t

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
OF THE

FIFTH CENTURY

B.C.

UcLAra m

ARAMAIC
OF THE

PYRI
B.C.

FIFTH CENTURY
EDITED,

WITH TRANSLATION AND NOTES.

BY

A.

COWLEY

522357 M s s
-

'

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1923

Oxford University Press

London
Edinburgh

Glasgow
Melbourne

Copenhagen

New

York

Toronto
Calcutta

Cape

Town

Bombay

Madras

Shanghai

Humphrey

Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY

Printed in England

PREFACE
No
apology need be made
for re-editing these texts, for

every

fresh examination sheds fresh light

very extensive literature still remains to be done.

to

on them, and in spite of the to which they have given rise, much
Moreover,
it

is

obviously convenient

volume and arranged as far as Professor Sachau himself suggested be chronologically. may to me in 19 12 that we should collaborate on a new edition,
have them
all

collected in one

began to make a careful study of the facsimiles and of the articles and reviews which had appeared up to that time. During the war I continued

and

in 19 13,

with this object

in

view,

the work, with

many
I

interruptions, as far as the

It

anxieties of

the

time

allowed.

no doubt shows many inconsistencies

had originally intended going to Cairo and Berlin when the work was more advanced, to verify some of
for that reason.

the readings on the originals, and to discuss difficulties with Professor Sachau. As this was impracticable, the present edition

has been finished without that advantage. Fortunately, however, the previous editions contain such excellent facsimiles of all the
texts (except nos. 79, 80, 83) that
it

was possible
unnecessary

to to

work on
re-issue

them

with

confidence,

and

it

was

facsimiles with this volume.

published in 1919 translations of thirty-six of the most important of them, together with the Words of Ahikar and the fragments of
first
I
' '

As

result of the revision of the texts,

a version of the Behistun inscription {Jeivish Documents of the

time of Ezra, London, SPCK., 1919). The present volume contains the Aramaic texts from which these translations were

made, together with others, and a commentary

2699

in

support of

vi

PREFACE
readings

the

and

interpretations

adopted.
the
left

Consideration

of

expense has obliged

me

to

restrict

commentary
undiscussed.
in

so that

many

interesting questions

have been
will,
is

Further

treatment of many of these

articles to
I

however, be found

the special

which reference

made.

acknowledge gratefully the help obtained from Sachau's original edition, and from Ungnad's small edition, though often I also wish to thank Mr. F. LI. differing from both of them.
help in matters relating to Egypt, Professor Langdon and Mr. G. R. Driver for help in Assyriological questions, and
Griffith for

the staff of the Clarendon Press for the care they have bestowed

on the production of the book.

A.

COWLEY.

Magdalen College, Oxford,

January, 1923.

CONTENTS
PAGE

LIST OF

BOOKS AND ARTICLES

.

viii

TABLE OF THE PAPYRI

INTRODUCTION

xi
xiii

ARAMAIC PAPYRI: TEXTS

INDEX OF WORDS AND NAMES
.
.

273

LIST OF

BOOKS AND ARTICLES

:

The following are some of the books and articles which have been consulted, besides those mentioned in the notes
Anneler, Zur Geschichte d. Juden in Elephantine. (Diss.) Bern, 1912 (with
bibliography).

Arnold, Journal of Biblical Literature 1912, p. I (on pap. 21). Barlh, Jahrbuch d. Judisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft 1907, Sachau's Urei aramaische Papyrus).

p.

323 (on

Revue Semitique
Zeitschrift
f.

1907, p. 522 (on no. 15) 1909, p. 149 (on njx or 1JX). Assyriologie 1908, p. 188 (on pap. 30). Orientalistische Litcraturzeitung 1912, p. 10.
; ;

Blau, Ma^yar-zsido Szemle 19 12 p. 41 921, p. 44. in Festschrift H. Cohen. Berlin, 1912, p. 207. Bornstein in Festschrift Harkavy. St. Petersburg 190S, p. 63 Heb. (on dates).
1

Boylan, Irish Theological Quarterly 1912, p. 40. Bruston, Revue de Theologie et de Philosophic 1908, p. 97. Biichler, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1912, p. 126 (on pap. 26).

Burney, Expositor 1912, p. 97.

Church Quarterly Review 74 (1912), p. 392. Chabot, Journal Asiatique 14 (1909), p. 515 (on dates). Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'Archeologie Orientale vi (1905), pp. 147, 221.

Revue

Cook

(S. A.),

Critique d'histoire 1906 (2), p. 341. American Journal of Theology 191 5, p. 346.
p. 193.

Expositor 1912,

Cooke (G.

A.), Journal of Theological Studies 1907, p. 615.

p. 197.

Daiches, Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie 1909,

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 1912, p. 17. Desnoyers, Bulletin de Litterature Ecclesiastique 1907, pp. 138, 176; 1908,
P- 235-

Doller, Theologische Quartalschrift 1907, p. 497.

Eerdmans, Theologisch Tijdschrift 1908,

Epstein
(J. N.),

p. 72.

Elhorst, Journal of Biblical Literature 1912, p. 147.

Jahrbuch

d. Judisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft 1909, p. 359.

Zeitschrift d. Alttestamentlichen
p. 138.

Wissenschaft 1912, pp. 128, 139; 1913,

1,

Fischer

(L.),

Jahrbuch

d.
;

Judisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft 191

191 2, p. 45.

p.

371

Heb. (on

legal forms)

LIST OF BOOKS
Fotheringham, see Introduction,
p. v,

AND ARTICLES
note
5.

ix

p. 570 (on dates). Frankel, Zeitschrift f. Assyriologie 1908, p. 240. Freund, Vienna Oriental Journal, or Wiener Zeitschrift f. d.

Journal of Theological Studies 14 (1913),

Kunde
34.

d.

Morgenlands 1907,

p.

169 (on pap.

15).

von Gall, Yortrage d. theologischen Konferenz zu Giessen 1912, no. van Gelderen, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1912, p. 337.
Ginzel,

Handbuch

d.

Chronologie

ii,

p.

45

iii,

p. 375.

Gray (G. B.) in Studien Wellhausen, Giessen 191 4, p. 163 (on names). Grimme, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 191 1, p. 529, (on Ahikar) 1912,
;

p. 11.

Guillaume, Expository Times 32 (192 1),

p. ^yj.

Gunkel, Expositor 191 1, p. 20. Gutesmann, Revue des Etudes Juives 53 (1907),
;

p.

194 (on dates).

Halevy, Journal Asiatique 18 (1911), p. 658 19 (1912), pp. 410, 622. Revue Semitique 1911, p. 473 1912, pp. 31, 153, 252. Holtzmann, Theologische Literaturzeitung 191 2, p. 166 (on Sprengling,
;

AJSL

1911).
Zeitschrift 1907, p. 225 (on dates).
f.

Hontheim, Biblische
Jampel, Monatschrift

d.

Geschichte

d.

Judentums

1907. p. 617.

Jirku, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1912, p. 247.

Knobel (E. B.), see Introduction, p. v, note 4. Knudtzon, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1912,
Koberle,

p.

486 (on VT).

Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift 1908, p. 173. Lagrange, Revue Biblique 1907, p. 258; 1912, p. 575.
Leander, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1 91 2, p. 151 (on j,-p). Levi (Isr.), Revue des Etudes Juives 54 (1907), pp. 35, 153; 56 (190SI,
p.

161

63 (1912),

p. 161.
p.
1,

Lidzbarski,

Ephemeris ii (1906), p. 210; iii (1909), p. 70; (1912), Deutsche Literaturzeitung 1906, p. 3205 1907, p. 3160; 191
;

23S.
p.

2966.

Mahler, Zeitschrift f. Assyriologie 1912, p. 61 (on dates). Margolis, Jewish Quarterly Review, new series ii (1911-12), p. 419. Meyer (Ed.), Sitzungsberichte d. k. Preussischen Akademie 191 1, p. 1026. Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine. Leipzig. 1912.

Mittwoch

in Festschrift

A. Cohen.

Berlin, 1912, p. 227.

Montgomery, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Nau, Journal Asiatique 18 191 1 ), p. 660. Revue Biblique 1912, p. 68.
(

19 1 2, p. 535 (on Ahikar).

Noldeke, Zeitschrift

f. 1908, p. 195 (on pap. 30). Assyriologie 1907, p. 130 Literarisches Zentralblatt 191 1, p. 1503. Peiser, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1907, p. 622 190S, pp. 24, 73 (on
;
;

Staerk). Perles, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1908, p. 26;

p. 54.

1911,

p.

497! 1912,
Br. 1910.

Peters,

Die judische Gemeinde von Elephantine

Freiburg

i.

LIST OF

BOOKS AND ARTICLKS

( 1

Pognon, Journal Asiatique 18 91 1 ), p. 337 (on dates). Poznanski (S.)j Zycie Zydowskie 1907 (nos. 13, 14), p. 219.
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 192 1, p. 303. Prasek, Orientalistische Litcraturzeitung 1912, p. 168 (on Sprengling
1911). Pritsch, Zeitschrift

AJSL

1.

Assyriologie 1911,

p.

345 (on pap. 20).

Sachau, Drei Aramaische Papyrusurkunden. Berlin, 1908. in Florilegium de Vogue. Paris, 1909, p. 529 (on pap.
Sayce, Expositor 191
1,

35).

pp. 97, 417.

Schultess, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1907, p. 1S1.

Schiirer, Theologische Literaturzeitung 1907, pp. 1, 65. Schwally, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 191 2, p. 160. Seidel, Zeitschrift d. alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft 1912,

p.

292.

Sidersky, Journal Asiatique 16 (1910), p. 587 (on dates). Smyly, see Introduction, p. xiii, note 6.
Spiegelberg, Orientalistisclie Literaturzeitung 1913,
p.

15:

1912, p.

(on

names).
Sprengling, American Journal of Semitic Languages 27 (191 1), p. 233. American Journal of Theology 1917, p. 411 1918, p. 349. Staerk, Die jiidisch-aramaischen Papyri ... in Kleine Texte, nos. 22, 23.
;

Bonn, 1907, and no. 32, 1908.

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 1908 (Beiheft). Torczyner, Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft 1916, p. 288 (bibliography).
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 191 2,
. . .

p.

397.

kleine Ausgabe. Ungnad, Aramaische Papyrus Leipzig, 191 1. de Vogiie, Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions 1906, p.

499.

Wensinck, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 191 2,

p.

49 (on Ahikar).

TABLE OF THE PAPYRI

AS

ARRANGED

IN

PREVIOUS EDITIONS, SHOWING THEIR

IN THIS EDITION.

NUMBERS

xii

TABLE OF THE PAPYRI

s

INTRODUCTION
The present volume comprises all the legible pre-Christian Aramaic papyri known to me. 1 The best preserved and the
most important are nos. 5, 6, 8, 9, i, 13-15, 20, 25. 28, published by Sayce and Cow ley in Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan e"moires (Cond on, 1906) no. 27 published by Euting in prescute's a V Acctdimie des Inscriptions (Paris, 19 03) and many of those published by Sa chau in Araindische Pafiyn ts .-. (Leipzig, 191 1).
]
;

fragments from Sachau, some much mutilated texts from the Corpus Iuscriptionum Semiticarum ii, 1, two others

The

rest are

published by

and 1915,
in

PSBA 1907, p. 263 (with notes by Sayce), and one fragment of accounts, not previously published, which was brought to my notice by Mr. F. LI. Griffith,
me
in
p. 217,

Harrow School museum. 2 The genuineness of the papyri published by Sayce-Cowley and Sachau has been questioned on the ground that the double dates in some of them do not
the

:!

seem to be

I do not consistent. propose to deal with the dates, because they have been discussed by such competent authorities as Mr. Knobel, 4 Dr. Fotheringham, 5 and Dr. Smyly, and the possible errors are not a sufficient ground for condemning the

texts.

liouth,

A more serious attack has been made by Prof. Margowhose opinion deserves every consideration. His arguments however have not gained acceptance, and a careful study
7
1

For a bibliography of the texts known up to 1906 see Seymour de Ricci in Sayce and Cowley, p. 25. Some post-Christian pieces were published in the Jewish Quarterly Review, xvi 1903% p. r. The late Mr. B. P. Lascelles kindly procured photographs of this for me. By L. Belleli in An Independent Examination 1909, and by G. Jahn in Die reviewed by Rothstein in ZDMG 1913. p. 718, to Elephantiner Papyri, 1913
:!

whom Jahn

replied in

ZDMG
.

1914, p. 142.

Monthly Notices of the R. Astron. Soc., March 1908, p. 334, and Nov. 1908, p. 8. Ibid., Nov. 1908, p. 12; March 1909, p. 446; June 1911, p. 661, against

Ginzel's
c

Handbuch der

Chronologie

ii

(1911), p. 45.

Proc. R. Irish

Academy

1909, C, p. 235.

Expositor 1912, p. 69.

\iv

INTRODUCTION

of the texts will furnish the unprejudiced reader with answers to

them.
letters, legal documents, lists of and three literary pieces. Some of these are names, accounts, complete, others are more or less fragmentary. A large proportion of them are dated, unmistakably, and these have been arranged here chronologically, so as to form an historical

The

collection consists of

sequence. In many cases the date is given both in the Egyptian and the Jewish reckoning, and there may be errors in these

Some texts which are not dated equations (see above, p. xiii). can be fitted into the sequence from their contents others, which The dated give no certain clue as to date, are put at the end.
:

texts cover practically the whole of the fifth century B.C., and on palaeographical grounds the undated texts (with a few exceptions)

may be

assigned to the

same

century.

They
1

thus confirm the

Mr. Clermont-Ganneau that the similar texts in the CIS (which were all he had to go upon) belong to the period of the Persian rule in Egypt. The exceptions are
brilliant discovery of

nos. tfi-83, in a much later style of writing. Since, however, it is unlikely that Aramaic continued in popular use in Egypt long
after the

time of Alexander the Great, we

may
is

with some con-

fidence date these before or about 300 B.C. The interest of documents such as these

that they are con-

temporary with the events to which they relate.

They present therefore a trustworthy picture of their surroundings, not distorted by lapse of time, nor obscured by textual corruption. These particular documents have the additional interest that
they were written by Jews. They are therefore the earliest Jewish texjs_ we possess, w th the except ion ofjhe Siloam inscription and the ostra ka from Samaria, an d (with those exceptions)
i

the only Jewish liter ature of so early a date, outside the Old Testament. The literary pieces, it is true, are evidently of non-

Jewish origin, but they show nevertheless the kind of literature which was current in the community. And their interest
consists not only in

what they say but

in

what they omit

in

1 'Origine perse des monuments arameens d'figypte', in the Rev. Archeol. Series 36 (1878), p. 93, and 37 (1879), p. 21.

New

INTRODUCTION
the light they give and in the darkness
(see below).
in

x\

which they leave us

The language in which they are written is Aramaic, the same (with some reservations) as that of parts of the book of Ezra. Though there are Hebraisms in it and the names are Hebrew,
there
is no document in Hebrew, nor any direct evidence that Hebrew was used by the community for any purpose. (But see

'

p. 119).

As

the civilized world,

long as the Oriental empires continued to dominate Aramaic was the language of commerce and
'
'

diplomacy, succeeded in Ptolemaic times by Greek. We have proof of its use in Assyria in the dockets written in ink on the edge of cuneiform tablets as early as the seventh century B.C.
1

was no doubt used even earlier, since Babylonian sculptures show scribes writing on scrolls, which would not be used for cuneiform, and it was not used only by Jews, nor (in this community) because it was in any sense a Jewish language. Assurbanipal had Aramaean scribes in his employ, Darius apparently sent abroad an Aramaic version of his great inscription at Behistun, and (in no. 26) a Persian satrap sends his orders to an 2 It was evidently also an Egyptian boat-builder in Aramaic. It was only in Egypt, howofficial language in the law-courts. ever, that papyrus could survive. Early documents on any such
It

material inevitably perished in the climate of Mesopotamia or In Egypt Aramaic probably gave way to Gre ek by Palestine.

ab out 300 B .C.

In the East

it

continued, gradu ally ^becoming

more_corrupt among th e Jewish schools down to media eval times. andJrLsome Christi an com munities to the present day. The authors of most of these texts were Jews if names mean not Samaritans, as argued by Hoonacker 3 nor anything Israelites. They call themselves K'lVT 'the Jews', and their JPIIiV N^n 'the Jewish force'. Sometimes the term community ^"ux is used, but no other designation is found, and the name

See Clay, Aramaic Indorsements ', in O. T. Studies in Memory of IV. R. Harper 1908 p. 285, and Delaporte, lipigraphes aram/etts, 1912, &c. 2 In Ezra 6 2 the official record of the decree of Cyrus was on a HPJJO (a scroll;
' '

which probably implies Aramaic writing. 3 In his Schweich Lectures for 1914 Une
|

CommunauteJ udeoArameenne

London, 1915).

xvi
Israel does not occur.

INTRODUCTION

These Jews seem to have been domiciled Elephantine. Other western Asiatics were settled in Sycnc under the general name Aramaean. But 'Aramaean' might also include Jews, so that we sometimes find a man described in one place (correctly) as a Jew of Elephantine, and
specially in
1

another (more loosely) as an Aramaean of Syene when he had some way become connected with that station. Three times 2 (25 &c.) we find an 'Aramaean of Elephantine', where the man
in
in
,

is

evidently a Jew, but the description

may

be due to mere

carelessness.

See on 5 2

did they get there? The Jewish force, or garrison, can have been a military settlement, and there was no doubt only likewise an Aramaean garrison at Syene. They were therefore

How

mercenaries

in

the
'

employment
'

of the Persian king.

This

is

corroborated by several

indications.
',

They were

divided into

pn

'

companies

or

regiments
'

each bearing a name, Baby-

lonian or Persian, probably that of the commander. 2 Another division was ntino centuria (22 19 20 ), but whether larger or, more probably, smaller than the degel is not clear. They were under
'

the supreme command of the nttgi commander of the garrison ', and they received rations (Nans, see e.g. 24 s ') and pay (D"id ii 6 Sic.) from the government.
'

The

writer of the Letter of

Aristeas mentions

13) that

Psammetichus used Jewish mercenaries in his campaign against If this means Psammetichus ii (cf. Herodotus ii, Ethiopia. 30) their employment would have begun between 595 and 590 B.C. therefore just before the fall of Jerusalem and the beginning of the Exile. They were afterwards apparently put in charge of the fortresses of Elephantine and Syene as a defence of the
southern frontier of Egypt against Ethiopia, for

when Cambyses

came

Egypt, they were already settled in Elephan13 With the passing of the government of Egypt, these tine (30 ). mercenaries must also have passed under Persian control
into
in 525,

When these papyri begin, early in the fifth century, the colony, while retaining its military organization, had become a settled community. Its members could buy and sell land and houses,
1

Cf.

Deut. 266 "3N 13K But see note on n[P-|]V s8 2 and on i?n, 5 2
,

WK.

INTRODUCTION
they engaged

xvii

in trade, they could go to law before the civil courts and they held civil posts under government. Moreover they had their wives and families, and the women could hold

property and take legal action in their own right, and were even reckoned as belonging to the degel, whether through their relation to the men, or independently, does not appear. have

We

thus the outline of a picture of a Jewish community, manners, in the fifth (and sixth) century B.C., which

its life
is

and

the

more
\

valuable because it is not an intentional description, and therefore need not be discounted as tendencieux. -r *-/ ~-v*-vz- J^-*-vj

1,

on equal terms with the Egyptians, transacted business with people of various races, intermarried, 1 and sometimes bore alien names (cf. OT names in -baal). But they aroused anti-Jewish feeling, and suffered violence which they ascribed, as always, and probably with as little reason then as

They

lived

-^

now,
to

to

hatred
offended

of

their

religion.

No

doubt

their

animal
is

sacrifices

Egyptian susceptibilities, but

much

also

be ascribed to natural suspicion of a community with customs differing from those of its neighbours, holding aloof from the

common

pursuits of its fellow-citizens, and showing contempt or hostility to everything outside itself. The great pogrom

described in nos. 27, 30-34

may

have brought the colony to

directed

an end.

The

internal

affairs

of the

community were

by a

head-man with

present day by part of the fifth century the chief

It

'his colleagues the priests', very much as at the the chief rabbi and his beth-din. In the latter

man was Yedoniah b. Gemariah. was to him that the edict of Darius (no. 21) was addressed it was he who received the contributions to the in 419 temple funds (22 120121 ) in the same year; it was he who drew up the petition to the governor of Judaea (no. 30) in 408, and a similar and he was one of the petition (no. 33) about the same time notable prisoners mentioned in no. 34 about 407 B.C. Whether he was a priest is not certain, but it is probable on general grounds, and also from his connexion with religious affairs At any rate he was politically recognized by the (21, 22).
;
,

'

Persian government.
1

But

cf.

introduction to no.

14.

xviii

INTRODUCTION
to

most students of this dark period the papyri will be valuable for the indications they give as to the state chiefly It would no doubt be still of Jewish religion in the colony.
But
interesting to have similar documents relating to Jerusalem in the fifth century, or indeed any early century, but the state

more

may to some extent be taken to represent what had been in Judaea before the days of Ezra. The colonists were not better than their fathers nor perhaps much worse.
of things in the colony

To

begin with, they regarded themselves as specially devoted

This to the worship of the national God, whom they call in\ 1 as I have argued elsewhere, is not an abbreviation of TOW, name,
but an earlier form, and only another way of writing the earliest form v. As the n seems to be a mere vowel-sign, or perhaps hamza, I have adopted here the transliteration Yau, as an

approximate pronunciation, rather than the customary Yahn or He is generally called, between Jews, Yeho, which are no forms. Ya'u the God' (13 14 22 1 25); in dealings with simply or Ya'u the God of heaven the God of heaven Persians, 3 s 24 26 21527 cf. 33 and often in letters. cf. 30 [but ] ), ], 32 (30 [but The Yet we also find other gods mentioned besides Ya'u. most explicit case of this is in 22 123-125 where the temple-fund is to be divided between Ya'u and 'Anathbethel in nearly equal
'
,

'

'

'

'

shares,

and Ishumbethel who receives much

in
s

less.

In the law-

is recorded courts they swear usually by Ya'u, but is challenged by the temple and by 'Anathya'u ', and in f' a man There are also personal to swear 'by Herembethel the god'.
'

44 an oath

Heremnathan and Bethelnathan (18 4 ), formed like Whether other gods the orthodox Jonathan and Elnathan.
names
like

were recognized besides these, whether these were all distinct or e.g. 'Anathbethel was the same as 'Anathya'u, what was the meaning of the various compounds, and what relation the different divinities bore to

one another, the evidence does not show. It would seem that besides Ya'u they recognized 'Anath, Bethel, Ishum and Herem. There may have been others, but it is at least a coincidence that we have the names of five gods and that
9
).

there were five gates to the temple (30

1

JRAS

19*0. p. 175.

INTRODUCTION
Of
these

xix

is known as that of a goddess in Syria has been suggested that 'Anathya'u was intended as a consort of Ya'u the Queen of heaven (Jer. 44 17 ), as He was the God of heaven. Bethel has long been recognized

names Ajiath
it

'

A*q

and elsewhere, so that

3?

as an early Canaanite god (cf. Gen. $i 13 ). These two therefore may well have been brought by the colonists with them from
It was not a case of falling away from a monotheistic Judaea. Ishu m jT* ideal, but a continuation of the pre-exilic popular beliefs.
(if

that

is

the pronunciation of D"'N)

it

may

be the Babylonian

demorL-ofthat- name, but

is

also worth while to

remember

the persistent tradition that the Samaritans worshipped a divinity called Ashima, to whom it has been thought reference is made

by a play on the word _not?M. If this was true in the time of Amos, the tradition continued long after it had ceased to be so, perhaps encouraged by the later Samaritan pronunciation of noc the name' (which they still read instead
in
'

Amos

8U

of nvr) as ashnia}

Lidzbarski aiso_citesA fxojjTL_a_Iate__Syrian,

Greek inscription a god Svjx^ervXpv whose n ame .looks xery like Ishumbethel. Thus it seems probable that a god DBW was worshipped in Syria and was brought by the colonists to Egypt
with the others.

hav e no_suggestion to make. five gods are mentioned by name, there question that the word 80ri7X used in these texts, and as subject to a verb in the plural, is to be taken as not as God (Nn?K) on the analogy of Hebrew. It is found in the beginnings of letters note especially 39/,
to
I

As

Herem

^e
'

Since these

can be no sometimes gods and most often

'

enough
another.

21 2 in the edict about the Passover,

Further, in
in

Egyptian goddess,
It is

and oddly from one Jew to one place (145 ) a Jewess swears by Sati the a transaction with an Egyptian.
:

thus evident that the description in Jeremiah (44s8 &c.) of the religious practices of the Jews in Egypt in his time is in the

main corroborated by what we find in these texts a century later, and the explanation is supplied by Jeremiah himself (44 17 ). It was no new heresy that they invented for themselves people do

not invent

much but
1

they did 'as

fathers ... in the cities of Judah.'

2

we have done, we and our They took with them in all

p. xli.

See Cowley, Samaritan Liturgy (1909), Ephemeris iii (1912), p. 247.

xx

INTRODUCTION
J

sincerity the old religion of pre-exilic practise it after the exile (and Ezra)
in

udah, and continued to had made it impossible

own time

the mother-country. Thus, as a picture not only of their but also of pre-exilic Judaism the religion against which all the prophets protested these papyri are specially

instructive.

Whatever may have been is no It was to him that sort of doubt that he was pre-eminent. the temple belonged, although it seems that other gods were The temple of Elephantine was not also worshipped there.
their doctrine as to his relation to the other gods, there

Yet the national God was Ya'u.

a mere synagogue, but a considerable building, with an altar " and all the appurtenances of sacrifice (30 9 12 ). It is called NIUs* (meeting-place?) and N*nD (place of worship), and is first mentioned (13 14 in 447. But it had been in existence at least
)

This is a very surprising fact, quite as early as 525 (30 13 14 ). 5G &c). The case of contrary to the law of Deuteronomy (i2
'
.

the Onias-temple, built at Leontopolis about 154 B.C., was on an altogether different footing. That was definitely schismatic, and in whatever way the supporters of it might defend their
action, they

knew
a

at least that

it

required defence.

The

colonists

..of

Elephantine had no such misgivings^.Aft.er

riot ofvthe

their

temple was

j\/l/Mdestroyed in

^to

High was disregarded (3o18 19 ), they appealed to the Persian governor at Jerusalem. There is no hint of any suspicion that

the

sent a petition Egyptiansl^4ii^hey for help to rebuild it. Priest at Jerusalem, asking
-

When

this

the temple could be considered heretical, and they would surely not have appealed to the High Priest at Jerusalem if they had On the contrary they give the impresfelt any doubt about it.
sion of being proud of having a temple of their own,

and as pious devotees of Ya'u (no other god is mentioned in the petition) seriously distressed at the loss of religious opportunities caused
to be that in this respect, as in the worship of strange gods, their practice was a continuation of that of Judaism. It is now generally held that the book of
pre-exilic

by its destruction. The explanation seems

Deuteronomy was
621
B.C.).

first

Previously, as

we

promulgated under Josiah (about learn from e. g. the books of Samuel,

INTRODUCTION
sacrifice

xxi

was habitually offered at various places, and indeed until the reign of Solomon no temple existed at Jerusalem l to mark it out as the place which the Lord had chosen. It cannot be supposed that the book of Deuteronomy was at once accepted everywhere, even in Judaea, or that it at once put a stop to popular practices which it condemned. Still less should we
expect these colonists if they left the country soon afterwards, or perhaps were already abroad, to feel bound by the new and stricter enactments. The exile followed in 588, breaking all and Judaea was left without religious direction. We continuity,

need not wonder then that

in the

institutions, the colonists, deprived of despairing of its restoration, decided to

complete collapse of religious any central authority and

tion

and naturally on the

their

lines

work out their own salvawith which they were familiar.

towards the changes in Judaea, or whether they knew of them, we cannot tell. They may even have taken the view of Rabshakeh (2 Ki. 18 22 cf. Elijah in
attitude
;

What was

Ki. 19 10 ), regarding the abolition of local sanctuaries as an act of disrespect to Ya'u. But it is quite intelligible that the High
1

no notice of their appeal. We can also understand afterwards wrote to the Persian governor, who had no why they interest in Deuteronomy, and to the Samaritans, who interpreted
Priest took
it

that they received a reply. On the persons concerned with the petition, and the difficulty of reconciling various accounts of the history, see the introduction
in their

own way, and

to no. 30.

about the

Before leaving the subject of the temple a word must be said 19 difficult passage in Isaiah iy *, In that day shall
'

there be an altar to the Lord ini^tJiemidsLoXtheJanoLof Egypt, and a pilkarjnjVPj^at the border thereo f to the Lord ', &c. This has been taken as a prophecy, before or after the event, of generally

the Onias temple, that having been hitherto the only foreign temple known. It is dangerous to argue as if we knew all the
facts, for

Elephantine

the passage might equally well refer to the temple at on the border of Hyypt. Then the date of the

prophecy
posed.
1

may
is

It

in

be put considerably earlier than has been supfact not unreasonable to suggest that it was
that the

Ii

must be remembered

name dues not even occur

in

the Pentateuch.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

If there was, written before the promulgation of Deuteronomy. say just before 621, any considerable migration of Jews to Egypt,

the prophecy may have been intended as an encouragement to the emigrants. Though you are leaving your native land, you shall make a new home in Egypt and follow there the faith of
'

your fathers

It is a great opportunity for you Note coincidence, five gods, five gates of the strange temple, and five cities speaking the language of Canaan. Thus there are several indications that the colonists in the
(Is.

19

21

).

'.

also another

fifth

century B.C. remained at the same stage of religious develop(if

ment
in

that

is

what we ought

to call

it)

as their fathers in

Judaea

It is consequently of particular interest the seventh century. to collect from these papyri all possible evidence as to their beliefs and practice, always remembering that in the course of

two centuries some things may have changed for better or worse. Unfortunately the inquiry depends largely on an argumentum e silentio, which must not be unduly pressed, since we cannot be Two thousand sure that what is not mentioned did not exist.
years hence if a part of English literature exists, it might well be a considerable part and yet contain no reference to King Alfred, or the Norman conquest, or the Reformation, or the doctrines of
the Church, or to a present day.

number

of questions which agitate us at the

We

sacrifices (mbjn

have positive evidence that sacrifices, including animal ruoh nroD) were offered (30- 1 - 528 ). This indeed

was the express purpose of the temple with its altar (snmn). for when the temple was destroyed their chief complaint is that they One would suppose that such can no longer offer sacrifice.
offerings would be the duty of the priests, the sons of Aaron, or But although priests 1 are frequently at any rate of Levites.

mentioned, they are nowhere called sons of Aaron, nor does the name Aaron ever occur, nor that of Levi or the levitical order.
It seems difficult to explain away this omission and at the same time to maintain that the 'house of Aaron and the levites were recognized in the seventh century in Judaea as they were later.
'

The
1

question

is

too large to be discussed here.

will
in

only
the

call

lOJrD.

For the priests of the Egyptians they use

N'tM.as

OT

and

elsewhere.

INTRODUCTION
attention
to the
fact

xxiii

the Hexateuch (de quo occurs only in Psalms, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, and once in Judges, twice (really once) in 4 Samuel, and once in Micah. The passage in Micah (6 is pro-

that apart from

videant critici !) the

name Aaron

bably an addition, in
as the natural

a gloss to

added 28 accompaniment of Moses, and in Judges (20 ) it is complete the genealogy. That is to say, it does not
i

Sam. 12 08 the name

1

is

certainly

occur for certain in any undoubtedly early writer, not even in Ezekiel There is an explanation of this, which I leave the
!

reader to discover.

It certainly looks as if the

house of Aaron

were a

late post-exilic invention,

and

if so,

the colonists would

naturally

know nothing of

it.

What
appear.

precisely constituted a kahe u at Elephantine does not One of their prerogatives, we might suppose, would be

to possess the Law of Moses no hint of its existence.

and to administer

it.

Yet there
25

is

would say

'

offer sacrifice

We should expect that in 30 they according to our law ', and that in

But there is other places they would make some allusion to it. none. So far as we learn from these texts Moses might never have existed, there might have been no bondage in Egypt, no
exodus, no monarchy, no prophets. There is no mention of other tribes and no claim to any heritage in the land of Judah.
colonists, Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Moses, Samuel, David, so common in later times, never occur (nor in Nehemiah), nor any other name derived from their

Among

the

numerous names of

past history as recorded in the Pentateuch and early literature.

It is

almost incredible, but

it is

true.

Again, that essentially Jewish (though also Babylonian) instituEven if there were no tion, the Sabbath, is nowhere noticed.
occasion for mentioning
it

explicitly,

we should expect

that

it

would sometimes
that involved the

interfere with the transaction of business

when

drawing up of a document. At the present no practising orthodox Jew would write on the Sabbath. day Dr. Fotheringham, in a note on the subject \x\JTS 14 (1913), p. 574, concludes from a calculation of the dates that they do not
'

The LXX in v. 8 has KarwKiatv, He (i.e. God) made Moses and Aaron did not go into the land. For brought singular (f('fyyaytv) as if of Moses alone.
1
'

to dwell', rightly, for

forth

'

Cod.

has the

xxiv

INTRODUCTION

prove the existence of such a scruple, nor indeed the absence of for no document between Jews seems to be certainly dated on the Sabbath. There is in fact a complete silence on the subject.
it,

None

Another of these negative instances concerns the festivals. of them is mentioned except, in one papyrus, the feast of Unleavened Bread and possibly the Passover. Even in the
it is

case of these

difficult to
1

of Darius ordering

No. 21 is an edict explain the fact. an observance of the feast of Unleavened

Bread, and, if the proposed restoration is right, the Passover. This can only mean either that the festivals in question were
in the colony, or that they had fallen into desuetude. even be taken as an argument that Josiah's great celemight bration of the Passover ('Surely there was not kept such a It
22 passover from the days of the Judges' 2 Ki. 23 ) was the first institution of it, and that the colonists, having left their country before 621, knew no more of it than they knew of

unknown

Deuteronomy.

not proved and is hardly probable. It is more likely that the Passover in early times was irregularly observed, that Josiah really revived it after a period of neglect, and that its

That, however,

is

yearly celebration was only established, like so much else, under Ezra. This would equally well account for the edict (no. 21).

Though
tion,

the colonists would have vaguely

known

of the institu-

they would have been accustomed

fathers did before Josiah's time. The that they may have already left again suggests

to neglect it, as their issue of the edict thus

Judaea before

621.

The important
is

doubt, a curt
'

thing however, about which there is no that the order came from the Persian king. It was
(if

command
month

my

restoration

is

approximately correct)

In the

garrison '. the governor of the province.

of Tybi (?) let there be a Passover for the Jewish That is the whole of it from the king to Arsames

The details are added by the who was clearly a Jew 'your brother Hananiah messenger, Various reasons may have induced the Great King to intervene

'.

the religious affairs of an obscure settlement, but whatever they were, the case is exactly parallel to that of the letter of
in
Blau, in Magyar-zsido Szemle 1921, p. 44, argues that it granting exemption from military duties during the festival.
1

was only

permissive,

INTRODUCTION
Artaxerxes
in

xxv

Ezra

12

"

",

authenticity of the latter

of the letter in

and shows that we need not doubt the document. The .similarity of the style
in this collection is striking.

Ezra to that of texts

both cases the king was only responsible for the The details are due to his Jewish general order or permission.

No

doubt

in

proteges. See further in the introduction to no. ai. Apparently they did keep the Passover on this occasion, as directed, for it is
(not included in this volume), of about the same date as no. 21, though of course these may refer to another celebration of it. It is worth noting also that the
at least

mentioned

on two ostraca

great
in

list

(no. 22) of subscriptions to the

temple funds was drawn

up (419) as the Passover edict, and it is difficult to believe that they are not connected. This again would seem to indicate that the Passover was an exceptional event. On the
the

same year

other hand, in no. 21 there cannot have been any directions for the ceremony, for there is no room on the papyrus, whereas the

Unleavened Bread occupy half the docuDid they know all about the one (choosing the lamb, bitter herbs, eating in haste, &c.) and not about the other ? It will be seen that the conclusions to be drawn from no. 21 are not
rules for the feast of

ment.

all

certain.

What

is

certain

is

that

the

celebration

of

the

Unleavened Bread was ordered by the (Passover and) Persian king, and that these are the only festivals 2 mentioned
feast of

(and that exceptionally) in these papyri. If the arguments here adduced are at

all

well-founded,

it

follows that the religious condition of Judaism before the exile, so far as we can draw deductions about it from these papyri, was

very different from what has been usually assumed.

up, follows.

To sum

it

we may

picture development somewhat as From early times documents 3 which eventually formed

the

historical

part of the Tora, no doubt existed.

partly historical, partly legal and theological, and were composed at various dates. But they were the possession of a priestly or learned class.
1

They were

-'

Ungnad no. 77 A 5 and PSBA 1915, p. 222, perhaps both by the same hand. Jn Ungnad no. 77 A3 even if N^D = D13D, I cannot think that it refers to the
In Neh. 8 17

feast of Tabernacles.

we

are practically told that the feast had never

in

been kept before.

3 I

think there

is

no doubt that they were written

is

cuneiform and probably

in

the Babylonian language, though this

not necessary to the argument.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

In the earliest times, down to, necessarily limited in number. the reign of Solomon, owing to the disunion of the inhabisay,
unsettled state of the country and the difficulty of communication, the possessors of these documents can have had
tants, the

mass of the people, who lived in isolated groups, without knowledge of any Law, following the religious customs and beliefs with which they happened to be in contact. Later on we find the prophetic class becoming important and
little

influence on the

using

its

influence to

promote the exclusive worship of Ya'u

among

Law

the people, though still with little reference to a written or to the early history. Then came the exile, and we

of mind and spirit took place in or in Judaea. No sooner is the exile ended and order Babylon to some extent restored in Jerusalem, than we find in Nehemiah frequent insistence on the Law of Moses, in striking contrast to the earlier literature, which ignores it. It had suddenly sprung

cannot

know what ferment

among

existence, and a definite effort was made to spread the people the knowledge of it, which had previously 1 813 belonged to the few, by reading it in public (Neh. 8 &c).
into
full

Apparently such readings were made a regular institution, for we find them mentioned again in Neh. g 3 13 1 What was it they read ? I believe it was the Tora very much as we have
,

constant insistence, especially in the latter part Nehemiah, on details required by the Pentateuch, seems Moreover, the existence of the certainly to point to this.
it

to-day.

The

of

Samaritan recension of the Pentateuch, practically identical with the Masoretic, can hardly be explained in any other way. If the Samaritan schism occurred, as tradition states, somewhere
about 430 B.C. (Josephus makes
it

community was not

piled after that date.

likely to adopt a

a century later), the hostile body of Jewish law com-

Pentateuch was

can only suppose that, at the time, the already in existence, and had gained such

We

general acceptance that the deserting priest Menasseh felt it advisable to carry the Law with him. Who then was responsible
for this fruitful innovation
1

think the answer

is

is

given by the

The much-quoted
it it

lated

why

generally taken to mean that they transextempore into Aramaic the beginning of Targum. There is no reason should not mean that they read a Hebrew translation from cuneiform

8 passage, Neh. 8

Babylonian.

INTRODUCTION
that the Law was lost and persistent rabbinical tradition restored it. Only it would be more correct to say that the
'

xxvii

Ezra

Law

Ezra drew it up, compiling from existing separate sources, and completing it. He is it described specially (Ezra 7 e ) as 'a ready scribe in the law of Moses who had prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach' it (7 10 ). Having been educated in Babylonia he must have been familiar with the difficult cuneiform
did not exist in its present

form

until

'

',

Babylonian language, with Aramaic no doubt, with Hebrew. He was therefore able, with the and,
writing, as well as with the

help

of

tablets

containing

his colleagues the priests' to put in order the [cuneiform] the various sources of the Pentateuch, to

translate

them

into

Hebrew, to weld them together into a more or

less consistent

whole, and to write

down

the result in the simple

Aramaic alphabet which he had learned in Assyria (JV7IB>K). This would account alike for the general uniformity of language and for the idiosyncrasies of various parts, which were due
partly to the diverse characteristics of the original documents, and partly to differences in the style of the various collaborators. In enforcing the Law, Ezra was helped by the powerful support of the Persian king (7 26 ), without which it could never have

obtained general and immediate acceptance. 2 It may be objected that the above account is merely imaginary. It is true that many of the details of it are nowhere explicitly
recorded.

Nor should we expect

that even the central fact of

It

Ezra's redaction of the

Law

would be described.

sary to his success that the je represented as that which

was necescode should newly promulgated

was

by The strength

the hand of

Moses

which, in

originally revealed to
its

Israel

essence,

it

may have

been.

of Ezra's moral appeal (apart from the political support of the Persian king) lay in his insistence that the Law had hitherto been neglected, that this neglect was the cause
of the national misfortunes, and that the only hope for the future was to be found in a return to the supposed faith of an ideal past. To have admitted that the Law was a new thing, invented even with the best objects, would have defeated his whole purpose.
1

So

l a e.g. in B. T. Sanhedrin, f. ci 'and Sukka, f. ao too Ed. Meyer, Die Eittstehuiig cies Jn<kn/ions, 1896.
.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

And

Various documents, of different it was not new. must or may have been in existence, from which the date?, complete work was produced very much in the manner on which modern criticism insists only that previously the documents had not been generally accessible, and that the final redaction took place at one definite time, and not as a gradual and rather undefined process. This view, though many difficulties still remain, and though its details may require modification, does on the whole provide an intelligible explanation of

perhaps

the facts.
I

which

have digressed at some length upon it, because the problems it seeks to explain are the most important arising from

a study of these papyri. Regarded without prejudice, these texts lead to the conclusion that the Pentateuch, both in its historical and legal aspects, was unknown in the fifth century
to the
in

Jews of Elephantine, and

in

it is

probable that the populace

the seventh century was no better informed. in the book of Nehemiah we find the Pentateuch being

Judaea

But

known and accepted and we are bound to seek an explanation. The importance of the new revelation is that in it we see the birth of modern Judaism, which could never have developed by natural process from pre-exilic Judaism. The subsequent development of it down to the present day is easily traced, in
the gradual elaboration of halakha and the exaltation of it by the suppression of all else its systematization in the Mishna its codification again by Maimoits discussion in the Talmud

made

extension by Jacob b. Asher and Joseph Karo with its final reduction ad impossibilc in the pilpul of the eighteenth the moderation of it by Moses Mendelssohn and the century revolt against it by the modern reformed Jews. All this is
nides
its

'

'

the natural growth of the system born under Ezra it could not have grown out of a religious system such as that of the colonists
:

of Elephantine. Now to return

to

our texts.

The

internal

affairs

of the

colony, as mentioned above, were directed by the head man of the community, who was Yedoniah in 419. No reports of his court are preserved and no mention is made of his administering the

Mosaic law.

Even when both

parties

were Jews

INTRODUCTION
,

xxix

2 3 they appeared before the Persian-Egyptian court (i 2 v5 ) though of the court is usually not stated. the composition Perhaps the

head of the degel exercised magisterial functions, and this would account for the mention of the degel of the parties at issue As a military body they were under the NpTon see on no. 25
12 .

'the

commander
Tims,

of the garrison",
title.

who was

in turn

subordinate to

was superior to the where Waidrang is N7Ti3~i, compared former appears from 20 4 with 30"', where he has become (twelve years later) fratarak, and 7 his son (30 ) is N^roi The fratarak was no doubt governor of
the
a Persian
latter
"',
.

That the

the province (of Tstrs). is usually called simply

specific title.

governor-general of the country our lord ', without any more fNIO In the latter part of the period he was named
'

The

DBHN,

P Arsama, Bab. ArSam (Ungnad), Arsames.

He was

directly responsible to the king. Se veral minor officials are entioned, as N^n (i64 5 ), swift "IDD 4 23 16 Nnnrs 57 snajana (26 4S wa&a ton^n ), ), (17 (17 ), snmon (26

i,

(27),

on

The
thei r

see the notes on the passages. courts over which the K^nTTjmd the Tirna .presided, with
,

whom

(s^^^^jidjmnktered^jj^dojjblJjie. law., of the Persian empire, but this law, like so much else, was evidently taken over by the conquerors from the Babylonians, or was based
assessors

on their system.

Thus we

find the

enumeration of relatives of
\r\)\
:

the parties, the fine for breach of contract (ejM the definition of the boundaries of property
like 3311

kaspi iddin),

special phrases 2Q, K3^0 ^3X3, with their variants particular words, like na (Bab. garu) 'to bring an action' and many more. See e.g. Meissner, Beitr. znm altbab. Priva tree/it

p (dtnu dabdbu), 33^

(1893). The method of preparing a document may be compared with that described by Jeremiah (32 9+ ) drawn up in 586. The 24 money was weighed on the scales (pap. 15 ), the deed was

by (or for) the witnesses, and sealed. One deed was actually found rolled up, tied with string and with the (no. 5) But Jeremiah's document was evidently on clay seal still intact. a clay tablet, placed in an envelope, and an open duplicate was also made. The same practice may have been followed at Elephantine, and this would account for the duplicate of no. 2. The deed was then delivered to the interested party (2TO *! "1SD ^VDPN^ ^l^S) in the presence of the witnesses, and was stored in
written, signed
'
'

xxx
a clay pot (Jer.

INTRODUCTION
3a
1

*)

or in a

box

(as

some

oi the papyri were

found) 'that it might last many days'. In general the connexion with Babylonian law
of a thorough study, as
is

is

well

worthy

also the question of the double dating

of documents and the chronology generally. This has not been attempted here, partly because of the necessity of restricting the

volume, and partly because it would require special knowledge which I do not claim to possess. The most Finally a word must be added as to the money. important text in this connexion is no. 15, a marriage contract in which the value of various items of the gift to the bride is stated and the total given at the end. The items are valued
limits of this

as follows

In line

5.

INTRODUCTION
found
in
4

xxxi

ij-

If the wife divorces

i.

back 7 shekels 2 R,

e.

he originally paid for above equation (4 sh. 6

follows that 2

her husband, she is to paywhich are equal to the price 7| shekels, Then in the her (15 5 ) plus 50 per cent.)

R=20

1 shekel, it 5 sh. 20 hal.) since 4 have the following table: hallurin, and we

R=

R=

1
1

karash
shekel

=10

shekels.

= 4 quarters = 10 hallurin. quarter

is

As

to the names, karash

Persian, no doubt the

in

same

as

the karla on a trilingual weight Babylonian inscription the 2 karsa are given as \ of a mina, see Weissbach, Keilinschriftcii der Achameniden (191 1), p. 105, so
British

Museum.

In the

= 60 shekels = 1 mina. (The reading B>33 in Sayce and Cowley is wrong, and the conclusions drawn from it need not be considered.) No satisfactory derivation of the name karsa has been proposed.
that 6 keraSin

Shekel and rebhd {ribJia) are both

Halliiru
is

common

Semitic.
(see the Lexicon),

a small Babylonian

money term

not previously found in Western Semitic.

p. 206.

Qi.PSBA

25 (1903).

The

larger

(n:6o J3N3, cf. 2

amounts are generally reckoned by royal weight Sam. I4 2G ), as also in Assyria (Koberle,
I

NKZ
is
is

1908, p. 178), and are further defined as wrwfa II 1 or W-oh II 1. If the above calculations are correct, this would imply an alloy

of 2 quarters, or a shekel, in 10, that also sometimes described as sp'TC epa

is

Money 5 per cent. 7 a8 11,12), where it (5

,
'

This must mean likewise paid K37D "03K3. guished from silver with 5 per cent, alloy, and must refer to weight only and not to standard.
certified weights with
ii,

pure silver as distin'

royal weight Specimens of

Aramaic

inscriptions
1
'

are known, e.g.

' '

1, no. 108 (from

and p333 talents are higher sums (or found. The business transactions are as a rule not on that rarely
'

Abydos) and no. minae weights) p

(from Nineveh).

CIS The

scale.

Also gold was apparently not used as currency. In the later documents (35* 7 37 12 ) we find another term used,
,

that Np"lX

'double', but is to be taken as in NO^JO ^2X3, so according to (the weierht) of the country and *p "[T3] according to the weight" of the king'.
1

Where

the

2 cannot mean
'

'

'

*T3 is

xxxii

INTRODUCTION
is

nnno, which

no doubt the Greek

o-raTrjp,

and

is

given as the
to the special

equivalent of two shekels (.35*). On the literary pieces reference

may

be

made

introductions to the Ahikar fragments and the version of the

Behistun inscription.

For the grammar, see the introduction to the edition of Sayce and Cowley, supplemented by the Anhang iibcr den aramdischen Dialekt in Sachau (p. 261). I hope to publish a detailed
treatment of the
at a future date.

grammar
in this

in

comparison with

biblical

Aramaic

My

main object

thing to the establishment of the text

volume has been to contribute someand translation, as the

only sure basis for future investigation, rather than to attempt a discussion of all the questions involved.

avoid complication, letters which are broken in the text but are nevertheless certain are not marked. Doubtful letters
are overlined.
brackets.

To

Letters restored are enclosed between square readings have been tested over and over again with the facsimiles. In the translation, restorations are indicated

The

as far as possible

by

italics.

Such restorations were necessary

in

order to show the connexion of the sentences.

They have been made with great care and after much thought, and are in many cases certain. Others of course represent only my personal view and are open to question. I have tried in the notes to distinguish
between what
is

certain

and what

is

conjectural.

Where
that
I

the restored letters or words are not

my

own.

have

tried in the notes to ascribe

to their originators, but I fear have not always succeeded in doing so. The literature deal-

them

ing with these papyri

is large and scattered, so that some proposals have escaped me, or been adopted unconsciously, while may some readings have been suggested by more than one scholar. Words inserted for clearness, owing to the difference of idiom

between the two languages, arc put in parentheses. Proper names found in the O.T. have been spelt as
though
this causes

in the R.Y..

some

inconsistencies.

Where

the vocalization of a

name

is

unknown,

its

consonants

only are printed, in capitals.

Unknown

words, introduced to show the form of the sentence,

are transliterated (consonants only) in small capitals.

^-ra^-Lx,aul^ i^o^a-t^-rti

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
{

No.

i.

Agreement dated 495

The numeral
It

b.c.
(

after roa> in line 1 is a very carelessly written "3

= 20).

cannot be -> (=10). The year is therefore the 27th of Darius, and since Darius II reigned only twenty years, the king must be Darius I
b.c.
is

and the date 495

This conclusion
that of no. 2

The papyrus is thus the earliest in the collection. supported by the style of the writing, with which cf.

(484 b.c).

Note

also the spelling

WT1,

Sachau also compares no. 3, which as in O. T., which seems to be

under Darius
this form.
II.

is

less like.

earlier

than
the

BWH
and

and cnnim as
seems

in the later papyri,

This

is

only place in these papyri

the early writing
thin strokes.
is

where

it

has

characteristic of-

The

be the pronounced difference between thick formulae also differ from those of later documents.
to

a contract or agreement arising out of a previous decision Certain property of the court, of which no. 67, 3 is perhaps a fragment.

This

had been divided between two

an parties (cf. no. 28) who now agree to The names of the parties of half of their respective shares. exchange are all feminine, Selua and Yethoma of the one part and Ya'a'or of the other part, showing that in 495 b. c. in this colony women could hold
property in their

own

right,

and could go
no. 31.
1

to

law about

it.

Sachau, plate 30.

Ungnad,
N3$>
\2r\^

ma

risi^D

moN
ibs>

cmmb

1ll

III

"3

iw

p|S ni[']b

II

,,

d[i]

"ob

[ton db&b>

ma

nwnrri nnn noi'm rwp

i*i

n Nnso :6s

r\hn

N^rm

or xn3Dn

*anai

ijm tota

{?

w.

N[h]jo

xb

pns
k^>
*3t

dv inl> rantu oy on bo

4
5

3ip mai 13 nroo ns ^^

^ warp

jrox n^ [-i]p3[i]
ni
II

\nv

pn n

ntum

ww

arn? ^THi
III

6
7

31FI

?^| KH3D1

IBH3 1D3

Wins?
nTTin

8
9.

na iwn[n]
"13

[rvjiw
2599

d6p
rTOW
B

10

30 13

2
1

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
We

No.

On the 2nd day of the month Epiphi of the 27th year of King a Kenaya and Yethoma her sister to Darius, said Selua daughter of 3 have given to you half the share Ya'a'or daughter of Shelomim, which was granted to us by the king's judges and Ravaka the com4 accrued to you with mander, in exchange for half the share which to sue Ne'ehebeth. Hereafter, on a future day, we shall not be able 5 did not give it to you ; you in the matter of this your share, and say, c nor shall a brother or sister (of ours), son or daughter, relative or alien be able to sue you ; and whoever shall sue you in the matter of this to you 7 the sum of your share which we have given you, shall pay and 8 the witnesses (are) 9 Hosea karash and the share is yours 5 u Zephaniah b. Machi. 10 Shelomim b. b. Hodaviah, Azariah,

We

Line
Its

1. Usually the equivalent day of the Jewish month is also given. In no. 5 omission here and in no. 2 may be merely accidental.
it

(471 b.c.)

is

added, but in no.

as a fern,

(461 e.c)
is

it

is

omitted.

i"lK1?D

(elsewhere N1^D, m^D) Masc. who, b>0 in O.T.

name,

only

known from

these papyri.

be n^p (so Sachau), cf. njp?N, or for The HDllV only here and in 67, 3 (with ntota). rY01p as in 4 No doubt to be here. Tixnrv only masc. Din* and HDTV also occur.

Line

2.

n^p, only here.

2
.

It

may

!>*>*)

divided

iW = VP and
3.
it

13

14

note.

On Might' (so G. B.Gray). to have into. Before fn3M it would be usual

"TiK

rW

= W
16 5
.

see

Line

N[n]3D something
is

allotted.

In

Hebrew

cf.

Pss.
in

n
28

6
,

In

Talmud

common

legal term

for 'share'

(=

pbn

s
)

assigned

by the court. There is nothing to show, the nature Nata "n. The previous action was taken before the royal
court, not the beth din of the colony.

of the property.
(i.

e.

Persian)

alphabet there is "|TO. no certain distinction between 1 and 1, except that 1 seems generally to have a shorter down-stroke. The first 1 is unusual in form, but probable.

In

this

The word can name with and

'

'.

of &c. or a proper only be a preposition 'by order The latter is more probable, but the name is unknown.
Cf.

perhaps Zend ram, 'pleasant' This is another argument for the early date, since in termination -la. 7 K^nm one the N^nm was p&J (30 ). alternative
Justi

gives

Rawai.

with the

OP

408-7

(the

date)

He sat with the word, as usually. Line 4. WTWO, elsewhere nana.

'

(civil?) court.
It

Cf. also 16 7 .

seems to be a Hebrew Niphal form,

is

beloved

'.

The meaning

of Dy

not clear.

It

may mean
'

that
'

was co-partner with Ya'a'or, when it would be equivalent to and (so was a slave and part of the property divided (cf. no. 28). Sachau), or

The

nno^.

father ought to be named, and a down-stroke after it. Sachau one other day'. So Torczyner, disregards both, and reads in) 'and 'one day hereafter'. We should expect IS' before OV as elsewhere.

former

is

the

more probable, but her

of b

There

is

a' trace

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
It
*

No.

must mean

'hereafter,

to-morrow or another day

first

on some For '.

later

day',

a variant of the usual

1.

cf.

Ahikar,

39.

733 usually

taken as 723 with

radical

assimilated, from

?y.

More probably

from a stem

is only another spelling. "3133 Note the construction, a mistake for) 33*TJ3. ought to be (Sachau says which is usual. The root mj, cf. Hebrew (Piel) and Aramaic, means to

712

(72),

of which 7H3

'

stir

up

',

hence to
It

institute legal
is

of the person.

a Babylonian legal term.

proceedings against, with an accusative or 'this of thine',

speaking to a woman, as *jr to a man. Line 5. [l]B3[l], so Epstein. Sachau's ni

sense.

(for

>V\)

gives

no

satisfactory

1E3

for

1EN3

is
cf.

occur elsewhere (but

of a

not wholly convincing, since the form does not 3 alone does not quite fit the "OD? in 32 2 ).

space, for the lines begin very evenly, but there is a trace of the tail
3.

Therefore not 1CN3.

PD3PP.

We
is

be read.

The
'

suffix,

should expect "With, but that cannot we have given it '. 3*1p
' '

defectively for

3np

related or not related

(pTPl), the regular formula,

and

similarly in

Babylonian law.

is

The karash was worth 10 shekelsjsee p. xxii). This 7. JEH3. not an unusually high penalty, as Sachau suggests. As a rule the The reading is clear, but 3171. money is defined as being N37D *33N3.
Line
looks as though added as an afterthought. In later Aramaic 3in or in means N71.
'

it

221
1

Elsewhere we have JH K71 again ^Jjurther '. I doubt

likely
it

if it

can mean here

'

nevertheless
'.

'.

More

introduces KHHty,

moreover the witnesses are

Lines 9-1
1.

the scribe.
is

fairly

The witnesses' names here, as in no. 11, were written by irnin rrmn 12 JJt^in occurs almost certainly in no. 2. The procertain, not iTn*V (as Sachau), an unknown name.
is

nunciation Hodaviah

attested

by the Masoretes.

DE17 y possibly the same as in 1. 2, witnessing on behalf but probable. of his daughter. Hardly the same [rv]~lfj/ uncertain,

Line 10.

as in 20 6 (420 B.C.), but perhaps his grandfather. There of the practice of calling a child after his grandfather.

is

some evidence

Line 11. "OB only here (and

in

Num.
2.

13

15
).

No.
Contract for supplying

Com

to the

Garrison 484

B.C.

There is a slight uncertainty as to the number of the year, owing to a break in the papyrus. It must be either 2 (as Sachau) or 3. There is ~> is made rather large, hardly room for II"', since in this papyrus the
cf.
1.

and

1.

6.

Year 22

is

20 or 21 years.

On

the whole 2

impossible, because Xerxes reigned only is the more probable, and the date is

b 2

4
therefore no. 1.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
484 b.c

No.

The

style of the writing in general

resembles that of

This

is

loss of the

a contract, of which the precise terms are obscure owing to the ends of all the lines (about 18 letters missing in each line).

The main points are that Hosea and Ahiab received from Espemet a consignment of barley and lentils which they undertake to deliver (at Syene) to the government officials for the use of a section of the garrison.

The similar document, no. 3, may be a duplicate, but it differs in form and thus throws little light on the details of the transaction. Epstein has
has restored the ends of most of the

endeavoured to combine the two, and on the assumption of their identity It lines, but he is not convincing.
to

seems best not

attempt the restoration of most of the

lines.

Sachau, plates 25, 26.

$?B>in

Ungnad,

no. 27.
\l n3B> *DN3

10K N]TV3

3*3 N]a[b]

BHWl

m*b

II

III

III

"=5

r.-l'-. snbra ivjwobs in ooBlDNij Pinna

-13

atrntu rnnwi

"13

III

,T p"]ycj> n* by n^n. "^?. K "?l- *$Q t \-> 3tin jnsbpi II III NT ?-?] |3Tw |[ny]pb

4
5

bnob pin*

II

/]//// ">3"? pins' 3ny pabrai pye' ba III Dpnbxrva n nnxo n ;[naj] r -> r b]a

6
7

pa}5
II

wall pnx pjw

III]

-i3jb

naab

paa

pnx
*n

pyt^b

II

paj

i^'iaj

dnd [n
3*9*.

8 9

p* by nan* nax n rat]

*T

tony

ba3 nanax 1:3

*t

psb
nar

lhnaa n nns*J5
yrri KnKb
3-1

Dpnbxnn

nnxo
hjt

**

b[*nb 10

mp

i]h jnaa nanax

ian]a*
K*re*.K
*t

X-12D3 p*na

n
12

nan^ nax n tniay

*?

nso

Dipi xabra n*3

sniay ba jnaa sb jm sbyan] p"na

xnvijs*

nbx txraib baiob jvby 13

14
15

nBD

Dipt sabn n*33 proa i?

f^-13
*i

^*3:/5'
"f

v^^
bai

*pl]8 SjD3 +l
*r

Sp3

"]b

3in3 rftmN
N*nbs*
|b

pab

*V] sabra rva

jons3 obey roxi

taba*

16
17

)H xbi xbyara 3*na

*r]

sniaya ^bonn ny nriKb

nax

3N*nN as by y^in
J3]3

3m

18

13 myae>a wpsdm

"13

aoa

nw
miDN

19

]ia

mynx

11a

na

mc

in*3N

na ban 20
21

fcH33

12

VOP

fnJiT

-13

Endorsement.
1

BO]SDnb

[3K*n]K*.

JWh'n 3313

[*r

KIBD 22
in to

On

the 28th of the

the city

of Feb, said Hosea

month Paophi in the 2nd year of King Xerxes 2 b. Hodaviah and Ahiab b. Gemariah

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
"Espemet
b.

No.

You have delivered to 44 (?) ardabs of

Peft'onith the sailor to us barley

.
.

5
2

55 ardabs ardabs for

the

men 8 of ihe company of Nabushalliv, 2 men to J ardabs we have accepted it n and our heart is content therewith. We will convey this corn which you have delivered to us 10 to these /roops of the company of Betheltakem and of the company of Nabushalliv as n written
.

of Hanani, the carpenter, saying, 4 8 (?) and beans, 1 1 ardabs 6 total barley and beans together barley c 1 1 men of the company of Betheltakem every ration of n 2 men, to each man 2 ardabs of bailey and
.
.
.

also 11
;

of barley

document. will render an account before the company commander the authorities of 12 Government House and before the clerks of the 13 to us treasury (and) they shall give out the corn which you have delivered to be conveyed to those men who are described above ; and we do not
in this

We

and

Government House and before the clerks of the treasury, as aforesaid, we shall be liable to you in the sum of 100 karash, pure (?) silver as we swear by Ya'u 16 the God, and you have a right to our payment from Government House and ihe countinghouse ; and all that is 17 ours you have a right to seize until you are indemnified in full for the corn as aforesaid, and no suit shall lie. 18 19 Written by Hosea at the dictation of Ahiab. Witnesses: Ki' b. 20 Iskishu Nushku-idri b. N Dukal b. Abijah Shuri b. Kadu 21 Ata-idri b. Asvadata b. Jonathan Shabbethai b. Nabda. 22 (Endorsement.) Deed which Hosea and Ahiab wrote for ~Espemet.
deliver all the cor?i that is
at
15
; .
.

u yours in full

if

Line

1.

Date, see on

1
.

BHNW, OP
mentioned
first

Khshayarsha.
1.

The
and
3

SJ>Wn, in no. 5 (thirteen years later) place, y or pD, was probably

y^in must be the name of the
.

in the lost part of the line.

party.
2.

Cf.

18 and

1.

22,
3
.

He

is

perhaps the same as

s imilar

in

9
.

Line
is

[DES]DN^>, in 3
10

SDN^.

In 4* (a

document )_t3GBpX
13

mentioned, and in 6 J"IE>QDK is son of JT01J7D32 (see 5 ). Line 3. As Epstein points out, there is not room for 13 (as Sachau) at He suggests which requires some word like servant the beginning.
' '

''f,

at

the

end of

J.

2.

Also nniT

(sing.)
'

shows

that only
'.

one person

is

addressed.

N"iJJ, cf.

26 NnJJ,

ship's carpenters

Espemet
*T.

in 6 10 is
4
.

a sailor.

However
4.

Line

It

beginning. not remember any other case.

the ~i has a short tail [py]ty cf. 3 does not seem possible to read anything but III at the Can the numeral be divided between the two lines? I do

and should be a

Line

5.

3"iyE,

The connexion is obscure. though singular, must mean taken together'. The
'

barley

and beans being regarded

as a quantity, not as plural.

I]

IIIT3-3

The
I

first

figure
is

(as

Sachau)
1.

is badly made or defaced, but "3 is the only possibility. The numeral might be 54 to 59, out of the question.

but see on

7.
is

Line
(10

6.

~>w

very uncertain.
Vj

If right, is

it

the price per ardab

letter
'

shekels)? i[inj] only the

is

tail

of a

letter

very remains.

uncertain.

The nnND

first
'

may be

N.

centuria

(with suffix).

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No.

Dpn?xrV3, as in 1. 10, the name of Probably a subdivision of tbe 7J1. The numeral refers to the preceding p2:. The trace of the next letter suggests a 3, which again suggests the words restored.
the centurion.

Line

7.

133?

*13:I7, cf.

22 1

3 is

a quarter.

The

trace at the

end

a subdivision of the ardab, probably want may belong to a J.

We

pi

somewhere here, but it is difficult to see how to complete the line. If the number of men is the same as in the other company, with the same allowance, they would account for the 55 ardabs in 1. 5. Then,
since there are, in
all,

11 ardabs of beans in

1.

4 for 22 men, the half

ardab

(II i)

would be the allowance of beans per man.

[n] hardly
1

Line

8.

room

for

construction here (2 men to [5] At the end ardabs) differs from that in 1. 7 (2^ ardabs to 1 man). something must be supplied like we have received the goods '.

D7CD3, D

anything

else.

178*133,

cf.

CIS.

ii.

25

in

Babylonian.

The

'

Line
libbi.

9.

132 as frequently,

without a

suffix, in these papyri.

T\Vi\

Bab. ina

At

the

end Epstein

restores [{ID

KTQJJ from

3,

but whatever
'

the construction

may
the

be there, pD can hardly

is
is

Line 10.

At

end there

a trace of O.

mean As
There

'

Syene here. only two companies

to
is
.

have been mentioned the restoration

fairly certain.

Line

n,
'

end.

Epstein proposes
' '

[p]H.

no other word

11 beginning with 'H. He completes the line from 3 render an account (or give instructions JH jnj by
'

My
?)
is

translation of

only a guess.

Line 12. N3?K> n\3 must be 'Government House', since the king did
not
1

live at

Elephantine or Syene.
'.

!3ri3\

asyndeton, as in
is

1.

n,

or
It

final,

that they should give

The

restoration (from 3 12 )

Epstein's.

must
the

be nearly right, though rather confused. Line 13. 72)a? 'give it (to some one) to convey', i.e. send it. end something of the kind is required to introduce the penalty in

At
I.

15.

p:D2 'according to number', i.e. exactly, in full. It cannot (as Sachau alternatively) which would be pD3 and At the end Epstein proposes np?n N? T (cf. 3 15 ), but meaningless.
14.

Line
'

be

in

minae
is

'

his

meaning

not clear.
is

+ the unusual, but quite certain. sign for 100 has form. The penalty is very heavy. If (perhaps early) 10 shekels per ardab (1. 6) was really the cost of the goods, this is nearly double the total value. The end should define the standard of the
Line 15. 3in3 an unusual
2 money. Epstein restores NV17K [nna *J3K3 ~>b VB>] I JD3, cf. 1 1 and the demotic deed of 493/2 b.c. cited by Staerk {Die Jiid. Ara?n. Papyri But l is not used in this formula, nor is NH7N added to Ptah p. 26).
.

in no. 11.
for restoration.

For PpS

7 f]D3 cf. 5 ,

28 11 but there
,

is

not sufficient ground

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
to

No.

16.
:

an oath

NH7N the connexion is obscure. Sachau thinks it may belong we swear by the god X our share or pay|D""I33
'
'
'

'

'.

ment'.
pay.

or as in Possibly a percentage on the deal The construction with 1 is awkward.

,

no.'

11, their military

The

restoration

is

18 where see note. Epstein's, from 3 Line 17. N?Enn, i.e. you receive

in full the value of the corn.

The

end

is

restored from 3 20
18.

Line

03
cf.

pj?

'at

the
is

dictation

or

direction

of

is

common

expression,
JflPin

16
,

but

it

unusual to find a

scribe.

no doubt the partner whose name is If he were a new person he would be

1.

writing for his partner. He acts as lost in line 1.

further described here.

man

So

also in

22.

Line
very

9.

The

witnesses'

names

are not written by the scribe,

cf.

and are
?

difficult

to read.

N^D or tfa,

JOD in

1
.

Egyptian

as his

father's

name.
Neither

Line 20.
is

certain.

113 (or 113)

Line 21.

more probable than 7311. Otherwise the reading 2 name is known. "Hity Sachau cites CIS. 1, 154 Unknown. probable. miDX (or m~). Sachau miCN. Cf. Persian Aspadata?

73H

is

ii.

NH3J or N~I33. [JUT a mistake ? for fn:i.T. Line 22 is incomplete at both ends. It is the endorsement written on
the outside after the

document had been

rolled

up, tied,

and

sealed.

This

is

the usual formula, sometimes with a

word added

to indicate the

nature of the transaction (pniD "ISO &c). ments are generally much defaced.

Being outside, the endorse-

No.

3.

A
Beginnings of
relating
to
lines

Duplicate
transaction.

(?)

of No.
of

2.

of a document very similar to no.

2,

but perhaps

missing could evidently be restored from no. 2, though the details remain obscure in As so much is lost, it seemed best not to attempt restoration. both.
a
different
is

Much

what

Sachau, plate 27.

Ungnad,

no. 29.
II

n-v]?

III

III

^5 3

asoJriKi

mn[in n]a
pon]no
pye> |T 7y

dd]sdx7

[p>2
]

3
4

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
]

No. 3
5 6
7

1 pmc

\nzbu
i>a

H/w] ].Tllll[i ] rn
f]nabm
] ]

fans
jid
i"U[T

jns^D

8 9

rw [n]uy
T1
XJ-IND

],1
]

N]nSD3 10
1 1

rona.i K-nay 12
s

K3]^0 n [aa] P303 13 ;]t ^>y nan* n 14

]~t s n 15
Kl]5MS 16
]
.

P]D3 Mllta

]l

p3^5

*T

31

18 19

nn]o^
]i

d[>b>

nasi]

s^y:n ana n 20

] B33 [yn]n ana 21

na] na nit? vmrw 22

. .

,]:a5

na *["frijpw 23

]ib>dS [na n]n:a 24

1

On

the 28th of
c 1

b.

Hodaviah and Ahi'ab

4

property5

holders tn Feb to TLspemet

to us barley "

lentils,

20

ardabs
8

total barley
9

and

lentils

this corn Syene deed and 12 the corn which company, and the officers 13 u which in full at G^'ernment Hous^ you gave you 15 16 which does not belong to us delivered to us treasury 18 17 the god, silver and the counting-house and 20 19 mine and have a right to seize as aforesaid, and you 21 22 Written by Hosea at the hands (?) of khiab. Witnesses Shuri 2i 23 b. Kadu Nushku-idri b. Nabm'/w Bagada/a b.
lentils,
(?)

ardab
the

to 5 (?) 10 in this

men

shall

ISMSHD

Line 1. The day of the month is the same as two documents were drawn up on the same day. Line
2.

in no. 2.

Perhaps the

The form

differs

from that of no.

e. g.
'

contained a description of the parties, of X ', which is continued in 1. 3.

2. This line probably both Jews of the regiment

Line

5.

Ardabs 20 4-, a quantity not mentioned

in the extant part

of

no

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line be
is
I

No. 3

7.

The numeral can

It

hardly be

II

II

(as Sachau), since that

)

would

III.

must be

5 or 6 or 8

(cf.

24

or 9.

If

it

is

5 the ration

the

same
8.

as in no. 2.

Line Line

The
J1D

is

9.

seems
is

very uncertain. Perhaps \~? as in certain, but construction ?

After
it

24 ?

Line 15.
certain.

nb

doubtful.

Sachau reads pbn, but only

is

Line

17.

The

fact that

After P|D2 the definition of standard is quite uncertain (sjHS?). this follows NH7N no doubt supports Epstein's restoration

nna vnxa

in 2 15 .
.

Line 18, as in io 9 The reading in both places is clear. *3 absolute form of 1V3 is found several times. We should not expect
cf.

as
"G,

"'T

N37E JV3
point
it

in in

1.

13.

Sachau takes
sort of

]ilb

as 'tiles', but
its

there

is

not

much
there
this

that

as a description.

From

association

with the

treasury

must be some

is a N'nSD JV3, a record office must be something of the same

bank or counting-house. In Ezra 6 1 to which the treasury was attached, and

sort.

There

is

no word

in

O.T.

specially denoting a cuneiform clay tablet (ni? has various meanings).

In Ezek. 4 1 H33? may be such a tablet, on which a plan of the city was drawn. Probably here p? means a tablet, and the house of tablets
' '

was the place where records of payments were stored even though they 9 may have come to be written on papyrus. This would suit io also.
Line 19. Line 21.
i.e. *b

''Baa

by an oversight for p. instead of DB by as

it.

in 2 18

Sachau 'by the hands of,

2,

Ahiab wrote

It
it

is

not in the same hand as no.

for 'aa
*B
is

written

by

Hosea.

Seidel thinks

is

= DB3,

the a having

become

otiose,

and a being added.

in these texts.

But

never found (as a Hebraism) for DB

also appear in no.
2.

Lines 22, 23.

These two witnesses

333.

Ungnad

suggests Bab. Nabnitu.

[n]*JJ3 (probably)
is

Line 24.
(Egyptian
?)

Persian Bagadata.

His

father's

name

unknown.

No.

4.

small Fragment, apparently connected with Nos. 2 and 3.

Fragment probably of a letter. It is not but seems to relate to the transactions recorded in nos. 2 and 3. dated,
Beginnings and ends of
lines lost.

Written on both sides.

io
Sachau, plate 36.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ungnad,
]3

No. 4

no. 42.
*b

Obverse.

nay
Qgpn

]b |N1 pB>[
]

bjk

[ [

3 4

a rvaS n
Reverse.
]
]

pJW mya
u n

|rOB>[n

5 6
7

n:n

Jn DDDDN
]
1
.

jo pb[
2

8
for s, and also what you wish with it
6

they

made

for

me
4
8

3 5
7

he prepared, also we have found barley

here.

Now

Espemet
Line
2.

since
this

we
would surely require a

Sachau suggests p^[*ia], but

it.
' '

numeral
Line
Line
Line
nos. 2

after
3.
4.

\2Wpn Haphel, make ready (Sachau). n is almost certain. Not N, as Sachau.

|nat?[n]
3.

Only

here.

133, cf.

on

9
.

5.

'we have found', not jras as Sachau.

cf. 2
2
,

pyB> as

in

and
7.

Line

DCQDX,
ft-.

Line
is

8.

Ungnad

|*B"

which Seidel restores

to pD[3n],

but the ?

almost certain.

No.

5.

Grant of Building Rights.

The
tied

471 B.C.
it

date

is

quite certain, 471

b.c

When

found

was

still

rolled up,

and

sealed.

This is an agreement between Koniya and Mahseiah, allowing the former to build some kind of structure (i:tt or 13S, see note) between his
house and Mahseiah 's, which are adjacent.
It
is

the

first

of a series of

documents

in

which Mahseiah and

his

family are concerned.

It is perfectly preserved.

Sayce and Cowley, pap. A.

snxnrn

\l III ->

rw

D3na$>

II

/// ///

bh*b "

m M~**
">a

jid

ws rw

-ia

rvormb

mm

brh po n

*d-ik

P*w

irap

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
nspb i^n
nyi
tfrv3

No. 5
"idn^ nrii
I

11

jnn

*b

nam

yby rvnN puk

brb

m -j^t -jr k-un nsn "ijn n^j6 n nn'vb *? wv3i> np3i n <r W3 n-iT j N^y nyi W3 "ioe p3*in -jr k-un rr6yi> kjtjn |q
rinsr rvn
j*i it

n-ux

^y nod? "Un^n

bnatj

t&

pn

Q,|>

**

ino
[fl

6
7

'f s

If

N'"13S1

nnNi nx
"ibv

Pp PJD3 fcota "J2N2 II mai 12 b^y ab priN Dr

rb ^ib in

/// [BH3 *)D3 1^ JrUX "]n^3 in

ino n^ip rvp jm Dx

^y3 prm

rwob
x^y

nonoj xb*
m^>y
"jr

mpi ^n
nS>3*

anp

x-i:xi

yra n N2D3

rb \tw Druo

n n^T

ir

ntjn 10
ii

^un ab
*?

xpvj'3

mip n:xi x^>y "ty ps:n xh in ^r x^>

rmob b^b*

nJNi Q2X i^t

xynn

ncNi>

nonob "hd'n'm
|ra

N^y

3T3 n N&D3

frux *]n^3 |n
v

xn^D rwiytaas rvn pm

13

Ia*3

xpm

pwbi>i ir

xjnn rinsed

d^p

ruxi

14

3 txnm

mip dsd rut nisd vnx 13 rVB^s 3ns ^inx "13 inanp nnp 13 nDra the?
.

15
16

nw

psmx

-13

n|n*ia the* yirin

-13 *taaa
.

-13
"13

rryety "ins? 17

wn
Endorsement.

rnraa
jnern

ni:n tip 18
int?

nwsnn 13 thw
non^
iTJIp 3J13

im
'T

-13

cnnj3
nsD

19

f!33

n N-UX

20

1 On the i8ih of Elul, that is the 28th day of Pahons, year 15 of King Xerxes, said Koniya b. Zadok, an Aramaean of Syene, of the detachment of Warizath, to Mahseiah b. Yedoniah, an Aramaean of Syene, 3 of the detachment of Warizath, saying I came to you and you have given to me the gateway of your house to build 4 1 portico (?) there. This portico is
:

5 It adjoins my house at its This portico shall upper corner. adjoin the side of my house from the ground upwards, from the corner 6 of my house at the upper end to the house of Zechariah. To-morrow or on any later day I have no power to restrain you from building above 7 If I restrain you, I will pay (or upon) this portico of yours. you the sum of 5 karash, royal weight, pure silver, and the portico is yours 8 If Koniya dies to-morrow or on a later day no son or assuredly. 9 daughter, brother or sister, relative or stranger, soldier or citizen, shall

yours.

have power to restrain Mahseh or his son from building above 10 this Whoever restrains one of them shall pay him the sum portico of his. n is aforesaid, and the portico yours assuredly, and you have the right to build above it upwards, and I Koniya have no power 12 to speak to Mahseh saying This gateway is not yours, and you shall not go out 13 is between us and the house of Peft'onith, (by it) into the street which the boatman. If I restrain you, I will pay you the sum aforesaid. u And you have the right to open this gate and go out into the street which
:

12
is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
us.
1,rj

No. 5

Pelatiah b. Ahio wrote this document at the dictation Witness Witnesses thereto: la Witness Mahseh b. Isaiah. of Koniya. 17 Witness Witness Shemaiah b. Hosea. Satibarzanes b. Atharli. 18 Witness Bagadata b. Nabukudurri. Phrataphernes b. Artaphernes. 19 Witness Witness Bentirash b. Rahamrea' (?) Nabuli b. Darga.

between

Shallum b. Hoshaiah. 20 (Endorsement.) Deed which he built, which Koniya wrote for Mahseh.

(relating to) the portico

Line
dates
is

1.

Elul

usual.
2.

Line

The

Pahons. The equation of the Jewish and Egyptian 1 See Introduction, p. vi. CIN^'n, in 2 cn^'n. In parties are both described as Aramaeans of Syene.
is
8 'Jew in Elephantine', and in 6 Koniya is The terms seem to be used almost indiscriminately,

6 3 &c. Mahseiah
also called a Jew.

called a

but

it

is

noticeable that, although

find J1D
'T

we have

six instances of 3*3

J1D

*t if

vnn\

we never
points
to

HW,
y2

and though there are ten cases of

*I

VDIK,

there are only three of

""Ens.

This can hardly be accidental, and

'

frequent term.
b)~\

b))2

7i\?, a Elephantine as the specially Jewish settlement. S-C bi"h in the sense of depending on ', in which case the 8 was a cliens depending on a patronas. Cf. Exod. (1. 9)

view might be defended, it is perhaps better to read, as Though is now generally agreed, bl?, cf. G. B. Gray in J. Q. JR., II, p. 92 + 1 It is then a military term (1) 'standard', (2) 'detachment', commanded
this
.

by the
the
is

man whose name

a-qfjiia (a-rjfiaia,

Cf. (always Persian or Babylonian) follows it. in Ptolemaic Greek papyri. The explanation a-rjfxfiov)

not without

difficulty, for

also in 15 3 (441),

and perhaps

the degel of Warizath here (in 471) appears in 28 2 (410), in each case relating to

Aramaeans of Syene.

We

can hardly suppose that any one

Several

man

could

command

it

for sixty-one years.

men

are described in different

documents as belonging to two degalin, which may mean that they were The persons belonging to transferred from one detachment to another. 3 a degel nearly all have Jewish (or other foreign) names, but see 7
(reading not certain). may be accidental, but
it

This Native Egyptians are never so described. also be that Egyptians were not employed may

The degalin (composed of Jews) formedthe or an important part of it, in Elephantine-Syene. They garrison (KPTl), were settled there with their families, and were capable of holding property
as soldiers in the garrison.

Their military duties seem to have been secondary and slight, though they received rations and pay, as a retaining fee. The native See further in the Intropopulation seems to have been purely civil.
(koltoikoi).

duction, p.

viii,

and

for a-rj^ia, see Lesquier,

Les

Institutions militaires de

VEgypte (191
1

1),

p. 103, &c.
is

Dtni, a Persian name.

is

The
number.

parties

This vague term

used because there

no indication of

its

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
belonged to the same detachment.
the
E1H3* a

No. 5

13

mistake for TfSV, one of

for

many
3.
4.

mis-spellings

in

these

texts.

Stenning compares 'H^S

^i-13 in

Sinjirli,

16.

Line

-|En!\

Line

A Hebraism, commonly used to introduce the business. "UX or "UN is feminine. The word has been much discussed,

but no convincing explanation has yet been found. As 13X it has been compared with Bab. agurru 'brickwork', or "i:PK 'roof. As "UN, Barth {Rev. S/m., 1909, p. 149) compares jUl, and irfttN (Amos 9), a lower

Lidzbarski thinks it was possibly a building contrasted with vnvj/D. succa (in Elul), but it seems to be something more permanent. From the description it must be some sort of archway or covered passage on
or over which the lessor has the right to build. The following plan of the buildings has been made by Hoonacker (Schweich Lectures,
p.

14):

N
Jl
J

jCr^X^a

AlKHK^fc-c oCl

14

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
passage between the houses
to
it.

No. 5
in,
1.

The

is

called

jnn

3,

meaning

the gate

and the way

The

lessor
is

Mahseiah grants the

to

right to build there,

but the building, as a

tenant-in-chief?).

fixture,

be his property as ground landlord (or

part'
is

wbyb.
i.

The 'upper
the South.
1.

the

end remote from was not

the house of Zechariah,

e. at

Line 5

was inserted

after

was

written,

because
f

1.

sufficiently definite.

S\ NJHN JO. The partly a repetition. or pillars supporting the ~I3K were to be fixed against the side of posts the house (pal attached to it). mat was son of Nathan (8 7 ). The house afterwards passed to his son TiVH (25 s ).

Hence
'

it is

'

Line

6.

The
and

usual formula.
in the forms
^>n3">

?m&t.

Only the imperfect occurs

?3* (cf.
i

in

these texts,

and

4
),

which are probably

only varieties of spelling.

In

BA

the participle

alone has the fuller

form

?i

(- !l?)

the other parts have been influenced by the

it is
'

Hebrew ?3\

In these texts See further//?^ S, 1920, p. 182. "by either upon or above '. by an imperfect.
'

always followed
part of

'

Line
the

7.

On
DBN

the

money
"T

see Introduction, p. xxii.

penalty

is

common
8.

form.

a mistake

for "pT, cf.

f)N,

11.

10, 11.
*JT.

Line
is

a strengthened form of

as D3T (9 2 ) of

'31

mm

~I3

again

common
9.

form.
for

Line

nnpl

imp

by31, a full citizen as distinguished

' '

from

b))2

soldier bil, K\rjpovxo<; (here translated The use of b to mark the object is not

for

common

convenience). in these texts.

HDn07.
It is

probably inserted here for greater clearness, and then repeated in 13?. Note the change to the third person. The name is shortened (familiarly)

from Mahseiah.
Line 10.
DiTiD
, ,

*T
'

'whoever
?

of

them'

restrains?

or

'whoever

(restrains one) of

them

Line
build

1 1

nb]}

*W repeated

for greater precision.

it.

Mahseiah was

free to

on top of
12.

the portico, but not under

Line
it

nN,

being

settled,

The right to build above 1st pers. sing, imperf. the next clause deals with the right to use the gate

and passage under it. Line 13. rWiyUBB, an Egyptian name.

to a particular quarter or ghetto.

The Jews were

not restricted

Nri70.

He was
street

a Nile boatman.

His son
Line

10 11
-

(6
14.

followed the same calling.

pj*2

is

used inaccurately.

The

was not between the

houses of Koniya and Mahseiah, but only a passage (with the "UK), unless The phrase no doubt means (as in 1. 13) that is now called a p1K>.
the street
'

between our houses and that of Peft'onith

'.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
15.

No. 5
of the lessee.

15
~|2

The deed

is

drawn up

at the direction

vns\ family may have been professional scribes, since no. 1 1 was In io 22 Ahio b. Pelatiah, a witness, is written by Gemariah b. Ahio. a son of the present scribe. DS3 or DC ?]} the regular phrases, probably
'

The

at

the dictation of.

133 cf.

on

Lines 16-19.

The names

are signed by the witnesses themselves, and

Note the mixture of Jewish, Persian, are therefore difficult to read. Babylonian, and perhaps other names. Line 16. jT"l3nt? a Persian name, of which orQ~"tfVw> (Ezra 5 6 &c.) is no doubt a corruption. vinx (though ^nn5 is possible), as in 13 18
,

Halevy, however, points out that

if it is

Assyrian

it

should be *innt$>N,
1.

if

Aramaic or Arabic, v"iny. Peiser suggests Atarliu. Cf. 'pnj, Line 17. psms is no doubt intended, but it is written jnms.
Line
'

18.

18.
is

rnJ3 Persian.
'

His

father's

name

is

Babylonian.

"7133

my god or 'is mighty '. The mark before it may be a false or a mark of division. start, Stenning suggests that it is a bad B>, Lidzbarski for Tfl35> which stands before the other names. NUTI.
Nabu
thinks a
short

form of Dargman (6 2 ),
a strange name.

cf.

13

19 .

It

may

be ttxil

AaSctK^s, Persian.

Line 19.
reading
ii.

B>*"irU3

There seems

to be
is

it.

jn6rn uncertain.

The papyrus
6.

broken.

no other way of Cf. CIS.

1.

154

7
.

No.
Conveyance.

465

B.C.
is

The
It is

date

is

the 2

1 st

year of Xerxes, which

stated to be the

st

year

of Artaxerxes

465 b.c (i), an agreement between Dargman and Mahseiah

i.e.

(cf.

concerning

the right to certain property.

Mahseiah also claimed.

Mahseiah was required sumably because there was no evidence.

ruling of the court against him,

piece of land which The matter being brought before the court, to take an oath in support of his claim, pre-

Dargman claimed a

Dargman now
deed
is

submits to the
at his direction.

and

this

drawn up

Reference

is

made

to

it

in 8 23

Such an oath was a

It

common

when the property passed to Mibtahiah. form of legal procedure, see nos. 7, 44, 45.
,

was used

in

Babylonian law, see the Code of Hammurabi

(ed.

Winckler)
(scmkh)
in

20,

249, &c.

Clermont-Ganneau compares
is

also

'ankh

Egyptian law.

The

writing

not very

skilful.

Note too
is

the great variation in the

number of

letters in a line.

The papyrus

ajmost^ perfect.

16

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sayce and Cowley, pap. B.

No.

na Knaibo

cni

\i nw
1

ninn!?

III

[III

m}

in )bDib

II

III

///->a

mn
a1

*nn penn na

jon

-ibk

nxonaa an^ xabo K'Dwrnx

maa

*w

nTP na

iTonob

jnroRi n3N xn-ra aa untie

uamx ^ni> Tau sni^a aa wa ^ n[so> tdiA npm tnt

n
*br

3
4

Dip nnan^y yby n^ap

NpiN* nan^y in a
s

roic

xpnx

^>y

III

-pai

5 6
7

T
p-re

tcpiM noinn
rroip

Nowb hkeid >b -pjym nan nmaa xn pjn njx nh ^t }Bm!> pnx nin n^>

riTon
ra
-jr

na

n^arfn]^ t"K> yiob jom ?rva manby *? nxc nniK "ia rr-^fr] n*ai ni> cap anyoi? pfinntc tnb
n^iytaaa na

nMDN
jn

rrai
1

ni>
'

n^nnnb

mm

$>:n!>
*t

nin* 10

naaim
nnai *inai nj

in*a *t nxro

nb n*tyb K*pp n*

nbo

n
12

ami

in:N tnau

it np*in ^y *aab

pnm anp
^asa }^vy
}d p*nn
Id

*p nnxi nx *p
in -3

p-nni nnp ^ nnxi nx nnai n^nai njx y xpnx by *b

13 14

f^na epa

jna*

"jr

xpnx
II

*e>a

inr
*?

mxi i^r dsx xpnxi xnncy^

fn*K

n epa xa^E 15

NisD mix

"ia

ana

it

xynx

nanV'T^

f&ap*

pb
rot

16
17 18 19

nnp Dwnoa na yon nnc

pm
n'-jjy

nsa Nnn*a pDa

ypin ia cbwn vns* ia

m3

nnc

bna* "ia tinj

x^aa

nimn

nnp pDODiaa na
ia n^nj *in^

tbwd

20
21

nonDiiK na nbwik nnc

Endorsement.
1

n^DnD

i>

p^nn na [fern] ana

>r

pnno

nsD

22

On the 1 8th of Chisleu, that is the 7th day of Thoth, in year 21, the 2 King Artaxerxes sat on his throne, said beginning of the reign when 3 is fixed in Yeb the b. Harshin the Khofasmian, whose station Dargman
fortress, of the detachment of Artabanu, to Mahseiah b. Yedoniah a Jew who (lives) in the fortress of Yeb, 4 of the detachment of Warizath, saying
:

You

you and 5 your wife and your son, three in all, about my land in regard to which I lodged a complaint against you before 6 Damidata and his colleagues the judges, and they imposed upon you an oath to me, to swear by Ya'u in regard to this land, 7 that it was no longer the land of Dargman, mine, that is (belonging to) me. Now these are the boundaries of this land 8 in regard to which you^swore to me My house, of me Dargman, is to
have sworn to
the
in

me by

God Ya'u

Yeb

the fortress,

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
the east of

No. 6

17

it, and the house of Koniya b. Zadok, Jew, of the detachment of Athroparan, to the west of it, and the house of /^saniah b. 10 Uriah, Jew, of the detachment of Warizath, at the lower end of it, and u boatman of the cataract, at the the house of Espemet b. Peft'onhh, end of it. You have sworn to me by Ya'u, and have satisfied upper 12 my mind about this land. I shall have no power to institute suit or 12a brother and process against you, I and my son and my daughter, relative and stranger, 13 concerning this land, (against) you sister of mine, and your son and your daughter, brother and sister of yours, relative and

Whoever sues you in my name concerning this land, shall stranger. 15 at the rate pay you the sum of 20 (twenty) karash royal weight, of 2 R to the ten, and the land is assuredly yours, and you are quit of
lf5

all

claim that they

b.

may

Ethan

Aba wrote

this

deed

bring against you in regard to this land. n in Syene the fortress, at the dictation of

18 Gadol b. Yigdal. Witness, Hosea b. Petekhnum. Witness, 19 Sinkashid b. Meshullam b. Hosea. Gemariah b. Ahio. Nabusumiskun. Witness, Hadadnuri the Babylonian. 20 Witness, Geda-

Dargman.
Witness,
b.

liah

22 21 Ananiah. Witness, Aryisha b. Arusathmar. (Endorseof renunciation written by Dargman b. Harshin for ment.) Mahseiah.

Deed

Line

1.

The number
14).
is

in the

Egyptian month

is

requires something before \|||, most probably

III,

broken, and the space but it might be ~>

that
it

(making
Line

17, but there

2.
'

Gutesmann and Hontheim hardly room for Ml -.

"12
'

calculate

should be

ptJHn

means

of

Khwarizm
is
'

"Win if it }C3TJ apparently Persian names. is a strangely modern form, for ^. in the Persian
kh.
'

of to-day

pronounced
place
',

mDN.
his

Noldeke
'.

is

taking this as

i.

e.

station
is

So

I.

Le'vi
'.

probably right in and ClermontCf. 13 19 ,

Ganneau.
see note.

Hale'vy,

'whose land
'

cultivated in

Yeb

where

Line

3.

*rsy must then be

is

made

'

',

fixed

'.

as Noldeke.

But the

strange. expression both places he belongs to

rVDflO in 5 2

was an Aramaean of Syene, but in the degel of Warizath. The property was

evidently in Elephantine.

Traces of XE make this certain. Mahseiah, as a 4. n[K]\ swears by Ya'u before a Persian court, and his oath is accepted Jew, On the name, by the court and by his opponent, who was not a Jew. see Introduction, p. x. NJTV2 is probably right. It looks like p1K3,
Line
but the
tail

is

too long for

p,

and the preposition would then be

.

by-

Moreover, 1. 5 makes it superfluous. Line 5. *]"Q probably Gemariah, 9 18 Line 6. Damidata7 a Persian, was president of the court.
2509

nnua
C

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
cf.

No. 6
Ezra 4
'
.

are his assessors,

laid

Ezra

5,

&c.

N"y"l as

"Ii:yt3

they

upon you
8.

',

i.

e.

required you to take.

Line

'n

n:x

W3.

The

scribe originally wrote 'l JV2,

and

altered

it

for greater clearness, since

Dargman

retained the adjoining house.

He

The boundaries forgot at first that he was writing in Dargman's name. of the property, to be consistent with no. 5, must include Mahseiah's As the properties house, which may have been the cause of the action.
are in the

same group

as in no.

5,

it

is

a short form of Dargman. detachment of Warizath.

2 iTilp in 5 is

18 probable that Darga there (5 ) is an Aramaean of Syene, of the

Line
south.

10.

HTinn^, the lower side

is

the north, as rv^y^

is

(1.

11)

is

the
.

rWiyiaas, not 'U1Q as S-C,

no doubt the same as

, , .

in 5 13

His son Espemet carried on the same business, cf. 2 2 3 s 4 7 Line 11. K^p S^ft 'the difficult waters', no doubt the cataract of
Assuan.

On

the navigation of
cf.
1.

it,

see Hdt. 2 29

Line 12. *p*UN,

on

one word, so

"]^"12

13,

Here with double iT"Q*l?J? 1. 8, and often.

i
.

accusative.

*9"0 as

Line i2 a inserted as an afterthought. Line 13. fON &c. resuming the pronoun
is

in "]3"UK.

The

construction

clumsy but clear.

~%
is

Line 14. DB>2 i. e. acting for me. fny not jriJK as S-C. made. It is like that in i 1 and confirms the reading there. badly
,

Line

15.
i.

NmtJ>y/ll*1.

See Introduction,

p.

ssn

pTn 'removed

from

^ ', quit of, or guaranteed against. Line 16. fisty, cf. 1. 5, a technical term, 'lodge a complaint', 'bring Here with a cognate accusative. an action'. KJT1K as in no. 5,
e.

though KpIN is used in 1. 15 &c. irPN, which is not a known name.

Line 17.
}1D3.

fJVN probably,

cf.

Kings 4

31
.

Not

The

court was held in Syene, though the parties both

belonged to

names whose

Elephantine, and the property are written by the witnesses themselves.

father has an Egyptian

was also

there.

The
Or
a Jew did a

DIJnDD 12
?

W)n

name.

Was

he a proselyte

Jewess marry an Egyptian and give her son a Jewish name ? In later times Jews had no objection to using foreign (even theophoric) names, as Isidore, sometimes as alternatives to their Hebrew names, so that Petekhnum may have been a Jew. Cf. 15 2 and note on 25 s
,
.

Line 18. Vns*

"12

Pinoa, the scribe of no. 11. are

Line 21.

The names
'

unknown.
'

Line 22. pniD

withdrawal

or

'

'

renunciation

of claim.

19

No.

7.

A
The
date
is

Case of Btirglary.

461

B.C.
this to

the fourth year of Artaxerxes.

Sachau takes

be

on the ground that in the time of Artaxerxes II (404-.-5.58) Egypt was in revolt and therefore documents would not be dated by Cf. no. 35, dated in the fifth year of Amyrtaeus, Persian regnal years.
Artaxerxes
I,

revolt is

The argument is not conclusive, because the history of the about 400. obscure and we do not know how far the Persians may have
on
the

retained a hold

country, e.g. in the south at Elephantine, or

whether some sections of the people (e. g. the Jews)' may have remained On the whole, however, the earlier date (461 b. c.) is faithful to Persia. The name of the defendant, more probable than the later (401).

Phrataphemes
son
is

b.

Artaphernes

(1.

3),

about which there can be

b. c.

little

17 as a witness in 471 doubt, occurs also in 5

a witness in nos. 8 and 9, in 460,

may

or

(The Malchiah, whose may not be the same as

the plaintiff here).

The^style

appears to be late, is 2 Nabukudurri occurs elsewhere only in 29 s (about 409 b. c.) and 35 (about that the name of a degel could go on for 400 b. a). It seems, however,
a long time, whatever the explanation, since that of Warizath is mentioned It is therefore more in nos. 5, 6, 14, 15, 28, i.e. from 471 to 410 b. c.

of the writing, though at first sight it n ot^decjsive. On the other hand the degel of

should have lasted for sixty years probable that the degel of Nabukudurri that there should have been two men of the name of Phrataphemes than
b.

Artaphernes (if that is right) with an interval of seventy years between Still it must be admitted that the date is not certain. them. The precise form of procedure here is not clear, owing to the broken
It is usually taken as a case of an oath of exculpaevidence was not obtainable, the defendant was required tion, to swear that he had not committed the offence alleged against him.

state of the papyrus.

where,

if

Cf. no. 6.

If,

case

is

rather thus

however, the restorations proposed here are correct, the Phrataphemes had boasted that he had trespassed on
:

Malchiah now requires him to retract his statements on oath, and will then have the right to take further proto the loss of part of the ceedings, the nature of which is unknown owing
Malchiah's property, &c.
papyrus. In general compare nos.
6, 16, 44, 45.

Sachau, plate 26.

3*3 [KJS^D

Ungnad, no.

28.

PDBTimN

\///

WC

'BMsb // /// III ">1

3*3 \Dr\nn din

map

*n rrsta iok

wrw
c 2

ao

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
<n>33] n[^>y fn]
"n*n id
^>y

No.

7
fc[n!>

b]rb p[an-w -n] psn[-ab n]naiaa

ttasa

Knv]a

[^y n]Tp na|>] no[>$> nrojaa

jDna |D33i

npun

wuMfr

nspnai jDna

5 6
7

SnpDi [jepuw nn5y [n]cs^ nnph info fon*3onn ^y mp* ma^D ran iena ^y ndo n^y [tb] 1^22 pro [no]x^> \"i fb[pa] pa anfo

8
9

nnp^> n^ j[Dn]a ina jo rpaai nt^ns n^ [-|fo]

Knrux^

ni]p"k sjn ^[n3N] nfo nop[j] pa

1

nnp

[nas] jm 10

the fortress, said Yeb 3 the fortress,

8th of Paophi, in the 4th year of Artaxerxes the king, in Yeb Malchiah b. Joshibiah, Aramaean, holding property in of the detachment of Nab.ukudur/7', to P/irj2t^9ernes 4 You declared of Nabukuaurrt, raying b. Artap/iernes of the detachment 5 in Nepha that you entered my~liouse by force, and struck concerning me

On

the

wife, and removed goods from I have made a petition for jyoursetf. been laid upon me by the court, on

my

my
me

house by force, and the appeal

to our
'

and took them 7 god has

Malchiah

that I should challenge

:

8 I did not enter you by Herembethel the god, before 4 fudges (?), thus 9 and did not strike your wife, and did not take your house by force, 10 And if /challenge you before these goods from your house by force' a ^mm^ ^s+ c ydges (?) I am entitled also to challenge
. .

\.

Line

2.

JDnno, the regular word for

Line
letters

3.

The

beginning

is

certain. father's

holding property '. In the defendant's

name
It is
it

the

pen

are certain.

Of his

Sachau and Ungnad accidental mark, of which there are several

O, as

only p remains. * after read, and what they take as

in this papyrus.

name

not

is

an

Also their

be room for proposed ^[ns] would not fill the space, nor would there A name ending in pan must belong it and the name. anything between Hence to a Persian, who would not be described as an Aramaean.

and the restoration highly probable. Sachau and Ungnad read ... no. In this hand 4. [m3]l33. 33 are very like o, but 123 is more probable, though it need not necessarily be completed as in 1. 3. If it is Nabukudurri, both parties belonged 2 This is expressed in 20 4 by N^3"1 DDT?, cf. 9 to the same degel.

....

"13

pan

b seems certain,

Line

-)0[n^].
is

The

tails

of no are clear.

\b n^jlp or bv-

The

restoration

quite conjectural.

Then
is

The preceding n:[] can hardly be anything else. these words must introduce the accusation, and the introduction
Since he
is

put into the mouth of the accused.

'
'

afterwards required to
'

like you deny the charge, it should be introduced here by something it be another clause in the But of course or you did '. stated might It might, however, be [p]lp, charge, which is not recited in 11. 8, 9.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
or
is
'

No.

21

you attacked
it

me

'

fairly certain.

(or something Traces of & are

similar) in
visible.

N. and entered.
is

ND33
NS3
JH3.
traces

In 20 4 there

Here
of

seems
to
is

to

be a place-name.

}n is quite conjectural.

The

letters

seems

[TO]
Line
It

make nothing. The fragment of papyrus here and in 1. 3 be out of place as the traces are not in the line. ^[^V] e. 2 So Sachau. Ungnad reads (i. required by 1. 8.
, , , .

['JVjafa]),
5.

but the

mark
be

is

pro
here
i.

cf.

5>8,9 ptrjD in i6

merely accidental. where Seidel takes the 3 as otiose.

,

seems
',

to

like

a kaph veritatis (perhaps JDina) 'as (with)

violence

e. violently.

rn5y. So Sachau and Ungnad. The 12 are badly written, but nothing else seems probable. N*npl [N]i>W evidently technical terms. They belong to different clauses. }H7N our god (as Sachau).

Line

6.

'

'

Not tvrbn the gods

'

'.

It

can hardly be a Hebraism,

'

like

tftl7M

used as

a proper name.

Line Line
in
1.

7.

mx,
fPjpj]
It is

asyndeton,
'

so I

M.

challenge'.

PKITO&in.

On

this

and other gods, see Introduction,

8.

p. x.

avengers

',

i.

e.

judges,

10.

expect Dip before Line 10. After

not very satisfactory. it, but pa is not impossible.

fni

Sachau's suggestion, and so Ungnad points out that one would

is

Ungnad
'

suggests N?, but the apodosis with

I shall also

f)K
'.

makes

impossible Sachau suggests X? or H3N.

so that

this

if I

do not challenge, then

I

challenge
1.

thought of
ii3N.

1?

fni

as in Ahikar,
to

81,

&c,

but there seem to be faint traces of

the rest
is lost,

It is

much

be regretted that

we do not know

the subsequent procedure.

No.
Conveyance.

8.

460

B.C.

almost perfectly preserved, except for a crease in the last third of the breadth which causes a doubt as to a few letters. and Hontheim 5th) year of The date is the 6th
is

The papyrus

Artaxerxes
relates

(Gutesmann Artaxerxes I (not II) is certain because it 460 b.c. to the same persons who appear in no. 6, of the first year of
1

Artaxerxes

The

I 465. sentences are sometimes divided by extra space.

or had just Mibtahiah, daughter of Mahseiah, was about to be married, Her father gives her as been married (I. 7), to jezaniah b. Uriah.

dowry a property

in

Elephantine, with

full

powers

to dispose of

it.

The

22
property

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No.

is carefully described, and Mibtahiah's rights are elaborately It is the same estate to which Dargman had laid claim in safeguarded. no. 6. That document is now handed over to Mibtahiah as part of the

title-deeds.

Sayce and Cowley, D.

JTDnD "ION

X3^0 C'DTimx \// \//

nw ymao^>
s

m*

in

^D^h

"3 3

nmoao p:b nnoiri bxib xnnu a mn "6n pin \ rta mio3i "na
xyio jo tiq
I

3 janno
nan*

rvjw hot "U

mx
I

nox^ nnna

"pai \// ~> |ox

nW
13
?ro

rrnnn |o nans* nnnt^o

pmn
-13

-13

pAnn rva n^ n^y

rva n^
'a?

'mbtrin xntyya
P*re

jck 3nyo^>

5
6
7

jp rva nb b>ob> xyio

rraip rva n^

nmnnjpan

rv:iyoaa na

noaDx

anyo

na
-j^t

irnat

n^i

^ya nmx
ncbp nox

mioai "na
n

pb

ww wax
wah

nnan*

mx

pis*

xrpa

ww
na
.

n"o 1 n?o. 8
9

a^>y nyi

mi xov

jo

nn:xi nnxi nx pnnx nnai

-13

^ nvx

i6

\mx) *nonn 10
i i

n a^y ny "a^ai ru jr& ."jr xpnxa o^t? 'pnx Vxi

xp-ix

a^3

abn t^xi -ob nnai n3i

tun fahm
f>a>i

aiani 12
*jr

^
II

jrw

pi

jad

^y

^
in -

nan* n

13

aan xh pn

x^i

xnn^
ppa^

n spa xa^o ^3x3

/

mci

|tna

cjoa

14 15

a^y

ptanavxh
|jwd$>

^annx

wah

aax

Wa
mn

xnm

xnaahT pnx c^x^

t,t

-xp-ix by *o&>3

pmjn

naa 16

pa

np&n* xbi nnana

av>

^nx

x^>

pnx
nan
1

ix

xi?inw ana *a^y ppaai? n 17 3T3 put xnaai 18 nno n*ano ma f]xi

ma

nonn n
'

}oi?
-

ani

^,^rit

Npnx
'aai'nx

x^'n?:Ni 33ni pn
p]D3

pnx

pnnx^ jnaob ojo 19 dv ix nno m 20

H

pn xb) xrin^yi? // n
.

xa^o "aaxa

j^ia epa

a? jn:x nj

^aaa^njr

33n x^i 22 xnaovpnvx xh pna inxi aax ^ajT'a xn^ai naa n' x pjx 23 ^ana .x^ornn p^nn na jom t by pnno n^nxo^i n^nryo xoiovx^n anp nby ntjn na n,r xpnx 24
,,

,,

^a^

nnan^

ma

n,r

xnao

^ann ana pnno naai

*n*bn na

25
26

ne'T nbn na ix ;o:nn

pnx av

ix

nno
-jr

;n

\naann
t,t

m^x

mcnny'ana noy niy

1A3

pn n^3pS

'"psjn

xnaD
n:r

xn'-a

^27

KTiTW n^ano aaa xnn^a poa

pj n3 nnat

nnts

xnaa pxnri3j na 28 n"ano na nnoa iw 29

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
-13

No.

23

r\"W2 ine>

tibvn in nnar nntr ri^a in

"ia

yen
*inB>

*inu>

30
31

rpDno

n\n> ini? rvrr in rpyct?

ppjbx

n^o

in tot

mjy

-o

yna nn&>

32

nw
Endorsement.
.T'JjT'

na ddto nnc

mm
^w
*T

"O swiri nnc? 33

"in

vein

W
"1BD

34 35

na nDnn

[an

l]*3

^* ""_ ^_ ti/fi*' the 21st 0/ Chisleu, that is the 1st day of Mesofe, the 6th year "t^u.* ^* of Artaxerxes, the king, said Mahseiah 2 b. Yedoniah, a Jew holding
1

nono rna

ntaaoij

36

^t^

On

property in Yeb the fortress, of the detachment of Haumadata, to 3 Mibtahiah, spinster (?), his daughter, as follows I give to you for my lifetime and after my death a house and land of mine. 4 Its measurement is: its length from the lower to the upper end 13 cubits and 1 handwidth from east 5 to west 1 1 cubits by the measuring-iod ; breadih its boundaries, at the upper end of it the house of Dargman b. Harshin 6 adjoins it; at the lower end of it the house of Koniya b. Zadok; east of it the house of Jezan b. 7 Uriah, your husband, and the house of west of it the house of Espemet b. Peft'onith Zechariah b. Nathan 8 boatman of the cataract. This house and land I give to you for my life9 time and after my death you have full rights over it from this day for and your children after you. To whom 10 you wish you may give ever, There is no other son or daughter of mine, brother or sister, or other it. 11 woman or man who has rights over this land, except you and your children for ever. Whoever 12 shall institute against you suit or process, or son or daughter of yours or any one belonging to you on against you account of this land 13 which I give to you, and shall appeal against you to governor or judge, shall pay to you or to your children 14 the sum of 10 (that is, ten) kerashin, royal weight, at the rate of 2 R to the ten, and no suit or process (shall lie), 15 and the house is your house assuredly and
: ;

your children's after you ; and they shall have no power to produce, 16 against you any deed new or old in my name concerning this land 17 which to give it to any one else. they produce against you Any deed will be forged. I shall not have written it and it shall not be accepted by 18 And further, I, Mahseiah the court while this deed is in your hand. 19 will not to-morrow or on any other day take it away from you to give it to others. This land is yours. Build (on it) or give it to whom you 20 will. If to-morrow or on any other day I institute against you suit or 21 I will pay you the sum of process, and say I did not give it to you, 10 kerashin, royal weight, at the rate of 2 R to the ten, and no suit 22 or process (shall lie), but the house is your house assuredly, and (if) I go into court I shall not win my case while this deed is in your hand. 23 There is also a deed of renunciation which Dargman b. Harshin the Khorazmian wrote for me concerning 24 this land, when he laid claim to 25 that it before the judges and I took an oath to him and swore to him This it was mine, and he wrote and gave me a deed of renunciation.

24
deed

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
2G

No.

You are to take charge of it. If to-morrow or I give to you. 27 to this house, another day Dargman or his son should lay claim this deed and in accordance with it contest the case with him. produce Atharshuri 28 b. Nabu-zira-ibni wrote this deed in Syene the fortress 2<J Witnesses hereto at the dictation of Mahseiah. Witness, G emajjah Zechariah b. Nathan. M Witness, Hosea b. Witness, b^Jklahseiah. Pelaliah. Witness, Ma'uziah b. Witness, Zechariah b. Meshullam. 31 Malchiah. Witness, Yedoniah Witness, Shemaiah b. Yedoniah. 32 Zaccur b. Zephaniah. Witness, Nathan b. Ananiah. KJVlahseiah.
'
:

33

Witness,

Hosea

b.

Re'uiah.

Witness,

Hosea
b.

b. Yigdal.
36

Yedom'tf^ gave

(Endorsement.) to Mibtah daughter of

to

M Deed
the

Mahseh

b. Isaiah.

:i4

Witness,

of a house which

Mahseh
In

Mahseh.^
degel

Line
nos. 5

2.

Mahseiah here belongs

is

of Haumadata.

of the degel of Warizath. ]W2 applied to Mibtahiah on her first marriage must be equivalent to Heb. nhro. Elsewhere only 'a young grownin io 2 S-C suggested a connexion with Arab,

and 6 he

^wli

up person'. Line 3. pnx \

is

fta.

In g 3

an additional
is

stroke,

V2 pnx. S-C read *3 here also, but there which seems to be part of a n lost in the crease.
'

The word
i.

e.

apparently used almost as a measure one house of land ', the amount of land sufficient for one house, including the house upon
'

it,

and hence much the same as

is

a house and land

'.

It

was a freehold

house, as no ground-rent B. T. Baba B. 153*.

mentioned.

TI1031 "ra.

Epstein compares

1.

5.

^"lK 'its length', though Tlfi has no pronoun. Cf. Vncinn, 10 The ground was higher on_the south. ivbyh HTinn ]D, cf. 6 It must Line 5. NJ"ityjJ2 is not very distinct, but certain from 9 5
Line
4.
.
.

&
j

be some

measuring rod, though the Hebrew nt?J? means rather a lump or plate of metal. Perhaps it was originally a plumb-line, and Or it may be from the root riK'y then any sort of measuring line.
sort of

('think',

'calculate')
'

if
',

that
'

ever
'

meant
"i{J>j?

Jampel proposes
give

singly

each

(cf.

'measure' (so Noldeke). TiE>y), which does not seem to

to
'

much
6. 7. 8.

sense.

repeating the

Clermont-Ganneau thinks it may mean 5 numeral, as in g but the 3 would be difficult.

,

eleven

',

Line

Line
Line

a short form of TPW, as HCSDX cf. 6 10

]P
.

Mahseh
NTVS.

for

Mahseiah
'this

in 5 9 &cr-

N^p

K*JD cf. 6
',

n
.

p"iN "pr
1.

S-C
is

house (islam

used loosely to mean house and land, "pr is not *]T with 2 inserted (as Staerk), but m? with this of yours ', though, speaking to a woman, it should be '3?. *] added,
domtim) as an estate
'

but

cf.

3.

It

probably

Line 10.
HJ3n:n.
ii

pron has been taken (by Staerk and But see note on }j?3B>N Ahikar 82.

others) as a mistake for

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line 11.

No. 8

25

Np"W
fJD a

Xp"iX
it.

*2 in

1.

3.

The

land was the important part.

be conveyed. Babylonian term (Jahiu), properly 'deputy' or 'representative' of the king. If pi means 'judge', the two words indicate
that land could

The house went with

Line 13.

Note

two

different authorities, the high court (of the NtTQ"),

cf.

20 4 ), and the

local court.

But

it

may mean

'magistrate and (his) court'.

It is

?2p\

lit.

'complain against you [to] governor or judge'. In 6 16 it is connected with }H law-suit '. 6 12
' .

used

like "]3"I3N,

Line

17.

P"G,

in a court,
I.

i.

e.

in

any

court.

Line 18.

N"1QD1 as in

Line 19.

The

22, 'while you hold this'. before NpiN shows that it begins a space
',
i.

new

sentence.

^2

'

build (upon

it)

e.

lay

it

out.

Line 23. pmo ISD, i.e. no. 6, which is so called in the endorsement. *73n3 as one word, and so in 11. 24, 25. Line 27. HTy probably so. The 1 is in the crease. From ViJ? in the

same sense
Line 28.

as

fWl

or

mj

Noldeke ptnTCU, but

cf.

on 9 10

Lines 29-34. The names are signed by the witnesses themselves. Lines 35, 36. The endorsement is much broken. There is a trace of
3 before HDTO.

Note

Was

the divine

the forms Mahseh and Mibtah, which are certain. name avoided on the exposed part of the document ?

Of the witnesses Gemariah (1. 29) and Yedoniah (1. 31) were the sons of Mahseiah, the donor, and Shemaiah (1. 31) his grandson. Shemaiah's is that of a man. Yedoniah has the same name as his writing young
grandfather.

No.

9.

nt*&t$
b.c.

Deed relating

to the

Reversion of the Property in

8.

No.

460

The papyrus is unusual in being written on both side s. The year is the same as in no. 8, namely 460 B.C., and probably
rest of the date,

the

This

is

broken, also corresponds. the complement of no. 8, dealing with the position of Jezaniah
is

which

with regard to the property settled on his wife by no. 8. By that deed Mibtahiah was to have full rights to dispose of the property as she wished.

modified here by the provision that such rights only held good so If Jezaniah improved she remained the wife of Jezaniah. long the property and Mibtahiah subsequently divorced him, the property

This

is

as

he divorced her, she was to take one the house) absolutely, and he was to have rights over In no case had Jezaniah other half with remainder to the children.

was

to

go

to

the children.

If

half (of the

26
power
in the

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
to dispose of the property.

No. 9

As no provision is made for Jezaniah event of Mibtahiah's dying while in possession of the property, it would apparently go to the children. On the legal points as compared with
later

Jewish practice,

cf.

Epstein, Jahrb.

p.

359.

The document
This

d. jiidisch-lit. Gesellschaft, 1909, does not seem to intend a distinction between

is

the house and the land, since the property

described

first

as one

and

then as the other.

83
is

is intelligible if

the explanation of plN*

rV3 in

correct.

The

land was the important thing.

?

that the house could be divided but not the land

Or does 1. 1 1 imply The precise nature of

land-tenure, whether freehold or

At any

rate there

is

some sort of copyhold, is not stated. no mention of a ground-rent or of a ground-landlord

(the State?).

Sayce and Cowley, C.

nox

vebo
K?jo

BWnmK
pp-ttN

III

III

nae> y[niDo]7

[I

qv

in i]?[Da]? ['"^l 3

iTDn

Mm

na

nw?

mum

.Tnoao?
Hfai

nam
ipic

n:n n
it

nW

wrap anyo

brh aS[a n *nnj rwpp na \ *a pnx wn noa?

lll->

wra
it

nrpona nnyi

nrv^p tannic n7riana naoi lnryic taia

4
5 6
7

Npnic pnnioic

mono

natc

jyaicnpya \-a
oy ua

jnaoh mar?

wn
man

D*te N7

-pr icna jn7 innaic

am

na
latuswri

;b*7B>

ran

mna

rwitiao

"pa
lie

\rb

primb
jn

ncm

'rn: nnx

it Np-is*

pnic dv
ta

nno

Dannie

8 9

jo

-pa

fn?
in

fnnK7 nanaoh nrip77

nnay nax n Nnmay

no>7C N7 iao paani

na
H

f'wC. - bvann
elbn

sn,

;o

?^ ion mnoao 10

na b<7B>

nas* [xajnnie iea7Si

np?o7 h7
ir
|n

[rnsf] wr-a 27a *po

naie

u
12

nmoao aam pn
nas

}o

T^a

in ica7a

ami
is*

iwvaa maa

iciaa

latnie pnic

dv

nno

yim
-

na

}ta*7P

ion 13

put sna*D

-jpnana N71 naao? n* Kpnic

n^nam n? noai 14
1

aan npi pn nti Nnnta>y7 // n n 02 ^apo *J3 ^a

ww mono

Daa

xnma pDa
jna

na:

na

mat

pna *pa 1? |nag mao jamma na msanny ana

16
17

otaona nna?

nw
tjbv na mar nnt?
myta"

na n*jnw nna> ma?o na nnyo

;na

maay na

w w

n^a
mono

na

yirin

tip

i:n

n[a]

nnoa nnc 18

nw
nnta> nnca>

19

mono na tot
nnyn [na] jwnn
?[n:>

20
21

na nono

iw

na y^]in

22

/u

<^~ fr** ^x^^x^-r

* /A*;

foe**^**"

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No.

27

1 On the 21st of Chis\eu, that is the isl of Afesore, the 6th year of Artaxerxes the king, said Mahseiah 2 b. Yedoniah Jew, of Yeb, of the detachment of Haumadata, to Jezaniah b. Uriah, of the same detachment 3 as follows There is the land of 1 house belonging to me, west of your 4 house, which I have given to Mibtahiah my daughter, your wife, and The measurement of this I have written for her a deed concerning it. house is 13 cubits and a hand-breadth 6 by 11, by the measuring rod. Now I, Mahseiah, say to you, lay out this land and rear cattle on it (?), and dwell on it with your wife, but you have no power to sell this 7 as a present to others but your children by house, or to give it Mibtahiah my daughter have power over it 8 after you. If to-morrow or another day you lay out this land and then my daughter divorces you and goes away from you, she has no power to take it or give it to 10 Mibtahiah have others, but your children by power over it in return for If you put her away u from you, half the work which you have done. the house shall be hers to take, and as to the otlw half you have power over it in return for 12 the improvements which you have made in this And again as to that half, your children by Mibtahiah 13 have house. over it after you. If to-morrow or another day I should institute power suit or process against you u and say I did not give you this land to 15 will pay you the sum develop, and did not draw up this deed for you, I of 10 kerashin by royal weight, at the rate of 2 R to the ten, and no suit 16 Atharshuri b. Nabu-zira-ibni wrote this deed in or process (shall lie). Witnesses 1T hereto the fortress at the dictation of Mahseiah. Syene 18 WitWitness, ZechariaJ^ b. _Nathan. Witness, Hosea b. Pelaliah. Gemariah b. Mahseiah. AVitness, Zechariah b. Meshullam. ness, 19 Witness, Shemaiah b. Yedoniah. Witness, Ma'uziah b. Malchian. 20 WitWitness, Yedoniah b. Mahseiah. Witness, Nathan b. Ananiah. 21 Witness, Hosea b. Re'uiah. Witness, ness, Zaccur b. Zephaniah.
:

,;

:l

'

Mahseh

b. Isaiah.

22

Witness, Yiosea

b.

YigdaX.

Line 1. [l]^[D3]b, the tops of the b's restorations are from no. 8.
Line
'

make

this certain.

The
D3T

other

2.
'

very

3S[n] for y>2 only here.

the

The S

is

'

probable.
s

that

same

'.

Line
Line
'

3. 4.
',
i.

V3
e. in

p"iN,

The same intensive suffix as in DDK 3 The 'Q is certain here. cf. 8
.

nirurD one word,

as often in these

two deeds.

vmnx

consequence, or respecting it. Line 5. \ ~> 2. The second dimension is introduced by 2 of which the in letters, introduces jya as frequently precise meaning is not clear. S-C read nnyi the' business after preliminaries. inyi. Probably X
after
it

and

translate (from the context) 'stock

'

(it)

with',

cf.

Prov. 24 27 .

So

Halevy
nexion.

multiply He thinks the

'.

Noldeke reads
"site

was

"WV. but does not explain the concattle, but the too small to

support

dimensions of the house only are given.

There may have been plenty

28
of land attached to

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
it.

No. 9

We may
'

DHiny
is

(Ass. atildu, Arab. yc)

artificially

he-goats

perhaps compare the root of Hebrew a good Semitic word, which ',
'

can be only

explained from iny

in

parallel to "ns
i.

and
e.

50
the

to

CTaK,

in

In Ps. 50 it to be ready '. both cases implying animals

that are strong,

well-fed or fattened.
')

('

a well-bred horse

the quality of strength. meaning of \/ *iny, or a separate root meaning to feed ', ' rear (cattle) '. Cf. perhaps the various senses of |1T.
'

So also in explaining sys. and Arab lexicographers (see Lane) lay stress on Hence we may assume an extension of the
'

make

strong

',

[Also perhaps

Sumerian tud
In general

cf.

place norn is the form is strange. The ' is clear. It may be a false start in making a n, or the scribe may have been going to write an N to mark the long vowel of the plural (nnorG). Then the final n cannot mark the emph.

beget or bring forth ', utud offspring ', udu sheep '.] Prov. 27 23 127 nrvorD is very difficult. In the first If it is a Hebraism, which is possible, not used in Aramaic.
' ' ' .

'

which always ends in X. It can only be 'its cattle' referring to NpIN if that be possible, for 'rear cattle on it'. Noldeke alternatively
st.,

suggests WVO rJ3 but does not explain. of ham-, with the preposition 2 ? Then

Or is it a Persian compound we should have to find another

',

meaning
probable.

for "rny ("inj?), such as

'

be happy in unity

but that

is

hardly

Line
form.
'

buy

'.

Staerk's note here is very bad. ^)^Q is an impossible 6. D33T7. Only the Peal happens to occur in BA, of course in the sense of This is Pael, which quite naturally means to sell '. It is to be
'

The n is part of the form, not the pronominal pointed f^?]?. For the omission of the suffix cf. e.g. 8 19 jnsob.
Line
7.

suffix.

nm

'

as a gift
'

',

cf.

24

11 ' 14

Jm3

'

in friendship
'

'.

Line
you.
to

8.
it

"p&OKTi

shall express her dislike for

act,

If

was her

she was to

you and separate from have none of the property, but it was
is

go

to the children.

No
if

provision

made

for the case of there

being

23 NJC, as in 15 , is a Staerk quotes an Egyptian document of the legal term for divorce '. In Hebrew cf. fourth century b. c. in which 'hate' is similarly used. In Ecclus. 42 /07 -n-ore fxia-qBrj where the Heb. (margin) Deut. 2 1 15 &c.

no

issue,

nor for a trust

'

they were

infants.

has

N?.Ktfl.

On

the

legal

form,

cf.

Epstein, Jahrbuch

d. jiidisch-lit.

Gesellscha/t, 1908, p. 368.

Line 10.
'

hunn.
',

take
'

away

Haphel a^ in 8 and Epstein and Noldeke

18 .

It

should
'

mean

here, as there,

translate

if

she takes away from

half

you

half the house, she has a right to do so. for the circumstances are not described under

This seems very unlikely,

which she might take

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
the house.

No. 9
2nd or 3rd
'

29
(fern.)

The

verbal form
its

may be

either
is

In

BA,

as in

Hebrew,

natural

meaning

to

set free

'.

person. Provision has

already been made for the case of her divorcing him, and we want a In no. 15 there is clause providing for the case of his divorcing her. provision for three cases ; if she divorces him, she loses everything ; if he
divorces her,
a larger compensation.

she gets compensation ; if he violently ejects her, she gets The two cases here must be the same as the first

two

in no. 15.

Then we must
if

take ^VJnn as another term for divorce,

(i.

and

translate
'

'

you

set (her) free

cf.
is

e.

the idea of

freedom'

the phrase in 152528

,

(For put her away) from you '. s h e sna u g away whither
<

she will
in

'.)

The

suffix

omitted as in 8 18 though one would expect

it

both places. Heb. in NJ7D Line 12. aim as in Syriac and late Hebrew, cf. i 7 thinks the insistence on here and in 22 120 tonn J^sn. Epstein Only children by Mibtahiah shows that Jezaniah had another wife and perhaps
.

children.

Line 16 sqq.
pX"in23
.

The
\3tr
is

scribe

and witnesses are the same as

in no.
.

8.

The

certain here

and hence
10.

to

be so read

in 8 28

No.

Contract for a Loan.

456

B.C.

long document almost perfectly preserved. It was found (like no. 5) still folded, tied and sealed. The writing is coarse, and several characters so that there would be a difficulty in (P, D, n, &c) are badly formed,
reading

some passages
date
is

if

the text were at

all

obscure or unusual.

is

the 9th year of Artaxerxes I 456 B.C. The document a contract for a loan to Ya'uhan, daughter of MSLK, from Meshullam

The

b.

Zaccur

(cf.

13

in

447

b. c.)

and the conditions are

set out

with the

utmost care.

They resemble

those of no.
it

n.

If the interest

was not
and
to

paid (by the end of the year ?) pay interest in the same way.

was

to be

added

to the capital

was outstanding at the end of The could distrain on Ya'uhan's property. the second year, Meshullam as in is only 4 shekels and the interest is 8 hallurin per month sum
If interest

no. 11.

If the relative values are rightly

p. xxiii), this

determined (see Introduction, would be 60 per cent, per annum, a high but not unus ual

rate at that date.

Sachau, plates 28, 29.

Ungnad, no. 30.

I

tfDcrnmN

\ll

III

\ll

nap nirn rrvb

\ll

dv

in

<ho \\\\ ///i

[mrr

12 cbvzb

nT3

2*

n pi i^?d

ma

mcK Kbn
.

<nt*UA (U*

veri-"*^'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
{?p& f)DD ns?

No. 10

nan< noN^

xnma

11

mm
I

mar

bv mam nn^ansa ksta *a3sa nyans in /// ^*~~ II 111 III p^n f)D3 ron nmb ^pnb II p^n ep3 ?t /f /b KBH3 xmano nam nbh^ wv3i hud jn in rrvb
I

13032 ^p/Jf Nbl H3B pan NU jb^p "pa d^o nax nar snaoa a*na
s

[HI
*?

nH3 in
nh3ii

ami ep3 pamr a ^ naam n rany ^a ^roe>n n pr bi p:a pye' man nay

i? npbnb
^rnsi

cm

10
1 1

i~riff*'

yl>*i>r*

innta

]?

ncs* !>3K s*h nnanoi "jsDaa K*>enn ny

i3N n^i n,T3 nar

bpN

Nnsoi nmanrai idd33 12

n,^y
na:

Nnaoi jany
n"a-ioi put

uo nnp^ o^ pm ud nnp
sbi

13 14

KDDua T/iebp
nar

nms

pi "jma

Naoa n^ pd?B* ic.n ua 15 pi.nmamai ty6p ntara nas nn^anni nsr nbd3 i!> id^b> n*S 16

K^nnny an^nsem n
pD Dip
ppmn
T^J> l^apP tbi

pnyi

pr

b
nar

np^

17

|li3

K^l rm*31131 T.3D33

18

pn3 pa.m

bjn

nma

tnsm pm
nar

19

nar.NnDD uay n3 pa 3n3

mra

n^ddi 20
11

W>a n3

ytris*

nnt? iaa

NHnsn

pin

rasa

21

ttw na mas iTi^b na vnx

Endorsement.

mha

na mimn 22

lbw3 nna pirn

[m]ar n3

nans t nr? spa

nso 23

thvA

the 7th of Chisleu, that is the 4th day of the month Thoth, the 2 the king, said Ya'uhan daughter of Meshullak, 9th year of Artaxerxes of Yeb the fortress, to Meshullam b. 3 Zaccur, Jew, of Yeb spinster (?),
1

On

t'lusi"}^^
sum
of

the fortress, as follows

You have

given to

me

as a loan the

4 shekels,

4
5

from
rate

me
it

that is four, by royal weight, at interest, which shall be due at the rate of 2 hallurin per shekel per month, being at the
6

for each month. If the interest is added to the 7 pay interest like the capital, both alike, and if there come a second year and I have not paid you your money 8 and interest on it as written in this deed, you, Meshullam, and your children, have the right 9 to take for yourself any security which you may find of mine in the counting10 bronze or iron, male or female slave, barley, house, silver or gold, n till spelt or any food that you may find of mine, you have full payment of your money and interest thereon, and I shall have no power to say to 12 you that I have paid you your money and the interest on it while this deed 13 is in your hand, nor shall I have power to lodge a complaint against

of 8 hallurin
shall

capital,

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 10

31

you before governor or judge on the ground that you have taken from me any security while this deed u is in your hand. If I die without 15 my children are to pay paying you this money and interest thereon, 1G they do not pay you this you this money and interest thereon. If money and interest thereon, you Meshullam have a right n to take for
yourself any food or security that
full

you may find of theirs until you have 18 of your money and interest thereon, and they shall have payment no power to lodge a complaint against you before governor 11 or judge while this deed is in your hand. Even if they go to law they shall not win their case 20 while this deed is in your hand. Nathan b. 'Anani
21 this deed at the dictation of Ya'uhan. Witnesses hereto 22 Hodaviah b. Gedaliah. Ahio b. Pelatiah. Witness, Oshea' b. Gilgul. 23 Deed of money lent (?), which Ya'uhan Agur b. Ahio. (Endorsement.) 24 for Meshullam b. Zaccwr. daughter of Meshullak wrote

wrote

Line 2. jmn* fern, occurs several times. Cf. pnirT masc. "J^tTO occurs several times, but its meaning and vocalization are unknown.
1

Sachau compares Phoenician or Punic ^ttvJD, and Ungnad "pWQW in 26 s If it is formed from a ~p (Meshullakh) that can hardly have in 8 2 She could do business the meaning of the Hebrew "]?KJ. }t?3 as
.

in her

own
3.

right.
ri3T

Line Line
Line

from
'

v
as

P|P,

only in these papyri.

Cf.

Ahikar 130, &c.

In

4.
5.

PlTWlM
is

its interest'.
cf.

^pn? the proper Aramaic form,

always
is

Dan. s 25
nin.

1.

and
is

else-

where bpy
Line
6.

used = Bab.
strange.

siklu.

The

reading

clear,

but the asyndeton

We

FiOE

fn,

pregnant,

if i] (is

and

In 11 5 more explicitly CNT ni.T. is here taken for granted. 5 the gender of NtJ>~l, cf. on

should expect "in. Perhaps a mistake. not paid and therefore) is added. No doubt this was the usual practice

NBH
i.e.

i.e. KB*"?..

TOT
PUtJ>

attracted to

Line

7.

*1PD *in
is

'one

like

one',

both

alike.

p:n.

The
say 'n

construction

strange for 'a

'.

second year'.
first

Sac hau and

Ungnad

m eans
Line
nr^Tl,
in

'

repeti tion

For the

year unpaid

interest (96 hallurin)

added

to the principal
9.
cf.

would amount

to a total of 6 sh. 16 hal.

11.

ply, Heb. pniy, 'pledge ', anything which represents money. No doubt to be so pointed, since it is always used 10, 17.
Cf. 37 10 , 13 12 (p23 v )

Haphel. The Pi is frequently not written. Ahikar 96 (ninn), &c. ^, i. e. belonging to

'

and

me

'.

p:rW

18 3 as in 3 .

Note no preposition.
Line 10. Line 11.
the line as
|1T

apparently for
as in 2 17
.

}1T0,

but not
is

known

elsewhere as a noun.

N^cnn

"]SD3

'capital'.

D^

is

added above

an afterthought.
nrcaici.

Line 14.

The n

is

added above the

line for

want of space.

32
Line 17.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
before the

No. 10
11.

rosrn no doubt to be so read, as in

9, 10.

There

is

a
It

mark n which might be ' if the form rDBTP were possible. 5 so that both may be unintentional. is like that in nrvom o
,

Lines 19, 20.

Cf. 8 22 .

Line 20. Line 23.

In CIS
ii,

The same

scribe as in 13 17

&c.

nn
1,

(not

mi).
is

Ungnad
abs.
st.

says of

17+ nn

explained as
the

= H3T, but this = Bab. dannitu =

this,

is

impossible.

duppu 'docusense of

ment

'.

Perhaps H3T
'

is

in

the

special

contract
is

(loan or sale),

there

no satisfactory

and was borrowed by Greek as Sai/os etymology) cf. anpafiwv from |U"iy.
;

(for

which

No. n.
Contract for a Loan.
This was the
published in
first

About 455
in

b.c.

of the papyri brought from Elephantine and was

it

1903
is

(see the account of

PSBA

1903,

p.

205) just

after

no. 27 (ed. by Euting).

The

writing

good, but the papyrus

is

badly broken, especially at the

beginning (the outside of the roll) so that some details are uncertain. Several points, however, are cleared up by comparison with similar

documents

in this collection.

In general
little

cf.

no. 10.
it

The

date

is

lost

at the beginning, but there

can be

doubt that

was written about

460-450 b. c. At that time Egypt was in and this may be the reason why the money
of Ptah'
(1.

revolt against the Persians,

is

described as 'of the weight

2) instead of 'royal weight' as usually.

The

phrase would

equally well suit the time of the revolt about 400 b. c, but the earlier date is required by the names. The scribe Gemariah b. Ahio is a witness in

6 18 (465

b. c.)

but

is

the witnesses here, Mahseiah b. Yedoniah,

not mentioned in later dated documents, and one of is a party to no. 5 (471 b.c.)
after that

and no.

15, but

must have died soon

is

(441 b.c).

In 25 18 the

witness Mahseiah b. Yedoniah

deed must have been dated somehow.

just

The probably the grandson (416 b. a). In the present first line there is
*VDN

room

for

>nbsb "OlE^K *n
originally

^D

and no more.
it

Hence

it

seems

that there

must

have been a

line before

containing the date.

at the top are merely loose scraps which were put together there because they could not be fitted in anywhere. They do not belong there and are not consecutive, so that it is useless to try to

[The small fragments

make anything

out of them.]

In

1.

the debt

is

9th year (probably). hardly be the year of a king, because he might die in the meantime.

As M. Clermont-Ganneau

be paid by the points out, this can

to
It

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
might be the 9th year
the deed
'

No.

33

was

written.

In the

of the freedom of Egypt ', or the 9th year after last case it implies a date at the beginning.
the shekel

M. Clermont-Ganneau, who makes

that the interest

=192

hallurin,

remarks

would be 1 2^ per cent, per annum, and would therefore in eight years amount to as much as the This would original capital. give a meaning to the number 9, and to cpir (1. 8), and it is possible that the values here differ from those in the other documents. Comparing
no. 10, however,
interest to
(1.
it

is

accumulate

for eight years

unlikely that the creditor would allow outstanding without distraining. See note on epjp

8).

If the values are the

same

as elsewhere

and are

rightly ascertained

in the Introduction (p. xxiii) the interest

wOuld be 60

"per ce'nt. per

annum,

and the above argument does not hold.

Sayce and Cowley, L.

Ungnad, no.

88.

sjm
II

'b

rum [imb] mmv "o

jvrno

"i

]ibn pa *by

-]b

ram ->b\w spa nna ^a[ta] l[lll \bp&] mnm [i]b MiobtPK n ov iy xrrvb \ e> epab vmw v m b [II III] |H3n *6 pbn iQDa rrva m* i^ ^na]bhnn nrw wn hot rva-io
*
s

3 4 5 6
7

III

ba by ba

T3J
-]b

^
III

anani

ntom

jo "6 P3[n]a*

*dis [

nb&> xb

ib obiro

mnM n qtdi spa

ny nrranoi *pDa
*?

1DD3

pjpy* \ll
*

[ill] rut? ninn

rw

8 9

mi>

rw ^y

rcn mi?! ^y ikitj\

nrraiDi

lb vurihs* n dv ny 10

tobw mn,T

13 ppy 12
in nxj? 13
L
i^'

mar
1

13 rrabo 15

7* L

vnx na ronw nisd ana 16 n snsD by 1 N^Tn^Da^y

.Sajtf

b.

F Z
to

b.

Yathma

of
of

shekels by the weight interest shall be due from

as follows : You have given me the sum of Ptah, at the rate of 1 shekel to 10, and

me

at the rate of 2

hallurin
it

for the

sum

you, so that the repay interest on 4 your money shall be 8 hallurin each month. Any month in which I do not give you 5 interest, it shall be (added to the) capital and G shall bear interest. out of my I will pay it to you month by month
1

shekel per month,

till

the day

when

\.o

2599

34

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No.

salary which they give me from the treasury, and you shall write me If I do not a receipt for all 7 money and interest which I pay to you. 8 pay you all your money and the interest thereon by the month of Thoth in the 9th year, your money shall be doubled (?) 9 and the interest on it which is outstanding against me, and interest shall be due from me month by month 10 until the day when I repay it to you. Witnesses 11 12 18 Mahseiah b. 'Ukban b. Shemesh-nuri. Kozri b. Ya'hadari. Yedoniah. 14 Malchiah b. Zechariah. 16 Gemariah b. Ahio wrote the deed before the witnesses who(se names) are upon this deed.
:

There
the

[lEN?] can be restored with certainty from other deeds. perhaps a slight trace of ? Line 2. [ppt?] must be restored, since the interest is in hallurin, but

Line

1.

is

number of them
first

is

less certain.

Four

is

most

likely.

When

the text

was

published this seemed too small a but no. 10 now removes that objection.

sum for so formal a document, nDQ "02[N2] is right. Else-

where always sata ^3X3. The 'weight of Ptah' would be that used in his temple at Memphis and no doubt represents the Egyptian scale (of the
revolt)

as

distinguished Wrom
'

the

demotic documents frequently

standard
is

here described as
2

Royal (Persian) weight. (So in ' The of the double house of Ptah.) shekel to 10, whereas the ordinary

standard

is

to

10.

If this

means

the

proportion

standard of the revolt had twice as

much
1

alloy as before.

of alloy, the \ B> is not

found

in legal
3.

documents usually
i.

for

shekel.
'.

Line Line

mnni

e.

'

so that

it

shall

be

The numeral must be under 10 and must be divisible by 2. Therefore either 4 or 6 or 8. The space best suits 8. Therefore the
4.

shekels in

1.

must be
fttrv.

4.

The grammar is inaccurate. It ought to be and mnn as in 1. 3. The verb is no doubt attracted to the (rr)NrVn~lO G K>X*1 is the Hebrew form. gender of >N*1 (cf. naT" in io ). e. wages. The debtor was still in Line 6. *D*1S share portion ', the employment of the provisional government, as he had been under the
Line
5.

EWi

'

'

'

i.

Cf. 2 10 but there Persian regime, and the same terms are used. mention here of ND^O IT'S or pa? T "a DJ must mean a note
,

is
',

no
i.

'

e.

As an Aramaic word it occurs in the Samaritan Targum a receipt. Lev. i6 8-10 for Heb. 7"il3, and is no doubt there a loan-word from Arab,
hardly the same here, and I am still inclined to take 1903, (against Hale'vy) as a Persian form from j^y (see Johns (PSBA 1905, p. 187) cites an p. 207), a 'written' receipt.

oo.

The meaning

is

it

PSBA

Assyrian word nibzu in this sense, but with no Semrtie.ejym_ology. Line 7. >21D should be nrPSIO as in 11. 8, 9 and in no.

10.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
D^fO
nan
nin'M not

No.

ti

35

common

in this

Aramaic

(as later) for

D^x.

Cf.

1.

ow

for rd-i\

Line

8.

The numeral

is

certain since units are always

grouped
is

in threes

as far as they go.

But the point of naming the

9th- year

not clear.

The
If

9th year from the date of writing is a long time for so small a loan. the deed was dated in the th year of the freedom of Egypt (cf.

the Jewish coins of the revolt) the loan would only be for g-n years. The nature of the penalty is not clear enough to help. It can hardly be the 9th year of a king, though the 9th year of Artaxerxes I (456 b.c.)

would be a

suitable date.
to

*pW

is

very

difficult.

standing interest is unnecessary unless

be added to

capital.

LI.

Ppy adds a

further penalty.

11. 4, 5 the out9 are therefore In no. 10 the out-

In
8,

standing interest in the first year is to be added to capital, but in the second year the creditor might distrain. Here distraint is not mentioned,

but one would expect something corresponding. in the sense of be doubled '.
'

Perhaps

f]py

i__ax^

L. 16 should Lines 11-16 are not arranged in the usual manner. 1. and the witnesses' names be written continuously. Cf. no. 1 complete 10,

and frequently. Line 13. mn.T.

Line
is

Probably
' '

for

mn
DM

'

1iT

Ya'u

is

my

glory
'

'.

16. N~IDD is
It is

document not

'scribe' in both places.

K*ini5>

D3^y

unusual.

generally DD?y or
'.

of one of the parties

to (instructions from)
written,

The

Interested

according party said what he wanted

'

and the scribe put it into formal language. The witnesses would ' hardly give such instructions, so that here perhaps DD?y means rather in presence of. Why the name of the debtor is not given (as jn no. 10),
is

not evident.

No.

2.

List of Names, undated.

There are several lists of names in the collection, but the purpose of them is not always apparent. Some are connected with accounts. In mediaeval Jewish communities lists of this kind were often drawn up to commemorate members of the congregation who had suffered for their
religion.
list it may be related to no. 34 connected with no. 30. Sachau, probably however, points out that the sons of Menahem b. Posai (I. 7) are mentioned in 2 2 78 79 As the name Posai occurs only in these two

It

is

undated.

If

it

is

a memorial

(about 407 b.c), which

-

is

0,6

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 12
this

documents, the persons are probably the same and

papyrus belongs

to the generation earlier than no. 22 (420 B.C.) i.e. about The writing is not very careful, and the reading of
difficult

440-450
it

b. c.

is

the

more

because the context affords no help.

Sachau, plate 17.

Ungnad,

no. 18.

pro in *:n
yg>Ta

in join
"12

Dirv

yew
XJtsw

Ann
*jin

"12 "12

yioe
|na

5
6
7

,T-i3

-in

Ds "12
T3TN

nnjo

12

eW
,,

8 9

n5y

"12

2py^Nn 2

///////// J[12]3
rcufclc
1

10
* r

cu

Haggai
b.

b.

Nathan.
4

Harman

b.

Oshea'.
6 9

Oshea'

b. b.

Yathom.
b.

Shamua' b. Haggai. 7 Menahem b. Posai. 8 Yeosh b. Azaniah. 10 Total 9 men. Nabu'akab (?) b.
Oshea'

Hodav.

Nathan

Bethel'akab

Neraiah. Achar.

Line Line
2 2 4 (the

1. 2.

Cf.

34

s
,

Hosea
It

b.

jc"in (or fcnn).

Nathum and Haggai his brother. The second letter is more like a T.
related to }ri3D*in, &c.
It

Sachau

compares

]lo"in.

may be

occurs also in

son of

this
is
.

man?).

yeiX.

The

is

very unusual and the

broken.

ye^S
Cf.

not possible.

Line
Line

3. 4.

34

s nin, as in 34 &c.
,

Line
thinks

8.

rVOTN, in

A short form of Hodaviah. Neh. io 10 the father of yie\ which looks

here.
It is

like

an

improvement
Line
9.

of

tJW

parallel to

m?(N)\

BW
.

Sachau
It

= HW.
"by.
1

be a

3.

In
10.
1 1

Chron.

Sachau and Ungnad "i?y, but r is impossible. 1 2 7 Achar is a variant of Achan in Jos. 7

might

Line
Line

The
is

total shows that the list is complete. not Egyptian (Ungnad), but Aramaic written upside down.

37

No.

13.

Conveyance of a House.
The end
It is
is

447

B.C.

somewhat broken.
19th year of Artaxerxes (I) 447 b. c. of a house from Mahseiah to his daughter Mibtahiah,

Its date is the

a deed of

gift

in return for value received

from

her.

previous documents, there can be no Artaxerxes I, not II.

the parties are known from doubt that the year is that of

As

It is another proof that a woman could hold property and transact business independently of her father or (since Mibtahiah was married in no. 8) her husband.
is the number of mistakes in spelling, though Ananiah, must have been a professional notary, The following are probably such since he also wrote nos. 10 and 15. 1. 10 331, slips: 1. 2 rrnttBD (also elsewhere), 1. 4 DT32?, 1. 7, &c.

peculiarity of this text

b.

the scribe, Nathan

^1,

3ip,

1.

11 dn,

1.

12 prim, pay?, dd, 1.^4 nrr, Nptn?

/><

Sayce and Cowley, E.

N3$>

PDB>nmN.III

III

III"' rut?

yniDD

mb

dv

in

i^ds^

III

13 rpDno ion
tsrpsb
n^i? >^

vb nsn
3n3

11

n:x iznb nnn3

t

.TnDD^ ntm bub

oin
^r

;id

*i

-iddi [ s ]niDn3 jid

"ids*

"13 ni3r

13 bbwn

nnK rMT b 3m n

nbass rT33

rvm run n3
n:x

rnrp

n^dsj n

vn3
D*1

rrriDsi>

nram

4 5

naMirpaywriarp
in

nnx

'37

mobc?
///

jcsji e|D3
t|D3
n:r

nropn

n?i irn

*^[3D3] V Np^l? N1BD vb

n3i*N //
oi?

|BH3

3$>K '3*033 sj^n

6
7

pjwah
-i3ji

*a5n

rota

npnm

nrorp nito

^nnnxfir ntao

#*

^t

y-in *33i
[]3^

rm

i>3N

n^ rw3wri""^n[Dm n p]\) "onnN jo

*]?

'3^ ri3D3

Nnapi

raiv n:x n

snu d^3 33n1 p^g prv

ri3N

priN

nnp. ^y3i

b[y3 p]*mi 3-ip nnxi nsi

331 pn
-

^anavr aby 10
sps
>sb

iD ^3^y

ppjjr.

priN 13:
"[r

b* n^dn

^h dx rp3i
nWy

jtrna
rur

\rw

1 1

*6 dd iyby pw*

*]3$>

rorw ri3n3 ru n kibd

pnyi

mn
sjn

12

[nran]3 nan

n^nnn
ntv3

niw[a

13

v]w

rvn
-13

D^3

Npci jj^in

bnj

m nWra
^noS

it

nivs <einn r6

s*n

13

nba

nm
r6

n K-nj 14

i? Kn[S>>< ti[di

M]5n n

tm

it^D 13

p["K]

bidb'

3nyo 15

38

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
ana <nan fayn [n] 5a iTono ana ua
s

No. 13
ruo

jobi

o^y ny

in

^n

npmi

i? nnan* 16
-in

Nflnssn
"in

ncno

Daa-nar

kibd

rraaji

jna

17

"ddd

^m
[.
.

[jnanc]i

momo

ia niDino

msa

18

n'yep ia

in#] sinx n "2Da

ia nana ins? 19

rbv 13 nar 20
Endorsement.

nni3 n[flBBl] rrar 13 n^Dnea

ISO

21

1 On the 3rd of Chisleu, that is the 10th day of the month Mesore, 2 year 19 of Artaxerxes the king, said Mahseiah b. Yedoniah, Aramaean of Syene, of the detachment of Warizath, to Miphtahiah his daughter, as

follows

Aramaean
about
4
it,

3 which Meshullam b. Zaccur b. Atar, give you the house of Syene, gave me for its price, and wrote a document for me and I give it to Miphtahiah my daughter in return for the

goods which she gave me when I was inspector (?) in the fortress. 5 I acknowledged them but did not find money and goods to pay you. (?) 6 in return for those your goods I give you this house Consequently of the value of 5 kerashin, and I give you the original document which 7 the said Meshullam wrote for me a bout t. This house I give to you and I resign all claim to it. It belongs to you and to your children 8 I have no after you and to whomsoever you please you may give it. 9 power, I or my children or my descendants or any other man, to bring against you suit or process in the matter of this house which I give you, and have written the document for you 10 about it. Whoever raises
i

against

relative

or process, (whether it be) I or a brother or sister, n shall pay you the sum of stranger, soldier or citizen, 10 kerashin, and the house is assuredly yours. Moreover no other man shall produce against you a document 12 new or old, other than this whoever produces document which I have written and given to you Vi Moreover note, against you such document, I have not "written it. At the upper end of it is the these are the boundaries of this house. house of Yeoj^ b. /Vnuliah, at the lower end of it is u the temple of the God Ya'u, at the east of it is the house of Gadol b. Oshea' and the b. Palto, street between them, 15 on the west of it is the /and of . .

you
or

suit

This house 16 1 give you and (?). To whomsoever you wish, all claim to it. It is yours for ever. resign n Nathan b. Ananiah wrote this document at the direction of give it. Mahseiah and the witnesses hereto. Mahseiah signed for 18 himself (?). Mithrasari (?) b. Mithrasari (?), and Satibarzanes'%. Atharli, silversmith. PS 13 Witness, .... Witness, Barbari b. Dargi, silversmith of the place (?). 21 20 b. Shemaiah. Document b. Shallum. (Endorsement.) ZaccurJ Mahseiah b. Yjedoniah aud Miphtahiah his daughter. concerning
priest of the

gods

Khmtm and

Sali

Line
Chisleu

1.

/// a

is

probable.

Mesore

10, or Chisleu 3

According to Gutesmann it should be Mesore 11. Hontheim reads 2.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
2.

No. 13

39

In

nos.

8,

Mahseiah

Haumadata.
these texts.
(1.

NrV3^>.

The

is a Jew of Yeb, of the degel of marks the accusative, as occasionally in

The house was at Elephantine, since it adjoins the temple though the owner and former owner are both 'of Syene '. abv adverbially 'conLine 3. Meshullam is a party to no. 10.
14),
(it)',
cf.

IDS as Ezra 2 10 been much discussed, but nothing has yet been Line 4. nan has in S-C. suggested which seems better than the original explanation or DTJn is fairly common in late Hebrew, and in Arabic A word is clearly not Semitic, and it vu-jja) in the sense of 'measuring'. It seems an impossible coincidence that there should be two loan-words
cerning
133.
.

nm

identical in form, but differing in

meaning and

origin,

even

if

they are

found 1000 years apart. Other words in these documents occur elsewhere not earlier than the Talmud. The common ground is to be found A Persian loan-word is as natural here as in in the Persian
^b-ljjl.

modern Arabic, where ^s^,

The (from ^i-ljol). The modern Arabic &-,joa (and so modern Hebrew) means geometry or measurement as applied to various arts, such as drawing, engineering, In the Talmud the verb is used of the marks architecture, astronomy.
'
'

explained as being from the Persian }Uil is still not clear. precise meaning here, however,
is

'

'

on measures of
'

liquid &c.

Hence

it
'

ought to mean here something

'

like
'

inspector of weights and measures or In 27? riJH for drinking or irrigation.

takes
it

controller of the water supply

is

to

mean
'

'

heap',

i.e.

'

'

many

in 27?, but that

'

Andreas apparently a verb. is unsuitable here.

'.
'

Noldeke rejects this Clermont-Ganneau doubtfully suggests crowd and proposes einberufen (so Smend) or answered Lagrange, charge
' '
.

either a mistake for Nn"V23, or a name (y ?) has Noldeke n^SN Lagrange, in the fortress of Apalt This also takes it as a name, and makes 1DH (1. 5) refer back to nnrv n. Bab. apdlu means It must be a verb governing ion. is impossible. Can it mean I acknowledged them ? It might answer ', announce

des rations

'.

m"33

been omitted.

'

'.

'

'

'

'

'.

possibly be
for 3.

rtas

('

consumed

'),

but the

tail is

hardly straight enough

'

r5 &c. "inK, the separate pronoun as accusative, cf. X5 Ahikar and Behistun, 'and then '. commonly There seems to be Line 6. fjiFn restored from 1. 4, but very uncertain. after the Q, but it is difficult to guess what other word or something (n

Line

5.

Kn

in

>)

would
certain.

suit

the
3^>N

'3^D33 (S-C yD3:) is correct and fairly passage. 8 There is a slight is correct and probable, as in 14
.

trace of*.

a trace of n. [3fl3]

4o
Line
7.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
VmnN
_, T

No. 13
3^1 as in 11. ir, 16, for ~H Both forms must have or popular, since ~V is used
.

'about
is

it',

as in

9*.

the usual

There

no evident reason

for

been

not necessarily later in the Ptolemaic papyrus no. 81, which is not formal.
in use,
is

and "H

Line
Line
1.

10.

Line n.
12.

mi a mistake for DNa mistake for

pQJMS

3311, as 2"ip for 3*"lp.

DSN, as

in 6 15

practically certain.

This spelling (as against

pEW

in

11)

is

due

to carelessness rather than error.

The

usual n

is

merely

a vowel-letter indicating the pronunciation pE2? as distinguished from p2J\ There was no reason why it should not be omitted from a word which was always used in the (H)aphel (as rDKTl io 9,10 ), or was evidently DD for nDD, another mistake. causal since it has an object, as here.

Line

3.

[v~\W
in
i

is

probable, as there

is

a slight trace of

E>,

and

the

name occurs
"IIKniV is

several times.
2
.

found

which does not occur, though The house was near that conveyed to Mibtahiah
cf.

S-C

1W

in no. 8.

See the plan in no. 5. Line 14. K113S is the temple,

no. 30, and notes there.

It

was not

merely a chapel or shrine, as conjectured by S-C before the discovery of Other speculations as to its character may now be Sachau's papyri.
disregarded.

The form, only here (and in "lisnn>, i ?). been much discussed, but it is probably a mere slip, which is certain, has 6 n^NyiO, in 8 more considering the many errors in this document. for Npl&'l by a mistake? nma a mistake cn? NJJ1D. NpC^l fully rb
nfT>

for

for

DiTO^

There may be something

p[~)X].

after

it,

Line
71
.

15.

The

is

probable.

It

but nothing is wanted. seems not to be 1V3.

reading "jiTlD (S-C) is hardly probable. The papyrus is out of position. "]\-Q is unlikely. We should expect an Egyptian slightly
.

The

name ("JTIDX ?) though the father's name Hebrew viL^D and O.T. vbs, ^S, &c.
certain as the space
is

)a?Q, cf. late Jewish. VifDI Dl]5n are not quite barely sufficient even if the papyrus is re-adjusted.
is

probable, because Khnum and Sati were associated as the divinities of the cataract, there must be two names since NVt?K is

But the reading

is

5 is correctly used in these texts (cf. 30 of the priest of a foreign god. 21Jn T NHEO), as later, v is probable 5 It might be dUrrW or D^n or 31Jn (as in 30 ). (not as S-C).

fairly certain (not

Nn?x), and "1E3

Line 16.
for \TQil.

*]^

another mistake for

3a

^n defectively, or a mistake,
'jl

Line

17.

The

sentence ends with

translate
is
'

1J2, unless

'n 2D3

is

an

intrusion.

As

it

stands,

we must

at the direction of

M. and
It

the witnesses

hereto'.

But the formula

unusual.

iT^QJ \D3.

must be a

3,

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
not
"1
>

No. 13
It

41

(as
"13.

S-C),

cf.

the 3 in
is

3D3

just before.

cannot then be for

[rPJ*l]

had become

It looks as if Mahseiah quite obscure. impatient, seized a pen and written something hastily. If so,
'

The meaning

he probably meant (as S-C) M. wrote for himself, but how the words can mean that.

it

is

not clear

Line 18.

PnDTTlD.

The

D") are
It

run together, and might be Dn as

in

rVDno.

Hence S-C monno.

is

may be

the Persian

name

Mithrasari.
s

(jPQW]l
is

restored from 5 1C
here.

certain

The name
it

is

There is perhaps a trace of n. no doubt the same as in 5 T0

'

7"inx

where

see note.

^M.
n3~!3.

name were found

Line
19.
'

Lagrange suggests Caspian but would be N*SD3, as N^33 in 6 19

',
.

if

such a gentilic

Unknown

as a

name.

vm,
6 2 of
,

cf.

X3T1 5 18
'

(for

jEJTl), or it of the place

'

may
is

be

W,
'

cf.

AaSayos, AaSax^s.
cf.

NiriN.

Silversmith

Dargman. Lagrange, He also compares Caspien de Athra (as in 6 ), cf. Atropatene. Ezra 8 17 which, however, does not help. The_ver y slight t races
2
,

a strange expression,

mriN

re maining

do not

fit

any of the know n names of sons of Shemaiah.

Line 21.

rT'DncQ.

The formulais

unusual.

No.

14.

Settlement of Claim.

441

B.C.

The date is 441 b. c, probably the year before, and in view of, Mibtahiah's third (?) marriage (in no. 15). Hatevy thinks that Mibtahiah had married Pi', an Egyptian, and
adopted
his religion.
is

She swears by

Sati in

1.

5.

Among

the witnesses

here there

to recognize her.

no one with a Jewish name, because the community refused On her divorce she would return to the Jewish faith.
is

This document

the act of separation following

on

the divorce pro-

nounced by the court, cf. 1. 3. If in:x TBD is right in 1. 4, she must have been married to him, and Haldvy's explanation must be in the main
correct.
to take
to

They now have

to divide their possessions

It

and she

is

required
to relate

an oath, the object of which is not clear. the amount of stock in her hands or to their

would seem

joint credit, she

having

carried

on the business of ?yi"W with Pi'. He declares himself satisfied with her statement, and the division of property is completed. The terms had evidently been settled in the previous suit (1. 3).

The papyrus

is

in

an excellent

state

of preservation.

4a

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sayce and Cowley, F.
// ///

No. 14

B>DB>nmn

nap aans^

/// /// /// ~>

av

in

mb

\lll-> 3

jmv nn rrDno ma iTntaao^ wrva pai? bmi 'na na wn ^y nmi ban!' jid n n"o-in sjD3 by maa paa pay
*r
j,

ytx y.-rtuiG.
**

nwoio

pis*

Ham

p jpi ja3a r

i>3

^>nai prui

na^i -nam
nxtao

4 5

"

*aa^ a*ui rmri?$ tid3

} aa
s

an^y h vnnan "o^y

-mi

npmi ~^k N aaa i?y ^ *may n sai ton ami p wyw i>naK b a^>y nyi
pi

nxDitaa
nar

6
7

mdp

'anna

arr^y

<fy

nwD n

a1?M

traaa

ova

mai

8
9

am tro nax on hnoio bb>3 ^xnai

^ia

*anai aaii

aan
nar

xh

p
na

h sata
fnaiaa
'jniaa iaa

>aaK3 // /// jtjna spa n'nta$>

jnas*

10
11

NiaD

na BKtaa ana aam jnba

p pm

nasi

;naiaa

jnw na
Endorsement.

*jniaa

vmrw na na son ia

s^a aaa xni^a paa 12

inaiTy aao na ni^ 13

[n^njoao^ toa ana n

pm

iaa 14

1 On the 14th of Ab, that is the 19th day of Pahons, year 25 of Artaxerxes the king, said Pi' 2 b. Pahi, builder, of Syene the fortress, 3 Aramaean of Syene, to Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah b. Yedoniah In accordance with the of the detachment of Warizath (as follows) action which we took at Syene, let us make a division concerning the 4 money and corn and garments and bronze and iron, all goods and Then an oath 5 was imposed possessions, and the marriage-document. on you and you swore to me concerning them by the goddess Sati and my heart was content 6 with that oath which you took to me concerning those your goods and I renounce all claim on you from 7 this day for I have no power to institute against you suit or process, you or ever. son 8 or daughter of yours in the matter of those your goods concerning which you have sworn to me. If I institute against you 9 suit or process, or my son or daughter sue you in the matter of that your oath, I, Pi', or 10 will pay to Mibtahiah the sum of 5 kerashin, royal weight, my son Petisi without suit or process, u and I renounce all suit and process. 12 in Syene the fortress, at the b. Nabunathan wrote this document Witnesses hereto Nabure'i b. Nabunathan. direction of Pi' b. Pahi. 13 Luhi b. Mannuki. 'Odnahar b. Duma. Nabure'i b. Vashtan. (Enu Deed of quittance which Pi' wrote for Mibtc? hiah. dorsement.)
:

Line

1. is

TIB

"13

N^a.

Probably Egyptian, but the meaning of the

that he does not belong to a degel.

names

obscure.

Note

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
2.
it

No. 14

43

Aramaic
JJ8370
.

7DH1N. Bab. arad-ekalli, 'servant of the palace'. In later means 'architect' or 'builder'. In 15 2 Ashor is I bi'mK
'

Haldvy compares Persian ardikar,

3.

wall-maker

'.

fcpJT for

7PXV

Line

?y

'

in

accordance with

'

We

should expect -yoab before

it.

The last letter p2y as S-C, but the phrase is strange. a f|, or } with the top broken. by after mS3 is also strange, really but the meaning of mD3 is certain. Noldeke says ' let us separate ',
p2y
not
is

and supplies "TDK? before

suitable).

it.

Halevy compares J6 'I withdrew' (un.

1D3N "I3D (not |n3N as S-C), a 'deed of marriage', cf. 15 3 He gave up the deed on his divorce, showing that he had no longer any rights over her. She re -married in the next year.

Line

4.

flNUD 'came upon you', i.e. was imposed upon you. *DD2. no question of the reading or meaning. She was required to swear by the Egyptian goddess because her opponent was an Egyptian. TiDK ^NICCH FP3M "ION* (I. Levi compares B. T. Sanhedrin 63b, tilvb Samuel fee? n"jn yyc:) njnat^ \b n^nn^ NrrK* 2"y Dy niBniB* rbyw.

Line

5.

There

is

in

belonged to the third century a. d.). The case is different from that which other divinities are mentioned in connexion with Ya'u and the

temple.

This concerns a
in Jer. 44),

definitely

foreign deity

(cf.

the

'

queen of

heaven'
Jewish.

not one

who had been accepted

1

or imagined as

x"^4
6.

^ C^'fT^^
>y?bt

Line
mistake

for

S'Dt/ Note 1 again sporadically for T. It is perhaps a 31 as in 1. 9, elsewhere "nt, which would be correct in

speaking to a woman.

would be

correct, as in

1.

8.

There There
is

is

room

\ and possibly some trace of it. Line 9. ^1J1 perfect, as 'j rfHJ (1. 8 ), depending on mark above the \ whichTseems to be unintentional.
for
2.

fit.

"9N*i*21, cf.

N'3T,

1.

Here

the

is

for

n of the feminine.

J31

added parenthetically

without affecting the construction. Line 10. iTnBID? a mere mistake.

Line 11.
father has a

*DNUD, a man bearing a pure Egyptian name whose Babylonian name.

'21

Lines 12, 13.

The

witnesses'

names

are in their

own

writing.
"injiTy

Line 13. ^330, shortened from Bab. Mannuakiilani =. 7M*D. '21 can hardly be read otherwise, but the names are unknown.
is

^1123

Babylonian, while his father's name is Persian. Line 14. pmo 'withdrawal' or renunciation of claim.
it.

It

was not the

actual divorce, but the sequel to

44

No.

15.

Marriage

Contract.

About 441

B.C.

The number of the year is lost, line i being much broken. There are, however, reasons for putting the document at about the same date as The scribe Nathan was a witness to nos. 8 and 9 no. 14, or soon after.
in

459

b.c.

and wrote no. 10

in

456 and no. 13

in

447.

In 459

Mibtahiah was the wife of Yezaniah, her first marriage. In no. 13 (447) he is not mentioned, and was therefore probably dead or divorced. In no. 20 (420) Ashor, the present bridegroom, was apparently also dead,
leaving two sons old

enough

to act

as principals in an action at law.

Supposing them

to

be then about 18 years of age, the present marriage

cannot have taken place much after 440. If the interpretation of no. 14 is right and Mibtahiah was then (in 441) just divorced from her second husband, we are forced to date this document in or after 441. At any rate Ashor is not mentioned in no. 1 4. [Gutesmann calculates the date
as 447-449.] One of the witnesses here
is

Penuliah

a witness

is

Yezaniah

b. Penuliah,

b. Yezaniah, and in no. 20 (420) probably his son, as a child was often

named
This
in

after his grandfather.

is

a naina or marriage settlement

(cf.

Journal Asiatique 1906,

values,

their

money
the text
to the

p. 351), giving very important for determining the relative" values of the terms. See Introduction, p. xxii. It then states the terms of
is

lists

demotic marriage contracts of the mutual gifts with

succession in case the marriage

is

dissolved.
to its

Cf. no. 9.

Unfortunately

very

difficult,

partly

owing

broken condition, and partly

many unknown

words.

ok
Sayce and Cowley, G.
B>[pB>nniN
.

x)

o c^t-***jL , t f3X, ,

'

rw\

pjsn

mh

III

III

[w

in] *it?n[b

// ///]

^a
ntm
n

[N>bo
bib pd
*?

*oi[n mD]rtD^ tb^ts n bains [nv] in iiiidn ion

b

wjnS> .toso inia[b]

|n:ob in*n rni[] n:N

rut
II

ion^

3 4 5 6
7

mo
II

i? nan*

oby ijn

nov
III

jo r6ya raaa

wi:n

naab sen yby by [Njabo ^3Na

fbpt?
)

f?p& [ejca]
r

rmoso ima
. ,

J3N3

tjia

niian [*i]m
)

aon
11

mn

loy 1

K>ab
II

ma rpnoao [inijab nby:n ua rrra nb nbyarl -'bill ppa'.Nabo

a
II

111

in p\>v

ll;ftt'ia

spa;m[>]

III

III

III

jon tin

mn

pi) yav
i

r*

&

JM***^

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
7W
nit?
II

No. 15

'.

45

|1 III

ll III

III

px

ins*

nm

mn

b^
II

n^o
III

J33

run oneo

iray n
I

pn
III

cab N3^ 'aata

\bpv spa

III III
II

?W
I

^oa 10

trm
**

*r

*m
1
I

III

mc\lll a
*r
I

III

fN *pa ei
^pt?

pro

pa
II

II

i>ptf
II

**,Da

nMB>

XBD3 ^3
*:3N3 ->i>
-1

1 spa

cm ^ HW
lll^pc

[*n]n

spa 12

*>

V^T
III

[l]l

{??& ep3 piP 13

**,D3

p3 "^;-6n

II

III

j'sna

n*d3*.

*cm 14

ua ^aab n^m] <6y ^>y t-ata 15./ jvnyj na nbj n 1 II III III n Dpn }nco"pb> ,% 1 pa \lll px i 16 }irn pajp II |aa p?d *?

mn

lt

w<

n^ rapai
nrv33

ia*i

i3i iinDN rii6* f[in] di* ltTiriia" 17

ntS?j*> *n

n'naao nnnax n*[nBa]ra

jo nj*_jn*N
s

18

n bi wapi [m]D33i iinDx ? 19 xyix *6 napil i3i i3i rvnuso niran di* ik inn n5a 20 n'Daaa nam'' in ihdx n^y3 linos |*a n^> VfH 21
*s:x bv nb *n\x
hrrja n*n&ia] Dipn

jinx

di[* ix]

mra

nj*jpi

22

bv 3nn ncxi3
nbyan n hi
|l

ntus**
III

eps ^y3 unDxi* nxx> iraxii 23

*pa nn[Dx]^
bjxjrp

\Tll

ji>pB*

mho

24

xh
n^yjn 1

n'as n [Kn[i*] *inm Din ny on

psjnn

a 25
26

nnya
5>ai

ihdx
ias[]

Dip'

pro*

di* it*

inn 331 xh

pi*

nine

n*ntaa *nn[>N!"]
|b

inj^ idni 27

inni nnn spa nn ova mn ny Dn xi? n*nt2sra i>y Dip* [p]i 331 xh

pann nra
*t

28

n*a*

jx n? 29

n^ pj* n:
irax
*r

jpi

Mioaai

imbx

*r

nn*3

111311!* 30
*iD3
*n*s'

hx

vh)

ut nisd pi n5
n*D*:ra
s

[*n]yi

"^^la
*!*

31

pa pb piiN pai

}ni*

nins* nn3N
jn

32

|n^ pns* nnani [p]a

*j3s*3

*!*

n*x idn*

n'nraao *^ i^n 33

"^ fins [e|]D3 irniaaD? frws? n*33i

n'noao 34

i5n

myn

jm n*[nt:]DD

*3*3pi

*D33 in[3iN]

bm

vb) N3^ra 35
i*ap)

[Na]^D

*J3N*3

-5 iB*ia [ejoa] n*nraaDi*

123

pax 0[inx ib]d

nit

ud

36

mrwh [unDK
ii3[r]

dq3

mibd]
n*[.
. ,
.

n*33y
.]
.

ia pj 313 37
13

13 omra nnix 13

n^ua 3S i]5 b*yi inp 39

month Epiphi,
the

nw

On
.

the 25th
.

(?)

of Tishri that
2

is

the 6th day of the

year
to

king, of Artaxerxt% the king, said Ashor b. Z*vfo, builder to 3 Mahseiah Aramaean of Syene, of the detachment of Warizath, as
.

46
follows
:

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 15

I came to your house that you might give me your daughter 4 She is my wife and I her husband from Miphtahiah in marriage. 5 of your daughter I have given you as the price this day for ever. It has been received by the sum of 5 shekels, royal weight. Miphtahiah c I have delivered to your therewith. you and your heart is content daughter Miphtahiah into her hand for the cos/ of furniture 1 karash I have delivered 2 shekels royal 7 weight, of the standard of 2 r to 10. 8 to her into her hand 1 woollen robe, new, striped, dyed on both sides, (whose) length was 8 cubits by 5, worth the sum of 2 kerashin 8 shekels,
9
1 closely-woven (shawl) new, (whose) length was 8 cubits worth 10 the sum of 8 shekels royal weight another woollen robe, n 6 cubits finely woven, (whose) length was by 4, worth the sum of 12 1 the sum of 1 shekel 2 r 7 shekels; 1 mirror of bronze, worth tray of bronze, worth the sum of 1 shekel 2 r 2 cups of bronze, 13 worth the sum of 2 shekels ; 1 bowl of bronze, worth the sum of 2 r total money 14 and value of goods being the sum of 6 kerashin 5 shekels 20 hallurin, 15 1 have received, and my of the standard of 2 r to 10, royal weight. heart is content therewith, 1 couch of reeds with 4 supports (?) 1G of 1 pk of slk 1 ms'n knife 2 ladles, holding (?) 8 h 1 cosmetic stone (?) box of ivory, new. 17 To-morrow or another day (if) Ashor should die and there is no child male or female 18 belonging to him by Miphtahiah his wife, Miphtahiah has a right to the house 19 of Ashor, his goods and his chattels and all that he has on the face of the earth, 20 all of it. To-morrow or (another) day (if) Miphtahiah should die and there is no child male or female 21 belonging to her by Ashor her husband, Ashor shall inherit her goods 22 and her chattels. To-morrow or another day should stand up in the congregation 23 and say, I divorce (if) Miphtahiah Ashor my husband, the price of divorce (shall be) on her head she shall return to 24 the scales and weigh out to Ashor the sum of 7 shekels 2 r and all that I have put 25 into her hand she shall give up, both shred (?) and thread, and she shall go away whither she will, without 26 suit or To-morrow or another day (if) Ashor should stand process. 27 and up in the congregation say, I divorce my wife Miphtahiah, her 28 into her hand, she shall price shall be forfeited, but all that I have put both shred (?) and thread, on one day at one time, and she give up, 29 shall go away whither she will, without suit or process. But if he should rise up against Miphtahiah 30 to drive her out from his, Ashor's, house and his goods and chattels, he shall give her 31 the sum of 20 kerashin, and the provisions of this deed shall be annulled, as far And I shall have no right to say 32 I have another as she is concerned. wife besides Miphtahiah and other children than the children whom 33 Miphtahiah shall bear to me. If I say I have children and wife other than 34 Miphtahiah and her children, I will pay to Miphtahiah the su?/z of 20 kerashin, royal weight, 35 and I shall have no right to take away my goods and chattels from Miphtahiah and if I remove them 36 from her [erasure] I will pay to Miphtahiah the sum of 20 kerashin, royal 37 Nathan b. Ananiah wrote this deed at the direction of Ashor weight. and the witnesses hereto 38 Penuliah b. Jezaniah. iah b. Uriah (?).

royal weight
5,

by

Menahem

b. Zaccxxr.

39

Witness, Re'ibel

(?)

b.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
the year.
certain.
five units.
It
1

No. 15
number
is

47
of

can

now be

restored with

some

certainty, except the

is

[/////J "3 3.

The lower

part of "3

visible

and

fairly

might be ", less probably. There is then room for about There is enough remaining of the lower parts of HUTl
.

letters to
it

make
K7E>

this certain

now

that the rest is explained.

S-C marked

as doubtful because the facsimile

*?,

shows traces of
that this

were read
formula.

and

it

was thought

it which was part of some new

letters after

The remnants, however, are certainly to be read ^DC'nmx] which they are written should be [n]370, and the loose fragment on There are again traces which the end of the line. fiJfc?. transferred to
fit

this,

and room
2.

for

about // /// ~% after

it.

Line
20 3

"iinDN seems to have afterwards taken the

name
'JD
'T

of Nathan,

but whether as a proselyte or not, does not appear.

.

Cf. 25 s , 28 2 with

This name and

.

his father's are

pure Egyptian.
like Pi' b.

73T1K, see
is

on 14 2

He
3.

was a government contractor

Pahi.
clear.

Line

The

rvnK with an accusative,

accusative as in 13 2,
10 .

constructions are curious, though the sense "b |D3t37 'to (ask you to) give me'.
'

mistake,

cf.

14
12

*jm37 with another 7 marking the dative. fVUBO a mere i. e. in 1I"UN7 for wife-hood marriage. Not as S-C.
',
' '

Line
(cf.

4.

1TO

Gen. 34

paid for a wife here 5 shekels, no doubt the legal sum required and often),
the

dowry

is

properly the price

to

still

showing that he Mibtahiah had been although already married at least once (probably twice), must have been well over 30 years of age, and was able to conduct business in her own right.

make

the marriage valid.

at

It

was paid

to the father,

had

least a legal palria potestas,

Anything given over and above the

bride.

legal price

was a present

to the

Line

'

5.

T7X7

?X?

it

has

come
as in

(77X7) to
1.

you

',

i.

e.

you have accepted the

payment. Line 6. nbyin

the
1st

301 usually
.

TU,

15.
is no distinction in writing between Freund and Jampel take it as the

Unfortunately there

and the 2nd persons.

total in
1.

But the sum

'

not the bridegroom's gift. 14 shows that the presents were given by the same rwan properly arrangeperson who paid the 5 shekels, i. e. Ashor. Cf. Nah. 2 10 or outfit, i.e. perhaps, to furnish the house. ment

2nd person, the

father's present to the bride,

'

I)

pp&
Line
'

above the
7.

line, as often in this deed.

16

as 'striped In Prov. 7 ni3Bn is translated by In Talmud paoin are garments with the yarn of Egypt). (of ' a pattern or embroidered. Perhaps striped is most likely here, but the

3un.

RV

cloths

'

meaning

is

uncertain.

48
Line
i.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
8.
)">T

No.
sides
'.

15
'

dual of

Bab. idu,

'

on both

m[tr]

equal to
to

',

e.

worth.
9.

It

was a costly garment.

weaver's rod
is tt3K>,

Line
'

WXV. A

whence

the verb

means
'

keep

the rod closely pressed against the work, so that this should be closelywoven stuff. It must have been specialized as a trade-term, and from its

This size can only have been some kind of shawl, as also CO? above. was a cheaper article. if III III is probable here, as in 1. 8, a stock size. The last unit is a long way from the rest, and one unit seems to
be covered by a crease in the papyrus. Line 10. BI"ltW. Cf. Jer. 9 s Dints' (Kere for nnic) explained by the affile* and drawn out (Kimhi '), "J^DJ Jewish commentators as
,

'

'

'

Chron. 9

Talmud.
therefore

Similarly in 'gold drawn out', i.e. beaten The form is Niphal, avec franges '. Lagrange suggests not Aramaic, but probably a trade-term derived from the

15

D1HC

1T\\

thin.

'

language of Phoenician merchants (so Lidzbarski). Line 12. [Tljon, though it was difficult to guess, is not really doubtful. There are slight traces of T1. The papyrus is crushed here. It is no

doubt a variant of Talm. iinon.

There
.

is

no room

for 1.
III,

II

"l.

The

is

badly made,
shekels,
it

like a 3.
1

II

}D3 or possibly

but as the price

is 2

was probably

shekel per cup.

The

prices are arranged

in a descending scale.

after "3

Line 14. bpW a mistake for J^pti>. which might be a unit, but it
fit

would not

There is a faint stroke ~% \"hr\. no doubt unintentional, as 21 h. On the conclusions to be the sum on any reckoning.
is

drawn from
to

the

make up

the total

In order sum of the items, see Introduction, p. xxii. we must include the 5 shekels paid by Ashor to
total

must represent the whole of the payments in money (5 shekels) and goods (^03!) 'Oil N3D3 b'S) made by one and the same person. Hence in 11. 6, 7 J"6y:n must be 1st person 'I (Ashor)
Mahseiah.

But the

gave '. Line 15.

think

states the value of his

it

The deed was drawn up in Ashor's name. He therefore own gifts, to make the most of them. He does not
is

unknown.
'bed'
(cf.

|3JJ3 necessary to state the value of what he receives. Apparently a Niphal form, and so not Aramaic. If

quite
is

Arukh
pa.

s.v.

*W

i),

the four JV3JJJ are very likely 4 feet.

Line
'split'

16.

Meaning unknown.

The

or to 'stop up'.

A
'

'hatchet'?

root ppa means either to Epstein suggests that it is for

.

p3

= Npin

or Persian

p3p3, 'a flask'.

S-C.

There

is

He might compare pitcher ', cf. Heb. "ja pbo must be a noun describing the material, not as a slightly larger space than usual after it, which seems to
isb.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
indicate separation from

No. 15
its
',

49
as a
'

what
'

follows.
'

But
'

meaning
not
'

noun

is

unknown.
pn,
cf.

jaa

probably
it

ladles

or

bowls

handles

as S-C.

jvin
cf.

20 6 where
cr
a.
'

is

associated with wood.

rejects
this,

'ivory',

Noldeke
'

I have translated it by and proposes 'palm-leaves',

D312 as a tray or basket '. opn, &c, above the line, being singular, must refer to D313 (feminine ?) and mean containing Then n is not for p^n, since this series is not valued, nor a for 8 (as cipher
'

taking

'

'.

Doller, Staerk) since letters are never so used in these texts, but must be s8 measure, as in 24 . unknown. The |b>o

pp, meaning quite

')

translation of pB> (root, value.

'

to be sharp

as

'

knife

',

is

a mere guess of no

Line 20.

Line 22.
Line 23.
'

pnx has been accidentally omitted. mya, Hebrew. Borrowed as a technical

ntUP, as
'

Dr.

term.
', i.

in 9 s
it.

fflSWU,

'is

on her head

e.

apparently

she

is

responsible

for

ann from

nin, she shall return to the scales,

or Haphel, she shall put back in its Not from 3m, as Noldeke, entirety. sie setzt sich ', and who compares Lev. $ 2i and translates sie Jampel
' '

soil als

Hauptsumme das Scheidungsgeld auf die Wage legen Line 24. \Tll III is more probable than \|| III because of
for -> b
1
1

'.

1
1

1 not

"1

as Staerk. Since

||

the original

ino with 50 per

cent, added.

the space. a shekel she had to pay back -| ni>y:n and pfijnn (1. 25) are

opposed. Freund and Jampel take r6y:n here and in 1. 27 as 3rd person what she has received '. But it must refer to the same person as in 1. 7, what I delivered to her she shall give up '.
'
'

Line 25. on is certain from 1. 28, but the precise meaning is unknown. Gen. i4 2! Lidzbarski suggests 'radish as something of small value. One would expect the meaning to be akin to that of ttin. The phrase means to the last shred |Ni"i7 probably two words, as in 29.
'

Cf.

'

'.

1.

pT Probably a mere mistake. Line 27. Tas[*]. If he divorced her, he forfeited the five shekels paid for her, but got back the presents. n^yjn is difficult. The writer
is

Line 26.

clear.

seems to be confused about the persons. name, but speaks of him in the 3rd person
to

He
in
1.

is

writing in

Ashor's

26.

Here he seems
be
3rd
fern.,

revert

to
(i.

the

1st

person,

as above.
'

Or can

this

she put

e.

Line 28.

received) into her hand ? '31 "in DV3, a legal formula for 'all together'.

Line 29.
Line 30.
I89

rb

is

a sort of reflexive with yin,

the only possible reading

for n?2 =
is

cf.

*].?.

to

\6

seems

the usual N71.

nniDin^.

This

a third case.

or he might divorce her in legal form, or he might eject her forcibly

She might divorce him, and

e

50
illegally,

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
in

No. 15

which case he would have to pay a heavy fine. Epstein *pn = BH3, the later term for divorce by a BJ, but it surely 'tf V i"lJV3 JD perhaps not an aggravation of what precedes. implies a case of the anticipatory pronoun, but 'k V is added because merely
thinks that

nn^

might be his or her house, to make it quite clear. Line 31. [H]jP1 is better than [l]y1 (as S-C) which

is

not found in

these texts.

JH must mean

the legal obligation or provisions of the deed.

evidently regarded in this case as wrongly treated, it is reasonable to suppose that she would be freed from any further obligations.

As

she

is

^3K.

He
1.

reverts

to the

1st person,

though he has

just

used the 3rd

koX
.
.

(jnr) in

30.
Cf.
/xri

Line 32.
4>iAtcrKa)

Greek Pap. Tebtunis i, no. 104, 1. 18: yvvatKa aWrjv lirayayiadaL dAAa &TroWu)via.v
e a\\r)<; -ywai/cos
.
.
.

crra>

fxrj^k

t(kvo.
.

7roLia6aL
CLTTOTicraTU)

eav Se Tt tovtwv

iiri8i)(6r) 7roiaiv

rrjv (jiepvrjv.

Line 33.
is its

pnx, probably

a mistake

for

p~inN (so Noldeke).

We
(1.

might read nn:N1 [l]3, or

32) feminine (so Noldeke) instead of i"U"inK. Line 35. "in[jriN] is not very certain. It does not seem quite the suitable word, but an equivalent of myn is wanted, and nothing else
itself.

pnN maybe

plural of

nnx

as

mnx

suggests
as in

T5n.

It

may

perhaps be

Dnmyn,

but the
1.

is

made
is

N3^0

just

below, and

the following stroke should be

bl\>

Line 36.

f[inN *1D]D

'in accordance with

any other deed',

erased, and has therefore been omitted Line 37. The scribe is the same as

in the translation. in nos.

this

Line 38. rpijUQ.

Lagrange thinks

is

10 and 13. the son of her former

husband,
uncertain.

The next pair of names is very who was probably dead. S-C read Yezaniah b. Uriah, and Lagrange thinks this may
is

be her former husband, which

for the first

very unlikely.

Possibly iTJT or iTDno

name.

Line 39. 5

^yi

very uncertain.

For the form

like to

cf.

M*\jn

and ^1133.

The endorsement

is lost.
?).

One would

know what

they called the

document (1DJN nSD

No.

16.
b.c.
out of
it.

An

Appeal

to

The papyrus is so The mention of year

a Higher Court. About 435 much broken that very little can be made
who
reigned so long, Darius I
is

31 requires a date in the reign of Artaxerxes I

since of the only three kings

too earl)

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
and Artaxerxes
II is too late.
7

No. j6

51

Nephayan (if that is the pronunciation) Waidrang was N^n3"l in 416 ), 2 5 2 ) and was promoted to fratarak before 411. Nephayan here (see must therefore be a different person from Nephayan in no. 30 perhaps
was

N/Tm

in

411 (see 30

but his father

31st year of Artaxerxes I was 435 b. c. and the It seems to be an deed must have been drawn up then or soon after.
his grandfather.

The

appeal from the decision of a lower court to a higher authority, but the details are obscure.
no.

all

Sachau, plate

7.

Ungnad,

7.
.
.

.... w]

-a |is[aa

bvi]

S b$
}o rh jonno }b[n] nbp[n nat
N3*n[i m]nn D[np] ni>w [ejx [>!?] jhjd S[3ix]T ffn ni>[pn
ptrjni

IwnmK]

->"? na[e> iy] \///"3

r\w

.... s]5n nip moKi .... K]*jn i^k nnpi>

....
. . .

4
5

w]m

nnn Dip mosi T3y

rotJ>
*T

...
. .

ph
.

pri> i^y pB3i

.

|-em \->"3

ny \///"^ rot? j[o

6
7

x^n 3-1 paa n jrsm y& nn tfm po .... ro]j>3i ^ *v3y pcrya ibn^ nr6t>> n*i Dip n5[x T ^ layiv ^n pirya rai [^Jy wm nnr6 bxv
,
.

.... to Ar^ames (?) a</ /<? iJ/^aphernes b. //>/eld our detachment owned from the 24th year to the 31st year of
1
;J

WSHI

Artaxerxes
I stated

also I

was examined
4

before the court ....

arid the court, and befoxt the /fcld I ploughed but the produce I did
.
. . .

TR WH
.
.

6 from the and Megaphernes and Nephayan and Mannuki, 7 the .. the 3 judges, went up to Syene and took with them (?).... assessors (?) of Nephayan, commander of the garrison of Syene, and the 8 lord have sent saying, judges of the province, how .... I (?) before my 9 and the court ask A wrong was done to me,' and nozo abott/ this, (and) let wrong not be done to me, and ....
.

5 and a These judges not receive from them. and the court to me, and I stated before
.

TRWH

wrong was done

. .
. .

year 24 to the year 31,

TRWH

Line

1.

Some
D

lines
.

necessary
as

to

explain

the

case are lost at the

clear.

beginning. a name (since

is

S, perhaps

DKHK.

pa
,

is

As

it

must be

probable.

"13 follows), and pDJ3 occurs in 1. restored from 2 2 133 dated 419. [v\W\]

6, the restoration

was perhaps to this effect: court about a field to which

I

'1 brought
I laid claim.

The beginning an action before the ordinary

Having
failed to obtain justice,

now appeal

to the highest authorities, to Arsames(?)

and Megaphernes.'
e
2

52
Line
in 2.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
K?p
is is

No. 16

certain.

As |Dnn
it

is

used elsewhere of holding property

land, S'^pn
it

a probable restoration.
If
is

k[^]

is

but

fits

the space.

right,

it

is

interesting as

only a conjecture, showing that the

\ ~>"^ as in 1. 6. bil could hold property as a corporation. Line 3. n^Nt? is no doubt a passive form. In later Aramaic

7KnCK
6

means

to

'

action'.
I

undergo examination The meaning seems

1.

'

before a court, and hence to

to

'

bring an
7
.

be the

same

here.

Cf.

m]*in as

5.

Either a

title

or (more probably) a

name

but
it

N^Nfc?,
it

is

not

found elsewhere.
Line
4.

)V*n, not DK".

If the dispute

is

about a

field,

may mean
'

'plough',
'

and the word before

'

produce

is

required.
i.e.
is

them'
[N^].

(fern.)

the

word for X^pn. n[3JN]T, From fHJO is the only possible reading. other party. They must have been women.
be
a
b.

There
n.

a slight trace of
is

T\Uvh.
is

The

last letter is a

badly I
[kJ'JH

made

~\bn

certain.

Ungnad's n vN

impossible.

might be WT, but "pN requires the plural. Line 5. p'y31. The proper meaning of pry is 'unfairness' in withholding from a person his due. It therefore suits the restoration proposed
in
1.

4.

The word

occurs in

11.

8,
y

9
'

also.

The

is

difficult.

It

might be for a (cf. Phoenician I for ^) and that a wrong was done '. But Seidel is probably right in taking it as otiose, cf. N/ftj?3 40 2 JDro, j t would then be originally a ^5.8.9 modifying particle (like que non for
; ,
i

je crois que non) which afterwards lost

its

force.

No
stroke

doubt a popular
is

idiom.

Line
there
is

6.

N[y*1

J]ll

very doubtful.
,

The
p?1,

first

too long, and

hardly
7.

room

for "JH.

Line

N'om

from

m (OP
X\Y\

perhaps [DHDy in]p7i.

'assessors'?

data), 'lawyers',
it

a slight trace of something before

to see

a or 2 or D.
1.

There

is

T^is

It is difficult

what the construction can

8.

be.
(cf.

Line

h5[n] or PUt or

9).

iO

the

high

official

addressed.

Elsewhere

it

generally means Arsames.

' '

[nj]y31 or jyDl

or nysi.

Line

9.

T.

Perhaps
text.

and

to

my companions

(in

the degel).

This

is

the

end of the

No.
Relating
to

17.

Siipp lies

for

the

Garrison

{?).

428

B.C.

A strip of papyrus written on both sides. Lines 1-4 are on the recto, 5-7 on the verso. It is so much injured that parts of the facsimile are illegible, and I have accordingly adopted in most cases the reading ol

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
certain.

No. 17
The
late),

53
date
is
lr.s

Sachau and Ungnad, who had the original before them. The king is Artaxerxes I (since II would be too
37th year is 428 b. c. It is a letter addressed to a

and

high official (no doubt Arsames) and perhaps relates to the accounts for the collection and distribution of corn
(as rations)
cf.

no. 24.
5.

Sachau, plate

Ungnad,

no. 5.

jkid D7c Kruno

nam

nnuai

paa nnuai mtintu

ynv

D[enN

&NB] Kn!?N

nns Kronen roam n d^ khjo

nya

^>a

i>y

noiw

nyai

py b[a sn^

....an
. .

f?

an' ana touwa ^k

>^y jnta

wi n*va Fir

;t

|T

ansa ...

3 4

.... rwaT
-nuai swbnK

Th^y]
y=i5a

DtnK
n

jk-i

....
Kn]an nap_ nnuai pin

NnaniN
6

Nn^in
rue>

j
III III ->

fmrreb III

Dnn:a

N-ianrx

cay^D

rn^y

...

[tyjo^nms
onni^
1

I III III -> -5

Bigdan

7b or lord Arsames, your servants Achaemenes (?) and his colleagues, the (?) and his colleagues, and the notaries of the province
;

abundantly at all times. And now you have paid us for all the contribution assuredly which we gave in the 3 province at (?) the place which is plainly set forth, each item month by month they were sending to me. Also a written document
welfare of our lord

may the gods

seek 2

was given

to us.

Now

4
. . .

and we

will

our lord Arsames

his colleagues

the

recorders in

your servants Achaemenes (?) and .... 6 which we pay.

Haruz and

... of Marheshwan in the 37th year of Artaxerxw, to them.

his colleagues the notaries of the province, all 3 villains (?), the servant (?) of SYN'BS the recorder, their colleague, on the 19th

Line
D[ttns]

1.

Probably the words

It

|K")D

?K

stood

above

this,

cf.

21'.

is likely.
1.

occurs in

1.

(Ungnad,

doubtfully).

E-'JcnK here

and

in

is

very uncertain.

nrroa as in Ezra 5 6

(RV

'companions'),

and frequently in these texts. pJa very uncertain. There is a stroke which would fit a i, but Ungnad does not print it. Cf. jroa, Esther 2 21
.

baga, 'god'? letters, but sometimes in the singular.

Compounded

with

OP

'ai
'

"6kE" the regular formula in

(the) god(s) inquire after

May

54
)

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
',
i.

No. 17

our health

e.

be careful of
'

it,

on

the analogy of the ordinary greeting

'

of one

man
2.

to another ("]07C HD).

Line
'

ND3D bl by
'.
'

for every piece

in

every respect

ro5lT
?

is

? or perhaps Sachau's reading.

=
*|

Heb. bs nJO
"iriN
'

b]}

the place

in

which
Line

',

i.

e.

'

where
cf.

3.

cnDB,

Ezra 4 18 &c.
i.e.

'

'

Exactly

as Sachau, or

'

separately

'.

Jt

JT

'thing by thing',
{

each several thing.

18 &c, NJinPJ, Ezra 4

cf.

Pers.

j^>J>.

Line

4.
5.

Line Line

nntwT (my reading) not tUUWW apparently. NnairN. A Persian compound of N"JTK 'information', and
jnaa

kar, 'making'.
6.

f (my
NTli? III

reading).

The

~\

is

more

like

D.

It

cannot
as an

(my reading), 7 UVin Cf. 30 . pnn afterthought below the line. may account for the abusive epithet. Line 7. tihy servant ? or part of a longer word.
govern pin.

^5

is

very doubtful.

Added

is

Egyptian, which

'

'

B>5yJD very doubt19

!)

ful.

A
1

name

is

wanted, but a

compound

of Sin
so.

is

unlikely (6

because
as

of the

(Ungnad).
is

JltymiD^ probably
pfiniS>

Ungnad

reads

\titr\T\rh

a scribal error.

but the sense

not clear,

tsb seems to be the only way of reading it, and ni? does not occur in these texts. In

Ezra there

is

VnViD.

No.

18.

End

of a Marriage Contract.

About 425

b. c.

As to the date there is very little evidence. If Ya'uhan here is the same person as in no. 10, she was a y&l (unmarried girl?) in 456 B.C. She now appears to have been married and to have a marriageable
daughter, so that the date of this deed cannot be much earlier than 430 or 425 b. c. The scribe here is the son of the man who wrote nos. 10, 13, J5 The document (456-441), and therefore presumably rather later.

appears to be part of a marriage contract, like no. 15, with provision for the case of a divorce (nX3K> in 1. 1), though the precise terms are not clear.
It

seems

that

on

the latter's marriage (with

Ya'uhan (a widow ?) had made over to her daughter Sallua, Hoshaiah ?) certain money and effects as

dowry, and Ya'uhan here renounces all right to reclaim them in case of Sallua's divorce. But other combinations are possible.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate 33.

No. 18

55

Ungnad,
nvaw
rut

no. 36.

ma

jnw b[ra]n
,

t6)

n[w] na

ib[e>

nhw
*r

rvav fya ds? nan

mjy na

jn:

jcma N-iEDa p<na na rmwo ana r6 pons* n^>

1

'

nsdch n"D23 na nrna

*n na^n nfa

npwi
kisd

loxn

pi

Dn hnn
naT

3
4

jnai>Nn*a -a jn:onn ine>

133

K*ir5n

fmn[n] nwenn

oaa

jnsw na

fn:bsn*a

iw

n*j[TN]

~n

bw

ine>

n*h*

~ia

jn

inp

1 And Ya'uhan Ales/j/Alak b. Z7ri a deed of divorce. 2 and to Sallua daughter of Meshullak shall have no right to say to him her daughter, As I gave these goods and the money which are set forth 3 to take them away. in this deed, as a free gift to you, now I desire Ma'uziah If she says so, she is liable, no heed shall be paid to her. 4 this deed at the direction of Hoshaiah and b. Nathan b. Ananiah wrote Witness, Heremnathan b. BethelJPVuhan, and the witnesses hereto nathan b. Zeho. 5 Witness, Haggai b. Penuliah. Witness, Yeosh b. Azzriidh. Witness, Bethelnathan b. Jonathan.
:

Line
"[
is

1.

Ungnad
is

reads

the

marks

at

the

beginning as numerals.
is

fairly certain.

The downward
2 2 68 .

stroke from the b

is

accidental.

The
but

restoration

from
in

In 10 2 Ya'uhan

daughter of Meshullak,

how he comes

at

this

not spa (as Sachau).

The

point is not evident. is an accidental tail of the

"

is

certain,
in the

mark

It papyrus, and the head of it is broken. act of divorce. ^nan t6) certain, though only the lower parts of the 2 to letters remain. [loan] is restored [l^c] restored from io if she she shall not say the usual formula being correspond to 1. 3, ' and to S is wanted since or to X to him says so ... [rb]
.
' . . .

must mean a sentence or

'

'

'

'

'

'

follows.

There does not seem

Nl^oh.
rb
If
'

to

be room for a name.

take

'

him

to

be the husband of Sallua.

Line

2.

nma.

If

is
it

the
is

Other forms of the name are .T^D and HNPD. husband of S, this must be 'her (Ya'uhan's)
'his

daughter'. as in 43 3

daughter''
'

rb must be S's

father.

fOrTO
'.

as a free gift

',

out of the affection which I bear to her

D37

i.

e.

to S

and her hu'sband.

does not occur badly formed, and nr (= flKT) PiaTI not be anything else. elsewhere in these texts, but it can hardly 'It (the claim) shall not the usual formula. ycriB" impersonally.

Line

3.

nfa.

The

is

be heard as regards her Line 4. rtyOTI. It

'.

is

difficult

to

see

how he

is

concerned, unless

56
he

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 18

Then he and is the husband of S, and this is their marriage deed. Ya'uhan would be the parties to the deed, as in no. 15 Ashor and Mahseiah negotiate the marriage of Mibtahiah. (But no. 15 is written at Since it is the mother who gives away the direction of Ashor only.) a widow, otherwise the father would have her daughter, she must be done it. If Hoshaiah were the father, there would be no need to say
so
are

much

of Ya'uhan the mother.

Heremnathan and Bethelnathan

compounded with the god-names D"in and 7NrV3, just as jroirv with in 1. 5. See Introduction, p. x. These names only occur here.
grandfather has an Egyptian name. as in 12 8 5. .T:[TN] '2

The

Line

WW

No.
List of Names.

19.

About 420
.

b. c.

A Meshullam b. Shemaiah (1. 5) is mentioned in 22 119 and a son of Nathan b. Hodaviah (1. 10) in 22 127 Possibly 1. 4 is the same as in 22 116 It seems therefore as if the two lists have some connexion. No. 22 is dated 419 b.c. In 20 2 there is a Menahem b. Meshullam (as
, .

inl. 7)

under date 420 b.c.

This

list

may therefore

probably be dated 420 +

Sachau, plate 23.

Ungnad,
,

no. 23.
1

S 12
-in

myn
ycix

[?nn]iK

...

-12

tbw nn

fR

4 5 6
7

[nyyvw -12 n[b]B> tbw "Q nx?DB>

[dJco -q oroo
[r\]w 12
. . .

"an

8 9

t?K -12 nas*

rrmn
1

"12
3

jna

10
b.
6

b.
7

Shallum

b. b.

Menahem
Nathan
Line
1.

Uriah (?). 4 Shemaiah b. Shallum. Meshullam b. Shemaiah. Meshullaw. 8 Haggai b. Jezaniah. 9 Agiri b. Ash
2

Ba'adiah b.
5

Oshea

WKYN
. .

10

b.

Hodaviah.
slight traces remain.

Only
[,
.

Line

3.

,]ik.

Only

rvnitf

and

ytj'ix

are possible.

The

former

is

more

likely, as father and son rarely bear the

same name

in these texts.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
4.

No. 19
known

57
to

p5T very uncertain.

It

might be

JD31, but neither is

Ungnad and Sachau fDO. Line 9. HJtt. Sachau compares Ungnad compares Bab. Agin. A 3 would be Agar. For the father's name Sachau suggests^j^'N
as a
.

me

name.

possible.

No.

20.

Settlement of a Claim.

420

B.C.
at

The papyrus

has a bad break where

latter
is

it

was bent

one

third of

its

breadth, and the

part

is

not very easy to read.

7
),

On

the whole,

however, the text

fairly certain.
(cf.

Menahem and
and Mahseiah

Ananiah, sons of Meshullam

3

19

had sued Yedoniah

(cf.

(cf. 2

28

2
),

sons of Ashor and Mibtahiah

no. 15),

concerning certain property which had been deposited (as a pledge or loan ?) with Ashor by their grandfather, Shelomem, and which had not been restored. They have now been satisfied and hereby payment
(by
?)

resign

all

further claim
is

on the sons of Ashor.

The
year
is

date

the 4th year of Darius,

who must be

Darius

II,

and the

therefore

420

b.c.

Mibtahiah was married to Ashor

in no. 15,

which was dated, partly on the evidence of this deed, about 440 b.c Her elder son can hardly have been much under 20 years of age when he

became a party

to this action.

Ashor had evidently died

in

the

mean-

time, otherwise the action

would have been taken against him, not against his sons. So too Shelomem and Meshullam must have died, otherwise one or other of them would have brought the action. This corroborates
the date of no.
1 (494 b.c), where Shelomem b. Azariah is a witness. He must have been a young man then, since he lived to transact business with Ashor, and the interval of seventy-four years between no. 1 and this

not too long for three generations. death of Ashor probably took place just before this action, which was necessary to settle up his affairs. Similarly the division of slaves in
is

deed

The

no. 28

was no doubt consequent on the death of Mibtahiah.

Sayce and Cowley, H.

wiT3 a*a pnx nab cmim \/// n:v [j]nb in bbx rrva nans brb mhto a n aoibv na cbwn [ya II] b rraaw on jo
"ion
H

pw

piff

rvDrno

ma

rvnoao jo xnv na -nriDN

"ja

II

bz .tdtoi

mnb

3
4

arvm Tims tnxn dip ndj pna Da'i^n

py
>}tXD

n[3n:s] ion!'

abn 026
N^n 3T

^TBl

Cm

3NO \tQ\ "lOp

nW

N<D33 [Tl]"K TDMJ*

*5Sft.f"

58
R|M

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Daa^Bn

No. 20
1

rmTjj na noita jo np^ D313K -vinox "ioxb pp"fi

prw *my

pirn

6
7

pad

r6 a*nn s*h jonn im taper! [jnjpaa n

wk

ion
in

troaa -j^sa j33^

Dnamn

"linos *aa

mDnoi war

nasi Dn^Nt?

8 9

1:0 nanan
^y3i

jpm
s

ma3jn anao run D^y ny na? n[v] jo 133 pai>

j>aai

3^1
fo

anp

f?

b*ki pnxi jnaai

nanaa bnaa

[$

nbv iy

nai

kdv

10

\wv ybny xh 33m

nnry
aa^aa^

monoi

nw
spai

nas D[aa]v.yv pbny t6

d[^3] cnb bki

nnp

u
12

"o

Doito?

j-insi

nuy
"13

JD33

Da^nto

nanaw jm
jipti

QaaiB*T

mry

Doibty

*aai

[j^]n

wi

jnaai

paai

13

3371331

mtu'sk per n |oh aa'aab ik 03^ jna* *6y [p]en ["|n oabn b*w 14 jo p^rin Das im \ Bna$> //n ejoa N3^o [33n]3 mt?y j^i3 epa n 15
s

D33

H3T

N-13D

JD3

"13

.TriyO

3D3

[33]"1

&6l
II

JH N^l Dn^Jf pBH 16

ba maajn anao

rimy na

amo mana

na hna hia na ana[o

-j]nB> aoi^B>

na atao

*aa

nwN
Endorsement.

[-13]

mar n3 nrnin nnB> 18

qo^b* 13 anao

'aa

[II]
s

^a maajn anao 3n3 n

33
II

naa 19
20

kto n3
1

mnax

ba

monoi n[3i^]

In the

month of

at that time in

Yeb

Elul, that is Vaj'm', 4th year of Darius the king the fortress, said 2 Menahem and Ananiah both sotis

o/"Meshullam b. Shelomem, Jews of Yeb the fortress, of the detachment of Iddinnabu, 3 to Yedoniah and Mahseiah, both sons of Ashor b. Zeho 4 by Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah, Jews of the same detachment, as
follows
:

We

-sued

you

in

the

court

of

NPA

before

Damandin

the
:

5 the commander of the garrison, saying governor (and) Waidrang There are goods, garments of wool and cotton, vessels of bronze and G and ivory, corn, &c, and we pleaded saying iron, vessels of wood Ashor your father received (these) from Shelomem b. Azariah, and also 7 said, They are on deposit '. They were deposited, but he kept posses8 sion and did not return (them) to him, and therefore we sue you. Then were examined, and you Yedoniah and Mahseiah, sons of Ashor, you 9 and we were satisfied therewith. satisfied us concerning these goods, From this day for ever I Menahem and Ananiah, we renounce all claim on you. 10 From this day for ever we shall have no power, and our sons and our daughters and our brothers and any man related to us or a freeman of u the city shall have no power to bring against you, Yedoniah and Mahseiah, suit or process, nor shall they have the power
:

'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
to sue
12

No. 20

59

or your brothers or any one of yours on account your sons of goods and money, corn, &c., belonging to Shelomem b. Azariah. If we 13 or our sons or our daughters or any one of ours, or the sons of Shelomem b. Azariah, sue you or sue your sons or your daughters 14 or any one of yours, or whoever shall sue about it, he shall pay you or 15 of the sum of ten kerashin, your sons, or whomsoever they sue, a fine 2 r to 1 karash, and he assuredly has no royal weight, at the rate of claim on these goods 1G about which we sued, and no suit or process (can lie). Ma'uziah b. Nathan wrote this deed at the direction of Menahem and Ananiah both n sons of Meshullam b. Shelomem. WitGadol b. Berechiah. Menahem b. Azariah. ness, Menahem b. Gadol.
18

which

19 Deed Oshaiah. (Endorsement.) sons of Menahem b. Shelomem wrote 20 for Yedonioh. and Mahseiah boih sons of Ashor b. Zeho.

Witness, Hodaviah b. Zaccur

b.

Menahem and Ananiah

1.

bo///

The day of the month is not given, which is unusual. The month may be [^]ns or [^aJKa. From the calculations of Egyptian Mr. Knobel and Dr. Fotheringham it seems that Payni suits the chronology
Line
best.

So
2.

also

Gutesmann.
from
1.

la^lN is Babylonian. of Ashor here belong to the degel of In no. 15 Ashor Iddinnabu, but in no. 28 to that of Warizath (?). himself (as an Egyptian ?) is not assigned to any degel. Mibtahiah, one
Line Line
['33 II] restored
2 D3T as in g
.

3.

4.

The sons

would suppose, belonged

to
4

Haumadata.

NSi,

cf.

where

her father's degel, i. e. either Warizath or Not ejj it seems to be a place-name.

Pritsch.
'

Memphis, see Noldeke,

Clermont-Ganneau,

Nor can

it

be

OP

napd, even

if

that could have the

suggested.

The N^Tim

headquarters) at Syene. fratarak presided over it.

not as S-C.
thinks

meaning of family ', as has been seems to have held his court (and had his was a superior court since the The NS3

|H3n must be a name (so Pritsch, Andreas),

Clermont-Ganneau suggests 'tribunal' or 'judge', &c. 5 the phrase T"ims as in 30 &c. Dip |. Lagrange It cannot From OP fratara superior ', and so governor '. prior ', be dependent on jrm (quasi lieutenant of W), because that would

=p
'
'

'

'

'

5 imply a lower rank than W, whereas in 30 7 and his son is N^nai (30 ). Hence fratarak

W
is

'

has become fratarak, not followed by T2 or

|1D2.

He

governed the

district or*

province, while the N7TQ"i

commanded
)

only the garrison of Syene (including Elephantine). So Pritsch; Lagrange doubtfully. omitted before MTI1.

A
i.

has been

Line
certain

w
5.
1.
. .

WN
sued.

'

there are goods

and we sued

',

e.

concerning
Ps.
is

goods we
6.
13
,

Cf. 14 4 , also a builder's stock.

Line

Jim, Noldeke

'palm-leaves'.
Cf.

Neh.

and

ttfkes

it

as clothing.

Jampel compares on i5 :G p&nT

.

129

7
,

on

the

60
broken place, but is awkward.
Line
'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
is

No. 20
The
omission of the object

fairly certain.

np7.

7.

The

construction
.
.

is
.'

very awkward.

TPN seems

to

mean

they are things which are

is

JHpS
If a
I

most

likely.
is

*np5ri
it

is

following 3 requires a noun, and Lidzbarski's suggestion. S-C read 'pen.

is

The

Hophal

admissible

gives a sense, but the form

not found,

believe, elsewhere in these texts. Line 8. Dn^Nt? passive as in i6

:!
.

Line

'

9.

JpTTl

we withdraw from you

',

i.

e.

renounce

all

claims.

"po an oversight for DD3E. Line 13. After D^nm there

the

If is a faint X which has been erased. document were a forgery this would be evidence that it was written by an Arab who used the dual suffix [ referring to two persons.

of [pJtSH'
1

Line 14. Tl as elsewhere for *i pi. Probably subject, not object, which I restore as plural, as at the end of the line, in spite of The writer is confused by his own verbiage. H?V jro" singular.
1

adverbially,
15
,

cf. 1JQ.

Nnj^N

or NJV.

Persian term for

'

fine', as in

28 10 but the etymology is not clear. 25 Line 15. DEX, not "inN as S-C. pro too
,

much obscured
"|^>K

to read,

but

it is

the

word

required.

nta

is

more probable than

(S-C).

Line 16. Line 19.

The same scribe as in The second Dnj is a

no. 25.

mistake for

D^D.
iJ

No.

21.

v<t

Order

to keep the

{Passover and) Feast of Unleavened

Bread.
See Barth in
1911, p. 1026.

419

b. c.

OLZ

19 12,

10,

and Ed. Meyer

in Sitzb. Berl.

Akad.
See

This

is

one of the most interesting and important of these

texts.

Introduction, p. xvi. The date is the 5th year of Darius.

This must be Darius

II,

since

Yedoniah, who

is

addressed evidently as head of the community, holds

the same position in no. 30 (408 b. a). The year is therefore 419 b .c. It is a letter from Hananiah, whose mission must have been official and
in 38 7

important, since his arrival in Egypt Unfortunately the papyrus

.

is
is

mentioned as a well-known event

4-10 being

lost,

but enough remains to

?

show

very imperfect, half of the lines that it contains a direction

to keep the festival of (Passover

tions for doing so.

What

is still

and) Unleavened bread, and gives instrucmore remarkable is that this direction is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
tiiis

No. 21

61

based on the authority of Darius The question then arises, was himself. community, which possessed a temple and offered sacrifice to Ya'u,

celebrated

Had they never ignorant of the greatest of Jewish national festivals ? it before? Was it a new institution ? What had the Persian king to do with it ? Something has already been said on these points in the Introduction, p. xvi + A few remarks may be added here.
.

In the

first

place,

we have no evidence

that the Passover before this

date was a regular annual ceremony. estimated by the majority of critics) it

In the earliest documents (as is the seven days of Unleavened

is

bread on which stress

J

is laid.

national Passover-feast
it

unknown
it

to

and E.

The

earliest

mention of

is

in

Deut. 16, where

is

closely
it

related to the feast of

is

Unleavened bread.

Moreover

in 2

Kings 23"

expressly stated of Josiah's Passover (which is usually believed to be closely connected with the ordinance in Deut.) that such a celebration had never been held 'v\ b&TlB" abo 'ID* fov, . , D'BStyn '0 *m the days

of the Judges

and

all

the days of the kings

'.

If

then the Passover,

as a national (but not necessarily an annual) institution, was introduced in 622 B.C., it is not that this colony, which was only surprising

probably

(already or) soon afterwards established in Egypt, should either know nothing of it, or should regard it as intended only for residents in
Palestine,
to

be celebrated
.

at

Jerusalem, which indeed

festival

is

the natural

_\

6 meaning of Deut. 16

No

doubt the national

was founded on

primitive practices of some; kind, but that is a totally different question. It is true that in the present broken condition of the papyrus the word Passover does not occur, but I think there is reason to believe that it
that the directions given here agree with Deut. 1 6 in connecting the Passover and Unleavened If not, and if the papyrus refers only to the feast of Unleavened bread.

was originally mentioned (see note below) and

bread, then

it

is

still

keeping of so old and,

remarkable that directions were necessary for the one would think, so well-established a festival.

In either case the explanation

saying quoted ' a second time

may

in the Introduction, p. xix.

is

be found perhaps in the rabbinical That Ezra gave the Law

'

not a paradox but a statement of historical

fact.

Whatever

parts of the Pentateuch were in existence before the

it

fifth

century B.C.,

cannot be held that

its

in general.

The

earlier parts

provisions had any great influence on the people of the O.T. and the prophets, if read

In fact the without prejudice, seem to me to show quite the reverse. kings were too much occupied with politics and other mundane matters
to enforce a ceremonial law, even

they had the desire to do so, and the times of the Judges were too anarchic to admit of it. Josiah's great
if

6%
effort
is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
described as exceptional.
letter,

No. ai
is

Any

law which

not enforced, soon

becomes a dead
exile

and Josiah's
It

institution

came

to nothing, while the

must have involved the

festivals.

further neglect of everything of the nature

was Ezra who made modern Judaism, by instituting (or re-instituting) the ceremonial law and formulating regulations for the national festivals. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah show
of national
this

as clearly as the earlier literature shows the lack of them.

The

reason
(again

why he was
?)

able to enforce the

is

into neglect,

thus prevent its falling that he had the support of the Persian king.

Law and

so, what caused the Persian kings to take so much interest Why in the Jews, whether it was part of a general policy of religious tolerance or was due to special circumstances, must remain matters of speculation.
this

was

The

fact at

any

rate

is

evident from what

in pap.
is

we

are told of Cyrus

here.

(e. g.

in

Isaiah 45 1+ ),
hitherto

Cambyses seemed incredible

30

13 14
-

and Darius

What
7,

has

that they should

have concerned themselves

but the

with details of ceremonial, as in the letter of Artaxerxes in Ezra

present papyrus (and the style of other letters in this collection) removes all reason for doubting the genuineness of the Persian letters in Ezra. [See
further Ed.

Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judeniums, and

his Papyrusfund.~\

manner of keeping the festival come directly from the king, or are issued by Hananiah on his own authority, As to depends mainly on the meaning of nvSJ> in 3, where see note. Hananiah, there is no evidence for identifying him with any person of that name mentioned in the book of Nehemiah. His arrival in Egypt
Whether
the instructions as to the
1.

(38

seems

religious zeal or national feeling in the colony

sacrifices

due to his stirring up and encouraging animal which were resented by the Egyptians? And was this the
to

have led to trouble.

Was

this

cause of the destruction of the temple soon after (no. 30) ? The papyrus is written on both sides, 11. 1-7 on the obverse,

on

the reverse

an
6.

11.

8-ri

insignificant

document

for

so

important

com-

munication.

Sachau, plate

Ungnad, no.

6.
?

[nn ba
,tj[t
ny:

fans*] n\*&n tik

tbw

[rrjjjn oainN N"*m[> fc&Jn

nnua

"iw6 dJbhx by nb& vabo

xd^d cjwti \/ \// rue

mw

'aiyn m-a nyJniK ud p Dn: nya k[iot vbrb nDs -> dv pi n[ay xnDDi jdj rnb pv p"i]b \ "=? dv *iy \l \ll najm^jK muy nmmi nn pan [di-un ;*rpa 1 pv nya^

w amp

3 4 5

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
na tpJk

No. 21
\

63
7

Ten
npx

n njnao

731

wwn

?[

nap

b|m

DV3i \/ ///-> twa

}

ny3E> j]d^!j \-^ dv ny n>ek> any[

n]'oi

\////-> nr

taxnta

8
9

pa

nsnm ca^na

i7y[ann 7K 033 nnrv 7N [op

N3[70
Address.
L.
3
1

nnvm

idn na nayrv p 10
[7n] 11

n}:jn D3ins
brethren,
2

Nmn^

N7"n nroaai rrrr tin

-^

my

l^Jniah and

his colleagues the Jewish garfr/jw*?,

my brethren may the gods' seek. year of King Darius, word was sent from the * In the month king to Armies, saying : of Tybi{i) let there be a Passover 5 for the favish garrisoti\ rJow you accordingly count fourteen days of the month Ntsan and Keep the Passover^ and from the 1 5th day to the 8 2 1 st day seven days of Unleavened brea<L\ Be clean and oi[JVisan (are) take heed. \Do no work the 15th day and on the 21st day. Also "^on drink no' beeru and "anything at allTz'w Iwhich^there is ^leaven ^do not eat, 9 from the 15th day from sunset till the 21st day of Nis/rw, seven days, let it not be seen among^you]; do not bring (it) into your dwellings, but seal l this be done as (it) up during Whose days. Dar/us^the ]&ng comn To \Lel my brethren Yedoniah and" his colleagues ?nandedr){ Address.) the Jewish garrison, your brother Hanania^.

your brother Hananva^.l

The

welfare of

Now

this year, the 5th

*}

Line
Line

1.

There are traces of

is

letters

which
1.

also

made more

certain by

may n.

be restored from

I.

it.

nni33 are generally

'mentioned by name.

put H"1)TV R?*n in apposition to it strikes me as or condescending on the part of the great man. slightly contemptuous Another mark of his importance perhaps is that he calls himself simply

To

Hananiah, without further description, just as Arsames does in 26 1 N\"vK is plural, though used by a Jew to Jews. It had perhaps become stereotyped in use, and had ceased to be consciously regarded as plural,
as

was the case with Hebrew DTIPK.

restore,

Not a

pi. majestatis.

At the

end we must
or

py
Line

733 17NB>\

according to the regular formula, either pNw^ The length of the lines can only be determined by
to

the

amount required
3.

complete the sense.

not

'this

BWVl.
sent',

following date is parenthetical. It is but 'this year (viz. the 5th year)'. 5th year', year Arnold takes this as 'I being The later spelling. IT7tP.
NT fern, as in 30".
is

The

the

and thinks the

instructions
14

are

all
is

authority.

He compares Ezra
,

This

given on Hananiah's own not so. rvbw is impersonal,

'orders were sent', as in 26 s 'about which orders were sent from me', Ezra 7 14 is to be taken in the same cf. 26* n^nt^ in the same sense.
'

way,

orders were

sent from the

'

King

(not as RV), otherwise both

there and here a

pronoun would be

required.

Then

if

an order was

64

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
it

No. 21
i.e. it

sent

must be recited

in

what immediately follows,

was the Persian

(without specifying details) that the festival should lake place in due form, and words to that effect must have stood in the lost part of 1. 4. [lES'^J or cb is needed after U'bv to introduce the decree

king

who decreed

in

1.

4. 4.

Line

If the

above view
It

is

right, the first half

of the line contained

may be objected that there is not room, but cf. Waidrang's order for the destruction of the temple in 30 7-8 consisting of only five words. There is no need for anything more than such
,

the king's decree.

a short

and peremptory command

festival)

' :

in

the

month

Tybi
'.

let

there
'iiyn
.

be a Passover (or a
Dr.

for

the

Jewish

garrison

Nisan 10. Fotheringham tells me that in this year Tybi 1 There is a trace of "I, and the restoration (so Sachau N^lliT N?t6]. Ungnad NHlfV) is probable. This cannot be part of Hananiah's own words.
;

He

has already used NHirP N/TI in

'

1.

2.

He

would not have repeated

it,

but would have said

must therefore be part of the king's you njD evidently begins Hananiah's own comment or addition, message. and (like p) is explanatory of something which preceded. The king's message would not plunge thus in medias res without saying what it was
'.

It

all
'

about, and
'

if it

were an oratio obliqua DD3N would not be used.

this

therefore

',

in

accordance with

command
'

just stated

'.

Line

5.

n[3J7].

ostrakon in

PSBA
This
is

Passover

'.

the text consistent.

point.

If right, this suggests NI1DS before it, as on the 1915, p. 222, xnDS p3JJn that she may prepare the of course a conjecture, but it is probable, and makes The word NnDD could not occur anywhere after this

not [jD'J

[p"0]^,,

The mention
first

of the

month

is

necessary.

Probably

J^,

which would be too long.

half of the line something
is

Line

6.

In the

wanted

to explain the

significance of the

conjectural.
it

The
1.

is merely days. of leaven cannot have occurred here, since prohibition

seven

The proposed

restoration

appears in
letter

7.
it,

pDT

is

a complete word, as there

is

no sign of
that
it
'.
'

any comes from a

before

therefore not p31B>, as Pedes.

(""!?)

The
it

p- shows

r\"b

stem.

Hence
to

take

as

p3T

clean

[naynbJN
Line
7.

is

necessary.

The beginning ought

all

mention the

first

and

last days, since

intSTl

work was never forbidden on

the seven days (Barth).

b[tt]

cannot refer to wine, which was ordered to be drunk at the Passover, and was never forbidden during the days of Unleavened bread. Barth
(with others)
is

certainly right in taking

in

it

to
1

refer to beer,
is

a specially
it

Egyptian drink, which

Mishna Pesahim

forbidden, because

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 21

65

was made of fermented grain, and so partook of the nature of leaven. This is therefore a special prohibition necessary for Jews living in Egypt, and there is nothing corresponding to it in Exod. or Deut. The word
used for beer
here,
is

in the

Mishna
is

is

D1IVT (v#os).
I

Greek word

is

unlikely

and nothing

used in

have supplied "DK> because that the Talmud of a drink not classed as wine, but it may have
else

obvious.

been an Egyptian word. would be better, but then

Line Line
8. 9.

it

[m TVjx would be
is

is

Sachau's restoration.

[l^Nn^JK
line.

difficult to restore the

I

next

[\|

III

->

m>
I

jo]

required by
the

-3

DV ny.
.

[nniV ba]
the

have restored from Deut. 16 4

later

The mention

of

dwellings implies
leaven.

1?y[jnri7N]. 7 evidently thinks of Deut. 16

after eating the Passover,
their dwellings

npH3, searching out and removal of There is a trace of 3, not "6*11 as Ungnad, who
,

'go into your dwellings'.

is

But that was

to go into and put blood on the door-posts as a protection against the destroying angel (in Egypt). It had nothing to do with the feast of Unleavened bread with which this part of the document is especially

and

unsuitable here.

They were

concerned.

to it. is treated (in 1. 5) only as a preliminary the absence of a pronoun in the accusative is admissible Reading TpjOTn, in a series of prohibitions like this. Barth would restore V D1H3D ?D1
. . .

The Passover

?N
.

lonni

7. TDn, but these words would hardly be repeated from The n is uncertain. It might almost be a D. The sense would
1.
'

be the same, seal it up ', i. e. put it away out of sight. Line 10 ends in the middle. A possible N remains and a trace of 3.

Something of the kind restored

is

wanted

to

wind up the message.

No.

22.
to

Names of

Contributors

Temple Funds.

419

B. C.

A very broad sheet of papyrus, containing now 7 columns of Aramaic On the reverse and the longitudinal half of a column of Demotic.
are 3 lines.
It is

very

much damaged,
list

especially col.

and the lower parts of the

2 shekels

other columns.
It

contains a

of names of persons
1.

to the

God

Ya'u, as stated in

1.

who contributed The purpose of the

each
is

subscription

not further explained, but clearly it must have been for the expenses of the temple. Col. 7 begins with a statement of the total so far, and its

apportionment, on which see note.

2599

66

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
to the date
:

No. 21

As

no king

is

gth year to be the 5th year of the revolt

named, and Epstein therefore takes the from Persia, which would be

about 400

b.

Jerusalem. In the only dated document of that period expressed in this way. As to no. 11, see notes. Nor the year of Amyrtaeus is given. (no. 35)

c, and believes the money to be intended for the temple at But we have no evidence that during the revolt dates were

do we know (and

it

is

not probable after the events of no. 30) that the

Jewish colony ever identified themselves so completely with the inimical Egyptians as against the friendly Persian government, that they would have adopted almost at once an era of freedom (cf. the Bar Kokhba
' '

As to the money being coins) or whatever it may have been called. destined for Jerusalem there is again no evidence, and the allocation of it
in col. 7
It is

makes this highly improbable. more likely that the 5th year here
and that the
list

is

the

in no. 21,

belongs, like

many

same as the 5th year other of these texts, to

The Its date will then be 419 b. c. the reign of Darius II (so Seidel). reason of the omission of the king's name perhaps is that the document is
not of an
official

of Yedoniah's
the

office.

or legal character, but contains merely internal accounts Up to the end of col. 6 the subscriptions are for

receive additions as the

is
it

month Phamenoth, and the list was no doubt kept in the office to money was paid. The style of the writing, which In such a document rather cursive and hasty, agrees with this view. It is natural that the name of the king should be taken for granted.
record, not for

was a temporary
in the far future.

permanent

use, nor intended for reference

The

some way.
sacrifices.

contributions are probably connected with Hananiah's mission in Perhaps his (re-)institution of (Passover and) Unleavened
revival,

bread was part of a religious

It

may

in that case have led to the hostility

and the money was wanted for which caused the

it

destruction of the temple.

Or of course

contribution, like the half-shekel at

may have been a customary The suggestion that the Jerusalem.

(cf.

money was
is

for

rebuilding the temple

b.

nos. 32, 33),

and

that the date

408 on a half-crown subscription. There are several traces of palimpsest, cleaned and used again at intervals.
Sachau, plates 17-20.

therefore after

c, carries

no weight.

You cannot

build a temple

as though the papyrus

had been

Ungnad, no

19.

v\h

fjDD

an*

ij

wiin

nWi nnosy

nar

\l///

nap Pinruab\//n

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Col.
1.

No. 22
n[yjtro^
2

67

//

v\D2

n*on

-12

n[^]io3 n[n]3
"13

//e> eps nnT

//t? c]D3

npvnn in] tdk"

pin

-13

yenn n[*n
[

/]//

n]n:^ fa

4 5 6
7

[n]^>
[ni?

//p

e)D3 in

nuta[na "D y]Bnn^"

13
.

//

t?

f|D3 njajfi -13

nwin

[in:

-n rw~]wn^

n^ //b> rb
II
n^>

bid3 n[.

]T55^
13
.

8 9

P)D3 i?n3 ["13] r53

. . .

//{? [S|D3

jliT

10

r6 l[/p p3] no[nD

m3

n3]n: n3

n
-13 jn[a
1

....
.
.

[n]3 yjy

[n]H3t
.

m[3]

*.

13

14

[jrjta

m[3

15

....
.
.

m3

16
17

[i]3

...

ma
pap nxo f>3 nso

18
19

[D]mtD 13
Col.
2.
n!>

Di^t? -""apinaa

20
21

//^

3 mot? 13

d^o^"

n^J

//^3

H3^6

"13 -13

^B^
n^ta-""

22

r6

Hv

[3]

*rarm 13

mm

23

r$ /]/p
\rb

3 3Tb*

"13

mo^-^'-g 24
25
26

nb [/]/b> [3 n]"nD3tt -a

b!>b>

na h-in-^

Jiv

3 n^]S0K> na in

*>isn "13

btob^

rb

/iw

3 in

d^jd n3

i&d^

27
28

rb
ni? ni>

//&?

jfw 3 in niDP "13 bina^" 3 hxn 13 "jn -d d^b""

"13

29

//e> 3 S>wn
l[

"Jn

na hvn-^

30
31 32

nNo] ^5

/!&
j

//ts

33
34

./
l'

35
2

68

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
//

No. 22
36

37

38
Col. 3.

U\V
//[t$>

3]

VW

13

&&^
niir^

39

a]

nai "in

4
41

in yiK>^ //[ts> a] nta Ji\v 3 n^a-p 13 ino-""" //[p 3 .... "u rrvJ&K
[

42

43 44
45

13 ]aajK"

//[>
[

]3T^
]*aay^
pna
]
.

46
47

[//tj> 3]

-13
[.

[sflBW'
.
.

//[> 3
//&> [3
.
.

13
">

.K^
] J
.]

48
49

.]

n D

-'

/[/> 3
. .

5
51

rWW 13 [..*...] 13 [...

//& [3

] ]

52 53

/[/&> 3

....//[>
]
[

54

55 56
57 58

//&
[//#]
//
.

3 ytpin
3 3

taw
^[y

]
]
.]

v
.

rv3& (

59

60
Col.
4.

/Aa nao
//

13 ycin^

61

//ty 3 jno 13

onm^

62

3 <an 13 )ina^

63

//

b>

3 k3*e

13 *an-^

64

//e3 nix 13 norno-^ // B> 3 Nn3T 13 ttbw^

65
66

67 //e>3 ansr 13 omo^ 13 i?rtm^T^ 68 // K> 3 niK //

tr

nao 13

ns^

69

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
//
B

No. 22

69

3 DrD
3

"13

jrcftn]-"'
"13

7 1

//p

mn
"13

'SFK*

72

//ca t^pb
//tf3

13 nix

an[j&]

73

74
75
7

//t?3 ino
//tf a
#/a.-7-

fJlD

"l[3
"13

,
,

.]

77

//^3

*D13_T3_0mo
k>

N'[?U]5
(;-i]TrK"

78
79

//t?a *DiaJn3j_Drup-n3
//
3 ytr[inj
"13

n^i^a-^

80
81

//C3 nnBM
1 nn nnx //^a
Col. 5.

-i3

[^a]y
,

ma
rna

ncroo^"

n[.

,]

rxhvo^

82

//y 3 TriDU ma nnso-^ //^a jna rna ytnrr^

83

84
85

nm ma rpatp-"' //^a nj ma ntj-k" //pa d^b^o ma snww^ //pa chv ma nnaa'^"?"? pw "13 ^D^a ma han^ //pa //pa ypia ma WMK"* //pa nDno ma nanj-"" //pa ina* ma frnn^ //pa trbax ma no^co^
//pa

d^

"13

86
87

88

89 9
91

92

93
94

ma ne[n]3S /[/pa ma nam //p[a //pa d[S>p] ma i>wrv mar ia ypin rna xnaw^"*"^^ //pa //pa w ma pdbw"'
.

.]
.

95 96
97
98

.]?

99
100
101

//pa pro rna

Col. 6.

*[n]aN^'

|rnn^" //pa //cd n: rna m^D^" (C3 n^ ma tavr^

rrha

ma

102
103

70

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
//b>3

No. 22
104

ytm

ma

ityyax^

//^a moy ni3 "6jnrv^" //eo iT^av ma rinso-"" //pa liar ma naro-^
//tso Tijy
"13

105 106
107

.tjt rna
nyo

//fc}>3

neroo^*?"^^ "13 tbwo^

pro-""

108

109

//k>3

rrfcua

ma no^o^

no

//co

pro 13

rv^Q 13

m
112

//k>3 mrwi

ma

haw"""

[//p]a
//&>

jro

^
^

113
T14

.Ti3[T
,

//t^s n

na

jro

na

//&>3 n[

-i]3

nbv ia

^
d^d "'"^'^^^

115

116
117

//c^3 pp
//tf 3

ma y&rijfy
nix 13 msnr^
13

n8
119
120
121

//^3
Col.
7.

n*yB>

T3
ipina&fi

in

NOT'

Dp n KSD3

ma nnoa ia

mt
wa

//

/// /// ;^pp \->"5 jtjna ejoa

122

//////&

/I -9* \7ib

123
124 125

\/// /// jBna iwv3BB>&6

//->

}B>-i3

^D3 tarvaroifc

//ko yetPMiT 13 //^3 rniin 13 jna 13 y^fcK" //^3 *jjy 13 jna 13 vn"^
//b>3 hvn 13 rrnry-"" //[pa njre 13 itob*^
//

mm^

126
127

128

129

130
131

//b>3
Reverse.

ma
>nw\

.^"

132

niivb
ni>

Hvi

13 pfija^

133
134 135

//e^3 idit 13 *nv^

\// atab //b>3 .ttibbo 13 *jrr"

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Col.
1
i.

No. 22

71

the 3rd of Phamenoth, 5th year. This is (a list of) the names of the Jewish garrison who gave money for Ya'u the God, man by man the sum of 2 shekels : 2 Meshu//V/wrth daughter of Gemarz'ah b. Mahseiah,
the
4

On

SeraiaA
6
. .

sum
.
.

of 2 sh.

Zaccur
3
b. b. 8

b.

HodaviaXi
b.

b.

3
2

Hoshm
7

daughter of Hoshea

Harman,

Zaccur, the the sum of

sum
2

of
5

sh.
2

sh.

All
for

himself (?).
sh.

e/hz\x\\in,

Hoshaziz/z

for himself"(?).
9
.

Nabu
b.

Nathan
.

he (gave (?)) the sum of b. Hoshaiah b. Hananifl/z

.

sh.

the

sum of

ah, the

b. Ya'u ... the sum of 2 sh. for himself (?). n b. 12 Nehebelh daughter of Afahseh, the sum of 2 sh. for himself (?). Nathan 13 14 i b. Anani b daughter of Zebaditf^ .... 16 lr> of Pelulz'a/z .... daughter daughter of 18 19 17 i b All <?/"the company of daughter of Siniddin. 20 The company of Nabu'akab Shallum b. Menah^z/z ....
10
:

himself (?).

nani

KTL,

the

sum

sum of 2 sh. for of 2 sh. for himself (?).

Col.
21

ii.

22 2 sh. for himself (?). Palti b. himself (?). 23 Malchiah b. Yathom b. Hadad24 20 Shelemiah b. Jashub, sum of nuri, sum of 2 sh. for himself (?). 2 sh. for himself (?). 25 Gadol b. Meshullam b. Mibtahi<z/z, sum of 2 sh. 26 Menahem b. Hazul, that (is) the son of Shemaz'a/z, for himself (?). sum of 2 sh.for himself (J). 27 Simak b. Meshullam, he (gave) the sum 28 Gadol b. Samuah, he (gave) the sum of of 2 sh. for himself (?).

Meshullam

b.

Samuah, sum of

Michah, sum of

2 sh. for

2 sh.

for himself(?).
30
(?).

for
33

himself
31

Hazul Meshullam Haggai

20

b.

Haggai
u.

b.

b.

b. Hazul, sum of 2 sh. Hazul, sum of 2 sh. for him32

3r>

self (?).

All of the
36

company of
of 2 sh.
34
37

sh.

sum

sum

of 2

sh.

Col.
33

iii.

Shillem Hodav Shamua' Shillem sum of sum of Uriah sum of Anani Zac 20 b sum of
b.
2
41

sh. sh.

b.

sh.

43

Hori VNH sum Mattan Ananz' of

40

b.

of

sh.

42

b.

sh.

44

45

4G

47

Hoslw
b.

Yedonz'a/z, b
b.

sum

Nathun

2
52

sh.

2 sh. 50

48

2
51

49 b.
54

N
sh.
5!)

sh.

.... b ....
2 sh.

Joshibiah ....
2 57

2 sh. 2

53 56

55

sh.
58

Hoshea, sum of

Ya'utal,

sum

of 2 sh.
60

A nam, sum
Col.
iv.

of 2 sh.

Joshibiah ...

6i_Hoshea b. SGRI, sum of 2 sh. 62 Menahem b. Mattan, sum of 63 Nathun b. Haggai, sum of 2 sh. 64 Haggai b. Micha, sum Mahseh b. Uri, sum of 2 sh. 6C Shallum b. Zecharia, of 2 sh. 5
2 h.

72

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
2 sli.
C7

No. 22
2 sh.
68

sum of
b.

Menahemb. Zecharia, sum of

2

Uri,

b.
72

Haggai
of
2

sum of Ma'uzi, sum

b.

sh.

of
74

Huria,

Pamut SGRI, sum of 40 Anani //tfshea Menahem, sum of Jl/etiahem Uri Meshullak, sum of
C9 b. 2

Meshullak
70 2

sh.

sh.

71

b.

sh.

2 sh.

73

b.

b.

sum
70 78

sh.

75

Mattan,
Pe/iah
b.

sum of
b. 80

sh.

77

b.

Mattan,
7J

Menahem
2 sh.

Posai,

sum

of

Posai, Pcluliah

sum

of 2 sh.

Hon'

sum sum
b.
81

of

sh.

of 2

sh.
b.

Menahem

b. //oshea,

sum

of 2 sh.

hemeth daughter of
daughter of ...
.

k?ia?ii b.

ah,

sum

of 2 sh.

82 Meshullemeth 'STH, sum of 2 sh. Sister of Mahath and S (?).

.

Mena-

Col.
83

v.

84 Ya'ushama' daughter of TSTZ, sum of 2 sh. 85 Shabith daughter of Hon b. of Nathan, sum of 2 sh. daughter 8C Re'ia daughter of Neri, sum of 2 sh. Shillem, sum of 2 sh. 87 Ya'ushama' daughter of Meshullam, sum of 2 sh. 88 60 Mephatteah 89 Yahmol daughter of Palti b. Yeosh, daughter of Shillem, sum of 2 sh. sum of 2 sh. 90 Abihi daughter of Oshea, sum of 2 sh. 91 Nehebeth 92 Ya'uhan daughterof Yigdal,sum of 2 sh. daughter of Mahseh, sum of 2 sh. 93 Meshullemeth daughter of Zephalia, sum of 2 sh. 94 95 Mena/^melh sum 0/2 sh. 9G Nehebeth daughter of daughter of Z . sum of 2 sh. 97 Yahmol daughter of Shillem, sum of 2 sh. " Ya'u98 70 Ya'ushama' daughter of Hoshea b. Zaccur, sum of 2 sh. shama' daughter of Haggai, sum of 2 sh. 10 Abz'^i daughter of Nathun,

Mephatteah

sum

of 2 sh.

Col.
101

vi.

102 Salluah Gedaliah, sum of 2 sh. daughter 103 Ya'utal daughter of Yislah, sum of daughter of Neri, sum of 2 sh. 104 2 sh. Ya'u'alai Ab'osher daughter of Hoshea, sum of 2 sh. 105 106 of Immanuiah, sum of 2 sh. daughter Mephatteah daughter of 107 Nehebeth daughter of Zaccur, sum of 2 sh. Zephaliah, sum of 2 sh. 108 g Menahemeth daughter of Yedoniah b. 'Anathi, sum of 2 sh. 109 Meshullam b. Ma'uzi, sum of 2 sh. no Meshullemeth daughter of 1X1 Nathun b. Pelaliah b. Nathun, sum of 2 sh. Penuliah, sum of 2 sh. 112 Hazul daughter of Hodaviah, sum of 2 sh. li3 lu Z^badiah .... 2 sh. 115 Nathan, sum of 2 ^. 116 b. Nathan b b. Shillem b h, sum h, sum of 2 sh. 118 117 of 2 sh. -Fa'wshama' daughter of Ron, sum of 2 sh. Re'uiah 119 b. Uri, sum of 2 sh. 90 Meshullam b. Shemaiah, sum of 2 sh.

Ya'uhan

of

Col.
120

vii.

The money which was

niah b. Gemaiiah in 31 kerashin 8 shekels, 125 126 the sum of 12 kerashin for 'Anathbethel. Micaiah Ishumbethel, 127 b. Ya'uyishma', sum of 2 sh. Oshea' b. Nathan b. Hodaviah, sum 128 123 Ahio b. Nathan b. Anani, sum of 2 sh. of 2 sh. Azariah

121 Yedopaid on that day into the hand of the month of Phamenoth, (was) 122 the sum of 123 of which 12 k 6 sh. for Ya'u, 7 kerashin for

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
b. 131

No. 22
sum of
.
.
.

73
2
.,

Hazul,

sum

of

2 sh.

130
.

joshibiah h
132
. .

b, Berechitf//,

j^.

daughter of Ki

sum

of 2 sh.
133
b.

Megaphernes
. . .

(Reverse.)
b.

VSHI, sum

of 2 sh. for
135

ZDMR, sum
Line
1

of 2 sh. for himself (?).

(?).

Haggai
2.
list

'NDM (?).
b.

1:u

VSHI
sum

Miphtahiah,

of 2 sh. for

extends across the top of cols.

'

and

nniDU>

flat,

a careless
N?*n.

construction, literally

this

(document)

is

(a

of) the

names'.

garrison was co-extensive with the colony. Many of the feminine. 3fl* 1 loosely used for 'quorum quisque dedit VI*?, but see below on matically the antecedent is N?*n.
//c? restored from

The

names
'.

are

Gram123

11.

what

follows.

There

is

perhaps a trace of B\
off the separate items, as

Line
Line

2.

The
,

stroke at the beginning

marks

frequently in accounts, cf. no. 81.

3.

n[ 1Tin],

cf.

20 18 (420 b.c).

A man
fill

was often named

after

his grandfather.

Line
niasc.)

4.

[n]n^

is

hardly enough to

the

space.

The name

(as

is biblical.

Line

5.

or even a

[/J// ?a so Ungnad, but riND ?3), cf. 1. 9. (.

.

it

might be a

C (e. g.

/// /// J?pB> ?a),

Line 6. in and n? (restored from 1. 8 + ) must denote some special modification of the entry. For "in cf. 11. 26-8, not in any other complete This line begins a new section which is distinguished by the line.
use of n? in
(11.
11.

6-1

1,

the other lines being incomplete.

1.

20-30) also has n?, otherwise only

for Ya'u,
it

134.

It
1.

The next section may mean 'for him',

is

i.e.

or 'for himself,

cf.

obscure, or

may

be some note that

at the
is

Hl^xb in the money

line.
.

135, which

equally

has been paid or has not

been paid. Line 7.

fill

It is

always

end of the

[jro '2 n*y]t?Vl

5 supplied from 40

nwin

alone would not

[n]*:5n doubtful.

the space, and another short

name

is

required.

Ungnad rMBX. Line 8 and the following

lines are too

much broken

for restoration.
it,

U5 (Ungnad)

is

very

doubtful.

There seems

to be a space after

which excludes [majlIU or [|ro]U3. Line 9. ?n5 doubtful. An impossible name.

Line 11.
Cf.
1.

91.

In

1.

25 a

man

is

distinguished by his mother's

name.
Line 12.

There are

traces of |n[j].

Cf. 8 32 ,

Line

14.

Perhaps there
1.

was no name

here

which

and below, 1. 128. would make the

total right in

24.

74
Line
19.
riNft

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
=
apparently
is

No. 22
(?)

cen/i/n'a,

a subdivision
should expect

of the
cf.

degel.

plV

Sin-iddin
3,

probably

right.
i
1
.

We

D,

but

ywrttP

Ahikar

&c, and p*lHB> Nerab

The

line

below marks the close

in the next

of the section.

Line 20 the beginning of a new section, continued Line 21.

column.

From

this point

is

written for f]DD.

Line 22. nyi5, a badly written D, which looks like two letters. Line 24. nib* (Ungnad) rather than 3TB* (Sachau, for iTon^).
"3 in the

The
for

margin gives the total

"]0>d

Line 27.
"JED>;
cf.

number of persons up to this point. an unknown name. Ungnad suggests a mistake

Chron. 26 7
.

IITIJCD,

Line 31 another summation, like Line 38. Faint traces of a line.

Line 39.
Line 40.
1.

1.

19, closing the section.

&W
"Hiri,

Hin shortened from ."Win,

(Ungnad), not E?\ which would be written plene. for which there is not room.
"I

may be

cf. 1. 85. Egyptian? The 1 is badly written, and 3G mi, Ungnad compares iTOl, Ezra io 37 Line 42. |D for mn, Ezra io . Line 43. Ungnad reads pN, but there is no name beginning so.
.

Line 45. Line 47. Line 48.

Either Tar or !T">3T

s
.

probably the

latter,

as there

is

a faint

trace of a possible 1.
Cf.

There were three names

in this line.

33

20 in the margin is difficult. at 1. 24. There is a If this were a continuation of the same reckoning it ought to be "3"3, and some of the broken lines must have had no names. It is more
probably a new total of a list beginning at I. 32 (since 1. 31 ends a In that case three lines are lost at the end of col. 2. No line section).
is lost at the Then col. 2 was one line longer than col. r, top of col. 3. and the detached fragment should be moved lower down. Without

The

seeing the original papyrus

it

is

impossible to

know whether
says.

this

can

have been

so.

Line 57.
$>B*2K,

^Din"
in

not necessarily masc. as

Ungnad

He
1.

compares
11.

bwn
'

name means
Line 61.

O.T. In 1. 103 it is fern. See note on Ya'u is a protection ', cf. njOTins n ntan often

The

in Behistun.

yfc"in.

The n
total "3"3

like that in

1.

84.

It

might possibly be yt^N.

is

Line 68.
Line 69. Line 72.

The
"5n.

here and afterwards

correct.
Cf. 72 4 .

nED, Egyptian

Tlafxv6rj<;, is

Ungnad's suggestion.

The name must be

short.

The

is

probable, and

there are traces of an.

smn
1.

carelessly for nniS*.

Line 73. fyvD,

cf.

68.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line 78. "[^0]5 or N<[M]s, For the other names cf. 1 2 1
.

No. 22
Ungnad
suggests

75
totals.

cf.

1.

80.

Line 79. Line 81.

[njin.
H

Ungnad's
a

[]an

is

hardly possible.
the
space.

Cf.

1.

40.

33]y
Isis
?

conjecture

to

fit

nnDX Egyptian,

compound
Line 82.
//J'3

of

Sachau takes this as a new entry, and reads nntf nn. But as Ungnad remarks, the name would not be omitted, and this would make the total (in I. 88) wrong. Seidel compares Phoenician nriE^ in an inscription in the Louvre, of which the meaning
'31

Jinx.

or 'standard' money, but that [Usually taken as 'exact' It might go with the clause following and be jyo^, nnN here can only be 'sister', cf. perhaps (?) Assyr. ana muMi.~\ and nno can only be a proper name. The next letter looks as though it
is

obscure.

is

mere guess.

were joined on

(in TO).

The two
'),

strokes

may

Ungnad
is

('

sister

of

and S

or the numeral

be a B\ as Sachau and //. Perhaps the former

88, 106.

better.

The

Line 83. nnso very strange, but supported by tn is written over an erasure.

11.

fnDD.

Line 85. ]VX>,

Line 86.

cf.

nj

for

rvmB> fern, and rvu but the n is

TDtS> masc. in no. 8r.

like

1.

Line 88.

nnso,

cf.

1.

83.

The

scribe wrote

nn, then rubbed out the

O and wrote
initial

a S, adding

stroke was
off,

This shows that the oblique the margin. added after the line was written perhaps as the entries

aOin

were checked

or to

show

that the

money was

paid.

Line 89. ^rv, cf. 1. 97. TfXH. Line 93. N^DV, cf. 1. 106. Seidel and Lidzbarski think In 1. 107 "VDT mi mnj be part of e. g. a J. Line 96. T might occurs. The same person would hardly be named twice. Line 98. The marginal number (70) was added after the line was

written.

It
1.

that

from

stroke. overlaps into the text and covers the oblique 81 to 1. 108 the contributors are all women.

Note

Line 103. n^D'' over an erasure. Line 114. n*n5[T]. Ungnad iT3a[x]. Line 117. |"ip short for TOip.
e.

i.

Line 120. Here begins the total of receipts so far. Dp 'stood', was received. in NOV, i. e. the 3rd of Phamenoth, cf. 1. 1. Line 121. Yedoniah the head of the community, as in no. 30.
Line 122.

The

arithmetic

is

not very satisfactory.

Since

karash

10 shekels (Introduction, p. xxiii), 31 k. 8 sh. contributions of 159 persons at 2 sh. each.

318

sh. representing the

As

the

list

now

stands,

76
the
first

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
numeration
:

No. 22
1.

(to

1.

30)

makes 26

persons, the second (to

119)

thus require 42 more persons (or 42 makes 91 total 117 persons. These can only have stood at lines at least), making two more columns.
the beginning.

We

Further the

total

allocated, which amount to 31 therefore not accounted for.

sums

of 31 k. 8 sh. does not agree with the k. 6 sh. only. Two shekels are
are

Line 123.
it

133 as often in accounts.

Lit. 'in

it

12 k.

'

&c,

i.e.

is

divided into 12 k. &c.

is

ment

the allocation of the

The most difficult point money. The heading says

about the docuit

was

for Ya'u,

The but here only 12 k. 6 sh. are assigned to Ya'u out of 31 k. 8 sh. Were they rest is divided between what seem to be two other deities. then regarded as other manifestations of Ya'u ? See Introduction, p. x.
Line 126
after a blank space, begins a supplementary list. Line 129. rpT?y over an erasure, and uncertain. Line 130. n*3B rather than myt^ (Ungnad). [n]>5n3 doubtful.
^N'33
,

Ungnad

which

is

no name.

There

is

a trace of

PI

Reverse, three lines.

Line 133.
also Persian.

pan.

Why
It

D"i:&i\

The X

was a Persian contributing? TICI probably The is strangely formed and uncertain.

word

is

unintelligible.
cf.

would seem to indicate the destination of the

like

money, Line 134. "iDll. The D is badly formed, be Persian, or Babylonian (Zeri-Nannar ?).
Line 135.
impossible.

rb above.

::.

The name

should

\// 2uh probable, but inexplicable.

Ungnad's iTOB?

is

No.
List of Names.
Another
is

23.
b. c.

Probably about 420

of names, for what purpose is unknown. undated, but put here because the writing is very like that of See notes no. 22 (and no. 19), and some of the names appear in both.
list

It

below.

Its date is therefore

As

1.

8
is

There 10 on

probably about 420 b. c. marked 10 in the margin, two lines must be lost at the top. nothing to show whether anything is lost at the end. Another
is

the left-hand side belongs to another column,

now

lost.

Sachau, plate 23.

Ungnad, no.
in:

22.

13 v.nN
In:

rrnyD 13

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
M3
13

No. 23
3
4

77

mn

taur 13 rono
D:na in pn

n na mta
13 -d^d

6
7

ffio

niTy

13 b>d-> 8
9

nin ia DJnDs

mar
Ti3T

13

myi

10
11

jno 13 orao

13 D3n3

12

n"3V3 13

^n

13

IDTO 13

<1tt*

13

T13T 13
1

11 KW

14 15
3
6 9

Ahio
b.

b. b.

Nathan.
Ya'utal.

2
5 8

Nathan

b.
b.

Ma'uziah.

Hur

b.

Benaiah
b.

4 7

Mahseh
Palti

Hanan

Pekhnum.
b.

Shallum

H
b.
b.

(?).
.

Mattan(?). 10 Re'uiah b. Zechariah. 13 Haggai b. Micaiah. Zechariah.

Azzur. u Menahem b. Mattan. 14 Didi b. Uri b. (?)

10 Kushi

Petekhnum 12 Pekhnum
15

Hori. Zaccur.
b.

Mahseh.

Sheva

(419 b. c), and 25 (416 b. c). the principle that a man often bears the name of his grandfather, this may be the son (or father) of Ma'uziah b. Nathan in
1.

Line Line

Cf. 22 128

19

2.

On

20 16 (420 b.c),

cf.

also 33 2 (407 b. c).

Line

3.

rV33, so
is

Ungnad.

The name fM3

possible,

40 compares 22 PU1 = IWI = iTJ3 (?). or HIS, and there is a mark above the line

Seidel

which suggests PIvMfi, with the letters written close together. Line 5. D^riQ, Egyptian, as in 1. 12, but the other name in each case
is

Jewish.

Line

7.

\T\D.

The O

is

very uncertain.

certainly

more

like 3J,

but

no such name

exists.

Sachau reads }n33, and His suggestion that

is

it
it

is

is

for )riJ133 is not very probable.

like a
>

Even

the

doubtful.

It

looks more

with an accidental stroke below.

11.

Line

Cf. 2 2 G2 .
.

Line 13. Cf. 2 2 64 Line 14. 11. The

first letter

seems

to

be a correction.
it is

There

is

no

name

Sachau suggests (or Tl). Line 15. NIB', cf. 1 Chron. 2 49

.

HI

that

for iT*l*T

No.

24.

Account of

Com

supplied.
in three

Probably 419

b. c.

Fragments of a document

columns, containing a

list

of

names

of persons in receipt of rations as members of the garrison of Syene, It is related to no. 2 in with a note of the amount received by each.
character, though not of the

same date
2

a report like that promised in

no.
It
1

(}H

(see below), and may indeed be Cf. also |riJ3, see note there).

years earlier) which refers to thus differs entirely from no. 22.
7 (ten

some such statement of accounts.

As Sachau

points out, there

is

It is another proof that Aramaic was nothing specially Jewish about it. used not only in dealing with Jews, but was the official language of the

The decipherment is provincial governments in the Persian empire. difficult as the names are mostly foreign, and the papyrus is much very
torn.

As
1.

to the date:
is

1.

34 mentions the 4th year, and

if

the restoration of

accepted, we may conclude that the list was drawn up in the From the resemblance to no. 2 it is tempting to take these as 5th year. years of Xerxes, which would make the date 481 B.C., but the writing

35

(especially of col. 1)

is

so
it,

much

later in style

than that of no.

2,

that

it

seems necessary to put

Darius
II.

It

with the majority of these texts, in the reign of will then belong to the same year as no. 22, viz. 419 b. c.

Sachau, plates 21, 22.

Col.
r.

Ungnad,

no. 20.

\nk> 1p[n nn n]o[D]a

[>]

in

v \NB> [n]*!B> "13 an V "13 f]73C?N P \[t*B> J?Jd[N "13 dbb & \[np] finer nay [na] xnx^v \np rb
\kk>

T^uj

-o

our

4 5 6

\\=i \NES>

n]T6B>

E3J

B>

Tin

8 9

II

W
[\N]B> JD3
[\Kti>]
. ,

^V
.
.

10
11

tJ>

vibm
"13

b>

12

\kk>
\KtJ>

Bwm
J3^3

i[3 -n]n
nj[>>]tJ>

w P

13
14

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
1
1

No. 24
nu nn
i-ii

79

15
16
17

-1

xv

fyip "ia [-i]in

-13

pa
C p

XP
I

W3N

...

g?

xp nnB

18

an
tea

na[no
. .

Col.

2.

in

XB> *3B

X W3p

19

20
"^>
,

21
,

\xp

jy nb>

22

...
-13

23
24

\XP
I

jnJDD
-i3

...
.

25 26

xp nis

b5.

///kb6
//"3

//-i
I

kb> nni> [// b^33 ^3

28
29

NK^

XP nnb

//"3 [B>B3

//

///->-z}-z}-^ nc[^

II

n ll]xp nn^> ->"^ pb[3 ba

.
.

30
3
1

fv

xnpB3 ^[3

^
... 13 xnv
.
. .

k|>

32

o
2'n['

Col. 3.

... nv p]
, .
.

toaaaiD

xW

n xn>D3 ^3
"3

33
34

dv ny \///

naa> -in[o rrr&

01} in

boa aw n [\/ /// nap -iD3i T3 X3 nano [10

Tx -o nnjh nix
|/a
-13

"vn]oi> "3
]

35
36 37

wn

13
*|[!>l

/// n

in in -=n-^y \in

l"W]v
jot

38 39

vb']rb air n

xsna D-inp[n]
|/[/]

-ii5[y]

/// ///=^ ef>N JO

[if tf'l

40
41

/i^^*>

xn[ia

8o

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
p
]

No. 24
]

xb'rb p|ns Tn[>

42

T3T3^"6

/////// ejb[ N MB]tWi

43
44

rot? "vn

Kp)
///
. .
.

45
46

iii->-m-4*
N^r6 ...

n
.

wn

Col.
1

i.

Ration of Petemut(?) b. Ismn, barley anlab 1. 2 Ration of Zbis. 3 Ration of Haggai b. Shemaiah, barley b. Nebushalliv, barley ardab 1. ardab 1. 4 Ration of Ismn b. Ap', barley ardab 1. 5 Ration of Petisi b. 6 Ration of Zeho b. Zphr for him barley Zaphruth, barley ardab 1. 7 K. Ration of Samuah ardab 1 barley ardab 1 and 2 (?). 9 8 10 Ration of Ration of Hor Ration of quarters. n Ration of 2 Nathan, barley ardab 1. (?). 13 12 Ration of Ration of Hur b. Ahlbni, barley ardab 1. u Ration of Shamashgiriya b. Belbani, ardab 1. Nurshavash, barley 16 *5 K. Ration of Hur. b. Ration of Vrd b. Zuthi. barley ardab 1. 17 ardab 1 and 2 quarters. Ration of b. Abihu, Y'ulu, barley 18 Ration of phri, barley ardab i. barley ardab 1.

Col.
19

ii.

barley ardab
100.
22

20
.
. .

(?).

21

barley ardab
25
1.

1.

23

24 barley ardab. nkl b. Uri, barley ardab ardab 1. 2G

. . .

b.

Ptntu, barley

Total persons 54, including 28 total persons 2 at \\ ardabs of 29 total persons 22 at 1 ardab of barley barley ardabs 3. barley each, ardabs 22. 30 total person?, 30 at 2-| ardabs of barley each, each,=barley
27

...

barley ardabs 75. ardabs 100.

33

31
.
.

total

output a??iounting
Hi,

to

32
.
. .

barley

Col.

Total output of what was Slivered to the garrison of Syene from 34 the that is the 20th day of the month Mehir in the 4th year, to the 35 What was delivered as food 20th of Mehir in the ^th year. which 3G brought from the district of Thebes by the hand of Onophris, 38 37 .... b. Br'vh, and 'Edri b. A Barley ardabs 1446, g 2, h 4.
.
. .

39

And

of corn

garrison
42
43

40

(?) of Tstrs, the ration which was given out to the from (?) 1019. 41 1252, g i, h
. . .

And what

was given
Mehir, year
.

as a ration to the garrison ....

45

from

TStrs, ardabs 1690.

44
.
.

and from

4G
.

XX76 ....

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
I.

No. 24

81

The

B>

at the

each line of this column.

where, but then what
is

beginning is restored because it stands before Sachau suggests that it is for 7pK>, as elseits

meaning

It

is

more

likely to
cf.

be some
riOD
2 2 69 .

word
\N>.

for

'portion',

'ration', like

"WW.

[n]5[cJ5,

last letter very doubtful, as in 1. 4. Hardly PD&K. from no. 2 this must be for \ 3~HN pyu>, the allowance of Judging Sachau and Ungnad take it for se'u the man named, for how long? a shekel), which is unlikely. (tItt f

Egyptian.

pefs]

Line

2. 3.

'lfel33, cf. 2

8
.

Line
1.

"un is certain.

Not ^an

as Sachau.

It

is

a narrow

as in

14.

Line

4.
5.

Line

[y]5[K] quite uncertain. Sachau nriST uncertain.

must be a very short name, pin, but n is impossible.

It

cf. 53'"'.

Line
ceitain.

6.

The

Sachau

oblique stroke as in 1. 10. Tin which is possible.

. ,

Cf. no, 22.

1S un-

rb and in as in no. 22.

Line 7. The 3 is taken by Sachau for ep3, but the list has nothing to do with payments in money. Here and in 1. 16 are the only two cases in which the ration is \\n \Ntt>, which may be a mere coincidence, but in

any case the meaning of 3

to see

is

obscure.

Line 12. ^3^nS uncertain.

Sachau reads

[nj^n

N, but

it is

difficult

what N can belong to, since the What Sachau reads as p is the same combination as in It must be a short name. n. Line 13. [Ti]n or
. .

preceding word ought

}3^3,
1.

to
14.

be

"12

Line 14.
possible.

na^ojt?
|hy

is

Ungnad's suggestion, but the second

is

hardly

Line 16.

or l^iy (Sachau).
this in
(1.

Line 17. ITOK more probably than in "OX, since

the

6)

comes

at

end of the

line.

Col.

ii.

Lines 19-26 are too much broken to be restored. Line 25. "jnaDD. The last letter may be anything.

Egyptian.

Lines 27-32

sum up

the

account so

persons to this point is 54, about half the be the whole N^n, cf. no. 22.

As the total number of names are lost. This cannot

far.
II

Line 28.

One would

naturally restore

p33, but that the strange

The two numeral is used in 1. 30. expression E>BJ ^?3 followed by a I take 1 as Nny3T are those marked with 3 in lines 7 and 16. persons
Therefore 2 persons at 1^ each 3. Line 30. If 30 persons get 75, each must have z\.
restore [111

Hence we may

IIJnc

7 Cf. 2

where

II:

II

n here.

82
Line 31.
.
.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
.

No. 24
amount
to
'.

JV

must be some word

2

for

'

Thus

at
at

i
1

22

30
Total

at

= 2\ =
iii.

22

75
100

54

get
Col.

The

left-hand fragment
1.

seems

to

have been
if

set too
is

much

to the

left.

40 reads continuously, and Probably in the other lines than Sachau shows.

so there

less to

be supplied

Line 33. STP *t NnpQJ if right, is a clumsy expression for 'expenses, s Sachau K^aJID, cf. p331D 33 Syenians '. namely, what was paid '. formation in -kan, which is then inflected as explains it as a Persian
'

Aramaic.

The form
is

J032BnB>

'

of Susa

',

in

Ezra

4, is scarcely parallel,
is

unless that be a mistake for N , J3JB>1ts>.

for there

a faint trace of a
line.

letter,

At the end something and some words are wanted

in

missing,

to

connect

with the next

1

Judging from the ordinary formula

contract?,

1. 34 implies a parallel date here containing the name month. This makes the line rather long, for in 1. 34 there Jewish to be nothing after DV IVHowever, the lines vary very much in If the Jewish month was mentioned here, it in this document.

[D*]

in in

of the

seems
length
points

to the conclusion that the

Syenian garrison was the same as, or part of, the NHIi"!* N^TI, and that these accounts relate to the Jewish colony. The IV in 1. 34 implies a } somewhere before, and it can only come here.
'

'

As

month, Dr. Fotheringham tells me that in year 4 of Darius the 20th of Mehir would coincide with the 19th of Iyyar* and in
to the Jewish

year 5 with the 30th of Iyyar. Line 34. ["3 Dl]" is restored from
1

there.

35 for reasons given in the note end with DV in "PK^ ~>"^, but IVmight probably the date was expressed singly the second time. Similarly nT is omitted before "Vno in 1. 35. The two n is restored here for several reasons. Line 35.
1.

DV

The

line

V^ ^

broken names of months, one ending in TTT and the other beginning with "D, seem likely to be both *vn, which could only recur at an interval The mention of year 4 in 1. 34 suggests that the of a year (or years).
' '

account ran into another year. The large, though uncertain, totals imply In Greek papyri of the second century b.c the ration a long period. of corn seems to have been 1 artaba of corn per man per
(o-itwviov)

month, together with a cash payment

in lieu of

more corn.

See

e. g.

Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, p. 55. Probably it was It appears, therefore, that about the same at the date of this papyrus.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
down
to
1.

No. 24

83

26 we have a

list

of

men

receiving the monthly ration,

some

LI. 27-32 then getting the minimum of 1 ardab (\NC), others more. Col. 3 gives the totals for the year. the summary for the month. give
i\

lines

begins a fresh entry. were the heading.

There

is

a space before

it.

The preceding
'

>31D3.
.

Sachau
eft.

this for i>3NCQ, cf.

"mvb 32 2

Epstein

no doubt right in taking KD^SO, &c. and translates by

is

measure

Does

it

Some words are wanted after it to connect with the next line. mean a-inoviov as distinct from 6ij/wviov, the money payment ?
'.

Line 36.
letters

Tivi.
is

If

am
i.

right

in

bringing

the

fragments
i.

closer

together, there

room

for

about
e.

7 letters in the

gap,

e.

name

of

live

and

N3 No,
is

Thebes.

Line 37. "O

written twice, so that one of

them must be

part of the

name.

nix.

The name

is

improbable, as also H1S13 would be.

Line 38. [py]' is most likely from the slight traces remaining. It We then require cannot be ]bpW. The s; may be part of e)D3 or *\bti. If fi at the end is for p6n, the line should refer either }bpB> or ptlK.
to

money and we might

v\[b
I

restore f][ba

ny]tt>.

If
is

it is

a measure

we may

read

X
I

py]K>.

In either case
feel satisfied

c>N,

which

unfortunately less likely

|/j as in
2"'

than ]D3.

do not

about the

line.
Fi.

lh.

Epstein suggests Talm. NVni formed, but can hardly be anything

= HND.
else.

////
Cf.
1.

The n

is

not well
.

41.

Epstein suggests pbn

Line 39.

TO[yJ very uncertain.

'

name

of the

southern province

'.

the Egyptian D~lOC*[n] as in 27, XDriD must be a popular word for

'ration' (so Lidzbarski), formed from ns?

27V

probably only a
Tl?N

mistake for DVT*.

Line 40.
alluku
are
'

Ungnad
'

palace

is

reads yblt |B, but cannot explain it. ~> e^N is the most likely. improbable.
join

= Ass.
there

Then

no hundreds, and the other fragment must reading continuously, but the meaning is obscure.
]

on

here, the line

5 Line 41. Nn[l3 perhaps, as in 2 7 but the 1 is doubtful. A letter is as in the Behistun text wanted before it, perhaps b, hardly p. [|]i>l
,

forefc*.

Cf.

Line 42. Lines 44-46 are too

state a total for the

30 f{?\ At the end

28

= 31 27 ^Kp
is

year

govern D~lOCTl in 1. 43. much broken to be restored. They apparently from Mehir in one year to Mehir in the next.

wanted

to

No.

25.

Renunciation of C/aim.

416

b. c.

The papyrus is in an almost perfect state of preservation. The date, which is given twice, is the 8th (Egyptian
Darius (II)

9th) year of

416

b. c.

g 2

84

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
is

No. 25

The document
Mibtahiah.

several others, no. 6, no. 8, no. 13.

a deed of renunciation or conveyance, similar to The parties are connected through

b.

Yedoniah

Hoshaiah was the nephew of Jezaniah, her

first

husband (see no. 9), whose house is the matter in dispute. Yedoniah b. Nathan and Mahseiah are her sons by her third marriage. They have
3 already appeared in 20 as her sons by Ashor, so that either he bore both names, or he had changed his name from Ashor to Nathan between

if it

As to the claim of Yedoniah and Mahseiah on the house, was not by purchase or arrangement, it probably came about as follows Mibtahiah had no children by her first marriage, since by g they would have inherited the property. She was divorced and afterwards married Ashor-Nathan (see no. 15) about 440 B.C. and her property was
421 and 416.
7
:

united to

his.

When

Jezaniah died, his house should have gone to his

children by Mibtahiah, but as there were

no children and as no provision

this

was made
house

for that event in no. 9, her

two sons by Ashor now claim

after her death.

On

issue, his brother

Hoshaiah

the other hand, since Jezaniah died without may have had or thought he had (we do not

know what the law may have been) some title to the property, perhaps under some provision of the will of their father Uriah, and after Hoshaiah's
death his son would claim.
not

Much
or
in

of course remains obscure.

We

do
real

know

for instance

what was the

rule of inheritance in case of a

provision

becoming

void,

case of intestacy

nor

whether

property passed

in a special

way.
:

The

following table shows the relations of the people concerned

Yedoniah
I

Mahseiah

Uriah

Yedoniah
1

Gemariah?

Mibtahiah

Jezaniah

Hoshaiah
1

Mahseiah

Yedoniah

Zeho
Mibtahiah =p As-hor (Nathan)
I

Mahseiah

Yedoniah

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sayce and Cowley,
J.

No. 25

85

BnnvYi

11 ill ill

rw
a*
r

ninni?

n-> dv

in

\i ill ill

nae bosh
pIN

3'3

K3^>D
2

inn

Dip

NnTa

'in

nnw
jna

13

nwn

13

hw
Dip

ics* Nnrs N^n an

jid

n'Dno ni3 n*nD3?3 din .una

13 n^Dnoi

jna

in n^i^

mT

13

Mioinn an
n^>

miN
1

12

nw n*a
n^>

po

Daao npni ien^

n^>

[id

n N^n an

ami

pm

nnar 12 >wi n*a r6 iTnnn

-

p3i

nms
rf?

12 vein n*3 n^y

mxi

n.i^n in

snax

l"bb> njno

non

jnna pia N^yaoi nnnna

6
7

ma n'ono
/
1 1

nb an* n n"Dn ni3 n*nca n*a

ece 3iyo on^a tota

f

rronoi n<aY nax in dd^t i>yaD ja^na MiDinn

na

-jr

n^
jna

pm
"a3

8 9

.UK ^naN n^ naianan jnoni

ph

Banna "pa
DSaiJN*

D^y iy
^31

nw
.inaNI

D3^> .1131 13^5

neia ^H3J N^DK 3311 pi

it

^13N

N^ BN1
,

10

prna n
D3eii

in

N7V3

ni>

jmrn n 13a
jm

in

d3^>

b*w nnax nnxi nx

nb jinan

DDn^i
n in
n^>

nw

nas*

bni nnasi "aa db3i

*eB*a bni

TaT

nan Ba 12
.1131 *?

nnw
jema

13 rwp n ni3i 13

\o

idbvvd dbsi

.max

13 13

paam n paa in D3^ b*w nnaxi ni3i isb Jibhi 14

rb lanan

niBy

jei3

p]D3

Naiads

Dai?

jna"

pi

D3b>y
P)D3

"jr

n 3 15
s

">
I

}B>13

{ nt3B

oannx oa^a

*n

D^y iy oa^r DBNsnui xa^n ^axa

nniyra
.T'ai*
,

eia^

I1

1 16

Nnnen yem 13
n^aT nnya 13
1

nw
[i>]na

02a pa 13

13

onaro

ana pi x^i n-us 13 ;r* n pa 1 7 13 iTono Di^e 13 onao ifn is

D^B'O 13

jna

13 vnx m^wa 13 n^ar n*ana 13 ^na bna 13 n^D^ 19

Endorsement.

nmx

13 n^v n*a ^y
II

yen 13
mihn

n^ai^

3na n pnio

isd 20
21

^3

n'-Dnoi jna

13

rtrtb

1 On the 3rd of Chisleu, year 8, that is the 12th day of Thoth, year 9 of Darius the king at that date in Yeb 2 the fortress said Yedoniah b. Hoshaiah b. Uriah, Aramaean of Yeb the fortress, before Widrang com-

mander of

the garrison

of Syene, to Yedoniah

b.

Nathan and Mahseiah

86
b.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 25

Nathan, his brother, their mother being Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah 4 Yedoniah, before Widrang commander of the garrison of Syene, I withdraw (my claim) against you on the house of Jezaniah b. as follows 5 at the upper end, the house of These are its boundaries Uriah. Hosea b. Uriah adjoins it at the lower end of it, the house of Hazul at the lower end and above, there are open b. Zechariah adjoins it
b.
:

windows highway

is' the temple of the God Ya'u, and the it, of the king between them on the west of it, the house of Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah, which Mahseiah her father gave her, 8 adjoins it. This house, whose boundaries are described above, is yours, Yedoniah and Mahseiah both 9 sons of Nathan, for ever, and your
;

on the

east of

To whom you will, you may give it. I shall have 10 or female or male Yedoniah, or my sons dependant of I shall have no power to set in motion suit or process against you, mine, nor shall we have power to sue son or daughter of yours, u brother or sister, female or male dependant of yours, or any man to whom you may
children's after you.

no power,

12 on behalf of house, or to whom you may give it as a gift, myself, Yedoniah, or on behalf of my sons or dependants female or male. 13 a son of mine or daughter If I, Yedoniah, sue you, or you are sued by or female or male dependant, on my behalf or on behalf of my sons, (or u or sue (if) they anyone) except a son or daughter of Jezaniah b. Uriah, son or daughter, or female or male dependant of yours, or a man to

sell this

this house, you may sell or to whom you may give as a gift or whoever shall bring a claim against you, shall pay you a fine of the sum of ten kerashin, that is 10 kerashin at the rate of 16 2 r to 1 karash by royal weight, and the house is assured to you for ever and to your sons

whom

15

after

you,
b.

failing

any sons of Jezan

(this

b.

Uriah,

without
:

question.

deed) at the direction of Yedoniah b. Hosea and the witnesses, 18 including Menahem b. Shallum Mahseiah Menahem b. Gado/ b. Ba'adiah Yedoniah b. Meshullam b. Yedoniah 19 Gadol b. Berechiah Jezaniah b. Penuliah Ahio b. Yislah b. Gadol Nathan. (Endorsement.) 20 Deed of renunciation, which Yedoniah 21 for Yedoniah b. Hosea wrote concerning the house of Jezaniah b. Uriah, b. Nathan and Mahseiah his brother, both of them.

Ma'uziah

Nathan wrote

Line
is

i.

The

year

is

given
to

first

as 8, then as 9.

The second numeral

in threes, so that the

arranged be read as a unit obscured by a crease in the papyrus. The Egyptian year began with Thoth, and did not coincide This synchronism is with the Jewish year beginning with Nisan.
certainly
faint trace in the

9, for the units are always

middle

is

important.

(420 B.C.). Here it is the lower court over which he presides. In no. 20 he sat with the fralarak in the higher Note that he was commander in Syene, and held a court of Nepha.
Line
2.

anTI

as in 2o 4

court in Yeb.

No

before the

commander and

degelis mentioned, perhaps because the case not before the head of the degel.

was taken

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
3.

No. 25

87

a mistake for VTiriK. DHDN an unusual addition, no was really Mibtahiah's properly. If Ashor-Nathan was dead, there would be an additional reason for giving her name as a further means of identification.

mnN

doubt because

it

Line 4. ami, &c. repeated by mistake (?). from you (and) from the house', cf. 6 22 and often. and below, 17.
1.

npm

lit.

'I

withdrew

flW

called ]V in 8

Line

'

5.

r\"7V

at the

south end

',

as elsewhere, see the plan in note

on

Tivn (S-C 7l32n) is now certain, as the His father owned the house in 5 s
5*.
.

name occurs

elsewhere.

Line
'

6.
if

frvna p3.

It is difficult

to see
'

how
'.

there could be 'ancient

lights

pm

has

its

usual

on
It

to the high road at either

meaning adjoin They must have looked end of the frontage. KTI3N as in 13 14
to
tftbft

was the temple, see no. 30.

Line
7.

mK.

Cf. Rdvillout,

La propriete,

pp. 168, 322, &c.

DrV33 a mistake for DPIW3.

rb 2JV in no.
1.

8.

Line
Line

8. 9.

bym

a mistake for N^>y3 as in

6.

"p33 a

mistake
nn3Nl,

for 03*33.

Line

10.

PW

cf.

8 10

11
.

used in other (and earlier) deeds.

scale of contiguity,
(1.

The formula differs slightly from that The persons are named in a receding
son and daughter, brother and
'

and

in pairs

sister

11), so that nri3K

after

come
a pair,

can hardly be wife (as S-C). her husband and before the children.
'

'

She would naturaliy The words are again

is
'.

and C*N 'husband

'

therefore

(any)

woman
*

or

impossible, as a man man depending on me

is

speaking.

Translate

Line n.
for

|l?ni3

in friendship', not ?0~ as Staerk.

1.

pron a mistake
in
is

jurun Line 13.

,

cf.

unsn
JD

in

14.
1.

IDC

as in

16.

It

corresponds to JH7 elsewhere, e.g.

in Syriac.

8 11

and should mean 'except'

as

commonly

The

proviso

Jezaniah must have been dead by now, perhaps He cannot have had children recently deceased, and hence the action. by Mibtahiah, because they would surely have had a prior claim to their
not very clear however. cousin Yedoniah.
no. 8.)
his
If

(This was not the house which Mahseiah gave her in he had been divorced from Mibtahiah, that would account for
at the

being alive
In

time of her subsequent marriage (15

38
?),

and might

also be a reason for

issue.

presuming (in law) a doubt whether he had other that case the clause would mean 'if any representative of

mine, except my cousin (if any), should sue you '. Yedoniah b. Hoshaiah then admits the claim of Jezaniah's children (if any), who could not be
liable

to a fine for trying to establish

it,

if

they

came forward.

There

88

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
of course have been a son of Jezaniah
of.

No. 25
who had gone away and
not

may

been heard
Line 14. Line 15.

p33 a mistake

for "DJ. for (?)

DatST a mistake

uron should be pjron. D33PY. jrw not jnJN as S-C.

13 'unless any sons of J. come ' not jr V2 the (known)
'

KrWSN
Lines
forward
sons
'

as in 20 14 .
16,
'.

17.
}P
1.

JO
i)

"iDty

as in

1.
'

Note
e.

}33 indefinite

any sons

as

g. in

9 fro *33.

Line
Line

17. 18.

iTTiyEi also

wrote nos. 18, 20.

His father wrote nos.

.

10, 13.

bna

Line 19.

7 19 .Tina '2 h*U as in 20 brother of the scribe? }ro '2 1TIN

'3

Dmo

and

1.

No.

26.

Order

to

Repair a Boat.

412
its

b. c.
official

large sheet of papyrus, extra broad, as befitted

character.

Lines 17-28 are on the reverse.

dated in the 12 th year of Darius (see note on 28)= 412 b. c. one of the most difficult of the texts, partly owing to the broken condition of 11. 1-6, which makes the precise nature of the orders uncertain, but still more because of the many technical terms and foreign words of
It is
1.

This

is

which the meaning is unknown. It relates to the repairing (not building, see note on 1. 1) of a Nile-boat used by certain boatmen in Government employment, and full details are given as to the work to be done on it.

The procedure seems

reported to

the men in charge of the boat to be as follows Mithradates (their foreman ?) through Psamsineith, one of Mithradates reported their number, that the boat was in need of repair. to Arsames, who sent an order to Wahprimahi, an Egyptian apparently This is the purport of 11. 1-3. The order holding some local office.
:

3-6) is that whereas a specification of the necessary repairs had been required (from Psamsineith?) and sent to the Treasury officials, these should now inspect the boat and do the repairs if necessary. LI. 6-9 state that they did inspect it, found the specification correct, and that the chief of
(11.

The specification the ship's carpenters considered the repairs necessary. This part is full of technical terms. In is then recited (11. 10-22), 11. 22, 23 Arsames orders Wahprimahi to have the work carried out
accordingly.

Much

is

obscure, but this seems on the whole to

make
1.

the

text consistent.

All the persons mentioned bear non- Jewish names, except 'Anani

23.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Aramaic
For
is

No. 26

89

thus used in a communication from the Persian governor to

an Egyptian

official.

special treatment of the text see

in
5.

and Holma
1915, B, no.

Torczyner in OLZ 191 2, p. 397, Finska Vetenskaps-Societelcns Forhamilingar Ofversigt af

Sachau, plates 8 and

twiaia

9.

Ungnad,

no. 8.
;o
1

nmaai n-aooaa n NnrsD n]Nba nyai 'noynam by duhn

[nbc
[n N^naia
by na]yob ftibbim

ia

N"ana

*l

n]3Dooa noN

Db Nnaia

mnno

pbp

mn py

na[na]N jaanno n

NnrsD noN p N^ana

an:?N ob nnbc? put
naan>

ibtyoty

N^naaona ay ion

Niaa

n Knanon by nbnt^i Nba[nb]y

[it

btfwaa nniaai
5

Nnanoni] pnNi nanan

wkpk m,
*ao

n "pTT nbnt^i nay* nnnaaiNi un[<

[Nba

nc

pJT mbt? narby a.Tby n^by

"r

pnsi nayn* nn^aiN paybi [by annay noN

nw

T3 n
nniaai

ina Nna-aa

pnn

Nnaia

nnnno

.T[ana ia]a stiti bapb n sbn

...

n^DODa
pnnba
8

ibKwb pmn romm

naT

Nbanby

nraa N ana n ntibw

s

[na]

iot>

Nnaaona
aiaa
T

Nan^N

na[yo]b [nnc]aiN

mn py row
ejo

pi pn^aa &riaa pD

AnVBDM

WDM

pno

paon ton poa[b] a*^ nntry jon

pnn

nNi pin *pv n ayob 10

jaaa laa

mtw
nnbn Naoab
jan

ton

nnbn

?ya^ ion baya pt?p jo[Nb nn] nunam nntry

^ pnni
Nbn
*py

in Nnoipb oybp

Nbn

nnn *dbm pnn

jos-b

nn nynyab

"-aioona

pp

jon

12

bnai pro
naib anna^bn

noDo npon

row* Nba jnpy jon o^on pan naib

biy

py

pnxo

13

NTaaby jn-ani

jan

pnn hn

*pp jtrom

pnso jma

|ypn paoni

.-ino

fma

nti'on }on

pay jna 14 nnb pnn

ifi

pro nnb p'om nNO pro noao

N[b]nb nnbn

proa nnbn pro

nrom

jyac pnND nnbn

9o
jon cn:
*i

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
jdu

No. 26
^>3

rwom

pitry

nwDjoiK jnoDo

mistf jy3* *ir6 16

pnxo
j-"i3

dpp-iodo pB>y
Reverse.

naa

nDDin

K^a mtry po nn

pw man *i3i^> n nso |en3 "pm narurfo mspjf

-1233
sja

*pp

iw cisn nn^n pro irh K31K3

N'::m
^yi

^y
*?y\

arw

n iopy

!?y

pawn
db>

18

jnn jy3x x^yi ntiq

19

e|B>

pnn pox NTia

cian nn^n

^yi

nan

nr6n pro irb N3*i3

bi?i

*rn

"jro

nnb N3-iN3

13V

N-ria

^yi

J3t?a

nr6

N3-is*3

D"on

x^n

'py

^3yD 20

n^y

3rrrv rur

wibw
n3 nsy

d^ nbne*

anw

Nnypn toro ^ry Dna n^pno3 nnn33 torn 21

*in

JJD

*ai33

"13

10K>

ny3 ayn

tw

p3y^i it

ktu*bd icais

pjj6

prrafi

kpm

22

i3y
c[yo]
i?y3

ma

no p dbpn
n nar ^3p^> 23 3n3 3pyi33
.

nibd

jay

oyo

ct?

?3

pea
rnwb

ipnaioh

nn

^3

n n*
.

nonarn 24
. .

n
>T3

(blank)

3n3 $

Dyo

D^

25

(Demotic)
Address.
[N3^?3 cin]v-n
1
,

26
JO 27

3 n DBPK

}\

" nat?

n3o[b] vll->3 xnaa 3pyi33 28

the boat

From Arsames

to

Wahprimahi

Now
:

of Psamsineith and
2

his

colleagues the boatmen of the fortifications is worn out as reported Mithradates the boatman as follows Thus says Psamsini?//^
the
3
:

to us

by

charge,

boatmen of the fortifications say thus The boat of which we have it is time to do its repairs. Thereupon I sent word as follows : Let the specification 4 be drawn up acrz/rately and sent to the accountants of

the treasury. They with the commanders Shemsillek and his colleagues zxq to inspect this boat 5 and make a report on it (?), and let the arsenic (?)

which

required (?) by the specification, paint (?) and the rest be sent, accountants give all the materials 6 and let its repairs be done immediately, and the rest about which word was sent to them from me. 7 Thereupon they sent and thus said their messengers : On the beach which is in front of the fortress, between its fortifications Mithradates the boatman showed us the boat. We report that by Psamsineith and 8 both boatmen of the fortifications, it is described accurately, and we have reported to Shemsillek and his colleagues the commanders, (and) Shemau b. 9 Kenufi, head of the carpenters, of SPYT, and they said
is

and

let the

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
thus
[is
:

No. 26
is
:

91

It

is

time to ?>iake
(?)]

its

repairs.

This

the specification which

10

immediately to do its repairs wood, new, (each) plank 10 cubits

required

breadths,

among them
s'bl,

20 cubits; a

for the mast(?), 1 ; p'r'r, 1 of 2 cubits

13

u
;

70 cubits;

of 12 cubits; " yards (?) 15, each of cabins (?) for the hold (?) 3; a sail (?) planks for the hl of 60 cubits; a pht.mini for the apsi under the hl, 5 nails of bronze and iron,
ribs (?)
;

Cedar and cypress (?) 80 cubits by 3 hand-

by hands; for the hl, nails of bronze, 150, each 3 hands, 275, 16 each 10 finger-breadths; total nails, 425; plates of bronze, 20 cubits; nails for them, 200; 17 planks of cedar, seasoned (?), Egyptian (?) government, 1 talent 10 minae in all; add 10 kerashin, and arsenic for the (?) sulphur, 18 and painting (?), 100 kerashin they shall add to the planks which are (?) supplied, to the boards in length each 3 hands clear and to the (?), breadth and thickness 2 fingers; and to 19 the sim, in length each 3 hands clear (?), and to the breadth 2 fingers and to the planed boards (?) and hnn in length each 1 hand; and to 20 the s'bl, the wood for the hl, the rows of tmis, in length each 3 hands clear (?), and to the breadth 1 finger. The sails (?) of cotton, the awning (?), 21 the arsenic, the sulphur, are to be Let word be sent that these materials are supplied by Persian weight. to be delivered to Shemau b. Kenufi, head of ^ the carpenters, of SPYT, for the purpose of the repair of this boat, and let him do at once, (it)
;

the planks of cedar, seasoned (?), strong, tmis, 20 cubits equivalent of all of it, both sound (?) and broken, he is to bring to the u cotton, thick, 180 kerashin treasury; sails (?) of awnings (?), 250 kerashin ; planks of cedar, new 2 hnn, each 5 cubits 15 3 hands
; ;
;

200

Now Arsames says as follows You are according to the order issued. accordance with this which the accountants say, according to the order issued. 'Anani, the secretary, drafted the order. Nabu'akab wrote 21 25 (it). Wahprimahi according to the order issued .... wrote 27 ... 26 From Arsames, which he .... 28 Nabu'akab wrote the document on the 13th of Tebeth, in the 12 th year of Darius the king ....
:

to act 23 in

Line

1.

curt beginning,
eft.
,

]s*73, Epstein ?2 DK> (not N?a).

is

as from a great man to a subordinate. Dan. 6 16 and reads [d vc] Nv2, but the phrase there is The lost words must have stated the case. This word

more probably the verb k?2 'to be worn out', generally used of and such like, but also applicable to a boat. The boat was in charge of the N'^ID V NTiSIJ (1. 3), and Psamsineith was one of them As he makes the report in 1. 2, it is probable that he was (U. 7, 8). mentioned here. For the name cf. Lieblein, Diet, des noms propres hie'rog.,
clothes

no. 121

6.
2.

N'ma

"J

NTIQ1J from

1.

8,

where see note.

'
:

M. sent saying, cb must introduce a report of Mithradates thus says P.'. .' Psamsineith It cannot be 'for thus says M., P. alone speaks, since "ION is singular, and he does not include himself with
Line
.
.

the other

boatmen

(so that

we cannot continue

with njruN) because

nCK

92
(1.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
3)
is

No. 26
followed such

in the

3rd person.
service
is

Hence some phrase must have

interrupted,
for'.
*J

as

'the

boat

OTlBti

from

1.

8,

is

necessary.

Line

3.

N*3"D,
'

see

on

1.

8.

pDnnD 'having charge of under

Government, not owning ', since it was to be repaired by Government. Elsewhere the word is used of holding land, and perhaps means to hold

on

run py is abrupt and strange, lease, or by a grant, not as freehold. but can only mean No doubt a translation of the it is time to '. n*lK>D1N an unknown Egyptian idiom sp pw, introducing a request &c. word. From the context it can only mean 'its repairs'. In line 22 the
'

construct form
It

*itJ>D1K

occurs, so that

fl"

has

been assumed that the word

it

is

must be the pronominal affix. Persian, but no satisfactory

I

explanation of
[na]yft7 as in

as such has

been given.

connected with the Talmudic

1.

"It^DN, the origin of

cannot help feeling that it is which is also obscure.

10.
in
it

The
I.

gave an order (as (in7CJ>) he says that

4).

missing words must have stated that Arsames He is not giving it here, because in 1. 6
out.

was carried

Hence some such words

1.

as here

supplied are necessary.

[witJ'N], see on

5.
is
'

Line
NJ13*BD

4.

IJJn*.

The
1

subject cannot
'

feminine.
'

Therefore not

let
it

be the boat, which it be towed ', nor

let

always it be

carpentered

("i^n" ).

Whatever

it

was,

had

to

be sent to the Treasury.

'

They would hardly send the boat bodily. We should expect a statement of the cost', and hence I have ventured to supply WIKW in the
sense of
'

specification

Tan

'declare',

'state'.
'

in the sense of If vblT\ here

taking Turv in the sense of the passive of Hebrew N73[n?]y, so Pedes, as in 1. 8, and Epstein, This is unlikely, as noted above. (towed) by a rope '.
',

and

in

I.

8 can

mean

a 'measuring line' (Heb. ?50) lne

phrase would

mean 'according
is

to measure', i.e. 'accurately'.

Ungnad's
titles,

N?2 [D]y 'with care'

unlikely.

Nn:nn,

or 'iron.

Perles thinks

= ?3"1CN

(Targums).

It

must be one of the many Persian

com-

pounded with -kar, 'make', and treated as Aramaic. The meaning Cf. Nn:nn in Daniel, where the D has been of "ion is unknown.
assimilated (hence '"7n not '""ittn here), and the second part is -bar, bearing ', or the 2 is a corruption of 3 (due to the similarity of
'

Heb. 12l), and the word is the same as Treasury it must mean the men who do
'

here.

In connexion with the

'

the accounts,

clerks

'.

IDf]

N'HSJEID as in 1. 8. begins a new sentence, without a conjunction. The From Persian farman and kar, those who make (or give) orders '.

words supplied are from 1. 8. Line 5. niT (Epstein prv)

1

is

probably right.

Ungnad

priK.

The

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
the sense of
' '

No. 26

93

Haphel of mn, and the Pael (or Haphel with n dropped) are common in cause to see ', show The Peal, which should mean
'

'.

see

',

is

not found in

'inspect'.

nmDDIX
like a

but perhaps occurs in these papyri. Here another unknown word. yyv very uncertain.

BA,

The
is

first letter is

badly

made

y,

the second

is

obliterated, the rest

Ungnad). I have restored it because in 1. 1 7 it occurs, as here, in connexion with PUVWiT. See notes there. fn. T. but this is doubtful, and gives no sense, unless we could Ungnad nin,
probable (not
*]0~ as

translate
in
11.

'

9,

21 and 30 11
is

which was (mentioned Cf. Ezra 5 3

-

in)
-

the

specification.

KJ'WN

as
all

9
.

The meaning

of the word in

these places

as uncertain as

its

origin.

In Ezra 5 3s) the

LXX

have

4 Xoprjyia, but in the parallel passage (1 Esdr. 6 ) <rriyr)v kcu raXXa iravra, and in verse 10 + iOcptXiovre, which represents the Masoretic tradition N'l N. In 30 11 'outfit', 'decoration', 'detail' would be suitable. Here
;,

seems to mean the description of the outfit, so that I have ventured word specification '. But the meaning of this much-discussed term is not settled. No doubt a Persian word, FHVUfl as in 1 17.
it

to use the

'

perhaps compounded with hanPersian

= ham-.
'

The

'caulking'?
'

In

modern

plaster Painting Persian Jjj| (Arab. Jjj&) a 'limb', but also a 'fitting together', and so decoration '. in Daniel 2 5 &c. The addition of pnsi Cf.
'.
'

^pjjjl means

'

to

Holma compares

|W

shows that we have here an enumeration of materials.

*?

(Ungnad)
.

following it, is not probable. Torczyner reads pnS2, which he takes as beginning a new sentence (like inx) 'then', and compares Dan. \ > Something is wanted like all the materials '. [N31B>k] is doubtful.
'

22 and 42 7,813 in all which places the meaning In Ahikar 103 p2]} is perhaps a verb, 'at once', 'speedily' is suitable. und nachdem '. see note there. HJT by, *T pnNl, Torczyner

Line

6.

pay? as

in

1.

'

Heb. m~7]} thereupon ', continues the narrative by explaining that the in?tJ> is therefore preliminary order was carried out by the officials. a narrative perfect, not imperative. seems best to fit the remain[p]T
ing traces of letters.
the
1 st

'

persons should contain something to govern N?n in 1. 7. In Line 7. K7n can hardly be anything else.
1.

in

Hence TiDN is probable, and serves to introduce About nine more letters are wanting, which 7.
1.

it

denotes some

enough here. was outside the town, and must mean the sand on the river-bank, (('on which the boat was moored. They sent to inspect it. [u]3 looks but there is a trace more likely than p3 or T3. PP[3n3], doubtful,
part of the boat.
is

The

ordinary meaning 'sand'

suitable

It

of the

tail

of the second 3.

If

it

is

right,

"pa

will

mean

the outer

94

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
town, running
style.

No. 26

fortifications of the

as often, especially in official

... 1. Haphel, 'we report'. but I cannot identify the name, which was probably Egyptian. Line 8. N^13 V NTiSU not 'boatmen of the towns', which would
be pointless. HSU is Persian, above as fort ', i. e. the outer
' '

down to the river. *)TQ asyndeton, The form is Pael, or contracted The lower parts of the letters are left,

boatman

'.

If

"7*13

is

rightly explained

fortifications of the

Epstein thinks

'

rafts

'),

then these
river

men w ere

tfnTO of Syene (but employed by the Govern-

from one point of the fortifications to convey things by another, or to bring supplies from elsewhere to the forts. They were therefore important, as an Army Service Corps, for maintaining com-

ment

to

munications.
as a
'

In no.

(and no. 3)
')
it

it

sailor of the difficult waters

by
it

river?)

and delivered

to

who brought the corn &c. Hosea and his partner, who

was Espemet (elsewhere described (to Syene ?

distributed

to the garrison.

He
(1.

refer

back to

"TJJIV

no doubt belonged to this service. if the explanation there is right, 4), and
'

m*M
'.

must
be

this will

is it described a passive participle agreeing with xr^SD, 'we showed' or 'reported', not as in 1. 7, 'he showed us'.

pnn
1Et>,

see

"'S'W, Lieblein, op. cit. no. 770. Spiegelberg, Hauswaldt Papyri. Line 9. pit's D, explained by Sachau as a derivative of rcsD, with J assimilated, and the Persian suffix -k, afterwards inflected as Aramaic,

hence 'belonging to ships'. Cf. i033K>1K> in Ezra, 'belonging to Susa'. But this would require the emphatic form N'GrvSD W1J3, for 'ship's Epstein suggests that it is formed from the name of the carpenters'.

nome
later

1 Sape, like p:iD, 67, 3 ,

cf.

33

s
,

24

s3
,

but in the singular.

In his

article,

ship',

however, he gives this up, and proposes pro'SD 'your As W^SD is used so often in this text, it is unlikely that we

should have the form "JVSD (which is not a mistake, cf. 1. 22), and as the only other use of p" is with a place-name, it is better to take TY'SD ' as a place-name. It will then refer to Shemau, the chief of the carpenters,
a a place otherwise unknown (Egyptian spt nome). of the inspection being finished, this begins the specification of the repairs as stated by Arsames (i. e. from his office),
of
',

man

SPYT

WifcJ>K Hit.

The account
'This

down

to

1.

22.

is

what

is

to be

done

now

(1.

22) do
itself,

it'.

WSN.
pivb,
11.

The

Ass. appitli, 'immediately',

naturally

suggests

cf.

6, 22.
is
'

So Torczyner.
difficult
it is

construction
it

if
'

But (Seidel TPX *)N, meaning?). mti'SIN has the same meaning as before.
(Talm.
ntf'SN),

the
II

could

mean

fitting

then Wijjw would be governed

by taycb, which is not very probable. Line 10. Here begins the specification as sanctioned by Arsames.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
IK (or
'

No. 26
Ungnad
'

95

*in)

must be some kind of wood.

(cf. erinu).

suggests Bab. eru,

'.

a kind of cedar

sp, Bab. tappu, a 'plank

(Perles says

duppu, tablet ', cf. nDDO.) tail of 2 remains. There

is

The Coptic Ton is room for one

is

keel

'.

pOl[b].
it,

The

letter

before

and only b
,

possible.
If

p-Q.
in

Bab. batku means 'injury', 'broken part', cf. Ezek. 27 s -- 7 pD2 can be connected with these, DH5> might be 'put', but

1. The 80 cubits 3 hand-breadths must be the 19 it must be a noun. measurement of the broken part (?). The planks were to be 10 cubits long, and sufficient in number to cover 80 cubits. )12, as often,

'among (them)'. pjD, if it has anything beams to keep the planks in place, but 12
for
'

to

do with

cubits

JJD might mean seems rather long

ribs

'.

Holma
f]tr

'

suggests

rudders

'.

would naturally be taken as part of cpc, but in 1. 19 it is a noun. Holma thinks it is NDlpDN 'threshold', then 'yard' of a ship. There are traces of n and room for b. For IEN[? *inj.
11.

Line

the

construction,

cf.

2 8,

Ungnad). Egyptian ? It must be plural here

3

... pj?&6 // p2i. ^JJD, not ^3jn (as Ungnad quotes Bab. hitinu, part of a ship. In 1. 19 we have N>jjn with the (f?n for pan).
pn.

as in NTDDJ?. Holma proposes 'cabins', and compares Krauss. Talm. Archaologie ii, p. 341. But this would be Jonah unsuitable in a specification. You would have to state the materials
resolved,
i

required to make them. Egyptian hn means 'rowing' &c, which again does not suit the context. Ni03, the 'belly' of the boat, i.e. the hold '. DJ??p another unknown word. NnDlp the upright ', i. e.
'

'

the mast

Ungnad an
it,

'

erection

'.

Holma

'

cabin

'

on deck.

something is to nor the name of a wood (as Ungnad). N^n ipy perhaps planks for the 'n WBttna and "rjnjJD, Egyptian Holma eft. *DBN is plural. ph is 'deck', and ph is 'hinder part'. Heb. pDSN (Ass. apm, 'rope'), but why construct state?
be under
therefore not as in
'

Line

12.

N?n must be some part of the

1.

boat, since

7,

'.

Line

13.

"\2)b

as

compared with }mn

1

(1.

'old', i.e. seasoned, but the

'

is

difficult.

D^n
'

10) suggests Bab. labiru unknown. nrVTV.

'

The subject is one Haphel of nnN bring they ', indefiniteDnnDvn. Pedes eft. Bab. halapu, to 'cover with metal', to 'plate'. This does not suit the context. Can it mean 'the exchange' of it,
'.

',

its

equivalent

or

value?
that

Holma 'what
it

is

left

over'.

Sprengling
caifeutrer.

'calkage', suggesting p\an the 'broken pieces'.

is

the

origin

of

calafatare,
to

^TJ?,
'.

the
It

root

means

'spin'.

The
Sails
?

phrase should
i

mean spun
'

cotton

was a very

large quantity.

or nets

96
Line 14.
'awnings'.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
jcna apparently the value.

No. 26
something spread
Cf.
1.

}yp"i

out,

Holma

eft.

Heb. yipH 'plating'

(or 'awnings').

20.

Line 15. N^Jrr} again a part of the boat, as in 1. 12, not a wood. Line 16. JDD copper-plates for the bottom or other parts of the boat.
Line 17. niCH (or niKH) can only mean 'authority' &c. in Aramaic. (Holma, 'strong'.) Is j0 a mistake for pVD ? The two words might then conceivably mean 'government of Egypt', i.e. from Egyptian stores.

Holma
is

cites

Bab. missu, a kind of wood.

'31

"QJD.

talent 10

minae

apparently the cost of materials mentioned so far, to which is to be added the cost of the sulphur and arsenic. N?3 in apposition to
'31

PS

""pV,

ends the clause.

riDDin imperative with rr cohortative

This
(?)

suffix,

common
',

in Hebrew, does not occur in BA, nor in these papyri

it

elsewhere.
'

H3D. What was

for

for?

rMFMn, as

in

1.

5,
'

is

probably
'

arsenic in "pIT Talmud and Syriac, is usually taken as a loan-word from Greek (so Ungnad), and this has been used as an argument against the authenticity

painting

which arsenic would be used.

of these papyri, since a Greek word would hardly be found in Egypt so early as 412 b.c (The objection is not convincing, since trade with Greece flourished long before this, and the material was very commonly
used.
Cf.
is

"inriD

ord-r^p.)
'

But the reverse

is

probably the case.

There

no apparent reason why yellow orpiment (auripigmentum) should

'

be called the
Aristotle.

masculine
not

substance,

dpcreviKov,

in

Greek.

(First

in
in

Note,

dppeviKov,

except

by

scribal

correction

Theophrastus.) The Greek is more likely to be due to a popular etymology of a foreign trade-word. In Arabic it is &&jj- (In a late
Coptic papyrus
itA\\&.c&A.p

Mr. Winstedt has pointed out

i-jy-H It arsenic '.)

to

me n&cc&pnHiy
and
n&cc&pitHuj

ukokkoc
here ^"tf
formative
Pahlavi.
za-ri-in

= jJ$\

=
is

'yellow-arsenic',

'

red

In Persian

it is

may
('

not found, I think, in old Egyptian. From its occurrence influenced by Arabic, or, &jj'j.j well be a Persian word from gold ', the -n- being
' '

golden
the

On

substance), and other hand, Dr.

j^ the -k the suffix

common

later in

Langdon quotes Sumerian urudu

wool.
-k-,

zarinnu, a colouring (copper-like) substance used to dye zariniku does not occur, but would be correct, with from Sumerian. Za-ri-in is found as early as as a loan-word

= Bab.

The form

2500 b.c, and is, he considers, a good Sumerian compound. Line 18. pDDin" i.e. something extra is to be allowed on the measurements,
translation

ensn should mean

'

'

freed

'

',

exempt

'.

Construction

The

clear

'

'

',

fully

is

only a guess.
hv,

Line 19.

D^

must be a noun here, governed by

and

similarly

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
in
1.

No. 26

97

10.

Meaning?
Cf.

ejcy
1.

must have some

special meaning, not merely,

Cf.

'smoothed plank'. from ny.

Line 20.
Ass. duru.

n.

N^n

a plural from fn.

N^ooy

'rows', i.e. 'boards'? of 0*011.

Holma

thinks 'old',

Nnypl, st. emph. Hence ?yp">, 1. 14, is feminine. Line 22. seems to be J^VrThe first ^ may be a mistake. "t3y n:N is addressed to Wahprimahi, who was to see that the orders were transmitted to Shemau, and that he carried them out.

p^

Line 23.

N'laion.

It

up the order ending with 'o D^'Va

secretary to Arsames.

was therefore the Treasury officials who drew in I. 22. ^:]} was apparently chief

Perhaps the same as

person, since he

is

not further described.

'. He drew it up for approval by Arsames, and it was copied The words Dyo a clerk. 'Jjy seem to be in a different hand, by therefore a signature. If this means that he was the 2J13 2pyU3.
, .
,

31 , of the order

18

nor the father of the scribe in

who was a great the same as in 30 19 Hardly io 20 &c. D[yo] ^V^ 'author
in

38

4,10 * 11

copying clerk,
it

it is Perhaps strange, as the hand is again different. countersigned by N.' as Arnold, Journ. Bib. Lit. 191 2, p. 25. 11 20 Hardly the same man as in 22 (or 12 ?).

means

'

Line 24 is evidently written by Wahprimahi himself. He was an Egyptian, and wrote Aramaic so badly that no single word, except his name, is certain. The latter part of the line too is faded. As the letter

was addressed
receipt.

to him, this line

and the next must have been added

after

Line 26,

after a

Sprengling reads

Sobk

blank space, contains remnants of demotic writing. ban's (so also Spiegel(part of a name) and
.
. .

berg), which Herodotus says is the Egyptian word for a Nile-boat. Line 27. Part of the address is lost. After 2 is a stroke which looks
like 3.

Line 28. N"i2D

1.

may
'

be 'the scribe', but as 'Anani was so called

in

23,

perhaps
">.

it

\//->3 Ungnad

the document', and nro is to be supplied in 1. 27. mJ reads \// >2, and takes "^ for "3, but it is only a badly
is

made

JlTOtr.

The

units

are

doubtful.

accept them on

Ungnad's

authority, as they

may be

clearer

on

the original.

No.
Petition to

27.
{?).

Arsames

About 410

B.C.

This papyrus was first published by Euting in the Mimoires presents a V Acade'mie des Inscriptions, vol. xi, Paris, 1903. It belongs to the
.

16'J8

98

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
it

No. 27
in

Strasbourg Library, for which

was bought

1898-9 from a dealer

at

Luxor.

It

consists of

one

63 cm. long by 7-3 broad. and is divided into two columns.

traces of another

strip (not three fragments, as Ungnad says) The writing on the recto runs lengthwise,

On

Euting's facsimile there are slight

this is uncertain.

column preceding them, but

The

upper and lower edges are broken, so that the columns are not continuous. There is writing also on the verso, beginning at the right-hand

end of the

strip

From

top or bottom of the verso, but all the lines are incomplete at the beginning and end. The writing on the verso differs in character from that on the recto, but
Euting's facsimile
at the

and runningacro ss it at right angles it seems that no line is lost

to that

on the

recto.

this

may be

only because

it is

written the

wrong way of

the papyrus

not

necessarily

by

a different hand.
(II),
i.

The document

refers to events in the

may reasonably assume or shortly after. In the light of texts disyear covered since, these events appear to be connected with the troubles narrated in no. 30, and the papyrus is a (draft of a) letter (to the
14th year of Darius
it

e.

411 b.c, and one

that

was written

in that

satrap

Bigvai

Egyptian
that "it

priests

or Arsames ?) complaining of the action Trie" ol and the governor Waidrang. There can be no doubt

(or

garrison)

must

emanates, like the rest ol these texts, from the Jewish colony at Elephantine. In the lost beginning the writers have stated their case. They then affirm their loyalty, and

instance other illegal acts committed by their enemies, of which they In spite of their say evidence can be obtained from the police.

enemies have prevented them from offering and have plundered (or destroyed) their temple. They end by petitioning for protection, and that the damage may be made This seems to make the document consistent and intelligible. good. Unfortunately a line, or more, is lost at the beginning and therefore also at the top of column 2. Nothing, however, seems to be lost at the lower

good behaviour,

their

sacrifices to Ya'u,

edge, so that the text was originally continuous from ought not to be difficult to restore the verso, but as
original width of the
strip,

1.

10 to the verso.
not

It

we do

know
is

the

and

as the reading of the verso

in parts

uncertain,
is

the length of the lines on the verso. It therefore not claimed that the restorations are anything more than

we cannot determine

of the
no.

a rough approximation, or that they do more than indicate the connexion text. On the whole, while this petition is clearly connected with

common to both, I have placed it because no. 30 (written in 408) received an answer (no. 32), so that another petition in these terms would be This may unnecessary.
30 and several phrases are
earlier

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
indeed have

No. 27
18
.

99

been the earlier letter mentioned in 30 It is strange that so important an event as the destruction of the temple should not have been more explicitly described. There may, however, have been another
column,
in 411,
in which it was narrated. At any rate the temple was destroyed and this petition cannot have been written except in or after that

therefore between 411 and 408. It does not appear to have met year with any success, and in 408 consequently another attempt (no. 30)

was made.

The
no. 30.

person addressed

is

called }Nno, a high

it

Ungnad

suggests that

title applied to Bigvai in here denotes Arsames, the governor

of Egypt. The fact that he is named in 1. 2 is not a serious objection. The use of the 3rd person is merely due to formality. The facsimile in Euting's original publication is not very legible, but is
helpful in

some

points.

That of Sachau
2 a.

is

excellent.

Sachau, plate 75.

)P2V ab
}n-io
ia

Ungnad, no.

jmujD
nd[^d]

rurus

mn

nvo n

f[^>]n
j?

pa

naroS
[vb]

pn[: ...
bzno djtuoi
tttrST'

mrmn
t*]niN

////>

rutsa

ron^s

twTva a>3 i[nay

aun n na
pjoa

Nnnatjn

rut

Nata ^y ^rx
Dy

mp wk
a
s

^'

t*

n$ larv paji
nri

mn
ibhj

n:n "jnnna n

aim

nwpn

4'
5

irva ny*xJB[3 i]55

2.

twi

Col.

rta

n rnn nx3
jn

wnu 3^a n xa^ n ama p wk Nma nrs3 rm vnw |yai

t,t
?

6
7

pw run
nrs

N^n K*ppr nnDn n? poi Nmf/a i]aa nao i? Nna *\bn awn xnca pnp una *j[t Ni]aa }n D-iD^n runba poo n N^atna ntisti man jd nayn^
na
nanaK
ftpyfa
sj

pdn
Tin

reruM n nar
a^a v

i>3pi>

?Knb [y-i]w 10
tJ? ^>3nra jo
j[a

Reverse.

tmT]3
n^>i

KMorb

n
12,
13

Djruo nlS ran mruK

''fpa^
j]?

nancN

n!?

n[:ra i>ano

naiah nn]ao

nwn?
non

N[nea

14

wek> n?]

wk
nT

nayoi> [n^yi

15
16

nS
\r\b[

nn nay] nnn pnn

N^a Din]pa^
inpi?

17

Knew
,

[iwssn 18

ao
nanr
Np]tj>y

wat? jNno by |[n nyai 19

ioo

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
NHin''] rura

No. 27

N^n

namx

n[ay

1 20

cya] wwrv an jtn[o ^y |n 21 an jn"i]o ^y p rumx [pox n 22 r&ne*

f?

T\>]t*

NnoynjD^

jua[:
jb
t

^>n

d^ 23

mao]i>

wn

K[nani 24

1
.
.

we should be

injured

(?).

When

(?)

detachments of the Egyptians

2 and 0thing disloyal was found in rebelled, we did not leave our posts, 3 went In the 1 4th year of AVng Darius, when our lord Arsames us.

the crime which the priests of the god Khnub Yeb 4 in concert with Waidrang who was there is a part after giving him money and valuables governor here, 5 of the king's stores which is in the fortress of Yeb, (this) they wrecked, built a wall in the midst of the fortress of Yeb and

away

to the king, this

is

committed in the fortress of

they

Now

this

wall
7

is

built in the

which

is built

withz'w theyftrtress,
if it

water to drink m this we//. Those priests of Khnub stopped up this well. If inquiry 9 be made of the magistrates, officers (and) police who are set 10 it will be made known to over the province of tstrs your lordship in n of this accordance with what we say. Moreover we are innocent thus we which were in the fortress of'Yeb 12 damage to the stores 13 are free from blame, and anything harmful of this kind has not been found in us, but the priests will not allow u us to bring mea\-oJfering and incense 15 and sacrifice to offer there to Ya'u the God of heaven i7 16 but they made there a fire (?) 18 and the rest 19 Now ii it please your ofihe fittings they took for themselves, all of it. 20 which was done to us, let the injury be very much remembered lordship, 21 us of the fewish garrison. If it please your lordship let an order

garrison, so that (?)

is

midst of the fortress. There is a well and it never lacks water to supply the 8 supervised (?) they would be (able to get)

be given according
be sent
23

what we state. If it please your \ordship, let word to that they shall not injure anything which is ours 24 and to build

22

the altar of ours which they destroyed.

Line
\11T\

1.

A
If

word of

three or two

is

clear.
it.

On
it is ('

Euting's facsimile there

'

before

sense of PU^a
1.

part of the verb JA3 a musical instrument) striking

to

lost at the beginning. a very slight trace of 3 the tense is strange, and the usual
letters
is is

is

unsuitable here.

In

23

paa

seems

be part of the same verb.

'
'

I suggest that the root

originally

had the sense of an

striking

in general (restricted in

Hebrew
extended
I

usually to striking a musical instrument),

to

and
77
'

that this could be

7
,

mean

'inflicting

injury'.
for

Cf.
it,

Ps.
('

TWJJ.'my
pointless).
is

affliction'

remember, and try to account

of Pss.
4, 6,

song
19
,

is

In the

titles

54, 55, 61, 67, 76,

9
'.

Hab.

nwaaa
,

perhaps 'concerning

(Or, in) afflictions

So Job 30 &c,

HfrUVU

the object of their injurious

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
remarks,
'

No. 27

101

slander

'.

The word

is JJ33,

not found in the cognate languages,

e|23.

but

cf.

the kindred roots ITM,

first letter

trace of the

might be a

b, cf.

nJN very doubtful. construction in 1. 23. the

it

The
pa.

There
a
1(?).

is

the down-stroke of a letter before

which

A
>T

conjunction 'when'

is

wanted.

may belong l$]n. The

i>

to
is

a p or almost

entirely lost.
y,

On
pa
it

but

|j?n
right

looks more like Euting's facsimile the trace remaining for 'during the moments when' is hardly possible.

If fi?n

is

would appear that the Egyptians as well as the Jews

DJHJD1,
cf.

were divided into companies.

Line
30*
5
.

2.

'31

^arra

Dan. 6 2i

'31

DCHN

|sno 13 as in

Line

3.
4.

NmatiTl a Persian word.

rTOUDH
',

Line

as in

30

5
,

a Persian

word, probably adverbial

'

in

league with

arrm

is

not a noun governed by nay, as Ungnad seems to take it. 5 Hence \\exe fralarak, as in 30 , where his son is N7T1 3"l.

4 fratarak is the higher title. In nos. 20 (420 B.C.) and 252(416 B.C.) he was only N^Ti a~l, and so must have been promoted in the interval.

VPS seems

to cause
'.

an unnecessary asyndeton,

'

there

is

a part

they

The construction is probably borrowed from Persian, destroyed (it) avada&m d/dd Nisdya ndma cf. the Behistun inscr. i. 13 end, there I killed him', a province N. by name avdjanam, '(there is) and very frequently. TVK may therefore be neglected in translation,
.

like TV

which
5.

is

perhaps derived from

it.

Line

N311J.

Cf. of supplies for the troops. gives no sense. But there is hardly room for WJDninl. 11. Ungnad [njja. [l]aa. A 1 seems most probable, n, which has a long side-stroke in this hand. but it might possibly be [p]33 we built to protect the granary, which
'

Euting and Ungnad It was no doubt a store

Nm\

but

is

improbable, and

',

would be a meritorious
Line
!V:a
.

act,

and

'

(1.

6)

the wall

is still

to

be seen

'.

6.

ilia

TPX
7.

passive participle masculine. begins a fresh charge.

The

feminine would be

Line
difficult.
is

mDn
At
is

feminine, agreeing with "ixa.

P*^n

jn

T3

is

very

Ungnad

strange.

The double conjunction takes n as 'so that'(?). must form a subordinate clause by itself, any rate JHJH \n
for

since

|WT
'

wanted

the apodosis.

Therefore P"n must express

,

a verbal idea.
literally
if it

The noun H3H

',

occurs in 13 4

where see note.

Here

was measure d

i.

e. if it
it

a dittography ?) a heap (of them)

And
',

eas takes

(Or is 'TJn in fairly shared. 'if (there were) to mean a 'heap'

was

i.
'

e. if

they were very numerous

',

an

odd
Lja

Noldeke

translates

eir

berufen

and so Smend.

.^^ ^^'

expression^

Of

102
Line
'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
8.
',

No. 27

tOTKj Dan.
rather

1TK Persian, as [Nl]33 restored from *JT N"D farther on. f 8 2 where it is taken as 'statement', 'information'. Here
', i.

verification
9.

e. inquiry.
-

s 3 3 ('sheriffs'), and thus confirms the and vocalization there. The exact meaning of the title is reading uncertain. N 3^ia a Persian title from gds, 'to hear', gausa, 'ear'. Cf. to. fSam\i(ji<; wra, Xen. Cyrop. viii. 2, 10, and Hdt. i. 114, 6<f>8a\ixb<;

Line

JPHDVI

NTi&n.Dan.

/JacrtXeo?, the king's

informers, police.

D1BBTI,

cf. 2

39
,

and Spiegel-

berg Line 10.

in Euting's article.

jt^HD.

If the sentence continues in

of.

1.

n,

the

meaning
all

will

be 'separated from', and so innocent

Cf. the use of pTTl in 14 11 ,

'

and

often.

Note the frequent use of njnJN,

'.

they have done

this,

whereas we are innocent

Line
Line
"J

11.

The
][p].

verso begins here.

fcTODrfl.

The

PI

has a very

unusual form.
12.

Cf.

WVIJ,

1.

5.

in

1.

11.

p5l uncertain.
traces of

What Ungnad takes The 3 is

N
are doubtful.

for

a 7

is

really the tail of the

short.

The word

occurs in 21 6 .

[l]S.

The

Line 13. rt[JT3]. The n cannot be the termination of a feminine noun, which would be subject to ronK>N, masculine. We may restore 23 i?ano from 1. 2, or BK3. []b |p3B>] as in 30
.

Line 14.
[nn]JD.
passage.
short

N{im]
30
21

as in

1.

3.

Ungnad NnfvD], which may be

right.

The remains
Cf.

of n are clear, and nruo gives the clue to the

as
in 3 o 27 28
-

for the order.

rb]tt
,

Line 15. Line 16 Line

1

[n^P
is

or

it

might be

ttrbbt

and some

word joining on the next

hopelessly
.

line.

lost.
'

Perhaps a compound of Persian afar, fire '. The 12 but the two statements do not agree exactly, temple was burned, cf. 30 is more probable than Ungnad's ron. It is used merely like the
7.

pliDX

mn

indefinite article.

Line
In 30
it

18.
it

11

[rPWl] from 30 is the woodwork of

sacred
as

11

the building,

NilCN must be taken in a wide sense. which was burned. Here

which were
is

must include the

vessels,

probable.
in
13
.

Not H2y,

Ungnad, which
their

stolen. [*&3] not wanted here as it

is

is

30 Line 19. Having finished

statement they
it

now come

to

their

petition. please your lordship' shows that the person addressed must have been of exalted rank. For the 17 cf. Ezra 5 2D iota by Jfl J$m. JWB> must go with the next phrase

The

frequent repetition of 'if

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
clause, not with
in
is

No. 27

103
[Np]t?y as
[njtl'y

2D.

It

is

adverbial, as in Ahikar 51 &c.

is

i6 8-9

But the restoration

only approximate.
'

Ungnad's

not very convincing.

I
cf.

Think very much

is

a strange expression,

and
But

doubt
30
23 .

if

they would use an imperative in this humble petition.

as y, but

Line 20. Euting and Ungnad read the

like 1,
"1,

first letter

it

is

more

or 2.
pja[>],

ilJIiJN in
cf.

apposition to
1.

f?

as in 6 8 &c.

Line 23.

note onpjriJ,

1.

No.
Assignment of
Very
well preserved.

28.

Slaves.

411

b. c.

Hardly any

letter is really doubtful.

double (as in no. 25), the 13th year in the Jewish the 14th in the Egyptian, of Darius II b. c. 4 12-4 reckoning, Mibtahiah was dead, recently no doubt, and Mahseiah and Yedoniah,
is

The

date

her two sons by Nathan

(=

Ashor) now proceed to divide her slaves

between them.

each of the sons, are to make an agreement

child therefore

There were two lads, brothers, one of whom went to and their mother and a young child, about whom they
to

age, though it meantime. As the slaves bear Egyptian names,

The later, i. e. when the boy is old enough. be separated from his mother before a certain does not appear who was to have charge of them in the
was not
it

is

evident that Jews

could

own Egyptian slaves. The only difficulty in the document

note on
1.

is

as to the

marking on the

slaves,

see

4.

Sayce and Cowley, K.

Piwn

\///-> n:u ninnr6 \ll

III

III

DV

in III-'

T\W D2&b v///^ 3

iTono ion*

n[m]i brb

jid

pons

\l

i>a

;ru

na .tjt \

jru -13

pintPK ruro

idn^

pbm
sipo

ixt3o v xp^n

rm Km

;en rrnoao

nnay yby

pi>ai

mna

.3

TfST ros*

nrw

pa nr by nrjp \
Ni>3

*n

nay Nan nos net? ^tdios

rata

n<DW
.Tnuat^
5

Nan nsN nB>

mono

ruM,p&n3 *jmbb

"r

Kpfcn rut N.m

v nr nay

104

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 28
i?y

d^k> rrar nax rpnoaD^roia n*oi xnpro nn^ap |ty3,nT

n>3*

n-asr

>r

j^i

Tins

"pai D^y

"W

naT

txov jo
r

P^>na "jKttta

>r

*jt

snsy

S>naK
5>yi

n^j

jnan

/
na
8

T^y neno^
a3i

jan

$>n

trasi

nnsi

rux

*b

mai 12 rpDno

,TD3a n3*ib ya3

in
fronts

ruron j6jj Nan

lawn

pi

p^na *jndd n N*ny hep

13^

nma
t.*>

jri33

nns

pi>n3

tnoe

*t

it

N-ny

jtdmm nm^y

"fry

v:t6) i? n-oi 10

spa Nana"3N
pi j5 T^a
joi

ia rams prm N3^o

n^pn?:3

rnw
ii> #

jena

*p

IT *T01Dfi 13*1?J1

f|.H
nirv

vbi

! n ffW

**

l^ yirix T33 m^nw

1

l&ra thud n 12

Nan
p[yj na pby a^aa "W
n^>
H

wn

ma Mn,rN
jaa^a

vmsbs n oncN nop 13

,

ion a^aa
p^y

m^aniaa

ana,p
iaa

i6i,p3 ana:
unrip mrw
na ota

naoi

jDnna

np^n naai

14

pNinaa na
hna na onao

jna

rww

rpono 033
"ia

Nnna
inp

nar
jan

NnsD 15

tirw

jna

an

na

16

Endorsement.
viinN jna na rprr^ jna
1

na .tdto 3ns
is

,-i

Ditaa naj? ja^a

nao 17

On the 24th of Shebat, year 13, that of Darius the king in the fortress of Yeb,
Yedoniah
b.

the 9th day of Athyr, year 14

Mahseiah b. Nathan (and) Aramaeans of Syene, of the detachment of We have agreed 3 together and have divided Wan'zath, as follows between us the slaves of Mibtahiah our mother, and note, this is the share 4 Petosiri by name, which comes to you as a share you, Yedoniah A yod is marked on his arm at the right is Tebo, a slave. whose mother Note also, of a marking in the Aramaic language, thus, 5 Mibtahiah's '. Belo this is the share which comes to me as a share me, Mahseiah 6 by name, whose mother is Tebo, a slave. A yod is marked on his arm Mibtahiah's at the right of a marking in the Aramaic language thus, 7 You, Yedoniah, are master of Petosiri, this slave, who has come to you as a share, from this day for ever, and your children after you, and to whom you will you may give (him). I shall have no power, 8 I Mahseiah,
said

Nathan, in
:

all 2,

'

'.

son or daughter of mine, brother or sister of mine, or any dependant of mine, to move the court against you or against your children in the matter of Petosiri 9 by name, the slave who has come to you as a share. If we move the court against you in the matter, we Mahseiah or my

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
children, or
10
(if)

No. 38

105

we sue son or daughter of yours or dependant of yours of Petosiri this slave who has come to you as a share, then we will pay to you a fine of standard u money ten kerashin, royal weight, and we renounce all claim against you and your children as regards this He belongs to you and your Petosiri 12 who has come to you as a share. children after you, and to whom you will you may give (him) without Also as to Tebo 13 by name, the mother of these lads, and question. Lilu her son, whom we do not yet divide between us, when it is /ime we will divide them M between us, and we will each take possession of his share, and we will write a deed of our partition between us, and (there shall be) no dispute. Nabutukulti b. Nabu-zira-ibni wrote l5 this deed in the fortress of Yeb at the direction of Mahseiah and Yedoniah his brother. Witnesses thereto Menahem b. Gadol 16 Witness Hanan b. Witness Shallum b. Nathan. Witness Nathan b. Ya'u'or Haggai 17 Written by Deed of assignment of a slave, Petosiri. (Endorsement.)
in the matter
:

Mahseiah
Line
2.

b.

Nathan

for

Yedoniah

b.

Nathan

his brother.

Mahseiah, named after his grandfather, Mibtahiah's father. 3 2 3 The \ is Ashor, see note on 15 , and cf. especially 20 with 25 JfiJ not a mark of punctuation, but the cypher one ', which may be omitted

'

in translation.
after

Its use

here

is

names
total in

in lists or accounts, for the

derived from the practice of putting it purpose of adding more easily.

.

The
2

lation

would be 'Mahseiah

men'.

So here, the precise transpreceded by 73 b. N. (1 man), Yedoniah b. N. (1 man), total Hence no 'and'. n[m]l is probable, though not certain.
such cases
is

The

restoration has been questioned because the nP~0

is

7H

occurs in no. 5,

sixty years earlier, but as we do not know on what grounds these names were attached to the degalhi, it is useless to speculate about If the name is that of the commander, this must be another possibilities.

which

man
is

of the same name.

4.

Line

"T'DIOQ-, cf.

the ostrakon in

CIS 138 A.

4.

\TV.

There

to the reading either here or in 1. 5, but the meaning is very uncertain. The practice of tattooing slaves is mentioned in but why should these Ostr. (verso), published by Sayce and Cowley,

no doubt as

be marked with a yod

It

may

be assumed that

it

was an Aramaic

yod, the smallest letter in the alphabet, not the Phoenician letter, which is It was therefore not very well suited for a distinguishing mark. larger. if they really used this name for it at this If the letter is meant
(i.e.

time) the only

way of

translating
initial

is

Ganneau).

It

cannot be the
'

on Mahseiah's slave. Whatever it The \ is again a one not as S-C. Stenning suggests nv, thus changing the mark into '(belonging to) the
',

as given above (from Clermontof Yedoniah, because it is also used meant, the mark was rvriDSO? \
that
heir
it

is

for

of

M.'

106

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
it

No. 28
some verb
(in

Clermont-Ganneau takes

as the initial of

the

future)

meaning
If

to

'annul'.

by any

possibility

Guillaume proposes 1i"P (improbable) or n"V. IV could be descriptive of the kind of slave, the
'

sentence would be simple, 1 yod slave, marked &c.' But I see no hope of explaining it so. TW, a passive participle from a root nJE> (not as
S-C), because of the

noun nrpJB\

The meaning

'

marked

'

(in Ostr.

M.
for

ana)

is

There

required by the context, though the root is a late Hebrew word ninJK>, for the

is

not found elsewhere.

vessels

marks on
\w),

measuring, usually explained as tooth-like

not account for the n.

marks (from

which would

In Assyrian h'ntu is said to mean markings on animals. HT, properly the arm, or rather the whole limb including both arm and hand, and so to be taken here. Similarly bil is the whole
If it limb, leg and foot together. or foot specially, a word like sp

was necessary to distinguish the hand was added, cf. NT Da, Dan. 5 5 and in mod. Arabic jo ^Jo (Clermont-Ganneau orally). jca must go with what follows (so Clermont-Ganneau). nrVJS? a katil-form from nJB>.
,

NipO
as
'

is

'

reading
'.

'.

We

should regard

it

from the other point of view

writing

Line

8.

p'H must be 'judges'.

'

'judge', or 'law-suit'.

Line
him'.

9.

Usually p*i, which may mean either &>JN only here and in 1. 10. Usually B*K. the judge '. N^y adverbially for about W*l, similarly
'

Line

10.

N31V2N

(or

WT)
r

as in 20 14

25

15

Line 11. Pp"W P|M probably

' r\bpr\K2
It is

the usual t&tntlW?

p*l

II

1 as the standard.
is

the usual

1J3N3.

}.

The O

almost certain.
'

dependent on ffirn by a confusion of two constructions, we withdraw from you as regards litigation and we withdraw from litigation as
'

',

regards you

'.

Line
cf.

12.

m
nj?

27*,

where also

Line 13. Line 16.

a loose parallel to "j^. It should be T32^1. it is not required by the construction. 3 Heb. my. pry, cf. on 26
.

TVN,

TiNirp
i

more probably than TlNirP

(as S-C).

variant of

mix.

Cf.

2
,

niNnrp (fem.).

No.

29.

Contract for a Loan.

Fragments only. The date is between the
the
1
1

About 409
1

b. c.

5th and

9th years of Darius

II,

probably

6th year,

i.e.

409

b. c.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
It relates to

No. 29

107

of

Hosea

to Yislah.

a debt, part of the price of a house (?), due from the son The text is too much broken for restoration, and

perhaps the pieces are not correctly put together. It resembles no. 35 in some respects. uncertain.

Hence

the details are

Sachau, plate 15.

Ungnad,
3*3

no. 15.

[-a

jnj

-ien]

ndt3

Kate

wwi[i

/]// ///-

nap yniwo m[*3

n
*q-ik

ywn
^a-6 po
2

-id[j6

brb pd n otk bna nn [p6]d^

/// pja

mana
^y T^

ww
3

>bv

[iin

.]//

nn[

nynns* p"' in ^]"i 3 H 03

epa nvp
rut

nbd3

ii>
I

[d^x
///
xi?

|n]j

ru ik 5^[y

]5o fta
.
.

,,

4 5 6
7

pafo Bnw[Ti

///->] rut? Dana

ni iy nyms nn

tm
,

p
1

nan* r\zh[w

ny]ms*

i^pt?

in ena

n:r

nsd3 [m n[ k]ftv pa
N30

month of Mesore, year 16 (?) of Darius the king, in Yeb the Nathan (?) b. Hosea, Aramaean of Syene, of the detachment of Nabukudurri, to Yislah b. Gadol, Aramaean of Syene, of the detachThere is to your credit against me 3 the sum ment of as follows of one kaw^, four shekels the balance (?) of 5 (?) minae which were due from me as part of the amount 4 of the value of the house (?) of I Nathan declare that I will pay you this sum, 5 the month of Pahons, year 77 of Darius the one karash, four, by 6 and if I do not pay (and) give you this sum of one karash king
In the
fortress said
':

four shekels

7
.
.

The end
No.
11.
1.

is lost.

It

in probably contained provisions similar to those

Line

/// ///" T\2&.

Five strokes certainly.

1

Judging from the space

required for the

name

n^D*

in

1.

2,

A nwin supplied from jj'n]J 1. 4. Yislah b. Gadol was a witness, in 416 B.C.
Line
^>y
*li>

is there were probably six. [fro] a party to no. 25, when '3

nWwas

2.

2 *T1313J as in 35
'

and

also in 7 3 (461 B.C.).

Cf. note

on 28 s

TVK you have

3.

a claim against

me
1.

for

',

cf.

35

s.
].

Line

'31

"in
,

^3 restored from
that

6.

nn[
.

Sachau suggests

4 nn[nD] from 35 but must be minae ', but 3

'

'

total
27

',

In

(Nathan)

would require a numeral after it. pjD3 4 Sachau takes it as is strange. Jip as in 3s and so Ungnad, who eft. Neh. 7 70 but nspo there means a part '. as in other Aramaic. Apparently }D nvp must mean 'part of, b. Hosea had bought a house with another person, and part

io8
(1

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 29
still

karash 4 shekels) of his share (5 minae) of the price was the vendor Yislah b. Gadol.

owing

to

Line

uncertain.

may

letters after it are very uncertain. 6b[v] the lower fragments here are not in place, and this Possibly There is a trace of account for the long tail of "I in ION. [jn]a
4.

rva.

The n and

n, and of D

D^PK. Cf. 35 4 No doubt J^pB> was omitted by accident, but it Line 5. njn-iK in '3 6 ny as in 3s denotes may have been the popular usage 1 karash 4 '.
in
. . '

the time limit.

Then ... "13 ought to denote some such detail. The letters are clear. [
quite

the day of the month, or

uncertain 17?
6.

]TV&.

The number
I

is

Line
the
cf7

difficult that [n]ht p3 'within this month' ? It is so no 1 as one would rorv, fragment must be out of place.
-

think

expect,

35 Line

7.

wo

If the

fragment

is

out of place these letters do

not belong here.

No.
This
It is
It is
is

30.

Petition to the Governor of Judaea.

in

408

b. c.

many ways

the

a fine papyrus, with

11.

most important text of the series. 1-17 on the recto and 11. 18-30 on

the verso.

excellent condition, hardly a letter being really doubtful, although there are some difficulties, the meaning is as a rule clear.
in

and

The

date

408 b. c. 30) is the 17 th year of Darius II a (draft or copy of a) letter from Yedoniah, who thus appears to be the chief priest (see below) and head of the community at Yeb, to
(1.

It is

It describes a plot (to which Bigvai the Persian viceroy of Judaea. has already been made in no. 27) between the Egyptians and alldsion the Persian governor Waidrang for the destruction of the temple, which

took place three years before the date of writing. Incidentally the temple is described, and some historical facts are mentioned. Finally Bigvai is

asked

to give orders for its re-building.

Cf. no. 27.

in

The

larger questions raised

by

this

document have been discussed

It is only necessary here to say something of the general introduction. the persons with whom this letter is concerned. (See Sachau, p. 4 + ,

and Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, p. 70 + ). On the form of the name MU3, see/fiAS 1920, p. 179. It is only a variant (and later form) of i)i2 (Neh. 7 7 &c), which is Graecized as
,

Baywas. (The persons are of course not the same.) Josephus (Ant. xi, 7) mentions together a viceroy Bagoses and a High Priest 'lwdwrjs at about

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
this date,

No. 30

109

and we are forced

to

the Vnja and

cision,

pnV of

this letter.

conclude that they are the same persons as It is true that his account lacks pre-

and

that his materials for the history of the period

seem

to

have

been scanty. was viceroy

Since Bigvai could no longer draw upon Nehemiah. in 408, it is evident that Nehemiah was either dead or
at that date.
6

He

superseded by him Artaxerxes' (Neh.

Hence

the

'

two and
I

thirtieth

year of

433

b.c.

The

13 ) thus obtain a fixed point in the history Bagoses of Josephus has generally been identified with the minister

must

refer to

Artaxerxes

We

and be the year of Nehemiah.

Bagoas under Artaxerxes III (358-337), mentioned by Diodorus Siculus But the name was common, and since Bigvai here was in (xvi, 47). office in 408, the two persons cannot be identical. Josephus describes
to

Bagoses as 6 o-Tparrj-yos tov 'Apragepgov, which of course might refer any one of the three kings of that name. A various reading is tov Whether or not that can mean alterius Artaxerxis the d\Xov 'A.
his
'
'

'

not of great importance. It is evident that if Bagoses-Bigvai was governor of Judaea in 408, under Darius II, the only Artaxerxes
is

2nd A.'

under

whom

meant precisely by o-TpaT^yos

Judaea under Darius
Artaxerxes
II,

he can have served was Artaxerxes II (404-358). What is is not so clear. After being governor of
II,

he

may

have gone on active service under

but

the Bagoas who hence described him as

not impossible that Josephus confused him with was a military commander under Artaxerxes III, and
it

is

He was capable of such things. crrpaTTjyos. Bigvai was therefore a successor (immediate ?) of Nehemiah as "lirp nns The Johanan who was contemporary with him as High Priest, is
in the
list

mentioned

in

Neh. 12 2223 a
,

later addition to the

book, hardly

Johanan ('Iwaj/vi/s) we have a short account in Josephus (Ant. xi, 7). He was on no good terms with Bagoas, who intended to turn him out of office and install his brother Jeshua in
this

due to Nehemiah himself.

Of

In consequence Johanan killed Jeshua in the Temple. stead. It would appear from Josephus that this took place in the reign of Artaxerxes, and therefore some years after the date of this letter. If, however,
his

Johanan and Bigvai were already on bad terms, we can understand why Johanan is not associated with Bigvai in the answer to the letter (no. 32).

Moreover Bigvai would see no objection to the existence of the temple Elephantine, while Johanan would officially condemn it.

at

The mention
of him
(for

of Sanballat

no doubt he

opponent.
the
title

Cf. especially

is more difficult. Nehemiah speaks same person) frequently as a bitter Neh. 3 33 3 *. Though he does not give him
(1.

29)

is

the

of |1DB'

nnD

(as here)

it

is

evident that Sanballat was in

some

no
have been
of
'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
and there
This
is

No. 30

sort of authority in Samaria,

still

is

no reason why he should not

'

in office in 408.

implied by the expression

sons

governor of S.'. If he had been dead the phrase would have been sons of S. who was (formerly) governor of S.' (nin 'DS5> DPID as ''l), Sachau remarks. So far this letter is not inconsistent with Nehemiah.
S.

28 a son of Joiada, i. e. a brother of Johanan, Again, according to Neh. 13 had married a daughter of Sanballat, and had apparently been expelled from Jerusalem. This also is not inconsistent with other facts. Now
if

we find that he diverges from Nehemiah, and have telescoped the history. He says that Sanballat was sent to Samaria by Darius, which might be correct if he meant Darius II. But he definitely calls him 'Darius the last king' 2 xi, 7,
turn to Josephus
to

we

seems

(Ant.

He thus confuses Darius II with Darius III. TeXevraiov, not 'former'). and puts the events nearly 100 years too late. Then he makes the
daughter of Sanballat marry Manasseh, a brother of Jaddua (and therefore a son, not a brother, of Johanan) and brings him into relation with

Alexander the Great

(333
B.C.).
It

after the defeat of

Darius III

at the battle of Issus

has always been

If Sanballat

difficult to

with other facts.

was

reconcile Josephus' narrative governor of Samaria in 408, and had

grown-up sons then, he must have been at least 40 years old, and it is for Josephus hardly possible that he should have lived 76 years longer makes him die in 332 (Ant. xi, 8, 4). The view that there were two

Sanballats, each governor of Samaria and each with a daughter who married a brother of a High Priest at Jerusalem, is a solution too desWe are therefore forced to conclude that perate to be entertained.

while Nehemiah's contemporary account is consistent with other historical facts, Josephus has gone astray by confusing the two kings Darius and the two officials Bigvai, and then has filled in his history largely by
imagination.

Events

may have happened somewhat

result does not give

as he says, but not

when he

says,

and the

us a high opinion of his trust-

worthiness as an historian.

The
shows

fact that

Shelemiah

at

the Jews of Elephantine applied also to Delaiah and Samaria and mention this to the authorities at Jerusalem,

that (at any rate as far as they knew) no religious schism had as taken place. Both names occur in Nehemiah, and it is not impossible yet that they denote the same persons as here. They are not said here to be

resident at Samaria,

and they may have been at Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah, but of this there is no evidence. After the building of the temple at Shechem it would probably have been impossible.
-

Yedoniah,

who

sends the

letter, is clearly the

head of the community.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau thinks he was not a
his assessors the priests
'.

No. 30
'

11

priest

To me

because of the phrase (1. 1) Y. and the phrase seems to imply exactly the
priests with
It
is

contrary, as

if

it

were

'

Y. and the other

him
b.

',

i.

e.

&0_f13 is in

apposition to both
assessors
since the
'.

He

is

rTOT and PUTI33. no doubt the same

not

'

Y. and the priests his

as

Yedoniah

Gemariah

in 22 121 ,

money there subscribed for the temple would most naturally be to the representative of the congregation, and as it was for the use paid of the temple, he would probably be the head priest. Moreover we have
no evidence
is
it

in these

(as Sachau), appointed either

likely.

They

that the colony was under an ethnarch themselves or by the government. Nor by brought their actions at law before the fraiarak, or

documents

more

directly (as soldiers) before the

N7VD1

in all civil matters.

On

the

other hand for religious purposes they had priests, and must have had a chief priest, who would be the natural representative of the religious

community when acting together as such. The present petition is treated as a religious matter, and Yedoniah therefore has charge of it. The priests
his assessors

formed with him what would have been

in later times the

JV3 or ecclesiastical court.

to Jerusalem,

question which naturally presents itself is, why, if this letter was sent was it found in the ruins of Elephantine 2314 years after?

wards

The answer seems

to

be that

it

was not the

is

letter actually sent,

but either a draft or a copy.

number
by more

suggested by the large of corrections (words inserted above the line, and erasures) and the appearance of the writing, which is hasty and uncouth, much
so than in

The former

most of the other documents.

Indeed

if

the style were

not so straightforward and the words so familiar, one would often be in doubt as to the reading. No. 31 is another draft, differing only in detail,
but fragmentary, and
petition.
it is probable that no. 27 is a draft of an earlier No. 31 helps in the elucidation of no. 30, and also shows that was not very accurate. We may well suppose that the serious

the scribe

of appealing to the governor of Jerusalem, over the head of Arsames, was not taken without careful consideration, and that a copy (or the corrected draft) of the letter would be kept as a record.
step

Incidentally the letter

seems

to

show

that.

Arsames, or that they approached

the Jews.

him

as having

Bigvai was superior in rank to more sympathy with

Sachau, plate

1,

2.

Ungnad, no.
nrnsiyi

1.

tb&
N3^D

wm
.

wn_

m n kwb
_np
*]__*_*
I

rprp *p3j;
pjj
T

mm

nn_ >ma3 jhio

bit

jonnh
"

^33

kw

bgh

nba

jmo

v ?'*

f,-..^

/_._._.

_0_.*Xa.

f_Mi.

Sfe/o.&uj-l- >ie_#uu_t

ii2
*in

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Tien

No. 30
n

mm

i? jnr

xai?D

pim*"Vi l///-

m.nn*a aai py ^aa nap non rrw pcx p rmusi mam "pay jya
^>x jya

pnx pm

nn

a-^<- n jjvn oy maicn xnma *** **+"

"~T?

3^3

n awn n

xna xa?o

by pixi ddj

run
>r

nma
6
'

xnma aa xni?x 1m n xmax ni? mn it--ra ^ v xmax noxb wna pD3 mn ^nan n nna paa ^y n^ n-u x^ ombn oy 3^ nm3? mx pnnx x^n oy xnxo ~m paa nnx ima< xnm3
jo

aarm nnx mon

viym

mn

*T:

8,t *
9

p]x

nan non wi
.,

1 xaax n wnoyi xynx ny viibhj

t,?

xmax3

w>y

}ynn

mn
1 10

onnn

itjp

Dn*Bm

lana

t.t

xmaxa wi

*r

px

nWra Ma \/'/// px
h

non n pnxTxanpx nn^ ny i x^a nx jnpy &ddi pna n^ n b>bh *i xmaxa mn n xnaynaoi cjddi xanr n N'pnroi lant? nK,N3 *^a nin
,

n*
i2

r"

___

3^3

nao

x.

^np^
p-jvo ita *dv

xb m
ti3J3

nai

xnma

xmax ua prnx

pi nay ain^s:^ 13

web
*jr

i>y

xmaxa ayna

tsxi

p-ra snfo

maxi rom\

naa

xmax

14

5>an xi>

wfc

p^i

pQijn

pvi

jjjQt,

pp.^ pM1 pp; Dy nanaN

T3y
kdb>

n3r:3

na

lg

xno

n3x mp n
xn

pDaa bai \mi?:n

Aj7t

p xba

lpsan

xn^a'ir aaiTn pnn n 16

^X3 xr n pya nar nnp b|n oina prm i^pp n^n^a n xwna nmaai xan xana pnw f>yi
c

*]r

xmax^

cxa
1^

iya ? 17

jxno

p^

nnax

n>ay 18
in i~*
*

\///->

nw

f>f#Y**'t

mnx pbTx

^yi

nen nm

?]x

pby

in^

x^

mn

nnax imro
xa^tt

nm
nop

wjy

1"^

ennnn
njryi

^^
20
^,>,

x^>

nKn

pay

ni>nxa j^r

x^a

jnsnn |Kab fppp nanax

p^^'o-^^^
nnao xa!?o t^mnn \//////-> nap m* nyi
a?

jo

p|N

pn^ x^ nom

21

mi?yi n[j]iah

nnx

3^

^y3

i?a

xmn^i

nniaai nJT

fiay

?ya-iT

niaxa

my

x^ 22

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
*bv2

No. 30
ncynx 3D jxno
^>y

113

nn rwapb
i.t

}^

[pap

k^d

n33|j it

kiuk

^>y

23

srx

v ktijn ^y mrvi?y n?nt^ "po

max

p-woa

mn Tomi

inau 24
26
27

paip
N'-nm
ni>N

Nni^yi xrma^i annoi

pmp mn

ruq n bipb

Nm a
s

a a rraacb 25
!>y
$>a

anr

py baa T^y ^^i "pea Nrx trp n Nnaio in> Dip i? nyw npivi wan* T ntun* n'ny nay p jn run n ^yi.^l pafa epa D*iafpi fnan m^y nba^ n naj jr>

pm

pwi

rcrtitc

nw

28

ror

^y

dntno

"3a

n^tpi n^i

^>y

;nta

mn
jrr

nniKa

k^o

N^>a e|N

pnvi jn^c 29 n

\/// ///->

rw

nvniD?

3a

n?

dbhk p Tay n

n:?a

^s*

30

our lord Bigvai, governor of Judaea, your servants Yedoniah and who are in Yeb the fortress. The health 2 of your lordship may the God of Heaven seek after exceedingly at all times, and give you favour before Darius the king 3 and the princes of the palace more than now a thousand times, and may he grant you long life, and 4 Now your servant may you be happy and prosperous at all times. Yedoniah and his colleagues depose as follows In the month of Tammuz in the 14th year of Darius the king, when Arsames 5 departed and went to the king, the priests of the god Khnub, who is in the fortress of Yeb, G (were) in league with Waidrang who was governor here, saying The
his colleagues, the priests
:

To

temple of Ya'u the God, which is in the fortress of Yeb let them remove from there. Then that Waidrang, 7 the reprobate, sent a letter to his son

Nephayan who was commander

saving
:

Then
came

of the garrison in the fortress of Syene Yeb 8 the fortress let them destroy. led out the Egyptians w ith the other forces* C They ephayan to the fortress of Yeb with their weapons, they entered that

The temple which

is

jn

and the hinges n of those doors were bronze, and the roof of cedar wood, all of it with the rest of the furniture and other things which were there, 12 all of it they burnt with fire, and the basons of gold and silver and everything that was in that temple, all of it, 13 and made their own.) Already in the days of the king.r they took of Egypt our fathers had built that temple in the fortress of Yeb, and when Cambyses came into Egypt u he found that temple built, and the temples of the gods of Egypt all of the??i they overthrew, but no one did 15 When this was done, we with our wives and any harm to that temple. our children put on sack-cloth and fasted and prayed to Ya'u the Lord
their doors they lifted off
(?),

temple, they destroyed it to the ground,. and the pillars of stone which were |here they broke. Also it happened, 5 gate-ways 10 of stone, built with hewn blocks of stone, which were in that temple they destroyed, and

of Heaven,
2639

16

who

let

us see (our desire) upon that Waidrang.

his legs,

tore off the anklet

from

and

all

the riches he

The dogs had gained were

1

ii4

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 30

all

17 who had sought to do evil to that temple, destroyed, and all the men Also before of them, were killed and we saw (our desire) upon them. 18 was done to us, we sent a letter to your this, at the lime when this evil lordship and to Johanan the high priest and his colleagues the priests who

are in Jerusalem, and to Ostanes the brother 19 of 'Anani, and the nobles of the Jews. They have not sent any letter to us. Also since the month of Tammuz in the 14th year of Darius the king 20 till this day we wear

we do not anoint Also from that (time) till (the present) day in the 1 7th year of Darius the king, neither meal22 do they offer in that temple. Now your offering, incense, nor sacrifice servants Yedoniah and his colleagues and the Jews, all of them inhabitants 23 If it of Yeb, say as follows seem good to your lordship, take thought for that temple to build (it), since they do not allow us to build it. Look 24 well-wishers and friends who are here in Egypt, (and) let a upon your letter be sent from you to them concerning the temple of the God Ya'u
sack-cloth and fast. ourselves with oil 21

Our

wives are

made

widow-like,

and we drink no wine.

25

to build

it

in the fortress of

Yeb

as

it

offer the meal-offering

Ya'u on your

for you at all times, we, our wives, behalf, our children, and the Jews, 27 all who are here, if they do so that that temple be re-built, and it shall be a merit to you before Ya'u the God of 28 Heaven more than a man who offers to him sacrifice and burntAs to gold, offerings worth as much as the sum of a thousand talents. about this 29 we have sent (and) given instructions. Also the whole matter we have set forth in a letter in our name to Delaiah and Shelemiah 30 Also of all this which the sons of Sanballat governor of Samaria. us Arsames knew nothing. was done to On the 20th of Marheshwan the 17th year of Darius the king.

and incense and and we will pray

was built before, and they shall sacrifice 2C on the altar of the God

Line

1.

There are traces of a

line above,

which has been washed

off.

Tirp nns JX1D is the highest title (under the king) used in these texts. does not occur in the O.T., but mi.T nna in Hag. r 1 , &c, and NHirP nna in Ezra 6 7 Tirf Judaea commonly in Daniel.
.

Line
Line

2.

h\8B*

'&

r6x,

cf.

on 17 1

N"W

rbti often

in

Ezra and

Nehemiah.
3.

NrV2

"03 are

the people of the palace, the king's entourage,

eji?N "in, cf.

which had so much influence with him.

njntJ>

in Dan.

19

TH^I

mn
4.

as in 62 2

Mn the imperative

is

awkward.

is an erasure pSJ DBHK V3 as (one letter) after pDN. was evidently an important event and his absence may have He seems to have been back in given the opportunity for this attack. when no. 32 was written. Egypt

Line

There

in 2 7 2,3 .

It

Line

5.

K*1M,
.

a foreign god.
5 passage and 31

Correctly used as in the O.T. for priests of JTOIDn as in 27*, which combines the readings of this
cf.

27

Here, as in 27*,

it

must be an adverb, and a verb

is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 30

115

wanted, which was probably forgotten by the writer because the sentence was long. It would be quite in order if he had written nK instead of

D^

in

1.

6.

In 31 5 the word
' '

is

not used, and the construction

'

is

simple.

Line

6. vu?.T

conjunction Line 7. Xt6 has been

with indefinite subject, ' then or so '.

let

them destroy
It

'.

"inN a

mere

much

discussed.

seems

to

be a term of

reproach, and a participle from nr6 a root frequent in these texts. Cf. e.g. Ahikar 138 where r\nb ")2i is a man who does not honour his In the inscription of Nerab parents, and 1. 139 TVilb 'my misfortune'. 10 i nnb niD is a miserable death (or the death of a wicked man '). It
'

'

'

is difficult

to

find a

word
'

to cover all the uses.

Here

it

seems to be

almost parenthetical,
1B> nty.
It
is

this

W.

(the villain)

and even stranger

excuse
for strong
it

strange that it s in the answer (32 ), where there was not the
feeling.

as the later Jews would add should be used in a formal document,

'

same
the

A
'

title

would be more
'

in place,

but

suggestion that

is

for

NTt6

tabellarius

is

impossible.

psa

Nepayan

His head(Sachau) must have succeeded his father as N^n31 after 416. were at Syene, whereas the fratarak was in Yeb (run 1. 5). quarters 7 N~ii:x a very important building 'the temple in Y.', but 31 adds liT 7

Nr6s

H5H^ corresponds to nyn in and 32. Probably = Heb. tW3. 31 with NTTi, if there is no scribal error.
Line
1

8.

'

1.

6.

It

occurs in 27 s
plural,

24

and

in

p~inx

agrees in sense
eft.

(LXX (f}aperpa, Onk. 'sword'). It has Dri^T, and the meaning of both must be
sense.

Gen. 27 s does not occur elsewhere. No. 31 8

DHvn Sachau
'

'

weapons

in a very general

Note the asyndeta, common in Aramaic, but perhaps also nin Sachau takes this as introducing But cf. the sentence, like Hebrew \T"i, and this is no doubt simplest. use of 'JVK 27*, &c, which is perhaps similar. are the gate^ Jinn
Line
9.

used here for greater vividness.

'

ways' of solid stone.

Line 10.
pj3

may be
(p.

construction of.
10*p so

a participle, but more probably the noun a dTptn 'doors' as in Targum. In 1. 1 1 N^CKH.
'

Hoonacker
at

41, note e).

Sachau

\typ, but

always has a pro-

jection

top. expression is stood the doors up', i.e. leaned them against the wall to strange 'they burn them, or lifted them off their hinges ? Barth's suggestion JD'P wood' is impossible. A confusion of D with D would be easy in some
1

the

The
'

is

carelessly written.

The

'

'

later

as py

kinds of square Hebrew, but is impossible in this writing. Moreover is used in the next line, a different word would hardly be used here,
1

u6
especially as
it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
does not occur elsewhere
in

No. 30
these texts.

Finally ND*P

means rough, unworked wood, sticks, &c, quite unsuitable in this context. Line 11. N'WI (an erasure of one letter before it). The singular which is resolved in the plural, as in N^DOy and must have
dagesh (N&'l)
~;npy,
(1.

15) fppC.
in
1.

tSTU, the material in apposition to

pa

10.

so

Sachau, as

in
1

31

10
,

an

Ungnad
J

matt, but nnQtf 22 ) pas* (= feminine forms, whereas py is masculine, with plural jpy (fcTpy, &c.). The in looks like a mere blot here, and may have been erroneously copied
eft.

|nBB>

(=

as probably impossible form. nns), but these are

DrPTX

10

ii

n i6l.
'

The

*T

is

not wanted, or

fttn
',

non
it

is is

Torczyner
loosely for
'

und

zuletzt alles

was dort war

but

Line

the rest '. other (things) mistake for NSD31. 12. *|D31 a

omitted. pnNI. more probably used

NnJ?n3 'anything',
2 lines) to

i.e.

everything.

N^3 note the repetition (3 times in

'beginning from'

emphasize

the completeness of the destruction.

Line

13.

}E>

3ii!^- lihouldexpect jnmN

(so

O^D

i.e. already in. *p a mistake for 13 a strange form, but confirmed by 31 pniN The p is added above the line because pTXi>
.

We

there

was not room.

in

Cf.

11.

12,

17,

18, &c.

Cambyses came

into

Egypt
is
'

525.
.

13 rOSWl as in 31 the complement to bin did

Line

14.

final

n was written and erased.

'

STUNS
adverbial

'

'

in

anything
15.

not

harm

to this

temple

and DJTUO

is

'

harmed anything
14
,

Line

T3J? as in 31

mistake for \W? So 1. 15 Line 16. pinn Haphel (in 3i

20.

temple '. Sachau and Ungnad. not 23 tfDE> XTO as Dan. 5

in this

my

as

pt3*X

Win

Pael) 'caused us to see',

Cf.

Heb.
17.

13Snn, of seeing vengeance

'31

inflicted

on an enemy.
is

ptn
'

1.

N'-n^a a very ipSHil phrase, took out the chains from his feet for his explains as an inversion they With rrbft the meaning of k!?33 feet from the chains', cf. Heb. n^a.
difficult
'
'

'took out', which Hoonacker

must be a ring worn as an ornament, though its later meaning is usually No. 31 15 TTli'33. It has been proposed to take sa^S as dogfetter'. The a term of abtlfee applied to Waidrang, which is improbable. like
'

'

',

been satisfactorily explained. phrase has not yet 3 16 NT feminine as in 21 N^3. Line 17. bl. 31 .VUX as in Line 18. Toy ought to be fern. See on 11. 24, 27. Bab. egiriu. (But cf. ayyapos, a loan-word from 1. 19 for the usual max, from Persian.) It is a secondary form developed in Aramaic when the consciousness of its origin was beginning to be lost. Cf. perhaps run for
.

23 run in io

The

letter

may

have been no. 27.

Then JNTO

there

is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Bigvai. |N10, firmed by 3 1 18 .
cf.

No. 30
in6TK
is

117
con-

31

17
.

by

is

omitted by mistake.

"Oil? an important person, since Ostanes is described as his not as son of any one. He seems to be settled at Jerusalem, brother,

Line 19.

and therefore is hardly the same as the secretary Anani in 26 23 Whether he is the Anani of 1 Chron. 3 24 there is nothing to show. Wll, and
.

in

1.

19 21, probably only a mistake for BHriVTl 3i

corrected by a *i above the line, suggests that in popular Cf. "D~iy 45 for '"\ by and pronunciation the *i was assimilated to the T. Dan. 4 14 ntan&O one would expect the plural. (Epstein).
HJTyi
;5

Line 20.

PTQy.
JVTEip.

ma*ny A mistake
The
'

for the feminine If

it

is

blotted.

is

to

(due to the masc. form of N^J?). be read, it is a mistake for ;n^O

It is

as 3i 20

Line 21.

">3T

is certain,

but must be a mistake.

"JT

the form used in

addressing a female, and in any case

time'.
tail

]D could not

mean
*?

'

from that

In 31 20 NJiy
,

"]T

\D.

"iyi.

Note the

y,

which shows
fUT

developed.

DV

nibyi (= Heb. r6iy) does not occur in iyi. (Ungnad), or perhaps but may be inferred from the plural ])by (sing. Nfi^y later) which BA, is found in Ezra as well as nnjD.

iy\ very

awkward.

Either we want

how the NV *W

Line 22. Tiny.

letters are

effaced.

expect pay.

is probable though the lower parts of the 21 We should passage is defective also in 31 N'HlrV used like ijiOB* in late Hebrew for an ordinary
1
.

The The

member
p~)CN.
'

of the

community who
is

is

not a ;na or a Dan.

22

22 N?a. ?a, in 31

The

blundered.

pCN
for

correctly.

It is

a participle.

Line 23. njac6 probably a mistake

is

mac^.
.

}p2B>.

The

subject

the Egyptians

'

'.

not

allow

us.

'in

They do not leave us alone to build it ', i. e. do 23 Not an interjection (as is confirmed by 31
18 19
-

Ungnad), but 'look upon your friends', parallel to NTIJX by n^yns*.

Cf. e.g.

"W

flip, Ps.

Line 24.

25 rbr\W should be
.

fern.

Cf.

iTIiT

1.

27.

Ungnad compares
1

the old Babylonian usage.

erasure of a
'

mistake for NnmDI. imp" is written over an word beginning with n~. 31 25 yp2. 'They will offer' jussive, which would be "\y\p\ (future) not let them offer Line 26. There is a spot of ink after 1.V, which one is tempted to take for the beginning of a n, but it is more likely to be a false start With yby r6w cf. Ezra 6 10 (Jampel). for ttrbtt.

Line 25.

NnrttDI a

',

Line
'si ita

27.

bl in 31 26 again N^D.

feceris'.

In 31

26

nayn

'si

ita

perhaps a mistake for may n ly 'until', i.e. so fades '.

nay

n8
that.
with

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
nplXI not
1

No. 30 The
//-clause

what precedes, and

of the apodosis, as Ungnad. this begins a new sentence.

goes

np"i, a righteous

or meritorious act (because conferring a benefit). Cf. Deut. 24 13 Bigvai understood by it.
.

One wonders what

Line 28.
'in

JO, as first
is

shown by Bruston,
in spite

but the sentence

clumsy

is comparative, 'more than', of Sachau's illustrations. '013 fC"l

value like the value

.

of

is

surely a mistake,
as in 31 27
,

27 omitted, as in 31

Fpl

and JET should be

often.
'31

t\btt

and

2n]

bjrt.

Epstein makes ?]} a noun meaning a large amount, and eft. Nfivy, e.g. in Baba B. 133b, but the meaning there is uncertain, and there is no evidence for ?]} in that sense. Also 31 27 omits 1 which makes it
impossible. Clearly the reference is to the bakhshish, which they would of course expect to pay, but about which it would be polite to write as little as possible. That Bigvai was not above such considerations

we

see

from Jos. Ant.

xi,

7,

1,

where he

is

said

to

have exacted

50 shekels for every lamb sacrificed. This seems to have been after the murder of Jeshua, and therefore after the date of this letter, so that
there can hardly be an allusion to
it

here.

The mention

of the value of

the sacrifices however

is

strange.

|jmn \rv& probably asyndeton, 'we have sent, we have made known ', and fjx begins a new sentence. Hoonacker translates
Line 29.

nous avons instruit notre envoys 'messenger' would certainly be nvtJ*.

'

'.

This would
It

be

excellent,

but

may be
10

a mistake for that.

The

parallel passage in no. 31

is

lost.

Cf.

Ezra 4 14 (Jampel).
(6
,

HvT
is

n^DPCJ'l.

Both names occur

in

Nehemiah

13

3
),

but there

no

evidence for identifying the persons, nor for assuming that these lived at Jerusalem. A Delaiah occurs (once only) in the Samaritan list of
p. xx, note

Nehemiah D^2JD. Cf. 3nNn:D = jnmo. 1.) nns The name is Babylonian, though his sons' names are Jewish.
L^ns'JD, in

High

Priests, possibly

about

this date.

(See Cowley, Samaritan Liturgy,

= a-arpaTrrjs,
Nehemiah.
district

the

title

used by Josephus.

He
it is

is

p-iCJ? as in

Ezra 4 10,17 where

,

the

never called so by name of the city or

still

(Heb. p^Et?), and so probably

here.

The Samaritans

use

piEE* as a gentilic

Line 30. N?3 'done to us'.

in

(Heb. D^nci"). 21 ^o comes before T, better. p Tny as in J?T b& DHX because he was away at the time (II.
It
is

name

for themselves

1.

18,

4, 5).

They do
"3 3

not wish to accuse him to his superior.

certain,

might be dangerous.

though not

The many

probable. mistakes, solecisms and corrections in this text, and the

that

frequent Hebraisms here and elsewhere, give the impression

the

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
writer

No. 30

119

was not

himself.
it

home with Aramaic as a means of expressing no Hebrew document is found in this collection, Although
really at

is not impossible that these Jews commonly spoke Hebrew among themselves. would be compelled to use Aramaic in business They

transactions, as the language of the

position

was confined

they could manage it natural vehicle for literary expression, letters, &c, and when they went outside the legal formulae, the task was beyond their powers. They

Government, and as long as comdocuments, with their familiar set phrases, But they came to regard it as the well enough.
to legal

no doubt understood scription in Aramaic

it,

since they

had Ahikar and the Behistun

inIt

translations (not

made by

the Jews of Yeb).

may

have been necessary to use Aramaic in writing to Bigvai, and of

course Johanan would be quite familiar with it. The question of the use of the two languages by the Jews is of some importance, though the conclusions reached by Naville do not seem
to

be

justified.

No.

31.

A
A
It

Duplicate of No. 30.

Same

date.

fragment of a duplicate of no. 30, perhaps copied from it. has been torn lengthwise down the middle, so that the ends of

all

the lines are missing. The writing, though not, good, is better than that of no. 30, and it has fewer mistakes. In some places it helps to elucidate no. 30.
that

The lines have not been completed in the would be merely repeating the other copy. LI. 27-29 are on the verso.
The
date
is

transcript here, since

the

same

as that of no. 30,

viz.

408

b. c.

Sachau, plate

3.

Ungnad, no.

3.

(W]na n[nuai
]

rwp "pay
s

iw

nnQ \nua jni]d ba

wwi[i mp
]

rwT

*i[n]ay

T3]d[vJ pnrb py Soa nys py baa in nn^i

W[

n*bb>]

t6x

mm

jib*

pn*

Kabra [by] ^tni pas

amtt na Nab

Pimm

\///->

rw

n]b ran ran n

<Jr

xanma u-mb

ia.T pDaji

pa

otto

5 6
7

nna

f[a]3

by nre> nna
-jr

n]-d nai

p&a

nt6 it anTi ncn p ttyra nrw lana* otto a^a n nb *m n

ny \mru
*jr

wa]N

Mrnojn

win

otuk3

iby wnj

i2o
] it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
xn[ia]x:i

No. 31

nn

*r

px

n rboB pas // ///

it

pnm

pynn

nn*]B ny rue

jnpp xba
n

]xny[na]i xson
]

xnnT

xmax bbooi btb ibx n tfpiTBl i-nt? xn^xs

10

n
1

3*3 IT Xniax

U3 pPQX

pD
pa3i

"abo DV

JE1

H3y

nynjao iwo [nao N]b[s] tcnus

po*]* pin ftjab

[\jnfcic

maw rwn
-p

nas it 13

fppB>

pea ny nanax n*sy 14

b]si vviban jo viibaa ipaan

] sjn

xnba
it

jrma win -15

65*6*3

Dim

pTrn ib'op

xba
[.

xmaxb

nys 16
;b

pnvT by
]

[ej]N

jk-io by jr6e>

,]5w nar by

max

17

mn

[nn]ax

iw nm
nar nyi

yay n vnnN ttidix byi 18

QppB' nanax

xw
it

na]f nyi x[an]y it }[ t|n] pnsj>

] jya

xabn E'lnvnn v///- nap 19 xb noni jnc> xb nco 20

21

xniaxs
jn

nay xb mbyi nanb nruo

s*

n^yn]x so |[x]n by
]

pox p

*bys xba

snim
jb

22

nan

T'onni nriso bys

3*3

nn rr^ob
in*

jpsp 23

bspb

xmn

msob
*i

xnbx

n xmax by 24
xnibyi 25

nb]vai tec?3

xnbx im

xnsno by snpa
;n

na3]rp it
]

xmax ny n nnyn p
n^b^i

nan

xba

unvw

26

by 5)bx paaa ejD3 von jrom niby nb snp* n nsa

*a]3

x^op 27

n^bn by jnbt? |>3

nnn nnax x^o 28

\///] ///-? nap

1

pspmob

33
.

yn*

xb dbhk

p msy n

xba 29

his colleagues the priests

our lord Bigvai, governor of Judaea, your servants Yedoniah and 2 . God of Heaven seek after at all times. 3 May he grant you long life. May he give you favour before Dar'vxs and may you be happy and prosperous at all times. Now your servant 4 Year Yedoniah 14 of Darius the king, when Arsames departed
. .
.

To

and went

to

the

r'

king

The

fortress.

valuables to

Waidrang

the governor

They gave money and 6 who was here, saying let

.

Then that Waidrang, the reprobate, sent a letter to his son Nephaya.n, who ... 7 of Ya'u the God, which is in the Then that Nephayan led out the fortress of Yeb, let them destroy. 8 their weapons. They went into that temple. They Egyptz'rtwj
them remove from
there.
.

9 5 great gatedestroyed it to the ground, and the pillars of stone 10 those, of ways, built of hewn stone, which were in that temple and the roof of that temple, all of it, of cedar wood, with the bronze, n rest they burnt with fire, and the basons of gold and of silver and 12 Already in the day of the kings of Egypt mrything they made. our fathers had built that temple in Yeb ... 13 He found that built, and the temples of the god,* of the Egyptians all of them they overthrew, but
. . . .
.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
.
. . .

No. 31

121

u was done, we with our wives and our children no one did any 15 let us see (our desire) on have been wearing sack-cloth, fasting
. .

that
16

of them, were killed and we saw n to us, we sent a letter about this them. (our desire) upon 18 and to Ostanes the brother ... to your lordship and to Johanan 19 Year 14 of King A \etter of 'Anani, and the nobles of Judaea. 20 we do not anoint ourselves Darius till this day we wear s&ck.-cloih with oil and we drink no wine. Also from that lime till this . 21 mealevil to that

Waidrang. sought to do

The dogs

tore

oft'

his anklets
all

from

his legs

and

a//

temple, Also ...

offering, incense nor sacrifice do they offer in that temple. 22 and the Jews all of them, citizens of Yeb, say as follows: If it 23 allow us to build it. good to your lord^ip, lake thought
.

Now

seem

Look

24 concerning the upon your well-wishers and friends who are here 20 and temple of the God Ya'u to build it in the fortress of Yeb as the sacrifice we will offer on the altar of the God Ya'u on your behalf, 20 and all the Jews who are here, if you do so that and we will pray 27 that temple be re-built Heaven, more than a man who offers to him sacrifice and burnt-offerings worth the sum of a thousand talents. As to ... 28 matter, we have sent a letter in our name to Delaiah and Shelemiah the sons of ... 29 all that was done to us Arsames knew On the 20th of Marheshwan the 17th year nothing.
. .
.

Line 2. |crn7. No 1 before it. The text must have been shorter than in 30 3 probably omitting e]7N in |J?3 T }D TJV Line 5. The word n^lDH (30 5 ) is not used here, and the sentence
,
.

is

simpler.

Line Line

8. 9.

DimT

pill. just afterwards, and is more correct.

Line
10.

DiT7n (30 8 ) of which it shows the meaning. 10 30 has px *J which is not wanted, since
is

it

occurs

probably a mistake.

H7D3.

In 30 10 n7*DE
in error?

jnpy
s

unnecessary Line n, end.

?

quite clear here. before Dy is omitted.

is
?

11 Copied from 30

The
too low,
13 .

is

probable.

Sachau

7,

but the mark

is

and

is

unintentional.
12.

Line

DV.

In 30 13 better
is

"W.
1G
.

"370

is

better than -|7D

right.

30

Line 13. Line 15.

There

room

for

K73 which would be

Nnn

Pael

= pnn
level,

on a

slightly

different

3o which

After K"Q7:d the next word begins

looks

If conscious of beginning a new clause. went before. Cf. note on 3o 1G Line 16. nj?3 shows that ~\2i 73 preceded a mistake, since 16 sentence goes on with a plural. 30 correctly p2J and )]}2.
.

though the writer was so N"Q73 must qualify what

as

the

Line

17.

7B>

perhaps }n7B> repeated by mistake, but

it

looks more

like 137 tf.

122
Line
Line
18.
19.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
DTP Judaea,
in

No. 31

30

19

NniiT.

WWfl

correctly.

30

19

Cinm, which
pn^D
T

thus seems to be a

mere mistake.
Line 20.
jnBTD correctly, for the doubtful
in

30

20 .

Wiy

"]t

better than *3T

30

21
.

At the end a trace of

probably.

H3T is better

than DV 30 21

Line 21. Line 22.

nay

is

22 not more certain here than in 30

22
is

pEK correctly. 30 pDN Line 25. 31p3, in 30 25 pl^. Line 26. p ;n. There seems to be a
as though
.

a mistake.

slight additional
12])T\
is

space before

this,

it

began a new sentence.

for
f

better than

nay

30

27

iy n a mistake

iy.
.

Line 27. "'DT more correctly than 30 28 Line 28. rpJN TH8HQ 30 29 Perhaps the construction was

different,

e. g.

concerning all this we sent a letter Line 29. t&2 better here than as in 30 30
'

'.

"3 2

is

certain here.

No.

32.

Answer
irregularly spaced.

to

No.

30.

About 408
The

b. c.

Complete, but carelessly written.

lines vary, in length

and are

This

is

may assume

the answer to the petition in 30, 31. Though not dated, we that it was brought back by the messenger in 408.
this is a

Apparently the answer was given verbally and

note of

it

made

by the messenger. The first three lines are crowded together of them look as though written at a different time from the rest.
from
with
1.

and parts
Judging

this
2
:

impression,

one would say that the

text

originally

began

pnvna i?
rbm n
i.

nb pa?
that

anno
the

rva ^y
the writer
felt

e.

with the actual message.

Then

something was

wanted to show from message came, and he added 1. 1 with a and the words projecting at the end of 2 and beginning of thicker pen, 1. This would account for the repetition of pDT, which is otherwise 3.
1.

whom

unnecessary.

The

report

is
it

not a formal answer, for no

is

titles

are given to

Bigvai and Delaiah, and

not addressed to any one.

It is
:

not com-

11. ill-balanced 5-7 are posed by a skilled scribe, for the contents are rather clumsily exfull, and the really important part, unnecessarily

pressed, occupies only

11.

8-1

1.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate
4.

No. 32

123

Ungnad,

no. 3.

noN
rba

rtfyv\

*maa n pa?

xnmo

ivapj)
?

DtnNDlp

3 4 5

ma

Nn*va a-a

anx>

naaa dip jonp

tru
*ir

p mn
<t

wnb

j:iti

Nata
jonp^

Bwn \///->
mn
na

ruca
tUj,

t^-O^J /v.

mnsa
it

~J9

<<->

rrjar^
9

^y

imp

ttnnabi Knroi

pyipb n bipb

Nnai

10

nayriQ
1
it

mn

n
:
.

Memorandum from
instruction to

be an

house of the
5

God

2 They said to me Let Bigvai and Delaiah. 3 to Arsames about the altarin Egypt to say you of 4 Heaven, which was built in the fortress of Yeb

6 which Waidrang, that reprobate, destroyed formerly, before Cambyses, 8 7 to rebuild it in its place as it in the 14th year of Darius the king, was before, 9 and they may offer the meal-offering and incense upon

""to

that altar as formerly

n was

done.

<n'*127

2 p3r 'a record' (cf. Ezra 6 ) or perhaps a 'thing to be remembered as it seems to have meant in 1. 2 if that was the original The "T is 'of, not 'which'. That would be "6 IIDN n beginning.

\s

Line

1.

',

'ai

Mi;a.

by the thicker pen, projects beyond the line, and is u? here only a though something were erased. smudged as in Ahikar 2, 13, 20 &c, not 'saying'. strengthening particle, i. e. let it be a thing to be remembered, to say the jussive form, remember to say. "M2tk> no doubt for "idnd^, for which more
Line
2.
is

as

'

',

commonly
is

*yovb.

perhaps due to

his

Something has been erased, and the unusual form Then he erased having originally written Dip D?.

He probably intended to write *|EN?. "\D. D5JHN Dip project into the margin, and were clearly added 3. There are traces of ?]) under D^(l). The order is to be given later. to Arsames, who thus appears to have had no power (or will) to build
Dip and wrote
Line
the temple
in

on

his

own

authority.

He

must also have been

inferior

rank to Bigvai. One would have expected something more formal xnaiD JT2. It is not than this rather off-hand verbal instruction.
clear

why he

uses this expression instead of N"i13X.

Epstein takes

it

124
as
'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
house of
it.

No. 32
R*DP and

sacrifice

'.

After nbx he had begun to write

then erased

Line

5. 6.

Line

c. long ago. \EHp JO from of old ', NTi? as in 30 17 an odd word to use in a document of this
i.
,

'

kind, but
line

all

the

passage
is

(11.

5-7) seems unnecessary.

is

Between

this

and the next there

extra space, but nothing

missing.

Line

He

The construction, depending on noo^, is very loose. 8. mao?. had apparently forgotten what his main verb was. Line 9. Note that Nrr6y is omitted no doubt intentionally. It is
to

generally supposed that the animal sacrifices had offended the Egyptians,

and that this was sufficient from any view which the

make
at

priests

Bigvai discountenance them, apart Jerusalem might hold, and with

which Bigvai might or might not sympathize.

But as Ed. Meyer points

out {Papyrusfund, p. 88), the Egyptians did themselves sacrifice certain animals, and he thinks that the prohibition was due to the Zoroastrian

was profaned by contact with dead bodies. jnip* i. e. so that they may offer. The word is written over an erasure. Perhaps the passive was originally written. is It was a longer word, since a
view that
fire
1

visible at the end.

Line

11.

"J3j?no.

have translated 'done' for want of a better term.

It is really

a cult-word, 12]}

meaning

to

perform a religious

act.

No.

33.

A further
Much
injured
entirely lost.

Petition, connected with

No.

30.

About 407
on the left-hand
side,

b. c.
last four

and the ends of the

lines

It is a letter from five prominent men of the colony at Yeb, relating to the rebuilding of the temple, and may therefore be dated at about the same time as nos. 30-32. Like them, it is no doubt a draft, or a copy

The writing kept for reference, since there is no address or signature. is excellent, and certainly not by the same hand as no. 32, as Sachau says. The mention
28

of the bakhshish in

11.

13, 14 suggests that

7,

it

was sent
it

to

denoted by JSIO in 11. Bigvai (cf. 30 ), that they had to bribe more than one possible
is

who

12, 13, but

is

quite

official.

This

may have

been a private

28 letter sent (3DT ?]} 3 ) with no. 30, or it may have been sent after receipt of the answer (no. 32) as Ed. Meyer thinks. Un-

fortunately the broken lines at the

end do not show very

sacrifices.

clearly

what

they want

to say

about the question of the

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate
4.

No. 33

125

Ungnad,
I

no.

4.

r\vc [ith]j na
[I]
I

rtw "pay nap jn: -12 myo

Mn 13
Din-

nB>
I

rvye>

3 4

top
I

na

ytm

\l

III

pa:

nop

pro in ytnn

p[Dn]n[o] xn-va

T3 n pane
|n

6
7

j5[m\] ;xna
naarv jb]T

pes p
*t

xn^s

in

K"Mto

8 9

mn n[M
non inyrv
.
.

}o]np na Nrrva a-a

n[J>]
.

po ny nin pi 10
nn:c n:ia^
\rb

-]DJ1]

11

-ins
sjki

nj^y n]ay

dhw

fsni 12
in53

....

spja |nio rva ^y

fifix

13
14
2 1.

pmx pyp

1 Your servants Yedoniah b. Gemariah by name, 1. Nathan by name, 1. 3 Shemaiah b. Haggai by name, 5 Hosea b. Nathun by name, 1 b. Yathom by name, 1.
:

Ma'uzi
4

b.

total

Hosea 5 men,
:

7 If say as follows property in the fortress of Yeb, 8 and the temple of Ya'u the God which we is favourable your lordship 9 in the fortress of Yeb as it was formerly built, /iad(?) be rebuilt (?)

Syenians who

>fold

10
11

and sheep, oxen (and) goats are not offered as burnt-sacrifice there, 12 and but incense, meal-offering and drink-offer ing only, (if) your 13 we will pay to your lordship's lord ? hip givw orders to that effect, then house the sum of ... and also 14 a thousand ardabs of barley.
.

Line

1.

[ T"id]3.
1

Yedoniah as
Line
2.

in 22 121

There is a trace of O. This is no doubt the same and 30 1 Cf. the names in 34 \
.

TiyE

rwyo

18 3

20 1G

Line

They
Line

pa:iD a Persian formation from pD, declined as Aramaic. belonged to Syene, i. e. to degalin stationed there, but held
6.

property in Elephantine.
7.

p[on]n[DJ
|tt

is

very probable.

j[n"V].

The
cf.

is

probable.

Some word
cf.

of this kind

is

wanted
'

after
').

JS1D

\T\,

27

19

&c.

On

the form

JpatAX Ahikar 82 (not

pity us

Epstein's proposal T\yiTf K*OK 1 is too [naarv J^Jn perhaps. r is always N">0 rbtt not V "T Nr6s\ long, and the phrase Line 9. n[:a] is right, and [|]np is necessary. The stroke before mn belongs to the line above, therefore not miT.

Line

8.

126
Line 10.
fpl.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
The
1

No.

^
'.

means 'on
as
in
is

the understanding that

'

"lin

)p.

At

first

sight

one would take these

'ox'.

compares the use of }p for fNy JNS, and "lin

Mishna.)

and dove (So Rondi who But as T3J? is added fp is probably The form is strange (from )\>pO.
birds
'.

no doubt borrowed from Bab. makluiju), 'burnt-sacrifice'. Line n. Animal sacrifice was not to be offered, whether out of consideration for Persian or Egyptian feeling, but incense and meal-offerings
Vnbp).
It is

were unobjectionable.
"]D3

PinJD
cf.

without
io).

may imply
is

'drink-offering' (but

1.

There

a third term perhaps a trace possibly of the "],

and of another word.

in part of the long protasis, introduced by orders accordingly'. CHIN not a name (as you 7, Ungnad), which would not fit in. Ed. Meyer proposes Persian avadaesa, ' which he translates information '. It must be something of the kind,

Line

seems to be
if

still

1.

'and

give

an

official

term for

'

edict

'.

It

is

quite uncertain

how much
wanted

is lost at

the end of the line, but something

the apodosis in
1.

(nriN*

or njnJX)

is

to introduce

13.

Line
the
3

13.

Ungnad
rendered

reads

JJ13,

but that

is

only used in the future, and

is

is

never assimilated.
illegible
is

The
by

really

M,

strange character at the beginning the crack in the papyrus. [n

lost.

]3

quite probably. there is no conjunction with pjjfc? (1. 14).

The amount

At the end

ejNl

is

wanted as

No.

34.
b. c.

A
Fragment of

Letter.

Probably about 407

it

the end of a letter.

Though
same
that

little

can be made out consecutively,

certainly relates to

some

violence done to
as
in no.

Yedoniah and his colleagues, some of As no mention is made of this in 33.

whom

are the

the preceding

texts, the

The statement fragment would seem to be later than those. houses were entered and goods taken, indicates a renewal of the
in no. 30.
It is

pogrom described
it

perhaps not too rash to conclude that

some

answer (no. 32) and was due to taken by the Jews in the way of preparations for the reThe date would then be in or soon after building of the temple. There is no evidence to show that the temple ever was 407 b.c.
took place
action
after the receipt of Bigvai's
re-built,

and the
judge.

series of

we can

documents stops very soon after this, as far as Egypt was getting into a very unsettled state, and

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
It

No. 34
b. c. (cf.

127
no. 35).

apparently threw off the Persian yoke in or about 404

may

well be that the Egyptians took the opportunity of the prevailing

unrest to get rid of the Jewish garrison, and began by (or killing ?) the chief men of the colony.

making away with

The

writing

is

unskilful.
It

Perhaps

it

is

not an

a private letter. Thebes, to Yeb.

may have been

sent from

official document but some other place, e. g.

Sachau, plate 15.

BTD

Ungnad,

no. 16.
1

ironip]N n n^'j

nnsp

rot

sn own
no-i

nns

bbsi

ymn nnx iwidm nin nn

[

}td[n nnnsi x:n Nam ] Rjn n^D

11

W3
in

taaa

ironm

wtm
Din:

rin2>

ten

nnnx

x^5

d&hd
nnoa

mn
-a

r*5S

vm vnm
jn^

vin

in yEnn

dijv

in ycnn
[

hot
nto

rpDJno
i^y

nn

anno
T^i

^y

nx inns

)npb

n tfDMl aa |na

tvrb& ny

liva

d^ mn

jni>

ny n^ cyu

my

"^

+ / fans

>

2
3

khnum, now

these are the

names of the women

:

who were found

Rami,
Re'ia are the

at the gate in Thebes (?) and were taken prisoners wife of Hodav, Asirshuth, wife of Hosea, Pelul, wife of Yislah, 4 Zebia, daughter of Meshullam, Yekhola her sister. These

found at the gate in Thebes (?) and Yedonia b. Gemariah, Hosea b. Yathom, Hosea b. Nathum, Haggai his brother, Ahio b. Mahseiah (?). T/iey have leftQ) the houses which they had entered in Yeb, and the property which they had taken they have restored indeed to the owners of it, but they mentioned (?) to his lordship the sum of 120 kerashin. Moreover they will have no further authority here. Peace be to your house and your
of the

names

men who were

5

were taken prisoners:

children

till

the

gods

let

us see (our desire) upon them.

parts of a few letters remain, which cannot be

Line

1.

Only the lower

D13n.

re-constructed.

Line

2.

The marks
in 23".

preceding
njT

it

may be
.

DB.

The name

Petehnum occurs
beginning of
1.

riiTDK>

as in 22 1

[irDHB'jK and the

Line

3.

3 may be perhaps so restored from 1. 4. }"Vd[n] is more probable than to assume

''en

name )TD

(Ungnad).

short

form of iWl,

a^W.n

of rTOlfl.

nWiCN

128

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Osiris.

No. 34
?1^Q
cf.

compounded with
Line
4.

Hosea had married an Egyptian.

space for b, but

Cf. *3. There is very little Dbt'O. x*SS very doubtful. we can hardly read anything else. vbly doubtful.

Ungnad

&6'p

Sachau

xhl3.

X32

'in

No',

i.e.

Thebes?

So

Epstein, but he afterwards suggests it is for M33, and thinks it is the but the word is too common to serve gate in the wall mentioned in 27
,

in (or at) the gate anywhere ? 22 Why no doubt means here the 'gateway' which served as a court of justice, and may also have contained a prison (cf. e. g. Ahikar 23). But it is not

as a clue.

were they found

evident what had

is

happened
32
2
, '

to them.

[l]"innx, as Epstein, for

35
.

nnxnx,
killed'.

possible.

Cf. nooi?

i>2D2 24
'.

Sachau [injinnx 'were

1,4-5
.

Arnold [isjirinx were insulted Line 5. The same persons as

in

33

D1D3 for pro, influenced

by
I.

Din* just before.

'

[rVDjnD very
or
'

doubtful.
is

The second
to

letter

is

unrecognizable.
'

After the
left

6,

e.

g. 6.

they

name a word they made good

wanted

govern X'n2

in

'.

Sachau 'which they entered with them', i.e. |rQ )b]} This is impossible, for "6y into which they brought them (the women). 2 before the place entered (cf. e. g. 30 9 ). He takes }ro as being requires
Line
'T.

necessarily the feminine pronoun.

The

only possible translation

'

is

the

BA ["litS, masc. houses into which they entered', and |i"Q must be It is strange that both forms should occur 16 4 ) as Dill = D1i"Q. (cf. |i"U
in the

same

text,

but the change from

to

},

which prevailed

in all

This letter shows branches of Aramaic, must have begun at some time. signs of being written informally, which might account for what was
perhaps
in
at first

a vulgarism.

That the

distinction

between

final

D and

was not very

1.

5.

due
II.

to

by Din3 for Jinj The D (in the pronoun) was however the earlier, and not merely Hebrew influence, since it is found at Senjirli (e. g. Bar-rekub,
clearly

marked

at this date is illustrated

18, 19).

In 82 11 |n2

occur, I think, in these texts.

an Aphel

is

The feminine does not perhaps masculine. 12nx can only be Aphel of 2in, although not found elsewhere in these texts. (Ithpe'el for Hithp.
is

does occur). Perhaps it is another instance of a late form in this letter. DX not as in Hebrew (as Ungnad). Others take it as a mistake for Dn, which would be simplest. The reading is certain, and, if right, may be
the

same

as the

DX

in

13

11
.

and

not, as explained there, a

If so, it is probably a distinct particle, mistake for DSX. DiTlD for DiTXID

DiT?y2 'the owners of them'.

eft. >^> J> j

H3*l not
'

112*1 (as
I

Ungnad).
this

Epstein

'

rem

tribuit

',

and so

paid

',

but

do not know

meaning.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
It
is
-

No. 34

129

1-2 strange to have *1 instead of 'r, cf. p3T 32 , yQP Ahikar 53, but 17 20 'reminded? *dt &c. The sense is quite obscure also 13T 'male' i5 The restoration DiT" is possible, but the two spellings so . . N"i$>.

near together are unlikely.

governor.

Possibly |S~ID^, another case of bribing the

1.

['pD]
'31

is

wanted before JBH3,

difficult.

7.

Line

7.

"ny

is

very

The

clause

seems

to

end with run

'

the succeeding
"liy
'

words being the

'

final salutation.

The
'

1]} after N"> is for

1.
'

(written fully when it stands alone) and i'r6 (like JH3 ' edict or order '. Here authority ? DytO properly
'

6) is

to

them
'

'.

power

to act

lG The suffix should be [x]5jlin* Pael or syncopated Haphel, cf,. pnn 30 but there is a slight trace of N, perhaps another approach to the forms J, of BA; cf. 3 1 15 Win.
.

This

is

the

end of the

letter, as

the rest of the papyrus

is

blank.

No.

35.

Contract for a Loan.

Very much broken.
can be

About 400

b. c.

The

largest fragment, containing the beginning,

fairly well restored.

The

text

must have been

small fragments cannot be put together. long, since the small pieces mention other

The

matters besides the debt of 2 shekels.

part of the document, after a gap. Before 11. 1, 3, 5, 10 a thick line

They must belong

to the latter

is

drawn half across the page.

if

The

meaning of this is not evident. This is the latest of the dated documents,
Amyrtaeus There was indeed an
is

(as

no doubt

is

the case)
c. I,

the

man who

rebelled against Persia shortly before

earlier

400 b. Amyrtaeus who rebelled under Artaxerxes

but he only succeeded in establishing himself temporarily in the north, and there are perhaps other indications of the later date (see notes). The
later

Yeb)

Amyrtaeus cannot have been reigning as early as 408 (at least in since we have documents of that year dated in the reign of Darius.
is

Ungnad

therefore

probably right in putting the 5th year at about

400 b. c. This seems to be a case arising out of a marriage settlement, and the parties appear to have been husband and wife perhaps divorced. The

man owes the woman 2 shekels, date. The large fragment seems
to

which he promises to pay by a certain

to

make
259 9

further claims, but the formulae

end with the customary promise not must have differed from those
is

used elsewhere.

Hence some of

the restoration

uncertain.

130

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ungnad,
no. 37.

No. 35

Sachau, plate 34.

sata d^iicn* ///// nap einn[jos^] /^a maiaa ^n^> xma a^ n nriN mfbtp] "in [onao] ion

px

//p *pa ^y
-IDD^J?

*ab

wk

mb

rn[o]D

ma

[,-in]^d^

3 4
5

T N<D331 NDD3 n*p f /'"WinD ej[D3] Ml

ny

afyijB>Ki

ruaroK

omo

n:x -aniroK

/// nac 'nonab -"^ [b jn] xabo d^u-iJion // [/J-innD [in] // }S>p[t?] tot nbd3 *a? nan^i [nopiy]

6
7

DJn[s^ /]a no[oi] avia ?y:o n put [nov ny]

/

8 9 10

n[nnD
-aafoa

e|]oa
. .

in [// j?]pt?
,]ai

epa

[n:r]

''asDa

[spir]

o[sDa]
.1
I

piki^d [najx

f/approw]

nJ 1

1.

e.

<

<

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
property in Yeb, and 25 where reason, Aramaeans are usually
,

No. 35
a witness.
'

131
For whatever
of

Menahem was
'

'

of Syene

and Jews

Yeb

'.

See

Introduction, p.

viii.

On

the
.

(461 to

c.

2 400) see note on 28

persistence of the name of the degel The system of the degel remained in

spite of the revolt.

Nmn

for

Nm'a, a mistake?

The missing letter may be O, from the trace m[o]D. Cf. niOB' 2 2 21 23 remaining, but no such name is known. The first occurrence of a Greek word in Line 4. nnriD o-TaTi]p.
Line
3.
.

these texts.

Due

to the revolt?

m*p
'

}0 as in
4

29

s
,

'part

of (Heb-

nvpD).

nsp does not

5.

mean
is

'

total

(as

Ungnad).
cf.

}b!>BW another instance of the energetic imperfect without pronominal suffix, as pointed out by Seidel, cf. 8 10 and Ahikar 8,2.

Line

WU13N

"13 D

her kethubha,

14

Line

6.

TiEHS^

",-:

5-

This was the next month

after
is

after

Phamenoth, so

that he engages to pay within five weeks. Line 8. DJn[s^ /]2 the next month
restore DJn[B
preposition.

Pharmuthi.
it

rwja.
a

The 2
i?

after

nee

strange, but
cf.

We might must be the

Elsewhere
[*lpjr]

or bv-

For the

tense,

io 7 .

Line
Lines

9.

10,
cf.

11

are

where see note. mere guess, from much broken and the restoration
,

is

uncertain,

[^pruxi]
Line 11.

^JD^'NI
is

1.

5.

.]N1.

We

should expect

JV3"0

as

in no. 11, but there

no obvious word.

i?D

iy (Ungnad). The "I is doubtful, and the connexion more so. be part of i>3\ but that would require an imperfect after it, not might ncn, which seems to be the reading.
the small fragments, c refers to some transaction, later in the deed, relating to barley and a sum of 3 shekels.

Of
In

e,

\i2
is

fragment

The lower part of the [s^ntri] suggests the end of the deed. blank, so that probably this came at the end of the line and
names were
written at the side as in no. 11.

the witnesses'

No.

36.

Part of a Marriage
Fragments
onlv.

Contract.
It is

No

date.

No name

or date.

not certain that the small

pieces belong to the same document seems to be by a different hand.

as the large fragment.

The

writing

This

is

with the

undoubtedly part of a marriage contract like no. 15, and deals The mention of clothing and a bronze cup gifts to the bride.
in no. 15, suggests that these

and bowl, here as

were customary

gifts.

32

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
10.

No. 36

Sachau, plate

Ungnad, no.
epa 'on

9.
e>

i->

mn

/6

o \//
no

ji>pu>

\JH ppsi \//3

\/// pu's \/ /// ion

jox ffmn

nmn

-3

p^n
I

\/// |&p epa

w
.

mn

\ /7/ a v /7/
->

pru n
c.

y^i \f/7T-> \-bn spa 'on en:

b.
1 1

*r

ep

pbn

anT n^i

a epa \mo[n]

^?

II

a
1

b
2

\\/'/

|!>pp

fp2

f?pv

'"on

the

1 1 (?).... 5 cubits 4 hands by 3 (cubits) and 4 hands, worth 3 1 . . of 3 shekels new, 7 cubits by 4 and a span, worth the sum of 4 shekels 20 hallurin; 1 new, of wool, worth the sum of 4 10 hallurin; 1 cup of bronze worth the sum of 15 (?) hallurin; 1 bowl

new,

sum

of bronze ....
2. 5 O. . Perhaps the same as the equally illegible word in It must be some kind of but written by mistake without the PI. 3, nmn. Ungnad and as in no. 15, but 0'3B> cannot be read. shawl,

Line

1.

Sachau

nnn, but

it

is difficult

to read the
is

marks

so,

and measurements

are never preceded by T. was partly erased.

The n

rather far from the

n
to

perhaps

it

Line

3.

HO

b.
4.

nnn not nnn (Ungnad), which does not need Only the n is certain.
1G or D3 as 15 12 followed as here by ep as i5
,

be repeated.

Line

yi?r.

smaller fragments, Sachau puts together the two parts of b and reads them consecutively, but 2 shekels whose value is 2 k.' is impossible.
'

Of the

He

reads

'J,

but

it

is

between the pieces.

7t, an incomplete word, so that there was a space In the other line "*bn is not on the same level as

jbpW, so that perhaps the pieces are not consecutive.

From

the texture

of the papyrus they seem to be so.

c is unimportant.

No. 37.

A
A
long
difficult to establish

Letter.
all

well-written piece, but the ends of

their

the lines are lost,

and

it

is

connexion.

Letters were generally

lost.

written in

lines,

and much may therefore be

Yedoniah, to whom the letter is addressed, is year is mentioned. no doubt the same person as in 30 1 so that the date must be not far from
,

No

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
410
B.C., but there is

No. 37

133

nothing to indicate it more exactly. The letter heads of the community some cause of complaint against the Egyptians, in which Arsames had given a decision. The details are
reports to the
quite obscure.
It
1.

was sent

to

Yeb from some

other place, possibly

Thebes

(see

on

6).

Sachau, plate 11.

Ungnad, no.

10.

[wnbw

""Nio

rbv .... D]roy nb*m

]

nmN mnyo hot

|b

\s*no bs*

1 dv b33 ruya run

in

obc py b33 ibxB"

in jDna^na bap
[b

pn]K Dia'na bap

]n
]
]

ivr

in

}Di

pm

jnb

nnc ansa na

wk
nrno

4
5

p[n

pay masa pb dehn nip

in jpitd

tcnso*?

snob mpa
Jfnao an

pN

pi

6
7

jya

nn rorun pw na bnn:

jonp
n]in nara xb pi?

perw by pmn pba ib ;n J pajN "pemd jD^a dbhs anp pbo idjp ]st? bx >3&>e fbsn jbvin apn can pnatm
Reverse.

8 9

10

]m
]nj
]i3

'aaob

mm
mn

nns oanab pbo n //"* pnriD spa 'b ami s'Dnanai 12 ncx ana by vita na b am mn 13
*330 13 ids
s

N]ns nasi dp-ik pwi

pb

pbai tobe
iba

mxa

14

njnjw nj rono by] Nnnsx iuo ^axab ////// ova

(Address.)

mm
?k

15

nbo nay: 16

nmx] mny mnjo

1

*n

lords Yedoniah, Ma'uziah, Uriah and the army, your servant The welfare of my lords ?)iay the gods 2 seek at all times. It is well a with us here. Now every day of he received rations (?). One 4 is ours, because the pay-day (?) he received an extra ration 5 them a bribe, and since of the Egyptians before Egyptians give c the province of Thebes, Arsames, but act dishonestly. Also and say thus It is a Mazdaean who is set over (the) province 7 we fear robbery because we are few. Now behold, I thought 8 But it was not so ... if we had appeared before Arsames previously. 9 He will speak words before Arsames, he pacified us, appeasing our 10 You will find ? ? n full of wrath against you. Pasu b. anger 12 and the ration and he gave Mannuki came to Memphis, and
:
,

To my

134

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
sum of
it

No. tf

l3 12 staters, and one Hori gave me, since they u by on account of the pitcher. Tirib . said order of the king, and we withheld (it) from them. So he gave damages 15 and Hori, what they against Arsames and pardoned Zeho had withheld. On the 6th day of Paophi the letters came to the province 1G will do the thing. of Thebes, and we

me

the

had withheld

17

To my
1.

lords Yedoniah, Ma'uziah, Uriah

Line

them the
Line Line
2.

The words restored are part of the usual name of the writer must have stood, either X
f

formula.

Before

or

bar Y.

The

line therefore

3.

t as in 1. 3 ? therefore not connected with in, but the end JD"iSTiD plural,
,,

contained 44 or 53 the relative? or [*]i]

letters

approximately.

of a clause.

'payment'?

Zend paitifrasa means 'judgement', 'retribution', hence G Lidzbarski 'rations', from ns and D12? In D*13 is

'pay'. "pn perhaps Persian. technical term for 'pay-day'.

From
.

the

context

it

seems

to

be a

Line
always

'

W
5.

4.

\rf?

to

them

'

as in 34 s

not

JD1, and the letter

is

p) Ungnad more like a

,

JET, but the phrase

It is difficult

is

1.'

to see

is to be ub HJT Wi]^ f1. completed. Perhaps [. rv3M adverbial from 33JI ,' thievishly '. jr6'but'. Line 6. NJ nJHO not our province ', which would be jn^HD, but the province of No i. e. Thebes. jr*TO is good Persian for a worshipper of (Aura)mazda '.

how

the line

Line

'

'

'

'

Line

7.

TT2

new

sentence.

goes with the preceding Words, since Jjn always begins a It must be object of bffiD though the order is strange.
,

Sachau and Ungnad niD, but the D is fairly certain. It must therefore be part of the common Aramaic verb "DD. Line 8. pip adverbial, for plpb (Sachau). Then p5> may(?) be 'but'. Line 9. \D^ in 40 2 seems to be a name, and so perhaps here. Asyndeton is common. Line 10. fira^n Haphel with n omitted. The rest of the line is unthough the reading is certain and the words are well-known. from Dip, would be singular, though a plural verb preceded. f?T\n if from i>nn (Heb. 'twist') suggests that J^nn are 'ropes'. i?V "^PD. The 1 may be only a false start of the X Drawing out shade and exintelligible,

fhSD.

Dpn

if

'

'

'

'

tending protection equally little sense. Lines 11-17 are on the reverse.

make
.

Line
'

1 1.

}^D be for ~T\^ Line 12.

is

full

'.

Cfimb J^O From Ezek. 16 30 and no. 41 4 it would seem that With mb Baneth eft. Ass. libbdtu wrath It can hardly
'

'.

in

both places.
as in 35 4
-

pnnD

7-9
,

a late

text.

The

stater

was

2 shekels.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
fttO

No. 37

135

mm not 'one mina' as

stater are masculine.

Sachau, nor 'one of them', since both mina

'

and

Perhaps Heb. njo

portion

'.

Line 13. \"ilba from N73, frequent in legal documents, 'to prevent someone from getting his rights'. KID 'jug' or 'pitcher', part of the
matter in dispute.

Sachau prefers

to read

N"D

(i.

e lb)

and Ungnad

eft.
is

Bab. karru.

JUHTI.

Perhaps a name,
it.

like Tipi/?aos,

&c, but

it

not certain that 13 (not

belongs to Line 14. TVf&2 for the later nNflO.

"13)

pMl must begin a

it.

new
is

sentence

(not as Sachau), since there is an extra space before word to be applied to so great a man as Arsames,

It

a strange

if

he

is

the object.

'Gave damages against' is only a conjecture. The n ptt does not seem possible. [t*]n.
and Hor are associated as servants of 'Anani

Sachau's explanation of is not very certain. Zeho

in 38*.

Line 15. 100 masculine, with a feminine subject. Line 16. nbo like Heb. a 'thing'-

in

Line

17.

fTsfiiO

quite clearly, for T> in

I.

1.

No.

38.

A
A
letter

Letter of recommendation.
at

from Ma'uziah

Abydos

to the

heads of the community

at

Yeb, stating that he had been helped by Zeho and going to Yeb and deserve to be well treated.

Hor who

are

now
is

The papyrus much broken.

is

written

on both

sides

(11.
1.

9-12 on the reverse) and

3.

It is

not dated, but see on

Sachau, plate 12.

Ungnad,
-ia

no.

u.
*t

]ia nn:n tpsf!

jno Nnbx Vf

twnai

nms

rw

\sno bx

nip n
I

mm

py baa n"j^ bar* wot? nbx "Jxno d^b> .Tnyo may % tutsan "rnby \nox oath koo N^n an jhti na nyai k*ob> n^ oy ninmc *My "^y mm Knx pnx by wban ma a*:: inavn
vtnn

}cmb[i

im nnix oa^by man

pntc ten

jya

jtar

ny

wop
nya--

hbx bboa

wirn
lax

Dmby
np*K3 nbo na
fya

onbap rap

arm

Da jo
.

Nnv n nboi

no

6
7

iy pmraa rraan n jo pby in Dun

|o ibir

*m Dab bab [inaew vb

pna
rK

orus

mm D^by mn nn[:a] nay D[mnn]b mnb jnayn n noi

Reverse.
;

nbir

73 Dab nn'pDn b

Jan

n55*

no D3T n

bapbi

pa:

in oa^by

-^6
r

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 38
nta

ay n'33

wms nv cp

pon

i[?jn]

nmp max

^
11

ncx io

jrojm
yay |d jinan

n^ p6 ii
b
1

Sns n5 nfiyo [s^J'n n

1

khii-pi

N>:m[i]

pp-iin

n>3T 'k-ib

To my
b.

lords Yedoniah, Uriah

b.
.

and the
2
. .

priests of the

God

Ya'u,

Mattan

Joshibiah and Neriah

your servant Ma'uziah.

The

heaven seek abundantly at all times, and may you be favoured before 3 the God of heaven. And now, when Waidrang, commander of the army, came to Abydos, he imprisoned me because of a precious (?) stone which 4 they found stolen in the hand(s) of the dealers. Afterwards Zeho and Hor, the servants of 'Anani, used 5 their influence with Waidrang and Hornufi, with the help of the God of heaven, until they got me freed. Now behold, they are coming there to you. Look after them G as to what they want, and in the matter which ^eho (and Hor) asks of you, help them. So when they find no

welfare of

my

lords

may

the

God 0/

fault 7 in you,

they will acknowledge to

you that

Khnum

is

against us

from the time that Hananiah was in Egypt till now. 8 And what you do for Hor, do for both of them. Hor is a servant of Hananiah. Sell (?) from our houses 9 goods, and according to your ability pay what he assesses. Whatever is lacking to me makes no difference to you. On 10 this account I am sending word to said to me Send a letter you. He
:

first

(?).

If there

is

anything wanting, the amount

house of 'Anani.

What you do

is

fixed for

it

in the

for

him

will

not be hidden from

12 'Anani. To my lords Yedoniah, Uriah of the army, Ma'uziah b. Zeho (?).

and

the priests,

and

the

Jews

Line

1.

the letters remains.

The names are fairly certain, though only The name of the father of Neriah
"pay a
slip

the upper half of

is lost,

and

it

does

not occur elsewhere.

Line

2.

for

nanny.
is

He

was

really thinking

only

of

Yedoniah.
reads
11.1,

The

restoration

the

common

formula.

Tinn

Sachau

which would be

difficult.
is

the horn at the top.

There

The n is hardly room for

?).

practically certain.
11
,

Note

and
,

it

is

possible that

the scribe wrote inn (by mistake

It is

not Jiinn

being jussive.

nip

very

indistinct,

Because he was writing to 3. the priests? s^n Therefore before 411 b. c. when Waidrang held the higher office of fratarak (30 5 ). so that the commander

Line

but no doubt right. KDti> H7N not i^nba as elsewhere.

m.

an^

of Syene had jurisdiction over Abydos. spvm*, as one word, can hardly mean anything but a precious stone, though the expression is strange, spx implies refining and is correctly used of silver. A testing stone (lapis lydius) would hardly be valuable is only enough. The equivalent to the indefinite article, like in elsewhere.
'

'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 38

137

Line 4. priN by cf. Ahikar 133. 'y *^y not 'slaves', since they were in a position to reason with Waidrang, but subordinate officials, 'Anani was a man of high position, since he is mentioned secretaries '.
'

as well

known.
cf.

Perhaps the same as

15
.
'

in
',

26 23 the secretary of Arsames.

, '

mntl'S
Line
DiT^y

Dan. 6

Properly

wrestle

struggle

'.

5.

""Sinn Egyptian.

^t33

cf. 1

ittan in Behistun frequently.

'look upon' in a friendly sense, cf. 41. ' Dn^2p 10p also in a friendly sense, rise up before them ' meet them half-way, not as Sachau withstand them '.
irn

Line

6.

',

i.

e.

Line 7 must contain the apodosis to the sentence beginning with *?3. The second nib is not a dittography (as Ungnad), but begins the
apodosis.
It
is
'

The
If

verb
is

must then be followed by a verb, not a title (as Ungnad). the line. illegible and possibly something was written above
'

Ulb

to

you
'.

the verb should be

It is possible,

'

they

will

admit

'

or

'

ils

vous

donneront raison

however, that we should read

[n^Jm?

and supply something like 'they will attribute it to'. Evidently there was some trouble between the Jews and the priests of Hnub, as in no. 30,
and Zeho and Hor were coming to inquire into it. The writer wishes to warn Yedoniah that it is important to make a good impression on them. and It is tempting to read D13PI [n t&yn n]3$> but then there is no verb,
*T

does not seem probable.

As

to

Hananiah,

cf.

21 2

His mission to

Egypt was an important event. As suggested above (introduction to no. 21), it was perhaps his institution of animal sacrifice in connexion
with the Passover, which caused trouble with the Egyptians hostile to the Jews from that time (419 B.C.).
:

Hnub was

8. D b. , WO$. If this is the same Perhaps D[nnn]^. he was apparently employed both by 'Anani and Hananiah. The Hor, remove ', lblt perhaps latter, though a Jew, was a Persian official.

Line

'

cf.

Arab.

Jij.

They were
cf. Is.

to hide their valuables for safety.

s
?

Or

'

sell' as

Seidel

and Barth,

46

The
Line

sense of the next two lines

9.
is

is

obscure.

The beginning
probably
right. ability'.

is

nearly obliterated.
JD3J 'goods',

This

is

Sachau's reading,

which

indefinite,

any there
nJi6 r is

may

be.

D3T 'your
Sachau's

One would

expect M"P3.

probable.

Sachau's HOT is impossible. 13i"l. impossible. "b is more T (Sachau) very uncertain. One would expect }n 'if. than ab (Sachau). pon perhaps. It looks like mon. Can probable nn it mean whatever loss there is to me, does not matter to you ?

pon

is

'

(Sachau) very doubtful. is not clear who is meant.

rbv

as elsewhere,

'

send word

'.

in.

It

138
Line 10.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
nmp.
'

No. 38

This seems
lf^ n J
is

to

form

is

obscure.
full
?

purely conjectural.

be the only possible reading, but the Meaning if you can'

not pay in
is

n5
for

c> is

kept'.

wnnx.
I"6 i.e.

Sachau
Hor.

probable. It 4 7 eft. o 13 .
,

apparently means an account

'

I think the meaning must be as pDarV. but the verb ought to be singular. translated, Perhaps it is an error due

Line

1 1.

to the preceding

jnayn. Line 12. [n^Jti T and the

is
1.

rest is
is

very

much

obliterated.

The more
be supplied

usual phrase

probable. 2 read by Sachau, but cf. 33 &c, which would There are traces suggest fro n2, and perhaps this might be read here. of something above the line.

3*3 n, but the n

rest is as

irnjlD
,

may

from

2.

The

No. 39.

Two fragments
is

Only the greetings remain. no date.

Sachau, plate 13.

of the beginning of a letter. The address is written on the back. There

no. 12.

Ungnad,

bi2 *3^b> ibvw bs t&nbtt

[cb]v yenn <aiay

rffcts*

vitno bx

nbv py
nb&

ptwwi

Di:nn ubw

nmm

*mwn
-it6

nyai rTW>3

tbw wbv

n[na nb]v n
f

was

tikio d^>

omo

nio

cbv bwn

D^

nD^'o

bw

'ids
5fiT5

run
^n 5

unny [ni^

ti]n-id

To my lady Selava, your servant Hosea greeting. May the gods all 2 seek your welfare at all times. Greeting to my lord Menahem. to my lady Abihi. to her son and her daughter. Greeting Greeting
1

3 Meshullemeth. Greeting to Greeting to Tekhnum and Ya'uyishma'. to Hazul. Greeting to which are upon you. Greeting Greeting And now, you have ratified 4 to all of them. Ye'osh

said to
5

me as follows Pay To my lady Selava, your

:

(?)

in gold

(?)....

servant Hosea

Line

1.

nW
it.

only here.

Perhaps the same as m^D, &c, elsewhere.

This-is only a polite form. He Feminine of "^(Y^D) 'quail'? *2fl3JJi is probable from the next line. There is was not a slave. [B?]B?

a space after

Line

2.

n["U] seems to be required by nmJi.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
3.

No. 39
it

139
means, nor
'.

^yb])

*T

is

fairly certain.

cannot guess what

how
n
is

the lacuna

is to

be

filled.

rp^3
is

must mean

'

everybody

The

uncertain and the form

fern.
'

can only be 2nd pers. taken in the sense of Line

letters

anyhow Haphel
'

Tllw'in strange, perhaps popular. a 6, 8 where it is of *W. Cf. S-C,

ratify

a document.
tri&O
is

4. The beginning is lost. remain, but the reading

"IttN.

tolerably

certain.

Only the tops of the 3nf3 rnn very

uncertain.

Cf. 42.

No. 40.

Fragments of a
No
date.

letter.

Address on the back.

Sachau, plate 13.

Ungnad, no.

13.

tb&

pi? i>33

W[*] n^p

n[ta 'nx

tbw
. . .

n]wn
,]3N

"prw *vbs hk ba
TO3i new

cbv

in

ww

njK rblx

*n rbny n xtaya
]ni

nyop

aa^

T^y

^[y

]N

jd^ pox nna P"i3-6y maa ]nn.T n bi pn^

r6tn 3

i>y

rtein ibn nfoirnyo

tin*

jna
1

-n nqnrtn Tinx efne in *b}^b

bs 5

7/fo? Piltai, your brother Hoshaia^. welfare of my of heaven seek at all times. Greeting to Sheva and 2 I have heard of the trouble which his children. Greeting to Ab I and Zeho b. Peha spoke to Paisan (?) I went. took when you 3 and he sent a letter about it to Zeho (?) and . concerning the children. About you my heart is distressed (?). All that he gave .... 4 Your matter you should send to ... Ma'uziah. 5 To my brother Pil/a*' b. Feosh, your brother- Hoshaiah b. Nathan.

To my

brother

brother

may

the

God

Line

1. 2.

3X.

Perhaps [w]3M or [x]3N.

5 If so, it explains the 3 as otiose, cf. 16 of familiar style. T3 rather than if3 as Sachau.

Line

fc6j?3.

Seidel

may
rPW,

be

mark
esi.

so Sachau.
.
.

fD^S

seems

to

be a name here, but

cf.

37.

XT.

Sachau
Line

3.

Seidel [J3#]*lK1. p-i3-6y as one word,

it

cf.

p3B*

Nx!>.

Sachau reads
('to you') or
'

NXn and takes

for
('

Nm&.

yby with what precedes

').

with what follows

concerning you

pHtf =

pno empty

'

I4Q
Line
4.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
irnyn
fairly

No. 40
("Dl)
as
in

certain.

nbft

'matter'

37

1C
.

fvK'nn more probable than p" (Sachau) if bv follows. Line 5. B>| IN" ] seems to be the only possible name.
1

*pnx.

Sachau

thinks they were step-brothers, but an equal, cf. 2i 2,n and frequently.

nN

is

only a polite form of address to

No. 41.

Fragments of a
addressee.
lost.

letter.

Chiefly containing complaints that the writer has not heard from the

Undated.

The beginning
reverse.
14.

of every line except the

first,

is

LI.

6-9 are on the

Sachau, plate 14.

Ungnad, no.

"W

[li>]Nt5

N^3 N"[n^N TIN

D^ .....

D3inN VW31 N]nS TIN

py
pta hy dnbe
f5

*>N

ns?EK>

nnn

NatJ>

nync
3

T^y Dh[aJ

nin

jm

pi>t? i-6c>n rvin

4

p
mn

[^]

now

N^

nh
mas* po
jo

Dip innb n^o

rvin
5

n
"by

nrbv tb

10^3
Reverse.
6

rrcn

N"D^y by nn

irvsb "nyn n

[j]o

na

p^m
icym
5^3

-p^
,

Tfias&

nay
8
'

Min[K
1

,]n -13

[Mia3i

nna n3 nto tk]

i>x

brother the welfare (?), your 2 And seek abundantly at a// times whenever a letter came to me I heard of your welfare, who used to come to you, I heard 3 I rejoiced abundantly. Now 4 I used to send a greeting to you. they did not tell me. Consequently I was full of wrath against you before Dallah 5 did not send a letter to me after I came from Syene you

To my

brothers Zehfl

and

his sons

of my brother

may

the gods

all

about your welfare

look after the servants and

my

house

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
as
7

No. 41

141

abstaining from what you would do for your own house. News of yourself, and your wishes 8 send he would do in his presence. 9 in peace. To my brothers Zeho b. Peha and his to ?ne
sons
b.

your brother.
Since the pronouns in the following lines
that
D3intf implying
is

Line

1.

[N]nx

is

probable.
it

are always singular,

would be supposed

addressed, but in

1.

we have
I

The

only explanation
is lost.

can suggest
is

to

Zeho was the only person more than one person. The end supply nU31.

of this line

Line
Line

2.

DNDO.
nn[x]
T

The
is

subject

no doubt max.
'

3.

struction rin^

mn
it

The conprobable from the traces remaining. seems to mean jso u o he used to come and so
',

rWN
A

TVin, but

does not occur in'BA, and only rarely in the papyri.

cf.

popular. use?

Line Line
Line

4. 5.

innb xb
n.

11 rhl a name? Cf. ni?T\ 37 Part of rblH or a similar verb?

.

*)bl, n'hl.

mn

the indefinite

article, cf.
6.
7.

30

19
.

by

"'in

as in

Line

[}] HJO.

The meaning here is clear. 38 For the double }d, cf. 28 11 If the construction
s
.
. '

is

the

same here, I2y *T \0 must be from that which he does JO cannot be for no as Sachau seems to take it. The space after TiWy? shows that it
'.

ends the sentence.

Line
9. It is difficult
.

2 jectured from 40

nnQ is only conmore than one person addressed. Q3inx implies

to reconstruct the address.
it.

The name

of the writer must have preceded

No. 42.

A
was dated
there
is

Letter.

Two fragments, very much injured. Apparently a business letter, but the details are quite obscure. Perhaps connected with no. 38. It
(in
1.

14),

which

is

unusual in
date.
LI.

letters,

but the year

is

lost,

and

no other indication of

12-15 are on the

reverse.

Sachau, plate 16.

Ungnad, no.

17.

^33 if?

nn.no

nw
->

ma.1

nbw

y[v)]n

ym
xn

dT[.

bit]

nysi

py
ruro]
2

....
pn
// ///

EH31

ytro qos
*\o~}p

pb&

n[o^]yi

]b[^

mp

JKH3

[epv

fnj[

i]n

n [i]n*[a

i 42

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
nni?

No. 42
"]b

ab jm nn^y idd

an^i // /// }[ena] ejoa

\r\[:>]

n h> "py

:vk n wrai

ittt

n wi*a pr pny an [i]k5>

fcMva

-j^>

^[no<]

xh Nina
n^>

ua?
[D]ip

}n

n S5DD3 nb nani ruin n Ka[i]

pr n

p[\|n

^ya

ion

i Mi^y

n[n]

f)D3

nna^n

;n

pny^ sjd

nn Dipn ba yby non[n]

nt

Nnnjx

pny^

jed^

pm
. . .
.

i^

]r\T)

pn^wa
.
. , .

^y ^rx pn[yb] nn dds

nnapn n^ |m \ nDNi

xap

b)

y5v

\ p^5nD \ Days nop n \ nrv pna

r\b[v~\

"]b

in an*

vb

pi

^y rbv

lb

inn

py
btt

'tai

p^n[K>]

jna

10

?ya
, ,

by
1 1

5 Sb

*]?

nn55

5n

p"r

*I5

5ts>&6

pntrn

^snvb n^s* nro }n

Reverse.

np[nn] ,,",', j

.!?.,
pna

o^ns*]

onp xmn^

im
. . .

T$>y5n'

na 12

*5[d]

|>jc]^y

ira

^nmn

piyb)

pnyb

nn

Dipn

i>

nn^o
~b

13

n3[p] |[d*3 i]n *awni> \//////-^ 3

[yt^in *]ins

2ns [vn^y
di
,

>3

14
15
. .

\pn [nn

inN

S>]S

7e> my brother .... us, your brother Hoshea., greeting and 2 upon you at all times. Now we in the presence of exceedingly be . Paisa.n(?) the judge and his servant have paid the sum of 10 kerashin, in your hands, that he should give (?) and a karash re?nains 3 4 with Now you, as to his giving you the 5 kerashin pure silver. sum of 5 kerashin and write for them a deed concerning them and if 5 at interest (?), and do not speak to they do not give you all the money you saying, Give security ', buy the house of Zaccur and the house of ASN ... If they do not sell 6 them, seek out a man who will buy the big house of Hodav and give it to him for(?) the money at which it is When 7 this letter reaches you, do not delay, come down (to) valued.
1
.

'

Memphis
8

at once. If you have found money, come down at once. you have not found (it), still come down at once. Go to coat Betheltaddan and he will give you a striped coat of WASA, 9 a 6 kerashin. of wool, a PTS, a cloak of dyed, and 10 An And when he gives them to you, send to me. And if old coat. he does not give them to you, send to me. Now n if you come down

And

if

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
to

No. 43
.

143

when he has sold. Memphis, do not leave (anything) to ASN 12 when the me according to this .... not Jews bring them and before Arsames .... say .... you renounce your claim on me 13 their words do not delay, come down at once and at once bring after as u he wrote to me (?) down to me a coat in your hand to Memphis about it. On the 27th of Tybi, that is ATisan, year ....
.

Give

15

To my
1.

brother

us

b.

Haggai,_yfr brother Hoshea.

it

Line

is

clear,

and before

probably

1.

After

D>5> is

another

word of greeting connected by 1. Sachau proposes mini, Ungnad nnci. The first letter is more like 2 than anything else. Possibly After N^P a verb(?) illegible. norm (cf. o 7 ) with a very bad . The restoration here and in 1. 2 is very uncertain. Line 2. f"6 is doubtful. Seidel suggests JD'S, as in 37 9 (. ) and 40 2
?

BH31

at the end, not Jtjnai as

1

Ungnad.

Line
[ppv]-

3.

jn^'

ijn very doubtful.

The connexion would be

to

difficult,

There are traces which may belong

5.

V and 2.

lf-IEtf'']

Ungnad suggests 'at interest'. In no. 11 the word is rV2"VD. seems, on the analogy of other passages, to be required by ~\m& The nature of the suggested transaction is not which follows. J3T.
Line
clear.
It

may be

Peal 'buy' or Pael

'sell'.

JtJ>N

as in

1.

11.

An Egyptian name?
and give it NDD32 'for the price else seems probable), shows the amount right (and nothing [Djlp The price which stands {or is set) missing between the two fragments.
Line
11

6.

n2ni must

be

'

'.

'.

if

'

upon
is

it ',

i.

e. its

market value.
,

Line

7.

3 NT fem. as in 21

30

17 .

KBBJT)].

Ungnad

'o\ but there

nn Dlpn 'stand still', i.e. delay. can only be the imperative of nnj, but one would expect a preposition with the Cf. note on Ahikar 103. after it. p2vb as in 26 &c. }fl in the sense of a future perfect. perfect
room
for the

more

correct D.

Line
'

8.

D3X
'.

as in 5 8

&c, but here retaining more of the sense of

'

s;x

nevertheless
'.

pni'S'ri'a not
is

the house of Ilutaddan

Cf.

'

but

'

to Bethel-

taddan

There

no

division.

Bethelnathan

8 5 &c.

It is

formed

with the god-name Bethel, but with the verb in the Babylonian form. the garment, but the word is not found |QDtt> must be descriptive of
elsewhere.
It

resolved, like
'line'

probably another instance of a plural with dagesh Wy, N^n, |ppti>. The singular would then be (N)tSB>
is
.

Cf. 3Un 15 7 the garment a coat with lines or stripes. So Ungnad. The meaning is unknown. The 1 is part of the \~nDK1. It is no doubt word, since the items here are not connected by and

&c, and

'

'.

a further description of the coat.

i 44

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
9.

No. 42

Line

DDVD

is

Egyptian name
'cloak'.

for

more probable than Ungnad's DpyQ. Perhaps an some sort of garment. p?5~lD cf. 731 D in Daniel,
k.

with the Persian final

It is

usually taken to
Cf. 15
8
.

mean
,

'

trousers
, , ,

'.

Andreas

jnv very uncertain.

10.
'

, ,

71 or

?D.

NOP
'rubbed'
as in

X^S
'

unintelligible here.

Line

jm
is

apparently the same as JtfD

11.

8, 9.

p*n[&>]

worn out
8.

better than

Ungnad's pTID

rb\w~\.

Seidel

rb\v DSX]

1.

But

if

Line
but his
)

11.
is

nm

the reading of 1. 6 is right there would be room only for t}\ rON Ungnad jnJX, a participle rather than for nnm.

only a dark fibre in the papyrus.

of the line are very uncertain.

The

of the

latter part

1T33.

reading and translation Only the tops of

"1*13

the letters remain,

and seem

to read so.

It

cannot be

'

vow ', nor

can we read

""DJ3.

Lines 12-15 are on tne reverse.

Line

12.

[DCHN] possibly

fits

the traces remaining, but this

and the
law-

rest of the line are very uncertain.

suit

was

in question.

"^[d].
1.

np[m] is a likely word, if a Ungnad T. Something must then

the traces.

have

followed to govern

DnvD
As

13.

Line 13.
to

[""BJttJpy
1.

seems

to

fit

The
at

addressee was urged

7. go was then there. Line 14. Beginning very uncertain.

there in

the letter

was found

Elephantine he probably

3D3 ends the sentence with

that of the letter.

a space after

it.

The

date following
J.

is

After "Q1J?n7
is

traces perhaps of n

and

After

rw

the numeral (" ?)

obliterated,

and the king's name if it was ever written. Line 15 not being shown on the facsimile,
Ungnad's reading.

have restored

it

from

No. 43.

A
Very fragmentary.

deed of gift or exchange.

Most of
1.

is lost,

Some

of the lacunae can be

is

filled

and the first halves of 11. 5-12. with certainty as the formulae are

known, but much

doubtful.

The
mot*

date

is

lost.

Sachau, plate 33.

y>2

piN

n:6k>

Ungnad, no. 35. n:^ ...

in "sJnd?

// /// [- oia]

[*iirp rriea

ma

rvnoao

*t]DD7" nSbfJT

nnnN n[n]os

ma

mos7

[rDn]n n?:np

srwa y n

nvTQSD [ruN

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\ bhs^
//

No. 43
ep 3

145

n sps N3^o uattt nnp

in

/// /// t^pp

a5

n3n>

noma
&na n^ D^y nyi
na?

nsn*

mnoso
n]

nax
4

kov

jo [\laao

np[mi
Dtya

"b

'nam

biao bapi>

am[i]
ai>

[*]33B>nK

fcnai

*b

n3

brcjj;

n]^[i vhy nana kiddi

nan>

pmi
jras*
afc

nat nddd] 'tanm nx anp

\r\y

vb nam

[n na? ssoa

DP3

33B>T n

aam

*33pt]

men
*sra

oa[a] // ftna spa

mn n
'

mnta[a nax tbhs

ma

jo

Nsns

wk

bjn

mntaso nax]
?

^aa^j 3iai

wian*

^ mn

xsnsi

nar

ks[d3

jo *a3

npnn

oi>y

iyi nar

NOV

p
|0

iaa]

bn3N
saaam maan

h N3^0
na

ma

b mai

tyna

mnoBD
nar

33m

'aatnK]
*]b
*r

ndd3 d[b>3
i?y3D
nar

D-ca

*aam n [n

bs\

sa^o

ma

jo

^ mn

n Nsnsi

a^na

vf]

10

^ya 3^[n3 n KQ]nai

ndd3
\r\y]
1 1

mnoao ess
N-ioyaD na

nar

nisd

[.

... 13 .... 3ns

ia3

// jsns spa *sb

vnnw nnoa ma
...
-13

,|

33 nrw

una [na

nnp

...

nnp] 12

nnna [niDb nnoa ni3 mnoBo n3n3 n

1

pmo
. .

ibd 13
.

//*?

time in Feb, said Miphtahia daughter

4 you as a gift in consideration of renounce all claim on you from this you gave day for ever. I have no power to institute against you suit or process 5 in the matter of this money which I give you and have written a deed about it and no son or daughter of mine, brother or sister of mine, 6 to institute against you suit or relative or stranger, shall have power Whoever shall sue you on account of this money which I give to process. 7 you shall pay to you a fine of 2 kerashin, as I have said /, Miphtahia.

2 of Gemariah, a Jew of Yeb the to her company an Aramaean, to Asori daughter of fortress, according 3 Gemariah, her sister and partner (?), saying: /Miphtahia give to you the sum of 6 shekels, royal weight, of the standard of 2 r is, six)

25th day of Yaophi that

is

._>wr

0/ &

... at that

(that

to

karash.

I,

Miphtahia, give
vie

(it)

to
I

the support which

and

Also there

is the

allowance

from

the treasury to me,

Miphtahia, which was

heart is content in your possession. You have given it to me, and 8 renounce all claim on you therewith. From this day forth for ever and the allowance which was (made) to me from this

my

regarding
2B99

money
I

the treasury,

and

have no power

to institute

againstyou suit or process,

146

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 43

or son or daughter of mine, compatriot or /, Miphtahia 10 which is stated above and the partner of mine concerning this money allowance which was [made) to me from the treasury and all that is mine. Whoever shall sue you in the matter of this money and the dWozvance

which

is

j/rtted

above

shall

pay you

zvrole this

deed
b.

at the direction of
12

the witnesses hereto.

Witness

X V

the sum of 2 kerashin. b. Miphtahia daughter of Gemariah and b. ; witness Z b. Pedaiah ; witness

Manmiki

SFMRA.

Endorsement. 13 Deed of renunciation which Miphtahia daughter of Gemariah wrote for Asori her sister.
Line
in
I.

1.

2.

nnDJ as in 1. n. Cf. nnnN Only // ///are certain. She was probably a niece of Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah.
i"6:n;>.

m3

Line
a

2.

name does
unusual.

Epstein takes this as a name (cf. liT^l), but such not occur and would not fit the usual formula. It is

probably the
is

common word

b)l 'her (or his?) company', but the expression [JVD'tJk a doubtful conjecture. If it is right, her father was

into a
p.
viii.

Jew of Yeb, but she had been drafted (owing to marriage company which was reckoned as Aramaean. See

or otherwise)
Introduction,

Epstein proposes [nn]N, but the double description is improbable from other objections. H1D&6. Epstein niDN^n D. wife of apart Belusuri '. There is a mark (a blot ?) before the b but it can hardly be a a.
'

ritofl)
'

probable, but the

word

is

unknown. Perhaps a compound of OP ham32

2
,

partner'? or 'twin'?
is

[-|]oEr>~as in
to
fill

not the usual

-06.
is

[n:N].
large.

Something more Line 3. //n.

wanted
*)

the space, though the writing

The

is

as being the usual formula.

reduced to a mere spot. It is restored here Epstein //?, which is not found elsewhere.

From

here the writing becomes smaller.

non"0

is

more probable than

'

far (Ungnad).

Read HE"?
Seidel
it

Line
food
'.

4.

7i3D.

eft.

Ahikar 48, and

'

translates
'.

in return for

Perhaps
5.

has a more general sense

is

support

Line
in

The

restoration
.

common
lost,

form, and so in

1.

6.

N*1BD as

13

or "IBD as in 13 3
6.

Line
Line
but the

DB[d].

The

is

but there

is

doubt to be read.
7.

Seidel thinks

D3
in

= DBX,
1.

as

room for DK = DBS

if

it,

and

it

is

no

in 13 11 .

The Nana mentioned

is

8 must have been introduced here,

It is

restoration
?.

not certain.

doubtful

iTriUSO HJN could

stand so far from

Line

8.

The
2 4 39 - 42 .

restoration
It

is

not certain.
sort

Rather more
of government

is

wanted.

Nana cf. NI^D n"a

Line
9.

must be some
In
is

allowance.

'the treasury'.

N"1S1N.

The

restoration

no doubt

right as far as

it

goes, but

more

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
is

No. 43

147

the space. N53Jm JVJJn (Ungnad N'pnJHl) pTTll 3>1p Persian. Sachau suggests hamgaetha 'fellowProbably countryman'. For NJQin Epstein cites Mandaic tUtOBttn 'competitor',
to
fill

wanted

elsewhere.

Syr. Js^>e*

Line 10. The restoration

Line 12.
a letter

is

probable.

NIEyDD
be

(or

NV).
end.

There
is lost,

is

no doubt about the reading, but

?

may
13.

lost at the

Egyptian

Line

The endorsement

except the

last

word.

No. 44.

An
if

affidavit.

is mainly correct, an oath taken Fragments, recording, This view depends on the restoration of [nXD]lD in 1. 1 and the explanation of Nft" in 1. 2. Apparently Pamisi and Espemet (?)

the restoration

in a law-court.

had possession of an
(the value) of
it

ass.

Menahem

b.

Shallum here declares that half

belongs to him, that Pamisi claimed that half and asserted Menahem states that he has not that he had given a he-ass for it.
received anything,
1.

money
'

or value, for his half.

',

The

difficulty

is

that in

Pamisi
is

is

called

oath
It

addressed.

your father i. e. father of Meshullam, to whom the But in 1. 2 Meshullam is called the son of Nathan.

may be

another case of a
If so,
it

man

bearing an Egyptian as well as a

Jewish name.
father,

appears that

laid claim

to half the ass,

Meshullam, inheriting from his and the father being dead and no

evidence forthcoming of his payment, Menahem took an oath in support of his rights. Much depends on the amount of space to be allowed

between

the right-hand
11.

restoration of

of the fragments. out that a Menahem

On the whole the fragment and the rest. 1-3 seems probable and this would settle the position There is no date, and no room for one. Sachau points
b.

On

a witness in 25 18 (416 b. c). the margin are two transverse lines of writing, much faded, which

Shallum

is

do not belong

to this

document.

Sachau, plate 32.

Ungnad, no.
*13

33.
1

\ni

cita *0 DTOD [n rNB]l -q tbwzb ne" [v mijin

1

in-ruini

n-ijdm S[r6a v\j2

[rh nottji
ooja

T2
"b

oik iovb
riJN
"-r

4 5

ntn

b[ddni
rui>s

p"H in

^n

[n n-^iy

L 2

148

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
ro^a en "ion

No. 44
*i]n

pax d!sb nnuDn[r6 -ion

e^n

cjdd

om spa

^ ^

ari*

[d

8 9

[an*] n$i

[na^a] 10

Shallum b. 2 Hodaviah which he swore to Meshullam by Ya'u the God, by the temple and by 4 and The she-ass which is in the Anathya'u, spoke io him saying 5 Pamisi and Espemz\, about which you sue me, G behold, possession of 7 But Pamisi your father the half of it which is mine is legally mine). to own it 8 saying that he gave me a he-ass in exchange for claimed(?) 9 half of it. But he did not give me either money or value in exchange
1

Oa//i of

Menahem

b.
3

b.

Nathan

for 10 the half'of'it.

Line
Line
Line
"12 here,

1.

for so expressing a date.

2.

Epstein proposes to begin with [Tn]o, but there For the oath cf. 14 4 seqq.

is

no

parallel

3.

39 [.THjin, or [jJB>]in, but cf. 22 . As the grandfather is named in [inj'3.

it is

11.

followed by a name, but could then be. Epstein proposes

eft.

difficult to see

1, 2, we might read what the construction

nm

and

22 127 19 10 .
,
'

&[r6s].
',

The N

12, thus making the parties cousins, is strange, but probable. N"UD02 a
'

properly

the place of worship

like Jjs*~

mosque (used even of

125
.

'

the

The man evidently liTtlJJJ cf. ^NTVanay in 22 temple at Jerusalem). did swear by 'Anathya'u, whatever be restored before it, and this was
therefore the

name of

a god, presumably a sort of consort of Ya'u.

BD[fiDNl]. [*D]a is conjectured from I. 7. certain, and the termination is so uncommon that we restore the name from 4 7 cf. 6 10 , 8 7

Line

5.

The D

is fairly

may

reasonably
half of

Line
it is

6.

'31

n^3
,

'

lit.

the half of

it,

which

is

mine,

is just', i.e.

legally mine.
7.

Line
'

nn lJDn[n^]
' '

infin.

Haphel,
it.

cf.

15

30

nni3"in^.

Then

the con-

struction requires a verb preceding

Perhaps "ION
.

in the sense of (?)

thought to

claimed to

'.

"]12N ''DOS
'

There
father
(1.
',

is

no doubt about

the

reading, and it can only mean P. your father was named both Pamisi and Nathan
is

so that Meshullam's

2),

as

Nathan
Line
8.

in

25 and 28.

It is

strange to find both

Ashor in 15 and 20 names used in one

the
is

document.

[pp.

There
'

is

no room

for

more,
'

if

space

rightly

estimated.

Line

9. epa ''OH Line 10. There

the equivalent of a trace of the

money
is

i.

e.

valuables.

is

first

letter,

but there can have been

only one word, as the rest of the line

blank.

149

No. 45.

A
It

contract.

Fragment, incomplete on all sides, of an agreement concerning fish. seems that X had accused Mahseiah of robbing or cheating him about
fish.

Mahseiah was required by the court X now undertakes to pay or grain of the same value, under a penalty if he

some
that

to swear (cf. no. 44)

for the fish in
fails

he had not cheated.

not clear.
is

money

to

do

so.

The

details are

The
scribe

date

lost,

was the same as

but the king was probably Artaxerxes, and if the in io 2G the deed was written about 450 b. c.
,

Sachau, plate 32.

Ungnad,

no. 34.
.

wwa
.

[p]D2 K[aJ>|o B>DBnmn

.]nae> j[D*a

in

....

b
.

...
ncx]

a]

tm-pa] pD n

wk

naw na

flannel?

i[3am

W
.
.

...

in]

onp nk]KW *[3]e men 3B nv]n ah ps na np6n inn i? n[NDi

.
.

iDNi> paw nany [in^tn n3 ibk!*]

,]

y:u w
T

uym kwi]
]

4
5 6
7

n:r N"viay in

awx
[

,]on

Drran in 701J bs i?

]
]

]v pa

i*>

nam

ai>

jn

[.

,]}3n

jm*

i>a

dm
1

N]rrva j[iD]a
of

\ d^d? \ ap s[3*waN *p fnjN [mi] *asD ^jy [na jna ana

,

] ]

10
&'#,

On

the

/$<?/ z>
.

Afaan, year ... of Artaxerxes the

.

* rtabanu to b. ... of the company of in Sye ne the fortress, said Mahseiah b. SYBA, Aramaean of Syene the fortress, 3 as follows : I sued
.

fish, saying, you defrauded me, and / was examined judges and they imposed an oath on you by the God Ya'u, that 5 I come back, or this corn, you did not defraud me of fish. 6 to you all your fish, or the the value of your fish 7 to you, if I do not value of them, which you (?) 8 I will pay you a fine of 1 kab to you within da_y.r .... pay 9 Nathan b. of barley for each portion every month and year 'Anani ivrote this deed in Syene the fortress at the dictation of 10

you concerning
before
4 the

Line

is

mostly obliterated, but enough

is

legible to
legible

show

that

it

con-

tained a date in the usual form.

;-

The

first

marks are probably

rather than

*3"

or

*T,

and the month-name

tJOKTiniN
is

though not necessarily Nisan.

is likely to be Jewish, required by the space.

150
Line
2.
1[.
.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
.]

No. 45

unknown name.
Line
word.
3.

nyy an suggests the degel of Artabanu or Iddinnabu. At the end it is not clear how the lacuna is to be filled.
.
.

nvon
justly

cf.
'.

"jrwi Something of the kind is wanted, and this is the natural 14 "imy if not a mistake, is a popular form of "D"6j? cf. Dan. 4 D C> &c > from a root meaning to 'act harshly or unHeb. p If ^10 is right it must mean took away wrongfully ~M' ' '

'.

There
1.

is
,

a trace of
,

J.

The shape

of

is

7.

NCI can only be J"6wi,

cf.

* in mrp peculiar, but cf. the 16 3 20 8 . Then the subsequent

,

like it, is necessary. phrase, or something Line 4. n[N010] a word for 'oath', or 'swear'

is required by !iT3. In 6 6 we have ^ Toyu not quite satisfactory. 24 This can hardly HSDID they imposed on you an oath to me '. Cf. 8 be read here, because the oath seems always to be required of an accused

The form
'

of the phrase

is

person

to substantiate his innocence, not of the accuser to

support his

Here "|^> is the accused, Mahseiah, and "]b MJW "J1JJH3 charge. In line 3 pi:, so that both forms could be used. [nx]n is }313,
I. 3. necessary to rebut the charge in but it is certain, Line 5. 3iriN

is

difficult

to restore

the

context,

rut X113J?.

It

does not seem to have been mentioned before, so that

it

perhaps mi implies that Line 6. , . . won

was there

in court.
.

It

It cannot be for non reading is certain. ' but .', looks like a verb in the 2nd person imperfect, which you

The

there

is

no obvious way of completing

7.

it.

Line
[,
,

The

d]V pa. Line 8. K^nrax]

is
'.

usual formula introducing the penalty for non-payment. Probably a numeral followed, 'within x days'. 14 D12 allowance or ' ration ? The cf. 20 , &c.
' ' '

arrangement
Line

not clear, nor

is

the

meaning of \W\

jn"V ^3

'every

month and year

9.

The name

of the scribe

is

restored from io 20 , but

3

it

might be
as well as

Ma'uziah

b. Nathan b. 'Anani as in 18 (about 425 b.c). Line 10 which should give the names of both parties, is

lost,

the

names of

the witnesses.

No. 46.

conveyance.

some lines of a conveyance of house ?) from Shelomem b. Hodaviah to his wife Abihi, or property (a from some one else to Abihi wife of Shelomem.
Fragments containing the beginnings of

The

date

is lost,

and the names give no

clue.

The

writing

is

unusual.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate 31.

No. 46

151

Ungnad,

no. 32.
, . .

n nwpi

ffoB>
. .
.

ia noita
nj?
n^>

rvx
.

3 4

vn

... N
. .

.,,?.,

5 6
7

bv]2)
.

w\p bvi
>

B^B> N^ DN^

do^p
/////

3rv

ft

nan

wva
//

}o

nrn]air6 Dip

8
9

;ma

spa pa3K r6

}na>]

nnrux \Ta*6

rva dss* Nivai

xmt^
1

1 ep]2 xata ^3x3 10

-12

pi

xh
. .

r6 an" 1
,

rwnn
.

d]^b> n nnnsx
.

inp
.

-12
.
.

inc
.

l]5

113T

KHnt? 12

-13
.
.

imp
.
,

13
.
.

i.ib>
,
.

n]wn
,]m ia

13 itan 13
Snia
III

ia

insy

-13
,

inp
13
, ,

w
b

14

W3K DM
1

HJf

X12D

an]a
v

/I

III

15

n!?ya
his property, which with ... 4 ... his .... s, and

nijnn 13 dd^ki 16
b.
6

and

2
. .
. . .

Shelomem
5

SNYTH

...

he has

7 but (?) citizen, or ... he has no power . 8 and whoever shall arise to drz'w her away from 9 to Abihi his wife shall pay her a fine of this house which Shelomem gave
. .

kerashin
is

10

by royal weight, of

house
b.

he gave

the wife of Shelo?<?7 b. Hodaviah which truly the house of Abihi 13 12 Meshullak Witnesses Zaccur b. . her, and no suit {shall lie).
:

the sta?idard of

2 r

to

the ten

and

the

Hoshaiah

14
.

Witness, Gadol

b.
b.

Ho

this deedfor

Abihi

1(i

and Shelomem
relative.

Total 8. Ylodzviah her husband.

.".
.

15

b.

wrote

Line Line

1.

Tis probably the

rVJ)K>.

2.
is

Only

K>

The
is

probable. apparently not

No
one

certain. The J might be 3 (as Ungnad). combination makes a name. This Shelomem
is

of

the

contracting
1.

parties,

since

the

party

Shelomem has a
Line
3.
t

different father in

16.

1VX for TTX as also in 54*. badly made, but can hardly be anything letter immediately following D
.

Dy

The

is

very small and

else.

There

is

no sign of any

Line

4.

\T|

The pronoun ?

(e. g. \1133).

Line

5.

The

tails

of other letters are

visible,

but the words cannot be

restored.

Line

6.

[bil ^y]31 perhaps.

152
Line
7.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ciib.

No. 46

impossible.

mean

]rb.

it may mean 'people', which is a similar proviso in a similar document. It ought to for D?? The tt is very strange, but it Perhaps

Sachau suggests that

,

Cf. 9

BW.

cannot be anything else. Line 8. [nni]3"in? or

'
'

pronoun rOK or
is

in

must have followed.

15
'

by Sachau from Hence the property must have been either a house or land, and or you must be the wife, Abihi.
"jn~,

well restored

30
.
'

her

Line 10 belongs to the clause stating the penalty.

Line 13 &c. The name-groups do not occur elsewhere. Line 14. [rT'nJin or [nw]in, and so perhaps a brother of either
Meshullak or Shelomem.

Line 15. The statement of the number of witnesses is unusual. Line 16. [irijTin. The 1 is not clear, but it can hardly be anything else.

No.
Fragments of a conveyance.
Sachau, plate 35.

47.
or date.

No name
38.

Ungnad, no.
k

...
. .

JO
.

733
b tnoi

pD nip

~f?

nnai
-]b

-12

jk>-d
.

spa i? }n:a

nan*

.... ....

3 4

n]a DB>3

ami

p5

T\btK&

5
6

......
....
.
.

nJ

ki]5i po nip ybv bnptt bin 7

n:x icK bin vb

2

*in

ib

nam

of your sons by
. .
.

3 yours, before a magistrate or (my) lord to to you, I will pay you the sum of kerashin .... or process on account of this \\011se .... 5

son or daughter of I have given

4

suit

you

{or I)

asked
6

(?)

7 I shall have no power to complain against you before 8 a magistrate or (my) lor^ and have given to you. Moreover I shall have no power to say You
.
.

Line Line

1.

2.

'by' followed by the In io 18 we have pi JJD.

\o

name of the mother.

Elsewhere KID, applied
to

Arsames,

seems

to be the

proper

title

of the Persian satrap.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
3.

No. 47

J53

n3fl\

really doubtful.

Ungnad and Sachau mox, The sentence originally was

I will

'

if I

but the reading is not claim back anything

similar.

which

have given you,

'"11

pay

&c.', or

something
the
tail

Line

The
It

of the 3(?) is visible. 4. )"12. Only does not occur elsewhere, and the construction is not clear. phrase is quite uncertain how much space is to be allowed between the two

So Ungnad.

fragments, and in fact one would not take the second fragment (from its appearance) to belong to the same papyrus as the first, but for the use of
the unusual phrase [n~i]01 }3D in
1.

7 as in

1.

2.

Line

6.

riS

not jmx.

No. 48.
Small fragments of perhaps a marriage contract.
Sachau, plate 35.

No

date.

Ungnad, no.

39.
.
.

"I'D?

"13

vb\ uby jo y>ra n

ndm

bp

rr'DriD^

jrus

)mvb nnpbzb "jma

b.

Zaccur ....
not be able
.

2
. .

of
3

/ shall
to

all the money (?) which is set forth above, and your daughter to take her in marriage, I will pay

Mahseiah
Line
Line
1.

2.

... 6 is doubtful. Seidel conjectures [|33l]D 'of Syene'. ND3 can hardly be right, nor can Ungnad's K^DSJ. A plural
'

line

would not be followed so closely by 3TI3 singular. The rest of the must have been ... if I wish another wife than your daughter ', which would make it rather long. Cf. 15 31
.

rPDTO? apparently the father of the bride, who was not old 3. enough to act for herself as in no. 15. One wonders whether she can have been the much-married Mibtahiah again, who was a daughter of
Line

Mahseiah.

If so

it

was her

first

marriage, but

cf.

note on 8 2 .

No. 49.
Fragment of a
contract, or of a deed relating to a claim.
is

The The

beginning, containing the date,

writing
is

entirely lost.

the badly

made

Note very unusual, probably by an unpractised hand. and 1 are of a good, early form. O, 3, n, ), while
"

There are

also mis-spellings

see notes.

154

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ungnad,
bibi

No. 49

Sachau, plate 38.

.
.

no. 45.
>d?dd nos*
1

id]n7
.
. .

13 hubvh *&& 12

pyen jom ^dd t?v ^n

.

^
n

nox

]W>i b*k na

nw

n Dino
1

7d[i] 3
~}b
. .

...
.
. .

bo

ditto

D3^[y n]?^]

ma
.

4
5
: . .
.

1J0 5FnnB>

Shelomem b. Galgul as follows you (a claim for) money and wheat and 3 and anything whereby a man may live, and to send barley 4 to you, and his son shall send to you some food ... 5
1

Said Semaki b. Shashai to

.

said to you, I have against

.
.

the

witness^ hereto
1.

Line

"W
*TOX

'2

"ODD.

Ungnad

eft.

I.TDftD (1

Chron. 26 7 ) and
7:73

W
eft.

40 (Ezra io ). io 21 71373
.

DD7B6

fairly certain, for

Qiybvb.

Ungnad

Line
*7nK
with

2.

3rd person,
>b ("OrPN,

referring

to the to

claim of a third
cf.

party.
TO3PI,

if right, is for
3

'there

is

me',

35

s
.

TOn for

assimilated as in
3.

Hebrew.
is

Line

7D[l].

The 3

quite certain.

As
is
. .

this writer

makes

his

very large (see mil 1. 4), nothing DITTO as in 1. 4, for D1H3D elsewhere.

more
,

required to
7t$6l.

fill

the space.

The

letters

missing

cannot be Line
really
4.

DID".
"]b,

Perhaps
of D in

nrwh.

the

tail

not 7D7 as Ungnad. What he takes for the final b is the line above. The B> is very n [ ]^[^]''-

uncertain, but nothing else seems likely. DD^[y] is the most probable restoration. Note the plural, 7DD for ^>DNO rather than for 73 TO.
Cf. -I1D07

Line

32 5. Snnty.
.

The

N" is

very doubtful.

No.
consecutively, but their true position
sense, nothing
is

50.

Fragments, perhaps of a legal document.

is

The

lines are here

numbered

quite uncertain.

As

to the general
'.

clear,

and there

is

nothing to identify the date 'year 13

47.
1

Sachau, plate 38.

Ungnad, no.

11/-'
.

D3n[22] 3D3 1W fl nn ^[ s ]

1 anna ybv nya

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
.

No. 50
. .

155
5 6
7

n]au>

ny vxan n seiaa
rva tnftta iep
.
1 '

> tana

SU3

-D

1/

Ci

8
*\b\

paa

10

... an
.

nx5
.
.

n
12

e>

i>

\///
.

13 14 *5
.

\nscb

,//////->
3
. . .

2 4 (?)
.

13

wrote in P^hons suborned against you the

. .
.

P/iamenoih, year
5

men
Kenufi
shekels
.
,

the

men

who were sought out, till The house of N treasury.

1

-year ...
7
.
.

G
.

they stand in the

.

2
.

.13

thousand talents, 14 ... to give ...

legible.
is

10-12
.

15

....

Line
Line

1.

Nothing
DJn[sa]
11/
'

2.

Ungnad's suggestion.
'

Line
Line

3. 4.

Line
Line Line
Line

5.
6.
7.

might be iy. '?y nya sought i. e. incited or suborned against you. VSariK if right, can only mean were sought out '.
'

Construction not clear.

Dm

name ?
f^I

>sua as in 26 9

21
.

9.

paa not

certain.

Cf.

30

28
P|^>|

p*i3J3.

as often, for

one thousand.

The

rest contains

nothing worthy of note.

No.

51.

Fragment containing the right-hand side of a column of names, The names of the fathers seem not to apparently none of them Jewish.
have been given. Line 1 was the beginning of the column, since 1. 10 is numbered ~> in the margin. A mark on the right, near 1. 6, suggests that originally
there

was

at least

one other column.

156
Sachau, plate 23.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ungnad,
no. 24.

No. 51

...
"mro
.

ft

3 4 5 6
7

na

ancm

wamx
.

rn
.

3D*K

8 9

D31B

prnaa io->

rns
pama
4

11

pit 12
13

riTtw 14
Pahi
?

VHSTB.
10
.

Artabanus.

10
14

Bagabukhsha
Ashyadata.

n PRNIS.
letter.

Dargman
12

'ISK
13

9
.

PRNM.

ZBMN.

Phrataphernes.

Line
Line

3. 4.

contains no complete U. Ungnad "Q. , Tia

cf.

Line
Line

14

2.

Egyptian, though the

rest,

when they can be

recognized, are Persian names.

5. 7. 8.
. .

an^ni a compound of Persian vakhs

:TJ

Line Line

Dargman ?

8 23 &c.

Cf. it^aDK 2 19 .

Line 10. pnaaa Persian Bagabukhsa, Mcya/?uos. Line 13. Cf. 5 17 Ungnad fiama. Line 14. TWPN Persian Asyadata (Ungnad).
.

No.

52.
chiefly
col. 2

Fragments of two parallel columns containing No date. At the beginning of some lines in

names.

are marks, of un-

known meaning. The writing is

Ungnad
unusual.

thinks they

may

indicate fractions.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate 24.

No. 52

157

Ungnad,

no. 25.
Col.
i.

i58

No.

53.
j

Fragment containing part of a column of names. Lines 8 and 1 1 have been erased, or perhaps the papyrus is palimpsest, before 1. 9 (on the reverse) there are marks of perhaps a line erased.

No

date.

Sachau, plate "4.

Ungnad, no.

26.
1

... 12
pro 13

i&QQ
'an

nxn ia
*e6
"13

IDS
.

icon 13 manna

5
6
7

ysx 13

maoBW
-inn

rvt?3Dx i3

Reverse.
.

13133 "13

DUX'S

"330

13 IDS 10
II

b
b.

Petisi b. Nethin.
6

Haggai
b.

b. Beeri.
7

Pasu

b.

KSI.

5
.

nh-hnum

Hnomo.'

Isum-kudurri
Reverse.

AP'.

Hor

b.

ASKSITH.

Isum-ram
Line
Line
1.

b.

Nabunad(in

10
?)

Pasu

b.

Mannuki.

2.

Ungnad jna 13, which does not seem The son has an Egyptian name,

possible.

the father's

is

Jewish,

pna.

The proper Aramaic form of pna used elsewhere. Line 5. Ungnad and Sachau DiannaD, but is doubtful. The line at the side is perhaps "*.
Line
6.
7.
9.

Not

'ruy.

ySN or bsn.
Cf. 51 8 . 13133.

Line
Line

final

does not seem possible.

No.

54.

Fragment containing two imperfect letters, one on the recto and one on the verso. They are in different hands, both unskilled, the recto being the more so. Evidently both refer to the same matter, but their

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
relation
is

No. 54

159

puzzling.

answer to the other.

first,

If so, the reverse

Sachau and Ungnad think that one side is the would seem to have been written
1.

note
1.

1.

15, '33^

)vbv and
1.

2 'i>

nn^.

This, however, does not

literally,

suit

10 ''NIB and

"Qy,

if

the

words are used

they are only formal and Sachau's view is best. two writers to the same person, note 1. 4 "J^> and

The
1.

letters
'b.

but perhaps cannot be by

11

On

the recto a line

is

written vertically at either side.

Something

is

lost at the

end, but probably not

much

at the side of the verso.

Sachau, plate 36.

Ungnad,

no. 40.

m[wi]

nSnv
jnjia6

r\rb& nh

*]b

rrx
->

4 5 6
7

pon
=(?
.

ion ppaj*
,

pjn
.
.

right-hand

side.

NJtJ>

[*]ni55

nan

left-hand side.

^n]:5r^J

Tn[y

Reverse.

^no tbv -'pen ^ ;n

, .

i3:5p[y jo 10

nys

[m& n
.
. .

D3^I K
jrooa

12

nv3

13
14 15
:

S^nm Dip jo [l]nob ... paw jrmai!> )rbv ...

1

Your
.

4
8

If
.

you have

Wo HI. Behold, I have sent to Nabunathan (saying) 10 asses 6 they will give them up(?), 7 also to you 9 here his sons exceedingly. your servant (?), we will rescue
servant
5
2 3
.

him.
Reverse.
10
1

From 'Akabnabu,
12

greeting to

my
13 15

lords

o asses,

yours (?)

to

go

(?)

from the commander.

Nabunathan ... u send to Nabunathan and he

exceedingly.

Now

if

have

will give

up
1.

Line

but M~.
Tifc")]

The tails remaining can hardly represent anything [D3]l3y. the other hand this does not agree with "p (clearly) in 1. 4. Cf. 2 2 133,131 only a conjecture, but 'n is probable.

On

160
Line
Line
1
is

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
2.

No. 54
The
is

Nil.

The X has an
is

archaic form.

4.

rVN
~>

certain.

Ungnad nnx.

For TVK.

Cf.

46 \

:>

*]b.

archaic.
5.

Line
Line
'

pon
1.

is

certain.

The numeral
is

is

not quite clear, but

corroborated by
6.

11.

There
'

pp2B*.

They
Line

will leave

For the l them alone

line.

nothing more in the line. It is not an, as Ungnad. cf. 1. 3 |n:n^. iron probable, i. e. lay no claim to them ?

with n above the

7.

All uncertain.
vertically

on the right-hand side. V is the end of a word. Not "3 (as Ungnad), cf. the in 1. 4. The is Line 9. Vertically on the left-hand side. 1"l3[y]. doubtful. The following mark is not N (as Ungnad), but the 1 proThe 2 is strange. There are traces of jecting from 1. 6. Vl]33TSW.
Line 8
["JmSa fairly certain.
"J "]

M", which is suitable if this is the verb 3KJ>. Line 10, on the verso, begins the other letter. in33p[y] is Ungnad's There is a mark after it which may be unintentional. Before reading.
it

probably }D, which would

'SID plural?
N" :^ fits
1

fix

the
in

amount
1.

lost at the
is
1.

beginnings of the

lines.

Line n.
Line 12.
but

15 if that the space as determined by

Cf.

ir6c

imperative.
10.
line,

D3^r uncertain.
reads
\3?<r.

There seems
last letter
is

to

be an N above the

Ungnad
masc.
13.

The

may
, .

This would be suitable

iiT\D

if iNltt

plural, but

be a D as in Dip 1. 14. fern, could not refer to

this is very doubtful. 13X2, and Sachau con-

After

it

Ungnad
',

reads

DIV n

but

Line Line
After

DV3
'

faint

and uncertain.
but the

Ungnad

jectures [d]13N3
14.
1.

in

Abydos
is is lost.

["ijnck

X would be impossible in this hand. There is no sign of the "J. Sachau's conjecture.

15 the rest

No.
Fragment, as
It

55.

Ungnad

thinks, of an inventory incomplete on both sides.

may, however, be part of a letter. If so, it would seem to begin on This depends on the amount lost. A line may the reverse, cf. no. 54. be wanting at the beginning, but there does not seem to be much missing There is no date. at the sides.
Sachau, plate 36.

Ungnad,

no. 41.

Obverse.

\ HDSni 'bam

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
era
*r

No. 55
3

161

mar
. .
.

\
.

4 5

mex
n.T

JVT37

Reverse.

}]n^sno v jncd
.

8 9

nm
|n5

13
.
.

10
11

r^mm
\\

pSS 12

Obverse.
1

and

tpsh
.
. .

2 6

and Zechariah gave

he gave to

me

said to

GDVK (?)
Reverse.
9

(1) karash.

i
.

... which

Bethelnadz';/

*
1

give.

u and
1.

MS'N
12

of
2
.

AbydosQ) and go down

.

10

(to) Syene(?)

hat.

Line

rtDSm apparently a noun.

'TV.
.

The

shows

that

it

cannot begin

the document.

Line
Line Line Line
1

4.
5.

Ungnad

ITT.

It is

uncertain whether anything followed T.

6.
7.

Ungnad. All quite uncertain. There

,

7 hardly '7, as

is

no name

like 71*12.

[}]*127N*T

*1

not fro" as Ungnad.

Babylonian form.

Cf.

84 -5

Line
Line
cf.

8.
9.

16a. |N'E as in I5

,13.
it

Read

L212N

Meaning unknown. Abydos ? An N is hardly

possible.

nm
Perhaps

42

7
.

If

is

a verb, the stroke following cannot be \.

[P]D ? Line 10.

}n5 or [ft3?

Line

11.

n?3T3 (not
pSF.
it is

'"ID

21 42) 'a hat' as in Dan. 3 .

Persian, not

a Jewish, garment.

Line

12.

So Ungnad, but the second V

is

like the

in

1.

8.

Sachau thinks

= n*V2V.
No.
56.
with part of the address

Fragment
back.
2589

of the beginning of a

letter,

on the

No

date.

i6a

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Ungnad,
nyai
.

No. 56

Sachau, plate 37.

.
.

no. 44.
^tttf*
.
.

py

baa 1hs>

wnta
na n

irrb nayi pd!> S>tk

rv

...

in N^a-ia

i[a]

ms

Reverse.
jna

na nta l[i]nx

$>na

[~ia

tin bs] 4
:

1
.
. .

may
b.
.

the
.

2
. .

-t

gods seek after your welfare at all times went to Syene and made for Ya'u- ... 3
Reverse.

and now Azibu

.

b.

Berechiah
4

To my brother
Line
1.

b.

Gadol, your brother Yislah b. Nathan.

A
na

began
Line
22 89

JD3

It no doubt variety of the usual formula, as in no. 39. . Pl^D" "Jinx bvft "ia , TIN !>N, so that quite half the line
1

is lost at

the beginning,
2.
.

and probably something at the end. The names are quite uncertain. Not [piojrv which
.

is fern, in

liT^ probably,

as

Ungnad

suggests, part of a

compound
?

name.
Line
3.

UMN

rather than laNN (as

cf.

Ungnad).

Cf.

aTN
as

1
'

Chron. 11 37
knees
'.

N"ana popular for iTO"

N^T

2
.

Ungnad
57.

takes

it

No.
Fragments of a
letter.

No

date.

The

readings are mostly as

in

Ungnad,

the facsimile being indistinct.

Sachau, plate 38.

Ungnad,
.
. .

no. 46.
N3rv!>

nbv

\hv

tS hfh
in
.

11

frm[a
* ,
,

...
.
.

...

3 4

naota
.
.
.

Tl

5
6
7

vh na
. . .

n3
.

t&&
.

8 9

jny

10

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
1
.

No. 57
~
.

163
....
3

Greeting to Yathna

greeting to ...
the

2
8

hats

4
5
9

your welfare 6 7 ...

time ...
10

like

waters

of

greeting

Line

2.

urb.

The D

is

more

like

ft,

but

}tn
,
.

does not occur.

Line
Line

7.
8.

^65

probable.

Ungnad adds a

very

Ungnad

only K>

doubtful.

No.

58.

The recto (1. 3) contains what may be part of the address Fragment. The verso (11. 1, 2), in an unskilful hand, contains two lines of a letter.
There is no sign of anyimperfect at the beginning (and at the end ?) The letters are rather wide apart, but there thing above or below them. Sachau thinks it may be Hebrew, but are no spaces between words.
after dividing
it

in various ways, I

have

failed to extract

any meaning

from

Perhaps it is best to regard it as It was a learner's writing exercise, bearing no relation to the recto. written on an old scrap of papyrus torn from a letter, and already bearing
it,

either as

Hebrew

or Aramaic.

the words in

1.

3.

Sachau, plate 37.

Ungnad, no.
. . .

43.
1

tbwtbwbyrhxQ ...
ri>B*5jh5
-12
is
,

Wotp ...
na ...

va
Of
lines 1
2. 3.

....

3
. .
.

and

2 the

meaning

uncertain.

Line 3
3

b.

Shabbethai.

Line
Line

5p"IB.

The

Ungnad

p might be a n, and the reads "Htty after the first 13.

a 3.

No.

59.

The top left-hand corner of a document in demotic Egyptian. The Aramaic endorsement shows it to be an affidavit, if the two sides are
related.

Sachau, plate 39.

Ungnad,

no. 49.

Recto, a demotic document.

Verso.

jon nna n

novo naD

Verso, endorsement

Deed

of an affidavit, which

Haman

wrote

i6 4 noio 'd
cf.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
44
1
.

No. 59

pn

seems

to be a complete

papyri.

The

traces of letters after

name, but it does not occur again it do not belong to it.

in these

No.

60.
letter.

A
'

Greek

to Fragments, of which the larger contains part of a letter in Greek '. On one of the small fragments are traces of Aramaic king Ptolemy

writing, but nothing

from the writing)

to

can be read with certainty. The date be early in the third century b. c.

is

said (judging

was published in F. Preisigke's Sammelbuch griech. Urhinden It is clearly 1 1, from which the reading here is taken. (19 the beginning of a letter reporting some attack by Ethiopians (on

The
1

text

5) no. 51

Elephantine or Syene

?)

which the writer helped

no. 48.

to repel.

Sachau, plate 39.

Ungnad,

/?a]cnA.t 7TToA/xatwi xaipeiv 7r/)Taios

]<
.
.

dpi>oi'[<ios

Ka.Tef3r]crav

aWioires

ica[i eJ-n-oAiopK^crai'

~\(j>pa.KTev(xi

eyw kgu Suo dSeA<oi (TT^adfxov

(s)

](r
1

v ivl fiorjOeiav koL dvciAojuej^

.
.

son of Amup/u's ... 2 king Ptolemy, greeting. Pertaeus, 3 I and my two came down and besieged Ethiopians brothers ... 4 .... to help and we destroyed

To

Pine
If
it is

3.

c/>paKTeino.

The

<

is

doubtful, as well as the meaning.

cn-[a#/AoV]

a verb, the present tense seems unsuitable.

does not

seem a very happy conjecture.

No. 61.

An
On

inventory.
There are

the reverse of a papyrus of the Behistun inscription.

two columns, of which the first contains part of the end of the inscription and the other contains this list or inventory. The date is (see p. 253)

The reading is particularly difficult, owing to the broken and dislost. The text here differs a good deal from coloured state of the papyrus. that of Ungnad and Sachau.
Sachau, plate 55,
col. 2.

Ungnad, no.
B>]rti
*T

67,

ii.

pD3 pa[T] ]t an in pn
l

]\3 0]m

pDa

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
nn
.

No. 6l
4 5
6

165

f|D3

D3

///

eji^a

cp^a
.

// ;n[nn]D n
///

bin ?
n
H

Jy

par 10

roe>
b>

ti[)6 /] ova 12
(?)pjd3
.

/"3

pra 13
D3 14

\
. . .

PjD3

b*

[p]ep 15
T 16

///....
\/////,
.

(?)^l 17

/...///

35 18
*9

Memorandum
.
.
.

cups of bronze

2
.

Hanan

b.

of bronze 21 ... to eat, 3

10
13
.
.

4
.
. .

cup of
.
.
.

silver,

one

5_7

Haggai
8

3
.

cups
.
.

of

2 s/a/ers

Memorandum
.

year cups are worth shekels

'Ani . the
.

u Mannuk/
of 2
1

b.

'Ananiah

sum

shekels

16_19
.
.

12 on day / of ^4dar, 15 they cup of silver, 1

:

Line Line
After

1.

p3T 'memorandum'
fjl^a
is

as in 32 1,2 .

5.
1.

9 there

is

Meaning? probable, as in 1. 7, or fpta. a blank space, and a horizontal stroke.

Line 10 begins a new list, "oy or "ojy a name ? Line 12 contained a date which was no doubt nearly that of writing. Sachau f)D[x] Epiphi, and one would expect an "H is fairly certain. Egyptian month.
Line 13.
but
it is

After f>D3 probably a numeral.

f]D3

is

only a conjecture,
or ///as

better than

Ungnad's pa.
Cf. i5 1Ga .

Line 15. [i^Bp 1 'are valued at'? After 1. 19 the papyrus is blank.

&

Ungnad.

166

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 61

The

connected scraps.

following (nos. 62-68) are for the most part groups of small disThe reading of them as printed by Sachau has been

revised with the facsimiles

and a few passages have been

is

restored, but in

the absence of context

it

not possible to

make much

out of them.

They do

not admit of connected translation, but points of interest are

treated in the

commentary.

No. 62.
No.
verso of a Behistun fragment. Probably accounts, like no. 61. Beginnings of lines only.
1.

The

Sachau, plate 56 (reverse).

Ungnad, no. 68 E.
f]jn
1

No.

1.

-f- 2

]"U apjnaa rvo 3

n]nr
]na

-12

pn par 4
.

nm^y
]3

b 5
!?

Te>

6
7

spa
No.
3.
. ,

H2 3

nn 4

PT / 5

,i>/6
.

rb 7

Nos. 2, 4, 8, 9 Behistun fragments. Nos. 5-7, 10-20 unimportant.

Line Line

mark of
2p]})22
cf.

division, not like that in Ahikar.

Perhaps only a

horizontal stroke crossed through.

3.

26 23,28 and 22 20 where

(centuria) which

may perhaps be
in 6i 1,1&

it is preceded by flKO read or intended here. The father's

name

is

not mentioned in either passage.

4.

Line

par as

The

/ here

and

in

1.

5 (in

Ungnad) does
Unimportant.

not belong to the

line.
(11.

No.

3.

The

verso of a Behistun fragment

18-28).

167

No. 63.

11.

On the back of a Behistun fragment Accounts or inventory, like no. 61, 1-7 lost. Ends of 11. 8-16 lost.
Sachau, plate 53 (reverse).

(11.

1-15).

in

two columns.

Beginnings of

Ungnad, no. 69.

Col.
i.

]?$ xn
\//[/] b
e>

Spa [//] ///[-] nap / . D^-inx nn:x &nn ////.,.

.

blank.

\/// |nd // a ia[,

m]ar
.

ma
nota

-p
b

sF

4 5

Is...
blank.
-13
s

3y

13 [yo]B*i.T$>N x

6
7

X
Col.
ii.

]//////

rw
]5n

*
.

n3 mar

ma

X3r6 nnry

blank.
]
]
.

Bii>K>

13 eroo
// a ///

par 10
1 1

a
]
;f

px tw

tarh n[n]ry ^y paT 12

. .

N3-i x5

y x.y pan 13

blank.
]
.

h "wan
p->
is
.
.

n n^p par

m
16
1.

]/7T-> rus? ejBNa ysrix 13 n^[ua] 15

]

y-nao rrra
as restored

S>

am

Line

1.

The numeral
same or
Ahartise.

fairly certain,

cf.

15 which

is

probably the

the next year.

eft.

Line

2.
eft.

X^n.
It

Ungnad

avrjs

in

Greek

papyri.

B*0*inx.
for

Ungnad
Ungnad.
Line

&
.

no doubt

for f?\>V.

3 not

ep3, as

3. 6.

must be some term defining ppW. There is a "113* "]3 may be n

. .
. .

m3 n3PI3 in

22 107

Line
yia.

[yD^in^K might be ///""in^X, but there are faint traces of The name occurs elsewhere, but the father is not mentioned.

168
Line Line
8.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
///
/// riJC
is

No. 63
on
1.

against what

was

said

1.

It is merely a large n. 9. Nothing between mry and S'jn?. a:rb as in 1. 12 seems to be some term descriptive of Azariah. In

Ahikar 83 run? the 7 is a preposition. Line 10. ?JJ (as in 1. 12) after pat,
cf.

is

unusual.

For the name

44 . Line 11.
Line 12.

II 2

is

written.

Probably meant

for

111

as

usual

in

measurements.
'f

Then

a blank before a
1.

new

entry.

or [N")]J3 as in

9.

can only mean 'secondly', referring to Azariah, who was previously mentioned in 1. 9. It N,y Ungnad Npy improbable. may be N^SDD written close together.
Line 13.

pn

Line

14.

N^p
'.

cf. TYip

in

year of Xerxes.

"15Pa.fl.

an

agreement

In

later

the 27th year of Darius, and 5 2 the 15th Hebrew the Hiphil means 'to come to an Aramaic the Pael means to ' settle
2
,
,

In

'

obligation, so that the

On
in

Aphel (not used) might mean the same to pay '. an ostrakon (Sayce and Cowley M, 11. 5, 6, 8) the word "i^in is used a somewhat similar sense. It is tempting to identify the two words,
'

but

seems clear

there,

and a

here.
is

Line 15. iT?[lJD] is only conjectural. The papyrus name occurs elsewhere, but the father is not mentioned.
as in
1.

creased.

The

Date perhaps

1.

No. 64.
Fragments 1-16 belong
Sachau, plate 57.
to Behistun.

Ungnad, no. 70 B.
No.
18.

No.

17.

na[
pN?[a
blank.
]*j?iri5
.
.

]pyts>

*?[

.]?y fro5[

No.

19.

]no*pn .[
i]n rut* n[

m[
No.
20.

]tm*PB>n[

No. 21.

]b>?

[ ]
,

]T?y n?e>[
]nap jv5[?
]n

]ixa[

?aa[

mnn

n[JB>

No.

22.

]n[
]fa[

.]dn

jnvo[p
]na n[

]n5e>

No. 23.

170
No.
3.

ARAMAIC TAPYRI

No. 65
No.
4.

jDnn^ ron

No.

]n

rn*

/// ///

/[//

No.

7.

]insn

na[

Jnccn |&n[3 pj]d3 [. n[ar] n"isd Sunn nn

demotic.
PN[.
.

1]3 H3?[

]rv3[
No.
10.
]

It
|Bna[

No.

12.

3>n5[
No.
14.

]n3[
]5aS[
H3]T

N2D[3

No.

17.

].T^[

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
No. 7. From a contract combined thus
:

No. 65
They

171
are

to

which no. 11 also belongs.

]ms*5
.

ro[
.
.
,

]rre>en ?cn[3 |]D3[

3 tsnrm

dds]

ri[ii]

nisd 5unn t5
demotic.

[,

ana

bn[.

n]a nil
.

[w
na
[

nn

.]5bb "rnc[
]

.] 3.

Bn[M

1.

1.

hardly ["i]inx3.

1.

giving the scribe's name. No doubt a witness. Griffith reads on no. 7, 'H-e[-'r-ty-s] i. e. Ah[artais], Cf. 1. The demotic on no. 11 is uncertain. 632. 5.

Clearly the end of the body of the contract, 1. But DWnn is feminine. 4 in demotic.

DWnX
rate

Witnesses'

names

in their

own

handwriting.
1.

32.
cf.

At any

an Egyptian name.

6.

twen[K]

17

1
.

Possibly *DU3. But there is

a trace of a letter (n ?) after >, which is against this reading. No. 8. Sachau thinks this may belong to nos. 7, 9, n-13, but

they are unusual in form.

if

doubt

all

in

the

same hand.
or ruinan.

ttfltatS".

The

is

very

No.

9.

un, perhaps

unr
7,

No.
No.
Nos.

10.
it.

Unimportant. See under no.

12, 13.

Unimportant.
writing
is

No.

14.

The

unusual.

Notes

(if so).

The N
at the

is late.

No. 15. [n]*iy3tJO.

Cf. 2 19 , 3 23 .

Sachau.

Witness's

name

end of a deed.

No.

16.

Unusual

writing.

Reading quite uncertain.

Cf.

No. No.

17. 18.

Unimportant.

End

of a deed.

io 22

No. 66.
Sixteen fragments of legal and similar documents.

Sachau, plate 59.

Ungnad, no.
]k-iaa

72.

No.

1.

nne[B> n:r

No.

2.

]ne[
]n
"13

n]DB> "1D3DD "13 n[

k[

bjwo pna Dnnn]u> n Nna:[

]nf
]
.

PD |TM[
nn:a a[np
blank.
]

]
.

]3td[ 3^3 l[
.

blank.

1J2

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
3.

No. 66

No.

No.

5.

No.

7.

No.

9.

No. n.

No.

13.

No.

14.

No.

15.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 66

173

recounting the names of the men responsible for the destruction, and praying for their punishment and for the restoration of the temple. The foreign names in fragments 1 and 6 agree with this, and the mention

of Cambyses and the (native) king of Egypt imply a reference to the history of the temple, as in no. 30.
the relative
is

probably part of the same as no. 1. The blank space shows position of the lines. They are not continuous, but that not surprising, if they were as long as in no. 30.

No.

2 is

No.
flaked

3.
off.

Not by the same hand

as no.

1.

In

1.

the surface

has

From the beginning of a contract relating to barley. Probably not by the same hand as no. 1. No. 6. See on no. 1. m33 Persian Bagadata (Theodorus). In 24 he has an Egyptian (?) father. The context is the same as in 30 13 3
No.
4.

No.

5.

the city of Yeb, the king of Egypt, Cambyses.

No.

7.
.

Subject obscure.

The name
'OJy

is

Persian.

Probably not
n'JTX
it

p-nnx
No.
cf.

8.
,

12

From the end of a deed. 18 5 The has two strokes,

.

"D

}ni

wrote io 20
is

but the writing

rough, and

may

be

so.

No.

9.

From

the beginning of a letter.

No.
No.

10.

"idji^ 'to

Onophris' (Sachau).

11. 12.
13.

Unimportant.

No. No. No.

No.
in 8 4,5

D^IDK apparently an Egyptian name. Not D^inX as above. Perhaps from a lease or conveyance, as in 6".
Cf. 6 22 Possibly part of the same as no. 13. measurements of a house as From a similar document, giving
.

14.
15.
.

inyE?

is

certain,

and confirms

N[yi]E>

p.

Sachau and

Ungnad read *nyc6, and ascribe the fragment to Behistun. No. 16. From a contract. . , , : no doubt is part of n: (Sachau).

No. 67.
Eighteen fragments of legal documents, &c.
Sachau, plate 60.

Ungnad,

no. 73.

No.

1.

na]B> *2\yrb[

No.

2.

]ai>

///// a [5
]b nr6tyn[

]b

mnN[

74
3.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
]brb pflD *"W
]
]

No. 67
Jn -nb6[
}f

No.

ff5[

No.

4.

pa

nnna[

>

M
f[

nxi^Di

nowv[
No.
6.

No.

5.

]22b y\y{
H3T

]db "O

Wtf p
<

130

npm[

]55 12 d5[

"*[

No.

7.

No.

8.

]PB nff nff

No.

9.

]3t?[
]
.

No.

10.

; Nn] 3TD

*T

//// B*[
"

nnno[

bw]tA " 7// /7/

No.
12.
] *iff

rust

No. 11.

] ]

pw[K

nns

D^

No.

13.

]// nun no[

No.

14.

]n[

]j

'[

***[

]=i[

1^

ann[
]n S3[

>
=j[

^n

d[

blank.

No.

15.

Iff

No.

16.

]// f?p&[

3
No.
17.

ha[
No.
18.

]PW KSD3[
]nainp^[

].Nnv[

No.

1.

From

the beginning of a contract.

degel,
cf.

HUTO

Babylonian name,

probably of the

20 2

No.

2.
is

.')

From a contract? The date ('on the 5th of not that of the deed, as there are traces of a previous line.
Unusual hand.
p31D 'a

No. No.

3.

man
i

of Syene'.
to

Cf.

24

33
,

33.

Yethoma and fp
if

Selu'a are sisters in

4.

1,2
,

which

this

may

refer.

From

the beginning
cf.

of a

contract.

right

and a

complete name,

22 117

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
No. No.
ostraka.
5.

No. 6y

175

Common
Perhaps a

form

in contracts.

6.

Reading uncertain.
list

The hand
?

is

like

that

of some of the

of names. of a letter

No.
No.

7.
8.

Ends of
'

lines,

From a contract. Unusual hand. No. 9. One stater cf. 37 12 &c. No. 10. From a contract. [Nfl}:iD (Sachau)
',

is

doubtful.

The

date,

which
11.
12.

No.
No.

No.
forms.

13.

certain, (406 B.C.). Perhaps from a letter. Unusual hand. Otherwise unimportant. Reading and meaning uncertain. The n and U have unusual

is fairly

is

no doubt of Darius

II

Cf. no. 2. 14.

1

No.

Meaning

uncertain.

From

a contract
?

No. No.
No. No.

5.

16.

From From

the beginning of a letter a contract.

17.
1

8.

Unimportant. Note the imperf. of npb without

\>.

No. 68.
Twelve fragments of legal documents, with writing on both sides.
Sachau, plate 61.
letters

and accounts.

Mostly

Ungnad, no.

74.

No.

1.

Obv.

7 <5

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
No.
No.
spelt
3.

No. 68

177

Obscure.

4.

From

a contract.

The name
There

is is

evidently [rpn]t33D, which

is

'oQO

in the

endorsement.

nothing

to

show whether

this

was the notorious daughter of Mahseiah. No. 5. From a letter or contract ?

No.
6.
7.

No.
No.
No.

Unimportant. Obscure. In

11.

8.

From

a letter to
is

nnD

and 4 7RM ? from her brother.

The name may be

short for 7NH)"lD, which

9.

known.
ply,
if

No.

10.

From a letter ? From a contract?

right,
is

Heb. jmy.

Reverse,

probable. a 1. 2. No. n. Accounts, cf. 61. Beginnings of lines. [j]lttn s 11 The date is added in the margin. ? 1. 4. name(?). Or pen as in 54
(of witnesses?).
'

names

Sachau's

"WOJ

1.

5. 2.

1.

Rev. 1. 1. pen or pn as obv. bl introducing a total. Not 'our city' as in 24 s6 'district of Thebes'. nrHO

1.

2.

(as

Sachau).

No.
name.

12.

a Persian 1. 3. Beginnings of lines from a report. endorsement, as in contracts, but written at right Reverse,
, .

mx

angles to the obverse.

The name

is

uncertain.

The
They

are

following (nos. 69-78) have been already published in the CIS. all fragmentary and very difficult to interpret. They are

reprinted

here

for

the

sake of completeness
class as the

because

they evidently

belong to

the same period and

Moreover the discovery of the better some points which were previously obscure. As they have been carefully edited in the CIS a full commentary is unnecessary here. Only divergences from the views taken there will be noted.

documents from Elephantine. preserved texts has thrown light on

No. 69.
Six fragments, not
in a different
all

belonging to the same document.

rest.

is

certainly

hand from the

Ungnad

suggests that they are part of a story.

They may, however,

one of the many belong to a letter or petition or report narrating The reading throughtroublesome incidents in the history of the colony. uncertain and the fragments are too much broken to admit of out is
very
translation.
vol. xii,
t6'J

pi.

published by Lepsius in his Denkmaler, From the character 124, and afterwards in CIS ii, 1, 149.

They were

first

178

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 69

of the writing it seems that they belong to the same period as the rest of these texts, and that they probably came from Elephantine.

Fragment

is

in

two columns.

Sachau, plate 51.

Ungnad, no.

64.

CIS.

ii,

1,

no. 149, plate xix.

A
]v

mnn^

....

JfinnsjDD by bbv [nnx

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Col.
ii,
1.

No. 69
way
of

179
making a word Hardly
'

4.

TinDST (Ungnad) seems

is

the only
8.

of

it,

but the N1
1.

very doubtful.

1.

bbi very uncertain.

&D.
1.

10.

ninr6.

11.

\// probable.

The Egyptian god Thoth rather than the month. 13. \wrb a name to W.' Ungnad C
1.

No.
Beginning of a
CIS.
ii,

70.
often.

letter.

Cf.

30 and

1,

no. 144, plate xv.

tb~p

D^riD -\12V
'"in-'

ncnnnn
nt-i^i

\s-ib

b$
ton

vjrv
1

'n-id

mn

2
2
.
.
.

To my lord Mithravahisht, your servant Pahim, greeting happy and prosperous may my lord be exceedingly . .
.

Living,

Line
is

1.

nKVmn

a Persian name.

'

Mithra

is

best'.

[D?]ti>.

There

a trace of the B\

The

line

was probably long, and continued chw

is
,

py ban
Line

?nb* k"dp nta

2.

"-n-id.

XTl with NT~lK>1

mn

best taken as in

CIS
,

'vivus', but the

N"1D not vocative, but subject of ^I.T. emphatic forms are strange. c ^- 3 3 The n not a mere by-form of mrp. f\TY> is jussive, [" ] n>
'

is

certain, not p.

No.

71.

fragments, perhaps belonging to the same text, which no doubt was a story. Apparently Bar Punes had done some meritorious service for which he was suitably rewarded by the king.

Two

CIS.

ii,

1,

no. 145, plate xvi.

A. Recto.
D]rfc

Dn[3D]a too" ah)

1

]np far ny Dnnnp

]b3N
s

p-inx jovai

j]an
~\b

wmb

npnv

b^ bapi nzbi ^n^prvi

]hn"i6 >33

mi rnBM runo

]na

\l//^3 pp
N
2

180
A. Verso.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
y]ocn Naina n tnnDn bv *aa^[

No. 71

10

]sata
ray]i

ion xata
]rn "j^n

my nnx in n^o
?

twia na
smib

n
12

na

anna inn ton r6o[p ~\timv n n*3^ n jcaen

]T^di

13
if

$n

i[

hw
1

|n]WD3
B. Recto.

15 pnn* td-ui -^N3[ sata laiw i?y 6?[3ia -13 16

i>

]njyoi pyn

n3^d[

17

]nnp n mr[
*]mni>

18

may

na

nAn[n
vb\b[

19

*nn]fop [n]o nnxa

20
21

d]puoi KDna tnnycf

Jnnpm
]pin
B. Verso.

inn

i[r
\nbvt
.
.

22

]nny bt6i
[jovai]

oy n[

23 24

3v[

]*ni3N

n$>

jn? n

25

n]

pmso nbn

up[jan*

26
27

]piw p[*b
JSi snpns naSni no[
]en pajnSi id[

28

29
ty[

]tbo naoa nan^y

h] nnap^ fnaaf
]jyn rb

30
31

jncN^[
.

32

]h i^n
1

I^Q3

nm[
.

33

2 fill their belly with bread . every man the 3 of their fathers before them until they should build sufferings 5 a c\ty (?)... 4 And in after days he shall eat . righteousness to his 6 And he shall weigh it in his heart (?) and one father, and shall sell . .

And

he shall not

shall kill ... 7 his lord,

8

bread,

and one and the gods of Egypt

.

shall set free the sons of his lord

shall

be assembled ...

44 years
10

to

heard ...

my

sons concerning the testimony (?) of the king and he it was Bar Punes. Then the king answered

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
12 13

No. 71

181
. .

Bar Punes the words which the king said and he answered thou hast killed them, thou shalt go with the sword of thy u ... he shall make up for(?) this, and the prisoners troops, and ... whom thou hast captured this year ... 15 ... in these, and thy bones 16 Bar Punes over shall not go down to the grave, nor thy spirit ... the hosts of the king, and set him among the officers 18 17 this which the king, and he cried out and measured (?)...
.
1

thou shalt hang him. Thus as thou didst to his sons happened 20 . ? ? ? unless (?) in a place by the sea thou hast killed him 21 23 22 . . with this, thou shalt go and drink ... (the) gods, and he
.
. . . .

19

and in after days 25 which his father shall give him ... 26 ... the gods of Egypt shall 28 and be assembled, who ... 27 Egy\>l, and they shall be 29 and the man was taken out righteousness shall perish ... 30 ... on account of his money ... 31 ... his body to its grave, and 32 and they shall speak to him and he shall answer ... ^ for half ....
whispered, help
. .

2i

Line
is

2.

'Ta.

One would

expect "axa,

if it

means

'

pains
.

'.

Drvms
for \
Cf.

more probable than DPPn?N. Cf. pTOK 'our fathers' 30 13 Line 3. Dnnolp. CIS Drvcp, but the spaces are too large 1p CIS [iY]-)p. innp 'before you' Ahikar 101.
.

Line

4.

'ns* }OV21.

Cf.

Ahikar 39, 52 &c.

Line

6.
7.

Line
Line
with

The 2 is more like a 1. n5?2. mt^l may mean 'set free' (CIS) but?
faint,

Above
is

the line are

the letters 23,

10.

palimpsest?
the root

NViDn CIS 'testimonium', but

always written

{? in

these texts.

The 1 might

be a 3.

Line n.
as
e. g. in

in belongs to

what precedes, and inx begins a new sentence,

Ahikar passim.

Line
rather
'

Perhaps, 13. T^Tl 3*1113 CIS 'with the sword of thy strength'. ' with the sword of thy troops i. e. with thy armed forces, addressed

to the king.

Line 14.

Line
?1NB>
is

CIS 1^. NnJP NT3 cf. 21 3 ibrp very uncertain. "jl 11 with 7. with an accusative as in 42 7 but in 42 15. )inrT certain. It does not occur elsewhere in these texts. j??\2
.

thy shadow

i.

e.

thy spirit or soul.

Line 16. 'thx more likely 'thousands' than 'officers', as CIS. [jn]VJtD3. CIS takes it as a name. The restoration adopted here would be suitable, if the word is possible in Aramaic.

Line
'

17.
'.

FiS'DI fairly certain.

Perhaps 'measured'

cf.

4
,

rather than

anointed

Line
Line

18.
19.

mp
V3

(CIS Nip by a

slip),

no doubt 'happened'.
sentence.

probably begins a

new

8a
Line
20.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
N?17

No. 71
'if in these texts seems
it Is

CIS

'nisi' as later.
jn.
it

But

1?

to

occur only in the compound 17 preceding it looks like V. Or is

than

Perhaps
17 |n
?

a noun.

The

lost letter

N7

]?Bp [k]0*
'

CIS

7DP" D\
1

NO' "inN3

like

Heb.

en H3H03

Line 21.

D~irw.
nfiKTll.
}3"

Line

22.

So CIS. The "1 is more The second n is fairly certain.

as in
1.

is more probable a place by the sea '. like D, but 3 is possible.

CIS

H7BT11.
it.

Line 24. Line 26.

visible

are clear,

and nns probable, which suggests JGV31 before

8.
>T

1t?[J3J"p]

printed as certain in CIS,

is

not

on the

facsimile.
.
.

Line 29. ID CIS 13 Line 30. new IsFby. CIS

, , . ,

[<]t

ni33

n3

"]7J?,

but the

names

are not

known.

Reading

very uncertain.

CIS is hardly possible. a noun rather than infin. Pael. ... Probably rt73p7). certain in CIS, is not visible on the facsimile.
Line 31. fn3B doubtful.

pm^]

nn3p7
71

(or

printed as

Line 32.
Line 33.

"OjrT
"]7n

CIS nyx, but 3 is more probable than n. not a Hebraism for inn, which is used in

1.

22.

No.
Fragment,
written

72.
containing

on both

sides,

accounts

for

wine,

evidently referring to a private household rather than to a trade. There are parts of two columns on either side, but the right-hand

column

in

each case

is

nearly

all lost.

The

lines

were short, and each

It

as a rule contained a single complete entry. CIS does not say where the papyrus was found.

may

not have
other

come from Elephantine.

documents, and

The

writing

is

not

like

that
it

of the

is perhaps somewhat later, work of a man who was not a professional scribe,

but as
it

is

no doubt the

is

not easy to judge.

CIS.

ii,

1,

no. 146, plate xvii.

*bnb

ma

nnpsj

3iTn

,|

BK3[

]p*m> \"a7p
// p37p

}tv "inn

Nmtj6

'bnb?
1
1

v3
1

7i7p p-rco

Knnp? ^kz ?

]///// pND p-M3 nnn nDB 13 Nm?7 3VI

=)B>

1VI T?J? /// p37P // }7l7p 133

\ 717P p[ns]D nny nip ybv ?.3[ \ 717P r*rc[

^37p

p*D

K?.t"[

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\W>P pD
.
.

No. 72

183

'*?[

184
Line
1.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
at the

No. 72
blotted.
in
1.

As

it is

nrvnD more probably than arono (CIS). The end is end of the line, the sentence must have continued

2,

probably with
'

T3
'

'given into

the

hand of.
'.

nnpB3 translated 'ex-

penses Line

is

rather

what was served out

2.

Hff\*W? perhaps as

CIS 'pro prandio

'.

}"P.

We

have

corroboration of the large trade in Syrian jvine in the numerous jarhandles bearing Phoenician names published by Sachau on pi. 69 sqq.
*2?p only found in this papyrus. Line 4. 3TI if not a mistake, must be a popular form for 3\T Line 5. 133 as elsewhere frequently. CIS f]33, but the use of 133
.

was

unknown
Line
account
6.
'

at the time.

The end
word looks

of the line

is

quite unintelligible.

The
i.

first

like ^>33 or

^23

e.

for the master to

it

whom

the return
offering,

If so, the Egyptian god. used. But this is doubtful.

was an

on your nny CIS and Egyptian wine was

(?).
is

ybv

'

made.

Line

8.

Line

11.

CIS Ml. nns as a name occurs

in

40

2
.

Reverse.

Line 14.

\li2b

(not }V) a Persian

name compounded

with

baga

CIS

"1133^.

Line

15.

Line 16.

inQK must be a god-name. *DX not very clear, but must be

in this

so.

Nnn7N CIS
for rh,

T)3*1
n.
is

would not be used

Aramaic.

The

last letter is
is

almost certainly

The

first

letter is

probably N, and there

.

room

though

it

hardly legible.

Line 17.

Line 20.
Line 23.

rmrbn 14 5 is certain. Not as CIS. ri3n S5"n3N CIS n3113N. Very uncertain.
Cf.

Lines 21, 22.

Supply probably [NmtJ>p.

rather than

NnSs

NWS

(CIS).

Meaning?

No.

73.

Fragments of accounts, perhaps by one hand, put together without Owing to their lack of connexion they regard to their original position. little of interest except the names, which, however, are not always present
legible.

They are

all

Egyptian, so that the use of Aramaic

?).

is

remarkable,

unless the steward was a foreigner (Jew

CIS.

ii,

1,

no. 147, plate

xviii.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
e>so
i> .

No. 73
3

185

DnSn H///i-wi*>\/\//W/vb>/"ZZ
.

5i>

dnod

-12

snroyS>

3[\t

4
5 6
7

fryb lj

-9-^*//\//\//

...
2

y"I

^>33 15

myiv

"rb

ne>B3 nps[:

N^Dn
T^i

ma
s

Kirb

aw

8 9

^"abi

b
. . .

''dndd "12 D3nn:y[b

//
ftnavft 13
tra

DUP 12 U3WW6
tannannias^

..3io

... 02 12
\//->

n
12

P3DDSJ^ LJ

// ill

-3^1

yi

ibwmp na kdob^
NJ1JHO npQJ

"yi 13

14

-3-^

*yn
"13

Djnos^ lj
Yrnntcb lj
-y-|

bw 15
16
17

3-3-3 iD^an

////-9*> \l\ll
1 ?

\ll

2 He is the servant. 3 23885 ... 4 Given to 'Anhhapi b. ? 6 5 ... ... in all 10 re'i. 7 Personal expenses ... ... 850 Petisi 9 8 To 'Anhhabis Given to Tebo daughter of will be done ...
?
:

b.

Petisi.
.

Senut".

To me n To 2.
:

13 Town To Pemeso b. Sahpimu, 125 re'i. ... re'i. ... 13 15 60 re'i. IG LJ to Ahrehib b. Hapimu 60. LJ to Petehnum expenses 17 Total re'i 814.
1
.

son and to Peteharpohrat b. Pet v

and

to

my

10
.
. .

(?)

To Sahpimu
LJ
to

b.

....

12

Neftisobku

Line
It

1.

~{?V, cf. 7vb]}

78
'

do not know

the word.
'.

KDJ3

cf.

1.

8.

looks like WB33.

CIS

ratio

corporum
D.

viritim
in.

Line 2. ND^[y] probable. CIS only Hence CIS U.

Line
Line
3.
7.
*(?

side-stroke

is

missing.

for pj^K as in the

Behistun text.
(ipse,

'Expenses
'31 "b

for

himself

the

master)

i.e.

personal

expenses.

Line

9.

Line
Line

10.

very faint and uncertain. BMP probable. CIS BVVi.

'ntasb.

n.

The

is

really a 3.

Line 12.
Line 15.

'b& or 'bb^ b. D^nDsb possible, but

it is

more

like

DIHDB^ as CIS.

86

No.
Fragment of a
list

74.

of names,

all

probably Egyptian.

CIS. no. 148, plate xv.

xp.n na^e bpb na
s

bb

...

:n aSya

nn n[]fi
. .
.

"in

-)>D3

[n]aa na pa 3 nomy na moo 4

^dndb 12 vnn 5 tJNOB

1

"13

DJn 6
b. Paw?/th b. Ne'ezab,
5

Peti b. Pahapi, his half

3
.
.

is

2
.

Pasmasak
b.

in. 6

Pamen

b. Ban?'/

...

Smitu

'Anhmuth.

Hadiu

b. Petisi.

Hons

b. Petisi.

Line 1. Np.n CIS Knm, but the 1 might be "l, "I or 3. The more probable than n, cf the n in 11. 4, 6. Line 2. n[o]B. A O is the most likely letter to fill the space. Cf.
3Yy3

is

72*.

CIS 3XtM, neither very probable names. Line 4. The final n is partly visible. Line 5. "inn. CIS eft. mn, but ? *DKDB. Traces

of

'D

are visible.

No.
Fragment, very
difficult.
1.

75.
in

It

can hardly be taken as

CIS.

The
teristic
its

stroke after

of accounts.

and the summing up with 73 are both characThe reading of )bw$ is certain (1. 5), and if this has
5,

ordinary meaning, the papyrus would seem to contain an inventory of

a plantation.

CIS.

ii,

1,

no. 150, plate xx.

.
. .

yjpip inoa rom-i

.

Nnfhp

jptMrn

ypn]p jnoa nnSnx

3 4

Nm]-ip nnDpnpB
.

.-'9 i?CN
. . .

b_
jn

ncN

6
7

f]7BK n3D3"l
.

\n

runns

8 9

]]b[m] 7[3

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Line
this
1.

No. 75

187

Translation quite uncertain.

nanan
in

as in

1.

7. It

CIS

'

domina

tua', but the suffix never has

can hardly be a Hebraism. yn03 as papyri. in 1. 3, where it be yDCQ. F10 y)V2 'east', or might Hardly narrow ? CIS trip is hardly possible. It might be nip. y]p"lp>
the

form
'

'

Line

2.

Wjm

name?
.

for n^OJn cf.

^NDJn

Jer.

32

&c.

Or

cf.

tain

('frost'?) in Ps. 78

47

Line

3.

nn5nx so CIS.
'npQ an Egyptian
"on

The second

letter is

not like n, and the 2

is

more

like D.
4.
6.

Line Line

name compounded
'
. .

with nna.

perhaps
1.

like
'

Dm

Line 9 probably as

total,

again ', beginning a tamarisks .'

new

series.

No.

76.

Fragment of a report of legal proceedings. with certainty on the facsimile, so that the text
of CIS.

Very
is

little

can be read

for the

most part that

CIS.
.
.

ii,

1,

no. 151, plates

xx and

xxi.

*jr

snv

ton pi

//- n
,

^b
?
.

ids ly

onm

O?
.

ny
.

Nnv ni3
.

eon nniaai n
ir

nja wk[b!>]-> ovn n^[n]^

.

Nnv n

3 4

Dy

rbmn

by jn
to
. .

1
.
.
.

seal,
.

till

before

and
.

... 12 r and thus they (?) said his colleagues was done to
. .

you
.

this

Zeho

Zeho ...

3
.
.

this

now ...
Line

4
.
. .

will give,

Zeho on

to

Yedoniah

(?)

daughter (?) of this on the 10th day of Paiim,

the petition of
it

1. no& J3 //"> 1 restored from pi. xxi. Possibly which case there may have been another name after the end perhaps Dnp.

was "p
xnV.

1"IDX,

in

"]T

At

Line
Line

2. 3.
is

"I

the end of a name.

It is doubtful if

fn5
1 would

n s :[l]^.

very doubtful. fill the space.

^'[s^].

As

V)l

clear, this is

more probable than

''SNS? (CIS), but the

name

does not occur for certain elsewhere.

Line

4.

jn

part of jnj.

88

No.

yy.
letter.

Small fragment of the beginning of a

CIS.

ii,

i,

no. 152, plate xx.

.
. .

K"lO
*in

D^P

n]on

D^y

Reverse.

...
1

by nan
2

...

3
.
.

The welfare
1.

of
is

my

lord ...

servant there

Line
Line

*tnQ

certain.

Not

N3"l as CIS.

probable, though the y has an unusual form. Line 3 apparently the address.

2.

D^y

No.
Fragment
CIS.
ii,

78.
read on the facsimile.

of accounts, very
no. 153, plates

difficult to

1,

xx and

xxi.

Obverse.
. . .

m]'a

naby
193

\//\//tt> e]D3 3

\\
. .

fb[p]B> *|D3
.

^3 5
^3 6

VTQ

S)D3

Accounts
. .
.

in the
1 1 1 1
.

mwrt
s
.

2
.

the value of

total

karash

3 the sum of 6 shekels . . including 6 shekels 2 . total money, . money,

. .

Line 1. ruby cf. 73 1 but the reading must mean accounts

,
'

in both places is uncertain.

It

'.

Line Line
Line

2. 4.

193 is

now
is

certain.

>n

is

probable, but does not seem suitable.

5. 6.

jb[p]tP

Line
to

VTO

(or

more probable than the CIS reading. The word was not known plural) is no doubt right.

CIS.

The

reverse

is

illegible.

i8 9

No.
Fragment found
at

79.
site

Elephantine near the

of the temple.

It is
is

not

included in Sachau's volume.

here as in Ungnad's edition.
Cf. also
vi, p.

As

there

is

no

facsimile the text

printed

De Vogue
to

in Repertoire,
ii,

246

Clermont-Ganneau

in Recueil

246; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris

p. 217.

It

seems

be part of an inventory or specification.

Cf. no. 26.

Ungnad, no. 89.

, ,
,

/[///]

p|VJa rhn
ji?sn

/ pick tis //- ;bn

/// /// /// ion

rnn

tia

n]nn
,
.

/ pidn >na

mn n^
mn[]

wa

p]cra

mn
.

[/

nojx *ib //

/// jn

rvb 4

1 2 including one of i 2 cubits, one cubit wide, 4 (?) hands thick (?)... 3 including another board of 9 cubits and a half, 1 cubit 4 another board of 5 cubits, 1 cubit wide, . . . hands thick (?) wide,
.

thick (?)

Line
Line
S"Vn
'

is illegible.

2.

mn
1

circumference

object was
is

must be a third dimension, 'thickness'. Ungnad eft. This cannot be the exact sense here since the cubit wide. The thing is no doubt a rv6, whatever that
'.

(as in

11.

3, 4),

not a single plank, but a

flat

surface of

some

kind.

No.

80.

Fragment found with no. 79. The writing is on both sides. There is no facsimile, so that I have adopted here the readings of ClermontGanneau (Recueil vi, p. 246), as printed by Ungnad. See alsoDe Vogue",
Repertoire

247; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris

ii.

p.
It

219.

The
to

text

is

too

fragmentary to give any connected sense.

seems

be a report of

some

incident concerning the garrison from which legal proceedings

resulted.

Ungnad,

no. 90.
. . .

a by

n]ia in
.

n[o]
a[n]i ttrb
.
.

DnniN
. .

*jvk vb

[b^n m-in 4

p]Dno
kt

Tin [mi]

N^n

^n

S[n]T3

jj *i 6

190
Reverse.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
. .
.

No. 80

rrnno [n]S p
.

jy^

now

iran DruN 8

Nno[b] fnr 9
1

To B

2
.

they said ...

3
. .

4
G

Now Now thus says to my lord (?)

7

his sword, there is no force also this fortress (?)...

... to them, and their centurions 5 this force, they were holders of
.

Mithradates

8
. .

you, judges, say to

9
. .
.

he

will give

Line
as

3.

'"INO

3[l]l

no doubt heads of
'

their

hundreds'

i.

e.

centurions

Ungnad
Line
Line
Line
5. 8. 9.

suggests.

Cf.

'3

nxo 22 20
is

&c.
#

[p]DTO

for

pDnno,

not very convincing.

nDX

imperative.
?

NnD[i>] read *NTB7

There was probably something

after

it.

The next

three papyri are later than those from Elephantine.

No.
This was published
in

81.

The 1907, p. 260, with facsimiles. with other fragments, from a dealer at papyrus was bought by Sayce, Luxor who believed them to have come from Kus. It was given by Sayce

PSBA,

to the Bodleian Library

where

it is

referenced as

MS. Aram.

a.

(P).

It

consists of

two long strips about 20 X z\ inches (and some fragments). The writing is on both sides and is divided into 10 columns running down the width of the papyrus. Originally no doubt the two fragments

were united along the long edge and the columns were continuous across both. Probably something is lost between the fragments (i. e. in the
middle of each column) but hardly anything at the top or bottom. The document evidently began with 1. 1. The columns are not always kept distinct, but sometimes run into one another where the lines are long.

The
The

lines often slope, so that the

beginning or end

is

occasionally

lost.

These two

defects

difficulty is

the decipherment more than usually difficult. further increased by the unskilful writing, by the broken

make

condition of the papyrus, by the condensed and disconnected nature of the entries, by the abbreviations and by apparent inconsistencies of
the writer.

No

date

is

given, but the

many Greek names

suggest the Ptolemaic

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
period,

No. 81

191

and

this is

shows a much
documents.
not be far
It

later stage
is

corroborated by the character of the writing, which of development than that of the Elephantine
that

unlikely, however,

individual cases, long after the time of Alexander,

Aramaic survived, even in and we shall perhaps

at

wrong in assuming a date about 300 b. c. With regard to particular letters, N, 3, n, b, V have practically arrived form as in the the ordinary square shape 3 has much the same
:

Elephantine documents
to distinguish

1 and n are
:

still 3

indistinguishable

is difficult

from the unit \

it

3
in

and

when

medial, have the

tail

bent,

but

when

final,

is

straight

the right-hand stroke turns round,

:

thus approximating to the square form

D shows the most pronounced

:

change, being sometimes nearly joined below, as in the square form n much as only requires a longer tail to give it the square form Elephantine, but the left-hand stroke is shorter.
:

p
at

The

text consists of accounts, not of

a household
entries

(like

no. 72), but

to relate to Many apparently of a business of some kind. but the precise meaning of most wine, others perhaps to money-lending,

seem

of them

is

obscure.

peculiarity of this

a series of units the

last

document is the way of writing the numerals. In one or two or three are written sloping against
\\\///, but almost <?fl.
before, I printed
3.
It
is,
it

the preceding stroke,

e. g.

In the
as <?//

PSBA,

not

having found
it

this

arrangement

&c, and took

to represent a fraction, e.g.

6,

however, simply a way of

&c. (////// at Elephantine), due perhaps rather to a personal writing This value is proved by the of the writer than to a later method. fancy ratio regularly preserved (where the reading is certain) between the number of ]& and the number of 1. Thus in 1. 62 \\\ 13 \\\/// pb,
'

6 bottles at

(i.

e.

costing

?)

'.

Whatever

the

meaning

is,

it

will

be

found that
suggested.

2 bottles

always correspond to

1 r, if

the units are read as here

Another obscure combination is B\0. This must in some way mean 1 one half. Cf. 11. 96-98, where (if 2 bottles r) 5 bottles should be at z\ r, 3 bottles at i-| r, and 1 bottle at \ r. As a mere convalued

(?)

jecture I

be for ?]D1D suggest that S may be for ai?Q and that E may 33 'added' (the perfect Hophal occurs in Dan. 4 ) or some such word. The whole will then be equivalent to +^ (r6s ^DID?). The *l here, as elsewhere, is for quarter (of a shekel). This is
I

mi

'

'

shown by
and the
quarters.

1.

94 where 9
1

bottles should at the

same

rate

text has 'at

sh(ekel)+

(r)'.

Therefore

be valued at 4^ r. shekel 4 r or

9a
Col. a.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\-qk

No.

81

....
|ttan

nana n wasy ppn

"T

\
s \

-i

\ d

n"nar

Nnava

pvo^
n"nacy

\/// /// p

\ d

joan rrnap joan

.

ma

\\ -> n
. .

pcnS

4 5 6

K \ T&F [P]mx 32

xw//////-

j5[-u]
//

7
py[ot!>

\ 11a Nana pn"

pna

jo]
10

8 9

ana

jna

|o

a"E>" *na \\ P"u \\ para Dnsn "an

10

10

by \ n

\\\ n

"""Siva rran

ma

Nan

1 1

ma.D pn k

12

13
Col. b.

raw
"an

fnav "va

snot?

14

na pyop

k5sk^ pbo

15
16
1

w
ahiD \///

3-3 jxnona \ not? "not? aa

-

janaa \ not? pyop aa

w//////tr
* \/// j[ma] \ no^ pyot? aa
\nbr12

18 19

\ no|>]

|[iyoE> aa]

20
21

sine \y~>
"?"*\
->
jnta

pnm
aa

-oe>

mar innay

22 23

n joana \
nn"aa

noc

nia?

mnay
"an

not? jnn

"nas>

24 25 26
27

\\// -3 a joana \ not?

.
.

"an "naa>

aa

y "^i

"13

jan"

\[n]op

rrra

*>\ pna
Col.
c.

n"aa..

na

""n"
"r

pn] soan
"jnna

jna[i"]

pen
spa

\\\///nD:n jnav

T3 Ta

28 29

"r

epa

"r

n^an

30

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\\ en
*i:ry

No. 81
in:

193

nn

tbm

n vem

T3

31
32

nro w^r
[h]tsb> n
,

K3"i

nam nTa fa Nam

nr3
rn]<3

na 7iT3 N^Tn rvra Nan

.

33
34 35
36

fprp n nt

\ n \\ n
. .

[53n
n["i*3]

rwn rna .Dna5 btu n xcnn

k
.
.

37
38

*s3 n:^t

wnn

rrra
3

Nin5
,

bw
,

N*r
'

KH3P n* un n Nnon
pana
^>n

39

an

\\

\
ja

-3

Tdncd3

40
41

\^n v\\///"^^53
\\\
jana

tny? ih

was
*\

n!>T3

42

\ ^n \\\/// pa na ons wiap

inf 3TO

43

44

Col. d.
. , .

n nivb

nn

n
n
n$>

45
46
47 48

\ n Tn \///
.

//

nan pyv

nq \\\///n[a-i] pyv
,

nnp

*in

abn
n*

49 50
51

...
Col.
e.

3 \\///
.

TDp
1

Nn

52

n5

53
54

n
*r

55
56
57
58

pa Ttann

\n \\//3^^
P N P
verso, Col.
f.

59

N33N3 N*ymN

60
=> 3

\ P 1NP \\ n \ P3 \ N3
2599

61

194

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
B \ 5 IKt^

No. 81
])b

\\\ 13 \\\///
B \ K3
|A^ p$>

D"33

62

\ 1XB> \\\ 13 \\\/// pb

D'33

33

63 64

\ 1 \\
\\
.

B>3

|fr

D^BX

"13
.

\\ \\
,

K3V" 65
IP3V^ 66
67

\ 13

\\\

"13

\\\///

Ja>]

....
PUN
jn5

68 69
70

\\ pb

a\3 \;6 *3i3 a\o \ 13 \\\ pi>

)ib
.

kw-"' 71
72

\\\ 13 \\\///
.
,

D*M 33

&

UNf^

73

Col. g.

\\\ 13 \\\/// p? D33^ 74 \\ n3 \/// pi> tx>y^ 75 \\\ 13 \\\/// ]& WM 33 \\ 1 1KE>
76
77

\ 13 \\ ]& rmnv^ 78 B\0 \ jfc D'OJ 33 79

\i3 \\ pb K*av^ 80
.

B\N3

JM*-"" 81

ntron
]J?

3U3

83
84

\ 13 \\
\\ 1 \
K>3

DIID^
vbinn^

\ N3 DIB^" 85
:6a
JJ&

\\\ 13

86
87

B\ \\\

13 \\\////

DpOD^

\\\ 13 \\//// p& DnD3^ 88 \\ 13 \/// pi? diibi^" 89 \\\ 13 ... 90 pnj
.

ww

Col. h.

3 TP3N

91

\\ 13

\/// p6

DIID*^ 92
D^33^" 94

\V\ 13 \\V/// pb 8TO^ 93

B\tt \B>3 \\\//////
p^J

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
ax

No. 81
]ib

395

\ 13 \\

aw^
5

95

w
.

"in \///l

pb

rnin^ 96
97

D\
.

\ 13

\W P^ K*3*^ a\m \a^ bnm^

. .

98

5E H3y-^ 99
100
[tt]F

\\13

\///

[p!?]

\\ 13 [x/]// )ib V\ 13 \/// Jjfc

101

'DDB^' 102

\\\ 13 ////// pb Tna^" 103 \\ 13 \/// |5^> KW''' 104 \ 13 \\ }& niBK" 105
\\\///D
1NB>

XXX

t^3

\\

}N3 ins 3
}ib

106

B\0 \
Col.
i

l[3] ///

DVDIK^" 107
108 109

...
\\///ynvb i?p* sw n^33 jnna \\ }oni3 \\ fnybv wiw5 tib n Knn ^y on* n iwra
.

no

\//

e>

\\\\/// jena 0323 nt Nn3ty

1 1 2 1 1

erased

W
{*
.

\ pa \\///
xx/// /7/

///

^
,
,

\\ 13
. .

$ ma 33^ XX ^ ma 33^
rona^

114
115 116

-^

13

x//^ tfaijK
f

wate^

3
[]ib]
, .

XX 13 x///
Col. k.

117 118

K3fl
,

3n IMP
"Di D'aa

non

^na
B>
.

119

XXX
.

120
121

d33

na

nmnb
\

- "3

122 123

X (erasure) 1
-1

x///-^ ;m

124
125

axis x 13 xxx

[\:b]

bniDD^" 126
2

196

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\///
]ib

No. 81
\\
-

mn

Tnty-^

pb njx
flJK

127

\\

-13

\///}37

23

128

//////$
\\ 1

nac 33

129 130
131

^[P

\\\///p^ njN 33 ve>a 13 \ B> \ K3 D^3^ \\ 13 V\]

\\\ i lac \[\\ p]5 \\-

\///
Col.
1.

rmm^" v\
[pun] 33

-13

132

\ib

w 13
\\
III

133

V D

j[u]jn3

134
135
136 137

\c

v d fiara \\\ \ \\ 1
*w \\
1
.
.

138
.

2 Account of the produce which Abihi wrote (daughter of) 3 the farm of Zebadiah, wheat i seah i quarter. Shabtith i half (?) 4 Arsin of Obadiah, wheat i seah, 7 daughter 6 5 Arsz'/z 1 bond ... wheat, 1 2 ardabs.

Shelamzin

8 From Simeon 2 flagons. Johanan the mine, 9. 2 flagons from From Shabbethai (daughter of) Yashib priest 1 flagon. Nathun (?) 1 flagon. 10 From Haggai (son of) Diaphoros, two flagons.

flagons

11

Tabo

daughter of Haniah, the house.

in the
.

Ardabs 3
:

12 13
.

14

The bonds
.

came up to i bond for

zuzin.
20

hand of Jonathan and me Simeon b. Haggai 16 Simeon, SMTI, 1 bond for 40 she-asses. 1V 19 12 kerashin 18 8 shekels. Simeon, 1 bond for 400
15
.
.

and 1 2 months Obadiah Simeon, 1 bond for 4 hallurin 23 Obadiah (son of) Zaccur, Zaccur, 1 bond for 120 zuzin. (son of) 24 Shabbethai 1 bond for 10 ardabs of wheat. (daughter of) Haggai 25 Shabbethai (daughter of) Haggai, will give 1 bond on her house. 26 In her hand is 1 bond of 1 bond for 24 ardabs of wheat. Johanan
.

21

22

b. Dallui
28

27
. . .

for

100 zuzin.
.
.

23 beniah. In In the hand of /imathan, the wheat of(?) Yahya b. 30 A 6 of asses. the hand of Jonathan ... phylactery (?) of silver, 10; 31 In the hand of Nathan, the ... of Meshullam b. 2 trays of silver. 32 for 2 shekels. My ... in his hand; our large ... in his-hand. 'Azgad 33 The a large one in his hand, and the small (?) one in his hand 35 in his hand. The ... of Yedoniah beautiful ... 34 in his hand.
;

30

wheat

ardabs

37

quarter.

In

his

hand

the

of bronze.
39

NKRS, daughter of Haniah ... 38 In his hand our wine which they gave shall be kept back (?) this year.

The

SL

the priest

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
40 in
1

No. 81

197

TMASU

21 ... 2 flagons
. .

...

41

42 hallur (?)... Abithi 3 flagons. 44 hallur (?) Profit (?) 100 zuzin.
.

Dallui junior, a garden for 46, 43 Obadiah ... 6 flagons,

46
47

45

lent 2 plates

which he brought down to Thebes (?)... 49-51 48 he lent 6 plates

.

To H

he

52-55
m

56

Hargalti for
shekel.
2

shekels ...
.

57

64,
1

quarter ...
at
1

58
,

59

G0
1

the forty in

6*

10,
at

ka
3

shekel

quarters, remainder
k.
G3
.
.

Nikias 6 bottles

quarters,

64 Nikias 6 bottles at 3 quarters, remainder 1. Apollonius will pay \ ka G5 G6 bottles at 2 quarters. at 2 shekels 1 quarter. Yania Yania 4
.
. .

remainder \

bottles

07

at 1 quarter.
70

G8

bottles.

Nathan.
72
.

We

G9 2 6 bottles at 3 quarters. Self 71 will lend 1 bottle at . Yania, 3 bottles at

.

\\ quarters.
bottle
74 7G
. .
. .

Nikias,

bottles at

quarters.

73

Yania,

NBS,
.

6 bottles at Nikias,
2
1

78

Judah,

75 Yania, 4 bottles at 2 3 quarters. 77 bottles at 3 quarters. Remainder, 2 79 bottles at 1 quarter. . Nikias, 1 bottle, -|.

quarters. quarters.
80

Yania,

2 bottles at
82
1 1

81

quarter.
83

Yania,

-|

ka

at

quarter.
85

Per flagon

five

...

84

Isidoros,

bottles

at

quarter.

3 quarters.

8G at 1 shekel 2 quarters. Hargalti, a half at 87 bottles at 3^ quarters. 88 Kostos, 6 bottles Lysimakhos, 7

Poros,
89

ka

at 3 quarters. Diaphoros, 4 bottles at 2 quarters. Nathin, 6 bottles at 3 quarters.

91

90

Abithi (son of)

Abithi ...... 92 Isidoros, 4 bottles at 2 quarters. 93 Yania, 6 bottles !l5 94 at 3 quarters. Yonia, Bakkhias, 9 bottles at 1 shekel \ (a quarter). 7 9G 2 bottles at 1 quarter. bottles at 2-| quarters. Yania, Judah, 5
3 bottles at 1^ quarters.
98

Rehabel,

bottle at

(a quarter).

"

Obadiah

(son of)
100 102

Yashub

101 Yanm, 4 bottles at 2 4 bottles at 2 quarters. 103 PTU, 6 bottles at 3 4 bottles at 2 quarters. 105 104 Yonia, 4 bottles at 2 quarters. ZPRH, 2 bottles at 1 106 jr or PTU, 2 ka at 3 shekels, remainder 6 M. 107 Armais, (p)

quarters. quarters.

PTPI,

quarter. 3 bottles

at
109

\\ quarters.

108

110 In 2 2 our house In the house of Yashib . 5 . . U1 Bronze-bands which open. they put on the date-palms of Pehi. 112 This year for tax 7 kerashin 3 shekels. 113 . PTU, 8 bottles at
.

shekel.

114
.

PTU,
.

2 bottles at 2 (?) quarters.

8 bottles at

shekel.

115
11G

Abithi to our house (?).. 'RBI A, 3 bottles at // quarters.

117
.

4 bottles at 2 quarters.
119 122

118 ..

remainder
121
.
.
.

For mine, Nikias value of wine

123
124

shekels.
1

Nikias ...

30th of Thoth.

3 24 zuzin

12

quarter.

98
lae

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

No. 81

127 Self, 12 bottles. Sostratos, 3 bottles at \\ quarters. 128 bottles at 2 quarters. Self, Shabbethai (son of) Haniah, 3 130 at 1 shekel . 129 Self* 6 bottles Self, 6 bottles 4 bottles. 131 at 2 Nikias 1 ka 1 shekel, at 2 quarters, remainder quarters. 132 2 quarters at 2 quarters. Judah, 1 2 bottles at j shekels 2 quarters remainder 3 quarters 133 at 2 quarters Self, 4 bottles.

im

184
l:;:,

...
138

for

wheat

seah.

135

13G
. . .

3 for wheat

seah.

1.
'

Line
'

N^jy

is

pvnbw a feminine? name. Cf. nD^ Salome, in Midrash and Talmud, said to be for ]V)i cbw. She may be the mother (or father) of Abihi, m3 being omitted as 13 is elsewhere in this document.
NTQJ
3
' '

produce Line 2.

in general.

more probable than xpjy (PSBA) 'Fruits' meaning VQK for \T3K elsewhere, a feminine name.

plantation
3.

i.

e. field

or farm.
It

for

mo.

Line

11 very doubtful.

\ 'one half should have

Line
Line
4.

does not correspond to any other entry. as elsewhere.

pEHK as 1. 5. Sayce suggests Arsinoe. 32 Sayce 'on account of, perhaps for 1V33. 5. occurs where a name is repeated.
"

It generally

Line Line

7.

p["> 3 ]

ar S e bottles.

Probably of wine.
is

9.

3W

a name.

The [n]l3
is

omitted.
It

After }n3 the

is

unintelligible,

and perhaps

not to be so read.

may be

}in3.

dual Line 10. D12H Diaphoros. "13 omitted. p3"tt perhaps a form (Sayce), or a mere caprice as |3"I2 is used before with \\. The rest of the Line 11. &JT3 reading and meaning uncertain.
line is also unintelligible.

Line 12. n~i3 D a name? Line 15. NJSN^ Sayce, 'to our side' (Wteb)
.

i.e.

joined our partner-

ship

(?).
1

? jiODn she-asses with N to distinguish it from the masculine The "3 no doubt means concerning '. Line 19. * is probably the same as the sign for 100, often used in

Line

6.

'

'

'

the Behistun text.

Line 20.

N^*l in later

Perhaps originally for [flfcTjO. Aramaic should mean 'property', which does
1.

not seem suitable here or in

21.
is

Line 22. }m must be very small coins since the number

hardly a quarter of a shekel.

so large

Line 24. Line 29.

after
it is

jnn

if

right
f

is

for }n3D.

nD"3"i (or

2i).

Possibly a name.

In any case the numeral

'
'

difficult to explain.
.

Line 30. n|?an

Can

it

be used in the ordinary sense, a

phylactery

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
in

No. 81
unless
it

199

a silver case?

The numeral
and

is

again
1.

difficult,

means
it

the

value,

10 shekels

(?),

similarly in

29.

Line 31. N3V1 a quite unknown word.

Persian, but there
'

Sayce suggests that

is

seem

to be
'

no

traces of Persian in this document.

Line 33. N?in cheap (Sayce), but the reading is very doubtful. Line 34. Nr" or N't?, probably the end of a noun. ? Nfcjnn as in
H. 37, 38.

Line 37.

Ktyin

some unknown
D.
'

article

made

of bronze.
?

,D13f.

The

final letter

might be another
?

Greek or Egyptian

Line 39. ^n" is probable. or not reckoned in the account Line 40.

Shall be held in suspense' i.e. not used,

1DNDB3.

Line 41. ^?1. the form (for ^*i)

The last letter seems to belong to this name (?). Name? as elsewhere. Sayce suggests 'bucket', but

is difficult.

Line 42. npTEQ cf. tSin 11. 20, 21. It Line 43. Dna is used of 'stirring' wine, Line 44. Line 45.
Line 47. Line 56.
''JnD

may
i.

be related to ^bl.
causing
it

e.

to ferment?

perhaps 'profit' from n5o?. Sayce to Thebes

' '

*3n.
'.

i"Q"i

lent at interest

'.

T^nn
is

as in

1.

86,

where

it

should be a name.

Line 62. S \ 5

fairly certain,

not S

\ O.

In 11. 95, NJ>, for pnv. 104 KW. It Line 74. D33 perhaps badly written for D33 D'OJ. Line 78. min\ The name does not occur in the Elephantine texts.
'

Line 65.

NT

probably like the common form can hardly be the Greek '.

Line 83. After riB>n something

is

wanted.

There

is

not

room

for

more than one

Line 98.
in -el

letter,
i.

or two.

Line 86. 373

e.

half a ka, as the price shows.

1

perhaps for 7N2m, cf. rram are not found in the Elephantine texts.
isns
yr\]lb

73m

Chron. 23 17 &c. Names

Lines 102.

103. TnD apparently names.

Line 109.
unsuitable.

(and in

1.

no).

connexion with

V^yb seems
is

Line no. |CK"Q apparently to be so read, but the N

strange.

plural

is

required.

Line 114 is erased, being no doubt an erroneous repetition of 1. 113. r Line 115. N3ri37 for 60JV3? ? N^3"|J? or ny, apparently a name.

Line 126.

5mDD.

Sayce suggests perhaps Sostratos.

If this refers
1.

Line 130. \Ba.

It

to

1.

129 the proportion

is

unusual.

should be /H~\2, and so in

131.

200

No.

82.

Fragments of a legal document, bought by Prof. Sayce in Egypt and It was given by him to the Bodleian Library (MS. Aram. e. 2 (P)).
published in

PSBA,
is

19 15,

p.

The

writing

similar to that

217, with a facsimile. of no. 81, and the date

is

therefore

As it is an probably about the same, early in the 3rd century b. c. official document it would not have been written in Aramaic, one would
suppose,

much

after
it is

300

b. c.

too fragmentary to admit of a continuous translation. Unfortunately is missing before 1. 1, or Probably nothing only part of a line which may have contained the address, e. g. to our lord '. The beginnings and
'

ends of
details

all

the lines are lost,

and several words are

illegible,

so that the
the general

are

quite obscure.

As

far as

it

can be made

out,

sense seems to be that three litigants were concerned with the division of certain property, including a house. One of them was perhaps executor

and had handed over part of the who were now to distribute it.

estate to the

'

heads of the congregation

is

',

If the reading "]H3y

right in

1.

1,

the

document

The

'

a report of proceedings by the judges to some higher official. judges are probably officers of state, but the heads of the congreis
'

'

gation' must be Jewish

of the action

elders

who were

recognized, by them.

The

place

may have been Abydos or H3D (Thebes?), where there must have been a Jewish settlement at this date. The name Abydos occurs
in 3s 3
.

[onjsa n span inayi

.

[i]nnay
.
.

"12

njw
jroN

['ajn

in

rfr\

i!>[n
.

na]

nn
.

nns*

m~m

nnua wt rvn
.

mnN

pib>

4
5

[smjny vtmrbs r\zbw

[}]mjjW>jj

rwwn

<T2

mprv
ins
.

6
,

n
.

jjq /// fp^n

^ap^ spnnso

tt

b
.

\am
. .

s6

"2 mfi s^i

8 9

[pi]n
. . .

jurM

in

...

9b \rh nn
i

b nnns* nobsi?
. .
.

mm
,

/// jp[^n]

10
,

^v
.

nnsp fna
,

"r

jnn unfa

11

\bn
.

i^

pnaM

12

[au]s6 strop ... 13 vby on 14

.
.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
H
.

No. 82
. .

201
.

1 2 and your servants the judges who are in Abydos son of BaUui, Delaiah b. Haggai, Shib'a b. Obadiah ... 3 ... the house of Zomi in the city of Thebes, of the street (?) came ... 4
.
.
.

...
5

I will give.
I
;

Afterwards

before him

G paid to the heads of the congregation ... and they gave evidence as to all goods ...
.

let
.
.

him come

things in 3 parts.

Now

8
.

and
.
.
.

it

house
to
12
.
. .

(?),

and they

and they
.
. .

shall give a

but to A ... 9 10 par/ ... 3 parts of a Tora to two which he shall bring
shall give to
.

and other was not a complete

.
. . .

son of

Plta

his sister

Abbahun, correct

division
14

13
. .

before us to Abydos ...

1.

Line

The

remains of

letters

at

the

beginning have not been

in
1.

deciphered.

seems the
Line
2.

At the end a place-name is wanted, as most likely, but it is only a conjecture.

"vfl] as

13,

and [ui3]s

of about the

on an ostrakon, Sachau pi. 68, 2 1 3,5 which may be same date. The fl is more like D. njOB' cf. O.T. jntP. These were no doubt the three persons interested. Cf. 7.
' ,

1.

Line

3.

V2l7 uncertain.

Cf.

KDir

in

Mishna.
as in 81 45
.

name

of a town.

Sayce suggests Thebes

n3D3 must be vn or
,
,

the
,

"on

must be part of a name, but its relation to the transaction is not clear. Line 4. pity very doubtful. There are traces of another line
between
11.

and

5.

Line

5.

[xnjnj;.
it

The

is

doubtful,

and therefore the restoration

occurs in 15 22 and
,

is

uncertain, but
for the Jewish

is

probable.

The word
unusual.
.

is

correct

community.
for
1.

Line

6.

n"Q

rfl(?)
7, cf.

is

'Before

him'?
is

[|]co:W>y
uncertain.

followed by

NnnNI

20 12
it)

But the reading here

i.e.

Line Line
guess.

7.

?2pb '(divided

according to'

into 'three parts' for the

three litigants.
8.

mn

very uncertain.

What

'a

full

house' means

cannot

pjJVI

is clear,
is

for pjn^l at Elephantine.

Line 10,
miri
there
is

''ti'Ein.

2 in 1. 11) suggest nt^En ( + not occur in the Elephantine papyri, where no allusion to the Law. Or is it Tin 'her ox'? It was evidently

min

certain,

and the three parts

The word does

a valuable possession. Line 11. v pTfi or

How
Dinnn

HD^D was concerned with

?

it is
i.

not clear.

nnN" jnn
1

'

come

with'

e.

bring them.

Line 12 probably the

a name.
Cf. irDN, })2N.
It is

last line, ratifying

the apportionment.

pnm

Lines 13, 14.

quite uncertain where this fragment belongs.

203

No. S3.

A fragment
It is

not dated.

with writing on both sides, in the Harrow School Museum. The recto, containing a column of accounts, is in a fairly

early hand, probably before

400

b.c.

The

verso, containing a

list

of

names and a few

lines of accounts, is
b. c.

nearly as late as 300

and probably That the papyrus should have been used

written

more roughly

again after such an interval is strange, but not impossible, especially as the verso shows signs of being palimpsest.
is

The verso is very much faded in parts, and on both sides the reading uncertain owing to the lack of context and the few opportunities of

comparison.
nyr6 \///3

Reverse.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
\ \
NIT*
DCS"

No. 83
24
25

203

\ IDS

26
27 28

\
BS
|//
. .
,

ifi

HpDJ

pD3 Nrvvo 7y \ !?5 Kris D^y

to

29

30

u On

3 On the 5th from G the 6th 25 ardabs. On the 8 7 6> the 8th 2/ ardabs. On the 9th 2/ ardabs. ardabs. 7th 25 9 On the 10th 25 ardabs. 10 On the nth 25 ardabs. n On the 12th 12 On the 13th 25 ardabs. 13 On the 14th 25 ardabs. 25 ardabs.
1

On

the 4th of Tybi

Petisis 4

2 Zeho came on our account 25 ardabs. 5

Memphis.

On

2/ ardabs.
19
21

15 the 15th 25 ardabs. On the 16th 25 ardabs. 1G On the 17th n On the 18th 18 (9 //fo /9th 25 ardabs. 25 ardabs.

Reverse.

...

8.

20
.

3.
22
:

Money-lenders
Pi
j

Zeho
29

23

Petnether

24

Pasu

25

Zeho
30

26

YSM

27
28

Expenditure ...
' . .

For the inheritance

(?) 3 talents.

The

servant

of Zeho, each

Line
42
7

2.

~d5d very

faint,

but probable
'

if

NDD does

not require
Cf.

7.

Cf.

"BSE

nn

if that really

means

Line

4.

f7n probably.
for pmfce.

go down to M.' p7n would not make

sense.

s 5pn in 44

N no doubt

Lines 5-18 simply enumerate the days from the 6th to the 19th, on each of which 25 ardabs were received or given out. Line 19. JpTD. I cannot guess what word this is.

Line 21.
column.
1

At the

side
'

K'WIB the

Lines 22-27.
cf.

The

three strokes belonging to a previous of a money-changer ? names are all Egyptian. For the \ after each

are
'

table

33 Line 26. Line 28.

-*.

DCS" quite uncertain.

'ox
.

not

'DXy,

and there
to

is

no obvious word.
'Inheritance'?
}"I33 at

Line 29. NJVTO apparently so

Elephantine pa:3.

be read.

ao4

The Story of Ahikar.

Eleven sheets of papyrus, with double columns.
all

more

or less fragmentary, three of

them

They contain an Aramaic version of the well-known story of Ahikar, followed by a collection of proverbs, similar to, but not the same as, Lines 1-78, the narrative, are practically those found in later versions. As to the remainder, the continuous, but the story is not finished. related in subject, it is proverbs being disconnected, or only occasionally
are continuous. impossible to say whether the sheets of papyrus from the appearance of the writing There is no date, but
safely conclude that
it

we may
to

belongs, like the majority of these

documents,

the latter part of the

fifth

The

story,

and

this version

century of
:

b. c.
it

in particular, is interesting for the

following reasons among others (1) The hero is mentioned by

(2)

name

in the

There seem

to be references to the story in various

book of Tobit. books of

the

Old and

New

Testaments.
it

(3) Hitherto

has been

known only

in later (post-Christian) forms.

(4)

The papyrus shows

that the original

work goes back

at least as far

as the fifth century b.c. and probably earlier. earliest specimen of wisdom-literature outside the (5) It is thus the

Old Testament and cuneiform

texts.

general questions relating to the story and its transmission, may be studied in English in The Story of Ahikar ... by Conybeare, Rendel

The

'

Harris and A. S.Lewis', 2nd ed. Cambridge,

1913 (here quoted as and in Charles' Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, vol. ii, Oxford, 'Story') 1913 (here quoted as 'Charles') p. 715 + by the same editors, together It is only proposed here to deal with with the works mentioned there. the Aramaic text found in these papyri and with the questions specially
,

connected with

it.

to the broken state of the papyri their reading and interpretation alike are often uncertain. large number of articles dealing with

Owing
text

the

following

have added something to its elucidation, but much still For the present purpose the suggestions of the remains to be done. as being the most worthy of attention, have been scholars,
:

carefully considered

Baneth,
Epstein,

OLZ, 1914, 248, ZAiTW, i9i2,p.

295, 348.

128; 1913, pp. 222, 310;

OLZ,

1916, 204.

Grimme, OiSZ^j^j.1, 529. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III (19 12),

p.

253.

THE STORY OF AHIKAR

Ed. Meyer, Papyrnsfund,
p.

205

102.

Montgomery, OLZ, 19 12, 535.

Noldeke,

ZDMG,
191

67, p. 766.

Expository Times, 24 (19 13), p. 428. 'Untersuch. zum Achiqar-Roman in

'

Abh. der
Perles,
Seidel,

Gb'tt.

Ges. 14, 4 (1913).

1,

OLZ,

497; 1912, 54.

292.
826.
;

ZAW,

191

2, p.

Smend, ThLZ, 191 2, 387.

Strack,

ZDMG,
OLZ,

191

1, p.

Stummer, OLZ, 19 14, 252

ster,

1915, 103.

Der

kritische

Wert

Mini-

1914.
191
2,

Torczyner,

397.

Wensinck, OLZ, 191 2, 49. The Aramaic is not (as assumed in Charles, p. 720) the original of the There are indeed few Hebraisms in it, and although it was found book. It is not in a Jewish colony, the story shows no sign of Jewish origin.
derived from

expect
time.

it

to

The
it

not the only literary people of the fact that Tobit refers to it as a well-known story, does not

Hebrew sources and The Jews were be so.

there

is

no reason why we should

prove that
literature.

was known to the author as being a piece of native Jewish fame was much more widely spread. At the time when these papyri were written, Egypt was, and had been for a century, under Persian rule, and as we see from other documents, the Persian governIts

ment
fore

officially

used Aramaic in the provinces.

The language was

is

there-

well-known

at headquarters, qualified translators

must have been

(as earlier by Assurbanipal), that texts other than purely official documents

employed

and

it

reasonable to suppose

known abroad through

Aramaic

this

in the fifth century B.C.,

medium. It is and nothing at

would gradually be made true we know little enough of

all

of

its

literary narrative

few paragraphs of Old Persian (such as style, but one cannot read a Darius' inscription at Behistun) without being struck by the general It is always unsafe similarity in style of the Aramaic narrative of Ahikar.
to
trust

to

an abstract estimate of

style,

but when, as here, inherent

probability points to the same conclusion, the argument deserves conMoreover there are a few definite signs that the Aramaic is sideration.

under Persian influence.

in the

The name

of Assyria
Sinjirli

is

written Tins (as later

Targums),

not "IttPM as in the

is

inscriptions.

This

is

not

because the papyrus 300 it follows the Persian form Athura

1

years later
2
.

than the

Sinjirli texts but

because
is

A
2

peculiarity of the
i6 11,19 - 23

Ahikar text
(j3

The resemblance
This was
first

of phrases, e.g. in
is

Sam.

and 18

18

pX)

to

expressions used in Ahikar,

a

due to mere coincidence.

suggested to

me by

Prof. Sayce.

206

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
name, as
in line
i

the constant use of ilOC after a person's

'.

nC IpTlX
l
, '

'

man named Ahikar but is This is not found in ordinary Aramaic a common idiom in Old Persian as Behistun 6 Vidarna nama a man named Vidarna The use of *inN again, as an almost redundant conii,
'.

junction,

is

exactly parallel to the

OP

'

pasava

afterwards

'

used in the

same way. The Aramaic then

influence, but Persian

is a translation from Persian or made under Persian was probably not the original language of the story.

The Persians were not, at the beginning, a literary people, although they made great efforts to become so after their conquest of Babylon. It was
part of their enlightened policy.

Now

15, 69, ed. Stahlin, Lpz., 1906) says that the

Clement of Alexandria {Stromaia i, Greek philosopher Democritus

2

of

Abdera borrowed from Babylonian moral sayings

and incorporated
of Akikaros
3
,

with his

own compositions
Ahikar.
It

a translation of the
is

a-rijXr]

prided himself on his travels, claimed to have visited Persia and Egypt and to have sat at the feet of the magi and Babylon, priests (tois re /myois kclI tois iepevcri fxaOrjTevwv), SO that he might have

who no doubt is Democritus, who

true that

Clement goes on to say

that

borrowed from a Persian text or even from the present Aramaic, since his travels must have taken place 4 when this papyrus was already in

But Clement was evidently following a trustworthy authority existence. and would not have associated Ahikar with Babylonian writings if he had

meant Persian. The debt of the Greeks to Babylon as well as to Egypt and even to India in matters of physical science and philosophy is
that the story
tions.

acknowledged, and need not be emphasized here. Moreover the view came from a Babylonian source agrees with other indica-

Though
is

it

body
are

clearly Babylonian.

bears a Persian colouring over its Aramaic dress, its The kings Senacherib and Esarhaddon are

in the right order (not reversed, as in the later versions)

and

their

names

more correct in form than in the OT, the names Nadin and Nabusumiskun are purely Babylonian, so is the use of DTvK (pi. = ildni) and CDC as a god (neither of them Persian), while the frequent mention of
1

Though

it

occurs in other documents of this collection, where

it

is

also due to

Persian influence.
2

ArjfioKpiTos

yap tovs

BafivKcvviovs \6yovs r/Otnovs [ai/roC?] jreirolrjTar \eytrai

yap

ttjv 'Pi.Kuca.pov arijXrjv tpfxrjviv9tioav tois ISiois

ovvragai ovyypapfiaai.

The first sentence,

x, 4.

which

is

not very clear,

is

quoted by Eusebius in Praep. Evang.

'

Diogenes

Laertius v, 50 mentions a work Tltpl tSjv kv BafivXaivt Upwv ypap/xarcuv, edited by Theophrastus. Cf. also Strabo xvi, p. 762, wapa Se tois BoonopijvoTs Axaiicapov. 3 See Story, p. xli + for a discussion of the statement and reasons for accepting it.
4

He

lived from

466^0 361

B.C.

THE STORY OF AHIKAR

Assyria would be quite unsuitable in a Persian composition.

207
There

would have been no need

since the incidents related

to put the story

might

just

back into Assyrian times, as well have occurred under a

Persian despot.
rjOiKovs,

We
'

know

that the

gnomic or wisdom

'-literature, in the

Babylonians did possess Xoyous form of proverbs, 1 some of

which are similar

are collected under the

much more

the proverbs of Ahikar, and like them It appears then of a particular person. that the Ahikar story and proverbs reasonable to suppose
in character to

name

were originally composed in Babylonian, than to assume that the original was Persian, since we have no knowledge of the existence of any such The composition literature among the Persians in or about 500 b.c.

must go at least as far back as that and may be even older. 2 With regard to the word crrr/A.17, used by Clement, there has been some Of course no one writes a long series of unnecessary discussion.
proverbs on a pillar, or at least
it

would be very unusual

to

do

so.

They

tablet or tablets of clay, which (in Babylonia) on a might be of any size up to, say, 10 inches long. It is unlikely that Clement had ever seen a cuneiform tablet, and if his authority implied

would be written

that the proverbs of

Akikaros were inscribed on some hard substance, he

might reasonably take it for granted that they were inscribed in the only way he knew, namely like a Greek inscription on a column. Therefore and does not imply any special dis(TTrjXr} need only represent 'tablet',
tinction.

The very strangeness of the word corroborates the story. The Aramaic papyrus must be dated some time before 400 b. c, say about 430. The supposed Babylonian original cannot be earlier than
668, in the form from which the Aramaic
story
is

translated, although the

may

be based on an earlier fact or legend.

We

have no definite

proof, but

some

indications, of a

3 suggest the time of Assurbanipal patron of learning, at whose direction countless texts of

It is natural to precise date. (successor of Esarhaddon), the great

all

more

kinds were

Probable as this date is, however, re-copied, and new works composed. there are reasons against it. In reading the Aramaic text attentively (and

assuming that

it

help feeling that

1

represents the Babylonian original faithfully) one cannot Esarhaddon is not the historical setting is vague. 4

See Langdon in

PSBA

1916, p.

105+ and

the references there.

Also

in

AJSL
to the

1912, p. 217. 2 Bnt not earlier than 668 (Esarhaddon's death)

if

that king's

name belonged

original story. 3 Cf. his complaint of the ingratitude of his brother, in Rogers, History of Babylonia
ii,

p. 447,
4

which might have suggested the Ahikar So Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, p. 120 +
.

story.

208
a living portrait
:

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
he has become a conventional
is

figure.

More

the fact that nowhere

either

Nineveh or Babylon named

definite

is

at least in the
'

The king nearly always has the title king of fragments preserved. Assyria ', and we cannot suppose that his capital would not sometimes be
mentioned
with
'

it

1 Nineveh was destroyed, and greatness was still a memory. the kingdom of Assyria, all of it just before 600 b. c. How long

if its

'

would

it

take to obscure the features of history and to

make

Assyria

a suitable setting for an old-world story?

Suppose we allow 50 years

from the
story

to

of Nineveh, 2 and allow something over a century for the become popular and to be translated from Babylonian into
fall

are then brought to about the (Persian ? and thence into) Aramaic. same date as Sachau for the original composition, about 550 (Sachau says 550-450), only that we hold it to have been first written in Babylonian.

We

Whether

it was translated first into Persian and thence into Aramaic, or from Babylonian into Aramaic, cannot be decided and is of no directly The Aramaic translation was made not later (perhaps great importance. than 450, by a scholar who, if he did not make it from Persian, was earlier)

familiar with the Persian language

and accustomed to translating from and whose Aramaic was strongly influenced by Persian. The existing papyrus is not his first draft, as is shown by the blanks in it. The copyist worked on a text which was already old and injured. He
Persian,

sometimes he could not experienced the same difficulties as we have read his text and sometimes he did not understand it.
;

It

must have been

translation. 3

this

or a similar Aramaic version which the author

of Tobit knew,

for there is

nowhere any sign of the existence of an

is

early

Hebrew

Nor

there any reason

why

there should have

been one.

Aramaic was

last centuries b.c.,

was
it

Aramaic version of would be no need

Hebrew.

by the Jews in the more a vernacular than Hebrew. If an already existed, as we see it certainly did, there
in fact

perfectly well understood

to translate a piece of purely popular literature into

Before the recovery of

1

this

Aramaic
in

text,

the story

was known

in

Cf. e.g. the frequent

mention of Babylon

the book of Daniel.

Events moved rapidly at that time. In 550 the greatness of Egypt under Necho and Hophra was recent enough to account for its appearance in the story, if it was see below. In Tobit 14 15 (Sinaitic text) Ahikar is associated with the fal original
2

of Nineveh, so that this 3 Whether or not the

cern us here.

may have

book of Tobit was

been mentioned in the original form of the story. originally written in Hebrew does not con-

At any
is

Oxford, 1878)
there spelt

rate the version published by Neubauer ( The Book of Tobit, merely a mediaeval Jewish production. The name of Ahikar is

"^pX.

THE STORY OF AHIKAR

several later versions
India.

209

As long ago
the

as

name of

hero

is

and appears in the Arabian Nights and even in 1880 it was pointed out by Hoffmann x that the mentioned in the book of Tobit (i 22 14 10 &c).
, ,
:

There are two possible ways of accounting for this fact either the story already existed before the book of Tobit and was well known, or it was
compiled
the
in order to justify the reference in Tobit, just as the histories of

composed in the early church. The case would seem the more probable, is now shown any 2 to be true, since the papyrus is two or three centuries earlier than Tobit.
more obscure
in

apostles were

former, which

more

comparison between this early text and the later versions The book, difficult by the broken state of the papyri.
is

is

rendered
it

if

may be
and the
not

called so,

divided into two

the

main

parts, the narrative proper

distinct

proverbs.

Whether

two parts were originally

and whether

the narrative

was only used as a

setting for the proverbs,

we need

now

In the later versions these two parts are subdivided into four (1) the introduction, down to the adoption of Nadin ; (2) the maxims by which he was educated; (3) the rest of the narrative, including
inquire.
:

Nadin's treachery, the restoration of Ahikar and the episode in Egypt

(4) the as

maxims by which Nadin was punished.

in

Our Aramaic
narrative
first

text

is,

would be expected, much simpler

the

part than the 4

later versions.
(

We

have the

beginning, and the

fragments

columns) are continuous, bringing the story down to the point at which Nabusumiskun reports to the king that he has killed Ahikar. There seems therefore to be no place for the educative series of
in the middle of a continuous piece. proverbs, which should begin at 1. 9, The rest of the narrative is lost, so that we cannot tell whether it con-

=5

So far as it goes, the narrative is on tained the Egyptian episode or not. If it continued on those lines, the same lines as in the later versions.
something is wanted to account for the rehabilitation of Ahikar, and this may have been supplied by the Egyptian episode, though perhaps in a much less elaborate form. 3 On the other hand the ending may have

been more abrupt and

arbitrary, especially
It

if

the story

was only intended

must have ended happily, otherwise there as a prop for the proverbs. be no point in the scheme by which Ahikar's life was saved. In would
l i

In Ausziige aus syrischen

vol. 8.

Erzdhlungen

in

Abhandlungen fiir
B. c.

d.

Kunde

d.

Worgenlands,
2

Which
The

is

supposed to have been written

c.

230

See Simpson in Charles,

Apocrypha.
3

incidents in this episode strike

me

as being too

modern

in character for a

Babylonian story.
literature.
2599

At any

rate I

do not

recall anything quite like

them

in

cuneiform

210

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

any case the whole of the narrative must have come first. Then follow the proverbs. They must have belonged to the story, because some of

them

clearly refer to Nadin's conduct, but they differ so

much from

the

series in the later versions, that

we have

little

help in determining their

order where the papyrus is not continuous. Pap. 55 (line 79) does indeed start with a few lines corresponding roughly to a group early in the Syriac second series. Otherwise there is only occasional agreement
with any of the later versions. The original collection formed a nucleus which was increased, diminished or varied according to the taste of
Collections of proverbs, including fables, were a subsequent editors. favourite form of literature among the Semitic (and other) peoples. They were often compiled as representing the teaching of some particular

wise man, and were put forth under his name. Thus the Babylonian collection mentioned above is ascribed to a person whose name is broken, we have the Hebrew collection of Ben Sira, and in the the book

OT

1 io 1 ) with which are incorporated (Prov. i s3 (perhaps the sayings of the wise 24 ) the proverbs of Solomon which Hezekiah's scribes copied out, 25 1 (ipTiyn 'translated' or 'trans-

attributed

to

Solomon

literated'?), the
last for

if (The some one had prefixed to them an edifying story to explain why his mother taught him). Many of these sayings must have been constantly quoted conversationally, and have become part of the current wisdom of But from their very popularity they tend to be modified the world.

words of Agur 30*, and the words of king Lemuel 31 instance would form an exact parallel to the Ahikar text

1
.

improved or distorted, simplified or obscured and would soon lose all memory of their original ownership. Then arises another wise man, qui prend son Men oil il le trouve, and with his own work incorporates, conof the

more than one form same maxim) without any intention of plagiarizing. Or he takes some well-known book of maxims and improves it. In this way has wisdom '-literature grown, and thus we may account for the differences between the proverbs of the Aramaic Ahikar and those of the later
sciously or unconsciously, popular sayings (and often
'

versions, as well as for the elements

Sira, the

which it has in common with Ben book of Proverbs, or with similar works. In fact there is no reason why, if Ahikar had been current in his circle, the compiler of the

book of Proverbs should not have included parts of it in his work, just as he included the 'words of Agur', which are no more Jewish in spirit

They are just worldly wisdom. Later Hebrew works, such as the Derekh Erez zu/a, generally have a definitely Jewish (but not In the following notes no attempt is necessarily religious) colouring.
than Ahikar.

THE STORY OF AHIKAR

made to trace the proverbs in other much more extensive commentary.
something
literature.

211
a

That would involve

My

object has been to contribute

to the establishment of the text

and

its

meaning, without which

the larger questions cannot be satisfactorily discussed.

to mark the end of a proverb is not found -j^ It may be an nor in any other of these papyri. archaic N, for "inx (?), but cf. the sign ^ used in the Logia' to mark off This may be held sayings, Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrh. Pap. iv, pi. 1.

The

use of the sign

in the narrative part,

'

to indicate that the proverbs

the sign

formed a distinct document, but probably such disconnected compositions. In trying to restore the text certain points must be taken into account. The papyrus was written in columns which were not all of the same

was only used

in

The text of the narrative was written continuously, with division of words but without leaving blank spaces. If the original width of the column can be ascertained, we can estimate approximately the number
width.

of letters missing in a lacuna. The width of the column, however, is not maintained with the same mathematical precision as e. g. in a wellwritten

Greek or Hebrew
to
cf.

biblical

MS.
if it
1.

Thus
is

the

width of the
at the

first

column seems

be shown by

line 10,
12
.

where the completion

right, the line

end

may
end

be taken as certain,
equally certain.
is

30

But
e.

must have

been shorter by 3 or 4
is

letters

than

g.

Within such

13 where the restoration at the limits, however, the width of the

column
set

a useful guide. The style is so simple and the repetition of is so that in many cases a lacuna can be filled with phrases frequent
probability,

great

while

in

some

the

context

compels a particular

restoration.

None

consequently very
occur
also
in

of these helps are found in the proverbs, where restoration is difficult. There we often have half a line, or less, left

blank, so that the width of the the version

column

is

no sure guide.
inscription

These blanks
and no doubt

of the Behistun

represent passages which the scribe could not read in his exemplar and so simply left them out. There are no recurrent phrases, and in literature of this kind there is no telling what the author will say next.
is the unexpected which makes the proverb. The later versions seldom help. There is therefore much room for subjective reconstruction, with little result that can be called satisfactory.

It

p 2

H2

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
THE WORDS OF AHIKAR
Sachau, plate 40.
.

Col.

i.

mnx
moy

rnai can n tjtoi can idd np np^nx ^[o r& npmx n[an] m[i]i> nmp ^ mm c6 xna ion [na ey]n mn nba
.

.]

byi

Dpi

^ x]i> pa mnx i$>]o

d^ n[ax noxi

n]mx

"jta

ananas
-jbta

*f

nnpry m[avi

a*mn[3B> nna nn]x

mnx

annnov mn ^01

4 5 6
7

mac px]a wa[M mm jdi] nm[

nmam
laa

annrav *ijn mnxa

b

-j^o

mm ma
]b

pxnnox
nax] ae>

Jinx

nai>

[hot

[pi

amerced rwn nax na xa^o pxn-fjcx^

Tins n]

n[npry mavi tbd]^

[]!>

ma

[not? pa nnp^>

np^nx n]:x nnx mnx

xata Dip ]oy vbyn a[aa nncpjn^

11m

xn&ynajo noam mnx - ipmxb [N^a]^ pn idki mnx t^o pxnnDx

rw]n xnatai nnoarn pwnDM Dip nnanp ottod

10

nom
ita

"ins

nW

[t

nn[nx na nb] na

xh nna^
d^

tapn

n nba
nana

mnx oy

Ktyan xns[D 12

px]nnDx
may pa

Dip

npTrs

[n]naDi

m[nx

ncx p
[

na 13

mm
nax
x[a^>n

mnx

-jta
[r]

TOTp
xn

n]in

i^d

pxnnDx "-sax m[r]n na "ipm[x mas vsbn anx[nat^ nn^a n]ax

pnrix jovh 14

onp

mow

15

nyai]
Col.
ii.

16

Sachau, plate 41.

mmay
mi nba

i? nayo^i]

xb\n aaa

ni>s^ i>nas xb nax as> 17

mm
nay

tay>i] -iqd

^ qbm

im xan
|n

na nop

pa x[n 18

pxnnDx

nnan mta]yi mean

t^

mm

npry n[av 19

m]m

n&D -pa] d^> ma *? ncxi mnx i[ta 20 nyr:^ na np^nx nax nnx ^] nay^ in -jnmay rsbn [mm 21 1 nar nai waa n*vi n^i] m*a^ b n^rx san[ xn^ 22
npry mavi tayn
laa

mn
ni?

i^ pxn-iDx onp] *6am aaa np*pm n[an n 23

nnx

may
pj
<r

naa^a nox

niapi> ^y n]ya* xnaa xn^xa J>y ncyy rcan

in

nnx ^nnAD 24

nax n

m[nx ia 25
27

mn

npry
-jbdi

n av
s

xa^

m npmx

-id]x f>ax [i]^[d n^xa] d^ 26

in]

tay^

^a

m^y xno ^an

max xa^o a[n]xna^

pxniDx nnx

nb mnx mn

\m]tai nnoy bin in D^an 28

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

nns np^nx
btsipf)

213
jf>o

ni>

nox hjm n ntaa]

xr

yot?

w*v

x^ts>

29

xnsna ^y] xn3

na

xb n na na 30

S
Col.
iii.

Sachau, plate 42.

-iexi

t^o pxn-i[Dx xon x^onn pxa 32 *ax nrb n 3x jo i[n pdddgj ^ ntr 33
s

"WW

rDcnn n3x n nnx njan [nprw xa?e -ion bat* 34 o^n -idd xacr it [*)]p*[n] bin pn&Bpm 35 na ins pS>y xno ^arv in nob n[mx ba am 36

Tx

nrno^ Pinx

1/

p33 noy

\jo

nm[x

t,^o

ion p 37

b]^P nn nm[o]a am wy\ ? pDom[aa inx nayn* 3 8 cb nn^n pins |o[i]^> nnx noy [-j^x xnasi 39

xnna pa T^no n:xi [^r]n noy pnn[x p33 cy in 40 ^n ruina yn xn[anp it] x-on pDODi[a3 yrn nai 41
*r

na: n

xnao xnoy

i>yai

NO*an xisd [m nsx -10x1 42

jjjT xi>a "win nin mbi

nnoy
*r

i>[yi

nm pnv
in

43

xmm
at

-j^an in ttbyn

ynna no^pn

n[an n xna 44

pDjoDia^ nnoxi n^y npnx d^

^op

n^m
in

xna[np
tun

xt^xa 45

pn?

jonp

np^nx

[sj -p

xnn

46

l!>

T^y ion xa^o rm pxmDx n 'mat* [anxmp na 47 boo n^in non n xn*aS> in^a* xn[a-ip n^Dpoi? 48

Col.

iv.

Sachau, plate 43,

i]ny^>
*

col. 1.

pvh pn[x

ny nn^>op nnox rwo in3Dvm

win

ny

tsto

49

Tnnx
[xn]Bxai ^nionp *pNBn nnyni xata

anxruD

mp
in

inanp
1^

-p^op

x!>i

"jn^nn

vbv

3n*i

xai?o

anxraD nmb>

\&w

50

N^ 5 1

rox
;ov!>

jya
ni>3pi>

[n]y irvzb

^2

^bopn

^>x

nay^isx

p '^ msy
t

nas

52

pins
njN [nn]N nyT Tioyi ^13T^
d? bmr\ hx
*b

pnN
i>y

iy

yn^oa

jonn sa^o

pnnDN 53
3a[npn 54

noxi K*an pdodi33 [my] nnx

wrm ^by

nms

^ni vdtt 3nn3D nnoy

n nba

mnx

n ni3N np^nx [nn 55

214
noy
*t

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
pin
*i^n N-iaa

nnuab ion ^21 poooiaa

naNi

Nnmp

[iin

n^j 56

nayi [^n]

Nnoy

d^

ion

^y [V^pppn

p|]k

cb w[nKi onaN 57

io[n

D]b

[naN

n]b

now

pin t^n [naa

My

h]n

[n^k> 58

n*3i pD&tnaa

bnb ioni K3[i pDBDiaa my] Nnaip ^[jrmw nanaNi io]n [nan] n 59

^
nnoy hn
i[n

wot?
na?
d^>

n^o] purriDM
D^y
*ar]

*?

np[ry

n*3*i]

ai ip['n]

60

^r ono

[in

wfopa ^x
npTiN

nanaN

nn n^3

i[inN]

^n

61

nsb jnaN

Pun
n[ar]

pa[a yonts"

*]rai nar

^n
nrno^

pin n[ta] wtid

[j]i3

baw

62

Kono n
v.

n[iaa pm*]

hn

nar

nb[^] twta n mas pm[N ip^hn

^?

63

No^y

Col.

Sachau, plate 43,

B>N3i

col. 2.

vniaDi Miai^
nar

nyT nnoyi ipnx lap Nata] pNniDN pn ^y ^ny 64 ioni >i?y aw Nata j]iniidn aa^i \n?y 65

Nnoyi
N>ai

ip^N

proton

pi

N^n ia]Doa Dab jnaN naN

joaa

66

pobonA
No^y

iioni lay
1?

anaa pi]n t^n

nniaa

iy

na^o 67

inani siatapa bit] ntyy naN nbap?

my
it

68 69
70
71

pin t^n

sua

pa bopn^

nar]

ipnn ^bn

ndhd

pNniDN

unN naijoa yontPN Naiy in t| uawm nrm^ *afra> t wai pdd]wu ins ^op Nabo J? ioni mun ny t^N]a non ^ ^odo mn poi nnb
?

nisd ip^N ob

72

l]n

*nio Dip pbnD* 73

wai
ni3y

it

pDooiaa ins
nbapb nb

"b

3n> jy^str paai

nw ^d

74

p ^ nioN

now Najo psniDK

^y ^tn 75 76
77

na nin

pNniDN nar yDB> vai nn^tapi y iJp^nN^ nro^n nbrx p nosi pDDDna oy ao n pi]n vwib b$w mho
N3^ p]niDK iy
j[*i]k

ion 78

Col.

vi.

Sachau, plate 44.

Nn[A]3 iya ion ;o in pon [n]o 79

.

'.

'.

m]i^13 NniN D^ni iDni s^Nn n Ni3 80

1

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

xn^Nn
jd

215

sijahonn bnan 16
tfb]

ib

p
|m

-iDn jd

-pa T^nnn bx 81
jn

rvnn

1,33b by jpacrK

men

xb 13 "psriDN

82

n bk -f wajba "]H3y bab

. ".
.

|k

nan^ [irjaa D^byb nxno 83

.-idn[i

nivab byjn]

in

[in]a na33

p]*ia nay nap 84

Pnatrrr] aa-ipy -f

nmmp
oi[

db>3

nynn ni3N

nu>

85

vuDyJt^ n jd 3D \m[b]yi
.
,
.

rrn[> ny] b[3N]^ xbi

]

cnb 86
.]b

,]ddd
,

ntWP xn^N
.

may
HDDD

[.

87

.]

1H1

NT1D "inD3

bfrtib

Hl.T

N^N

88
89

..."

nns

d -f k[swk] n onyja p an

batf rrwai

new

mm
p3ts>

fhy vb n
...
B>aa

Nb[ai]D

xw[n] nrua

jd

ma

kb>3?

vubaD* bi ion

90

a] nna3!n nncn[n jd] wnxb [j]an nen -f vuayty xbDj pyDi 91 ropwi xnDn [nn]p ^De>b nm Knbn ni .tvbp jbo pmn 92 ?] nan

tnon

nnts <n

t!>DC

[nip]

Tp

nil

ttn

-f

mw
. .
.

abi

nbD

yDtsi

93

vupv]
u*[.
,
.

abi

,]nB>

nm
.

|
.

[13
,]n

1]

nnax nnnarn 94

tvrbx [annoan] Ny

Col.

vii.

Sachau, plate 45.

bya

-n

hd^ j^e^a

Nrnabo [nb fD]b[yb i]y

rrpp

jnbtfb

^
[v

95

n]xK>j jtnp

nb[D ba] ninn ly

-lonc'N *]Da
[jn]b

n-w

o[a]n bx [n]a
by nnn

96
97

arwixi nn^yy] -ina baa na

[nyD]c? n [by J

*]ba

j^aiD nirp bx ib

nbo

^n

nsiv

33b

npm
*a

Tpa -id miao ba np]b xb 13A nn^Di

jd

98

3-ik ;d

db

3-is

my

mnya
"i

i[iriKb] pEian ja

nrw ids

*nnx [,] 99

nnbo
in

mm

P"i5y

i^d

^dd T 3

iDns'b]

'inn

nsan t^d nbo naan bx 100

njx pia

jd

P]dd paD jd nBxa Tyr oipnbt< [nb]o ^dj[n by] n^p Dyn^D inonp nn 10 1 lb nDnc^x

TDV3
T>y
pb'

b[a] nnni in[D]sby 'n^iJn'bN 102

rnp*
ra^K

jnnb[N

^may

pay

npa
a]

jn

1? n[Dip 103

T^a noam

ai6
ny

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
im
new cy
jpy

jiddb"

n[D^] -f naab "ion3 -jha nb

s|[n

104

]
may
j t-i[d]
*l

oy B^K p3D
*|N

wn
njb>3

n^>i

pon N[oyD]i

nmo army?
*J

noyo

105

mn^N

123!?

}33

-f nrnno [b]

NniD3 n3n^

pan

"y^>yi

106

nnaniw] onnyrai

noy ta

"r

}n!>

vhonp Dip

11

in

n-nn ypi oc^a n?nD^> ibo n>BK> 108 [K]ma xpns Nn3 npsari Tan [n m]i naaba n^>D [n]oa ao jkd 109

[i]n n3a nfya

qx jama

*i^d

107

Nnx^ idm snon

Col.
viii.

nay

w cbv
p

[a]b [anon^ nb]e anp

bm Nn no

Sachau, plate 46.

?xnsT]

-vp*

tpk
n^>i

k5>i

n^D nayDi tSn rvxtw

hi

3nin fo W>P n

wx

vb\

ps

n3D3i

pn

jvnsm 112

J3D pyn pa pat?

n[^]yro

noa nnao

tod N^yf>

pe n^nn ann 113 vnfe na-n Tyr k*n 114 poiDD

in jn^K

ck yT
nay]

xb NB>ax

p n ex yr

iDNDb naan3 3D pe'K* n^ Dnnnop

nib Nap? pxip"
1

Dm

jni

jn^N 115
i
i

[n n*db> *]aai[a] f^ap

p
S>

^y kd3 ti^n t&]

rmx
*nea

117
i i

*at5>D

"3JD3X1
*a

"m

xuyb

new
bin
"f

tnea nay

nny vn

Ntayb yaa

!>[n^] ab
. .
.

*
p

jnp^n ^k *iba "a'Da

nob {OD3^> nnoxi

tfata
lay

xray 119 d^b> 120

[n]DK by
NB[a]n

Nan -f non piwb pb

ni?

T"id]n n:nax
, .
.

kk>

now

[sJncN

pne>N 121

3D

nb>3]n

p]b [pi>K n]yb jo Da jd nata npsa

onnmnaoi nnbn
jn

122 n[b>3]d k[k>]3 to n!?^3

kb]:n ^y jn^x

yy
a

?iD]ntn
Col.
ix.

*a 123 -f nnmnao^i] lbn N[ca]D "pra onb pnb' jn^K DnDD [jd] paan n^n^ jni 124 jn -^ -inc * aaa e^sa nin th N3i^n3 jpy n^D bn 125

Sachau, plate 47,

col. 1.

rmya

nan*

K*r6

nob

pnvb

ion 33-inn bw nnK>[p mn^x 126 j^y vuvfim

yaeni S>an p*w nraj ^3 n3yi

t
pns!>

^3 nvan

na m

na^

....

127

y:ib nn
jni?N

jnani

jd

NDn lao

non

nanm
jr

nnc^p na[-n jn 128

rr

loy

T>aa^ jnam y3B>ni i?3sn

n NnDani saan

*ja

nax

129

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

1fc>s:6

217

fb& Knar t\m

Ni>oo
[*a]

[|n

bj]k

*\mbn nnb

na3

pi NrTVjv Nna[T 130 ny d*bt6k

N[nsr ctan] Nna[r 131
t

'[a]

nmotaoi t[dh
-a*
jn
*a

*r]a

n^n

nana nntoe>

nnuoM

-pnxa \n[Mron yot?n

nni2K>

^a 132

*nw9na
ttrvrb

fpm nnana p:^[.T pn]^yi b*[. .] Nana^> NNDna pn[pby 133 nay n pna psjxb [Pxann] ? nawi nbnaar&ip nna anao 134
-f np33
1>o yj n
k^>
!

jn^N

pi 135

yash 33nn

f>w nanya
!>ni

[Dxonta 136
['annta 137

xaa^ Nicnn
in

^n

nn? naA

-ion

c]ok> m-i^x nox ocai *miw oca onn* t6 [n 138 Tra evan "iL3a na -f pnw p Dyi wnb nps3 [ye 139 n[oi?]
*a [*roi>y

N"-133^

Dy

[s]non nps:

wa p

-f ypnv ibk

pi Don

nnc^

*b

m[n 140

nsyw
on^onp -yov
Col. x.

nt^px

Ws[i] T[nn]

nip ^:n?N

T[n

41

Sachau, plate 47,

col. 2.

?n*]3a naynta n^o on n ny

42

np^

<a

ddkt6n]

n.30

nyi

[!>]*

"r

oy

43

?epvr] n^r^yi] "]n3o

p
xn

44 45
46
47

dd^ an
,

b*n]
.

dj?i

Tyr bk

]1

Knoan -po nynnta

inoa]n nyr b[w] "vaa i>anDn ^n

ttrbx

ppn^Ni] non^N ni[ykr]Sw ^nn ^n onp ik'dj biwn on] mnn n na n3N nav jn
^DK> B*N$>

48 49

Dn^l

(?)Dn

E^ WT
.

5
5
1

jn^N poi^ x]b

s'k>[3k]

n[ia]B> jioi^
. .

no

paa ao
Ttfea

52

onn^N
\rb ion

53

noy ba n

psT
ja^
p['v

54
55
56
57

... ^1

*os btn n* nnnt^.T

n]3B6 nD3n Naas* na ^n

onT ao

Dai ionnD^ ^n

po] prrw

loax* ^n

jatD

nsnoNn

so^a

58

218
Col.
xi.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate 48,
col. 1.

i 1VN [najaa [mj3]no t na*on n[n5?]pa ao naa^>i 59 -v[aK>] b^ ma pt6y -103^ noi |n^N Dy c^n noy[ k^ |n 160
H

mm
1

WK[l
[Pirns]

n]irv jo

noyta nb

n |D3 n?
,

p
.

161

onaah ion
nn]^> naj^

ip^t^ &61
at:

ona

nay

Nooyi nswn

na

.'

16a 163

n^ nnr

naa n?[ir] nai nn:a aa^a

i>yai

no kn [yT

n^>

n[n^ na]j c[y] ao na: r& nm> xb -uk

ya[3
ni>

[sn-ix]a noy nib* [t6 164

[k]3-i^ iitr n^[3D

"ij^aa

[k>]ak>

ao no x:o-6 n>3d d^

165

T3[32]
la yj: n ny

pa [i]b n:s

web

ioni n[30i] n[ay

166
167

nrra

a n s ynn fiyy
s

mnya nv:x pnv pwai ^nnn nn ova |ytn [nn

pin \-nn03b
*t

168

noana i? nan* n aah T^y ntaa

^"y -f [ion
>oty

[KnQimpa

pnv 169 nDso 170 nan^i

pnao
jn

m wmh
Col.
xii.

*3*w ins*

nra pa&

*jBab B3aa

wvn

171

jwi n^r npb[' 172

Sachau, plate 48,

col. 2.

no]b Toy pHvata 3pn

Joanna vb)
"oat?

173 174

pnw
inpat?

?nn]nDi
N3t8>]

win nnoa

175 176
177

nnpmi

^cm?
a

npaa>

no yT K^n naa

am
o^an

]d ds nnso
]ts>

^00

178
179

*ni

]3nx
]s*a

180

]anya ndd n^s[3

]8PB

....
n^>
11

184
185

]ndd n^23 N>n3 n .a.

"]

186
187

phv

nm

ynn

b>b3

]mnv[i]

Nnnno
jo

n^nn

jaa

188 189 190

ion

jo rpty e>B3]

nnnni Dn^
n
,

Dya yan&
Nt?3N

vbn

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

Col.
xiii.

219

Sachau, plate 49.

00
]ab)
(3)

n[on] aaim

nntrp -pn in

191

]i030^ po

-jn-io

npa jn

192

?b
:o p[*n]-i
"]b

?o
^ni

a]r6x -f "pv3 anr p3CD^

193
194

now
[.

^y nip
rre>
. .

n^
nay]
. .

h k

,]jp

xh

195

rup[n} i6 3[33 m]i

m n^[m-n

196
-f 1
[nn-i]ob
.

pa[3 j]o h^[n] n[psj] noy nn3

197
19 8

ron[]^ [Nnjvib -ny na nana pp

.

[-f Kniw n]
fi
,
,

bv pK

Knaas -f

n*in

xnx
.

nsno
.

199

...

jB>am n nr e^n

1 n

200
201

vnwsa ronwn no!> [n^n^] na 1 nsVrr 'i nan^y toum

202
20 3

mp

pna

t^M

s *ido

T^aox
nrriN

[n]3Ni

yby [aanx] rmyb

nn a

204
205

n^ "paan rctn inoai t/!>ud

'[itf

i?

&na
H3N -pin

byy bx pra ^kb> pai -i[>a pa

-iok"!>k

206
207

nnya N-pny

-f

p
ik yt
N35J71

197*
198*

-fl
ob

199* nann n 200*

1

Col. xiv.

Sachau, plate 50.

nE>na unnTay

B [n]a wufo
.

kd 'any^ Mn[nr6

208

\n3-io[3]* in

.]oi

vuoyo' n Tn Nion
*5Siij>

...
. . .

209

win*
T^a
. .

jo

nnN^] n
.

jn[

xb]i nayi
. .

rvo ttds i
|0

210
211

jo

jn
. .

xmaa
f \rb

3-1

-f H^3

am PD?
.

...
,

vi fa ..

212

y
.
.

p^y -my
fh

213

.... B

nnw
p3^y

214

*wa

215

220
. .
.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
pa
. .

3
.

rn
.

\"t

C C

b pa*w enrn ^iy

216 217

[S

Q]5 xh

pma
k^>

yr
E*k

?53 fD
n3j5^

56^
,
. ,

...
.
.

ji

n
.

MF
"]
.

.... G w
. .

n
.

nh[y]5
[n]roNi

i?S

218
219

m
iv
[D
. ,

[m]a napno
na
. .

iby
,
.

Sbi
.

220
,

3aA

H
ny
Col.

no

nio

221

n^3
!?j?3

pua

nyn n s 3
. .

nar

222

jo

jbm ....

223

i.

These are the words of one named Ahikar, a wise and ready scribe, who taught his son ... 2 For he said, Surely he shall be a son to me '. Before his words Ahikar had become great and had been counsellor of all 3 and bearer of the seal of Senacherib king of Assyria, and he Assyria said: J indeed had no sons and on my counsel 4 and words Senacherib Then *S>acherib king of Assyria died king of Assyria used to (rely). and there arose 5 his son named Esarhaddon and became king in Assyria instead of Senacherib his father. At that time I said 6 / am old and .? and who shall be 7 scribe and who shall be to me a son after me to bearer of the seal to "Esarhaddon the king, as I was to Senacherib, 8 king Then I, Ahikar, took Nadin, as he was called, the son of (/"Assyria?'
1
'
' .

and brought him up, 9 and taught him and showed great (to him), and set him in the gate of the palace with me before the 10 his courtiers. I brought him before Esarhaddon king king among of Assyria, and he told him whatever u he asked him. Then Esarhaddon 12 the wise king of Assyria loved him and said 'hong life be to Ahikar, scribe, counsellor of all Assyria, who set up as his son, when he had no son, the son of his sister.' 13 When the king of Assyria had. thus spoken, I bowed down and made obeisance, I Ahikar, before ~Esa.rhaddon 14 And in after days I, Ahikar, when I saw the face of king of Assyria. Esarhaddon king of Assyria favourable, I answered 15 and said before the king, I served Senacherib the king your father who was king before you 16 and now behold

my

sister,

kindness

Col.
17

ii.

am

old.
18

cannot work

in the gate of the palace

and do my

service

Let him Behold, my son, Nadin by name, is full-grown. take my place as scribe and counsellor of all Assyria, and let him 19 be. seal-foarer to you. wisdom also and my eownsel I have taught him.' Then answered Esarhaddon 20 king of Assyria and said to me, So indeed it shall be. Four son shall be scribe and seal-bearer to me 21 in
to

you.

My

'

Then I, Ahikar, when your stead. He shall do your service for me.' I heard 22 the promise ^iven, went away to my house and was resting in my house. And this my son 23 whom I had brought up and set in the of the palace before Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, among 24 his gate

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

221

courtiers, I thought,

'He
\

will

seek

I have
as

done

for him

Then
evil

25 the

can I say, " This Ahikar, the old man, who was seal-bearer 27 to Senacherib the king your father has corrupted the land against you, 28 scribe and by his counsel and wort/j for he is a counsellor and a skilful Then Esarhaddon 23 will be greatly troubled all Assyria was {guided)." when he hears words like these which I shall speak to him, and zvill kill Ahikar.' Then 30 when my son who was not my son, had devised this
these

up, imagined against

me

and

my good in return for that which son of my sister whom I had brought said in his heart, 26 ' Surely such words

>

falsehood against me
32

31

Col.
'

iii.

Then was ^Varhaddon king of Assyria filled with rage and said, 33 Let there come to me Nabusumiskun one of the officers of my father, who ate the bread of my father.' 34 The king said, You are to seek Ahikar (in) a place which you shall find 35 and kill him. Even if this 36 and counsellor of all Assyria, Ahikar, the old man, is a skilful scribe
'

37 the king why should he corrupt the land against us?' Then when had thus spoken, he appointed with him 2 other men to see of Assyria, how 38 it would be done. This iVa3usumiskun the officer went away 39 and those men with him. Then after riding on a swift horse of his, three more days indeed 40 he, with other men who were with him, saw 41 And when this me while I was walking among the vineyards. Ara<5usumiskun the officer saw me then he rent his clothes, lamenting, 42 and said, Are you he, the skilful scribe, giver of good counsel, who 43 was a righteous man and by whose counsel and words all Assyria was 44 The son whom you brought up, whom you set in the gate (guided) ?
'

he has ruined you, and 45 an evil of the palace, has injured you (?) Then I, Ahikar, indeed was afraid. I answered and said return is it.' to Nabusum?'j/^ 46 the officer, {Yes, and) also I am that Ahikar who 47 when Senacherib the formerly saved you from an undeserved death 48 to kill you. father of this Esarhaddon, the king, was angry with you Then I took you to my house. There I was supporting you
; '

Col.
49

iv.

and I hid you from him. I said, have killed him ", until in after time and many days 50 after, I brought you before king Senacherib and took away your offences before him, and 61 Moreover king Senacherib was well pleased with he did you no evil. me that I had kept you alive and had not killed you. Now 52 according Do not kill me. Take me to your as I did to you, so do also to me. 53 house until other days. King Esarhaddon is kind as any man (?). Then you Hereafter he will remember me and desire my counsel. 54 Then answered shall bring me to him and he shall let me live.' 55 Nabusumiskun the officer and said to me, Fear not. Surely you shall live, Ahikar, father of all Assyria, by whose counsel king Senacherib and all the army of Assyria 56 were (guided).' Then Nabusumiskun the officer said to his companions, those two men who were with him,
as a
"

man

(deals) with his brother,

'

57

'

Hearken, indeed, and

listen to

me, and

will tell

you my

counsel,

222
and and
it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
is

good counsel
'

58

exceedingly.'

said to him,

Tell us indeed,
'

Then answered those two ?nen Nabusumiskun the officer, 59 what you

think,

and we zvill listen to you.' Then answered Nabusu?niskun the and said to them, Hear me, 80 indeed this Ahikar was a great man and bearer of the seal to king Esarhaddon, and by his counsel and words G1 all the army of Assyria, were (guided). Let us not kill him A slave, a eunuch of mine, I will give to you. 62 Let undeservedly. him be killed between these two mountains instead of this Ahikar, and
officer

whew
slave,

it

is

body of

this

63 after us to see the heard, the king will .rend other men Ahikar. Then they will see the body of this eunuch my

Col.
64 until

v.

afterwards Esarhaddon the king remembers Ahikar and desires his counsel, and grieves 65 over him. and the heart of Esarhaddew the king shall turn to me and he shall say to his officers and courtiers, 66 " I will give you riches as the num^r of the sand ifyou find Ahikar." And this counsel 67 seemed good to his companions, those tzvo men. 68 Do according They answered and said to Nabusumiskun, the officer, as you think. Let us not kill him, but you shall give us that slave, 09 He shall be killed between these the eunuch, instead of Ahikar here. two mountains? 70 At that time it was reported in the country of Assyria,
'

71 Then the king is killed.' saying, 'Ahikar the scribe of Esarhaddon 72 he Nabusu??iiskun, that officer, look me to his house and hid me, also there as a man {deals) with his brother, and said to me . sustained me
.
.

abundant Then Nabusumiskun, that sustenance (?) and (other) things in plenty. 75 went to Esarhaddon the king and said to him, According as officer, 76 I conunanded me, so have I done. went and found that Ahikar you and killed him.' And when king Esarhaddon 77 heard this he asked the \wo men whom he had appointed with Nabusumiskun and they said, So 78 he Then as long as king "Esarhaddon it was, as says.'
'

Bread and water

73 shall

be carried

'

to

my

lord

74

'

'

Col.
79
is

vi.
?

What

is

stronger than wine foaming in the pr^ss

80

The son who

and taught, and on whose feet the fetter is put shall prosper. 81 Withhold not thy son from the rod, if thou canst not keep him from 82 If I smite wickedness. thee, my son, thou wilt not~die, and if I leave 83 A blow for a slave, rebuke (thee) to thine own heart thou ivilt not live. for a maid, and for all thy servants discipline. A man who si buys a licentious slave (or) a thievish maid brings anxiety into his house, and 85 the name of his father and his* offspring with the reputation disgraces The scorpion finds 86 bread and does not eat in of his wantonness. 87 order that he may live, but it is too good for him to taste. the blood of the hind ... 88 The lion devours (?) thou hast done 89 and will shed his the hart in the secrecy of (his) den (?), and he blood and eat his flesh so is the contact of men. From fear of the lion 90 the ass left his burden and will not He shall bear shame carry it. before his fellow and shall bear a brden which is not his, 91 and shall
trained
.

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

223

be laden with a camel's load. The ass made obeisance to the she-ass from love of her, and the birds ... 92 Two things are a merit (?), and of three there is pleasure to Shamash one who drinks wine and gives 93 it (to and he hears a word others), one who restrains (?) wisdom and does not reveal (it). Behold, this is precious before Shamash. But one who drinks wine and does not give it to others 4 and his wisdom
:

goes astray
their

who
the gods
. .

sees
.

Thou
vii,

hast placed

the peoples

wisdom

Col.
95

heaven

tor ever belongs the kingdom, in gods precious, 96 treasured up, for the lord of holiness has exalted it. 97 which comes son, do not chatter overmuch till thou reveal every word but keep into thy mind, for in every place are their eyes and their ears
to
is
it

Even

to

it

it is

My

watch over thy mouth, let it not be thy destruction (?). 98 More than all watchfulness watch thy mouth, and over what thou nearest harden thy heart, for a word is (like) a bird, and when he has sent it forth " Count the secrets of thy mouth, a man does not recapture z'/(?).
afterwards bring forth (advice) to thy brother for his help, for stronger 10 is the ambush of the mouth than the ambush of fighting. Suppress +. Soft is the not the word of a king let it be a healing to thy brother. speech of a king, (but) it is sharper and stronger than a two-edged knife. 01 Behold before thee something hard in presence of a king delay not. Z*
: :

Do thou take heed to thyself. than lightning. 102 Let him not show it at thy words, that thou go away before thy time. 103 In presence of a king, if (a thing) is commanded thee, it is a burning fire ; hasten, do it do not put sackcloth upon thee and hide thy hands,_/or 104 also the word of a king is with wrath of heart. Why should wood 105 I strive with fire, flesh with a knife, a man with a king ? have tasted even the bitter sloe, and the taste was strong, but there is nothing which is more bitter than poverty. Soft is the tongue of a king 106 but it breaks the ribs of a dragon, like death which is not seen. In a multitude of children let not thy heart exult, and in the lack of them be not thou 107 A ashamed. even his voice is high king is like the merciful (?) who is he that can stand before him, except one who is like (?) him? 108 Glorious is a king to see, like Shamash, and precious is his sovereignty 109 A to those who walk on the earth in tranquillity. good vessel hides no The lion a thing wilhin itself, but one that is broken lets it go forth. went near to greet the ass saying, Peace be to thee \ The ass answered
Swifter
is

his anger

'

and said

to the lion

......
Gol.
viii.

111 I

have lifted sand and carried salt, and there is nothing which is 112 I have lifted chaff and taken heavier than debt. up crumbs, and there H3 A sword will is nothing which is lighter than a sojourner. (to be) n* A little man trouble calm waters whether they be bad (or) good. when he multiplies his words, they fly away(?) above him, for the 115 opening of his mouth ... gods, and if he were beloved of (the)

gods they would put something good

in his palate to speak.

11G

Many

224

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

\(A>

names man knows not: so man knows not no lion in the sea, therefore they call the .... lion(?). /us The leopard met the goat and she was cold. The leopard answered and said to the goat, Come, and I will cover thee with my hide.' 119 The goat answered and said to the leopard, What hast thou to do with me, my lord? Take not my skin from me.' For he does not 120 salute the kid The master (?) went to except to suck its blood.
are the stars 0/ heaven whose

men.

m There

is

'

'

I will be silent. The sheep answered and We are thy him, 'Take for thyself what thou wilt lake from us. 122 p or it j s no t j n the power of men to lift up their foot and them down without (the) gods. 123 For it is not in thy power

the sheep

121

said to
sheep.' to put
to
lift

If there goes forth good from the mouth thy foot and to put it down. of men, it is well, and if a curse shall go forth from their mouth, (the) If the eyes of (the) gods are over men 125 a man gods will curse them. cuts (?) wood in the dark and does not see, like a thief who breaks into(?) a house and escapes (?).

Col.
126

ix.

do thou, back upon thee. 127 O my son, gather every harvest, and do every work, then thou shalt eat and be filled and give to thy children. 128 ^"thou hast bent thy bow and shot thy arrow at one who is more righteous than thou, it is a sin in the 129 do thou, O my son, borrow corn and wheat sight of God. that thou mayest eat and be filled and give to thy children with thee. 130 A heavy loan and from a wicked man, borrow not, ana? if thou borrow take no rest to thy soul till 131 thou pay back the loan. A loan is pleasant when there is need, but the paying of it is the filling of a house.
turn
it

Bend not thy bow and God come to his help and

shoot not thy arrow at the righteous,

lest

All that thou hearest thou mayest try by thy ears, for the beauty of is his faithfulness, for his hatefulness is the lying of his lips. 133 At first the throne is set up for the liar, but at \asl his lies shall find 134 A liar has his neck cut, (him) out, and they shall spit in his face. like a maiden of the south (?) who hides (?) (her) face, like a man who makes a curse 135 which came not forth from (the) gods. 136 Despise not that which is in thy lot, and covet not some great thing which is withheld from thee. Increase not riches, and lead not (thy) heart 138 He who is not proud of(?) the name of his father and the astray. name of his mother, let not the sun shine upon him, for he is an evil man. 139 rom myself has my curse gone forth, and with whom shall I be The son of my body has spied out (?) my house, and what justified ? can I say to strangers ? uo There was a cruel witness against me, and who then has justified me ? From my own house went forth wrath, with whom shall I strive and toil? U1 secrets reveal not before
a

132

man

Thy

thy

friends, that thy

name be

not lightly esteemed before them.

Col. x.

With one that is higher than thou, do not go (?) to quarrelling (?). 143 With one that is a noble (?) and stronger than thou, contend not, for he will take Ui of thy portion and will add it to his own. 145 Behold,

142

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

so
is

225

146 Remove not little man who contends with a great man. from thee, and .... 147 Be not over crafty, and let not thy wisdom wisdom be extinguished. 148 Be not sweet lest they swallozv thee up. Be not 149 If thou, my son, wouldst be exalted, bitter, lest they spit thee out. humble thyself before God 150 who humbles the lofty man and exalts /he humble man. 151 How can the lips of men curse when (the) gods curse 153 Let not not? 152 Better is he that restrains thy soul love .... lr>4 155 heal them, except one who is like him. My hands shall destroy, and .... 156 God (?) shall turn back the mouth of the unjust (?) and 157 shall tear out his tongue. Good eyes shall not be darkened and good ears shall not be stopped, and a good mouth will love 158 the truth and

speak
u>9

it.

Col.

xi.

exceWent in character and whose heart is good is like a strong bow which is bent by a strong man. 160 If a man stand not with (the) lel gods, how shall he be saved by (?) his own strength ? and that which is like it, who shall be judging him (?) ? 162 belly .... men, and peoples pass over them and do not leave them, and their 163 A man heart is ... knows not what is in the heart of his fellow, and when a good man .s^es an evil man he will beware of him, 164 he will a good man not accompany him on a journey, and will not hire him with an evil man. / 5 The bramble sent to tlit pomegranate saying, Bramble to Pomegranate, what is the good of thy many thorns to him the pomegranate answered and said who /ouches thy fruit ?' 166 1C7 The to the bramble, Thou art all thorns to him who touches thee.'
.

A man

'

'

1G8 The righteous among men, all who meet him are for his help (?). house of wicked men in the day of storm shall be destroyed (?), and in calm (?) its gates shall fall (?), for the spoiling of 1C9 the righteous are they.

eyes which I lifted up on thee and my heart which I gave thee 17 thou hast despised and hast turned my name into wanton1T1 If ness. the wicked take hold of the skirts of thy garment, leave will take his in his hand. Then approach (?) Shamash. He (it)

My

in

wisdom,

and give
173

it

to thee.

Col.

xii.

enemies

with thee, why .... 175 I left thee in a but not by my sword .... hiding176 Thou hast left thy place of cedar, and thou hast gone about ... friends and hast honoured my enemies. Pity (?) a man who knows 178 A wise man not what he . speaks, for the opening of the mouth 179 - 183 184 of ... the moth fell into ... 185 186 Into a house (?) of bronze the moth fell ... 187 My soul knows 188 not its path, therefore ... Hunger sweetens that which is bitter and 189 thirst ... Let him that is vexed be satisfied with bread, and the 19 soul of the poor be sated with wine. Men
set

God

me up

as a righteous

man

m My

shall die,

Col.
191

xiii.

192 If bent his bow and shot his arrow, and it did not .... thy lord entrust to thee water to keep ... 193 to leave gold in thy hand. Do

One
99

1-

225
not ...
1!U

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
come near
106

me, and let him not say, Be far from a slave on whose foot is a fetter and who his house with him, a fire is a thief should not be bought. He who accuses his lord shall be went forth iroin bAoxe 198 God. 199 ^///rapped in his law-suit, as if he uttered a curse on his lord. ... his lord The birds ... 200 an evil man who over201 takes ... thee when he sends thee, why shouldst thou be 202 203 in his sight ? his sight because before changed
to
'

me

'.

195

204 thee tested before one to the wild ass Let me ride upon 205 thee and I will feed thee.' keep for thyself thy feeding and 206 between flesh and thy saddle, but I will not see thy riding. shoe let him not put a pebble into my foot. 20T Let not the
'

rich

man

'

say,

In

my

riches

am

glorious

'.

Col. xiv.

no i snow to an Arab the sea or to a Sidonian the desert, for 209 He who treads out the wine is he who is different (?). 210 and should taste it, and he who ... he should guard it. he shall tear out, and blood /know not what will come after it. 2U 213 212 blind in the eyes from my skin 21 214 215 a child and he shall come ... eyes ... from the belly one (?) knows a noble a deaf man, ears ... 217 218 ... let not a man buy either a married person, and not from ... woman ... 219 let a maid be bought as a maid, and a wife ... 220 221 222 thief ... this, the house of his neighbour 223 owner merciful caught (?) fire ...
jj
their

208

work

Line

is

clearly the beginning.

cf.
i

^TIE)

(so Baneth), (cf. Prov.

Prov. 24 23 and
1

The first words are probably "90 i"i7N n2T Prov. 30 1 31 1 Noldeke proposes
,

introduction

to

which would imply that the narrative is merely an ), the maxims. HE^ by name a Persian idiom
'

',

1-5 frequent in this text, but also occurring in the other papyri, cf. e.g. 33 In Hebrew cf. THEl 'n ""I2D not only a scribe but a learned man.

Ezra

The end

of the line

is

difficult to

restore,

and none of the

The remains of the letter after n"G? are not suggestions are convincing. One would expect some word to show a 1 or t but part of n or D.
that

he was not
2.

really a son.

Line

[""D]

only a guess to
1.

fit

the space.

It

will

depend on the

restoration

of

1.

ni.T

future, not precative (liT).

Ti^p.
'

The

Vt are practically certain.

The
'

phrase seems to

mean

before this

narrative begins'.

^[^]

had become great', more probable than

It continues in the 3rd person with occasional quotations roy (Baneth). The composition of these first lines is difficult, and in the 1st person.

one cannot be sure where the

Line
3.

1st

person takes up the story.

is
is

The < is certain, and there Perles rotf. rvfnTi] Epstein? It part of the foot of 2, so that there is no doubt about the word.

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

'

227
is

Bab.

saint,

'bearer

of the seal.
to

nnpry

cf.

Dan. 6 18

n[JN|
in
1.

practically

certain.

The end seems

be required by *?m
.

4.

Note the
take as 'full'

Persian form ninN and the Assyrian 3"nxm'B> Line 4. ^D not sta (as Sachau? and Ungnad).
. ,

To

Cf. 1. 43. fflfl i. e. relied upon. ?]} (of years) seems impossible. Line 5. H^rriDX (Ungnad) the Assyrian form. [pT]3. The 3 is The line is long because VKUff doubtful, and the restoration uncertain.
.

is

written above PPI3.

so too

too much broken to be restored with any certainty, and Baneth proposes I took my sister's son, Nadin by name, but it seems too soon to introduce the adoption of Nadin, which ought to come just before line 9. The vacant space may have had something like 'to do my service', cf. 11. 17, 21, but I cannot fill it up satisfactorily.

Line 6
1.

is

'

7.

.'

The

is

probable.

Line

8.

The account

of the adoption seems to

come
tail

in

most naturally

here, beginning with *intt. Line 9. After STDUl a verb

is

wanted, and the

of a
,|

is

visible,

'31 [nno p]n[l] from not a very convincing conjecture. [rvat?]ri 1. nray (joined with the preceding words), but Epstein 23. ["'JoyAt the end the this verb is rarely (if ever) found (1. 160) in the papyri.

but

is

king must be mentioned to account for vmJD his courtiers in 1. 10. Line 10. T\TOT\p i. e. I brought him specially to the notice of the king. 12 cf. 30 [sncjn:] is no doubt right,
'

'

If the fragment on the with pn. probable, for there are traces of in on it. The in 3rd person (therefore a name "ip'riN^), not *]^>, is required by D^pn But the restoration is rather long. 1. 12.

Line

11.

[|tOj]B>

is

probably
is

right,

left is

rightly placed,

WP

Line

13.

The

first

letters

implies "j^E preceding. and the beginning of

remaining must belong to 1l[rix] which Therefore the king's remarks ended with 1. 12,
13 must be the protasis of a
.

1.

new sentence

of

which the apodosis begins with n:nj

Line 14. Line 15.

[jnnN JvS]

cf.

11.

39, 49.

At

the end, nothing after rV3y.

[fi]3N
1.

[mNl]

is

required after rCjy.

is

statement of his case which

continued in

17.

must begin Ahikar's [nrvs] from 1. 17,

transition

but

does not quite fill the space. Line 16. Only slight traces remain.
it
1.

It

must have formed the column

is

to

17.
(PI.

Line 17.

41.)

At

least

half of this
I.

lost.

33

isi

Babylonian
is

for

not by any

Aramaic jnn means certain.

as in
Cf.

44.

The

restoration of the

end

Lai.
Q
2

228
Line
18.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
pi
is

short

nadin-apli (Ungnad). adjective, but a verb (so Baneth) would expect H3"l, as in 1. 2.

K3").

form of some Assyrian name The following 1 shows that

'

like
it

Assurnot an

is

is

grown up
^>rr<

',

cf.

Dan. 4 19 though one

,

'31

must mean 'he

inscr.
1.

shall

succeed

me

as

scribe',
is

Arab,

iali.,

cf.

Mesha
1.

restoration

probably

right, as npTy

The (Ungnad). 19 shows that the regular formula

6

was used.
Line 19, beginning as
[TID]yi
is
1.

3.

The

restoration of the

end must be

right.

the
1.

beginning of

only possible word, and 'dk i"!3y is required by the The only word which is doubtful is nncon, but 20.
itself.

nothing belter suggests

Line 20. sniD

is

not a

title

'Meskin Kanti
'

'

applied
'

to

Nabusumiskun
1,

(as Sachau), nor is it connected with in the Syriac and Arabic

versions, see Story, p. 112, n.

and

p.

xxxv.
is

It

is

simply an adverb
line,

so

'

formed from Din

like

'.

[m]iT
is

above the

which

is

consequently long. read in.

The end

from

11.

and

3.

For

"j~Q

perhaps

is

Line 21. yQ7n 'instead of you' begins a new sentence. probable if the beginning of 1. 22 is right.

The end

Line 22. NITI^], as Noldeke, seems the only possible completion. ethical dative, as often with a verb of motion. TP22 PVin rb&\ from
,

Dan. 4 1 is only a guess. Line 24. ^[rViTiD] there

HJT 'H31
is

is

required by

1.

23.

perhaps a trace of n.

Noldeke and Lidzis

barski propose "'["D], but it cannot be "1, and more 'I said to myself i. e. I thought. the space.

needed to
1

fill

mX

[*?y n]yn'

seems

probable as the contrast to

cf.
1.

[^y

nK>y in

1.

25.

The

rest is

only a guess,

52.

Line 25. M"l[nN *n] is certain. The trace of n is fairly clear. [snK^Nl] is required as the opposite to NJ130 in 1. 24. The rest depends on the way in which 1. 26 is filled up. Line 26. Epstein and Noldeke propose 73X ["'Vnp] 'he maligned',

Then 1. 26 might begin [n:)7]D7. But continuing ^y ns?y in 1. 25. there is a trace of 7 before 7DN, leaving room for a narrow letter like
J,

and J7D

is

suggested by
is

1.

29.

If this is
it.

read,

73X must be
'

'I can',

and 1CN

(future)
1.

required after

Then

the

words

'

followed,

as

shown by

27, addressed to the king.

Line 27.
able to
stir

The
up

terms of the accusation.

1. 36, which should repeat the He was required by D^n in 1. 28. the country against the king because he had won its

restoration

is

partly from
is

[iSd]

confidence by his wisdom.

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

Line 28. Line 29.
struction
cf.

229

[nin] 'di 'y

'

bjfl

cf. 11. 4,

43, 55.

B>"i-p

will

be enraged',

still

part of the statement of Nadin's

this line.
is

contemplated plan, which must end in

33"| in
I.

yB>.

For the con-

38.

Something

wanted

to define J^O, not

*pN, nor a relative clause, since either of these would require tffbo. I have proposed n?N3 here and in 1. 26 'words to this effect', because

Nadin need not be rehearsing

trace of a letter after ytDB>
is

the exact terms of his slander, but the

certainly

relative did follow, rather incorrectly,

more like r. Perhaps after and !"6k3 should be omitted.

all

the

Line 30. '31 N"Q. So Epstein. It written together as being one idea, like my son (but) the son of my sister '.
line

might of course be (;nn]i03

must have described how he

is

N^TDn my son who was not The rest of this and the next went to the king and made his charge,
'

but there

nothing to guide us in restoring the lacuna.

Plate 42.

This column

is is

fairly

complete on the left-hand

1.

side.

The
is

amount
there
is

lost

on the

right

shown by

37 where the restoration

almost certain.
a

good

After the short line 43 the lines are slightly longer, and deal of difference in length throughout the column.
.

Line 32. Restored from Dan. 3 19 But perhaps we should read sojt? Baneth proposes my before psm[DN], which would SMPI from 1. 29.
require something else at the beginning. Line 33 has been much discussed. It has been assumed that Ahikar
is

But the words speaking, and that therefore 'ON is Ahikar's father. are clearly spoken by the king, and "QX is Senacherib, for "IDN1 1. 32
'

must be 'he (Esarhaddon) said'. "Q*l is pi. constr. of NUT, used a great man of Nabusumiskun, the Assyr. rabii (Ungnad) frequently officer ', not as Baneth. From 11. 46-50 it appears youth page that Nabusumiskun had been in the service of Senacherib, and must
',
'
'
' '

',

have been a person of some age and dignity. Nabusumiskun must have been mentioned by name before 1. 38 where his name first appears in the extant text, and there seems to.be no other place than this. ^[ n ]-

There are traces of

Pi.

Line 34 must begin with ^3K, or P3N-. Then, since the line goes on in the 2nd person (rox), something ("TON) is required to introduce the
change.

The words

to be restored after

^3N are very uncertain, but

it seems necessary that Ahikar should be mentioned by name in the command. The connexion of 11. 33-36 is however very difficult.

ny3D.
late

but that from y3n seek him wherever .', the phrase is formation can hardly be assumed here. Though

Baneth takes

this

'

230
difficult,
it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
may be
i.e.
'

shalt

find'
'

find

thou shalt seek (nys) Ahikar in a place which thou a suitable place and then fall upon him there.

Not

(rt3) nrDBTIJl *T.

seek him wherever (T "IDN) thou shalt find him ', which would be Or the object of h3Bfin may have begun 1. 35, forming
that he

some phrase implying

direct term bop,
e.
'

was

to

be

killed,
cf.

without the use of the

would be

'

where

n^y (or STi^y) rb nx>nn, as in Ezra 6 3

g.
.

Dan. 6 5

Then n

~>nx

Line 35

suggested above.
,

may begin with Ti^ttpm or with some phrase like that The name of Ahikar can hardly have stood here as
it

object to rutrnn since

is

is

no doubt

'

right.

If

he

used just afterwards. "6:n (Epstein, Noldeke) i. e. is wise, why does he ? he may be
'

very clever, but he shall not

The

line

is

Line 36. The Noldeke (n?l).

papyri nor in

first

"I

is

fairly

certain.

very short. It is too broad for

1,

as

KTIO Assyr. mdtu, does not occur elsewhere in these

BA, though it is common later. [Restored in Beh., 11. 16, 17.] Line 37. noy i.e. with Nabusumiskun, so that he must have been mentioned before (cf. 1. 33). TWV\u? more probable in this context
cf.
1.

than nrn tb, Line 38.

out'.

63.
'

The beginning should be (how) the order would be carried Perhaps "ay or *nyh\ [b)X] or bfN1 is wanted, taking um

as a participle.

Ungnad points out that a person of this pDDDl[2:]. a high official under Senacherib. Perhaps the story had an historical foundation. in HD1D1 W2*\ he was '3B> 3*1 )D in (1. 33). name was
'

on a horse of

his

',

not feminine.
[/] vp
'

A
'

distinguished officer would not

e.

have ridden a mare.

hght

i.

swift.
It is

Line 39. the lapse of.

The

restoration

is certain.

a short

line.

~b 'after

Line 40.
like
'

The
'

lacuna

in the

middle
letter

is difficult.

Some word

is

wanted

met ',

found

me
1.

'.

The
it

before

and Epstein, who complete

plement

iyA3 (cf.

118) for

as [iyj]s. which there

taken as Q by Noldeke But this would require a comit

is

is

not room.

If

yjaa were

Then the line would possible (?) the space might perhaps (?) allow of it. have to begin p3: DJ7 in But the letter may be part of a n not D at all.
. ,

Then

the reading [^irjn or [w]n would be obvious. Line 41. The construction depends on the restoration of the middle
line.

of the

Baneth's
It

WQIp
11.

is

almost certain from the remains of

the letters.
is

occurs in

56, 59, where the obvious

it

clearly
'

unsuitable.

Baneth makes
',

meaning an adverb from 3"ip

'

battles

'

('

near

')

meaning

soon
(1.

'

',

then

used

like "inN.
is

N"13, Kni3

20).

Such an adverb

For the form he compares N?y, not otherwise known, but it would

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

certainly
fit

231

these passages.

If

it

is

read here,

it

and the
restored.

first

part of the line must contain the protasis,

[^Tn].

must begin the apodosis, somewhat as

.

For the form

cf. 'ana

14

9
,

D3BH 25 12
is

^>VI perf.

Haphel of ?b\ asyndeton.

Line 42.

The

restoration at

the

beginning

certain, since

it

must

correspond to in HJN in 1. 46. Line 43. [p^ltf] is only a guess.

If

Some word of the kind is required. 61 ('was dependent on'), the sentence ends with N?3. Of the next word, which should bigin a new sentence, , is probable. The second letter is 3 or 1 or 1 only 1 is certain, and

mn

is

used

like lin in

1.

the third

may be y
t

(or T, 1?).

Nbldeke, Epstein

~\]}2\

If 1
"p~.

is

the
it

pronoun, the verb cannot be future as that would require

radical

If

is

Of
I

*pT or "]!2' are the only possibilities, and neither gives a sense. roots beginning with , only yY> is possible, and that gives no sense.

suggest

yT

as a collateral If the

satisfactory.

broken
""i]

'

form of J?m, 'has injured thee', but it is not could be disregarded "J13 would be simple.

Line 44. n[*3"l

reading of
11.
1.

is

necessary.

The

first

43.

inn the proper Aramaic,

for

word depends on the which 33 is used in

9, 23.

N31D1 has been

much

discussed.

Epstein proposes N31H1

'

Nnrnb 3n], but that is impossible and is in any case too Baneth makes it an adverb = 3in (as in i 7 9 12 ) = moreover see long. note on 1. 41 for the form. It is probably only a noun from 310 and means 'recompense'.
N*n3["l
,

Nn?m

',

Line 45.

Nn3[~)p]
his

is

Baneth's conjecture, and

is

probable, but

it

would make

N3in impossible, for two adverbs of nearly the same could not come so close together. Otherwise we might restore meaning the return is an evil return ', but two consecutive n NB^N3] Nn3[m
'

asyndeta n^J?

rbr\1 would then be difficult.

Line 46. [N'Ol] is the regular title of Nab., cf. 11. 54, 56, &c. Some Neither particle is wanted with the sense Yes, and also (it is I who) nor D? is quite satisfactory. 12] 7p no doubt means an innocent J]X
'

'.

'

(i.

unmerited) death '. Line 48. Nn[31p] is again Baneth's reading, and it certainly context. Or we might read ^[{^3 72ynb] cf. 11. 50, 51.
e.
'
'

suits the
^>3DE)

supporting

(with food, &c.) as elsewhere in these texts. Col.

i
i

Plate 43 contains parts of two columns.

pi.

evidently follows

on

42,

and

col.

ii

must follow

col.

i.

Col.

is

broad and well preserved

in the earlier part.

Line 50.
with
c? is

3HXn3D

with D as in

11.

51, 55,

more
D and

correctly.
C?

The

spelling

due

to the Assyrian confusion of

(Ungnad).

232

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
In both
its

proper 1&2 imperat. of ^2\ meaning. JOV7 [*l]y not 'b ? ny (Ungnad), for which there is hardly room. The next line begins a new sentence.

Line 52. ISN a mere strengthening of C)K, cf. DSK 5 8 &c. forms the addition is probably the pronoun, which has lost

Line 53.

jnjco.

'

Torczyner
'

bekanntlich
'

',
'

which does not seem

?

'riN ?y yi33 would probable. ', then be equivalent to \TiriN Dy B*K3 1. 49. pnN b]) however may be 'afterwards' (so Torczyner) as in 1. 64, cf. Dan. 4 s ["in]x probably, or [}HJk.
it

Can

mean any one

a person

Line 55.

patricius [2N] a verb here.

^[nn]
'.

is

'

no doubt right. Epstein and Noldeke propose Baneth " [n:x] for n*= oh D? rather demands
'

'.

Line 56.

[lin

N73] as in
is

1.

61.

There are

traces of

N and

the final

1.

Nnmp

'then' (Baneth)

simplest.

Ungnad

takes

it

as 'battles' and

supplies iin piy.

Line 57.

Dn:K

fits

the space better than yin (nvy n).

"hv not

The words

following are fairly certain. and there is a blank space

together.

Ny (Ungnad) which is not a word, before it. The b and have been run
and
13y
is

Line 58.
unsuitable.

WiSJ

is

certain,

of the n remains.

Of N^^

there

is Of required before it. a trace of N. Epstein *?

inx part

nONl

is

letters
'

The beginning is Baneth's restoration. From the traces of remaining "ids njX T is almost certain. It appears to mean what you think ', which is strange just after *1EN in its ordinary sense.
Line 59.
1.

Nn3"lp as in

56.

The
is

next words are necessary.

right, cf.
1.
s

Line 60. [jV2l]

Hp[Tyi.

l[n N37EJ.

Noldeke proposes N? n]:n The words must have been written wide apart to fill
probably
3.

is necessary here. Before DHD Noldeke supplies agreeing in sense with TTI. Dvy, but the trace of a letter is more like 1 than D, and rather more is required to fill the space. from 1. 46. is wanted as a reason ['at]

the space, but there is hardly room for l[n Tinx j?o]. Line 61. nn. The meaning 'were dependent on'

It is plural

for not killing him.

Line 62.
than
is

ropri'

is

written above the

line.

,_

[|]

is

more probable

[l]:3 as

Ungnad.

n[?N] so Noldeke, Lidzbarski.

1.

The expression
which
is

strange.

JPBnB" from

70.

Baneth [priN ?y
'

]T31

less

satisfactory.

Line 63.

pin[N]

is

fairly certain.

After us
the

'

(as Baneth).

Noldeke,
is

Epstein }Hn[K].

Then mas must be

above the
line.

object

of nrriD?, which

awkward.

n[jr]

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

Plate 43, col.
ii.

433
is

Less than half the width of the column

lines.
1.

preserved,
1
"',

containing the beginnings of the

'

it

Line 64. shall be

The
evil

restoration
',

is e.
is

from
he

53.

[B>NTl]
it.

is

from Dan. 6

upon him

i.

\\ ill

regret

Line 65. Line 66.

The

restoration

of course only a conjectural approximation.

["is]DCO seems to be the only possible word, and this The rest of the line must contain requires something like K^n after it. the end of the speech, and the resumption of the narrative with a subject
to

m<D

in

1.

67.

Line 67.
lines in this

Restoration probably right.

Tt

thus gives the length of the

short.
is

column.
Restored from
Restored from
1.

Line 68.

61, but the line

is

Line 69. Line 70.

is clear.

1.

62, but again the line

jPDnt2>K for

short.

An

abrupt transition.
line

Noldeke completes the

Restored from
11.

yon^n. The reading [cb N^3 Nn]ca and the rest much
which
this

as here but rather too long.

Line 71.
related.

48, 49, to

passage

is

evidently

Line 72 must contain a direct statement by Nab. to introduce p^ariD* not a command, which would require tariDV [tJ^NJa Ungnad reads
Line 73.

Jjtt

and Epstein [v Nnajjn. w*iD 'my lord',

But ND
i.e.

is

certain.
[j]n
is

you, Ahikar.

rather

more
It

The line is difficult to restore. probable than [D]n. Line 74. ^3D. Seidel takes it as a noun 'food'

cf.

b)2D 43*.

might however be a verb '(bread, &c.) he brought'. Schatze (as Ungnad) which would have been of no use
' '
'

JMJ not
to him,

nor

goods
Line

',

but
is

in

weakened

'

sense,

things

',

i.

e.

necessaries.

The

restoration
77.

fairly certain.

Restored from

1.

37.

Line 78 does not admit of restoration.

part.

This

is

the end of the narrative

Plate 44 begins the proverbs.

Lines 80-85 are the same group as in the Syriac 22-26. Line 79. At first sight one would compare no. 8 in the Syriac. So Noldeke, who restores ND[ , ]2 and takes "ij?3 IDn as braying ass \ But
'

this gives
.

no construction.
',

The burden
'

Wensinck Nnf'Ojn,

for

Baneth xn[l]a as in 1. 90 what is stronger but this meaning for ni3 is quite uncertain. which there is not room. *iyj ion may also
'

mean

fermenting wine

'

(Perles)

and

this allows of the

simple restoration

2j4
Nn[j]3.
It
it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
is is

true this
in

is

a Hebraism, for H3

is

not found in

Targum
in this

(though
text

or
'

Syriac)

but

there
?

are

other

Hebraisms

are they

common

Semitic

The proverb must

then have

been

foaming

(there are various strong things but) what is stronger than wine ' in the press ? Alluding to the intoxicating effect of new wine.

There

is nothing after sn[3]3 in this line. Line 80. "iDn* more probably from "iDN than from ID*.

The X

is

dropped as
restrained
'.

in "lOft?

NmN

(perhaps) and baft?, and in later Aramaic. must mean a fetter or something similar.
' '

'Is

In

Onkelos
as a

(or NrTHK) symbol of oppression.

it

translates
It

Heb. DID, which is elsewhere used must refer here to some form of punish-

ment by tying the

'shall

legs to a bar, or the stocks.

later
life',

The end must

Cf.

have been
Syr.

prosper

in

or something of the kind.

22,

Arm. 14 and Arabic.

Line 81.
)b

|n

= 1%

Cf. Prov. 23 14

(^W1

hB>C)).

'If

you cannot
in

keep him out of mischief, then beat him.' Cf. Syr. 22. Line 82. Cf. Prov. 2% ls The occurrence of the same idea
.

two

Seidel consecutive lines in both places cannot be accidental. fp3t5W. eft. inTf Hab. 2 17 and concludes that, with }" etiergicum, the pronominal
suffix

may be
wilt

omitted,
cf.

if
s
,

the sense

is

clear.

Maiti rejects
short

this,
is

but

it

seems probable,
like

35

&c.

'thou

not prosper'.

At the end something Cf. Armenian 14.

is

wanted,

Line 83.
cf.

nsno a noun (Noldeke, Wensinck).

Baneth and Sachau [lD]fcO, which

Syr.

Jj>a.

[iT]N3 so Noldeke, possible from the

traces

remaining, but
at the end.
'

probable not concubine

'

does not give a very good sense, fl is more The b must be the preposition, therefore roi"6.

as in

BA.

The meaning

'

maid-servant

'

is

required

b 1. A noun Sayce and Cowley, Ostr. [N3B]7K. is required as before. There is a trace of a, cf. c^Nn" in 1. 80. Cf. again At the end something is wanted to introduce 1. 84. If Syr. 22.
here for run,
cf.
1

11. 92-94 give the approximate width cf the column, several words would be required here, since the line must apparently have read straight on. Line 84. [p]lD is better than [Tjna (as nooj HON is

Epstein).

certain, but a conjunction is necessary, either

of which there
uncertain,
it

is

no

trace,

or IN for which there

suitable.
in.

is

no room.
is

[*T"l]a

and not very

reads b,

The n

almost certain.

After

Ungnad

but the upper stroke is really the tail of the *] in 1. 83. might read either [^J?]:n or [i?J?jn] in. At the end a connexion with 1. 85 is

We

wanted.

The lines all seem to be short before 1. 89, so that either the column was narrower above than below, or the fragment attached to it

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

from
1.

235
Cf.
I.

89 onwards does not really belong

there.

170 and

Syr. 24, Arab. 25.

Line 86.

The form

of this proverb

is

very uncertain.

It

seems

to
it,

mean
There
is

that the scorpion refuses bread because

he cannot appreciate
1

his natural food

is

being insects and vermin. ^[^Nj" N?1 Dr6 is probable. not room for nJ73N\ The next word is very doubtful. There
? (but not high enough), but nTl 73
is
('

mark of a

he

will

not eat
eat.

anything living')
7

unsuitable, because that

is

just

what he does

Perhaps it Line 87

is is

DTP
too

y.

Line 88.

much broken nD Mr. Hayes

to restore.

[n]D perhaps, as
'

in

I.

88.
',

(privately) suggests Arab, li, to

scent

which would be

suitable, but the participle (Pael)

would be DSDE.

The

n must be radical, so that we should have to assume a form HDD = DD. NT1D or NT1D no doubt means 'lair' or something similar, but the word
is

unknown.

Epstein's comparisons for this

word and HOOD

are un-

convincing.

It

Line 89. At the ends of 11. 89-94 Sachau joins on another fragment. does not seem certain that it belongs here, nor how much is lost
It

between the two pieces.

After n
the

makes
Seidel

these lines

much longer
is

than the

rest.

Ungnad supplies N[n1 STI^n], which

the strong
'.

pointless.
is

Noldeke 'of
traces of the

weak with

$[&}$ ^2] which

'

possible, but too

long if the following lines are rightly restored. next word (n3 10 ?) are quite uncertain. It might be the end perhaps a word for burden '.
. '

The

for fear

of.

At

Line 90. 72D as in

Epstein
'

Seidel
1.

'

he

who

neglects an ass

and does not feed

it ',

taking

74.
it

ni2 Baneth takes to

mean burden
'

'.

Seidel

and

think

=' shame'

and

cfnt.

Ps.
'.

15

3
.

NBfJl] Epstein
*t]

N^rT
and

*r]

whom
end

he makes to bear a burden

Baneth NC[JM Nl^nD''

at the

[nW

Dy n]?V N7T

i.

e.

a double burden.

All very un7 than 33~l

certain

and obscure.
|*n

Line 91.
with

'bowed

to' (Epstein)

is

more probable with

(Ungnad). nncn["l j]. it one cannot guess. proverb must end with the
Line 92.
B>DB> the

Some

trace of D.

What
is

the birds have to do

Perhaps the fragment

line, since
1.

92 begins a

new

not in place. sentence.

The
it
'.

riTSP Noldeke thinks a mistake

'

for }*VSE>.

As
'

it

stands

can only be a noun

an ornament '.

nDTn

similarly

a pleasure

Babylonian god (Smend), the judge of right and wrong. [nn]ty so Seidel, Noldeke, Grimme. Cf. 1. 93. *rupW. Seidel adduces a root jli to vomit which is unknown to me (? t_ili drink to excess '),
' ' '

and such a proceeding could hardly be pleasing even

to

Shamash.

236
Obviously
it

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
must be connected with py 'gives
is
it

(to others) to drink

ii,

',

but the form

difficult.

Strack

eft.

Mishna Aboda Z.

p^n,

cf.

riDDn V22 pu would be a regular parallel to py. Heb. B^? Dut does not sa y h w ne wou ld translate it. Ungnad he who keeps (his) wisdom to himself (as Noldeke), or It is B>33 even, as a contrast to rmN in 1. 94 'keeps it under control' possibly

Exod.

root

says =
'

The line may have and does not let it go astray through drunkenness. ended here, though something is wanted to balance the clause. Then
'31

yDt^l

is

the

third thing pleasing

the

sociable

wine-drinker,

the

modest wise man, and the

discreet confidant.
'

This form of numerical

maxim
1.

is common in Jewish wisdom \ Line 93. yot^l is apparently not in the same construction as 92, but is used loosely in the sense of and one who hears '.
'

\"lip'0'"i

Tp*

must mean

precious ', and this clause sums up the preceding proverb. a trace of D remains. Vi must begin the. converse statement, [Dip] ' but he who'. nriB*. The n is not very probable. [VOpV] seems
'

likely,

but

it

makes
'n |D

the line long.

[*13

Line 94.

....

l]

Ungnad nmno
;

"l.p

1.
, .

After the
.

mark of
'

division (doubtful)

Baneth restores Dnnoan NDy

pB>

|0"

from heaven the nations (receive) their wisdom the gods give it '. For All very the end Ungnad and Noldeke suggest \i tprb$ \0 nnoan.
obscure.

Plate 45.

Line 95 seems to
tion of
1.

refer to

wisdom.

If so,

it is

probably the continua-

so Sachau, j[n3]B>3 [rh \a]b[]lb T]y, so Baneth. Baneth (cf. 1. 94), &c. Line 96 might be read NBV D[l^]n b$ (as Ungnad) curse not the day till thou see There is perhaps a trace of b. But can Dip (the night?) '.
94.
'

take an accusative?
If tt[3]n

The

as a jussive form

usual word for 'curse' in these papyri is TO. is possible, and the blank space may be

disregarded, it forms a good connexion with 1. 97. the forms vby, Nni3, Nnmp. ninn for ntnnn.

It

N1JV adverbial, cf. cannot be read

Dtnn as Noldeke and Seidel.

rest

n^[p ba]
is

is if

of the line

is

blank, which

strange,

it

required for 1. 97. reads straight on. but ought to have

line.
left

The The
the

scribe

must have omitted something

at the
is

illegible,

blank

beginning instead of the end of the

[T]

Line 97.

most probable.

with a feminine verb.

[Py.
"JDD

Baneth 7xb.

Seidel nb.

The sentence cannot have begun thus, So Epstein (?). Ungnad, Noldeke m?. a nom. pendens 'but as to thy mouth,

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

take heed

237
'

but

it

is

n '. is very difficult. It ought to ["ll B1t3 a strange word to use, and in the plural.

mean

ruining thee

',

[nyo]^ is Grimme's restoration. npin lit. 'make heavy a rmbwn upon (i. e. with regard to) what thou hearest (i. Noldeke and Grimme take this as passive. It may equally well be
e.

Line 98.

thy) heart

'.

active.

(again)

'.

not very satisfactory 'does not catch Epstein proposes [33] b a man without heart (i. e. sense) '.

[np]7 (Grimme)

is

it

'

Line 99.
fill

'{.].

There

is

no obvious word.

3D

'count' would not

the space.

The

might be N.
to 3~)N

nnN

(or Tint), cf. perhaps Syr.

xmniN,

'secrets', parallel
it.

'ambush'

(so

Montgomery).

Baneth

There is no suffix. After it ps:n (Baneth) is certain. there is just room for l[ins!?] but the actual word is quite conjectural, nnbl2 a mistake for ner, a Hebraism. fmjn cf. 1. 126.
Line 100.
'

would omit

suppress

'.

Aramaic 'extinguish ', here, more generally, Epstein and Noldeke HD3D (cf. Syr. NL3p), but this gives no
H33n,
in later

good sense.

After

nsan

there

is

perhaps room

for

\"i.

l[ini6]

is

quite conjectural, but a repetition of the word restored in 1. 99 would be natural in this style. The rest of the line is a separate proverb. pic
is
'

smooth
(eft.

'
'

'

(Noldeke, Epstein).

HaleVy
right.

sharp

(eft.

j^i.)

and so

Baneth

40

3
).

[P]B3 V^D
is

is

Baneth's very probable conjecture.

Seidel >aj[x Dip]
1.

Line 101. ">S^H 7]

probably
42
7

is

unlikely,

and too long.

r\2)ip

Qipn

cf.

and the sense of

103.

HDV3 probably =

(Seidel,

Ti/T with 'anger',

Perles n["l]V3, but there are traces of Q. Stummer). must mean 'swift' or 'sharp', but it is difficult to
' '

account for such a meaning. Stummer suggests fearful and eft. jej. Line 102. , n[jl]n' seems the only possible form Pael as in I. 96,
1

instead of

Haphel as elsewhere

'

let
'

him
to

(the king) not

show

it
'

(anger)

'.

T"l[o]N

is

mor e probable
is

than

yiln

them

that destroy thee

(Epstein).

The

rest

of the line

blank.
fits

Line 103.

n[cnp]
given.

the space.

Epstein n[bo
line.

,].

Tps

i.e. if

any order

is

"]$>

is

added above the

is

f!

fern, is attracted to

the gender of nc?N, but \-|(*ny)

correct as a masc. suffix.

p3J?.

There
-

is

a
is
.

trace of the \ therefore not PTOJ? ^pace Noldeke).

The 3
,

badly formed, but can be nothing

eft.

else.

Cf. p2])b in

26 6

9 - 22

42

7 - 8 - 13

Heb. p3n, Syr. pay, 'embrace', 'seize', grasp it and do it Epstein e. do it Noldeke and Perles compare Targ. y3N (for Heb. promptly. hasten There is no doubt about the meaning in the papyri. mno)
i.
'

'.

PB>

}nn?[N].

The

reading

is

certain.

Epstein, Noldeke, Baneth take

',

it

as

pBOnn

'

do not kindle

(it)

upon thee
'

but

this

does
'.

not
I

give

satisfactory

sense in connexion with

and hide thy hands

cannot

238
help thinking that

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
we have
a scribal error here.
It is clearly
is

suggests that pt?

'sackcloth'.

'Hiding the hands' If so, separated from jnn.

'

jnn may be a mistake for jron, which might easily occur in this writing if the original was not clear, and the meaning is do not put sackcloth upon thee and hide thy hands ', i. e. do not go into mourning about it and

pretend you cannot do

the reading pBWin.

it.

HDSni

is

certain, not
*a to

mnm
1.

as

Baneth

to suit

At the end perhaps

connect

104.

Line 104. "ion3(cf. 1. 47) rather than lorn. h^o] is suggested by the preceding proverbs. They are grouped more or less according to
Perles supplies Ni"i?K and eft. Job q 25"*, Line 105. Nmiyr (Epstein, Noldeke) is certain, must be an adjective, not a noun (as Wensinck).
subject.
,

Is.
cf.

io 16 45 s
,

^^jis

NmiO
probable,

N[oyo]l

N is fairly certain, rather than n[^x]l or n[y?3]l as Noldeke. Then pDn must be strong though it is not the word we should expect.
since the
'

'

Noldeke, Perles 'lettuces' to

NntJ>0 JO (eft. Prov. s
3

Line 106.

25 [nn3n^x] or a similar verb, is required. Line 107. joms. Grimme Mike the merciful'
,

15

suit n[^3S']l. [T^]o Ps. 55 22 ) is too long.

cf.

1.

100.

Seidel's

i.e.

God, but

this

Seidel takes the 3 as hardly suits the general tenor of the proverbs. 5 noy ba 1 as in 11. 154, 161, a very difficult otiose, and eft. 16 Noldeke and Seidel 'he with whom God is'. But the usual phrase.
.

niw or KVPK, not ^N (? 1. 173). Grimme takes it as = Hebr. inoy^ -|B>X 'one who is his equal'. In 1. 161 noy^N is written as one word, which would imply that 7N is the preposition, but the translation is less suitable to that passage. The line ends here.

word

is

Line 108.
[N]rVJ3.

K>0^3
is

may

be either 'like Shamash

for

'

or 'like the sun'.

this

There
is

only room
:

one

letter,

and
will

restoration

of

Noldeke's

of their king.

room.

law-abiding persons 8 H Epstein proposes [^v]n J3 (Prov. 31 ), but there is not Though there is a slight space before n, it must go with '22,
is

probably right

uphold the dignity

since there
suitable.

no word of two

letters

beginning with n which would be

The

rest of the line is blank.

Line 109. [n]D3. Perhaps [idJs fits the space better. [T *in]l is almost certain. Baneth [in *t]l does not fit the traces of letters so well.
Perles [jNO]l would not
fit

at

all.

The

line

ends with i03.

Line no. Noldeke

there
for

fills

the lacuna with [n]!? ["ION* "ion cb]wb, but

is hardly room, and we should moreover expect N"ion (cf. 1. 118) which the space is still less adequate, (x)ion is required by N*")OP farther on, and perhaps we may read as printed. For this use of D,

cf.

26 221

io 13

and

especially

1.

165 below

(if

so to be read)

when

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

th seems
to

239
last

be

fully equivalent to
It is

lOK^.

B?B>.

The

stroke

is

not necessary to read the impossible v\bw (Sachau) The answer of the ass is unfortunately lost, since or )b& (Ungnad). unless it were 1. 79, this clearly none of the other fragments join on to

simply part of D.

where see note.

Plate 46.

Line

nx. At
the

the

end there are traces of two

letters,

which do not

fit

Stummer's rbxo or
NDQT

not

mao

'exile'.

They may be na, which

Cf. Syriac no. 45.

suggests

Line 112.
in

Cf.

word we should expect. Syriac no. 46 and

('ai

the

passage of

Ben

Sira quoted

Baba B. $8 h
cf.

from vS-lD,

paiDO b\> TINVD itb\). THB, 'crumbs'. Epstein

pD
eft.

perhaps plural of "id ns'S 'bran' as parallel

is

ab) to paiD in the quotation from Ben Sira. 2nin is simply the first is partly erased. The

repeated by mistake.

and there

is

Stummer.
passage.

It

Hebrew 3tnn 'settler', no need to make it an abstract noun as Grimme and Sira is parallel to HiN 'traveller', 'visitor' in the Ben
'

'

b'bp

light

i.

e.

contemptible.

Line 113. pjn Ungnad 'friends', Noldeke 'shepherds', neither of which gives much point. The combination with pu suggests that it may be a Hebraism, and the phrase a mistake for pQ pa pjn P3
'

whether they be bad or good

'.

This might have a meaning.

The

rest of the line is blank.

is very difficult. niT must govern W17O, and to multiply u a reproach, cf. 11. 96, 97 &c, and Eccles. io pDIDO Its connexion with N?y suggests that it is apparently agrees with vnta.

Line 114
is

words
for

jboboB (so
iT^D^D.

I.

Low)
Baneth

cf.
'

mints'

for

rbwbw, and Midr. Ber. R.,

'.

91

"Pnn

they fly

away

traces remaining.

Baneth n[n]j?.
is

probable. "ICND^ is probable, though the N is badly made. (Noldeke, Epstein). Line 116. The restoration may be regarded as certain. Perles
\r\ba

Line 115.

suggested by the The meaning of the line is obscure. |H7K Dm 'beloved of the gods'
n[^>]ya
is

omits

t.

collective (Ungnad). Line 117. Tlj/N tih] is quite certain from the traces remaining. NSp^ is the only possible reading. Epstein = they call a flood lion suggests the meaning flood and H2b because it is thrown out of the sea, and therefore is not in it. But this boat ', which sjlS Another suggestion is that NDp is too far-fetched.
'
'

mK

N^

'

'

'

makes the meaning no clearer. The root HDp means to float on of the water or to congeal, so that the noun might mean scum
'

the top
'.

N3^

seems

to

be

ii^lb.

But

the

meaning

is

quite obscure.

240
Line 118.
the

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

At NT3y is the emphatic form. rV"iy 'cold' (Grimme). end n:y is required, but it makes the line rather long. Line 119. *yDl 'my lord' is certain. Sachau and others ^DS, but
is

the form

impossible.

|np?n (do you is not for njnp?n (Sachau) but simply the energetic form governing *"p: b[KE*] (Epstein, Noldeke), not ^NKTI (2nd person) as there is no trace of Hence *3 introduces a comment on the answer of the goat. the tail of n.
'.
.

say that) to

Then me' or

>
'

what have

HD7 must be a complete phrase I to do with you

'
:

why

Line 120.

Sachau reads
to take
it

for

N'OD 'kid' by an oversight for tttjy. K3~i is doubtful. the bear ', followed by others. Noldeke prefers fcOT N3NT (S3^1 the wolf. The sequel however seems 2xr)
'

'

rather to require a
in the next line.

human person

here.

[fcOljBN
'

is
.

probable here and

.
.

give

me

For the lacuna Baneth suggests one of you]', and takes pncrx (1. 121) as

lamb[s and

said,

'I shall be content'.

This would be suitable, though it is difficult to see how the Aramaic would express it. The trace of a letter at the end seems to belong to an K, with a space before it hence beginning a new word. Line 121. pncx can only be 'I am (will be) silent'. Perles proposes

pnt? N*2t, but nothing seems to be lost at the beginning. N^[3]n is not ny[3]n as Ungnad, nor Njnn as Sachau. certainly right (as Baneth),
[T">e>]n.

The K
is

is

probable.
44
.

Line 122. DnninnJOl

sensam.

Cf. Gen. 41 n[e>]3K (Baneth) is no doubt right. incorrect if Di~6j1 is singular, but it is a natural constructio ad

are traces of

^]. There and of 3 (not ab as Epstein). Then we must either (or ~\) supply a verb like 'we know' or suppose that O (I. 123) is a mistake due to the line above it, or that 1. 123 is a repetition of the proverb
a mistake for DrrvJT.

Noldeke assumes
}

[PP

"

[l

in another form.

Line 123.
for

[xtw]K

is

a conjecture, but probable.

is

There
likely

is

not room have been

much

to

complete the sentence, and 3D

to

repeated, as

Vnnb
is

in

1.

124.
'curse' here; elsewhere 'evil'.

If God looks after men, a man may chop very obscure. wood in the dark without harm to himself. This is 5trange enough, but why is he like a burglar? Grimme 'passes through Jpy nhf.

Line 124. Line 125

im? probably

causes trees to grow '. But to ' split wood accepted meaning in Aramaic, and the other suggestions do not the passage more intelligible. After tJ^KS a T is deleted.
'

wood

'.

Sachau

'

is

an

make
"in*^.

Sachau says "inD. Perles eft. Noldeke, Epstein 'breaks into'. 9 1 Sam. 5 where lini?? seems to mean burst out ', of tumours (but the
'

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

Jewish commentators connect
sutturu
,

241
compares Bab.
"Q (not

it

with
(^-s-^)
is

""iriD).

He

also

and Ezra 5 12 where "inD

["lojn^l
is

is

clearly 'destroy'.

3 32) for rva as in 9 .

more probable perhaps than [njn^l.

in

Either the text

wrong, or some words are used

an unknown sense.

Plate 47 is in two columns, of which the first is fairly well preserved, but the lines are very unequal in length, and the beginnings of all of them are broken off.

Line 126.
for
in

Noldeke restores
natural
in
1.

"jriB>[p

Tun

i>K "13].

There

is

not

room

n3.

The

word would be 1JJD, but

collateral
in
1.

Hebrew, and form of

"]~n.

191 we have "]~n, as This suggests a 128, a root ending in J. As the same word was probably used here and
in
1.

m,

128, I have restored J~nn.

in
2
,

There
nzb

is

no

trace of the p.
>.

It

may

have been written, as

general sense
cf.

1.

128, at a distance from the

5
.

For the

Pss.

64*
'

'lest'.

Cf.

Ezra 4 22 (Ungnad).

rUD^ (Pael) as in
is

Talmud

'

goes

singular with NN"6x plural, but perhaps this Pedes) for xr6x, and not as in Hebrew.

The verb (Noldeke, Pedes, Grimme). is only a mistake (so

mnya

cf.

Exod. 18 4

Deut. 33 26 Ps.
,

46

s
.

Line 127. Probably four or three letters are lost at the beginning. it were Hebrew, we should supply DTiy? but there is no obvious word. "iVwH is usually taken for "ipn gather harvest (Grimme
If
,
'

'

'labour').
native juas
'

Cf.
to

1.

101
at
'.

HDVD
to

for nsvp.

Ungnad
eft.
1.

aim
is

For
1.

the

end Strack

suggests as an alterDeut. 6 11 , 8 1012 1 1 15

,
.

nj[*n Noldeke DDIT, but 3 is clear. Halevy and Pognon nj[j jn] for mJJ. NDn "J30 P*1)tb must go together 'one more righteous than thou'.
parallel
}nj.
'

Line 128

126, as

129 to

1.

127.

probably
is

sin

',
'

with

play of words.

difficult

for

as regards, in the sight of,

Grimme God
'.

'

arrow

'.

jr6x

in

(or
is is

in) must
the arrow,
intact

be a

slip for in.

Grimme proposes
direction'.
'

to read

NHH

'

from thee

from
blank.

God

is

the

But

after Til

the papyrus

and

We

should expect

the arrow will be turned

back upon thee

by God '. Line 129. For the beginning cf. 1. 127. son fj? (Epstein, Noldeke, is Sachau and Ungnad {03"iDT, which Lidzbarski Halevy, Grimme) right.
savs
is

means a 'quince', but he does not explain the construction. imperative of fp borrow as in 1. 130. Line 130. nn? (Epstein) is probable from the traces remaining.
'

]T

'

Cf.
It

1.

138.

[}n

c\]t<

Noldeke, Epstein.

I^B* not

xbjff (as

Strack).

must be a plural abstract of N"6tS\ cf. ^jl^L, (Noldeke). Line 131. The restorations are by Noldeke and Epstein.
25

They add
R

242
T

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
beginning, but I doubt but there is no trace of
if
it.

at the

there

is

room.

[D7C2>n] is
'

probably
it

right,
fills

*[a]

N7EB Epstein
is

payment of

the house',
is

which gives no sense, and

grammatically incorrect,

as the subject

Noldeke
it

better 'the filling of a

feminine, but perhaps not impossible in these texts. house '. The point is not obvious. Can
is

mean

that the

payment of a debt

liable to take

everything you have

in
is

your house? Baneth, mistake for fct/D. a trace of the 2. The line ends here. Line 132. [73]
is

"'[s] cf.

on

1.

125.

There

probable, as there

is

a trace of

7.

There

is

room

for the restored words, but they are not very convincing.

Baneth's BN
nnXJB'
[*3].
cf.

\njytJTl7K

2~0

is

less suitable,
It

and does not include the

7.

There
11.

is

a trace of 3.
'

122, 123.

'}>

looks like an alternative to what precedes, Hasslichkeit' i.e. 'ugliness'.

eft.

Line 133. jB"l[p] is certain, and there is just room for by. Baneth \& must be the predicate. [pn]s by further on. (or BN .) No satisfactory restoration has been proposed. }1Jtw[rv] (not pat?
. ,
,

as

Sachau &c.)
in
1.

Heb.

U^

'

overtake

'.

The

object

is

omitted as

probably fp1*V from

'they shall overtake (i.e. find out) his lies'. pp"i, either for JW, or a mistake for JlpT Line 134. Probably nothing before mao. n?*lp T'tt. Perhaps Me
1

82.

Or

should divide 71
broken, he
thinks
'n
is

7"lp.

Baneth

eft.

Ekha R.
it

12(F)

7*lp

Tan.
his

On

the
is

analogy of Heb. f]iy implying strength,

fails in his object.

may mean

strength

from N\ but it "pi may be the southern way '. Perhaps this is a southern maiden ', V is probably right. Then though one would expect a gentilic form.
'
'

But why like a maiden ? ruoTI Epstein must be an adjective (Noldeke). In Ezek. 21 2

there

object.

for a verb of four letters. The 7 introduces the PQJN7. should expect 'her face'. The idea may be that the liar wears a mask, but is unsuccessful in his devices, like one who curses
is

room

We

wrongfully.

NJVI17

is

Line 135.
(or x)
at the

mark
it.

at

a curse, not an oath (as Epstein). the beginning looks as if the scribe wrote

*T

and erased
blank.

}C1 is quite clear.

Note

that the sign -fc

comes
rest of

end of a proverb, not

is

at the

beginning of a new one.

is

The

the line

Line 136.

[DNDn7X] or something equivalent

required.

y?B*

passive (Noldeke).
11 Ps. 62

The

rest of the line is blank.

,

Line 137. [*2"in7N] is only conjectural. Cf. e.g. Deut. 8 1314 Ezek. 28 s But 7*n[l vinn7N] would be possible. There is an N 7"n.
,
.

at the end,

which

is

erased.

NJ7in as

Heb. TW.
is

Ungnad

aptly

2 compares Sirach 8 (Heb.).

The

rest

of the line

blank.

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

No
'

243

DVW Noldeke, or for DOnn\ Line 138. [n] Noldeke and Epstein. doubt prides himself upon '. [TVpy K>]t3tr. There is perhaps room for this. Let not Shamash rise upon him i. e. be favourable
'

'

to him.
letters,
is is

Noldeke and Epstein 'a [nB>]EC, but the space requires more and his sun is not very suitable. The suggestion [, n]cc not very probable. n3T would then mean 'be illustrious', whicii
' '

possible in Syriac, but hardly at this date.

The

verb suggests

B>ty.

Line 139. *j is probable from the traces. 'From me went forth', i. e. was due to myself, so that I cannot demand satisfaction (p"lX) from any one else. K-'^jn a Haphel (Seidel) with the meaning of Pael
'

to

feel

'

',

spy out
I

'.

hardly

possible.

">K

Ungnad n [^]

takes the n
(Seidel)
is

as

interrogative,

which

is

possible,

but

not

certain.

'What can

say' being parallel to the preceding clause. Ungnad's It Hjy fits neither the space nor the sense nor the remains of letters. would also require 1DN1. Grimme "V3N i"0N1 gives no sense. Some

word
there

for

'

'

evil

would be

suitable, taking "ion as 3rd person.

Line 140.
is

ni[n] he, i.e. not room. DJOn

my

son, was.
'

Noldeke ni[n Tl^

'.

JD] but
eft.
.

"int?

malicious witness

Ungnad

Exod. 23 1 (where it is associated, as here, with false reports) and Ps. 35 11 Noldeke Dyi, but there is scarcely room. Dl? []non. nay an alternative

form of P)y
I

'

with

whom

shall I strive

should

weary myself by striving? Seidel eft. lie iii, and Job q 4 Prov. 2 1 25
.

and weary myself? So Strack who eft. *ay

.

',

i.

e.

why

in

Line

141.

T[n]

fits

the space.

Ungnad misreads it Noldeke, 'my son, thy

is

Targ. as nyax.
secrets'.

required, but there ?J3*7K[l] latter part of the line is blank.

Seidel "pNDn.
is

no trace of the

1.

The

Plate 47, col.

ii.

The

lines

were probably shorter than

stroke after
11.

in col.

i,

but

only the beginnings remain.

to divide the proverbs.

142, 144, 145, 146 seems

satisfactorily.

Line 142. [M]J3. Line 143. [?]*&*.

explain

Few sentences can be completed The V is probable. From nX3 'to

Noldeke
rejects this, but the

quarrel'.

is

probable.

It

might possibly be 3, and Perles suggests

T3

(for

TXp) but does not

it. [BBBTOK]. Cf. 1. 104, and Arab. no. 38. Line 144. 1J"OD. From nJD 'weigh', Arab. eb)j ojyi-

The

traces

following seem only to

fit ^>yi.

11

[eiDin ] possibly.

Line 145.

\'y\ *tf] is

only a conjecture.
crafty'.

Line 147.
'

banon 'be

Seidel

eft.

Eccles. 7 16

17
.

"]yT 'be
"JJTF

Or ? extinguished (Ungnad) seems to be the only explanation. The n following is fairly certain. The masc. verb with a cf. I. 43.
subject following
is

fern,

not impossible.

Cf.

1.

153.

144
Line 148.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
vnn.

The n

is

badly formed and damaged.

Cf.

I'ngnad^-in or 'bin which give no sense. There are traces of 2 and y. fairly certain.
'

Sachau and Arm. no. 8. *]l[y^T] Not "piy^ because jussive

let

them not swallow

'.

The end

is

restored from the Armenian.

Line 150. D"i suits the context, but a longer word is required. Line 151. XB>[:k] n[lE>]tS> (Noldeke, Epstein) is probably right. the end cf. 11. 134, 135. Line 152 was perhaps something like Prov. 16 32 Line 153. "]VQ1 fern, is apparently subject of Dn*V masc.
.

For

Line 154. The sentence must have begun

in
1.

in

1.

153.

noy bn V

as

107,

cf.

1.

i6r.

Line 155.
have been in

The beginning
1.

of the sentence, containing the object, must

cf.

154.

For the masc. verb

is

on

1.

153.
'

bn must be

the preposition.

The meaning
for "ja.T, so
'

obscure.

Line 156. "ja^

as a participle.

Noldeke who takes b$ as

God and KSax

If
.
.

'

God
be
1

overturns the
'

a preposition,
as in

it

will

mouth of the perverse '. he shall turn retribution to the mouth

i.e.

bn

is

.'

Line 157. 1D3X" 'be blackened'

1.

darkened.

Cf. u.

Masc. again

153.

The

restoration

PrJietP

Line 158. seems

is

N^BO

probable, though merely conjectural. KB'&p 'truth'. perhaps (as elsewhere 3 for p)

is

to require

Da

in

1.

157, after eyes

and

ears.

The

rest

of the line

blank.
i.

Plate 48, col.

The

lines are again very

unequal in length.

Line 159.
gestion
is

Another sugProbably nothing before B*K. *v[a>]. TDTl, but the trace remaining favours a rather than D.
dagesh resolved, or rather with the double 1 not yet his dwelling which is less
'

rmD =

iTTO, with

represented by 1. Ungnad proposes DIID For the form cf. aoooy jpp>, &c. suitable.
,

',

that this

point to

Noldeke objects would require NTU'Dn, and proposes rVHpa, but the remnants B> rather than 1 and the space would not be filled by H.
n[riB>]p3.
that
it

Reading nnc'pa we can only suppose

which
is

is

more

suitable.

.-,

T\D

*T

is fairly

certain.

a mistake for ne>p3, In 1. 128 JVJ

seemed

to be used of the bow.

is

Either that or 1J3

may be

supplied here.

'JVK after the participle

unusual.
this
13 is

Line 160. 1Dy[] if it is used in The long stroke before impossible. on the side of. 'Stand with
'

Aramaic.

Ungnad

"lCnt?^]

is

accidental, and the

letter is y.

jitf

as in

Hebrew ?

But ?y

is difficult

HU or possibly [njaij, not [DnJaJ (as Line 161. The first letter visible is D (probably).

Apodosis introduced by 1. by means of, trusting upon '. His own strength '. Baneth).
nl.
'

for

'

'

Perhaps the word

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

before
it

24.3

is

'

participle

he

who guards

himself against

'.
'

Epstein
secrets
'.

assumes too much space

at the beginning,

and reads *^[33]

JO

nnybtt rb T (Epstein's t6 is impossible), cf. 11. 107, Ungnad ^'[:k]. The fact that 7X is written as one word with ny suggests that 154.
it

is

the preposition.

Also the addition of rb here makes the translation

impossible.

'to

whom God
'

is

with him'

Hence noy?N

lnDJp,

as

Noldeke *JN["ltt]ni 'overGrimme, is more probable. \-|JN[*T nJilT, throw him is impossible. The 1 is certain but n after it is doubtful.

The

is

quite uncertain.

'in his strength'.

participle

Epstein proposes VUK3 , which he takes as In Ezra 7 25 pjKT is }XT is doubtful.

Kethibh, pjw*i Kere. Line 162 is very difficult and the restoration quite uncertain.

NDEy

must be
the D.

plural (so Noldeke).

fit

Elsewhere K^ocy.
Dn2271
.

appears best to

the remaining traces.

[nTis] (meaning ?) There is a trace of

Line 163.
thing similar

[yT N?]
is

gives a suitable meaning. [rb "in^] or someif the sentence ends with the line. Baneth required
in
I.

proposes Nmx2 continuing the sentence Line 164. m?* (Epstein) is certain.
conjectural.

164.

[xmx]2
'

"UN either
'

'

roof

(cf. 5*-)

he

will
'.

(Baneth) is merely not be a co-tenant with

epexegetical noun-

him

',

or

'

clause at

wages the end

',

he will not employ him

The

is

strange.
is not room for more at the beginning. small fragment ought to be slightly bent upwards. for Dp[B>] (Noldeke, Epstein) as well as the N of

Line T65.
cb
is

N^JD].

There

probable. There is not

The
room

2B HD Noldeke 'why'. Or perhaps 'what is the good [N]j"6. of?' is [w]iV. Ungnad }[K\j:itP, but the f is very doubtful. a noun, 'the multitude of, as in 1. 106. Ungnad [">b] as Sachau.

NW

V Dy from
Line 166.
not
-ins*.

I.

166, but there

is

is

hardly room.

"p2[jX2] seems to be

required, but there

hardly room.
is

At the beginning there

space for about two letters

Line 167. among men'.

X^N
126.

p**i

Seidel

mnya
help of run
'.

as in

1.

'The righteous (Noldeke, Epstein) is certain. arba P^V 'as for the righteous, God is his help', VWltM. Noldeke eft. Jv (to butt !) and Pal. Syr.

nDJ, Aphel

'to touch' (and so Strack), 'all

'

who meet him

'

are for his

Grimme
?

all

who

smite him

perish

(u*&).
it

pin participle
to

We

wise,
is

or

should expect the future. Perhaps the whole passage may be corrupt.

is

be read otherline

The

rest of the

blank.

246
Line 168.
eft.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
[rV3] seems to be required
19
'

by rpjnn.
'

7?nnri.

Perles

is profaned (with Targ.) to m~l DVl or the antithesis of it. parallel

Jer.

23

destroyed. pTiBQl From v'nnt? it might mean

i.

e.

'

'

in tranquillity
?

but form
eft.

?
'

pjnr Pael of
'.

down

Noldeke

U-

fall

Line 169.
vincing.

The The rest

restoration

of the line

prey merely conjectural, and not very conseems to belong to the series of reproachful
'.

nrn

they spread ' apparently plunder or

'

JW ?

'

'

i.
'

e.

cast

is

sayings, at the

end of the

later versions.

Line 170. Beginning conjectural, but something of the kind is neces'Set my name in wantonness' i.e. disgraced it by wantonness. sary.

The
Syr.

rest of the line is blank.

Line 171.
KTl.

prix* the energetic form

(Noldeke).

*nx
tfi

cf.

lo and
the

Perhaps 'approach' (Noldeke,

It is

Smend).
upside

wmh

Babylonian god of justice.

written in&> BS}6 by an accident.

'T

Line 172.

The fragment
is

containing

is

down

in the facsimile.

After ~p the line Plate 48, col.

blank.

ii.

The

left-hand side

of the column

is lost,

and the

lower half

too fragmentary for restoration. the length of the lines, unless the restoration of
is

There
1.

is
is

no evidence of
'

189

right.
.

PHV3 as 73. 7X perhaps God though it is joined to p**Wf3 Noldeke 'by means of a righteous a righteous man', 2 circumstantiae. The line may have ended 'why hast thou man', i.e. Nabusumiskun.
Line
1
'
'

plotted against

me?'
''ittw

It

would then belong

line

to the
,|

second
In
1.

series of sayings.
it

Line 174.
different word.

a mistake (Sachau) for

NJB\
'

206
will

must be a

The

may have ended

.

for

Line 175. "1DD 'a secret place' (cf. Ps. 91 1 ) 10 11 [m]nD1. Baneth eft. Deut. 3a Line 176 goes with 1. 175, as the side-stroke indicates,
Noldeke,
heart]
'

avenge me'. hence 'abode', 'home'.

God

mpini, so

who

reads ^KJt?, as Hak4vy.

'piety'.

Baneth takes

it

as

'

hardened [thy
or

',

and *pcm as

177. perhaps 'pity', admonish as Syriac (Aphel).

'

Line

am
.

cf.

Samaritan Aramaic TTIN,

'is

Line 178. D Lines 179-183.

.
.

Low proposes [pa]D No word is certain.

enough'.

Line 184. Meaning obscure. Apparently related to 1. 186. Line 186. n 2. Sachau's TV22 is improbable. It is more
.

like

Din.
jnn X,T

Noldeke

translates

'

into a house of
is

bronze

',

an unlikely expression.

Line 187.
(or

WQ)

most

likely

from the traces remaining.

fern.

yin) may

be 2nd or 3rd person

nniS

rather than

(Ungnad).

THE WORDS OF AHIKAR

Line 188. Line 189.
Plate 49.
Cf. Prov. 27 7
G Cf. Prov. 3i
. -

247

7
.

Line 191.
the

Four fragments. No line is complete. In 11. 126-8 iYl appears to be used. "jTT.
(cf.

There
starts

is

a stroke after this line

first letter,

above,

11.

173-188). As

this

always

from

there was nothing before "in.

'

Line 192.
leave
',

Hal^vy completes 'and if you keep it, your master may &c, and so Noldeke. Perhaps rather keep it with care, so that

afterwards he

may be

willing to leave

';

cf.

1.

103.

badly formed, but can be nothing else. According to Sachau's arrangement the end of this line is the beginning of the second fragment.

Line 193. p3K>D^.

The

is

Line 194. Cf. Syr. nos. 31, 32, Prov. cf. 1. 80. Line 196.

7
.

ms

Line 197.
certain.

The
.

small fragment c

may belong

here.

HIVD

is

fairly

Baneth restores Vft[w CHp tFK p"W vb~\. If the Line 198. >p . small fragment belongs here, the line might be he who brings an accusation against his master, shall be entrapped (some part of 'p\ a Hebraism)
. '

in his law-suit

.'

Line 199. fWn N3N. Baneth suggests K3N1 and Line 201. Seidel begins with *p 'go', but the
have a
1.

eft.
first

Syr. no. 36.

letter

seems to
like

tail,

therefore not b.

The

line

must have been something

192.
'

Line 203. xn30 if pro "13, it ought to be (n)1D:d (Ungnad). probably from jn3 test '. Line 204. The restorations are by Seidel and Baneth. The proposals for the beginning are not convincing. rmj& more probably than

rrnyb

(as in

1.

126).
~\b~]

Line 205. *[VF

'

Seidel.

The

root i>3D
'.

here

and

in

1.

204

If so, "]nD3 is probably not probably means support (with food, &c.) 'fodder' (Ungnad) ???> but 'cushion' (i.e. saddle) Heb. f1D3. nrnx is clear. Baneth I will not accept "P33"l thy riding upon me But the phrase is so strange that there must be some mistake. saddle thy Line 206. 'iNtf. Perles eft. Bab. senu 'shoe' and so Noldeke and
'
'

'.

'.

Halevy.

If so,

\V2

pn]

is

no doubt

right. Little
is

Plate 50.

One

large

and seven small fragments.

here
to give

can be read

on the
text
is

facsimile.

The arrangement adopted

a sense.

uncertain, as the

too

much broken

248

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
'

Line 208 seems to mean

unsuited
'.

do not

set a

man

to a task for

which he

is

rnyns

is

not very probable.

is fairly

Line 209. Nl^n (Baneth) U\. 'he who makes '.

, .

certain.

Supply before

it

perhaps

Line 210.

Line 211.
Line

but a participle is wanted. ptJl, First half very uncertain, and the sense obscure. Sachau Dli which Seidel takes as piece '. 0*11
.

Baneth

'

(or
'

mi).

a child ? 2 1 6. b'ly cnn a dumb person ', infant ? Heb. D'Tin "13, as Sachau. Line 217. pni3 if right, may Line 2 1 8. Cf. perhaps 1. 84, but the reading is very uncertain. n7i[y]n Seidel rbv2 with his own money '. Line 219. ma perhaps as restored in Mesha 1. 16 maid'. At the end
'

'

'

'

possibly [rtanjna Line 222. Epstein nC'S nptM..

.

The Behistun
This great
trilingual inscription is
1

Inscription.
famous as having formed the basis
If

of the decipherment

of cuneiform writing.

any confirmation of

that

Aramaic decipherment were still required, ft would be supplied by the the earliest specimen we possess (other than in these papyri version found The inscription itself cuneiform) of a Semitic translation of any text. order of Darius the son of Hystaspes on the face of an was carved

by

almost

inaccessible
in

rock on

the

road

from

Babylon

to

Ecbatana

early part of his reign, probably not later than (Hamadan), b.c, to commemorate the means by which he consolidated his 510
the
2

power.

Such a record however, splendid as

it

was, could not by

itself

the road were spread the fame of his exploits, for, though travellers by no doubt numerous, the inscription was too far off to be read by them.

Darius therefore caused copies and translations to be made and sent to To these an allusion seems to be made various parts of his dominions. at the end of the inscription, in a passage which is best preserved, but
difficult to

understand
I

in the Susian or

of
1

Auramazda
See A.
J.

made

inscriptions in

Ekmite version. 4 another manner (?)

By
.

the grace

which had

Inscr. (1902) for a full account,

Booth, The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform and R. W. Rogers, Hist, of Babylonia and Assyria
.

(1915), p. 83, &c.

2

King and Thompson, The Sculptures and Inscription of Darius

(London,

1907).
3
4

Only what is certain is given here. It is unnecessary to discuss it. There are traces of it also in the Persian. See King and Thompson.

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

not been done before
tions into
all
.
. .

249

and

it

was written

and

sent those inscrip-

fragment of one such copy, in cuneiform Babylonian on stone, was found recently at 1 Babylon, and fragments of an Aramaic version are contained in these
papyri

lands and the people [read them]'.

material

more

suitable for sending

'into

all

lands'.

The

two copies of the version. So important a piece of work was no doubt done officially by the great king's own 2 and sent out to the chief men of the provinces, who would scribes,
to represent at least

papyri seem

the record and make it known by public reading to their people or by publishing copies of it. Although the language of Darius was Persian, it is probable that for state purposes Babylonian continued to be used in the capital, and that

preserve

the Babylonian part of the Behistun inscription

official text.
It

is

to be regarded as the

alone gives the

number of

an important part of the record. was used, and it is natural that the
the official Babylonian text. spondence between the two
is

killed and of prisoners taken For international purposes Aramaic official Aramaic version should follow

JSachau (p. 185) considers that the corre3 very close and literal, while Ed. Meyer

regards the Aramaic as a free translation.

Aramaic gives the numbers of

it

killed
it

corresponds to the Babylonian

Both are partly right. The and prisoners, and otherwise where the same is generally very close

words and phrases being regularly rendered

in the

without regard to differences of idiom, as is the But the papyri are too much broken to warrant our saying that lators. this is always the case. Indeed in some of the lacunae it does not seem
possible to
exactly.
restore any Aramaic which Moreover the fragment (p. 266,
first.

same way, sometimes manner of ancient trans-

does not entirely agree with the

the fragment of a Babylonian

Babylonian second copy The same seems to be true of

plate 56, 4) of a

will

translate

the

Weissbach notes that there

'
:

that the

Auramazda helped me mention of Auramazda was purposely omitted

at Babylon (see above), for not always room for the standing phrases under the protection of A.', &c. He suggests
is

copy found

as unacceptable to

Babylonians, and that where the words ina silk' ( = I"6l33) occur, they may have been followed by the name of a Babylonian divinity (Nabu or Marduk) or by ildni rabiile. It seems then that the copies distributed
either

tionally diverged
1

were intentionally adapted to from the original.

their readers, or that they unintenIt

is

curious that the Babylonian

iv. p.

2 3

See Verbffentlichungen d. Dentschen Orient-Gesellschaft See introduction to Ahikar above, p. 205.

24

Papyrmfund,

p. lor.

250

ARAMAIC PAPYRI

of the Aramaic version where the original fragment corresponds to parts on the rock is defaced a fact which may interest any one who still

doubts the genuineness of these papyri. The Aramaic version was no doubt made soon after the great inscripThe present fragments, however, represent a later tion was engraved. This is conclusively shown by the blank spaces which occur at copy.
irregular intervals
11.

and which indicate omissions.

Thus

e. g.

between

22 and 23, the other copy (of which pi. 56, 4 is a fragment) originally The official Aramaic copy, sent out by contained the omitted passage. Darius say about 510 b. c. must therefore have become worn out in the course of years, but these Jews of Elephantine, being a literary people, as an it worth while to re-copy the document and to preserve it

thought

historical

record.

On

the

whole they did the work

in parts,

carefully, but the

exemplar was already illegible of the divergences from the Babylonian

too,

and
text.

this

may

account for some

mistakes

They made some

and where
it,

the writing
left

to restore

but

obliterated, they did not attempt a blank space to be filled up when the Babylonian

was hopelessly

original, after lying

is

dead for 2,000 years, was brought to life again. This corroborated by the character of the writing, which is the same as that of most of the other documents in this collection and would naturally be
dated about 420
sent
b. c.

about 80

or 90 years after the

document

originally

by Darius.
papyri are unfortunately very

The
is

much
is

broken.
so

Not a

single line

complete, and one piece (11. 50-63) almost illegible, at least on the facsimile.
set

much

defaced as to be

Thanks

to the frequent use of

possible

relation of the two languages, it is often phrases and to the close to restore the Aramaic with certainty, especially where it is

But owing to the divergences evidently following the Babylonian text. and also to the fact that the Babylonian text is itself mentioned above,

sometimes defective, restoration is not always possible. (In 11. 50-63 These I have done little more than copy down Ungnad's readings.) defects are less regrettable here than in the Ahikar text, since for
practical purposes

we

already possess the Babylonian text, supplemented

by the Susian (or Elamite) and Persian versions, and emendation could supply us with a new historical fact.

no conjectural

The

interest of

the Aramaic, fragmentary though it is, consists in its being an early to the translation, in the evidence it gives of the relation of Babylon
provinces, and in
its

confirmation of the decipherment of cuneiform.

251

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Col.
i.

Sachau, plate 52.

[.

rnna ////// *

.]

nnts

pm

///////

^ -^ ///// //[/

niX ljBOantt

ona &ap ktid x^n

sma

not?

"an[a]

xanp nay nn[x] anp nayo^> [bhti *? npnyi? t nhoa ojiyq nnnvM tma
a xnno^> i^op
///
///] -3

&op anp nay tk^ ////////->

^[n x^n WYins

3 //

///

DH3
4

nay nnx anp

nayo^>

anm

[n]pny^ fax u?:an[x

nots>]

xnno N&n
una anp

x'lnjnoi?

'fyt

x^n

["ironJvnN

v n^oa

*:nyo

nro[nnx onnxa xnna

1 111

//

*
[.

i]nnx

pm

//-*[*]* *

pd? iy
l

mi

o[p]
6

//7

Dn[q

&ep anp nay

onnxa ^ n]nao Tay

[nmV|B>

x[i?

Dyn<30

mi
rc&o

nnx

[onnxi?]

*did

n^y

no[tj>]

DOim

["ion
i

pinm

xb n]
v^[:]anx x[n]no nooob

xnno
doihi

x[^]n bra hidk

[ion bop

mnx^

bra

nnx

iyoe>

nayob Doi]m [n npnyb

\i/i->-% $\\ ona bop [xanp

i]bra

nay nnx anp

na[y] anp nayob

mom

n npnyb ib[?]x lswanx

xn[no x*bn *nnna 10 xanp n]ay Ytfb [-^a] xanp

pn[i]
// ///
[

[// /]// lll->-%i^/l

lit
*b

tfri

nnx

^ "5 *ib// ona

lbop

1 1

onnxa]

nnx nna[o nay xb] oyn:o D[oi]m

jo nra
it

no[b] nooob [n]obrx n[ps3] b[aa

n]y

nnx nox
*]noa

}a

xabo ennrn 12

m[na

no^ nn:aa

nronmx

*t

nnx xb'n 13 n[b]oa (/]ny[D nr]o[nnx [xanp pay anp nayob // lll-^p. nbo[p nnns] n xbm
l

^/lllllll^

nnnx [pm]/////

[.

ona nbop xanp pay

It

(?)
. .

iwrvb
,]->

14

mna

nnx

xb]*n [nnbs?

nnx

15

252
Col.
ii.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Sachau, plate 54,
col. 1.

nnay lnnaa n

rut

mn b

i>o[p]

^>rx

nay on^y n^o uno not? nnox "[nnna n] xnn[a net? bhti

p [mo xno ion p

[xno nnx nox

xa^o tsnnm 16 xata annnn

not?
17

nn^

nnx

xnna 18

onyD nroninx

x^mjo
[nnx pm

Dy xa[np nay tinn nnx

smo
^

^r6

19

mp
/// /// ///

nay

^[oai>
///

///]^a n^x [xmob

///

l^op nroninx n n^oa 20

/// - "^

0///

^ -3 *> //
fn[m nn

e//

Dna tap

-ion]

x]n[n]a

*?

n-yr

nox p xa^o nnnn 22 -p^>xa x-naa n nDoa [x^na x^n nnx sna n ma ha m 23 Dnaa n x^n njx nnx D[naa mn n^o in i^tx nny 24
Dnaa an
1

'

>Dna noa>

ex

mo

-Dna not? nninnx

nnta n[m
[*]noi

oy n
[n

ho

x^m

mo

vb n 25

nn]innx nnx [n]rx *oy

n[n]a ruN [n]ox n
[it]

Dna

x^n nnx nn^p

Dintrxna 26

n[nm nnx

b?x

Dnsa nop xnn^> x^n ny 27

D[y] n[nx] ntaa ^nyo nroninx [xanp nay anp nayob vb-n 28 nrom]nx Dna no[p] xanp nay [tx^ //->a nnn n xb'rb tap ^ n x^n 29 ill** ill
?
.

D]np pdid
nayo^>

uan

[xnj^yr

x^n

[Dy

n,?

nnn hx nnx
*?

nnx pm

30

nninnx

[n] npny^

nn[x x^n Dy nnx xnna nop xnvt^ab 31

?np]n
Plate 56 3
.

n*va

n[nn n x]^n [^
n]oP
]n
*]!>

x^n

i?op

xanp inay anp 32

....
n

18*

Sachau, p. 203, no.

7.

nnx x 19*

xn]:n[o i9t
/// 2ot
ej[>

x^n

20*
21*

]^*//
]njx n

Pji?/////

2it

hjt ni[n

21a*

no]p nnn [n]ox 22* nnx p[n]a n n[na 23* n]

i?]o VI 1^TX \mi?[y 24*

]no

*?

x^m

in[no 25*

]w\

nnta d[ 26*
27*

]noK> [x]nn[^] vb[

3[n]p

28*

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Col.
iii.

253

Sachau, plate 54,

.
.

col. 2.
.

nnx

n>:x

Naio

nnx pm enrim nnx ron

.

D]na nap tan? nay

33 34
35 36 37 38

n]y n

xnm nnx nnm

. .

D-iaa ne>

(?)xnmna nabs

ron

ny n xn]m k^bp may] Dnaa #um 'T rut

"it

"

no^

//-^-q

Tinnn^ x^*n

ma

n:x

ncx n

mi*]i nrcx

xata

wn
itap

xnna *ona nay noB>

xanp nay anp
ibtap

um

n npny^ D]vnmra in trw nta

wot? xa^o enmnni? n

x^nS nawf
npny^]
"t

i^ik d^>

nmina n

39

nay^ nrx x:m n

x^n
.

mvn

*r

x^n

40
41

Nmoi
, , .

linap ^t

wwin

ni>oa]

unyD
e|]i>

wtom

nau^ ///->2
n N^n^ nop

nnt

pm
.

.]-> -3-3 -3 +////[/

\/[//] ona

4?

nT x^n
br

wivw
, .

nnx

ntaa onyjD nromnx anp inay nnx pm .]/// ana nop

.
.

43

xmo

44
45 46
47
48

.nnx pdid *aan

npnyi?

x^n oy

twi*i

^>rx

xmyr xVn ay nnny] mn an i T xna: nnx n:n]oa xn[na] n[&>]nx pn[y

wmn

xn^Dp nna:

^tap

mn ney
.

xnm nnnx

xa]np n[ay anp nayci?

mn n xna nnx nox p

. .

xata

bwti

nnxi] nop n[*n n

n]nay *nn[nna n

#m
n:r

nsx p xata

******
unnm
46
*

49

Plate 56 s

]bni[

]p nns:[ 47*

]no nnx[ 48*

blank
Col.
iv,

Sachau, plate 55,

ana* n b^n ronn

col. 1.

nnx
jx*:k>
,J

*?

ita n[jx nnx

xata cimnn 50
51

ana* n
-jnai>n

y titn

pna

(?)nrox*

[?iw] nnna n
sjk

"TO*

jd[

n[

52

ync> nox* n:[x

53
54 55
56 57

nn^np
(?)

nn

it nay*

aaD5 n na[
tr:D'x n,aio[
,

pb ^y inani
*

mnn
xnana
x^
.

[r]
.
. .

...

n xnn[

faSrin

n:[r

psnn

|]ro

panx*

yw\

tu[v

58

2-

A
run
[i]y

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
wi y
|Dp
*r

[ntap]

^[na: nbx noK

tobo

vvrm
it

59

invjns [^oy]

WW

[nsri

ma

nj ton n Knao
->a

60

(?)Wlo na [nnau
(?)ma wo .... .'-.. bao
Plate 56
s
.

^d]=id

[mm

nbe> ruisiyn 61
'DID

d ^[na m
62*
63*

62

63

'Jd-iD
5.

ia 64
Transcription of the corresponding parts of Bab. [i. Behistun inscription], taken from King
.

e.

the Babylonian

and Thompson, The numbers in The Sculptures and Inscription of Darius .p. 177. These indicate the lines of the cuneiform text. parentheses (50, &c.)
text of the
.

have been divided so as to show their correspondence to the

the

lines of
italics,

Aramaic version, indicated

in

the

margin.
in

Passages

in

bracketed, are as supplied by the editors from the other versions.

The

fragment mentioned above

1.

(p.

249) begins

1.

10.

arki nikrutu iphurunimma ittalku' Dadarsu ana episu tahaza arki itepsu' saltum (51) [ina alu Tigra sumsu ina Urastu Urimizda issi dannu ina silli sa Urimizda uku attua iddnku ana nikrutu

(50)

2.

ana

tarsi

said idduku' ina libbisunu 3. agasunu iimu 18 (KAM)sa Aim ilepu~\su 546 u baltutu 3 a. ussabbitunu 520 arki ina Sanitum 4. harrani nikrutu (52) [iphurunimma ittalku' ana tarsi Dadarsu ana
episu tahaza arki itepsu saltum ina
5.

Uyama sumsu
sa Urimizda

ina Urastu

Urimizda

issi

dannu] ina
sa
[

siili

uku attua ana nikrulu

la epus

idduku
6.

umu

(KAM)

Simanu
arki Dadarsu amalu
idaggalu

itepsu saltu (53)

paniya
6
7. a.

adi muhhi sa anaku allaku ana Jl/addj Dariyamus sarru kiam ikabbi Umissi
\_altapar

sumsu

galla

Parsa

ana

Urastu (54)
arki
8.

umma emuku

nikrulu sa la ish'mmu'inni dUkulunulu

ana
9.

tarsi

iltalak ana Urastu ana] kasadu nikrutu iphurunimma ittalku' Umissu ana epes tahaza arki itepsu saltu (55) [ina Izala ina Assur Urimizda issi dannu

Umissi

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

ina
silli

255

sa

Urimizda uku attua ana nikrutu idduku iimn ij

{KA M)
tarsi

sa

Tebelu itephi sal]\\ idduku ina libbiSunu 2024 10. ina sanili harrani nikrutu iphurunimma illiku'

ana

Umissi

ana epis tahaza (56) [arki itepsu saltu ina Uliydri ina Urastu Urimizda issi dannu ina silli la Urimizda uku attua] ana nikrutu idduku umu
30

(KAM)
11.

sa Airu itepsu saltum

idduku ina libbisunu 2045 u baltutu ussabbitu 1558 (57) [arki

a.

Umissi amatu
1 1 1 2.

la epul idaggalu paniya adi muhhi sa anaku ana Madd alliki

Dariyamus sarru kidm

ana

ikabbi arki

anaku ultu Bdbilu usam]m&

ina

attalak

Mada ana

kasadi ana

Mada

Kundur sumsu

ina

Mada

(58) [ina libbi ana muhhiya Parumartis agahi sa ikabbu

umma anaku

Ur Madd iiti
saltu] Uramizda issi Uramizda uku sa Parumartis (59) [adduku umu 2j 14. la ... nitepus saltu arki Parumartis agasu illi 15. uku] isi eliya sa sise ihlikma illikma ina Raga' sumsu ina Mada arki anaku uku (60) [allapar ana muhhilunu Parumartis agasu 13.

uku
ina

ittalak

ana episu tahaza arki nitepu s

dannu

silli

sa

16. (68)

[Dariyamus sarru kidm ikabbi arki mdtu ana attua tatur agd

sa anaku ina Partii epusu] 17. Dariyamus Sarru kiam ikabbi

18. isten

matu Margu' sumsu takkirannima amelu Parada' sumsu (69) [Margiand ina kakkadisunu arki Dadarsu htmsu galld Parsd pahdlu sa Bahtar allapar umma aliktna
dtlku
19.

ana uku nikrutu sa

itti

la isimmu]'inni arki

Dadarsu
dannu

ittalak

itti

uku

itepsu saltum

Marguma

(70)

[Uramazda

issi

20. ina silli sa

Uramazda uku

attua idduku

ana nikrutu agasunu umu

2} sa Kislimu itepsu saltum]

idduku ina libbisunu 55243 u baltutu ussabbit 6572 Dariyamus sarru (71) [kidm ikabbi arki mdtu ana attua tatur agd sa anaku ina Bahtar epusu 22. Dariyamus sarru kidm ikabbi isten amelu Umizdatu sumsu ma
21.

21 a.

Tar]ma.' ina Iutiya sumsu ina Parsu asib Su

itbamma

ina Parsu ikabbi

ana uku (72) [umma 23 anaku Barziya marusu sa Kuras arki uku sa Parsu mala ina
alluka' sa Iutiya

ina Parsu lapaniya ana muhhisu illalku' hi ana sarru] DariyamuS sarru kiam ikabbi arki anaku uku sa Parsumi isi [ittur] Arlamarziya sumsu galld Parsd 25. (73) [
24. illekru'

256

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
uku a Parsu
ittiya

26. ina kakkadihinu allapar~\

arki

ittalku'

ana

Mada

Artamarziya
itti

27.

sums' u ina

uku (74) [ana Parsu ittalak ana Parsu ana kasadu ina Rakha Parsu Umizdatu agasu sa ikabbu umma anaku Barziya itti
ittalak
issi

28.

uku

Uramazda
2 9>

ana tarsi] Artamarzi ana dannu ina silli a Uramazda

attila

epi

tahaza itepsu saltum

(75) [uku

idduku ana uku sa Umizdati

umu

12

(KAM)

sa

Airu

itepsu saltum]

30. arki

Umizdatum agasu
epis

itti

uku

isi

eliya a sise ihlikma

sil itti

31. ana (76) [Pisi'humadu

illik

ultu libbi

uku

ittalak

ana tarsi

Artamarziya ana

32. tahaza ina Parga sadu sumsu itepsu sallum~\ Uramazda issi dannu ina silli sa Uramazda uku attua idduku ana uku a Umizdati (77) [umu la ... 5

{RAM)
34.

33. itepsu saltum

Umizdatu agasu u mdr-bdnilli sa

iltisu

subbutu~\

Dariyamus sarru

kiam ikabbi arki anaku 35. Umizdatu agasQ u mar-banuti Uma sumsu ina Parsu altakan
.

sa ittisu gabbi ina zakipi (78) [ina

Dariyamus sarru kidm ikabbi ago, so] anaku ina Parsu epuSu 37. Dariyamus sarru kiam ikabbi Umizdatu agasu sa ikbu (79) [umma anaku Barziya uku ana Aruhatti 38. {spur isten amelu ina kakkadisunu iltapar ana tarsi Umimana'
36.

sumsu galld] Parsa pahatu

39. sa Aruhatti

umma

alkama Umimana' duku' u ana (80) [uku sa

illiku'

ana Dariyamus sarru isimmii 40. arki uku sa Umizdatum ispuru

tahaza ina Kdpisaka]nz itepsu saltu
41.

ana tarsi Umimana' ana

epis

Uramazda

issi

dannu

ina

silli

Sa

Uramazda uku

(81) [attua idduku

ana uku nikrutu

42.

umu

i)

(KAM)

sa Tebetu

43. itepsu saltum arki ina sa?iitum harrdni Jiikrutu iphurunimma ittalku' ana tarsi Umimana ana epis tahaza ina Gandutava\ itti [?iikrtltu\ itepsu saltum Uramizda issi dannu ina silli sa Uramazda (82) [uku attila idduku

ana uku
44. nikrutu
45.
isi

umu 7 {KAJ\P) sa Addaru amelu agasu sa ina eli uku rabu

itepsu saltum

] arki
itti

sa

Umizdatum ispuru
arki Uvwnana'

uku
uku

eliya (83) [sa sise ihlikma

46.

ana Arsada sumsu ina Aruhatti

]

illik

itti

sasu ina libbi

THE BKHISTUN INSCRIPTION

47. issabatsu idduksu u mar-banuli sa ittisu idduk

257

48. u baltu sa uku (84) main ana attiia talur

49.
adi

Dariyamus

s"arru

naphar diku kidm ikabbi arki

sarru
.

agd sa anaku] ina Aruhatti epusu Dariyamus muhhi sa anaku ina Parsu u Mada (85) \aturu
.

kiam ikabbi

50. (105)

sa bela arkiya

.... [Dariya]m\i$ [sarru] kiam ikabbi mannu amelu sa uparrasu

atta

arru

51. u parkani (106) la ta[ 52.

. .

.]

kt naru suatu

Dariyamus sarru kidm ikabbi tammari u salmanu agannutu

. .

53-5758. (107)
.
.

ka u na

lurabbis (108)

if

mi\mma]

sa

ka lusam'id umeka [/#r]rik Uramazda nutum nika la tanakkQ

.
. .

Uramazda
ituru' adi

(109) u zeru]ka 59. Dariyamus sarru kidm ikabbi agannutu] sabe

lirur
.
.

ittiya

muhhi

sa

anaku ana Gumati agasu

sa ikabbu

60.

(no) Magusu d\duku

]su sumsu

umma

anaku Barziya ....

61

apilsu sa Misparu' Parsa Umittana*

sumsu
.

apilsu

sa Suhra' Parsa (111) Gubaru'

62.

sumsu

Parsa

sumsu

apilsu sa Mard[;/ apilsu sa Parsa]

.
.

sumsu

Magabudisu

sumsu

apilsu sa Za'tu'a Parsa

Ardimanis sumsu apilsu sa

sabe agannutu lu
{end of Bab.)

Umahku

63. (112) Parsa

madu

suddid.

Col.
1

i.

the They of them 827 and look alive ... 06. A second time 2 to meet Dadarshish to join battle. rebels gathered together. They went Then tliey joined battle at the fortress called Tigra, in Armenia. Auramazda helped me ; by the protection of 3 Auramazda my army slew the rebels. On the 18th of Iyvar they joined battle. They slew of them 5046.
killed
4

to join battle. Then fortress in Armenia.

5 the they joined battle at Huyav as it is called, ^4rcmazda helped me; by the protection of Auramazda my army slew the rebels. On the 9th of Swan 6 they joined Then Dadarshish battle. They killed of them 472 and took alive ...02.

Again

the rebels

gathered together.

They went

to

meet Dadarshish

did
7

noting

(further), \\2atv1g for

me

in

Armenia.
a

Thus says Darius the king, One Vaumisa by name, my servant, I said, 'Go, that ar;;/y, the rebels who do Persian, to Armenia I sent. Then Vaumisa went to Armenia. On (his) not 8 obey me, slay them' went to meet Vaumisa arriving (there) the rebels gathered together. They
2699

2yS
to
''

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
battle.

He killed of them 2034. gathered together. They went to meet Vaumisa to join battle. They joined battle. On the joth of Iyyar they u They killed of them 2045 and \odk alive 1578. Then joined battle. V&umJsa did nothing, waiting for me in Armenia.
10

join

Then they joined batik

the
rebels

second time

12

the king, Then I went out from Babylon and went Media. On arriving in Media at a (city) named Kundur in Media that Phraovles with 13 the army came to join battle. We joined battle. Auramazda folped me, by the protection of Auramazda I slew the army of Phraor/es. On the 25 th 14 of Jlfarheshwan(?) we joined battle, /hilled Then Then that Phraortes 1: of them ...5 and alive 1 took 1080 10. to
'

Thus says Darius

'

I sent
1G

the

army

Col.

ii.

Thus says Darius

did
in

Parthia.

the king,

Then

Thus says

the country was Darius the king.

mine.

This is what The country called

18 one Frada by name. Margiana rebelled. As king over them they made Then I sent {the man) named Dadarshish, governor of Bactria. I said, 19 the army, the rebels' Then Dadarshish joined batile with the Go, kill 20 Marxians. Auramazda helped me. By the protection of Auramazda
'

they
21

killed

They

killed

those rebels. On the 23rd of Chislew they joined battle. of them 55243, and took alive 6972.

Thus says king Darius, A certain man, Vayazdaia. by name, a Persian, dwelt in Persia. He said, 23 T am Sf/ierdis, the son of Cyrus. Then the Persian army, as many as (?) were in the houses in the neighbourhood (?) of the fortress, 24 rebelled. They went over to him. He became king in
22

Then I sent the army, which was small, in Persia, 25 which had not rebelled, and the army of Media which was ivith nie. Artavarzi 26 / Then the army of sent at the head of them. by name, a Persian, ~ Persia and Media went with me. Then Artavars? 2 with the army went
Persia.
to
I

the place called

Rakha
(?)

in Persia.
2S

am

Smerdis, came

with

the

army

to

Then that Vayazdaia, who said, They joined battle. join battle.

Auramazda helped me, by the protection of Auramazda 29 my army killed the army of Vayazdaia. On the 12th of Iyyar they joined battle. 30 and took alive Then that Vayazdata They killed of them 303...
.
. .

zvent with a small force of cavalry before :!1 the fortress called Paishiyau32 vada. battle. Then, with his army, he came to meet Artavarzi to join

They joined

battle.

My

army

killed the

army of Vayazdaia.

In

the

month Tishri(?)
Col.
33
iii.

M they and look alive They killed of ihem they joined battle. took Vayazdata, and the nobles who were with him they {also) took. Thus says king Darius, Then 35 I put 10... to death, and the nobles who were with him I crucified at a place called Uvadaicaya in Persia 36 52 (of This is what I did in Persia. them).
.
.

37

Thus

says king Darius,

to

had sent an army

Arachosia

That Xayazdata, zvho said, I am Smerdis, 38 and a certain man at the head oi

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

them
40
kill

259

to

meet

my

servant

Arachosia, saying,
(them).

Go

The
battle.

41 Auramazda helped me. By the protection of Auramazda my army killed the rebels. They killed 42 of them 4570... and took alive On the ijih of Tebeth 43 they joined battle. Auramazda me. the protection 0/ Auramazda my helped By army killed the army 0/ 44 the rebels. Then They killed of them 3... and took alive 45 that man who was in command over them with a small jled force of 46 towards (?) Arshada the fortress in the province cavalry and went Then Vivana went with the army to meet him 47 to join of Arachosia. battle. He joined, battle. He took him, and killed the nobles ivho were The total of the killed 4S and prisoners whom my army killed with him. and took, ivas Thus says king Darius, Then the country was mine. 40 This is ivhat I did in Arachosia. Thus says king Darius

named Vivaria, a Persian, the governor 30 of Vivana, and the army which obeys king Darius army of Vayazdata zvent to meet Vivana to join battle.
to

They joined

Col.
50

iv.

Thus says king Darius, Thou,

51

man who lies .... He who

.

against
lies

52
5:i

thy going

(?).

54
fi

who shalt be after me, any who are many, I warn (thee) make known how it was done. Do thou he says, Hear what PRTR says.
king,
liars,
:

see
lies

J8 ,r '

.... this ... if thou hide not increase, and thy days be long; but if thou hide
.

also "

before

thee.

55
. .

59
I

Thus says king Darius, These are the men who stood on my side till had killed that Gaumaia G0 the Magian, who said, / am Smerdis
'

'.

G1 They were especially distinguished in my sight. Indaphemes, by name, son of Vayaspara a Persian : Gaubaruva son of Mardonius (?) G2 a Persian

a /Vrsian

63

For the verso (pi. 53), do with Behistun, see no. 63. The restorations are translated from the Babylonian text (Bab.), and will not be discussed where they are quite satisfactory. All the lines in
Plate 52, containing the recto of the papyrus.
to

which has nothing

this part of

Bab. are defective

1.

at the

beginning.

Line

= Bab.

50.

The numbers
first

missing in Bab.

The

of killed and prisoners are numeral here must be /// since units are

The number of prisoners cannot be restored. always arranged in threes. Vihy\ is taken by Sachau as K^n the rebel troops ', and consequently 'mru as a second time '. But e. g. in I. 8, where the phrase is similar,
'

'

we have NHIO, not

'o JP7JH, and nowhere else in this version

is

N"6n

s 2

26o
used
in

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
in this sense.
is

It

would be

N^n
'

Bab.

ina lanilum harrdni

laniium alone would be usual for

the expression Ylhv^

'

1. The phrase elsewhere 7. a second campaign ', though ina a second time ("mm). Perhaps

as in

in

'

Tnri3 means 'a second time', properly 'twice',

,

cf.

D^n

B>7B> in
2.
.

Line

Exod. 23 14 &c. np"iy7 restored from

as often. [^]"IJ?D

1.

4, q. v.
is

NJT13 for

NnTS

as in

1.

23?

and 35 2
cf.

Hence Bab.
if

issidannu not issi dannu.

rightly restored as subject,

Line 3
1.

17 tap constructio

ad sensum,
7

X^n

is

might be used simply to mark the object, 48. to avoid misunderstanding, but really it represents Bab. ana in the phrase The number of killed here does not Cf. also 1, 5. idduku ana nihrfitu.
NH-107.
agree with the number in Bab. but the latter may be a mistake for 5046 Then the number of prisoners may also be incorrect. (so Ungnad). The space between 11. 3 and 4 ought to have contained the words

The

'mm
Line

"ins (or

more)
'

"3 "3

***

//
'

HI

Tins*

pm.

Bab. has ina sanitum

'.

harrdni, though it ought to be in a 3rd campaign mistake, or it means in another campaign '.
4.
'?

Either

it

is

[n]pnj?7
cf.

= later

and Ungnad),
Sirac.
7
.

njnjp in the The name, which VTO. 13 version (Uiyama), must be 1JH (Ungnad).

Aram, sms'7 'to meet', against (Seidel fragment on pi. 57, no. 3, 1. 6, and "J^iy
'

'

is

preserved

in the Elamite

Line
room.
Line

5.

[sms]
>

supplied as in

1.

2,

but

it

is

doubtful whether there

is

6.

N "nE7 cf. on 1. 3. The numbers are

lost in

Bab.

-p3y a slip for "Qy.

cf.
1.

The
eft.

scribe perhaps intended to erase \

Job 36

p!D3).

The
J-I7TN

space between
n7.
7.

11.

[u~nN3] 6 and 7 should have contained

is

[n]ri3B probable in Pers. but

11, &c.
is

Ungnad
njtf
f

omitted in El.

the

words

ny

Line

'D^y
I

is

a mistake for

^y (Ungnad).

"jr

is

not in Bab.

Line
vb'n.

8.

have restored

lynty, as the plural

seems

to

be used with

[ln 7Dp] (or

'

DVT) =
'.

Bab. dukuhiniltu.
It is

Cf. 28 13 .

HDDD7

Bab. ana kasadu

on

arrival

a mistake for iTDCE7, and

a literal translation, not (as not an Aramaic idiom.

It
is

Ungnad)

Line 9 a short

line, left

blank after the numerals.

an interesting

example of omission due to homoeoteleuton. The scribe wrote N2"lp H2y {itephi saltu) and then continued from the second N21p nay, thus omitting
all

the passage which

interest those

is now illegible in Bab. who doubt the genuineness of

'

(Another
the papyri).

fact

which maymissing

The
fell

passage, restored from P. and El., is in Izala in Assyria. was a strong helper. By the protection of A. my army

Auramazda
upon the

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

rebels.

20T

He was the 1 5th day of Tebet they had joined battle '. of course from an Aramaic exemplar (not from the original copying inscription) and the omission must therefore be due to a mere over-

On

sight.

7Dp.

The
helper.

subject

is

apparently Dftim.

2034.

Bab. 2024.

Line 10 omits (before the date) 'in Utiyari in Armenia.

Auramazda
fell

was a strong
rebels'.
(see pp. 249,

By

the protection of A.

my army
lost in

upon

the

D10H1 (for DDli"il\

At

this

point the Babylonian fragment

250) begins.

It

supplies

some phrases

Bab.

Line
in P.

n. The

and

prisoners are i57[8] probably. but not in the Bab. fragment. El.,

Bab. 1558. Between 11.

[OTW3]
and 12

supply (as Line 12.

between

11.

6 and 7) n^IN* "HC^ ri3K n ny.

if

['HJd^TN

so to

be restored, must be a mistake for rPTN

1.

HO^J (so Ungnad), or ^TN a participle 'going', cf. Ahikar Bab. (with the fragment) adds who spoke saying, "JT m[na]
'

38

am.
king

am

of Media

'.

There seems

to
is

be no room for this here.

again rather shorter than Bab.

Line Line

13. 14.

The Aramaic The name of

the

month

is

lost

in

Bab.

The
to

Persian has
in

Adukanis, Bab. for the number of

perhaps = Marheshwan.
killed

There seems

be no room

and prisoners.

Line 15 quite uncertain.

Plate 54 in two columns, very

much
is

of the lines are

lost, in col.

ii

the ends.

by

1.

17,

where the beginning

i the beginnings of the lines is shown length certain, following the end of 1. 16.

injured.

In

col.

The

The Aramaic is shorter some of the lines of the

than Bab.

literal

translation

would make

In right length (about 65 letters) but not all. col. i there is a blank space at the top. Some lines correspond to the Bab. fragment, others agree with the fragments on pi. 56, nos. 3 (but this is a different recension) and 7.

Line 16.

NDD

cf.

1.

48* and Ahikar

1.

36.

Line 17. IflJlE is right, it must have changed places with l~n,an error due to the similarity of the two words.

K
. .

Line 18 was evidently much shorter than Bab. of which (as restored by and T from P. and El.) the full equivalent would be nB> KTIS "in BK
.

xnns "did -ny noc

is

nn

rr6c

nnx "inc.

here

only a conjectural selection. "["inro]. Fragment 3 of plate 56 begins here (a 2nd copy).

The The

restoration
is

certain.

Line
.
.

19.

[SvTv]

= ana

uku.

The

line

is

again short.

It

should be

snip

my

x^n Dy b>th bm nnx

lyoc tb n tPYio ab'rb

26a

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
this line,

The Babylonian fragment begins in from a third (?) copy. Line 20. There is not room for *W
Line 21.

and also no.

of plate 56,

N^n

(as in Bab. fragment) before

The space between

Prisoners 6,972 as in Bab. fragment, but Bab. has 6,572. the words ND?0 BWYl] 11. 21 and 22 should contain

[may nnnm]

pun n
in

nil

ni[n

^ xn ins

-in p.

The unbracketed
remaining words

words are found would not

Line 22,

fragment 3 of plate 56, which must belong to a

different recension, since the relative positions of the

fit

this recension.

after

HOC, omits

'in

Tarava

in Iutiya

by name' (by homoeo-

At the end there is room for either lift or teleuton?) and inserts 'DID. *1CN, but not (if 1. 23 is rightly restored) for 'he rebelled in Persia, he spoke to the army saying ', as Bab. rn[H] is very uncertain. The
which is merely, a mistake fragment of the other copy, however, has here may be JVIT, with the 1 crowded in rather The letters for mn.
above the
line.

nm

is

Line 23. NT123 (Ungnad) is the most probable reading. Perhaps it is the same word as a scribal correction of NTlVa in Iutiya '. "jita
'

fragment allak 'barracks'? L^M*l]3 V very doubtful. Bab. In Bab. has a sign which is probably the beginning of Iutiya. fragment
in Bab.

the passage

is lost.

Line 24.
here.
legible letter

[mc]
is
'

The

cannot have stood in 1. 23 and is therefore necessary The first next words are restored from the fragment. D rather than i[dn]. If so, the phrase Darius probably
'

the king says thus

is

omitted.

In Bab. the end of the line

isi.

is

uncertain.

and

read uku sa Parsumi

mist.

Parsumi and reads Parsu

vyr.

Weissbach objects to the form Certainly isi would be expected here

Line 25. Beginning restored from P. and El. supported by the fragment. HID [ as in the fragment, not HD3 *T as D1D2 T in 1. 24.
"DIB
is

apparently the

last

word of
cf.
1.

the line, therefore

no room

for "Hay.

Line 26. [nn!?E> DlflBWU] 38 and the fragment, where also the V HD1 is strangely is certain, though I cannot guess at the word. of SJ>1
written.
'

It

may be

a mistake for

nth

(as Bab.), or the

meaning may be
'

army of Persia and Media (which was) with me, went away Ariawarzi a better sense than Bab., though icy is awkward.
the

i.

e.

to

line rather lohg.

Line 27. The restoration is based on the fragment, but it makes the At the end Dy ^TN or Dy nnN (cf. 1. 31) is wanted, The n is doubtful. but neither fits the space.

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Line 28
omitted, or
is

263

shorter than
'?

Bab.

Either N3*ip
is

my

or

31p T3y7 was

is

TWDN
Bab.
is

npny?.

If the last

omitted the line

about the

right length.

Line 29.

broken

here.

It

seems

to

have omitted the numbers

of killed and prisoners.

At the end np (or np) reads V after [sij^yt. It does not occur elsewhere in or verb? suggests [D]*lp, preposition this version (but *]ncnp 1. 54).
Line 30.

Ungnad

Line 31.

Line 32.
line
differs

JOVK^B? is only a guess So far as the remaining

at the
letters

Aramaic form of the name.

can be pieced together,
[HB>]n or
this

The name
and so
El.

almost entirely from Bab. of the month is lost in Bab.

[tlDJn (Ungnad).

The

Persian has

Garmapada,

PI. 54, col.

ii.

The ends
is
i.

of

all

the lines are lost.

where the restoration

probably

right, the lines

Judging from 1. 34, were of about the same

56, no. 8) of another

length as those of col.

11.

small fragment

(pi.

46-48. copy, supplements Line 33. Bab. must have omitted either the number of killed &c.
or the mention of the capture of Vayazdata. Line 34. ton collective, 'the nobility'.
the singular, but
it

have restored. the verb

plural.

in

is

quite as likely to have

been

nOE^ is phraseology is unusual. The marks after it may be a numeral, but hardly ion, as probable. Sachau and Ungnad. Sachau [N"jm, [s"l]ni restored from Bab.
is

Line 35

difficult to restore as the

which would require a different restoration. I do not know whether rQ~ would be the word used here, or NB'pU (depending on DEtJ') as The form of the name is quite uncertain. in Bab. XTTirU
.

Line 36. The numeral is in an unusual position if it refers to Nin or N"n. Bab. is broken here. K and T restore 'Darius the king says
thus
',

which cannot have stood

have
left

in

the Aramaic.
is

The

latter part

of the
to

line I

Bab.) nor in

blank since nothing further the blank space following.

'"\2

wanted here (according

'

Line 38.
K3V1.

*in

tr"Nl

is

parenthetical

with

man

over

them

'.

The form

of the

Line 39. Line 40.

is clear.

N7WI.

name is conjectural. The 7 is restored to agree

with Bab. ana [uku].

We
mvi

should expect N7TI "1I1N (Bab. arki), but the reading The name of the place (so) a mistake for mpi.
to

([Kapisakajna) seems
not

have been mentioned in Bab., but there

is

room

for

it

here.

264
Line 42.

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
The passage
numbers.
is

broken
date
is

in Bab.,

but there appears to be no

room

for the

The
As

restored from P. and El.

Line 43.
leuton) after

Much
3"ip
'

of Bab.
)12]}.

is

omitted here (again owing to homoeoterestored by

and

from

P.

and

El.

it

then in a second campaign the rebels assembled and In Gandutava they joined battle went against Vivana to give battle. with the rebels '.

would have had

Line 44.
the

Bab.

is

broken, and the numbers

is

(if

stated) are

lost.

At

end

?IN, or, if that

read at the end of

I

1.

Line 45 must be shorter than Bab.

'

45, perhaps pS3. have conjecturally omitted

'

Vayazdata sent Line 46. P"l[y] if correct, cannot be fled (as Ungnad), which would It is perhaps used with a place-name as *| npiyi? require a preposition.
'.
'

whom

with persons,

'

towards'.

[nyijoa might be [xn]ca,

(pi.

may perhaps be

read on the fragment

56, no. 8)

as Ungnad. N^n which begins here.

Line 47. If [K3]*lp *i[^y] is right, the beginning as restored seems necessary, and the passage must have differed somewhat from Bab. from the fragment, where it is certain. It is a purely ["insi] is restored

Babylonian word, which would not be expected here since 72 would do perfectly well, and is commonly used to sum up elsewhere. Line 48. -"6ttp is clear, and therefore nnNI is required. In Bab. the
passage
is

broken.

For the position of the numeral

after

nnxi

cf.

1.

36.

restored from the fragment, which must belong to a copy [NJ"iO "ins*] similar to this because the words fit into the right relative positions,

but not part of

after
1.

this copy apparently. There is a broad blank space which no doubt marks the end of a column. 48*, Line 49. There is hardly room for ilJK after n rT as in 1. 36.

After

[riJ-Qy

the line

may

of course have been

left

blank,

and the

fragment might then have

fitted here.

Plate 55 has two columns, of which connected with the inscription. Col.
inscription.
to
It
is

col.
i

ii

seems

(see above, no. 61) is not to be the end of the

is

so

much damaged, and

the facsimile

so difficult
for

read, that I
part.

have simply
'

adopted Ungnad's
shalt be

transcription

the

most
lines
this
1.

Line 50 begins

thou

who
to

king after

me

',

do not correspond
address occurs.
11.

either of the
it

two passages
best to equate

but the succeeding in Bab. where

1.

On
seem

the whole
to

is

50 with Bab.
11.

105, since

57 +

agree to
&WB>

some extent with Bab.

is

107

Line 51.
'

}NW.

The adverb

wanted.
is

"IHTN

(?).

Sachau

6 warn', rather than for "imTX (21 ).

The end

quite uncertain.

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Line 52.

265
It

T3y

for

lay? as

in

1.

6.

"jrabn

is

obscure.

cannot be

the Jewish rD?n.

Line 53. ru[s].

cf.
'

Ungnad's

"p"

is

perhaps

right.

"ima

name ?

Or
Bab.

"pma
'

(Pers. fratard).
'

"iS\

Can

this, in either place, be

see

Bab. has wa> a/ iarnman, but

ims

cannot be read 13ns

(Pers. palikara)

image

'.

Line 54. 22DD more probable than pDC (Ungnad). Line 55. BWS. The name of the king of Elam is so written elsewhere in the inscription. It can hardly be a name here.
Line 56.
,
,
.

n.
'S

Ungnad
fairly

DN'pn,

meaning?

Line 57. jsijnn being known. Line 58.

certain: 'hide' i.e. prevent the record from

[}QVnn |]m
in

is

no doubt

to be restored.
1.

Ungnad

prints

it

as

though he read it. curse which follows

The
Bab.

blank space after

58 should contain the

the
list

Line 59 apparently corresponds to Bab.

1.

109,

giving

of

Darius's generals. JDp (or ptDp?) is fairly certain. so Sachau in the text, but |lDp in the index.

Ungnad fnp, and

Line 60. Line 61.

suggestion.

corresponds

The end of the line is blank according to Ungnad. JTlO is Sachau's The restoration is purely conjectural. The small fragment on pi. 56, no. 8, reverse, perhaps The obverse of it has been noted to some part of 11. 62 +
.

as agreeing with

11.

46

The

following are fragments of a copy or copies of the version of

:

the inscription

Sachau, plate 56

obv.

rw]K
]

T>

nrrp^

f?

mrvnai mrvDaa

].-ijn

may
[*]t

njs rar[ 3
4

TO-i]inN

rbbtii n[

Bab. line 24 (end)

25

Dariyamus sarru kiam ikabbi sarrutu sa lapani [ggruni Hekmu i?ia ojjrisu ultazziz anaku etepusu Gumatu agasu Magusu ibbulu anaku
20
[

bitati sa ilani sa

sa

Gumatu agasu Magusu ikimusunutu anaku uku

ina

asrisu ultazziz Parsu

27
\ji

Mada
law
ina asriht

mdtdti sani/wui sa itekmu ana

anaku ultazziz

ki sa time panf\ ina silli sa Urimizda aga adi muhhi sa bitu attunu ina asrisu

anaku etepus anaku uptekid

266
2S

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
[uliazziz
]

anaku ina

silli

sa Urimizda libbu sa

Gumatu

agasu Magusu

bitu attunu la issu.

Sachau, plate 56

s2
.

Obv.

]**>

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Sachau, plate 56.

267

268
Plate 56 1
"'

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
Obv.
J/////
Plate 56
16
1

Rev.
blank.

Obv,

Rev.

THK BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

Reverse also Behistun.

269

The

other copies are not written on the back.

to the end, containing the curses.

Sachau suggests
Nos.
5, 6

that

it

belongs

unimportant.

No.

7 see
8,

under

11.

19-21.
11.

Reverse unimportant.

No.

obverse, see under

46-48.

Reverse, see under

1.

61

+.

Nos. 9-12 unimportant. No. 13, obverse Behistun.

Reverse, probably accounts.

No.

14.

Sachau's reading.

Only

the

last

three lines are legible

on

the facsimile.

Nos. 15-20 unimportant.

Sachau, plate 57.

No.

1.

l^n[

No.

2.

]n[

No.

3.

n]oti>

no[a

No.

4.

na]y n^ oyj/uo
space.

j//////^[l
]na[j
J&ata
]b5[

w[nm
Nos. 5 and 6 nothing
legible.

]n njnrf>[

blank.

No.

7.

No.

8.

"IjnN

No.
blank.

No.

10.

illegible.

No. No.

12.

]///[

14.

M
]bh[ti

No.

16.

27o
Plate 57,

ARAMAIC PAPYRI
1.

No.

twenty-nine fragments, of which nos. 1-16 are Behistun. Line 2. Sachau conjectures |yo[nu*0 to], but n is not possible.

is

possible, but doubtful.

Line

3.

Bab.

mi

is

certain.

Not [N7]rQ")

(as Sachau).

Perhaps Nn*"i03 and not as Darius would hardly

have recognized any N^nm but himself. No. 2. Line 3. rjj perhaps part of 73roTJ, and therefore belonging to Bab. 1. 37.

No.

3.

Line
if

3.

^[1] quite uncertain.

to

Line Bab.
11.

4.

'"I3[y]

not
see

no

(as

Ungnad), fragment belongs Line 6. nyiy7 if correct, is for np"iy? elsewhere. of a column. See further on, no. 7.
No.
Nos.
4.

the

46-50;
Line
7

below.

was the end

Cf.

1.

6 after which there

that or

not, however,
5,

fit

is also a space. other context apparently. any

The fragment does

6 unimportant. 13y07. Note the form of the 3 with its long rounded tail. 7. The blank shows that this was the end of a column. Sachau suggests

No.

that nos. 3

and

(Ungnad,

1, 3, 4,

7)

go together.
of the
last line

Certainly the last

line of no. 7 is the natural continuation

of no.

3,

and the
pi.

blanks correspond.

The two fragments

11.

then seem to precede

52

and

to correspond to part of Bab.

46-50.

No.

seems
:

to

come

before them.

Nos.

r,

3, 7

may be

restored

somewhat thus

D1S n K^n]

mnptra nop
?tk

nmim

H07 nrbv xj^n

*b

[n:x "ins

mn

"vyr 'oy

v hdi

mrnn
s

"ins

(?)Dn7top]

\yn[w

vb

no
^t

n N^nb

?w

mK

12V no!?

H703

nyo

nronviK (?)noy

wS7]

nm

sjid:

b*n njoe*

n[a anp
*no-i[inN
t)7[l

snip nay nao7 /////// ,3 n7N KH-107 "tap nn N^jn

enm
*?
|j*ob*

-ion
s*7

p X370 bwyi
?

nnr* prn

+]///

///

itap

smo

K7T1

rnos

nn?e>

ra-nK?

^d-i-in]
(?)

H3[y nop
DH7Dp

KmD

lB03nN n0OO7

D-11N7 7?]K

Bm[n

"ins IMS*

p] N370 B*i[nm
[17TN

d-i-in3 not^

ma N3ip nay

inr* anp]

nayob [bhtt] n nyny7

l

H7N NH-107 17DP

^r
all

N7"n

-itJo-ii.-in

fi7D3

ynyo
fit

*iro[ninN'

The

details

may

not be

correct,

but this seems to

the three

fragments. As elsewhere, the Aramaic is shorter than Bab., e. g. it omits the latter part of Bab. 1. 47. (If no. 4 comes in here, it must belong to

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION

another copy).

271
killed

On

the other

hand

it

gives the

number of

and

omitted. (There is a break in Bab. 1. 47, prisoners, which Bab. must have but not room for the numbers). The text then continues, without a break, as in Aram. 1. 1, the beginning of a new column, so that it and these three

fragments may all belong to the same copy. Nos. 8-12 unimportant.

No.

13.

man

No. 14 belongs

'on the Euphrates' or [llmso to the account of Dadarsis.

See above, no 64.

'in Parthia

'.

Nos. 15, 16 unimportant. Nos. 17-29 not Behistun.

INDEX
= ailX 3N = T 9
X
4 24'&c. 8i
-

&c. 83 4 &c.

vnx

'a

nwN 10 22

2
.

X11AX temple 13 14 25" ^ Oin.io-n-u-n.

3X month Ab 14 1 3 father: <3N Ah. 33.33.

44
7

22-24-27

oj8-10-12-16-21 -24-26

q q8

^IIAX

113N
71
525

3 OH 3I .3.

Ah. 15.27.

WOK
20''.
1

IAN (or IAN) portico? 5 4

j-4-5-C-7-10-10-20 i

X"UX

Ah. 5.47.85.138.
Ah. 55.
D313K
13

ni3 25 7

pH3X
DiTTOK

IAN wages 69 12 Ah. 164.

(our fathers) 30
7
1
2
.

12
.

mA
42
. . .

a letter 3 o 18

19 24 29
-

3
1

1718 28
'

40

3
.

j-pax

30
pi.

3i 38

10

5
.

xrnAx

13X

H3N
pr. n.

30

16
.

*13X^ 15 27 .
28
.

naxn
Ah. 94.

7
,

XrnAX

371--..

(3rd fem.) 7
.13 X

max
.

crx 'a

han

19

9
.

16
.

nx
82 12
1
.

see

is
4

pnax
pi3K

pr. n.?
pr. n.

pN
?
1
'

14

20'

251 351 [4.31] 68,

2,

81

Ah.
3

[5. 3 2.78]i27.

D13N Abydos 38 s 64, 26

[82

].
s1

pXear: pnx Ah. 157.216.

Ah. 132.

"pnx

KP3M

(or

p")

fine

43

[46

].

nrmx
171.

Ah. 97.

XJirax 20 14 25 15
1.T3N pr. n. 2 20

28' [45 s ].
.

JIN? Ah.
13JHX

24

17

pr. n. (of a degel)

20 2 67,

r.

\T3X

pr. n.

39

46

9[lsl
.

mx month
5[ 3]i3I

Adar 6i 12

67, 4.

W3K 2 2 pna ma wan 22 W3N pr. n. 8i- -"

91

WM m3

!,

"Iftmnx Auramazda.
I

Beh. 2[3J5.
8.4i[ 4 i]43

100
.

9[2o]28. 2

5
.

[43], PP- 265, 266, 269.

1^
1 8 9
.

pm ma TV3X
px
38
3
.

8i 9 .

j-6-8-9

gl8-20-20-2G

q813

j rl7-20[22]2C.

14

stone 15 10 30 1010 3

spv

ps

2 gU.ii.Hi4 2 8 9

45

5G .

X33X 30 [3i
14 14 5 6 8 7

].
-

weight:
9
15

DH1X 33
nix

12
.

xa^c ^3x3

21

10 4 14 10
3

pr. n.

24

s7
.

155.6.9.101434.86

20
2
.

13

25

10

43

46

10
.

px Ah. 160.
JT1D1X pr. n.

nnD *jata
(win

30
.

18

31

18
.

ma

"itpyax

22

104
.

nmassiK 26

2699

74
-5>B1N

INDEX
26 22
2
12
.

3,; " me'B'iN 26

''.

28 8 43 5

nnx2 2 82
8.25].
2 ,3
-

65. 4.

nn

snyiN

14

li;

[2

3
1

ii

,;

r,o

68,8 [Ah.
.

nnn(hers.)

nix

pr. n.

18
[

22 8BM1M 24 26
.

34 43

82 10 :(hiss.)[Ah. 12].

none

'3 '2

niN

2 3 14

nninx 75
*inx take

s
.

I^d
nni
2

nix 22".
6 9 8 7 9 2 15 38 [19 3
"

rnnK
j

Beh. 47] mns*(?)

pr. n.

22"]

52

(1st sing.) Beh. 14.

nnN
prop Ah.

(-2-4-0 13-17-20

qY

' 1

^S
14

'

12
.

69 Bel).-f-.6.ii[2i. 3 o.33]34[34.
42.44.48], p. 266.
171.

J7BW
1

pr. n.

12 2

13

22 90 63 1S 67,

1.

imnb

17

[3"].

nnnt*

[nn]is

'a

yens 19 3
io 21
12 4
12 s
'3
.
.

34

[3l4

^A
nin

'3
'3

JJKMN
y&rix
J?B>1N*

HnK

secrets? Ah. 99.

'3

nnw
VnN
.

axTiK

22

18

[2"
io 22 11
.

3
1

J.

mrV

'3

15 6 18 pr. n. 5

".

ftvnn 'a

jro

ytpw 22 127
.

[rvDnJn
jru

'3

vnx 34 s
23
1

PiWiK
nrs 27 s

pr. n.
.

2o ,s

'3 itin

25

19
.

o:y '3
.

jru '3
'3 vns*

vnx 22 128
io 22
.

snanrx 17 7

tr-onm
.

17

5
.

mD^a
-IPTIN

Kya
blK

'3
s

13ns 56 s

pr.

n.

Ah. i.2[8.n]i3. 14

27

30

31

s6

Ah. [38]75-

[2

1.

26.29. 34] 35.45.46.55. 60.62.

no. 120 Beh.

46].

8.12 ?[27. 30.40.44.

(1st sing.)

6 3 [6 4 .66]69[7o]76.

rbm

40 Ah.

writ*
Wionx

pr. n.
pr. n.

24
i7
:

12
.
' -r

22.76.
24*. 26.

"I^IK

Beh. [i]4.8.io.
(imperat.)
4 2
8

65, 11.

?TN

"ins afterwards

13
2

20 8 28 10 30 68
in Ah.
[ 4 ]8.

Beh. 7.18.
PPiTN pr. n.
1

I^TN Beh. 39.

2
8
5

31

6-7

[3312] [6 9

[18

66,8.
.

11 [21.24] [28.29] 36.39 [53] 54

[

nx

6 1S13 8 10 13 10 25 11 28 s 43 5
4

5 8]6 3 .7t[74]i7i

Beh. 2.4.6.8.

<na [56

65,4. 67,8.
5 64

-priN

[9]n[i2.i4-i6.i8.i9.23]24[26]
26[27.30.3r.34.44.46.48].

40

i- 5

42

i[i5i

68,

[Ah.

99.

nriK

100].

^inx 68,8.

\nins*

Ah. 99.

after: 'TIN 67, 12

25

21

28 1517 30 18 3i ls 34 5 Ah. 49

Ah. 6 Beh. 50.

anriN 8 9
-

T*inN 9
.

13

28 71Z
4

[72].

mnK
2
1
2 11
-

for "runs

25

s
.

ln

13

\-mnx

13

D3ins

4i

[lln
.

*n 2i

ri]211

38

10

Ah. 210.
</
2 59
-

jnns Ah.
1

63.

40
20
nnt*

iti] B

41

iti-9i

[ 42 i-i6j.
12
.

pnx

oanns

"

pns* ^y other? fem.

10

D3TIX 20
i
5

Ah. 53-64[i33].

sister

6 1313 8 10 13' 25"

mnx

15

32

64,20.

79

34

82'

INDEX

275
ba n

pm
82*.

(pi.?)

i5

33
-

63? 67,8.70' Ah. 155?

nroy

Ah. 107. 154. 161.

-9

pnx

other

5*8

8 ni,il8 20M
-

9
;

s - 13

ba not [21 6

27"] 42

71113

Ah. 52.

I09-U

J cl0[l7]22-26t3i:l

206 12
'

26 "
:

30 n

54. 6 1 [68]8 1. 96.97. 100-103. 1 06.

[373] 38' Ah.

4ft,
9

K3">nN[9
32

u
].

io6.ii9[i26] r26.i3o[i36]i36.
[i37j I 37- I 3 8
-

jnnN

8 101s 9 7

15

30 71

424

Ah.

4i-i43- r 46-i48.

[i4]37-39-4-49-5

2 -62.

153-157 [*57] 193-194-206-208.

218.

wan

'2

3*mnM
3

73.

D'UinK

pr. n. 632.

'HON pr. n. 13

Ezra

".

God Ah. 156? 173? vnsv rbx nba God: 13 14

ba
.

15

[27

7 pN 16 Ah. 37 Beh. [52?]

fa

30
oig

"

31

32
8

38

[2]3r

'

40

1 .

KPl^N
-

Beh. 52.

4 2" 6

22 1 25 27 s 305 6 24 28
'

K^M

Ah. 88.
? ?

tm^M
8
.

Ah. 87.

3I 72

7.24.25

338

38!

44 S]

!2 454 6 9

fe*WN
.
.

Beh. 55.
pr. n.

15

Ah. [149.198].
15

jnbtt
7 1
23 ?

our Ah.

3D'

51

god
Beh.
3,

jnta gods

TK
jg*K

month

Iyvar

10.

95. 115. 115 [122] 124. 124. 128.

[29].

i35[i5i]i6o.
8 1112,G
13
s

'nbx 30 14 31 13
13
1

man

2 o 10121314
3

25

10 - 14

7I

8 - 2C
.

KVlta
39
1

15

17

34

30" 31

42 49 67,

5.

71

Ah.

[37

[41

56 Ah. 94.126?
5
.

49 [72.83] 104.

1 1 4. 1 1

6. 1 1 6. 1 2 5.

nnrx goddess 14
nbn
-pi?N

Nnr6x 72 16

I25-I34-I45 [i45] i5o[i5] I 59160.163. 200.218

50-

these, see n3T.

Beh.

[22~]38.

Beh. 23.
Elul 5 1 20 1
*]T.
,

h?K month
46 5 4 67, 7?
s 4

h*N for ITK?

"I^N these,

jf<?

MVK

8 23 9 3 l5"-82-S8 20
2 92

M
7

[2

27

'

6[23]

pjiK

teach.

(k)V Ah. 80.

28 12
159.

35

37

[4 3 J

64, 27 Ah.

Kafi^M [Ah. 83].

WK
6 1S
.

iS

8">

15M* 80

^K
DX

a thousand

24
ej?|

4043

31

27

[33"].

Ah. io5.in.ii2[ii7].

*B$>N

71W.
1 3"

eji>.

nag

'3 jivk

DDS'

34

6
-

^3N eat:

Ah. [34].

btf

71

DN mother:
}OK (our m.)

HON 28 45 Ah.
2 83
s
.

138.
.

Ah. [86] 89.

129.

bsn
8
].

Ah. 127.

D.TDN 25 28 13
10

^3ttfl[2i

'boUKch 61*.

HDN maidservant: io

Ah. 84.
JOS*
(33II

DDN: IMS* Ah. 157.

nDK
1
1

cubit:

79

-- 4
,

pi.

M
#

ba

to

[17

21

111
]

30

[31

]
1>1B

37W
56
4

j g8.M1

2610-14-1G

3622

^2-4

38

112

39

15

40

16

41'" [42

D'UIIEK Amyrtaeus 35

16 .

276
mriDN
pr.

INDEX
n.?

69" 69 D.

K33K [16 4 ].

"p33K [Ah. 165].

.

|dn: nnwD*n Ah. 132.

dun^?
H3N ego

2 2 133
'

novhk? 72 20
6 s-7
'

ncN sheep

tonotf Ah. [120] 121.

3 11

8 12
'

7 ' ] oi

8 3S1718
3 J c <
I

21

u
2

"pot* [Ah. 121].

g3-514 jo2-0-8-J<M2-12
l

j 4-'

1 1

l6 8 l

1DN
I5

say
2

62 7 2 8
2

9'

13

14

2Q 9 25 91212

2 85-8 2 9 <

35O 38S 4O
_

20 17
13

[2I

10

1 2M 28 2 25 26 [29 ]

43

[al8t7-7.9]

[4

g3] 6 4j I9

8l"-W-

35 37

38

10

39
s

[44
7
1

47

45
1

]
7

49

12

uobnl

Ah.

[3.6-8. 14. i5]i7[ 2 i]

64, 26.

65

69

12

76

80 Ah.

25 [29] 40. 46. 52. 57. 66.204. 205.

2[3]ii[i3J2o[25]32[34.37. 4 2]
54. 56. 59[72. 75] 78.1 10.
1

207 Beh. [i2]2i a*[23]24.27.36

[37]59[6o],
i
2ri
.

18.

166

p.

265,

3.
-

jn3K

Bch. [7. 12. 16.17. 22. 22^7. 34. 37

rnrux
8

2 ;,ii
'

,n

2o [419 10
'

12

[37.48-50.59.60].
fem.
1

meK
55
5 5

3rd
i6 M

26 3 3I
SJ3K
J

'

2 71

'

10 10 12 20 22
'

'

'

28 2

'

9,11

qo 15 202G

io

[43

68, 4 Ah.

14.19

37

7[irJ

42 2] Ah. 59.61. 121.

19.

mON
(2nd
26
s[6]

(1st sing.) 9

''MN 15W Ah. 14.101.

pD3S'^?

PS3H

43 6Ah -[5-i5]24-45-49

B eh.7.i8.
75].

[Ah. 197].
\"I1B3K

Ah. 134.
pQ3K

mON
nK

sing.)

[Ah.

Ah. 133.201.202.
89 .

32

8o 28

Ah. 58

(our face) 37
tP3K
I

[67.77]i2i.

pcx

1st pi.

40

2
.

2 88

10
.

6HP3S Ah. [89]

1 1
1. 1

n 6.

ncx^ 15" 37 9 Ah. [6s]i94.207

Beh. 53.53
?

22[l 23. 24. 5 thou

4
:

62. l6 7.1 90].

19

nmDK* Ah.
fem.)

158.

ri3N

2 [912llC17

[3

]
-

5
11

11 14
-

6 41S15
8

lNn
1I0M
1531-88
1

(3rd
st

i8 [lls
8
20

15

23
.

[7

98IO-12

I0 8ie 20 8
445

25
8

26 22

sing.

12

14

io

'

28 [35"] 42"
Ah.
127. 129. 149. 166
s

47

66, 4

4 ys

Ah.

[26.29J57.139.
82
-

34[42] 5 i.5 3 .58[5 9 ]68.ioi.

Beh.

11K [42 s ]
1 st
6

pntMP 7l
].

"MM?

[5o]52
.

pi.

[i

1DN

imperat.
4

[53].

njK fem. 8 911122C 14 7

3
8 56[8]8
:

Ah. 58.
59],
7

no

ptcp. 29

[Ah.
4

DH3N 2i
rW3N
wife,

4[6]

80 [Ah.
8

pi.
G

33 37

69

pON B?
2 2

2 6 23

27

1022
22
.

30 3

22

woman

8 10 15 3233 25 10
9

57]. - 14

}""

30

TDK
23

Ah. 219. 63
i5
15
12

Knrox

nnsK
'TW3N
5

Ah.

210?
[43
].

*1DN^

Ah.

115.
5
312
3

DDK 34
.

33S
.

100i> 32

"06
[n
4
4 1

4t271

inn3x
911

6 4 9 4G

nnruK

6 4 [7 4 "] 8 3 9 3 io 3

13

15
2

18

46

68, 12.
.

16 8

20 4

[21

]
5

25

28 2

L29
1

V13K marriage: 14 4 15 3 48 3

"antfUK

35

39

42

44

45

t3]3

[49

]-

35

5
-

jnDN thy words Ah. 102.

)K

from

'a

miDs*

2 21

where (or

]tnrh)

is

25 - 29
.

DH31DK

pr. n. 66, 12.

INDEX
thea rna niDN 43 2tl3]
NCIV '3
.

277

e|SN
1J"IDN

month Epiphi
god-name 72

i
15
.

15

6$

l!
>.

"llnDN
-

e*" 1 *"M-M'*lM , M.JM0[8T]

20 3 68
-

20
.

b*!M Ah. 143.

.

'ON god-name 72 16
B3DN pr.
n. 2 19
.

"IN

(or in)

name

of a

wood

26 10

mN
7
.
.

Ah. 99.99.
4

n^3DK
YJ'ODN

pr. n.

53
2!

njoiK io

[sj6

-.

60 $oy:riN 8i

pr. n. 3

tB>ynjoiN[2i*].
3
3

nNDymN
2
4 - 5[fil7 - 8

26 16

UC3DK

pr. n. [2

2 ' 22

[44
.

].

miN
?

2* 3

8
.

pYiN

33

14
.

n^iyDDD

'3

nCDDN
.

6 10 8 7

^mx
Ah. 80
64, 29.

14

2
.

bnix

15

2
.

1DN

J1DM 38 s

-IDJV

lOnonN

21 pr. n. 6 .

P'DN

prisoners:
69^.
13'.

34

3[4]

PK

2 6 10181*3o u 3i 10.
:

TOIDM

mN fetter

Ah. 196.
25
s
.

NnNAh.175. NPHN Ah. 80.

H^B

'3 "fl-lDR?

mN
:

road

NIVIN [Ah. 164].

pNmDN
n,
DVCnDN

Esarhaddon
14

Ah.

5 [7], 10,

nniN Ah. 187.

13,

[19.23.28J32.47.53.

N^N

Ah. 88. 1 10. 1

10.

mx
.

Ah.

6o.6 4 .65[7o] 7 5[76]78.

pr. n.

89.117.

34
81
.

s
.

lononN
T>
io 19 13 1113
10
:

'2

KtJn 6 21

nnDN
fjN

pr. n.

22

pans* Beh. 58.

3 3
.

pn
63".

ptcp.

also:

23 6 7 10 8 1823 7
3

30 31

[16

17
'

20 [2
"
'

17

]
'

25
17

2 7 10[12]
13
]

TIN length:

158-9-11

N31N

28 12 oo 9
[43 44
.

17-19 21 29 30
"

'31 16

fqq

37

47 54

69

>

8o Ah. 19

nr>K 5 2 45
2

13

23

!5

25

29" 35

[25.46]5i[57.7i]8 3 9 5[i04]io5.
.

67,3,4.
2 82 in

fern.

n*BTK

[43*].
.

io7[i3o] Beh. 54.

12N Ah. 52.140.

pen*
JVCHN

65,5?
-

n^din 14 3
6
.

Aramaic 28 4
81 107
.

w&k?
:

26 s
11

D^IN
Ah. 156.

pr. n.

"}DN.

IDN

N2DN Ah.

n^lN
pDTM NynN
p-)N

30

20
.

156.

pr. n.

81 45

bza? ]"6sn

1 st

sing. pf. 13
1
64
.

4
.

6 16 15 19 30 31 8 68, 11.
83
-

Dli>a pr. n. 8

67

[13

15

].

NpiN
Ah. Io8.

D2N

surely:
8 10

811

6 15 8 1522 20 15 25 16

65-712-15 8H-M-16-19.24 g5 814

42 [46

].
.

DY1K
"ittnN

pi. n.
pi. n.

Beh. 2.[5~7]8.ii. Beh. 46.

i7
,l]5

NJ2N? 8i 1560
'DSN? 26
12
.

DCHN
30

pr.

n.
429

21 3 26 12227 27 s

y2N

pr. n. [24*] 53*.

430

31

32

375-8-9.14

[42

12

].

27

INDEX
51:
].

U3mN
[45
8

name

of

3 degel 6

pnns

27

17
.

pDTUUC name of
pr.
n. Bel).

a degel
pr.

6'-'.

"HTTin

25.26.31.
1

^iriN (or ^TID?)

1

n.

5"

13'*

B'DB'nmN Artaxerxes 6 2
2 13' 14' [15' 16 ]
1
3

8 9
1

io

msiDN
3

pr. n.? 66, 7.

[45

]-

pDms*
n^N*
n&>N
:

pr. n. 5'

[7

].

=
1

33

81
I
1

10f
'.

*15W Ah. 89.

fire:

"3:
3

DV3
&c.
17

&c.

|l
1

III
4

III

"5

3 &c.

30

12

Ah. io3.io4[i97J
.

U3
12

2'
15-37

5'

8 28 9" io 21

222.

NntPN 31 11
pr. n.

I3

I4

I5C

jg4 2Q 9 22 123 2^27

nTB*N

51".

2-18 2 6 10[71 27 7

28 15 35 e 43 t8]u 49 s
|3

pB>N pr. n. 65, 5.

72
.

78 79
13
17
.

23

Ah. [9.23].

37

7
-

bwK: ^B>N 75 B7l9]

>33?
.

'333= T3?
D1H3 3i K
'.

321.'
6[7)

^NrV30B>N god-name 22 124

yss* '2

HU
1N3

82.

JH3

34

mao^N
1

53.
.

82".
27".
pr. n.
:

N^3 [Ah. 102].

[Nl]3 27
53
s
.

[0B'[n] pr. n. 24

s -8
.

yDN
1X2:
.
.

'3

JOB'S?

24

4
.

HN3
-

'2

MOBK 53 9
s
'

B*N3

VH2* [Ah. 64].

BN3 30 17
rre*K3

JB>N pr. n. 42 ".

2 6 [3l5[519
21

31"'.
18

NB*N3 [Ah. 45].

NnB'-NS 30'
7

KTWM
dn

27

30

11
.

38.

[Ah. 25.50.

tvn

49

2
.

81].

nnN come: 37 11 82 s Beh.

45 J.
1

[13.31.
(

33

= 331
133^

13

10 .

titin

1 st

sing. 5

+ T^)
pn
11

33 ? 8 I

51 fi-l 7 -iyt20]23-25-C3-72-7G-7t(-113n4-128-130-

(+1^3).
s
.

ins 30 8

ptcp. 38 [33].

nnto [4

82

Ah.

33 gate: 66,7. 69 s

Ah. [9]i7.23.

T\mr\ (3rd sing.) Ah.

N33 34 34
!>33
pi. n.

97.210.214.
118.

TIN imperat. Ah.

2

[Beh. 12].

wn
27
14
.

sG -' 8
.

nnw
8,

26 13

N^33
BTQA3

6 19

nwnk

pr. n.

51
14
.

10
.

linN Assyria: Ah.

[2 J 3-5,

ic-

na
pA3

pr. n.

72

i4[i8]2o[2 3 .28]32[36J37.43.55.
55[6i-7o].

1 pr. n. 17

ma
2 20 .

pr. n. 66, 6.

NJnN 44 4 Ah. 91.

...
-IDN
'a

ib'odn

'a

myriN
2

m3i33
N-inN

'3

ma ma
1

24

[3
5
18 .
1

].

17
19
.

1 20

Ah. 34.97.
2

"ma

pr. n. pr. n.

30 [31
i6
[l)6
.

32

1
.

13

n-)DN 6

32*.

psa

INDEX
'nun 'a

279
|33^T
55.5

psA3 22 133
30.
ri

125 [131].
1

<3
]

[2"] 3"
4
1
6

KT3 Ah.

,
'.

n^

7^

Ah.
15
1

rinnana? 9

8y
.

22[22ji39.i40.
sing.)

*]JV3

nra: nran (2nd ma Ah. 90.

T?3:

[Ah. 106J.

34

1'

Ah. 52.

3rV3

8 - 22

nrya

1 518-30

Ah.[7i.84]i97.
81 110
.

nrpa

nma

Ah. 168.

N3 prey?

81 24

sum
s
.

&na?8i nB
pro (our
2.

o7

NT)3 34 6 Beh. 23.

houses) 38

yrn Ah. 41.

DlfTTQ p. 265,

pT3 Ah. 206.

p^Kn*3
132].

pr. n.

5s

7
.

jra:

\njjnan [Ah.

pro?

il3i'N[n 3]
jruirr
'3

G pr. n. 2 2

Ah. 203.

5 frutarps 18

nnna
ND2
:

pi. n.

[Beh. 18].
sing, jussive ?)

xrrc '2

fn^Nno
npy^Nnn
pr. n.

18

4
.

02n (2nd

[Ah.

i5y

'3

12 9
8
.

96].

pr6xJV3

42

|D3 Ah. 161.217.

woa

26".
1

^ua

Ah. 139.

crura [71

].

Dpn^NnO D03 pr. n.

^3 mind:

10 pr. n. 2-

81

94
.

prab 26 10
I|6*3?

"]^>3

Ah. 97.

6l 57.
5
13

vhl
810
7

pr. n.

28

s
.

pa between:

21 9 29* 45'
p3"'3

X73 be worn out

3rd

fern.
.

[n]N^3

Ah. 40.62[69]ii3[2o6J2o6.
5
1314
7
.

or ptcp. fem. [n]N?3 26 1

i3$>3?

28 14

onra (=

'a)

13

11

H pr. n. 2 4

25

H163
(see also

JO [Ah. 122].

sn^3
^2[3]

NJVQ)
15

1
:

[2
"-

6 3417

vbl: py^T [Ah. 148].

H33 build
9
12
.
:

82

28

16

6
3I

27

'

5-7
4

io 23 14 21

20 12 25 s2

20
.

IT33 2nd sing.

5

28

'

2Q

qo

'

5-8 13 25
'
'

133 3rd pi.

fut.

[27
9
s
.

30

13

31

12
.

.-,7.24

32
.

336-9 432

45

X[2]9

66 ,
30
s

6.
.

HJ3n 2nd sing.

flW 71
.

3
.

8o 82 3
fi

nT2
'

6 3 13 4 27 s
'

U3

19 5 imperat. fem. 8 9

rmra
[27"]

N1V3

3' 4

8 815

22 27
"

O3

4"

61112

iq2-5-7

013-1J
gS-6-9-1]
23-25

gl4

30

23
#

ITO^
32* [33

258ll.i5.lC

3 q3

42

5-5-6

[^(JS-IO

^4
n3
' '

30
27
'

3I
-

2324

338,
13

-J^ p tcp> p ass#

]. 27

66,7,
C-5-13

M-

81 11 ] Ah. 48.
'

3o

14 25

31

!T33
26

6 8-10 8 3-5

6-6 7 7
'

3 U13H 2^ 4 5 5

'

fem. 27

s
.

nsSTf 30

[31

7.20

[ 2p 4]
109

3,13 3810
s

46 io] 5 6 66,
7V3
2 l2H,c
s

33

]:

14 8i

82 Ah. [i68]222.
.

K*U3 the building

p33 construction
iT33
i

12
.

arano 32 s
13

jota na
a 8
3 "'

30' 31

9
.

[3

43

[7Ml0]

82

Ah.

pr. n.

23

20
Hj3.
;

INDEX
pr. n.

74

a
.

31
19
.

4 49 Ah.

1.5.

12 Beh. [23] 62
8.

morn
nnya
nya 3i

'a

trmsa 5
19
2

ffna
.

28 13 [39 2 ] Ah.
7

pa

plur.
"?a
7 l7 '
J

pr. n.
lc

25

18

I5
17
.

32-32-33

25I

Ah. 3.I06.
2K 9 3O 2 r^l 28 !
'-'

50*.

iya 30

nya<

2 o'2]3-8-13-17-19-20

s 38 Ah. 24.53[64].

nyan Ah.
42
.

NJV3

'33

30

3
.

'33

io 15 13 8

I4'

34.

*ya imperat

259-12-13

2 89 7,10,

yft

7912 IO* 9
;

rtaya? Ah. 218.

2 8 7 -8ii

12

347 471 Ah. 127.129

'3'33
8

for

^ya [46
164.

s
]

Ah. 223.
*?r\ 'a

Ian ^ya Ah.

9

D3-:a
'ni33

25".

8 MMMB

13

7
.

13

10
.

oyo

'a 'a

40

19 [41 ]

54 71"
p33

>T:a

26 23

Nnoy

'a

Ah. 42.
'3 5
9

pip
13
10

15

34

68, 8.
-

(our

sons)

Ah. 95.

mp
>^ya

2o'
23
.

2o 1013 3O 15
2 5 16 -

20

3i

14
.

D3'33 20 111314

46

s
.

(my
s3

husband) 15

^>ya
"jnau

87

n^ya 15 421 [46 16 ].

ma

daughter

iB

6 1213 8 1012 14 8
5y
12
1

"i>yn

30

31

23
.

11

'^ya
.

2510131314

2 8 810
9
.

43

47

63

s
.

30
:

22

22
.

N-ims *ba 83 21

^Nia
I4
2

14

ma
37

8 36 io*"

na inonN
"13

50

5
.

20 3

25

18

22

&c. 35 3
68, 2, 4
478

SOn

1 5-8-11

2 2 2l2ll9_2 l
-

ot2l22-23f24]

43
73

tl]2-ll[l3l

64, 24. 65,

.

5.

f-2-2-8-9-15-19 62.3-8-1012-13-16-22 2ts]

2 '5-

81 31137
-

'ma
48
3

13

4
.

710-12-23-26-28 35

g2-216-2l[22] jq2-20-22-24
j2-2-7-

jma i5
1
8'-'

3 5t0]

nrna

8 3 13 221

j J1.12-1G j

2 l-9-Hl ql-313-15-17-21 j

39
.

2
.

jnja(our daughters)

9-11-13

j g2-17-20-37-39

jgl

j q2-10

2 ' 3,6

'

20 1013

D3n:a 20 13
:

1213-16-20

23I-I5 2 5

2_5 -l-l 3 -14-l 7 -21

1,

28

2-

N"I3 desert

[Ah. 208].

8.B-M-17
1-12

33I-5
2[5l5

345-5-5.5
j[9]9

352 37
2 15 ]

38

1.

N"Q outside Ah. 109.

1 |DS03? 8 1 ".

40
12
9-17

[4

435^11-12

44
52

45W2W
5 3l-10 56

4 62-n-io
2-4

4 gi

49

i-i

'jm nna

'a

nana 13".
n.

58

3.3

6l
Xj

2.11

62)I
67

pr.

Beh.

[23>7[37.

63G.c8.1015

6 5> 2
10

66j

6
17

6i

60].
K'3"13 pr. n.
Pl'313 pr. n.

68,
1316

O.

69

4,11 YlH12[l6l *T2

o4-9 11-

56 20

s
.

74.I-6

8j15.26.28.31

82

[2]22

Ah.

17

22 130 25 19 .

6.i2[i2.25]i39

Beh.

[61J61.

p-ia

Ah. 101.
s

pn-ia Ah. 217.

ana 69 E?

xma = Nm'a
46].
-5>3

35

Beh. 2f5.23.31.

Ah. 2[44]8o.

naAh.

i8[22]
bl3

30.30.82[96]i 27.129.149.
6 12 &c.73 9
.

Ah. 104 [206].

mtJ>a Ah.

113 6 5 68, 10.

13 -j^na 6 .

Ah.

89.

[2o]8i.

rna 30 7

nhna Ah.

134.

INDEX
A (a

281
pr.

measure)

21

24

3841 .

nnm
vns* 'a

n.

22

22 121

[33']

34"

H3A Ah. 107.

-QA 13 811 25 11 28 14 30 28 31 27 Ah. 42.
98. 130. 132. 138 [159] 163. 163.

nnoA
'2
.

6 18

n
29

16
.

,tdto
JA

mm

18

2 22.

i64[i64]i77.

-\2>h

12>h

2'

22

8i 41
:

N13A Beh.

45.

p3A
10

plur.
5

30

16
.

33A

2"3A

ptcp. pass.

38*.

23A
P13JA
s
.

pnA2

[6

7]78

3 [i2

25

33 66,
2
13

1.
4

(adj.)

Ah. i2 5[i96].
n^23A 37

Ah. 37[4o]62.

una*

34

Ah. 84.221?
KT3A

5o* 64,29.66,1 Ah. [ 39 ]56[58.

26 413 69 B.
.

67]77 [Beh. 59].

NDA 73 1
2iA 8i
-

N^DA 73
.

18 .
,

pna? 55 SlA pr. n. 20 17 25" 28 15 29

-

8 - 983

42 [ana Si-

pan*

56

65,

2.

mA
bnx i3 H
.

Ah. [2i9]2i9.
S

jnpik '3

nA:

3^A

14
14
s
-

in^A

67,

3.
5-

nnya
iTaia
, .

'2
'2

bm
bna

25'*.

wia
-

V~w
.

6H 6 7>
12
.'

bna 20 17 25".
46
. '

*anA^i 6 i3 10
14
7
.

*inAN6
.

wix&
1
6
.

in 'a
'a

D3JnAN 25 10
1 4
.

Ml'VP

htf

hna
'a

6 18

OIAJ
'2

n-nuno
niDB> 'n

otan

i?m

22

25
.

T"tt

15
.

bm

2 2 28 .
.

WX:

W?Xn Haphel? Ah.

79].

139.

iT^A

pr. n.

10" 22 101

anx [Ah.

m:y

20 '2 n^iJi 6 .

}nA: niiiA (1st sing.)

1A: 1A2 see "2;

Ah. 13.

vukI/i]? Ah. 161.

HIA

Ah. 160.

331 law-suit: 6 12 8 12142022 9 1310 139

^".U-ll
!g26-29

mo
n1A
n:*via

'3

nrau
s
.

[Beh. 61].

20 1110

10

9]

43<'6-

pr. n.

[Beh. 59].

47

4
-

24" 27

nan

ina-i
26

30
25

28

31

27
.

30
"ITA:

3j

3 2 io.

anaio [27 - 4 ] xnano n"2 32 s

.

"VTA ptcp. pass.

Ah. 134.

p3"l

adjoin:
5
.

3rd

Tut.

fern.
'

p3"in

2 blA^A pr. n. io '.

s 6 p2T ptcp. 8 25

5 8
-

66, 7.

^A
li?A: *bx
:

pr. n.

49

1
.

np2T
1

ptcp. fern.

5
7
.

4
.

"-6a

Ah.
pi.

19.2
8
.

1.

>2T
1

to lead

30 3 1

P^A

1 st

37

"^AH Ah.
1

-\21

word: -Qlby
by.

fi

28 81011 71 30
58 .

NDA papyrus-reed
N^OA Ah. 91.

15
.

and see
40
3
.

m3i^j>6

p-Qlby

22

INDEX
.

pan? 37 10
i?AT

"fa
-

pr. n. 8

2G

"? 82 2

8M 6 MB 10 5
20 2 28 s

[3j3

7
2

8
35
2
-

13
2

210

i4

:i

nin: nbnn Ah. 113.

fT*Jn

15=

2 9-

[45

66,
1

4.

pr. n.

30

29

31
.

28

32

1
.

67, 32 degel) 16
.

f&nb 43
1
.

i^" (oar
9-

*>n '2

n^n

82 2

N^H

20 4 65,

3.

blood Ah. 87.211.

89.120.

non Ah.

|kfl 27

N3A1 Ah. 129.

n*rn

pr. n.

66

BHTI

pr. n.

Beh. [2J4.6f18.19].

am
in^x

io\
'a

28 'on 13 15 14 29 4 |On value: 30 28 27 2334 30 31 3 6 36b 44 9 45 s 66,

.

byn
s-4
.

(or
13
.

ban)

2 20

12? 78 4 8 1 119
Diron 45
6
.

\nion 13 3 36 b.

Nn
rnn

pr. n.

14

79

pnjon
s
.

pr. n.

20 4
.

Knna^n

27

run
ist

=
:

9 ro? 16

^m

rbm
*T: *afr*l

sing.
^>nn:

Ah.
37
7
.

45.

r\:i

loan? io 23

bmn

Ah. 54.

nn

ruT Ah.

138.

H=
none

137"".
'a

lyn:
23
14
.

1W

Ah. 147.
8i 89
.

'a

niN

nn
:

Dinsn
,fi

pr. n.

JH law-suit, claim

[2"] 6
-

8 1722 27
-

A~n

pr. n. 5 1
:

7
.

10" 18
11

20 14 25 1517 28 u

12 14

35 d
6'
j
2

Ann (verb)
128.

[46

67, 3, 5.
q1315
J0

2211

mnn (2nd. sing.) rnn [Ah. 126].

5
18
.

Ah.

81214-20-21

j q9-10
4l6-0J >4[6-]

jj7-*J-11

r-2'J

KATl
"Ann

pr. n.

20 1M6
14
3
.

25

43

4? 4.

N y-,

pr. n.

13

19
.

nana Ah.
;

198.

nidd
2
7

p
];
;

2 pjjnn '2 \D3T\1 6

*~\-l

7817[22]

85

2326 .

15

31

[report,

account?
.

11

law-court:

20 4

K?1
.

28 s

Wn
p.

20 planks? 26

Darius: 30 ,9213 Beh. [7.12.

judge: 42
2
.

8' 3

io 1319
28
s

SOH
3n
]

r 6s-8fs
i
4

16.17. 22.34] 37 [39.48-50.59],

266.
1

pn
6^ 8 24

16 7

N ^-;
82'.

[16

46

27 [45

80 8

tWlVTi Darius: 20
27
2

2i 3[l01 25 1 26 28

28

29

15

30

24

3i

24 -i 9

32

[67,

DISH
S31

pr. n.

81 10
6
.

10].

this:

14

31

14
.

9
.

Cinn Darius:
"]~\1

1
.

'an clean: pan 21 27 12

(verb) Ah. 191.

'am

ptcp.

nan remember

nan
.

34

s
.

Ah. 108.

121 male: 15 1720

n^n
pr. n.

PBH
4
.

K'PBH 30
7
.

11
.

DiTBH 30 10

jvin? 41

Nvjnn 16

INDEX
Nil

283
mn<
68,
1.

voici:

6 77

13

13

3: 25* z8

'

34

s 4
-

31".

8 17 [9 11 ]

n 3y
[20

28 1213
j

37

38 [44] 54

Ah. [i6.i8]8 9

30

27

Ah. 2[6.6]i9[20.2i
tiiT
4

93.116.145.
|NH where
:

88.97. 161. 164.

fNi"6

32

i5

2S

(or n }K n?

34

67,12. 70

Ah.
3
.

no

[205].

as in i5 2y ).

nmn
100.
2'-

3rd fem.

''inn id.

Ah.

in

= in
'a

Ah. 128.
ly 2 pr. n. 6
3
.

ninn 2nd sing. Ah. 149

7 nifiN 11
.

numn
'OKtsfi

Bel). 50.55.
2 77

pirv

nn

74

s
.

71".
.

ii,t

[Ah.

11

J.

linn
3

inn:

inn Ah.
12

207.

rron Ah.

38

tin

imperat. 30
?

31

3
.

108.
in
5'

lin 2i.

pin ptcp.
:

Ah. 167.

6 1 " 8 114 9 Il]12

fl]21
,;

io 14
1

igi-Ms

Din them

Dma

30

17
.

I4 i5
1

20 1715 22 &c.
37
33G

24'
s - 14

*18 25
1

main name

of a degel 8-

9-.

28 35

4[7]y

38

7y

[42
72
18

43

[1]3

Nmn
yenn 25

7 pr. n. 2 2 -'.

44" [45

67.4- 7i

2 73 Ah.

18 pr. n. 2

2*

21

[3

17

6 18 2 2 56l80J101

17.20

i8[i8]2i.2 4[2 7]28.36[40.42]44.

29

343 3 pl [43M*].

46.53f60.69J79.84.88.100.107.

nniN

'2

yann
'2

(=

rf>w\n) 25
.

s
.

io7[io9]ii5.i28(nn) 138.171
[196J209.209 [Beh.24]. Demonstrative 22 120 .

nutarva

s yenn 22

rimn
mar
'2

'2

ycnn rj
2 2 88 .

21

18 2 '-

21

[3

].

ytnn

nin

30 4 pr. n. 12 2 2

34

42.

fonii '2

yon

2 24.
2

rWWI
442

s 9 2 pr. n. [i ] 2 [3 ]

19

10

22 112127

h^
Dn:o

'2

34 W\T\ 8

[9-

J.

46^'
'2

65, 18.
.

Din* '2 yenn 33* 34 s .

'2 yssnn

n^ia
vdt

rmvi io 22
n[Tim]
22
3

22 71

'2

Din j '2 yenn

.

34

s
.

mytnN

'3

mat
8 - 10

'a

nmin 20 18
s- 9 4

s pro '2 ytnn 33 22".

KTnn
3

pi. n.
5

[Beh. 35].

had '2 ytjnn 2

7 - yl2 - 12 25
-

2 G1 .

nin 8 io 15
.

26

27 3o3

m:nua
iT^a
rnjn

'a
'2

ynn

6 17

3l6 3a6
65, 3.

8 .n
8

33

37 8] 41

43

7. 8 rio]

ytnn 8 30 9 17

82

Ah.[2] 4 .5.i 5 [26.43j

'3

ytmn 8

33

21
.

72[77>40
45[47].

Beh.

[24.25.34.35]
7

nin 3rd fem. 6

il

Ah.

nwin pr. n. 5 nmx '2 nw>n

n^jn
in:
'2

ly

18 4 40
2 s2. 2 2 7.
5
.

46

13
.

[28]43Beh. i6.2i *[48].

-*st
tin

mn
y

'2

ntymn

sing.

13

41

34
l3j

Ah. [7.22] 48.

17

2 7 tu]

29

30

910

3i

80

nojn
2 27.

nwin 40 'a nwin '2

[jn: 'a .Tyjsjnn

Ah. [56J60

Beh. 59.

pin 30'*

a 84

INDEX
'3

met
n
5'

nwn
9
9

52

13
.

nna?
Ah. [45]57-

'a
'a

26

15""

bwn

bwi 25 s *ap) 'a bwi

.

22 30

95.95.98.103.118.

n^ycc

'3

bwi

2 2 2C .
.

vn

pi. n.

Beh.

4.

Ti^nn
^nnnn

5686 pr. n. 8i

xbyn Ah.
&n Ah.

9.17.23.44.

pi. n.

Beh. [3?]39[46.49].

41.
"1

niltiDVl see |DK.

and, passim.
.

T^H: inn 3rd

fut.

fut.

fem. 152528. 2ncj

HDX1 42 s

71

1322

Ah. 102.
"j^ne Ah. 40.

"px 8

22
.

Ami =
N3m

JUTP1

4
.

\)2r\>

io19

>ii>

D^Dini pr. n. Beh. 7.8[8jio.n.

54".

-ins^n? Beh. 52.

3
.

8i 31

32 32
-

on

Din 18

*njnarn

pr. n. 26".

^nonsni

6 24

wtfion

2 6 4[5j2S .

nnBTIl pr. n. 515.

10n 9 71013 io 15 26 4 69 B. [Ah. 169]

nm = mv\
1T1
pr.
n.
6

Beh. 22*.

Beh. 60;

as object 13 5 15 35 28 13
-

20 4 252

27*

30

s - 6 - 16

30

42

610 1012

54

13

Ah. 154.

^j5.6.15

^a

38

s- 4
.

162 [Beh.
JTJIDn 27
njDPI
in
if:
1

8].
5
.

mn = mn
mri
pr.
n. 7
10

Beh. 40.

30

n:vi pr. n. [Beh. 38-40.46].

43

2
.

Beh. [22.27.29.30.32]

r2

13

c 7813
r

8 20 26
'

9
g3

8 - 10-13

34[37]-

I06-7-H-15 IX 7

^8 jg[29]33-S5

j
'

20 12
22 26
'

maD^i

'3

nnsnn
22 40
.

[Beh. 61].

2 rl2 2 *7-8tl9-2l]22 2

8 2Q 30 23
9 6
'

27

^I

mSDI
"ISJ1

pr. n.

[Beh. 61].

33

6 ' 11

[35

42

5 7 8 - 10 - 11
' '

45

54

4 11
'

n31 pr. n.

66, 16
1

Ah. 82.82.103.115.123.

pr. n.

24

36

66, 10.
.

24. 1 24 [128. 1 30] i49[i6o]i7i.

Tin '3 Til 24 15

4 192 [Beh. 58]; that? [7 ]; see

nmi name
14
3 3

of a degel: 5 2
2

64

10

132

also p?.

15 [28

].
1

fan

if:

37

[ 3 8>o]

Ah. 35[66]8i.

W1
}fc>CJ>1

pr. n.

[16

?]
134

22 133 [54 1 ].
.

taxasn

43
43'

9
.

nonj '3

nB>i

22

nvun

pr. n.?

69

13
.

r&nan 26 517

13 |nBM pr. n. 14 .

rwi 13 4 W: W1B
.

n:n
8
1

(verb?)

2 77.

44
.

XT this (fem.) 21 3
-

30

17

6 42' 71" 80

i?1Vn

26 2930 pr. n. 2 2

129

39
.

3
.

1 39.112

Win

nna

i>ran

22

112

H3r

pr. n. 65, 7.

INDEX
.TT3T pr. n.
.

285
lS

2 2 lst1141
.

52

16

8i

[??

3
-

2O 10[131 30 20

>J

D^T

2 pr. n. 2 4

32 38
.

JMT

pr. n.
:

51-.
42
s
'>

rl2

n
7
1

(genitive particle)

2-

&c. 3 18

2- 2
f>

pr buy
42
s
.

pr
Pa.

pi (imperat.)
11
.

6" &c.

sell

pi 42
n
-

133?

in
pT:

37

3
-

42
101T
anr

s
.

pntn

25

14
.

ruaris

D1.TJT

31
5
7
-

8
.

134 pr. n. 2 2 (or 1131?).

= i?V IT
193.
IT this
:

(= am)
12
:

30
11
.

28

39

Ah.

54-6-10.12.14

67.7.12-14.16

gu.is.ie.
8Cj

Kant 30
nnr

31

16.19.24.25.27.27

q4.

5.8. 12.14

jq7.9.13.15 2
7 - in
-

[Ah.

163].

nrvttN

11.16

26

[4]22

27

r,rsls[11

'

28

qo

9 - 10

imperat. 21
if It

IHTN Beh. 51.

12-14.16.17.22.23.27
6 - 10

j-6-10.12.13.15.1C.20.21.2C

gjtl9l22.27.44.124_

32
5*.
s

&c.

"|T3
2i
#

hereupon
D3f 9
2

38

s
.

n^r 5 5

nmt
82 s
.

,-jj

4.6

30

20
7

^
1 15

Sf

lhf imperat. 38
pr. n.

s&,T?

8:

33

10 11 4 8 s 31 *]^K 16 20 27 30

Ah.
3^N

ON

[39]56-58.67[69] Beh. 20.

1^6.8

pr
Till

io

10 17
-

j^,
n.
12

pr. n.

24
i

15
.

TI3T
g*-i*M-*> 4
4-8

pr.
s

io 3
1

24

15
s- 8

38

2 2 3 -'*- 107
2.

23
-

12

3- 3-c- G

(relative)

54.4.5.

42

46

48 63
-113?

68,
.

8i

22 23
.

10.10.12-14.20.20 62.3.5.8.14.16.22 g9.ll. 13. 17.19.

23t35]
3.4.6.7.9.10.11", j j

hwin
nox
tdj
'a

'a

20
3
.

18

q[2]3.10.12

j tS.4.6.9.

'a niai

13

10.12112]

j ,6.8.14

j r 19.24.25.27.29.32

7 14 -

rwwi
mar

'a

mar 22 s
9
.

15.19

2 f*7.8.U.U.14.14.16.20 2 g3. 5.7.7.9.10. 12.

q1. 3. 5-7.9-11. 12.16-18. 24. 27.28. 30

max
nta
S

'a
'a

32

20 .

12.13

oj7.

mar 13 20

9.23.26.27.29

q2
*ia

4.6.10

q3 6 &C.
8
24 23
-

T3
2

30 23
28
1S

3T

(=

"ai) innocent
very,

Ah. 46[6i].
2

37

13

27

DDT

that

the

same;

20 4

40 3
>T

2
;

see

also ~3.

65.352.
14

25

' ooio 32

Ah.
j^stiel

68 [75].
7 ;7.12.

-iar

remember:
53.

-pr

[Ah.

64].

JO

gg.19

2O

25 28
65
-

3P Ah.

"\21V [27 19].

^ n ny 30 27

^T
10

83

25

p3T memorandum:
62,
1.

32

61

10

13 28 43
[57361.63
43]-

44

fi

8i

7 - 32 -" 9

Ah. 48

63

10 -' 2 - 14

68, 11.
-

Beh.

[3M29. 32.41.
6'
.

KH3T

cc pr. n. 2 2

67
.

1^ 5
4 .

3 - 4 - 6 - 11 - 12

[7

nn3T
55
3
-

pr.

n.

11 15 23 10

16

25 52

10

28 10 40
8
19
.

*aV
5
10

8 12

o^n
s - 16

n^T

8 20

Ah. [90] 1 44.

25

nH3T

'a

nnar 52 15

172.

D3^T

20 14

54

12.

d^c'd 'a

mar

8 30 9 18

26~

INDEX
'2

;ro
yibr
ft

mar
13

87

29

9>

D1DH

('3)

un

81

10
,

15

3 6< -

xmn
10 '

'3

vm
un

2 2 72 .
2 2 29 30 .
-

P '7
1
'-'

3
-

htfn '3 vin

a'
I.
1

H3T 2
I

110 -"

'

r ln

6 17 8 9
j
1

18,22 - 28

n 14

10

rTOP '3
K3t3

19
2

8
.

q-.

12.

I.I

l.-..li'..l'.'.20.20

16

q.-..7.l2.17

'3 Vin
'3

2'

;|

23

13
.

j^T.ll

-4.31I37J j
23

j82.4
10

2O
-'"'-

9.10.1C

22
-

iTnuao
Din: '3

^n
12

22 135

26l.l]9.21.

2 73

28 3

7 - 15

2Q 4

C- C

un
vm
un

34''.
1
.

3O

17.20.28.30

31
-

17.19(20]

^2 & c#
.

-JJQ
8*
9''.
1

pro 'a
rpbtta

[27

s11

]
2

28 4
13

30

16

37
13

8
"jjr
2

'3

18 6

n"?N

10

i3

18

20" [2

n*jp

'a

un
io c
,3 )5.c

24

s
.

28 13 [Ah. 1.62] Beh. 59.

[Ah. 26.29].
pyi 71".

rb$2

in one:
2

i5
s

2 6 (lllu

12 - 17 - 19 - 20

29'

37

Q 3 8]

61

77

81 49

Ah

[33]3 8 [ 6l J x 9i-204Beh. [22J

nyr

s 72 ?

nnnyn

Ah. to6.

Tyr

38.

^x
28 - 30

nn 30 3
26
,4 - 1,;

nna in 10 7
.

Ah. 101,1 14.145 Beh. 24.

[Beh. 30.45].

NTyr
.

nnb 24
276.17

,8 - 20

mn

15

28

siyr8i 41

;Tyr

qo

19 - 29

18.28

0-712

jj5 >7q2

37

7
-

Nnmyr Ah. 105.

mna 28 nn: nnn 1st

s
.

sing. 41

2
.

mff
3

mai
nn2T
noiT

pr. n. 8
pr. n.
pr. n.
2 6 [fll!7
.

105
.

Ah. 106.

mn
fmn
.

ptcp.

30 31 70

2
.

24

s
.

mn:
36
.

8 ,G 13 12 157.9.M 3 6i.
2- 3
.

nmn
.

22 134 (or lOTf).

K33*iJ

26 10

14
.

T*m
y-ir
1

26 21

am
i
y

airo 2 15
25 28
-

na*n ptcp. fem. 18 3

8
.

ny-i?

Ah. 85.
12

jynr 68, 5.

Din is
,n

PIT: NP"1TD 30

31

11
.

Pa.

Win
2nd
pers.

(showed
Ah. 96.

us)

31

15
.

mr
nr

36

s
.

nmn
nra 18 3
.

[N^iim*
i)n:

= ns r?
%

34
26

7
.

row*? Ah. 102.

7
.

Ha.
;

pmn (showed
2 6 7.

us)

n abbreviation for? 15 15 24 3841

30

16

(we showed)

nm.T
208].
.

K3n: N3nn (3rd

sing.) [Ah. 134].

69 Ah. 93.
1

mnn [Ah.
24
s

ban 30 14 [Ah. 27].

-]ban

Ah. 44.
-

Tin

pr. n.

23

(?)
7
.

38

4-G-8-8

ban^Ah. 36.
i^an? 37".

bnno

2 7 2:i,

,3!
.

n^aDN
fbijr

'3

nm
24
Tin?

53
16 .

'3

nm
'a

Un

pr.
2

n.

i2' 2 2 C3

99

28 1C 33 3 42 15

tntna

2 4 13 .

61

8i

15 - 24 - 25

[82 53
s
.

].

mn
n:i

pr. n. 23 3713.15,
'3

nsa

'a "An

mn

22 40

INDEX
'did 'a

287
147].
94.

omo
nin
94.

'a

[nlin

2 2 7;|

[Ah.

nnoDn Ah.

94.
1.

b^B> 'a

2 2 8r> .

onnosn Ah.

D'on Ah.

nn Ah.

Mm
1

[Ah. 40.41].
prn 30
17

28.35.178.
^>n?

NO^n

Ah. 12.42.

n^n
3
1
1

1st pers.

Ah. 14.

81";

= 0)i^n
2

8i &c.
1.

".

nm" [Ah. 163].

nrnn
pTn*

X^n sand

6 7 Ah. [66] 11
26

68,

3.

mriK Ah. 205.

nbn part of a boat

12 - 12[l5l2

[Ah. 63].
31
23

nn imperat. 30 23

^n: ^nn Ah.

Ah. 188.
bbn:

148.

Ha. n^n.T

41 Ah. 101 Beh. 54.

im

,T^n Ah. 131.

38

s
.

nmptcp. Ah. 125.

mnob
1

^nnn
s\blT

Ah. 168.
18.
i 3

Ah. 37.63.108.

nnrv [2
>rno

].

^n:
sj^n

71" Ah.

nrnne Ah. 106.

15

11
.

in
8- 9

exchange

for:

10 - 11

i3

4fi

NOn

sin

Ah. 128

"pson Ah. 50.

Ah.
126.128.

44

Ah. 5.62.69.
JD^n 83*.
2

ysbn Ah.

XUn arrow: "jon nun [Ah. 191].

Don 15
7
.

21.

onriD^n?
pbr\ 2 8

6 13

r 3 - '- 7 - 9 - 10 - 12

82 (9h2

3 ap!>n 28

5
.

nun wheat?
-ion Ah. 81.
rvn
:

67, 13.

14 np^n 28

7[101 pbn 82

pon

69

s
.

n^n
-i^n
:

pr. n.

52

17
.

49 Ah. 86.

n*nn (2nd

p^n
2s 28
-

io r- B ii 2
.

15

14

36

3- 4 '4

81 20

sing.)

[Ah. 82].

nn [Ah.
51.

55].

DPI? i5

Ha.
Ah.

"jrvnn 54.

Ah

ynm
living

son [Ah.
jon pr.

32].

snon Ah.

140.

X'n

70

2
.

n. 59.

pn Beh. i.6.n[i4.2i.30.33.42.
44], p. 266.

Don Ah.
:

140.
.

NTI [Beh. 48].

11.
-

pn

life
10

30 Ah.
]

:n 8

3-8

3141 pen nson (2nd sing.) 45 ncn was angry: 69 E? Ah.

47.

N^TI [2

20 5 21 !2U n 22
7.20

24
[

33[39)42 47
-

"ion wrath Ah. 104.

25

2.4

27

3Q

37

3 gl2]

go 5

iron ass

s 44 Ah. 90.

Kion Ah.
81 29
.

Beh.[3]5[7.i 3 ]i3[i5.i9]20*233 2 [37]39-4i[43-45-46], pp. 266,

9i[iio]no.
r

pnon

pen
Si"'''.''

54
-It^n

>-"

68, 11.

jxnon 81".
-

267.
b'n

"WIN*

^n
1

Ah. 55.61.

wine: 30 21 31 20 72 2

4-

10 17
-

8o

4-n

Ah. 137.
*>n 7
1.
13
.

^n

[Beh.

Ah. 79[i89].

Nion
21 7

39
1

Ah.

4 8J.

92.93209.
ist pers.

DDn Pa. Ah.

Ah.

nnoan

"pen leavened

9 [19].

nonn Ah.

10.

neon
81
s3
.

26"-

1 *-16 - 11

65, 7.
2

neon

nODPi Ah. 92.169.

146.

xnonn Ah.
19.

jeon

6 14

15
.

TicDn Ah.

-poDn

Ah. 132.

88

INDEX
god-name 27
13
2
.

3l3n

s- 8

30"'.
15

pin
3H
7
.

pr. n.

17*.

man god-name

34

*nn
H

62

wonn
god-name

8 23
7

ot:
-

;an 49

|twn

8i*-*-**-***-

tan 3-in
;onn

,M WB .

NnDJnAh.
37 127
-

129.

KD3PI

22*. pr. n. '3

'3
2 join 12
.

8i 28

y^is
.

,T3n pr. n. 8i-

rw

putava
pr. n. 38*.

'3

4 jnaonn 18

Jjn: H3Jn Ah. 115.

loan pr. n. 53'.

-sinn

tjnn deaf Ah. 216.

(crna n)

N'osn? 75

2
.

xt^nn 8i 373s
86
-

pn 26"-"

62,

tfaan 26 19
1 2.

pcnn
p-j'n

M pr. n. 6"8i'.

28 .

Wi

'3

pn 28
'2
'3

nnry
c;na

pn
pn

62,
23*.

1.

WW&n
jCn

Xerxes 5 1 64, 20, 29.

21.

&*WT\ Xerxes
restrain:
:

^3n

3 pr. n. 2 .

Ha. "|Cnnn Ah. 81.

rwan
S

pr. n. 2
'3

2 - 11

22
n
.

38

7- R
.

"|BTl

K31BTI darkness Ah. 125.

.

DNUD

DJn 74

1 Iinnn month Athyr 28

nan Ah. 83.

pon?

68, 10.

fWin? 37 Dnn IDnn imperat. 21 9

:

10

Dnin 76

1
.

pn

Ha. jDnn 20 7

14 pnnj 28

vuDnn
44
7

2n imperat. 8

nrmonn
2

n3D

pi. n.

8
:

45

82 s
1

[65.3]5
.

ionno

8 2 16
s

2
.

N'OB gazelle

Ah.

20.

[p]ono 80
[33
8

ponno
27
11
.

[3

26

n3D month Tebeth: 26 28 [Beh.

42].

].

snon

pra

KHH3 Ah. 6 2 [69].

3t3:

^5.6.8[9l_

p Dn 2 613 Ah. 79.IO5.

33^

TD
33^5
22

29

14

15' 20 43'
5.
-

TWDn Ah.
non
:

159.
2 7
7
.

67, 5.

3D 15
13;i

nTU
30
23

Ah.
3i
22

n-)Dnptcp.

pon

3s

9 10
-

67.

30

2 7 I9

2lt22l

von
ir2"Qn

[Ah. 131].
18 - 20
.

Ah.

86.io 9 .ii5[i23]i52[i57]
n3ta

Bnan? 26

159.163-5.
lfi
.

Ah.

57

pr. n.
16
.

73

123.
.

n3D Ah.
24
2.",

9.24.42

;vn 15

Jn 20
2-4

jnao 30

31

}3D Ah. 14

abpn [i6

].

H3-i57[i57]-

131U?Beh. 55

Kin Beh.
217.

34[35-47].

pn
31
18
.

"13

Ah.

^d bbm
:

38

s
.

nJ&a
[

p.

265, 4

nn
13
4
.

30

19

i"6t33

Beh.

2 ]5.i3[2o]28[4i

3in

71

Ah. 113.

annaAh. 174.

43], pp. 267, 269.

3
1
10
.

&DD
.

30"

rnnn 80

"]^B

15

INDEX
171.

289

HT3

I5

6.7.25.28

8l2-8.

'T ?
2 3[9lls
(i

1DXDU? 8l
16 fDB 26
.

40
.

Ah. 155.
34(141.

\V (our hand)

MT
for

389>
215
.

pi

ua i)
3

rriDCD

pr. n. 2

2 83 .

15
1st sing.

8
:

p
I4
2

15

YTn[4 2

Dya verb:
^njoyta*

noyD

Ah. 105.
DJJU

Ah. 123.

T3 Ah. 122.
.

Ah. [86J209.
.

noun
27
7
-

NW

pr. n.

26" 34 7

Dyt3 D*B>

26

22 - 23 25
-

21
.

mW KW
'3

34
-

5
.

xroya [Ah. 105].

;yo
:

-py& 4i
Ah.

iTOT pr. n. 6 3 8 2
2I 2.n

31 - 35

2 - 19

n
3

14

13

s - 21

naya
4 ]-

ist sing.

m.

uyu

22" 25

s - 18

30

1422
.

til*

37>
.

[45
91.

TWVB

6<5 -

*najyo' Ah. 91.

Pe'il

38

112

65,2. 76

8 1 34

rtny 5 2
2o
3-8-

pyo Ah.
1 st
-

xrw

'3

n^yo
JH3 2 6 10

24 sing. 8

nnDA
nniK
irono

'a

mnDN ror

'2

ro*r

ut201
.

22 121 33 1 34 s (not).
2

18
.

yB>in '3

nw
roT

17 - 20

[l^sno Ah. 97.

'3

nwn

'3

w
. .

2 s2

9 - 12
.

'3 ro*i

8 S1 9 s0

iWW
"IN 1

pr. n.

37".

D^tro '3
jnJ
'3

25
-

18
.

pr. n.

22 89 39 4 [40 5 ].
12
8

iTJT 25 s

8 - 12 - 21

2 82

3 - 6 - 15 - 17
.

mm*

'2

wtv

18

5
.

-nay 'a .tot

22

108
.

n^i:s '3 [b>]w 13 13

T3t[K'] pr. n.

PT

30

30

l29 -

VTK?

Ah- 2I -

52

16
.

rrpbn '3 rwro*

rvaat? '3

52

17
.

yT ynn 3rd fem. Ah. 187. Ah. Ii6.n6[i63]i77.2i7. ptcp.

Ha.
jyTin 1 st plur.

row

52".
s
.

30

29

jnin

... 'a .tbw 52

3'

imperat. Beh. 52.

1

yTJV [27 10 ].

Elephantine: [2 3

63

3- 4

1-2

82
1
!

iT particle

of address. Ah. 127.129. 13

3

io

2-3

20

1-2

25

1-2

27

3 - 5 - 8 - 11

28 115
o 24

29
'

3.T

25[331

22 1 24 s9 25 7 37 1213
s - 11

OQl. 5-7.8.13.22.25

qi?.

12. 22. 24

3 56

42

10

44

8lsl

[46
1

]
?

55
3
.

2-6

63

16

[Ah.

34 35 43
bl*
:

[ll2

65,6?66 6.68[ 2 ] 4
5

74].

nan"
.

40

nam

3rd
-

in!>3* ist sing.

Ah. 48.

^33

fem. 13 4
14

JT3.T

2nd

3[9 sing. 2

12)

2 9.

1:^3 imperat.
2 13
.

Ah. 52[7i].

3
4

5
].

io 3 Ah.

170.
7
.

TQiV
nan*
Ig
12
4

^310^
SnA'

i6aiO Ah. [90].

8
34

[43

^nnan" 43
-

ist
X

18 pr. n. 6

[9"]

2 2 92
4

3 sing. 8
4

13 - 20

3 - 14

132-5.6.9.12

T: T3 22
28.29.31_

120

24

s6

26
.

38 44 8i
-

14 -

29

35 43

3 - sl5]6

45 47
-

3-8

69

Ah.

21 *l^y 26

12 "]T3 IO

14 - 19 - 20

169.
13
4

nnarv 8 8
31
5

25

i
.

3 6.

u.t
i

42

13

Ah. 193.
28 4 -.

ara 8 18

22

43

7
.

2 74
.

8 1 39

111

p-T

ls

ny
2599

DT3

81

32 " 35

37

Ah.

37

ruan*

i 8 17*.

an imperat. u

290
42
s - 11
.

INDEX
an 8.
.

nan

3-9*

42

[7.7.8)8

24^ 33

s -'34

2 ci

28

30 21 37 2

,t

\nan 13 16

tan 38.

aw
.

17

1 12 18 s r43 ]45 7? 61 72 76 Ah. 168:

2jisa.33.36.42

60

10

73'

418

a^n

=
22.

for 8y 3

12
.

ndv

8 9 14 7 15 4

3*iT? 72*.

NT.T
-

68, 6.

Ah.

2o
43
7i

9 - 10

22

120

28 7 30 20 31 19 [35"]

anvv 26 18
nn

21 - 21

aimo?
I 2.

4[81

72'.

[67. 6]4[24]

VW
ynv

6 -- 9

[2i

t.T

14
.

Ah. [14j39.49.52.

%V
Ah. 102

DDl^C?

ma

TISTliT

30
'

13

[66, 6 J.

mnn^
1.T

pr. n.

ii 18
-

Beh. 58.
22 1
-

NVDV
1

21

9
.

Ya'u

64

6 - 11

23

25

27

16

KW
frw
Ji":

pr. n. 8 pr. n.

96 104
-

o()6.15.!4,J.27

qj7.24.25

qq8 q8

4^ [3j4

8i 14[28j29
24
.

5 62.
"IIKliT

wno

15

pr. n.

28 16
1

rpiis 'a jn 8 25 17 .
[lh8 .

Iin*

Judaea 30 3i
pr. n.

fP3P pr. n. 15 38 19 8 66, 10.

nw

W
bin

8i 78
2

96 - 132
.

nnis* 'a
[lJ
.

rw
n3T

6 9 9 2 15 38

25

4 - 13 20
'

s - 9 10
-

8 [9 ] io 43
3

JOTliT
-

nfyob
B|P:
5)T

'a
*|?n

25

19
.

2 |2U)ll

22 i [27 20 ].
19 - 22 - 26

2 fTliT 20

3
.

2nd

sing.

Ah. 130.130.
KnDT a
j

Nni;T 3o

3i
.

22 - 26

38

12

42

12
.

imperat. Ah. 129.

ma

jmm
jrnn*
frv.rp

22 s2
22

loan:
.

Ah.

[1 11]

130.130.
.

31

.t^ha

rna

101

[131].

hdt 10
1
28
.

I^d ma
pmn^
7OI1T pr n.
1

io 2

21 - 23

iS 1

ma

'2 wrp 8

pr. n.

30

18

31".
.

s7 D[fe] rna bn 22

22" 23 4

enx* 'a
.

^d ma
1
8
.

hero 22 s9

rbo' rna ^Dirv 22 103

prr pr. n. 8

yDtPW
iT:y

pr. n.

22 126 39 2 6$ 6 68, 10.

.

nin
ata*
:

'a pn*

8 1 2 .
sing. 6".

6 |TUOT pr. n. 18

Ha. *aab naBin 2nd

8
.

ma

^jn.T 22

105 .

pal? Dna^in 20
.

na? 'a xrann

rna potem* 22 s8
22".

d^pd

ma

h3* 34 4

un

ma posw

ba* see bna.

D^D-rna
jna

s7 yoBnn* 22 .
.

n^
8

lbr\ 3rd fern. 15 33 .

.

rna yoenn* 22 s4

NO' swear 44 s
24
.

!"6nND* 1st sing.

PP

ma
-

jjd^.t 22
.

117
.

rMXCf
-

2nd

sing.
.

6 [4)8 n
-

pun*

21 pr. n. 2
.

V1KD* I4 5

8
-

ND1d!> 6 6
-

nSDIC
NE1E

IV 28 4 5

oath 6' I4 4
1- 6- 8 1

6- 9

[44 45

].

DV

i 1-4

[6

81

18 - 20 - 26

1 - 8 - 13

io 1
-

8a
S'Q*

PJDID 59.

jj3.10 jql j.l j

c-Illl7.20.22.26.28

jl 5

sea: 7r 20 Ah. 117.208.

INDEX
}0*

291
Ah. 43.
fat.
1

right

hand
5

28
.

4-6
.

yT ? iyT
n-p
;
-

nny
N'^

= rrrr
pr. n.?

n:riT 3rd
29
.

21
.

wvz

8i

65 - 6C 71 - 73 - 75 80 - 81 - 93 97 ' 101 '.

-

83

P?

PJ1C&

Ah.

120.

Hiphil?
R*p3

3P?

pr. n.

81".
-

TOpW
DTtD'
1

Ah.'
:

92^3].
3
.

7V2W

B1 2 pr. n. 7 2 2

59

38

1
.

children

40

no la
-

'2 rv3E

22 130

pr. n.
n.

8i 84
103

92
.

2W
3
.

pr. n.

22".
-

n^D* pr.

22

34
19

3B" pr. n. ? 8i 9
2
.

109
.

b"nx '2 i-6d>

jn: '2
1

25

29

DP*?

pr. n.

83".

n^D* 56*.
ejDin*

21 16 33 nyB pr. n. 5 8 9 .

fjD

Ha.
18
.

[Ah. 144].
?

pBDW
26
17
.

IB" 82 12

Ha. TnPin

2nd fem.

26
no'
:

HfiDin imperat.

39

s
-

Ithp. -idjv
NJ?1D

Ah. 80?
8
4

37V 6 2 Beh. 22.

14

3n imperat.
Ah. 112.
33
4

9*.

HV-

west:
.

13

66,15.
s
.

3Din
Din
1

visitor:

b>ob> t?ce>

6 Kjno 8

pep

nyio 25

'

3 pr. n. 12

34
.

s
.

wb

8
.

mmn
rroiiv

'3

mrp
i
2

22 23
67,

16 |Sy pr. n. 24

pr. n.

3.

&JP:

Dy advisor Ah. [2]i2[i8.2o.

NOJV

pr. n. ii

1
.

27.36].

noy advice: Ah.

57.

NJTV pr. n. 57 1

TiDy NDDy Ah. 42.57.[66j. Ah. [3-i9]53. nnoy Ah. 28.

43-55- 6 [ 6 4]-

in 1

TW 30

[70*].

miv

adverb

Ah. 96.

yv

s
:

pyW
mp*
Ha.
:

Ah. 168.
ptcp. Ah. 103.
"ipin

Tp:
"jp^

= tjn3 3 = ejD3
3

61 11 36 b 63 ? 8i

22

21 - 30 - 33 - 37 - 39

&c.

imperat.

Ah. 98.
yp*

3 adverb, passim.
1

M3 6
27
2,7

8*

rnpin 2nd sing. Ah. 176.

Ah. 93.108.1n.

8 T2

10

26

[l]22 - 23,25

ao 4
40
2

13-1!

m*p Ah. 95.

3,4

338

339 37

13

388.6

,<

Kn*vp Ah. 130. DbpiT Jerusalem 30 18

:

42
.

6.10-12

4g

7I

19

Ah. [2.7.I3]l4
13

[
1

iJ30.36[ 4
15
8

i.47]62[76.77]97
njrs
"rD
5 - 6 - 8193

m'
[2

J
1

2' ]
i

io 1
.2

5-6

ii 4
s4

13
1- 5

15

20 1

[131J163.198.201.

27

4-5

121

24

29
1

30
1

4 - 19

63

16

30

37

and

see

it:;.

10"

65,5,

3 -67,8.72

[78 ]Beh. 3

2.

and see in.

see jDn.

pn3
N^oys 40 2
31
21

7
.

and
9
41
s

m*a
ii
9
.

n*v

17
1

3
.

m^
6
.

rrv
8
-

?ys
7

sm*

3-4

29

jrw 45

18 2 27 s 30

s - 4 - 22

37

38

prvr 8i".

42

s.io

8o 6

82 7 Ah. 51.

jys

iy

292
7

INDEX
.

.]8

nays
1

[i6

37

2
-

'3

Ah. [27J95.98.99tx03J114.119.

PBJ?3

ft -

8-9

and see pvy.

1

ny3
]

I22.x^3.i32[i32]i38[i43]i68.
178.208.

17

21*

26'" 31 3 38 s [42
s

54"
17
2

65,4. 76
2
1
3

[Ah. 16].
]

ny3i

1^3DN
*3a

'3

^3

19 pr. n. 2

19

[27
8*8
15

39 56

1
.

DS3 5

15

71*.

517

916

IO 18 4 43 [6hl [45 s

^^3 month-name
p33

72

18
.

46 ] and see DD. X3 8i 61 M -"- 8B pi. |R3 8

-

= p3:3
4 - 11

50 83"
6 516 jo 9
-

106
.

^3

2 B[6.1S.16l o

1017

II 6

I2 10

,TND reproof [Ah. 83].

rt33
:

I4
2

I 13.19.24.27
-

j ^2.2.6

2 - 5 - 16 - 19 - 20

nnan 2nd
30
16
.

sing.

Ah. 100.
3
1

17

2 25

19 - 31

24

27-31

25

821

26 8

16

82

xbn
733

"nto

15
.

1Q2.3.14.16.16.17.2!. 26.27

qj2.3-15.26
2

1,5

Ah. 166.

"p3 Ah.

165.

35
4
x

n
1

35 d
1
-

37"
43
10

[3

39
15

"

4o
2

13

133: T33 Ah. 136.147.

xrv-133 26".
"'23 ptcp.

[42
2

45

a-8

46

49'

naa

26

17
.

56!58
73
2 - 6 - 17

65, 4.67, 7.68,3,11,12.

Ah. 92.152.

75

5 9
-

78

5-6

82 s 83 30 Ah.

sm
313
:

37

13
.

31D^ Beh. 50.51.

.

313 ptcp.
J313 134.

N^3

[36]83.96-98.i27.i27[i32]i67. 26' 5 13-17 oo 11 12 12 29 30 qiiO.15.16.

'
-

8 17

K313 Ah. 133.

51.

22.26.29

4I
1

Ah. 43[56]6i.

^3
.

Beh.

313 Ah.

[Ah.

66].

rfa 15 20 Ah. [2]

Nnm3

[Ah. 30] Beh. 56.

nmj

i2[i8.28]55.

fpW>3 39 3
7 13
.

Ah. 132.

nn3*i3 Ah. 133.

N^3 restrain: "jn^3 5

37
15
.

1^3

TO pr. n. bm: bny

2 20 [3"].

*6y
14

5
.

9 - 10
.

V^blX
mS>3
?

5
1S
.

6
-

43

5
.

fa*

13

11
.

|^3 ptcp. 37

37

TTon 2nd
sing.

sing.

Ah. 81.

3rd
11

K"3^3 30 16 3 1 15 .

[18

].

brON 5 6
28 7

6 12 [7 10 ]
17.

n^3^3

see
.

i>3.

147
!?3N

25

9 - 10

43
8

4-8

Ah.

no3 13 15
?3

n3
26 2
7
-

2 7 3 8[ul
-

30
qo

6
.

IO 11

12

13

1531.35

4 y7.8

2I 4
3
i

'

10

'

3tel9 - 22

["2

12

4 - 22,27

Ah. 26.
fiba*
$>3J
fi13
:

pkro*
.

8 15

2ou u
-

22 - 2

33 3 7 38 69,

3.

69B. 71

19

io 18
I
4
.

^rna

20'

25

10

7 1 76 80 Ah. [i3-37]52[75-77]89-

99. 116. 145 Beh. [7. 12. 16. 17. 22.

N3iT3

30

18

8l 8 -3.

N^n3 30 118

34]37[48-5-59]4
1 4
.

7 P^D 20

[311] 3 8^

2
.

3 p-aiby 40

p
66,
1.

by

25'.

Ah. 117. 187.

Vl3i3

'TOtt

[Ah. 116].

Cambyses 30
pi. n.

13

32

N'nn thus: Ah. 20.

THJS

Beh. 12.

INDEX
1133?? 42 11
"DUO pr. n.
"1333
.

293

DID Ah, 189.

.

26 921 50 7

28 p hand: 15

'D33 ?*\

T&3

26

17
.

1*1333
9

30

28

31".
f)3

Ah. 103.

p33 50
"133: '233

83".

bowl 36 4

plur.

JB3 15".

Ah. 171.
1.4. 8. 10, p.

|D3 hunger Ah. 188.

C'33:

W33J1N Beh.
8
.

269.

1D3 37 14

prwarp 71
KJ133: rW33

wan'
-

[71*]-

HDV3 Ah. 101.

"1V3:

Ah. 90.163.
nni33 6 6 17 1
1- 5- 6

DfinM
2i 2-"

Ha. imperat. 1V3H Ah. 127.

17

*V3 Ah. 127.

2 6ll.4)8

30

1.4.18.22

[3^] 69

13

76

2
.

N13 see N13.

Ah, 56.67.

r6ma
10
.

55

11
.

fcns 57
.

2
.

jma

spelt io

TO:
JD3

N'313 26 [lj3t7]8

D3 cup: 6i 414
6i 1313
."ID3
.

15

12
.

pD3

D~13:

^1313 Ah. 40.

:

ND13
Ah. 109.
nD3]"l

NNDT3 Ah.

133.

HND13

6V

hide

2nd

sing,

Ah. 103.
11
.

"33D3N Ah. 118.

BH3 Cyrus [Beh. Una 10 shekels.

29
3.5.6

23].

15
3

20 15
.

25"
ftP-D

PD3D' 38

42
5
7

433 g 5
6 14 8 14
-

78

vD3 month-name
13
P1D3
1

6 1 8 1 [9 1 ] io 1

2 15

21

15

13

611

14
-

10

25 [Beh. 20].
7

14.31. 34. 36 j (-8.

20 15
2

2 2 122-124-125
7

2^ 16

15

15 15
-

17

7- 7

14 - 16

14 14 - 21 - 21
-

2614.14.17.17

8H oa

42

2 - 3 ' 41

4q

6[nl

q16.15
I
J.

jq3.5.5.9.23
I

jjl-3.7

j q5.6.11

47

[46 ]65,7,

10.

66,8. 68,

5.

3 - 10

r5-8.10-l.J3.2i.31.34.36
15
4

20 12.15.16
-

8-flT.llfl,

22 i.i.2 &c. 25 15

27

28 10 29 s

'B*3

pr. n.
'3

53

4
.

30

12.28
2 "4

3I

5.27

[3313

36
44

12 42 36 b 37

346] 2 "4 7
-

353^9.9
43
3 -3-6t"i

my
3J"I3
"

W3
-

23

s
.

NBB*3 Ah. 158.

2 18
22

9.9

4 6l9.10]

47
'

49

fo4.13.14
-

^2,1.

20 21
-

c 55

20

6 16
j

22

8 23

26 27
-

6 3 J 6 5>
7

7- 7 83
].
2

5-6

8 1 30

30 .

Pins RD3
10 13
-

q16

JO

20

II
-

16

Io3l6)l6.17

jll. 14

r 37 j
-

[42

NDD3 5
120

io
4-7

14 " 16

l8 3
4

20 16

19

25

17 20
-

26 23
15

25

28 14

17

15" 18 22
43
(5.6]8-10

29

4-6

31

11

35

42

9 u - 42 [ 4 3 -45

46

50

59 66,
ioM

4 g2

65,1,14.67,16.
II
4-8-8

14.

nuns (3rd
13

fern.)

-J3D3

io

7 - 11 - 12 - 18

[42
7
1
30
.

].

[43

68, 4 rev. 81
sing.)

1
.

n3r,3
9 - 12 6

'3SD3 35 9ll0
'DD3 i3 18
-

10]
.

HSD3

(1st

414

i3

[43

J-

19
.

nnans
Ah. 205.
1
88
.

8 17 [13 12 ].
31133

3D3n (2nd
28 14
3
.

J1D3: *]J1D3

6 sing.) II .

3'J13

DJ1D3 pr. n. 8

2
j"

n] 5W.I8

I0 s

I?

358 [4310.10]

594
48* 66,
T66, i].
2.

INE
na
2n
-

,s

18 2 25 s

pa!>

*a

[2"] 3

18

10 9

rutt$ [27"] 30 21 31 21 33 11
.

xroia^

pna 42

8 - 9 - 13

nnna

(his coat)

30

2s

32

9
.

Ah. 41.
i?na?
9 pr. n. 2 2 . 5 M jna 20 26

Ba^: ptcp. jeaS>

3o
.

,5 2
-

31

14
.

pa
68,3
BM3^

garment i5
xana 26 20
6.1 r.
s
.

7 - 10

")IP32

42'.

Ah. 171.

Wlb
4
.

20 5

"ina:

nnao Beh.

garment 14
7
.

btd: nena 2nd

9

sing.

1st

ina^
xb 8i
]nb

4
.

oanab 37 11
62 ]xb 8i
-

70 - 79
.

63 - 66 - 66

sing.

&c.

-but 8' 1
?

6-7-9

27" 33

11

34* 37**
12

~7 maiking object of verb, 5 9 13 25

1

82 s
I5
"6,

[Ah. 9 7 J.

except 13

5
1

3 -

&c.

wm^
^
19

roe>
4

32.32.3s

Ah. 107.120.154.212?
Ah. 81.

&c.
5
7.13

5
,

&c.

only

in )b |n
-

-jt,

613.14

&c#
&C.

for

3 l, I3 1 6<

"131?

26 13

13 - 17
.

"O^

12.5.6.6 gS.8.1!

r*

9.10

n^:

m^
79
3-4
.

Ah. 164.

69
]b
->

10 - 11

&c.
272 &c.

rb fem. 18 s

mb

nib 2o 12
38
7-7

14

*aj 'a

m? i4 13

-10.11.14.15

Ah.
34
7

57.

Dr6 42 4 &c.
m!>
II

Pb

37
s
:

14
-

m?: pm^ Ah. Dnm?? 17 7

.

i5i[i5i].

&c.

pb 37
ba5 8

=
82
7

r?:

pr6* Ah. 124.

,

kt6
pi.

the

h?? [Ah. 122}

accursed 30 7 31 6 32 s
27

17

i6]}b

Ah. 114.
?ap.

rFR? a curse Ah. 124.

KlVn?

and see
N$>
i
4-5

Ah. i34[i98].
r\rh

Wn^

Ah. 139.

&c.
.

wicked

Ah. I30.i38[i63.

nvb 46 1 Xlb
33!?

i64J200.

lion

Ah. 117.
33^ a*o

Dn? 57 2 7i tl18 Ah. 33 [72]86.i89.

Ah. 65.98.163.

wn?
Bt6
<hb

63
7
1

9 - 12
.

67, 5.
aai?

H2lb Ah. 104.137.

23
.

3 40 Ah. 169.

14' 15

15

43

7
.

aa^

a'u
6 12
.

pr. n.

28 13
17
2

naom
-jaa^

D^

io 11
[3 l5 ]

13

26 2[3)21
8

[27=3]

30

-pab Ah. 82.106.

15
5
.

ao

3 22

[44

Ah.

2 3.13.20.

naai>

na^? 7i e .

Ah. [2 5] 109. 159. 9 9 pa? ata 2 20

.

26.39-45-54-57[58]6o[7o.uoJ
165 Beh. 39.

8 pai> onauin 20

Dnaa!? Ah.

nvb Ah. 36[io4]i I9.i26[i73]20i.

D?12Qb pr. n. 8
1

162.

87
.

INDEX
109 Tnyi>? 8i
.

295
-

110 pnyi>o 81
s8 -" 1

*u riJHO 24 18b
17

36

37

6(181

68,

1 1

r.

bj^

= e
73
s

[24

&c.J 30

28

50 6 I

HJHD
N^HD

27

[Ah.

70

Beh. 46].
1

78* Beh.

3. 9 [ii]n.i4[2i]

8i*>-.
6-8- 9

ni>TD3 8

42
.

21.42.
6 npb 20 [Ah. 98

HD 38
?

Ah. 79[i3 9 ]i5i, 160.163.

ptcp.].

nnp^>

177.

30 HO Ah.
Ah.
1.

165.

(2nd sing.)
J

10".

nnpb
inpb 27
18

(1st)

THD
ino
i5

skilled,

16 4 [Ah. 8J.

30

12

4 price of a wife 15

mno

34.

np^ Ah. [143] 1 72.

1 1

27
-

jnp^n 2nd sing. Ah.

67, 18.

9.

romp*

mo

THVpb Beh.
11

p. 265, 1.

JVO 5 8 62 s Ah. [4]2io. nrro (1st sing.) io 14 rno*

die;
.

nvbnb 9
48
s
.

io

9 - 17
.

nnpW
.

i5

17
-

mon

(3rd fem.) 15=.

17 npbrv 8

(2nd sing.) Ah. 82.

pnic
:

JB^ Ah. 105.

i13B6

Ah. 156.

Ah. 174. Ah. 106.

HID death

NniO

'mo

83

8
.

D=
a\D
PIW0
[2

8i 106

iron 37
1

s
.

=
11

half 8
-

70 - 71

&c
NriN centuria

NriO

-pNTION Ah. 82.

ntOTD

2 6 14 ] 3

16 - 17
.

Ah. 83.

11
.

nNO
-

2 8 2 2 19

20t3l]
.

Tno month name

nono (=
22 n.9i
2 3 h#

24

[34 - 35:44
.

nnsD

26

10[10]

priNo 26

13 - 16
.

iTDPuo) pr.

n.

9 - 12

- 8 36

DnniKO 80
[NO 65,
1.
-

s
.

Ah. 109.
.

J3ND 72

4
.

niK
7V3V

'3 '3
'3

PIOTO

2 2 65 .

VXD 20 5 5
DKO
:

HDno

9 -i2-2

8 35

36
.

DDN 2nd

sing.

[Ah. 170].

taw
rpjw

none 23
5 8
22

4
.

DNOn [Ah. 136]. nDno mn riD3 8 36

TDno

'3 hdi-io

16

8 33 9".

rr-Dno pr. n. 6
4.
93-7.10.12

29 - 31

18 - 20

2 22

[34

rvri03 pr. n. 2 2 25 68,

3
,

and see

nDPiD.

mn
-

rrntaso 8 2

I4

2.u

xns 3 ninDs
iTOT
'3

'3
2

rvDno 20 s
3
1 - 18 - 28

8 - 11

20

20 3 25 s

28 s

5- 6
.

See also iTnUSO,

iTDnD 5 6 8

1 - 5-

16

1 1

14

nnsD, rose,
EttAO

mwD.
pu
[31"].

I2l.17.17.21

j^2 jg2 20

2 g3.7.7.18 > 2 82
-

[Beh. 60].

'3

rvono

25

3 - 8 - 21

5 8 9 15 - 17
-

IAD:

HAD 30"

and see -nriDN

'3
.

rvDno.

.THO Ah. 159. nD Media Beh. [i2]i2.i2[25J26. PBHO: MHO 37 6 NTOHO 17"^
.

WV
-ino:
r6.8

'3

rVDTO 45 2
4

nno^

[i

].

pretDPNt'o
j ,-17.20.22.26 #

gl8.20.26 g8.13

68,6. 73

14
.

NTIHO 16 7

nno

2 2 82 .

2()6

INDEX
7

NDE

io 7 35 8 38 s 83 2
g

"\\fnt2

[7-9-

5]i5-27[34]47-5o-5i-53-

2 g3.7.9.)o.i2

jnbo

86

PINBO
2
.

55.[6o]62[6 4 .6 5 ]7i[75]77[78]
Beh. [7.i2.i6.i7.22. 3 4]37[ 3 9.
48-50.59],
3 6
1
1 .

14

6
.

DNDD
.

(3rd fem.) 41
i 4
.

jiDo io 6

antao

io

p.

269,

3.

WO
w&ho

37

1S
.

7\CKxb Beh. 8.12.

(3rd fern.)

12
.

Khiate Ah. 95.

NOOn

42

7
.

rvDne rna rrnDe

(=

'oao) 14

10
.

iTabo

31 19 pr. n. 8 9

WD
na"D

pr. n. 2 2

64
.
I

15
.

22 pr. n. 2 2

72.7 n*3B* 'a iTa^o 7

.

srae

13 pr. n. 2 3

tunn
22 126 .

'a oirv 'a

.

roha

22".

ycenrp

'a

owd
.

\h& 69 2

^D> 69"?

^DD

7 po 27 Ah. [72]ii3.i92.

MO

Ah. 100.178.

ni?D 37 16 38- G

6" 8 8 27 s
"OD pr.
n.
i

11
.

^UD

= ^3NO
.

24

s5

49*.

4 40 Ah. 93[96]98. 1 09. -jfe n^O Ah. 100.104. Nn^D [Ah. 22J. 9 pbo 37 f$> Ah. [ 2 6]29. 9 2.
-

D3D 8i 2

Jd [Ah.

1].

$D
N^O
30
29

Ah. 4

tODD? Ah. 203. xbn to be full 4 1 4

K^onn [Ah.
17 sing.) 2

mte
.

Ah. [2. 28] 43.60. 114.

.

vb&

71

1
.

Dn?D 42 13
}D

28

71".

32].
.

io 1117

wbonn (2nd xbnn Ah.

8

pronoun Ah. [6.6]94? 107. 139.

140. 140.161.
>r

9 |D 8

19

13

816

131.
ni>0 see
I"6d salt

t6o fulI82
under ??.
Ah. in.

pl.

pb37

n
.

20 14 25 9 28 7

12

37*.
5 5
-

|D preposition 5
I l6.6

6 15 7 s
!

84

4-9

9 -i2

9'-

jo8
-

IJ. 6

J r4. 18. 21.25.28-30.35

nbtt sailor

6" 8 8

Nr^D

2 [2) 5 13

l6 2[el 20 s

6 - 9 - 10 - 15

2I 3

5[8 - 8)

25
3
-

4 - 13 - 16

di-6d
jbo

(=
-

non^o) Ah. 99.

261.27 2 ^5.9[ll]20 2 87.11.11 2 g3

16.19.21.28

q3.6.13.

king 30" 66,6 Ah. 3-5[8]io.

I

OJ6.12.15120127 o ?i

o8 7

8-

n 4I5
[^

II

3- I 5[ 2 - 2 3]3 2 [37j IOO

oo

43

4,7M8.8.10]
j-

46 8j 47

48

54

10

[10 1 ] 103. 104 [104. 105] 107. 108.

66, 6],

n,

15.67, 5.8i

8 ->-

833

Beh. i7[24]5o.
14.16

Nata

i^
JO 2
-

Ah.

33-46.79-8i[8i]9o[9i]98-

TolSl j-l.7g2.15 *1

81-14.21 gl. 15

101.105.1n.112.122-f124J.128.

I4

'

10

I Cl-2.5.7. 9.10.15. 35.36

2 q1.15

^o-^S-

40-144-189 [189] 197.

21 3.3.10 2 gl.7.16

2 6 28

2 72

3 5
-

28 1
OK

'

11

2 gl.5 oq2.4. 5.19.21. 30 oj4.4.19 q 2 7

2I0.2II.2I7[2I7]223. Beh.[l2] -JD io 13 26 6 [42 12 45 3 -"] 51.

.ii Ah. H9[i39]i94. po 9 9 24 20 28"30 67,5. Ah. 128.136.

3?

14

43

[U3l7J8tl0]

45 1] 4 6W 64,
71io-12.1e.17

18,

29. 65,6. 68,2.

Ah.

INDEX
142. 143. 146. ^330 8 19 14 6

297
4 imperat. 130 21
.

3D count:
[38
9

mo"
"30

43

4(8)

H30 6 8 13 716 15 36 4 1 7
J30

].

Pa. appoint

Ah.

Ah. 49.114.
Ah. 121.

66,

1.

68,

1.

37 [77]share 37 12
?

r30

27

9
-

0
17'.

D3JD 25* 38 6 66, n.

.

Nmo
2 14 3 13 .

**

DH30 5 10
4
(4)8

4 JH30 16

JO

^30? 66,12.
P30 number
'330

-jri30

Ah. 144.

4 !?
.

Ah. 86.

J330 therefore
8

20 7 4 1 4
[66,1]. 5
io.is

by30 25 s 35

4310110)
13 17
-

pr. n.

14

13

16 6 37 11 53 10
12
.

vbvm
6

[2
|B }0

20

fcOOyDD '3 '330 43

.T33y '2 "330 61".

25 48

2.

Dip

54

jo*ip

B jo 3 2 .

rmrw

Ah.

y30: y30* passive Ah. 136.

*S30

210.

Memphis 37
2 76
-

11

42

7 - ullsl

83

2
.

XHJO Ah. 53.

nyv3o
2i121

6
.

oymo

27

30

14

ls

[3i

Ah.
3-4
.

1 1 yniDO month-name 8 1 [9 ] 13 29

101 Beh. [6]n.

Dy*lO 49
12

63".

Nnoymo 27"

30

3i

[Ah. 10].

jnODO
niyo

see

10D.

DO
nmo

mina:
14

17 J30 26

pj 29

s
.

nD0(3) Beh. 23.

70 pr. n. 2 2
-

[27
25

]
s
.

30

21

1 21

33

11
.

snmo

109
.

30

32

jn3 '2
-

>nyo 33
pr. n. 2

2
.

Dn:o

20 pr. n. 2 2

71

39

2
.

nniyo
22.
r

37

1-

17

38
3

40
20

4
.

i?wo

'2 'a

nix

'2

nmo
.

T33y

3 jn3 '3 rvnyo 18 rvnyo [38

12

16

25'

bvu

Dmo
h*u

20 17
'3

arrc '2
18

].

Dmo 25 28 '3 Svn '3 nmo 2 2 rryqp IDT '3 Dmo 15 Nn3T '3 Dmo 2 2 67 DD^tP '3 D^O '3 DmO 20 cbw '3 Dmo 19 jno 3 Dmo 2 2 23 nnry '3 Dmo 20 79 22 ''DID '3 DmO 12 vbv '2 Dmo 25 35 44 63 Deih? '2 Dmo (='c '3 d^btd) 20 19 nomo pr. n. 2 2 nnDx 13 [ 33]y ni3 nomo 22 <n:y '3 mar n-13 nomo 22 108

my3

'a

15

mho

'2

myo

8 30 9 19 (Neh. 10 9 ).

26

n^yo? Ah. 114.

s8

moo n*u noso

rrfray

22 s3

2 - 9 - 16 - 19

nns nqpo 22 106 tbv n*i3 noso 22 s8

.

rrnoso

pr. n.

22 135
^..in.i\n[M\
43l
2 - 4[21 '

62

11

nnoTn-i3 rvnoDo

17

wonorra
ppdbd

rvnoso i3

is

5 6 18
-

78 -

18.20.22.27.29.33-36

18

2-6

10

(=irno3o2
2 6 17 -

15

s32

j*o~(?)~

95

p-lXO

Egypt

3 o'

314

24

12

32* 3 8

81

64, 20. 66, 6. 7

I-2el27J

72
4-5
.

2-4[6-12l

xnvo

27

30 31

713

37

298
33
1"

INDEX
ion
.

'2

nor

'a '2

d^o
ohwa

io*-" 13 s
2 2 29
.

7
.

X10 47

2(71

tVBW xno 30"

54
10

5
.

hxn

'3
'a

un

s 2 'Kira 16 37 17 38 39*

67,

7.

tow
WJ
fro

Dbe>o 52".
'a

68, 9. 7o

12

77

80 9

Ah.

73.

rvnoao
'3

d^d
.

2 2 25 .

1N-1D Ah. 192.

nxno

71

77

D^TO

2 2 109 .

Ah.

[i98]i98.i99.
*q1. 2.18.23
2 - 10 - 19 - 2l[221
.

JNiro
7.12.13

'a

I*llJl.R

qjflll7.22

nary

otao 44 2 si 'a d^co 8i

'a
'a.

34

27

*K"lO

o7
:

111]

ddi^c?

d^o

2o 2

17

cf.

oroo

38"".

Drrno 34 6

*ntn

'h?

39 1.2.5.

nioB> '3 D^&yo

22 21

UIO
"HD:

pi. n.

Beh. 17.
p.

N*U"lO

5 119 .Tycs? 'a D^trn 19 22

[Beh. 19J

266.
1

no^BTD

82 pr. n. 2 2

39 63*.
22".

mD
pr. n.

27

Beh. 17 [24.25].
i.3[4]5.7.8[io.i9.

nDno

'3

rmoa

ma no^o
22 110
22 s3
.

xmo
"m?

Beh.

20.4i]44.

nbwa ma no^iro w^nt ma no^^o

Nno Ah. [27^6
jno
62 pr. n. 2 2
-

Beh. 61.
17
7

[Beh. 16.17.48].

pem

month-name

30

30

31

29

76 - 77

23

11
.

[Beh. 14?].

tot
.

'a

jno

2 2 42

jno? 75
-1"I0:

1 3

.0*

'a ;no 65,3.

ion (2nd
Ah. 105.

sing.)

Ah. 148.

rP3K 'a jno 38 1 .

T1Q
105.

NHTTO Ah.
Ah. 188.

mine
inn

pr. n.

26 2

80 7
1
.

Nnmo
1G

nsynnno
(or

pr. n.

70

JNPD I5
PIPE

55

8
-

^nn)

16 pr. n. s .

anoint:
(perf.)
20
.

jnC'O

(perf.)

31

20
.

mmno
N3
pi.

'a

moino
b
-

13".

phB>D

30

20

IXTD

oil

30

20

31

n.

24

34

3- 4

37

6tI5]

68

>

ntra measure 71 17

?
4
.

PiriB'D

mea-

11.

surement
8*.

nnco

nnnpo

nanw
XT33

pr. n.
pr. n. 2

i
21

4
.

10 "JPD: Ot^O 37

Ah. 118.
22
73
.

pMin32
H13T33

16 28 2 8". 9 pr. n. 8 18 pr. n. 5

.

1^0

pr. n.
'2

io

2 - 23

name

of degel

m
D^CD

i?&D

l81-1

2268 ]
.

[7

m]
'2

2 92

35

2
.

flWin

'a i^ed
30 pr. n. 8

46
9
18

13

sum
7

haa 5

18
.

19

2 2 27

87

25".

-criaa

pr. n. 53.

uwn

'a

tbvv

6 18

|W03

pr. n.

14"-" 54

s - 13 - 15
.

INDEX
pDODUJ
pr. n.

299
pnn"
7 -"- 8 -
3
.
1

6 19 Ah. [33]38.4i.

nra 42".
imperat. 42

7i

15
.

nn

45-54-56.58[59-67]7i[74-77]20 26 23 apyi33 pr. n. 22

-

Ha. nn:n

28
.

imperat. 42'

nmnmD
Dnninmo Ah.

infin.

...

'a apyi33

i2 n

62, 1.

Ah. 123.
jnna? 8
1

122.

"nn33
jnn
fruna
'a

pr. n. 68,

10?
13
.

30
.

'mwa

14

no:: vnno~ ptcp. Ah. 167.

.

'a

jnna 14 12
'

^D3
2
.

H^t23 1st sing.

^nj-iDi
1

Ah. 169.

l!>n33 pr. n. 2 8(l0

24

1U3
.

'

Ah. 209.

no im1D30
infin.

fasnnaa

'3

'n^anna 28 14

perat.

Ah. 98.

n:
.

11 6 .
333 pr. n. [2
19

Ah. 192.
]

n^rv Ah.
watchfulness

r6o.

23

T1B30

Ah.

98.

D33 pr. n. 8 1 74 .
nA3
:

fmtMO
.

27

1 .

rmu

26 8

-wit

26*.

[M]n3 Ah. 108.

fD*3

.TJA3nD [Ah. 159].

JA3:

month-name 2i [5 5]8 [42 14 45

-

J.

|WA[r] 27".

?A3n[3]

27

1
.

D*33 pr. n. 8i 62 JD33 7

59

63 - 72 - 76 - 79 - 119 - 121 131

-

yA3

Ah. 165.166.
2s

13

14

20" 27 4 31 5 38*
pD33 30
15
14 16
.

JOA3

63

s
.

NnA3 26 9 22
-

82 6 Ah. 66.74.
N*D33 13
4

p3

pr. n.

72

18

Ah. [8]i8.

6- 8

18
-

20

B - 8 - 18

-113(3)? 42

11
.

34 35
ItTM 2 7
5 24
-

4
-

'P 33

i5
-

35

^033
H*D33
2.

tra 32

s
.

30

10

13 15

6
.

TnD33 I5
.

19 30
.

mena 30 9 31 8

nsnai

30

21

di;td33 p. 265,

K*T33 Ah. 139.

naro

% pr. n. 2 2

mn ma
107
.

.0*133

81 37

mar

hdhd
p;
:

ma nam 22 ma nan: 22
4
-

N103 Ah. 118.118.119.

3D3
s
:

(1,l9 >-

713D3 ist sing.

Ah. 112.

pa 45
2

45

"P"
-

nD3: nD3" Ah. 156. 211.

"PD3:

455.6.

^D3
I5
15
.

Ah. 119.

ttnau
pi3

62
:

xtisij 26 [1

2]8
.

1D3 33".
|V3y3
3fJ?3
-IJ?3

= pA'
37
14
-

TOP?
24
13

Ah. 9 2 [9 3].
.

IWlti
fa
BTI3

pr. n.

pr. n.

74

2
.

Ah. 79.
pi. n.
?
4

4 n-13 copper, bronze io' 14 I5

XD3

20 4

20
8 8
1

2 612.15.16 g
.

ll

3x

10

44 6 36

,3

nnaa Beh. 47*.

37

Npm
.

Ah. 186.

KH^m

P3DDS3

pr. n.

73

12
.

111

pS3 pr. n.

i6

6-7

30

78

31

6- 7

3
bt>::

INDEX
n^EO (3rd fem.) Ah. 184.186.
5
4
.

AIT3

JUMiT Ah. 200.

JUttOn"

Ah.

pS3 30 3i
1

npEJ (1st sing.)[Beh.

'33-

a],

nps: (3rd fem.) Ah. 135.

pB3fl

vyisatn
.

pr. n. 65, 15.

i39.i4o[i97].
fem.) 9 Ah. 124 (2nd
9

(3rd
12 .

J3J

'2

myatw
:

2 19

3".
.

sing.) 5

}{8>3
14
.

women

(WW 30 20 34 2
1B - 26

pe>3

npD:

Ah.

123.

pdjd^
109.
IpQjn 30

(our wives) 3o
|B>3

31
.

14
.

Ha. npsjn Ah.

(2nd sing.)
psjn- 13".
5

npD3n
16

2 2 spinster? 8 io

3i

15
.

pB>3

Ah. 222.

ptwrtn Ah. 103

psi" 13
1526.2s,

12
.

psonn
-

(note).

(3rd fem.)

15 ppsjn* 8

17
.

turner 17 3

pSJH imperat. Ah. 99.

(imperat. fem.) 8
7
1

pB3fl

Din: pr. n. 34 5
pr3

27
.

pSODN
28
.

pr. n. 12
'a

2 2 47
.

100 - 111

33

5
.

29

?
31 33
-

Pips:)
.

outgoings 83

wi

s3 pro 22

Nnpsj 24
rips:
M

nnpw
'B'Si

72

1
.

pro 'a

ir^a
53
2

'a

111 pro 22
.

73

7 - 14
.

pro

pr. n.

81 90

t S3 24 27

- 30

[Ah. 189].
6

Ah.

fro give.

r0J"0
12
.

(2nd sing
i
3 6

)
14

187.

*]{5>B3

7
18

Ah. i3o[i49]
73
7
.

11 1

69

}nr

10

13

153.

r\v2>:

13

mrnrB3

1311 1530

20

14

25

16

30 31 42
7
1
25

3l4)8 - ,n

27

18

30

13
.

43

6!ni
j-

46 9j 67, 16.
1

8o 9 Ah.

W13V3 8 1 2
*1X3?

172.
sing.)
28

jn'
7 - 12

8 1 64 .
[68, 10]

jron (2nd

[Ah. 142].

Ah. [68 j
.

TO3

inVJDN Beh. 60.

1
16 ].

fnVJD

127.129.

24 }nn (3rd sing.) 8 1 10

.

[7

prun (energ.) 8

rojron

3
-

i?M: Ha.

hun
10
.

8 18 18 3 .

hwnn
.

}ri3K
10

7 - 13

8 21 9 15 11 4 14 10 I5 34

36

(3rd fem.) 9

\-ohunn Ah. 8 1

[35

45

47
5
.

4 4 83 8 2 Ah. 61.66.

H3p3 I5
rr>p3

17 - 20
.

n33H3N 35

P3H3'
13713'
12

6 1 1 .

p31V

72

15 16
-

82 8
NOp3 [7
-

9
.

[2

26* [42 4 ].
66, 16.

JOP3 [7

10

].

].

foron

(2nd
.

plur.)

n3
IT"l3

86 pr. n. 2 2

102
.

rooron 25 s
1
.

oron 25 14
fro3
2
111131

pr. n. 12

38

pron 25

11
.

28'
6

NB>3: flNBO
sing.)

Ah. 95.

71W3
Nt^J'
1

(1st

33

13
.

16 }fl3D (infin.) 8

19

15

Ah. in. 112.

Ah.

50

14

64,18.
-

rorOD 9
9
17

90.[9o].

Ah. 121.
121.

NBOn (3rd fem.) nc imperat. Ah.

NE>3 [Ah. 122.123].

7 fro pr. n. 8

29

20 16 22 84.113.110
28 2
-

2 31

2 ill
5

2 K3
2

3 - 9 - 17 - 19,21

2-16 - 17-17

^^ 2

40 44

56 8i

9 - 31 70

INDEX
iTnin '3 jna 19 10 22 127
.

301
:

-iriD

mnD

(2nd sing.) [Ah. 175].

64, 20.

ytm

['3 jna]

29

1141
.

P*D
22
7
.

month-name

[Beh. 5 J.

[ri]nn 'a

rrymn
28 16
232.

['a jna]
.

D^STO '3 -\n"D 22".

19 J3DOD133 '3 1B>D3'D 6
.

mm*
rwyo
'33y '2

'a fna
'3

jnj

B>3y3*D pr. n. 17

7
.

n*T3 'a jro

|TU

12 6 .

f3D Ah. 100.104.

2 2 12 -" 8 [45].

io 20
8
32

i>3D:

bnDn
pr. n.

Ah. 147.
.

miV

'3 ?nj

20

13

17

15

37

18

3
.

"GO: 1"DD 27 s

nrw: nruna [15

s5

].

who
HKI^D

18 2

pr. n. 67, 3.

D ssfHtD? 8i 2
ns*D: }ND 63
s
.

3 - 134 - 136
.

niOD 1113 flK^D?

rv3p

35
1
.

s - 10
.

330: 33DD? Beh. 54.

?3D Beh. 63.
VufaEP Ah. 90.
204.

na

ma ntxho ma mbo 22
16

102 .

P^d 15

81"?

1&3DM Ah.
48.72.

^3DO Ah.
ptanD*
74.

HOD:

ptcp.

MDDD Ah.
35
s
.

[87J88.

bi3D^ [2].

rn[]D

pr. n.

Ah. 73.

^3D food Ah.

4
.

*VW

'3
:

*30D 49 1

h3D 43
ni3D 37
IAD:
7
.

T^D
(1st

Ah. 205.

10D

piDDD
'3

26 16
16
.

ntDDD 26 12

15
.

DJTnBDO 26
sing.)

m;D
3
-

Ah.

13.

noroy
12$>3K3D

lnoD 74 4
30
29
.

VTHAD Ah. to[24.65].

44

N1ADE

pr. n.

3nKrl3D (see also

1

'3B>)

Ah. 50.51.55.

HAD: nAD" Ah. 126.

?AD
2 35 c 47
-

N*3D Ah. 165. 165.166.

-

7
.

1S io 13 }H1 J3D 8
9 - 21
.

18
.

NDD Ah. 184.186.

DIIIDD
^>ayo
pr. n.
11 - 20
.

KHA3
PAD 26
10

JAD
.

26

8i 126 .

26

n3D
iriD

61 pr. n. 2 2

69
.

nyD:
7
1

\nyD Beh.

2. 5. 13.

19. 28. 41.

= "ine>?
(or
n.
pi.

xnnon

10
.

[43], p. 269, 3.

X1MD
pD

sr)
3
9

Ah. 88.
5
2-2

17

28

9" 13"
2 g2 2 c>2.2
6

2D (= 1SD) 13 12 fWBD: NJWSD 2 6 [ll3[417

.

22
.

I4

2.S.3.12

I5

!66.7
2-9

25
.

3.4

prvsD 26

9 22
-

30

45

56

p31D 33
s3
.

KloySD
"1SD

pr. n.

43

12
.

67,3.
DID
:

N^nno 24

writer

Ah.

1f7J18f20.27j.-55.
'"ISO

HD1D Ah. 38.

pDID Beh.

NISD Ah. i2.42[7o].

2
12.14 I

30-

^1.0.

302
1SD document
I0 23
jgs.11.21

INDEX
5
20
<.i4

6 22 S 16

23 - 26 - 86

9*

['Jnnay Ah. 103.

38*.
166.8

nay
-

[21*1

14

19 20 25 [1536] 20

T>ay (ptcp. pass.) 6'

28 1417 35< 42 4 43 13 59.

2
]

snao
25.27. 28

[27

20

3o

1518 30

3i"-2

69

ll(22J

qlO

{-15

^10 gl6.18.22.
j j

qH.IG
j
.

76

Beh. 6.52 (=nay).

.
11

pnny

o 8-12-13.1.20

16.16

|qC.9.12.17
-

11

30

20

nayn 16 9 [21 10 ] 26* 27*

38].

j^3ll37) x g2.
8 15

20 1G

2 6 23 28

28 15 43 [6hl

33" [Ah.
Ah. 127.
Ah.
21.

nayn* 73 7

45 [46 ]65,7,8, 18.66,8. 68,12.

nayno 32".

nTay work

21 s

naDO number [Ah.

p^3-|D 42
9
.

66].

snTay
208.
-

10
.

"jrway
17
j

'nTay [Ah.
5 - 17

DnD

Ah. 61.

NDHD

Ah. 63.69.

Dnnnny Ah.
Niay 28
2 9 7 - 9 - 10
.

ID-ID:

pDIDO

Ah. 114.
.

nay servant io 10 28 4

Ah. 84^96
4

TiD god-name [13 15 ] 14 5

DFID: lDnilD' [Ah. 157].

-pay 30 [31
1
.

38 54 66,9. 70
38].

nay

[Beh.
1
1

"1DD secret place Ah. 88.175.

^anay39'(her
s.)

5
.

Danay37
3
.

54

HMD pr. n. nnnD 35

68, 8. 67, 9.
8
.

may
pnnD
37
12
.

n.nnay
l!5)

4 - 7191

[26].
1

nnay I7
1
.

30

1 - 22

[32

p-innD? 6 1

33 68, 12 82
ae ('a)

Ah. 83.

nay 81"?
8i 3
.

nay 56
47].

Ah. 51.198 [Beh. 11.19.

may
innay

pr. n.
pr. n.

may
?

(2nd

sing.) 9

10

19

82 2

Ah. 87

vnay (2nd
6

fem.) 14

6
.

mar
Dna

('a)
('a)
.

innay 8i 22

23

may
265.
2ji2.2i

(1st sing.)

68,5? Ah.
P-

innay 81

43
.

[24]52[75]

Beh.
4
1

i6[ 3 6]49,
s - 17

14 pay 26

18 s-ay 26

nay

[27

3o

13 22 - 27

pay
42

Ah.

103.
#

p2yb

2 6- 22

geh

7.7.8.13.13

2.3.4[6.9.io]io.i7.

2o[28]29[32]33[4o]43.
(1st
pi.)

pay

nay:

nay Ah.

162.
?

nayn (2nd
s9

14

37

[Beh. 13.14].
41
7

sing.) Ah. 142

nay 26 22 [33 12 ]
Beh. 54.
3
1

Ah. 21.134
sing.)

may

corn 14 4 2o 6

12

24

umay
-

nayn (2nd
nay* 26 s
1
6
.

2 9(l2.13il7 q[9ll2 azS,

26

41

6
.

nayn
s - 10
.

ny preposition
I3
16

6 - 511

89

11

s --4
-

[jussive 2

].

pnayn 38

I4

15<-26-28

j6 2
3o-

9 - 10

2i s

nay: 37^.

nayn 26 3t9h0 27 16

24

s4

25

9 - 16

28 7 29 s

20 - 21

3i-"-ato

[Ah.

17] Beh. 2 .4[8]io[i3.28]

P26

35

5l8j

38

43

4l8)

50
?

76

8i 13 *?

3[4-47]
(imperat.)

z6 9,
22

7-

^y

Ah. 52.95.
49.64.

ny 30 27 Ah.
ny) 3
1

Ah. 52.68.127.

ny v

(=n

INDEX
*iy

33
pry Ah.
124.
7
.

tib
7
-

not yet

2 8 13 .

no longer
">y

py

5 7.2

3. 2 1 5.

*yy
169.

34

*W? 35
2 17

n
17

con68,
3.

Ah.

^y

Ah.

junction

io 11

34 38

\niry 41

D.Tj-y [Ah. 97].

.

69 71
59-

Ah. 78[86]90.i3o.

Beh.

pry
n^y

212 matter, purpose 26

9 pr. n. 12 .
-

ny.- iany Ah. 136.

5 by preposition 6

13 - 14

7
2 ^20

8 16

23 - 27 1 1 8 - ,

-my =

n:r6y 45 s
6
.

I4-3-6
s
.

Jgl9.23.29

2 66.18

& C> &C

-

my
ny:

15*"
njr

[xn]ny 82
[15
36
.

27

&C.

28

4 - 6- 8

qo

5 - 7 - 18 - 23 - 24 - 26 - 2 *-'-*

31

Ha. nnyn
rPTJffl

(1st

16.17.22

346 35 42

<

8.13

(,g1

8 J HI

sing.) 15

(1st sing.)

Ah. 97 &c.
64[i33].

pnx
B -illbv 6
-

^y Ah. 53.
6 - 8 - 16

Ah. 50. Ah. 146.

nynn (2nd
iny^ 30 6 31 6
28
13
s- 9

sing.)
.

28 s

10 - 11

38 62,
3

1.

71

30 .

Ah.202.

pnnn^y

py

17

26

3o

2 - 3 - 17 - 26

37

40

3
.

yby 42* 82" Ah. 51.

.

[3

8 2 ] 39' 401 [41 1 42 1 ] 56 1 57 9

by 26 21

pr ^y
1

2 3[9h3 3 414 .

Ah. 49.

NJny 3i

2f20i

Ah. 70.

pby Ah.

7.187.

nny: nnnyu Ah. 99.126.167.

[Ah. 133].

pnp ^y vbmby 26 w .
i7
3

mjl pr. n. 24 s7 TO 34 7 koh 'a nn:my

-

^y
4I
14
13
.

UI'

2.6

42

io.io

29" 35' A h.[24]25[3o] 5 7[65|

I5
5
3

2.9.9

1S

194.

I^y
30
26

6 516 io 13
7

18

15

i>ny

Ah. 216.

28

40
-

41

42

47

49 50

n^y Ah. 213.

nary pr.
"llty

5 64, 20. 72

6 - 50

Ah. [27]47-i03.
13 a^j? 8
-

n.

8 1 31

169.204.
14
6

15 - 17

I3

UU
54.

pr. n. 23*.

39

3
.

*mi>y 42

6;i4]

Ah.

ny:

mv

Ah. 99.100.143.
.

65.86[i38 Beh. 24].

wby
2

bw.

13 jna ^ry 26

wna

^ry

8 24 [44 6 ].

pb
D.n'by

6 2 28 3

13 - 14

26 20
npry

30
nnpry

J9

7 38 Ah. 36.

D3^y 38 s
s- 8

Ah. i9[2o.26]6o.
23

49
42

4
.

14

20

16

26

38
24

Ah. 3 [7].
n?y: niry 71
.

Beh. i7[45].

U\rvby 30

'"by
10

above

s- 9

5
10
-

nnry
63

pr.
912
.

n.

[1

2o 6

i2 - i3 - ]T

62,

1.

bvm
tiby

35

43

part 5

4- 6

6U 84
.

13

13

^
s

n^y

11
.

u PP er

25 65, 17.

bvtn 'a

nnry 22 129
s

above 5 511
3

abyb Ah. 114.

2 ,rl >82

nny god- name 72

nW>
55.11.

.20 r-10.13 2 3

<>5io-i

2548

N^y ny
it

-snny
-D^y

pr. n.

72".
7.

concerning

13

3.10

>^by Beh.

2 89

[ 43 ].

304
rnby sacrifice [27 15 J 3 o 21
-

INDEX
28

31

2127
.

s^y
n:y

811

xniby 3o

2B

25 1 .

ji"^

Ah. [19.54.59Jno.n8

^y:
)by

by 15

515

30".

n^y (2nd
8

[166].
118].
14.45.

my

(3rd fem.) [Ah.

(1st sing.)

sing.) [7*].

rbv
1 8

(1st sing.) 7

my
njj;
?

Ah.

16 6 3c 9 3

34*.

Hanphel
.

Ah. 210.
.

uy

ni>mn (1st
[Ah. 84].
i^yjiT

7 -- 27

sing.) i5-

by:n

byy?
.

Ah. 206.
9

42

12

l^yjnn [21

].

Ah. [58.67]i2i. ^y 71 s2 rmy Ah. 105. my [Ah. 189]. Ah. 1 1 8. 1 1 8. 1 1 9. Nt:y wy 33 10

D^y (ly) 8
25
9 -!

9 - 11

13

16

14

15

20 910

^ndd
io:n '2

'3

Dnnnjy 73 s
53
s
.

28 7

43

4[al
.

pbyb ny
30

nunmy?
'a
pr. n. 74*.
n.

[Ah. 95}
Q'by 17
7

^dnbd
s

"'snmy 73*.

38

77

83

Ah. [61]. 83.

ncroy
*Jjy

NO^y
2

73 Ah. 63[68].
'-D^y

HD^y

pr.
19

io 20

2 2 12

44 - 46l68)128

26 2
(cl

'

[42

].

=
78
1
.

V3^>y Beh. 7.

30

3 lis 38
?).

4 - 10 - 11

45

66, 8

WD^y
?^y

28 13 4i.
r\:by

wbv

38*.

6i 10

is

1.

nnDN

'2

[^jjy 22".

y^y-. *yby

Ah. 106.
i
1

myo
q
6

'2

^jy 22 70
20

Dy

preposition

26*

27*

rVJjy pr. n. 6

32

20

13

17

15

37

18 3

30
71
1

B.8.8.11.16

,10.14

3 g4 4 63 68, IO.

61".

23

Ah. [40J49f72.77J104.139.
1
1

Dota

'a

tbvm

'2 rrojy

2 o2

9 - 16 - 19
.

40. 42. 43. 45. 60 [164 J 166 Beh. [12J19f27.27.30.31. 45. 46].
1 1

njy see (n:y)s.

iwrvaroy god-name
Ti:y pr. n. 22
VPTtiV
108
.

2 2 12B .

"Dy Beh. [25]26.59[6o Ah. 9J.

ivy 42* Ah. 129.173.

68, 2.

130J?

s god-name 44

ny 8" Ah. 37.39.

[Beh.
34.35.

nzy:

r\?>yn
.

Ah. 140.
jpy

40.56.164.197.
47J.
r\r>ybn

5 py 20

Ah. 104.125.

wpy
- 14
-

Ah. 107.154.

26

18
.

^y
ii.

2 6 10

12

17 - 20

161.

jnpy? 3011 3

Dy people: NDEy Ah. 94.162. toy:

HHB>OB> '3 ]2py II 12

10 inJ3py pr. n. 54
.

1DV
9

Ah. 160.
8
.

soiiEy 30 3 1

v\py.

PjpJT

11 8

35

J.

^oy: ntay (2nd

40
2
.

sing.)

40

2
.

t&vy

smpy

Ah. 85.

my
pr. n. 22
7 10
-

mix:

myo
:

25.

mya?
8 7 9 3.

Ah.

moy

105
.

184.

ioy is

cf.

nop.

my

west

'b

my

my^

INDEX
6*8*66,15.
25
T
.

35
2 78 74 .
-

w& 3iyo

6 9 13 15
8
.

^013 pr. n. 12 7 2
"tna

Ntr&e>

myD
115
.

sunset 21

[Ah. 84].

Uiy Arab Ah.

pny

208.

nriQ pr. n.

40 [4 1
:

].

tS>2H9 pr. n.? 8i

nna govemour

-prv
.

nns 3o

[3i

].

io 9 -".n 42 s 68>

ia

pnoc nna 30 29
18.38].

anna [Beh.

rrny Ah. 204.

nny my:
p-iy

Ah. 118.

yioona 26 12
269, 3.
Cf. piy.

n]nv^

p.

Tia pr. n. i4 2

12

ui 51* 8i

[Beh. 46].

n npiyb Beh.

a^na

pr. n. 70'. pr. n.

[2]4[8]io. 3 i. 3 8.4o[46].

DJna

23

s
.

my

imperat.

niy
-

(fem.) 8".

ni3T '2
19

D:na 23".
5
1

W:
'~)t>y

pBfltt

i6 8

9
.

xpvy [27
15

].

DJna month-name

14

29

35*

8 14

20

15

25

26
-

10 - 10 - 11 - 16 - 17 - 17

5
H

2
-

8".

NniK'P 6 15 8 14
-

21

15

10

[46

].

ana

pr. n.

74
24

pB'y 6 14 26 11
ntj>y

13 - 16 - 16
.

"Hna
nt^yris
.

pr. n.

18

Ah. 25.68.
22

30

23

^DNDB

pr. n.

73

4-9

74

s- 6

83'.

[3 1

].

xntry 8 5 9 s

|n3133 '2

'DND3 14 11
28 4
.
-

ny iny

see (ny)a.
:

n^DlDB

pr. n.

6 - 8 - 10 - 11 - 17
.

imperat.
16
.

"my 9

5
.

Diinoa
.

17 pr. n. 6

o:nt:a 73 15
s
.

PTiy 8

pny 13

12

xp>ny

nin
.

'2

DJnua 23

13
"iny
:

s
.

Da

'2 B-ina-irvja
1
.

73

11
.

nny (my riches) Ah. NTny Ah. 207.

'2

207.

^ana 'a *db 74

pn3

'a "D^aa
[

53

12

P-itu:

mcnny
.

27

16
.

P'ds DEUa
-

2]t

]-

pr. n.

24

1
.

63

2- 3- 5

= ja

813

62

&c.
?

sinnaJDa

pr. n. 692.

"JKQ

month-name [20 1 ].
s
.

'JlNa

JnJBS

pr. n.

24

s5
.

76
'QNQ
72

nrwoa

pr. n. 66, i. 83"*.

month-name
1 "3
.

21

37

15

43

imw
.
.

'a

'deb 24 5

3D3

pr. n. 65, ii.

yaa Ah. 118.

DnyAS

(their

*B pr. n.

83".

meeting) Ah. 89. 1A3: n-lAQ 71 s1 Ah. 63[63].

riH3 pr. n. 43 12
B013
.

*na '2 N^a

h
9

9 - 12 - 14
.

D*B? JO'S 37

2 pr. n.? 40 [42*].

X1W3
I ii-i2ii6).

pi. n.
?

[Beh. 31].
64, 26.

("13) pr. n. 7

D133

pr. n.

MM

3 6
;6q
divide:
f;6a
(ist
pi.)
i
-

INDEX
28 s
2 3
.

y^x
TOP
1DB

'a nfy\3&

63
15

15
.

;6b3 28".
7
1

;6b half
.

9"
12
.

'a rl'bua
pr. n.

38
.

33

s 88 79 8 1

na^B 9"
1
.

37" 83".

rvbto

44

a - 8[l01

74

JA^Q division
div.) 28".

^a '3 1DB 53*.

*3iO '3 1DB 53 10
.

28".

pxbs (our

bl^B pr. n. 34 s .

noa
.

HvvB
jwnn

pr. n.

22 16

NnDa [21 5 ]. [2 ]. 10 boa: n^oa 30 nbDD

1
. .

31

'a

rvhba 22 80

rWDDDB
nr6s
(ist

tl)2 pr. n. 2 6

7
.

rbs: rbzvb Ah. 17.

sing.)

na

'3 l&ftODB
9
.

74

2
.

[Ah. 15].

DBya 42
-iy-iya

neba
1&ba
"tibs

pr. n.
pr. n.

82 10
13
15
.

26".
2 pr. n. [2 ]

n^iyoaa
pB 15
1
-

13

6 10 8 7

pr. n.

40

1
.

16
.

Bn '3 oba

2 2 89

[40

5 ].

*7pB: npe*

Ah. 192.

TpB

37

na*n 'a ^Dba 22".

Ah. 103.

7 Hophal? npBH 20

?fn
iTO^B

'a *eba
pr. n.

23
10 22

7
.

JHpB [20
nnap-ipa
?

].

pr. n. 75*.

vnx

'a rvvbs 5 15

una 42
.

s
.

irbba pr. n. 8 30 9 17
pri3

ST-IB pr. n. [Beh. 18].

'a rrbba

22 111

mna

pr. n.

[Beh. 12-14].

Da Ah. 99.i23.i56[i57]i78. by DB 2 18 11rl DS3 5 15 6 17 8 28

9
16

brie 10 10 14 4 20 5 26 12 .

Dana 15 16

I0

!l

I3

17

I4

12
["

I5 37j j84

16

W1330TB 26 4 8
-

1B s [6hl 15 25" 28 43 [45 46 ].

^a

^nona month-name

35*.

Ah. 155.

-JOB

Ah. 97-99.

pa

Ah. 112.
pr. n. 5
1
11
.

HDB Ah.
.
.

114.
.

pDB [Ah. 100].

2 21
.

tJ3"lB

nja 'a jeb 74 s

D3*1B pr. n. 5
-

1 9.

PinnjEB

month-name
'a

121

35 50

3
.

DIB

85 pr. n. 8 1 .

WSTW
HOB

NDEB 73 13
44
rs]7
.

D"I3 share

45
.

s
.

'DIB

11 s .

"DOB pr. n.
pr. n.

}D13 2
2
.

16

72* 74
.

DIB Persia 26 21 Beh. 22[24J24.26

[

avyj 'a

n^D

'a

na 74 2 nca 2 2 69
arcn
'a

735]3 6

'Dna Beh.

7.22.

25f38.61.62. 62].
23].

N^DID [Beh.
r

*dib 'a

N[bu]a 22.

n>bl3B pr. n. 13 13 i8 6 22 110 25 19 .

yna: jnaa? 17 6

INDEX
pa
:

310 /
42.
.

pna
bhbd

[Ah. 84].
17
3
.

yav dyed 15 8

Bns>:

nt^ne Ah.
27
10
.

yav finger 26 20

1C ;yav 26

181 -.

208.

jama
14
3
.

P1V:

'jp-JV

Ah. 140.
fipn^
io> 9
7
1
.

piVN 8"
npnv
.

ma: maa

Ah. 139.
Beh. 16.
.

inna Parthia.

30"
44
6 3

5
.

Nnpnv

28

pny

pama
pBTYTK

13 pr. n. 51

Ah.

[43]i26.i28.i67[i6 9 ]

'a

pama
n.
.

17

[7

].

173.

"inna pr.

Beh. 53.

pnv

2 8 pr. n. 5 6

fi

6 4 "prna 20 27* 30
4 4 *]WQ 8 9

xanma
10 ptra 26
-

31

6
.

TOt:

mm
?n

Ah. 188.
37
14
.

26 19
-

15 - 15 - 15 -

W:

18-20 c>6 2

7Q

24 .
14
.

ms: jnwr 3o ib 2
-

[31"].

-i^a:

n^sn 63
8i 103

nix:
-

wi
pr.
14

[Ah. 57].

ma

pr. n.

106 113 - 114

.

Nnv
37

n.

[15

18 4 2C 3
[9 i

20

24

32Jl

mna? tmna
nna

68,3.

38

4 - 6ll2)

4ii

67, 17.

76*-*

83".

92.22.55.30^

to

open:
s
.

nTlB [Ah.

162?].

nraa 'a Nrrc 72 4

jrvna 25

nnao^ 5

14
.

nnao
.

nna
.
.

Ah.

14.178.

110 jnna 81

xnv 40 [41 9 ]. iax 'a xnx 24 s

'a
2
.

nna god-name

2
:

pr. n.

72
- 20
.

11
.

pS

pi. n.

72

2 - 10 - 17
.

W* Sidonian.

ma

8 4 79 2

~4
.

wna
s
.

26 18

Ah. 208.

mama
ni*vna

37

s
.

KDia^na 37"

TV: annnt 30 10
ht 37 10
-

jDnama 37
pr. n.

69

10
.

a^y
s9

na^v

(1st sing.) [Beh. 35].

r,nB 24".
do.ioi

xana 24

43

,[7l8

n^f: n>D Ah. 125.

^f:
.

Pa.
1S
-

n^3 30 26
.

25

[31

].

|^SO

^ana

102 pr. n. 81

3
"1B3V

Ah. 98.

NnB3V Ah. 91.199.

13X? 54

13
-

nyx: jijw Ah. 168.

-

25 <av: n^ax (3rd fem.) is

29
,

n-av

|JW 8

(2nd sing.) 4

28 7
.

12
.

n<as
tint

pyx:

47 - 48

52".

2 (1st sing.) 18

38
13

6
.

N^BV
n^BV
jax:

93 pr. n. 2 2 .

pavn
na*

(2nd
(ptcp.)

16
.

sing,

energ.)

10 pr. n. 2 2 .

Ah. 149.
.

Ha.

*awn

[Ah. 71].
}B5fnn

iroasn
)

ota

ma

wav 34 4

Ah. 49.
Beh. 57 [58J.

(2nd sing
x

n^

[Ah. 3.7.19.20.26.60].

}o8

INDEX
32 20 9 pr. n. 8 13

ms*
.

[52

]-

15

22
.

Dipn (2nd sing.) 42

7 - 13

*ao 'a pmby i".

.

Ah. 10 1.

Dpn i5
s
.

lfi

37

10
.

lop

-1QV pr. n. 24.

-

(imperat.) 38 59-

fop (ptcp.) Beh.

-

12 |W? pf 55

W3p^ 53
10
.

15 pop* 6 1

Pa.

spy: fp:3K 38
15

s
.

*pv sps

lo^o

Ha.D-pnAh.^. wpr\
no*pn (2nd
sing.)

[2

28 11 [42 s ].

Ah. 173.

64, 19? Ah. 44.

ncpn

(1st

3P= 45

8
.

sing.)
5 (1st sing.) 6

Ah.

23.

nno*pr

^3p complain: T\blp

[Ah. 9 J.

bp*

8 13

biptt
.

io 12

47

Nnmp
])p

26 11

p^

6 16 io 18

pr. n.

22 117 67, 4?

3 blp Pa. receive 37

3
.

pnv

'2

mip
.

a.8.u.Ui.so

6 8.

blp preposition i5
7 17 blpb 8 26
-

3B
.

UTV2p 38 30
25

s
,

KDp 42 s

23

27

10

3T

24

32

.10

^Dp Beh. 9[32.47].

sing.) Beh. i3[i 4.59].

nbtop (1st

7 9 4 3 8 43 82 Ah. [2 4 ]52.68[7 5 ].

'jrtap

op:

n-npi> 7

31
.

Ah. 51.

nn^OP Ah. 49[76].

1

bip: nbip? Ah. 134.

ni?Dp (2nd sing.) 7

-

13
.

nni'DP
. .

Ulp before
5.8

2 tul12
2- 3

14

6 5 8 24 io 13

18

16 [3]3
5- 9

)bup Beh. [i] 3 3 5 [6.

20 25
4

30

2 - 27

3i 32
2-7

3- 5

37

38

11. 20. 21. 29] 29. 33.

40 [4 1. 4 1.
sing.)

42

[2h2

[45

]47

54

14

[66, 1]

6-15.16.1 Y2

Ah.[9]lO.I3.[l5.23]

43]4448. Ah. 52.

[Ah. 35 J.

*^Dpn (2nd
6

*n^>Bpn (2nd sing.)

bt2p"

50-73[93]Mi[i49] 2 0330.

Be h
25

[Ah. 29].

TOIp Ah. [i5J203.

\TiO"7p
.

vi&apa

Ah.
16
.

6 1 [68].

I^DP
48].

Ah. 50.107.

fnp(?=pip)30

30

17

31

I^opo^ [Ah.

Dircnp Ah. 141.

noip 30 17
"jncnp Ah.
s
.

bup (imperat.) Beh. [8] 1 8.

Ah. 71.
bllpW

b*UP

38

10

Ah. 2[io3].
9 8 37 Ah. 46.

N^op
Ah.

Beh. 35[47].
bl2p

101 Beh. 54.

Qnninp
s
.

71

62[69].

Pip
32
s - 10
.

33

]mpb

death Ah. 46.

>ibp 72
2 - 3 - 8 - 10 - 13 - 15 - 17 - 19
.

pip

}D 32

pipbv

pa^p

[Ah. 133].
s Dnp verb: DIpTV 82
.

72

s - 5 - 14
.

bbp: bp' Ah. 141.

112.
- 13
.

b*bp

Ah. 38.

BHp

JBHp Ah. 95.

blp: rbp Ah. 107.

bbp 72
4].

3 - 4 - 6 - 7 - 9 - 11

)b)bp

72

s - 18
.

Dip: Dp

2 2 120

[Ah.

Dip*

i5

26 - 29

11 Dvbp 26

s 42 46 Ah. 107.

Dlpn (3rdfem.)

ls srop? 82

INDEX
5 3 s nop 20 36 42

39
nvp
8s
.

cf.

-icy.

^'p: ntrpS* Ah. 140.

adj.

IP

33

10
-

Ah. Ah. 84.

mp* Ah. 218.
1

101.
"]T\&p

N^'P 6"
1

njp 30

16

ncp

Ah.

26.1 28.

nntpp

TDptV Ah. 196.

n:pn Ah.
4
.

Ah. 159? 191

219.

pjp

14

*Mp 15

s5
.

nwp
N"3p

i5"-22-3o 4 6i.

=
76

xnyan
1

6 15 8 I4

;i

15

i5"-"-
68, 5.

pr. n. pr. n.

63".
i 2
.

20

2 4 7.10.28
?

25"

[46']

mp

8i
1

2-3

&c.

-IflDp?

69

10
.

|DN"I? 8

110 .

XDP Ah. 117.

IVp: P^JTWp 66,9.

C'NI beginning 6 1
KBTI
.

principal

5
.

io

6- 6
.

head nt?ta 15

28 .

mn.T
xnp
:

'a

nvp
4

n
.

13

ttffmn Beh. [26J38.

82
4

Wl
[Ah.
72
16

nvp 293 27* 35

s
.

nnp

(2nd
10
.

sing.) [7

].

nnp
7ho1

3"l

noun

11

[2

Ah.

60 Beh. 45.

(1st sing.) 7

Nipx

7
-

KIT)? Ah. 120.

31
30
1

adj.
s

ptnp* Ah. 117.

4 tape 28

6
.

145].

Nm
.

42
.

63

13

w~\pv

8 1 32
(imperat.)

33

aip

31p

Ah.

194.

pian 3 ^nan 30 7
-

yn
.

[2"]
i3

N^nai
14

2~ip

(ptcp. ?)

Ah. no.

Pa.
10.

16 7 20 5 25 2

3s 54
2.

inanp Ah.
2-)p>

50.

nnnnp Ah.
pa-ip*

nan verb Ah.

Nan Ah.
nan
ptcp.

18.
1 1
;

3o

28

31".

30

25

naY

io 4

11 2.5
? JV3-1

32

s
.

KBTpn (2nd
anpa 3i
5
9

sing.) [Ah.

Pa. 8 1

47 - 48

(1st sing.)

Ah.
8J.

25
-

54].

a*ip

[23325.

nivai
sing.)

[Ah.
[Ah.

relative
id.
i 5

6 13
.

13

20 10

43

s
.

JV31
n3*r
sing.)
N'3"l

(2nd Ah.

44].

mp

13

10

31p

battle

114.

ann
>a~lJ
s
.

(2nd
8
1

Beh. 2 4[6.9]io[i3] 20 [28.32.

4o] 43 [47].

[Ah. 137].

70 .
7
.

K3Tp Beh.

2 9] [

interest? 42

"OIE

10 [10. 13. 14. 19. 28] 29 [32] 33

[40.47].

nmo
II 8
K*3*1
-

II 3

5
.

N7V31E

IO- c

ND3"ip adv.? Beh.

cf.

67,10?
9

nn^lO

10 *.s.n.n.u-u.^

56.59 Ah. [41.45.48]

75^.

65,1.

nip happen? 71". 9 nnp 5 13 10 20" 46.

VP^P [75
3fc'p:
13K>P
:

Ah. 38.4i[46]54.56.58.59[67. '31 80 s Ah. 33. 71.74].

[Ah. 65].
7

]-

Wl
nanan?
AA~i:
3
.

la^'pn [Ah. 57].

75'-

Ha. UB>pn 4

Ann

(2nd

sing.)

Ah. 136.

;$io

INDEX
:

>An

tal Ah.
nbx-\

206.

1^1
Titan 30"

Ah.

231:

33~1K

[Ah. 204J ptcp. 331

pblD '331 Beh. 30

123.

[Ah. 196].

DnSai
3
1
15

Ah. 38.
[45]-

Ah. 122.
Ah. 80.
J'A-i:

T331 Ah.
Ah. 128. Ah. 126.

205.

Ha.

atari? Beh. i[4.io].

33-in Ah. 191.

sing.)

naann (2nd
331HD (2nd

BWV

Ah.

29.
.

HI

nm
mnn
pr. n.

4 (1st sing.) 16

sing.)
T3*l

nn:

(3rd fem.) Ah. 189.

Ah. 100.105.
.

nn
in

Ah. 168.
1 s.

nD*3i? 8 1 29

^3n: N^3-| 38 4
(or

ltall?

Beh.

inuN

'n

ban

bn)

20
.

55-

on: on' Ah.

*3 8
-

150.

onrvPAh.

PI
VOI

[Ah.

94
34
s
.

D1 Ah. 142^49]

pr. n.

150?

NJ-| Ah. i65.i65[i66].

y-|
:

in
xni

[Ah. 141].
pi. n.

njn Ah. 222.

33 21 pr. n. 8 9
.

py-i

Ah. 113.

Beh. 27*.
i

my-|

bam
:

pr. n. 8

ms
1
.

'3 '3

myn

2 2 ns .
.

am ^om

Ah. 5

ne-m Ah.

1 1

nn3T

rmyi 23 10
.

Tin-i 8 1 *-" [138].

jncm

25

s
.

'in 7q
N*y-|

6 - 13 - 13 - 15 - 17

Drrv Ah. 153 [157].

[33
3
1
2

pn-i^
2

pr. n.

34

3
.

IPI"
2
.

friendship 30
2

na ni3 nti
b^yi
NS1:
pr. n.

22 s6
39
.

3s

jonnn 18

25

11 - 14
.

15

Tn*1
176.

friends 3 o 24 31 23

Ah. [141]

ptcp. rlKSI Ah. 100.

}1DT

DTn

Ah. 115.

ncm
53.223.
gift

Ah. 154.

Ah. 92.

pom Ah.

ypi

14 fypi 26

20 anyp-i 26

cma
9
7

Ah. 107.
3
-.

ncm

pp^: JP1T Ah. 133.

148].

-jipT [Ah.

43

nnm

love of her

Ah. 91.

KBH
5" CIS 154,
7 - 16

see B>N"1.
.

yiom?
pnn
:

pr. n.

7.

en 8 24
6

nam
sing.)
[

25

12

n&n

nprn
U
-

(istsing.) i3

14

2 54
12

(1st

35 ].

vnvn
irvtm
[453].

43

8J

67> 5-

(2nd sing.) [42

i6
13 5 6 9
-

].
s
.

35".

PTI1 stranger

13

13

10

43

D3rW1
20 2o 4
13
-

(1st sing.)

25
.

12
.

ptn
D3rt5n

removed 6 15 14 11 20 15 41 7 [Ah.
194?]

16
.

9 l^EH 28

jpTn
6
22

20 9
8
2S - 25

28U.
14
14

7
.

nBH"

8 26

*aam 8 12
D3t?"V

DniD renunciation
5
20

43te.6]io >
13
.

25

15
.

[43

ls

66,i 4 ].

13BHK 9

*33KHK 8

20

43

4[9]
.

IND
S

3 11

])W\

20 n
13
.

13

14

25

14
.

p2V 69 12
25'

Ah. 90.

p2V

(imperat.)
sing.)

2o 11

nena
44
.

28 9

Ah. 171.
Ah. 176.

np3C (2nd

ptcp. ntjn
nVkT>

5
.

ncnob 28 s

-\r\p2V (istsing.)
Ip365>
s
.

26 17

Ah. 175.
jyjjn Ah.
Wip2*J>

Ah. 162.
1
.

yen: xy'cn Ah. 171.

168.

69

fp3C 27

P3C'
11
.

54

15
-

p3L"n (2nd sing.) 42

xm
B>

Ah. 177.

Jp3t2>X

Ah. 82.

[ip3B*

54

6
.

\>2wJ? Ah. 193.

6

fpat? (picp.)

[2

].
3

=
50
9

!?p{5>
-

II 2

2 2 ri12

&C.

13

[27

30

23

3
s

23
.

35

6i 13

15

632?

69

D
[1 ' 2

78

TOP

pr. n.

58

8i 18

31

&c.
24
1

ration
&c.

24

&c.

un (nna) top

8i 24

25
.

J"W

n^n (rna) top 81

r6xt> Ah. 11.

127
.

Ah. 77.
.

ww

n^Nt?? 47 5
3

pass.)

r&*M0 (istsing. 16 [45 ]. Dr6w 20 s

s
.

(ms) TOP 8 X*T33 '2 TOP 2 nroy ma dtop 81

1

9
.

21

3
.

bw 30

31
1

[38
i3
2

40 [Ah. 119].
2

XAP:

Ha. XAPnn (2nd

sing.)

Ah.

iW
16 9
.

[17

37

39 41

56

1
.

137.

rVAPil [Ah. 9 J.

UP
2 2

'Ml^NtJ" 65, 8.

^X5? imperat.
6

41 41

1
.

XUP
421 [54
11

[17
]

27

19

30 [38

K^KB>
7
1
15
.

n>NB> 76

4
.

Ah.

29

.5i[ 5 8J74.

^Xtf Sheol
>3Kt5>
,

(=N3B>?) Ah. 174.

io6[i65] Beh. 60. JllOAP? Ah. 87.

[ii]5o.ii6.

KXP 54 s

JKUP Ah.

3X55'
:

Ah. 206.210?
8x61-63.
9
.

Beh. 51.
9
.

1X2'

77.106.118. 131. 132

#

"\Xn&*
11

11

rvw
9
.

18

[27

30

10

[31

].

-pP: "pPiTD 37 yjp Ah. 165.

nnnpx
s
.

3s
- 34

4
.

H3B>: D*3E> 15
D2B>
2ti>

inp verb: VJHP 82

1
.

month-name 28
capture
1
:

Trip

noun 5 16 - 19
j 219.19

6 17

~ 21

8 29

17 - 22

]V3K>

(2nd

sing.)
14
.

io 21

!g39

j 34.5.5.3

2o 17

18

14
.

K'at? captives 71

2816.16.16

43

[12.12)12

4 6fl2-14]l4 65, ZI
1

nta

'a

mn ma
filled
:

rp3e* 22 s5

Ah. 140.
sing.)
828 pie
4

KmP
28'
5

2 19

3" 5

15

y3B> be

ny3K>

(2nd

IQ 21 XI 11.16 t3 17 I4 12
17

j gS7

Ah.
189.
y2>

127.129.

jane* Ah.

18

25

43

11

46

12

49

5
.

[JTlP Ah. 168.

:

seven

fy3B>
6- 8

seventy

26 11

15
.

NIP

pr. n.
r

40

1
.

r\v2V [2i

].

nna? a nip 23 15
82
2
.

innsy

'a ns?3B>

HIP to be equal to

Pitt?

(ptcp.)

3 12
,^.9.11.11.18,

INDEX
n )p
2
.

l2
#

sing.) 13
38*:

Ah. 76. jnapn

4
5
.

inapn
napn*
sing.) sing.)

15".

piJHW 28
is
18
.

^P bed?
pip 82*?
13".

[Ah. 85].
12 - 14
.

Np*P 5

xpv

Ah. 34.
I0 9.io.n

PDPnn (2nd napn (2nd

pnapn^ 38
7
.

jinapn
2 7 2 -".

mp
na
3TP
:

27
'a

s
.

N11P
2
20

2 7 9.

37

10

[Ah. 66].
ri14
-

nanPN

nw

[3**].

lnanps 34

T3fP Ah. 46
54
s
.

WW
DnP3 15
10

38

nap

[2

].

roam
-inp 37 4 .

nbp [Ah.
ni^P
ptcp.

22].

pr. n.

39

lW

DnP: Niphal?
p<np 42
10
.

DI^P

pr. n. 238

25

18

[35

63

10
.

nmin
73
1S
.

'a
'a 'a

di^p 44

1
.

want?

pr. n.

nnar
.

d^p
i

22 s6.
.

dup

'a

want? 73 10
s

nmo
DOI^P

di^p 22 20
2

nnp: pnnp* Ah.

JBDP 42 document nt3P
.

155.

pr. n.

20 2

17 - 19

46

11
.

[rrojin 'a
g
15.16.17.19.20.22-26,

de^p
i

46
10

18
.

nnry

'a

ddi^p

2o 6
.

12 - 13
.

SHOP
nOP
a^p:
25M.M.

81

14
.

n^p
|

'a

u&bw
1

46
31

2t8]

side 5 5

10P

except

n^P [26
38.

30

40

64,20 Beh.
sing.) 41
s

nn^P (2nd
(ist sing.)

5
.

ap Ah.

6.17

N3P Ah.

nn^P

16

[26

54

[26]35-

Beh. [7. 15. 18] 25.26.

in^P
18 29 29
-

raw

pr. n.

45

2
.

2 6

30

19

54

15
.

fn^p 3 o
f^ffH
[ 49 4j

CP: nDP
sing.)

(2nd

sing.)

Ah. 94

(1st

3I 17.28,

Ah. 62.
4i
-

Beh. 35.

i:o^

30

^:^^p

Ah. 201.
(imperat.)

rbmt
38
10

[3 1

].

130.

D^Pn (2nd sing.) Ah. J^P Ah. 115. WP>?

1

n^P

42

10 10
.

n^p

(ptcp.)
21
3

38
s
.

s
.

jn^p 17
n^np"
1

3
.

69 B.
dj?d

tW
2

ptcp.

38

10
.

n^p
Pa.

26
24
.

26 421
98.

cp

6 22

23 - 25

nra^p Ah.

[27"] 30
inf.

nn^PD Ah.

95.

DH6W
.

27

21

Ah. 80.

nrW>?
67,2.

49

s
-

Ha.
.

wyi& amount 38 10 D*P noun 26 10 19

-

nrfcpn?

n^pnn?4o 4
2 16
-

D^P:
10 ].

t^P

17

19

(ptcp.)

[3

].
.

nn^

18

[27

30

11

[31
14

tyfpp gu.
.

8 11 9 6
.

11

io 16 28 6 46 7

nap: Ha. napn 3o

(2nd sing.) 42
7- 8

3i

13

nnapn
(ist

ntt^p 8 9 9 9 15 18
io 8
.

JD^P

7 1(U:!
-

nnapn

INDEX
\b& Ah. 130. D^C: Pa. pay rxbv
i7
2

^3
7 2 2 2 '- 28 pr. n. [2 4 ].

niDC
(1st sing.)

^n
ota

'2

yicc \2\

29 [35

82 s

*\T\tbw

'3

viae 22 41
95.

I07.ii.w.

10

I0

ifi,

p^
iiS-b.io.

pDC Ah.
1

Kn3C
4

15

[2 7

30
1

2 -"-

42

2
.

D^BTI (2nd sing.) [Ah.

31

"

32

38

l2l3 -

40

[Ah.

131].
|O^B>K
[29*].

VHO^CK
35
5

116J.

64, 27?

D/CN
in
.

yoc

7i

1(1

nycc (2nd

sing.)

p^c

io

rvcbvh

[Ah. 98].

nycc
[Ah. 21.76].

(1st sing.)

13

5
:

greet? [Ah. 110].

D^PO

40 4 1

2-2

lyoc
Ah. 93.
132].
(ptcp.)

ir.

nniobcD Ah. 131.

[lh - 1
[l)8
1

[Beh. 8.39].

ycc
sing.)

D^
57

welfare 17 1 21 2 30 1 34' 37 [lj2

291-s

yecn

(2nd

[Ah.

3 82

4o
41

4i

42
1.
1

54

10

*jjyDC3 Ah. 59.

ycc

1-1-8

65,

66, 9. 67,

68, 1,8.

Ah. 29.
53.

yEC

(imperat.) Beh.

69

C
1
-

[70

77

Ah.
1
-

10.120.
*3K)bw

iyB* (imperat.)

Ah. 59.
1

l^tT 4i
39

2- 3 - 5 - 7

56 58
4
-

yonc Ah.

70.

ycnc

18 s

KJtD^ 57
-

jron^ [Ah.
-

62].
-

D^C

20 4 pr. n. 13 i9

2 2 41

85 - 88 - 97 - 116
.

WW
vin 'a

8 pr. n. 8i

17 - 19[20]

rrwin
ron
;nj '2

'3

tbv

19
.

15 pyc 81

cbw

2 2 39 .

rpyroc
16
.

pr.

13

19

19

22 26. IIS

'a

tbw 28

24
29

52
'3

12
.

rPE^>C pr. n.
31B* '2

30

28
.

ycin

rvycc 5".
s
.

TPtb&

2 2 24 .
1
-

un
D^C

'n

rryroc 33

b&X

'2

DD^C 49
n. ?

fMT
DC3
43
4[6 - 9)l0

'3

.TyEC

8 31 9 19

\*Sxbw pr.

1 2.

'3 iTytDC

DC Ah.
13 i4
<10C
9

19

6
.

85.85.138.138.
8,9

8 12

[2o

12

25

12 - 13

"IOC:

1nCK

47

4
.

(imperat.)

Ah.

97.

01.
n. pi.

Ah. 170.
i Q&

"lnc? Ah.
30
29
.

>C3 6 14 8 16
Ah. 141.
"]DC3

125.

P"1C

2512.13.

30

26

31".

HDC

4 - 5 - 9 - 13

33

-5

CC
21 8

68

8 6 13 15 25 6

67, 13?

Ah.

66,1.

Ah.i.5[8]i8.

Beh.2[ 4 ]7.

92. 93. 108. 138. 171.

.

KCCC

I2.l7[l8.l8]22.25.27*.[ 3 I. 3 5.
38.61].

pC3
2-4

30
1.

29

3i

28
.

nnoc
tsnnriDP

f3^3 '3

nACOC
pr. n.

24'
(4 ' 8
.

4
.

22 1

34

66,

l^CDC
'"nX'OC

26

[66, 1] Ah. 116.

pr. n.

1 1

12 -

BW3

'3

IDC 26 821

'nDC

pr. n. 8i'.

.','4

INDEX
nNJB>
(ist
sing.)
8
.

XIV.

is

23 27
-

ystT:

fy^DP [Ah. 74].

-px;cn (3rd fem.) 9

(ptcp.) [Ah. 176].

*mbp

TX>:
8
pB>
1

TQ^
33

Ah. 108 [159].

HTS'J'

ntaw
nnXJK' his

Ah. 92.
fppp 30
27
7
.

divorce 15 23 18 1

Ah. 103?

15 - 20

3i

14 - 19
.

hatefulness Ah. 132.

p])B>

Npa>:

Ha. jpptpnb

pr. n.

22 19

KpB> see pHK.

nW
1

change: ronBTI Ah. 201.

io 7
1
.

fa
5
1

I5

12 12
'

= |bpB>
]

n^year:
7

TUV
1

i
1

21
1

61
1

io 3

[n

15

B.

10.11. 13. 24

22 122
::

io

11
1

13

14

[15

29

l3lG

357.9
.

35c 36
7
.

2.3

3 6b.b 43

r 62.2.6.8

j^7
2S

20

2I 3 22 1
1-1

2^34135144

5 67, l6. 78

2 gi.i 2 6

272 28
7

29

3o

4 - 19 - 21 - 30

mp: me*
xnnc
72

71

3 ,4.1M9 32 g
3.5

35 63

!.6

43 45 1] [ 42
64,
20,
Nr>3B>

2 - 3-10 ' 12 ^

13-17-18-24
.

61

12

8 - 15

24.

niv: [Nnjimt? Ah. 170.

Ah. 85.
ypin n[-i3
224

nnvrw

66, 16. 67, [i]io.

21 3
9
#

71
t31JB>

14

g 139-112

jjp 4&

7I

n]nc
12

pr. n. 73'.

epP:
Ah. 3.4-4-[5-1^5-

ISIS? 30

3 1".

Tnxmc
27

pr.

n.

pn^ Ah. 100.

intj':

pnv
3

40

3
.

[47].
pr. n.

See also 'niD.

-int?
.

30

31

3
.

ttir\w

n"J^?
}JB>?

46

2
.

70
'B>B>

15

16
.

pr. n.

49

1
.

nJB> to
2 84
-

tattoo:
.

n^ty (ptcp. pass.)

4 tattooing 28 5
-

^-ins* 'a

fron^
.

1S

18

[13

}
.

nn'W
3
2

6
.

nntf six 43 3
14

12 \rw 2d

pyB>

[3 - 4]5 - 7 - 8

4l6)

io

10

[24

38

33

nnB> drink

nnty Ah. 93.

1

rWBTl
2
1
7
.

35

45 49

64, 18. 66,4.

(2nd

22
.

sing.) 7

in:jn

sp
nBB'

2 (5n.i9 #
:-

nnts> (ptcp.)

[Ah. 92].

\*m

nniBB' Ah. 132.

nia^ [Ah.

(ptcp.?) 27

30

21

1 20 .

154
DBV 52 7
BBtJTl
.

pn^: pn>N Ah.

DSt^ [Ah.
145].
143].
.

121.

nn&> Ah. 125.

(2nd

sing.)

[Ah.

PBSB* Ah. 104.

iTBDE> pr. n. 52 14
.

DD^J 52 s

K2n

pr. n.
.

28 4

5 - 12

73

8i u

N'bn 26 s

^W.
!?Bt?:

pSB> Ah. 113.

pn
[Ah.
150].

Ah. 112.
9
: .

(ptcp.)

-an

^BE^n*

Ah.

150.

f?D^n

nan 30 Tan Ah. 109.

pi. n.

inn''

Ah. 106.
26 ls
.

pan

(imperat.) [Ah. 149].

1An

Beh.

2.

INDEX
3in:

3*5
month-name 30
2 6 13 20 .
-

nnn (3rd

fern, jussive?)

15

23
.

lion

4-

19
.

2W
126.

[Ah. 65].
.

3inK 45

5
-

D'On

Ha. n*nn 20 7

-njTnrr Ah.
34.
31 n

10 paon 26

14
.

Aph.? i3nN

Nam
(adv.)

snon
run 4
8
,;

81 111
27
4

reward Ah. 44.

i
7

3o

5 - 24 - 27

3i

5 - 2a - 2 "

34

37

12
.

54 69 D.
7 13 pan second io 63
1 9
.
.

thn

pr. n. 632.
2

win; Da^ins
-iin

pan dragon Ah. 106.

33

10
.

Uiyn month-name [21 4 ] 42 14

10
.

67,

1.

min?
48

82

68, 11.
.

ayn 83
30
.

1 .

ainn: "Dinn 6 7 i3 13

vrioinn 8 5

rfcan? 8

25

66,13.

HDBn 55 1

ninn month-name 6 1 io 1
8
1
122
.

n
7.

25

Nmipn
b?r\:

ninn god-name
34
2

69.

^W
15
24
.

pr. n. 68, 1.

7*

6
-

Wl
^pn
.

(3 r d
10"'.

DUnn

pr. n.
12
.

39

65,
10

fern.)

= bpv
d-id

nnn 26

.Tnnn 6
.

4-6

25

s-6
.

1] s*3^o n^-pnD 28

n^pno

NTinn 13 13

26 21

njDTi Ah. 134.

NVISTI 27
s
.

nnn
pnn

pr. n. 26
8-

i6 3

s-9
.

12 - 1418 19
-

82 11 Ah. 56.58.

n'n?
,i:on

pr. n.

37

13
.

62f67.69.77].
2
10
.

pnnn Ah.
Beh.
i

92.

15

6
.

Cf.

Nah.

N^AT
71
19
.

nin3
s

[io].

^ri:

^n

8 1 39
8
.

*nj$>nn

Dnnn
s0

[38

].

DiT^n 30

jin: rusnn*?
-

65, 13.

nmanni'

nn^n

2 6 10

11 15 15 - 15 - 18 - 20
-

Ah.

39.

15

[46
3

].
.

w6n
non
38
s
s 4

Ah. 92.
25
s

ynn
3

Ah. 44
9

Nynn
.

5"-".

27

15[l7l

jynn 3o
D"lt2ETI

3i

rrjnn Ah. 168.

39U31

772 Ah. 48.72.

.

pi. n.

24

27
1

s '.

*non 15 12

nBTl month-name 15 [Beh.

32].

APPENDIX
The
following three fragments of papyrus found at

Sakkara, were

18 (1921), published by Mr. Noel Giron in the Journal Asiatique, vol. and translation are reproduced here by his kind His text p. 56.
permission,
article.

but for further information the

reader

is

referred

to

his

Fragment
"P'BDS,
cf.

A
2
.

is

part

of a

list

of names,

all

Egyptian.

In

1.

74

A
I
. .
.

ton nNDoro -q amn

.

ye-inon ton isa na -n

.

d"b-ijvj
. .
.

ton

mam

in

...

TON ^IPODB

"13

Hor(-en)-Kheb

b.

Nakhamsakh (?), whose mother

(?),

is

....

or b. Nofo
b.

whose mother

is

Ta-te-Hor-pe
Nethre'tis
is
.

Wahpre, whose mother

b.

is

PSMSK(?), whose mother

not Fragments B and C form part of one document, but apparently Mr. Giron has ingeniously the same as A, though the writing is similar.
fitted

them

together

and

suggests
1.

that

they represent
(cf.

government
4
13

accounts.

He

points out that in

N^n mJD

Ezra

is

'

tribut

de

la colonie', not a contribution for religious

purposes as in

No.

22.

There was
(cf.
it

therefore a colony (N^n), military or otherwise, at

7
,

Memphis

37" 42

&c,

83*) as at Elephantine.

There

is

nothing to show that

was Jewish or even Semitic.

APPENDIX
ro

CO

a-

n o

n r
a c
cq

n o

tr

n o n

tr

n r

n o cr
r
>

n o n r

_rx

fr

= = ix
i i

=
I

c
I*

r
i

-J^

o o
ii.

n
3

n n c
ft

U
n o

APPENDIX

319

o E 3 co

o o
<u

.s
/v.

_3

co

CO
<u

ECO

10
J3

<u

E-

a!

J3

<U
<L>

1/3

co

.J3

(U

CO

.3

in

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