gives it. The poems by were, it appears, copied in the margins of the MS. after I I shawwdl 807, on at least two separate .Hjfiz occasions (there are two handwritings) for which no date is given. The text in the margins goes to f. 136a, with, as I have noted above, at least one intermission, because there are some

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on f. 45a-46a. Space was left in the margins of these pages (as can be seen in the poems by of f. photograph.Hafiz 45a, one of the works in the margin ends on this page) and filled by the same distinctive hand which then(?) copied poems at the end of the MS., beginning on f. I39b. All the other after f. I36a, beginning on f. i36b, because the rest of the margins had been filled. One .H1fiz's poems appear notes that the two handwritings overlap. Only study of the whole MS. can tell us whether any conclusions can be drawn from this fact. Dr. Galimova does not discuss this. The problem then is when after iII shawwdl 807/12 April 1405 were the poems copied, and is that date or time such that we may call this the oldest MS. of ? Three arguments are advanced by Dr. Galimova for the age of the MS. .H1fiz I. On three occasions, she states, dated works finish on the same page as ghazals. This refers to f. 45a, f. I4oa and f. I45a. She maintains that the time of the copying of the poems is " undoubtedly .Hifiz's near the indicated dates ". This is not, by itself, a very sound argument. The poems were copied after the dated works and necessarily copied into the empty margins. Pages where works ended in dated colophons were pages with empty space. Proximity of texts in a MS. does not prove proximity of their date of copying. The poems may have been written in the MS. the same month or year as the colophons, but from the evidence given we have no way of knowing this. They may also have been copied fifty years later. We confront the immutable fact that the poems are not dated. That the MS. was used for more or less random jottings (probably over the whole period of its existence) is suggested by the small curious Arabic prose poem "in praise of Baghdad" which appears below the colophon in the margin of I4oa. Moreover, its handwriting appears to be different from that of the two HIjfiz copyists and from al-Marvi. name and the formula marhuim. 2. Over many of the poems, in both handwritings, is given A variety of other formulas also appear: rahmatalldh (f. 45a), rahmat alldh 'alayhi (f. 46a), rafa'a alldh .Hfiz's alldh bi(f. I37a), nawwara marqadahu (f. I38a), rahmat alldh anfdsahu (f. I38b), taghammadahu r.ahahu (f. I39b, 154b), thardhu(f. I4oa). These superscriptions says Dr. Galimova " emphasize ghufrdnihi .tdba that the poet died not long before the copying ". This is possible, perhaps even probable, but neither certain nor precise. The variety and number of the formulas may be the most significant and strongest part of this argument, nevertheless, some of these formulas (for example: marlham, rahmatalldh, rahmdtalldh 'alayhi) can be seen used for men fifty even a hundred years after their deaths. In so far as I know, no one has ever tried to discover whether any of these formulas was ever used in a precise way. The date 792 is given by the Mujmal-i Fashiz for the death of Hdfiz (Prof. Ritter writes that this is the earliest mention of the date of his death). Even were we to accept 807, the date of the last colophon, as that of the copying of the poems, then these formulas would have been used, at the very least, fifteen years after had died.4 The formulas .Hifiz do not date the MS., nor can they guarantee that the MS. was copied within fifty years of JIfiz's death. 3. The two qit'as which appear in the MS. each have explanatory notes. Prefixed to one qit'a (f. I52b; " fragment " 36, Qazvini-Ghani edition) is the note that the references to seven and a half and ten refer to the pension of ten dirhamspaid by Shah Shuja' to the learned men of Shirdz which was reduced by a later treasurer to seven and a half, then restored. By the other qit'a (Dr. Galimova does not give the MS. page; Pizhmin 707) is the note that the poem was written about the appointment of Mauln Sa'd al-Din Anasi qd+di and Shaykh Farld to nadim. Dr. Galimova declares that " as far to as we know in other MSS. of HIrfiz similar notes are not found. Such details could only be known close to the time of the poet's life ". The texts of the notes are not given. As for the story of the pension, Ghani (op. cit., p. 416) says it appears in many of the tazkirehs, so its presence here does not mean it was necessarily written by a contemporary or near-contemporary of HIfiz. Sa'd al-DIn Anasi was well-known in the Shiraz of his time. He collected Shiah Shuja"s poems and letters, and wrote a preface for them. I cannot identify Shaykh Farld. Unfortunately, neither the

Mujmal-i FasiLh (ed. M. Farrokh), v. 3, p. I32; Ritter, ISLAM ANSIKLOPEDISI, p. 354, accepts the same date.

v. 5, p. 66; Ghani, Tdrikh-f'Asr-t Hdfi.

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presence of these stories nor whether they are true or false can help us with dating the MS. The second story might have been invented at any time to " explain " the qit'a by someone who knew of Sa'd al-DIn AnasI. Such " explanations " are one of the habits of the Persian mind. The tazkireks full are of stories and information of this kind. There is so much suspicious material that we will probably never be able to sift out the truth, and the truth in this case still would not give us a date. Moreover, one might argue conversely, with equal force, that if the poems were copied close to the time of death when the occasions for writing the poems were fresh in people's minds, no need would have been .~Ifiz's felt to annotate them. The occasions would have been common knowledge and would have presented no problems. All three, therefore,of the argumentsare shaky. None of them can stand by itself, but together they are strongerand do establish a possibility that this is an old text of The colophons show the MS. to be older than the text of IjIfiz's poems; but, unfortunately,in this subject there are no scientific tests .Hfiz. for the age of paper and ink, and generally estimates by experts from paper, ink and handwriting have a margin of error of a hundred years, sometimes fifty years. Thus the best way and the only satisfactory to way for the approximate dating of this MS. is by collating it with the oldest dated MSS. of HIHfiz see if by the texts, by the variants, they may be grouped together. Qazvlnl has shown that the text of I~Ifiz was changed considerably after the ninth century hijrz(his introduction to the Qazvlnl-GhanI edition, p. Id-Ib); if radical or significant changes can be shown to have taken place between the death of (792) and the writing of the KhalkhTll MS. (827) this job of work will be easier. It is possible .Hfizthe problem admits of no definite solution. that Would this then be the oldest MS. of IH~fiz? The answer is no, because of the saflnehreported by ... Ndfiz (I943) (p.P 6-12). This MS., which Prof. Naflsi says is Prof. S. Nafisl in his Dar pfrdman-i described in his edition of Ibn Yamin, is in the municipal library of Isfahin. The MS. is a collection of poems and statements by important men of Shiriz made by the vazir,Taj al-din 'All nam, between the in this safar 782 and shawwdl782, ten years before death ofIHfiz. There are two poems by collection. One of these poems is also in Dr. Galimova's MS., but not in her photographs. Ij.fiz The next oldest dated MS. of IHjfiz, so far as we know now, is Kopruilui 589. This is another majmii',similar in some ways to Dr. Galimova's MS. There are older texts dated 750-54, but blank pages were left in the MS. which were later filled by poems of Igfiz and others. These poems are dated 811. There was, one notes, a space of over fifty years between the two copyings.5 It is to be regretted that after all the careful work Dr. Galimova has expended on the MS. she has not published it, because, although not the oldest, it may be a very old MS. of and an important addition to the canon. She writes that in 21 ghazalsthere are differencesin the order of the baytsfrom I.Hfiz the QazvinI-Ghani edition, in 16 ghazals there are one to three fewer baytsfrom the Qazvlnl-Ghant edition, and in 3 ghazals there is one baytmore. In all the ghazals there are about 90 variants, " some
of these are vital ". This MS. (which has been known since I948), she wrote (1959), " merits the quickest publication ". Since that time it has not been published, nor, to my knowledge, has any

attention been paid to Dr. Galimova's article. Because of this, because of the possible value of the MS. and the importance of I have copied the poems from her photographs, and collated them with the oldest MSS. available to me and with the Qazvlnl-Ghanl edition. Dr. Galimova knew of the I.Hfiz, existence of Dr. Khdnlarl's book, but was unable to see a copy. The texts of six ghazals are given here. They are presented in Dr. Galimova's order. She has arranged them in alphabetical order by rhyming letter and numbered them. The poems are Galimova 4
(f. 139b-14oa), 5* (f. 139b), 15 (f. 140a), 23* (f. 45a; This poem is presumably incomplete as only five bayts are on the page and the signature line is missing), 30 (this is the poem which is not in QazvlnIGhanI and its full text is given by Dr. Galimova), and 39 (photograph D). I have copied the poems as they are from the photographs, putting in brackets what I could not read or any reading I considered dubious. The MS. has in some cases (as Dr. Galimova notes): dadl-i manq.teh, hamzek over alif, a vertical kasrehunderye, three dots under the sin, be for pe and jim for
SI am indebted for my information about this MS. to the generosity of Prof. M. Minovi of Tehran, who also kindly allowed me to use his copy of the Buliq S&dI in my work on this essay. Prof. Ritter mentions K6priilfi 1589 in " Philologika XI ", op. cit., p. 241, n. 2, but says only that it should be used in any critical edition.

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chim. In the six poems which follow gdf is written as kdf in the MS.; the distinction is mine. In the collations these abbreviations are used: G for the Stalinabad MS., A for Aya Sofya 3945 as published by Dr. Boelke, Kh for British Museum 261/27 as published by Dr. Khanlarl, D for Mr. Kamdliydn's publication of the 818 New Delhi MS., and Q for the Qazvini-Ghanl edition of HIifiz. The order of the baytsin D does not always appear to be given, but when a poem is not in the Qazvlnl-Ghanl edition it is printed complete. The order of the baytsin the six ghazalsis given below. I have used the order in the Stalinabad MS. as the base for my numbering. If an order is not given for one of the MSS. which I have used, then the poem does not appear in that MS. unless it is stated that it does appear. In this last case the presence of the poem in that MS. is indicated by the sigla for that MS. This means that the poem is in the MS., but that I do not have the order of the bayts. Only for A does the number of the ghazal give its place in the series of the poems in that MS. G4 (A62, Qi8, D): The number and order of the baytsis the same for G, A and Q. G5* (A46, Q28): G and A: I 2 3 456 7 Q: I 2 3 5 6 a b 7 (the small letters stand for the baytsin Q which do not appear in G; the baytsare given in the collation). G I5 (A59, Q67, D): G: 123 42567
AandQ: I 263457

G23* (A4I, Q9I, D): G, A and Q have the same order for the first five bayts;however, what is available of G is incomplete. In A the poem is seven baytsand in Q ten. G30o(A326, D): G and A: I 2 345678
D: 1324678 G39 (A212, Kho2, 78 Q3o7): G and A: I 2 3456 Kh: 1245 78

Q: I2435678 These five ghazalsand a fragment are not enough for us to make any definitive or general statements about either the age of the MS., or the relationship between the number and kind of variants and the meaning of the poems. They are a straw in the wind. There are a few things which can be noted and suggested. In five of these six poems the number and order of the baytsin G and A are identical. The differences in this between Q and the other MSS. are inconclusive. The variants offer us less. In every poem there are differences between G and A, but the most striking variations are those between Q and the other MSS. However, none of the variants here (with the exception of the two extra baytsin Q for G5) affect what may be called the drift or purport of the poems, although their cumulative effect would be important in any discussion of HIafiz'sstyle. Certainly if his use of certain words and his employment, for example, of conjunctionsand prepositionswere to be tabulated these small variations might tip the balances. The evidence of these collations furthersuggests what one has already suspected, that a critical edition of I;IHfiz will not solve the problems of the criticism of that the text will never be absolutely .Hfiz, fixed, and that a criticism must be made which will take account of all this and which will not fail because of a variety of readings. The text of some of the poems appears to be in better order than the
text of others (G4 as opposed to G34), and perhaps those poems which appear in the best order in the largest number of old MSS. might be used as a foundation and touchstone for the criticism of I.tfiz and also suggest a way of criticizing other texts in a similar condition.

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121

IRANIAN DRESS IN THE ACHAEMENIAN PERIOD and Problemsconcerningthe Kandys other garments By Georgina Thompson
Persian and Median dress, so frequently represented at Persepolis, has been described by many writers, both ancient and modern. The Persians represented on the monuments at Persepolis are shown wearing a two-piece robe, consisting of a pleated skirt and a cape, and a high cylindrical hat: the Medes are dressed in a fashion practical for nomadic life-a close-fitting knee-length tunic, belted at the waist, trousers and a high rounded hat. They are often shown wearing in addition a long sleeved coat, which is slung on their shoulders.

Schmidt in his great work on Persepolis' has called the two-piece Persian robe the kandys.He was written in 1875, where however it was admitted that this Monarchies Great following Rawlinson's2Seven description was not universally accepted.3 Some thirty years after this Dalton4 had already suggested was more properly applied to the coat or mantle with empty hanging sleeves, that the word kandys worn by the Medes. He supported this by reference to Greek texts, particularly to the works of Xenophon. Indeed the relevant passages in Xenophon seem conclusively to prove the kandysto be the long Median mantle. In his imaginary work on Cyrus the Great, inspired by his admiration for Cyrus the Younger, and a mantle Xenophon tells us that Cyrus wore Median dress consisting of a purple tunic
(X-rdv)
1 E. F. Schmidt, PersepolisI, OIC LXVIII, p. 163, note 38. 2 George Rawlinson, The Seven Great Monarchies the Ancient

of Eastern WorldII, Chicago and New York, 187i5, p. g39f.

'Ibid., p. 339, note 263. SO0. M. Dalton, The Treasureof the Oxus, London; first edition 19o5, p. 51; second edition 1926, p. xxxi f.

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(Kcv8vS) and that he persuaded his companions to do likewise.5 Xenophon draws a vivid picture of

dye about his legs and a mantle (Kdv8vs) all of purple ".6

Cyrus: shot with white..., trousersof scarlet " upon a chariot... wearinghis tiara upright,a purpletunic (x-eor'v)

Cyrus presented a majestic and colourful figure, clad in the angry reds and purples of the warrior. Red and purple long remained in Persian literature the colours appropriate to mighty warriors.7 Xenophon's description of an incident when Cyrus' baggage waggons were in difficulties confirms our definition of the kandys: " Whereverthey (the Persians)happenedto be standing,they threw off their purple mantles (KcW8veS) and rushedforward... wearingthose expensivetunics (Xrrc'vas) which they have, and embroidered trousers."8 is Another passage from the Cyropaedia perhaps even more decisive, for it states that cavalrymen only their arms through their mantles (St& KaV8JWv)when being inspected by the king.9 This put ~'rv immediately recalls to our minds the pictures of the mantles with the empty sleeves shown at Persepolis. both It is perhaps relevant to note here that while modern authorities have applied the word kandys to the Persian robe and to the Median mantle, only one contemporary writer in fact used it-namely Diodorus Siculus, while Strabo uses kirTCov.11 Xenophon. Herodotus prefers the words etla or bipos,10 however, writing in the first century B.C.and presumably following Xenophon, does use the word in kandys a description of Alexander, who after capturing Persepolis donned Iranian dress: " Alexanderdressedhimselfin a white tunic (XL'riva)and the Persiansash and everythingelse except the
trousers and the long-sleeved upper garment
(KV8UvoS)."'12

The word kandys itself is probably Iranian in origin. Widengrenl3 has identified it with the Polish word a great coat, and tracesit back to an Iranian kantuJ.It is to be expected that Xenophon, (kontuJ), kontusz who had lived among Iranians and was familiar with their habits, should have used the proper Iranian word in order to describe their coats. The kandyswas fastened by cords or lappets over the breast, and was often bordered with fur, perhaps beaver as Iranians were especially fond of beaver-skins. In one of the Zoroastrian hymns Anahit is described as wearing a garment made of three hundred beavers.14 The hymn claims that it was necessary for each beaver to have given birth to four, for only then would the skins shine upon the beholder with the glint of silver and gold. Quintus Curtius, writing in the first century A.D., describes the king's mantle as being made of cloth of gold, ornamented with golden hawks, attacking each other with their beaks.15 These hawks were probably cut from thin sheets of beaten gold and sewn on to the rich stuff of the mantle. A number of gold ornaments of this type in the form of lions and griffinsare now in the Cincinnati Museum.16 In her descriptionof these gold plaques Miss Kantor draws attention to the reliefs from Persepolis where the hems of the robes of Darius and Xerxes are adorned with lines of marching lions. Similarly, the trousersof a man sketched on a gold plaque from the Oxus treasure are ornamented with engraved birds.17 This custom of gold applique work long precedes the Achaemenian era, as has been demonstrated by Oppenheim.18
I, s Xenophon, Cyropaedia iii, 2 and VIII, ii, 40. Ibid., VIII, iii, I3. ' R. C. Zaehner, Zurvan, a Zoroastrian Dilemma, Oxford, 1955, p. 122. A fragment from the first chapter of the Greater Bundahisn: " Vay ... dons the red, wine-coloured and jewelbedecked robe of warriorhood ". In JNES XXII, 1963, pp. xo4--8, Lloyd B. Jensen writes on Tyrian purple, its manufacture and the range of colours covered by that term; deep red to bluish-purple. The reds and purples worn by Cyrus were probably all of Tyrian manufacture. 6 Xenophon, AnabasisI, v, 8. * Xenophon, Cyropaedia VIII, iii, io. 10 Herodotus III, 20 and IX, 0og. XV, iii, 19. x1 Strabo, Geography 12 DiodorusSiculus XVII, 77, 5. 1s Geo. Widengren, Artica(Uppsala)XI,pp. 235and 237. Professor M. E. L. Mallowan has kindly made available to me a letter written to him by Professor Sir Harold Bailey, who comments as follows: Iranian had a word kan to cover, which with the common suffix tu would suitably give kan-tu,covering. Middle Parthian in Manichean texts has qntmg kantuy, a cloak; Pasto of Afghanistan, kandzol, upper garment; Sanskrit and Pall, kancukaand kanculika; Kroraina Prakrit (c. 300 A.D.) kanculi, jacket; Nepali, kajuli. 14 Yasht 5, I29. I am indebted to Mr. George Morrison for this reference. 15 QyintusCurtiusIII, iii, 17. 1 XVI, 1957, pp. 1-23. Helene J. Kantor, Achaemenid JJNMES
17

Dalton, ibid., second edition, No. 70. Js ?NES VIII, 1949, pp. 172-93. A. L. Oppenheim, The Golden

Institute. in Jewellery theOriental Garments theGods. of

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The kandys served as a coat probably common to all Iranian tribes, not only to the Medes, forJustin19 remarks that the later Parthians also wore it. The modern equivalent is the pizstin,a long coat with narrow sleeves made of sheepskin, and this also is often worn slung over the shoulders rather than with the arms inserted. Oriental shepherds in the hills from beyond Afghanistan to Iraq and Turkey still wear this garment today. Under their mantles the Medes wore tunics and trousers. Strabo20describes an army commander as wearing three pairs of trousers and two tunics, of which the under-tunic was white and the outer varicoloured. Common people also wore two tunics, which were probably made of leather, for one of the arguments Sandanis used when trying to dissuade Crossusfrom making war on Cyrus was: " Thou art about, my king, to make war againstmen who wear leatherntrousers,and have all their other garmentsof leather."21 Leather tunics must have afforded good protection against spear-thrusts and wounding by arrows. The tunic was belted at the waist by a girdle from which was suspendeda dagger, the akinakes.Quintus Curtius describes the king as wearing a golden belt, girt woman fashion. 5 The Avesta also speaks of The golden belts, zaranyd aiwydonghana.22 belts worn today by the Parsees, symbolizing man's readiness to serve God, are probably a continuation of earlier Zoroastrianbelief.23 Persian dress as depicted at Persepolis provides a contrast with the Median, for while the latter was well adapted to the way of life pursued by nomad warriors and hunters, the Persian robe did not share this advantage, being full and voluminous. A continuation of the custom of wearing voluminous robes on ceremonial occasions can be seen in India today.24 Parsee bridegroomsput on a ceremonial dress consisting of a loose flowing robe full of folds and curls, considered appropriatefor solemn or state occasions. To this day the folds of these garments symbolize mystery, respect and rank, and it was doubtless similar concepts that suggested the use of such robes to the Achaemenians, as is borne out by their use in the scenes at Persepolis. These record a ceremony of great importance-the occasion when all the peoples of the many lands conquered by the Great King came to lay their tribute and submission at his feet. The Persians, the superior race, are shown wearing the flowing robe denoting rank and lineage, as is to be expected on such a day of pageantry. Furthermore it is interesting to observe that, although this robe must have hampered violent movement, it was none the less considered appropriate that the king should wear it when involved in ritual combat with a ceremonial character. The skirt of the robe was already known and worn on important religious occasions before the Achaemenian era. A bronze idol now in a private collection in Paris shows a man seated between two horse protomes; he is wearing an elaborate skirt similar to that worn by the Persians at Persepolis.25 It is even more clearly shown on the silver plaque now in the Cincinnati Art Museum26 which is thought to represent Zurvan giving birth to the twins Ahuramazda and Ahriman. Zurvan was attended by a number of priests, carrying branches. Two of the priest-figures wear the Persian skirt. Professor Ghirshman has suggested a date for these two objects of the eighth to the seventh centuries B.C. The exact construction of the Persian dress as seen at Persepolishas been disputed. Herzfeld27has and consisted of a single piece of material, almost two suggested that it was similar to the Greek chiton yards wide, with a hole in the middle through which the head passed and that it was belted round the waist. Roes,28however, disagreeswith this and conclusively proves that the garment cannot have been as described by Herzfeld. Having studied the Persepolis reliefs and the silver statuette from the Oxus
Treasure, she attempted, with the aid of a dress designer from Utrecht, to reconstruct the robe: the skirt on the basis of narrow lengths of material sewn to produce the elaborate folding seen in the sculptures; the cape with separate pieces inserted to give the effect of the side pleats. While she was the first to demonstrate that the garment consisted of two pieces, yet her reconstruction failed to take
Justin, xli, 2. so StraboXV, iii, Ig. 21Herodotus I, 71. and J. J. Modi, The Religious Ceremonies Customsof the Parsees, Bombay, 1937, P. 173. "4 Modi, ibid., p. 21.
2'

19

25

XV, 57. nTasht

R. Ghirshman, Persia, From the Origins to Alexanderthe Great, Thames & Hudson, 1964, pl. 55. 26 Ghirshman, ibid., pl. 64. 27 F. Sarre and E. Herzfeld, IranischeFelsreliefs, Berlin, 1910, East, London, 1941, p. 259p. 51; E. Herzfeld, Iran in theAncient 28 BibliothecaOrientalis8, 1951, pp. 137-41, pl. III, Anne Roes, Robe. The Achaemenid

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full account of the extreme stylization both of the sculptures at Persepolis and the silver statuette. It would be as misleading to attempt to reconstruct by stitched folds many of the garments on Jan van Eyck's Ghent altar-piece, so carefully and unrealistically arranged by the artist for the sole purpose of enriching his painting.29 Similarly at Persepolis there is clearly a tradition of sculptural stylization evident throughout the entire decorative concept. It remains, however, to elucidate the dress form on which the sculptor based the details of his stylization. The upper part of the robe certainly appears to consist of a loose cape, put on over the head and tucked into a belt at back and front. Additional fullness was given to the back of the cape by the four loose pleats inserted behind the elbow.

The folds of the skirt are much accentuated by the stylization of the sculptures, as is most clearly shown by the Oxus silver figurine. Here the folds are completely subordinated to the general design, particularly at the back, where semi-circlesdescend the length of the skirt at spaced intervals, with no possibility of portraying the actual folds of the skirt. A further problem to any reconstruction of the skirt is that when it is represented frontally at Persepolis it is shown with two distinct groups of pleats, continuing the line of the knotted belt-ends. This might suggest that the skirt was made with two pleat groups, only one of which would show in profile views of the skirt. But the Oxus figurine, one of the few figuresin the round of the Achaemenian period, shows only one central pleat. On the available evidence it is impossible to decide if the skirt had one set of pleats or two. The double pleats on the Persepolisfigures may well be no more than a sculptural mannerism; on the other hand, the maker of the Oxus statuette, who only showed a single pleat, was also confined by sculptural limitations and could hardly have placed double pleats on so small a figure. He may thus have been forced to reproduce only a single line where there were in fact two. Whichever may have been the case, any reconstructionof the skirt must show loose folds curving round the body and being pulled up into pleats, either in a single or in double groups. This method
29

M. J. Friedlinder, From Van Eyck to Breugel, Phaidon Press, 1956, pls. I-xo.

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takes into account both the Oxus skirt with its semi-circularcurves down the back and the Persepolis sculptures. A possible construction may be suggested by the skirt of the Indian sari, for here too material is wrapped round the body and bunched into vertical pleats in front. The general effect created is of loose folds curving downwardsfrom the waist and of a group of central pleats-a simplified version of the stylized Persian skirt. While on the subject of Persian dress it is perhaps relevant to note here the various types of hat worn by the king, his nobles, warriorsand servants. While the Medes are seen wearing only two types, one for nobility and another for servants, wearers of the flowing Persian robe are shown with no less than six different forms of hat. The head-dressworn by the king and his Persiancourtiersare basically all of one type-a cylindrical hat, called by Schmidt the tiara,of which there are the following four variations: (a) A simple circlet, low and unfluted-so low that the crown of the man's head can be seen rising out of it. (b) Exactly the same type as (a) but higher. (c) The same high cylinder as (b), but fluted. (d) A much higher version of (c), appearing somewhat exaggerated and in fact seen only on the inscribed relief of Artaxerxes III on the western staircase of Darius' Palace. Types (a), (b) and (c) are worn both by the king and his nobles without any apparent distinction, while type (d) is seen only on attendant Persians flanking a late inscribed panel.

Antecedents of the fluted Persian hat can be found at least as early as the ninth century B.c. Dyson, in a discussion on the appearance of ninth century men in Western Iran has pointed out that objects found at Hasanlu show representationsof men wearing hats similar to those worn much later by the Medes and Persian at Persepolis.30The fluted hat is again recorded on one of the Luristan series of bronze pins,31dated a century or so later. While the version on the Luristan pin seems to be made of feathers, it is impossible to be at all certain of what the Persepolis hats were made-certainly not feathers, as the sculptors would surely have indicated this, but perhaps leather or felt. A further variation of Persian head-dressis the simple cord or fillet (e), worn by the guards from Susa. This is a continuation of the old Elamite custom of going into battle almost bareheaded, as can be seen on Assyrian reliefs from Nmeveh. The final shape of Persian hat recorded at Persepolis is worn by servants, and consists of a loose statement that common covering, probably made of strips of linen (f). This is suggested by Strabo's20
so R. H. Dyson, " Ninth Century Men in Western Iran ", Archaeology Spring 1964, PP. 3-I I, fig. 5. 17,
31

Ghirshman, ibid., pl. 96.

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people wore pieces of linen wrapped round their heads. The linen covering is wound round the chin, although the mouth is left free. In real life it is probable that the linen band covered the mouth, because anything borne by the servants to the king needed to be protected from defilement by their breath. Zoroastrian tradition still preserves the belief that breath defiles all it touches. A similarly shaped chin-guard is also shown on the Median servants (g) who may be presumed to have worn it for the same reasons. It is only this chin covering that differentiates the hat of Median servants from that worn by the nobility of this tribe (h).

(C)

(f)

(g)

(h)

Any discussionof the dress of the Achaemenian period must perforce be based very largely on the evidence of the reliefs at Persepolis, together with occasional references from Greek authors, both contemporary and later. Just as any interpretationsof the literary referencescan only be a matter of opinion, the evidence of the sculptures is equally difficult to reconstruct. Previous writers on this subject have perhaps been insufficiently aware of the fact that the sculptors must have been as much influenced by their traditional mannerisms as by their attempts to interpret actual garments.

Pl. Ia. Le vase de Hassanlu, avec son monde de divinitis, de monstres et de he'ros. . . reprisenteun des documentsinsignes de l'archdologie du Moyen-Orient ancien.

de d'itre l'expression Pl. Ib. Frise de la bordure symbolique. susceptible supe'rieure, maltresse cetteconception

des le conduisant cfar au taureau,de la bouche duqueljaillit un grandflot. P1. IIa. Le dieusupre"me dilments

P1. IIb. .

. et le roi-priteen libationdevantson dieu.

de sur Pl. III. Biliers sculpte's lesfrises del'escalier l'Apadanade Persipolis (Ve s.av.J.C.). Timoignage a les des saisissantde la permanence traditions travers sidcles.

127

LE VASE EN OR DE HASSANLU Le Defile du Cortege divin.* By Madame PouranDiba

(Dipl6mfe de l'Ecole du Louvre) Le vase de Hassanlu, avec son monde de divinit s, de heros, et de monstres, de meme que par sa et rare finesse de travail, se classe parmi les oeuvres maitresses de l'Iran occidental, represente un des documents insignesjusqu'ici connus dans I'archeologiedu Moyen-Orient ancien.1 ' Il represente l'interet majeur de provenir des fouilles scientifiques des niveaux stratigraphiques bien determines. Sa valeur documentaire consiste d'une part dans son iconographie, et d'autre part dans son style lineaire incomparable pour la realisationduquel diff6rentestechniques ont 6te employees. L'equilibre, I'harmonie et l'homogen6it6 de son execution permettent de supposer la main experiment e d'un seul artiste, en meme temps que son appartenance directe au courant traditionnel de l'orfivrerie de l'Iran occidental.
La definition de cette tradition dans le contexte et dans le temps est le problkme mame que pose

l'etude de cette piece.

La vase est-il sortie d'un atelier local ou bien posside-t-il une autre origine? Son execution precede

t-elle de peu la date du IXe sidcle avant J.C., 6poque oh il a 6tC enterrt, ou bien est-il I'hfritage d'une epoque anterieure?
Une autre question se pose 6galement: les sujets et les themes repr6sentfs ont-ils 6tC choisis par l'orfivre dans un but purement dfcoratif, ou bien existe-t-il un programme symbolique et didactique

determine avec des relations definies entre eux ?

Dans I'absence totale de textes 6pigraphiquesjusqu'ici, seule une analyse du style et de l'iconographie peut permettre de formuler certaines hypotheses. Quelquessuggestionssur les sourcesd'inspirationdes themes. Nous ignorons tout, t l'heure actuelle, de la culture spirituelle du peuple t qui a appartenu le vase de Hassanlu. Cependant, quel que soit le culte, les scenes reprfsentfes semblent exprimer un symbolisme m~me de cette culture. De ce symbolisme, il importe de dfgager I'interpritation et les origines, tout en essayant de dfmaler '
t

qui, a la fagon d'une fresque d'abside destin6e a l'enseignement des fiddles, devait r6sumer l'essence la part des emprunts ext rieurs et celle des 16lments indigenes qui auraient participe6 la composition constituent a priori une base de comparaison et unl'interprgtation pour apport valable
vase. la fois subtile et magistrale de cette page mythologique. Les monuments archdologiques du Moyen-Orient ancien qui suivent de trbs pros les textes littdraires,

des scenes du

Il est cependent certain que adoption d'une telle source implique ndcessairementla notion d'une identitu de vie spirituelle et la pratique de mythes semblables.
* This article is based on a book by Madame Diba which is to be published in 1965 under the title Un Universcosmique. Le Vaseen Or de Hassanlu.-Editor
1

R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Digging in Iran, Hasanlu 1958 ", dans Expedition, the bulletin of the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Printemps 1959, 1/3, PP- 4-18. R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Where the golden bowl of Hasanlu was found ", ILN, 23 Janvier 1960, pp. 132-4; 13 Fevrier 5960, pp. 250-1; 30 Septembre 1961, pp. 354-7. Exposition, " 700oooans d'Art en Iran ", Paris, Petit-Palais, 1961, cat.

Andr6 Godard, L'Art de l'Iran, Paris 1962, pp. 95-6. Pouran Diba, " L'Orfivrerie en Iran au dibut du premier millinaire avan J.C., d'apris le vase de Hassanlu". M6moire soutenu A l'Ecole du Louvre, Paris, Fevrier 1963Miss Edith Porada, "The Hasanlu Bowl", Expedition, printemps 1959, pp. 19-22. E. Porada, Iran Ancien,Albin Michel, Paris 1963, pp. 83-9.

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En nous engageant dans cette voie, nous allons constater au cours du developpement qui suit, des modifications sensibles des themes qui nous sont deja connus, introduites par I'orfivre Iranien. C'est precisement cette diff6rence d'expression qui constitue, a notre sens, l'6`1ment autochtone de la composition. Precisons toutefois, que cette consideration ne s'applique qu' Il'iconographie, alors que le style et le traitement semble appartenir a la tradition artistique de l'Iran, sur laquelle nous reviendrons plus loin. Bien qu'il n'existe pas de relation apparente entre les scenes, il est n6anmoins possible, que l'id e maitresse de cette conception symbolique se trouve dans la frise des motifs de la bordure sup6rieure du vase: La triade de divinit6s conductrices de char. - Le taureaux aux flots jaillissants et le porteur du gobelet. Les offrandes de moutons. Tandis que l'ensemble des scenes qui occupent le reste de la panse, sans souci de zones ni de registres, concourt a% interpreter une s6rie de mythes 16gendaires ou 6piques, qui faisaient partie inh6rente de la litterature religieuse chez presque tous les peuples de I'Asie-Ant6rieure. La d~esse nue sur bdliers. - Le personnage de I'archer et I'aigle portant une femme. La triade des lutteurs. - La d6esse au lion et les trois poignards. La libation devant un tr6ne vide. - Le combat du h6ros contre le personnage hybride. - La presentation du nouveau-ne. L'origine de ces 16gendes remonte en grande partie aux poemes mythologiques ou heroiques des scribes m6sopotamiens, bien qu'ils ne soient pas toujours exprim6s sous un meme aspect. Ainsi, les mythes akkadieris sont de6j diff6rents de ceux des Sumeriens, et varieront chez les peuples qui ont subi leur influence. Neanmoins la tradition saest transmise d'age en age et la r6daction reste, a peu de chose pres, la meme dans les divers textes. de Analyse et interpritation la frise des chars Le d6fil6 des trois divinitis montdes sur char, nous rapproche distinctement des anciens cultes de l'Asie-Mineure. La conception du dieu de l'orage avec le taureau comme attribut, est une idde largement r6pandue dans tous les pays montagneux de la Syrie du nord, chez les Hittites comme chez les Hourrites. Les premiers exemples apparaissent dans les tablettes cappadociennes du IIe millknaire protohittites,2 oh chaque ville importante semble avoir eu son propre dieu de l'orage. Post6rieurs at ces tablettes, les monuments qui illustrent le mieux ce culte sont les bas-reliefs hittites des sanctuaires en plein-air de Malatya et de Yazilikaya, s'6tageant du XVe au XIIe sikcle avant J.C.3 Entre les deux, la glyptique fournit un certain nombre de documents dont le cylindre dit Tyszkiewicz, qui etablit la liaison entre les empreintes sur tablettes cappodociennes et les monuments hittites classiques.4 Sur le vase de Hassanlu, le conducteur de char attelk au taureau occupe vraisemblablement le premier rang, tout comme le dieu de l'orage des bas-reliefs de Malatya et le grand relief de Yazilikaya. En effet, les proportions imposantes de l'animal et le caracthre l61abor6de son traitement semblent appuyer cette hypothbse. Si bien que malgr6 l'aspect enchevetr6 et le rythme d&cousu des scenes, on est tentt de considfrer ce groupe comme 6tant le symbole-clk des actions qui se diroulent dans ce chaos. Si le costume et la coiffure ne sont pas strictement identiques t ceux du personnage des monuments que nous venons de citer, par contre un detail important attire l'attention: la figure du vase porte sur
2

Rent Dussaud, Les tablettes cappadociennes du muste du Louvre, dans La Lydieet ses voisinsaux hautesipoques. Geuthner, Paris 1930, p. 54, fg 4, pl. III: 2. fac 3 Louis Delaporte, Malatya Arslantdpd, I, Paris 1940o.

K. Bittel, R. Naumann, H. Otto, razilikaya, Leipzig, J. C. Hinrichs, 1941. im W. Andrae, Alte Feststrassen Hahen Osten, Leipzig 1941. 4 H. Frankfort, CylinderSeals, Londres 1939, Macmillan, pl.

XIiii(n), (o).

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129

ses 6paules un e16ment qui pourrait s'interpr6tercomme une paire d'ailes. Or, parmi les multiples des repr6sentations dieux de l'orage on en trouve un sur les reliefs de Malatya qui est precisement muni d'ailes, et qui se tient debout sur un lion ailk. Trait que les sp6cialistes considerent comme une importation hourrite dans l'iconographie hittite.5 D'autre part, la figure de Hassanlu a comme animal attribut le taureau. Or, l'iconographie du dieu hittite Teshoub comme la divinit6 phenicienne Adad de la tempete, est toujours li6e a*celle de la chauvauch6e, symbole des nudes, 6tant entendu qu'a cette 6poque on ne chauvauchait qu'en char on ne montait pas a cheval, mais on attelait a des chariots, boeufs onagres, puis chevaux. Cette attitude change cependant selon les modes et les 6poques. Ainsi, sur un cylindre cappadocien le dieu apparait debout sur le taureau, tandis que la figure traditionnelle du dieu de la foudre telle que la concevaient les Assyriensnous est conservee par la belle stdle d'Arslan-Tash, avec un pied pos6 sur les cornes du taureau et l'autre appuy6 sur sa croupe.6 Par cons6quent, le personnage du vase de Hassanlu a bien des chances d'etre identifi6 avec la divinit6 de l'orage Teshoub ou Adad, d6rivant du panth6on hittite, hourrite ou phenicien du IIe millknaire avant J.C. Le second et le troisiemeconducteursde char attele a un cheval ou un onagre, sont coiff6srespectivement de disque ail6 et de croissantde lune, et rappellent par leurs coiffuresles divinit6s Shamash et Sin. Ce rapprochement ne nous parait guere insolite, puisque dans la ville d'Assur et dans la th6ologie babylonienne le culte d'Adad 6tait associ6aux dieux c6l6stesShamash et Sin, et que dans l'tpilogue du Code de Hammurabi le nom d'Adad, " maitre d'abondance, crue de la source " est joint ta celui de Shamash dans l'exercise de la justice.7 En outre, sur les bas-reliefs rupestres de Maltai au N-E de Khorsabad, ex6cutes sur l'ordre de Sennach6rib et repr6sentant des corteges divins conduits par Assur,8 nous avons successivement les divinites cosmiques associ6es: Adad, Shamash, Sin, dans la serie ofi figurent 6galement Assur et Ishtar, et ofi Shamash est debout sur un cheval, donc toujours li6 t l'id6e de la chevauchee. Tandis qu'on retrouve Shamash dans la meme attitude sur la stdle d'Asharhadon provenant de Til-Barsib.9 A moins que nous n'ayons sur le vase de Hassanlu une transpositiondu theme de la procession de Teshoub est accompagn6 dans une intention symbolique, des deux taureaux " Seri " et Yazilikaya, ofU " Hourri ", le premier dont le nom aurait le sens de "jour " place aupres de la deesse Soleil; et le second, dont le nom signifit " nuit ", aupres du dieu de l'orage et de l'obscurcissement.10 Dans ce cas, nous serionsen presence du grand dieu de l'orage, divinit6 des elements a qui le temple est peut-etre d6di6, accompagn6 de ses deux acolytes clestes. En dehors de ce defil6 cosmique consacr6 aux dieux des 6l1ments, dont l'importance est soulignte par leur symbolisme meme, nous voyons figures deux des rites traditionnels du culte du Moyen-Orient ancien: la libation, et le sacrifice. La libation est essentiellementdans le culte un acte d'offrande exerc6 par le roi ou le pretre. Mais elle est en meme temps un rite de fertilite, qui symbolise et attire la pluie indispensable a la vegetation. Ainsi, la libation du Sum6rien Gud6a retombe sur un vase dans lequel plonge une plante.'1 Or, sur le vase de Hassanlu, nous avons le grand taureau attribut de Teshoub, qui dtverse un flot puissant de liquide devant un personnage de profil qui lkve a deux main un gobelet. Le theme de taureau crachant des flots est en lui-meme significatif, car il atteste une fois de plus l'identification du conducteur du char avec le dieu de la fertilit6. Ce motif relativement rare dans l'iconographie du Moyen-Orient ancien, nous l'observonstoutefois sur deux monuments du IIIe milltnaire: Un cylindre provenant d'Ur, de l'6poque d'Akkad,12 et un
' R. Dussaud, Les religionsdes Hittites et des Hourrites,des Phinicicns et des Syriens,collection " Mana ", Paris 1949, p. 338. * Andr6 Parrot, Sumer,Gallimard, Paris I96o, fg 84, provenant de Hadatu (Arslan-Tash), VIIIe av. J.C. Idem.: fg 89, le dieu Teshoub, fin IIe-d&but Ier millUniare, provenant de Til-Barsib. Mus&edu Louvre et d'Alep. 'Ed. Dhorme, Les religionsde Babylonieet d'Assyrie. Mana, Paris 1949, P. 97 ss, et 126-7. 8FranCois Thureau-Dangin, RA, XXI, i924, pp. 185-97. Georges Contenau, MAO, III, p. i280. Andr6 Parrot, Assur, Gallimard, Paris 1961, p. 71. * F. Thureau-Dangin et M. Dunand, Til-Barsib, p. 152, pl. XII. 10R. Dussaud, op. cit., p. 347fg 1x Andr6 Parrot, Sumer, 281-2. Il s'agit de la stble d'Ur-Nammu (XXIIe s. av. J.C.), mus6e de Philadelphie. 12 L. Legrain, Ur ExcavationX, fg 186. 13 H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture the Ancient Orient, of Penguin Books, Middlesex, 1954, fg 9.

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vase en steatite provenant de Khafadjeh, au British-Museum.13Sur le premier document, le taureau crache un double filet de liquide qui envahit la ligne du sol, tandis que dans le coin un petit bison accroupi se trouve place au-dessus du cartouche portant le nom du libateur. Si l'identification exacte des trois conducteurs nous 6chappe, neanmoins les relations de cette dernieres image avec les mythes de fertilit6, chers aux croyancesmesopotamiennesdemeurentcertaines. Des flotsjaillissant de la bouche du taureau de Khafadjeh surgit une plante tout comme le vase devant lequel Gudea execute sa libation. Et enfin, bien que sous un aspect diff6rent, il ne serait peut-etre pas risque de faire un rapprochement avec le theme bien connu des " vases jaillissants ", dans lesquels les specialistesreconnaissent ce meme symbole de la fertilite. On comprend ais6ment l'origine de la conception de ce culte et sa manifestation frequente dans le domaine artistique. Les Manneens, cette population qui est supposee avoir habite le site de Hassanlu, aussi bien que leurs voisins les mesopotamiens, avaient a compter sur les facteurs climatiques qui conditionnaient leur existance et leur prosperit6. Sur ces versants montagneux des Zagros de meme que sur les plateaux voisins, l'eau de la fonte des neiges et celle des pluies printanieres alimentait les canaux d'irrigation. Il est donc normal que des figurationscomme celles dont nous venons d'6tudier et du jusqu'aux certaines conceptions telle que la c&r6monie nouvel an, illustrent cet eldment essentiel de la vie qu'est la fertilitY,et occupe le tout premier plan de leurs croyances spirituelles. ' Quant au personnage du libateur, serait-il, le roi, le pretre, ou les deux la fois? Il est difficile de le determiner. Toujours est-il que son costume et plus particulierement sa coiffure diffbre de celle des autres personnages du vase, et rappelle la tenue sacerdotale des officiants des temples. II pourrait tre une variante des multiples figures sacerdotales que nous connaissons dans les monuments sumero-akkadiens. Il suffit de se rappeler a titre d'exemple, les plaques religieuses de des Lagash, le vase rituel d'Uruk, les statuettes de Khafadjeh, ou les statues de pr&tres temples, de Mari, dans lesquels les personnagessont representestant6t barbus tant6t imberbes, mais ofi la nudit6 du crane est de stricte rigueur. Il est meme des cas oi0 le roi accomplissantla fonction religieuse, rev&tune calotte qui imite cette denudation. Donc, roi ou pretre, le personnage du vase accomplit un geste de libation, dont il est difficile de savoir s'il s'agit d'une offrande ou d'une supplication, puisque la divinite semble pr6cisementrepondre a cette requete en prodiguant les flots bienfaisants. Derriere le pretre s'avancent deux personnages tenant chacun un mouton par la criniere et par la croupe. Nous avons ici le sacrifice proprement dit, le sacrifice sanglant, car dans les traditions les plus archaiques le sang repandu etait analogue tala libation. Sur ce genre de sacrifice les documents sont nombreux. Parfois la representationde la c6r monie dans ses details donne pr6t xte a des r6alisations artistiques pleines de naturalisme et de sens d'observation. Le mouton est I'animal qu'on immole de pref6renceen l'honneur des dieux, il est meme surprenant de constater dans les textes religieux les chiffres d'entries du gros et du petit betail dans les temples de Sumer et d'Akkad. Nombre de bas-reliefsnous font assisterat un sacrifice sanglant et montrent que l'acte important de
ce rite 6tait l'offrande du sang. On peut voir I'illustration de ce theme dans une vari~t6 de monuments m~sopotamiens. Une plaquette de nacre grav~e, provenant de Mari de l'dpoque pr~sargonique, pr~sente un sacrifice de belier dans toutes ses phases avec une prodigieuse minutie.14 Le panneau de peinture du musde du Louvre provenant 6galement du palais de Mari, d~crit la c~rtmonie du sacrifice du taureau, dans une composition d'une incomparable grandeur.15
14 Andr6 Parrot, Sumer, fg 171 b, mus6e d'Alep. Il s'agit d'un ensemble disloqu6, qui reconstitu6 repr6sente une scene de sacrifice rituel, " l'immolation du b6lier ", A laquelle participent deux hommes. La piece provient du temple de Shamash, secteur 25 P. 15 Andr6 Parrot, op. cit., fg 344-5, et Syria 1937, fac 4. Mus6e du Louvre.

LE VASE

EN OR DE HASSANLU

131

Les textes nous apprennent que le serviteur amine l'animal a sacrifier, et dans des circonstances exceptionnelles, le roi lui-meme fait l'offrandedu sang en le versant aux pieds des dieux. Et ils ajoutent, qu'a cet effet le roi se met en 6tat de sacerdoce en revetant un grand manteau et une calotte comme
coiffure.l6

Cettedescription le semblecorrespondre la scenedu vasede Hassanlu.Careffectivement persona du gobeletpourraits'identifier roi dans l'executiondu rite, auquelles serviteurs amenentles au nage
animaux B immoler.

Ainsidonc, en attendantque quelquetextevienneconfirmer voir notrehypothese, pourrions-nous danscettefriseune transposition dieuxdu pantheonhourrite, et des hittiteou mesopotamien leursrites,
dont le culte se pratiquait 6galement chez les Iraniens du debut du Ier millhnaire av. J.C. ?

Friseconqueavec une sobriet6 dansson symbolisme, defilele dieu supremedes oui exceptionnelle

schnes illustrdessur le vase.

la de serontexprimes les autres dontla suitedes episodes comprendre valeursymbolique la 1kgende par
sur Quelquesremarques les traditionsde l'orfevrerieiranienne

accompagn6 de son cortege de divinitis acolytes, d'adorant et de sacrificateurs. Mais 6gale1Clments ment un prdludecrdant une atmospherede puret6 mystique, qui prepare le spectateur et lui fait mieux

Le jeu inevitable des emprunts dans la culture artistique d'un peuple ne peut enlever a celle-ci son

originalit6. Ce qui constitue l'originalitt d'une culture est la fagon dont elle a adapt6, assimilt et transformf selon ses propres gofts les apports regus afin de faire surgir un nouvel art, celui-la meme qui

incite Ades recherches.

La personnalitC d'un art n'est pas son refus des apports, mais dans sa fagon de les accueillir et de les interptdter, et pour cela I'Occident est le meilleur exemple. iconographie l'empreinte inddniable de presque tous ses voisins du Moyen-Orient ancien, contemporains ou antrieurs t sa conception. Fait qui ne doit pas nous suprendre lorsqu'on tient compte du

Le vase de Hassanlu, d'apres les quelques scenes dont nous venons d'analyser, porte dans son

r6le joue par les guerres dont il resultait des apports nouveaux dis aux pillages, aux impositions. Le

r61e du commerce et des ?changes ne doit pas non plus 6tre oubliC. Les themes repr~sentis sur le vase attestent une transposition flagrante des textes littdraires et des monuments plastiques de la M~sopotamie du Nord, de l'Urartu, de l'Anatolie m6ridionale et meme de la Phtnicie.

Ses personnagesde divinit6s ou de hsros

rappellent sans hesitation les rdcitslgendaires akkadiens,

babyloniens, hittites, ou hourrites, et l'attitude de chacun dans leurs divers exploits est d'une similitude

dans l'art et la littrature des uns et des autres. transparente avec ce que nous connaissons detjte ce qui constitue l'originalit6 de l'orf6vrerie artistique de l'Iran ancien, et dont il est Cependant, difficile de lui contester le caractere, est cette transmutation savamment realisdequi eclate telle une marque d'atelier sur les elements empruntes aux voisins. Le vase de Hassanlu, de meme qu'un nombre djat considerable d'objets provenant soit des fouilles clandestines des dernieres annees, soit des fouilles scientifiques recentes consid6res par les specialistes comme 6tant relativement ses contemporains, composent l'un des ensembles decoratifs les plus homogenes que l'on connaisse dans I'histoireartistique d'un peuple.17 Cette race de montagnards et de cavaliers que nous retrouvons en ce debut du premier millknaire
av. J.C., est frfquemment en conflit mais surtout attaquie par ses voisins de l'Ouest et du Nord. Est-ce pr6cis~ment sa condition d'insdcurit6 territoriale qui la pousse t la production d'objets prfcieux, facilement transportables, que constitue I'orfivrerie? Est-ce le climat dconomique et social du pays qui favorise I'exdcution de telles commandes, et encourage ce luxe aristocratique? Toujours est-il qu'd Hassanlu, ou il nous semble avoir affaire t des s~dentaires qui ont laiss6 les vestiges d'une trbs belle architecture, la production artistique du travail du metal se manifeste avec autant de maitrise et de gocit.
16

"7 Dans

Ren6 Dussaud, op. cit., p. 348. notre m6moire " L'Orfivrerie en Iran au d6but du premier mill6naire avant J.C., d'apres le Vase de Hassanlu ",

avec d'autres nous avons consacr6un chapitre (Confrontation entre le Vase de oeuvresiraniennes),Aune 6tudecomparative Hassanluet quelquespiecesprovenantdes r6gionslimitrophes.

132

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Chez les uns comme chez les autres, le travail de l'orfavrerie semble base sur une tradition aux de caracteres distinctifs,dont le plus saillant est la conception l'ensemble. s'agit d'un mode d'expression Il fonda sur l'imagination illimitee de l'artiste, en dehors de tout conformiseet independant des formules. Il emploit tant6t la symetrie la plus stricte tant6t un d6sordrevoulu degag6 de la monotonie ennuyeuse d'une composition agencee. savamment doslequi traduit au moyen de termes sobres les motifs reperables a Une schimatisation travers le jeu des emprunts, sans pour cela negliger totalement le c6t6 realiste de l'etre vivant.18 sans exces de symbolisme et qui emprunte ses 6~Cments la C'est un art a la fois simpleet humain, a le surnaturel. nature meme pour exprimer Sauf dans des cas exceptionnels comme celui du vase de Hassanlu, dont le decor est intentiellement didactique, dans l'ensemble il s'agit d'une plastique dont le but est avanttoutdecoratif.Le souci majeur de l'artiste est d'obtenir l'effet ornemental, pour la realisation duquel il puise indiff6remment dans le rtip6rtoiredes voisins aussi bien que dans ses propres sources. et domine symbolisme dont le sens humain depasse le fabuleux. le C'est un art dont le caractbre hiroique Dans plusieurs scenes du vase, pour representer les personnages mythiques de la litt6rature du ' Moyen-Orient ancien, l'artiste n'a pas hesit6 leur preter une allure de heros en pleine action. La procession des trois divinites en char, bien qu'elle symbolise un mythe religieux, semble mal cacher le pr6texte de representerun defilk d'auriges, dans lequel le sens du mouvement et la perfection plastique des montures, les onagres en particulier, renvoie au second plan la presence divine des conducteurs. Ces caracteristiquess'appliquent, quant au vase de Hassanlu, A presque toutes les scenes illustries. Malheureusement le cadre restraint de cet expos6 ne permet pas de les decrire entierement ni de nous etendre davantage. En dehors des particularitis de forme et de style, dont nous venons de signaler, le vase de Hassanlu presente au point de vue de I'histoire de I'Art, un des documents inestimable dans I'archdologie Iranienne. IL apporte une lumiere toute neuve sur l'hiatus historique qui a exist6 jusqu'ici dans la culture iranienne occupant des zones d'ombre au'-dela de l'avenement de l'Empire des Medes. L'int&ret stratigraphiqued'une part, et d'autre part la position geographique du site de Hassanlu, dans le Mannai du nord, centre de rayonnement des ateliers artistiquesdu travail du metal, augmente considerablementla portee scientifique des recherches de la Mission. En effet, le vase de Hassanlu est un temoignage precieux de la permanence des traditions de l'art Iranien tout le long de son histoire. Car si l'orf6vreriea subi des influences 6trangeres,la lignee de ses grands artistes semble avoir maintenu son originalit6 dans un art essentiellement divers. Sans une pareille continuit6, comment expliquer la ressemblancesaisissantedes bdlierssur le vase, ' avec sa reproduction fiddle sur les frises de l'escalier de l'Apadana Persepolis. Sinon comme une d'intervalle, dans les arts plastiques preuve de la survivance et de la compinetration, a quatre si&cles de l'epoque Achem6nide, d'un style n6 sur le sol iranien, qui s'est constamment maintenu, et dont tres certainement un jour les decouvertes a venir fourniront les chainons qui manquent.

18

" de de les illustr6 exemples ce traitoriginal l'artIranien. d'Arten Iran", Paris1961,a abondamment L'Exposition7000 amns

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