Military Resistance:

thomasfbarton@earthlink.net

8.19.12

Print it out: color best. Pass it on.

Military Resistance 10H10

Army Admits To Investigating Bradley Manning Supporters:

An Active Investigating Is In Process With An Underdetermined Completion Date, Acknowledges Cugler
[Thanks to David McReynolds. Apology for the delay in reporting.. T] 03 July, 2012 TV-Novosti The US Army has confirmed that they are investigating the Bradley Manning Support Network, an international activism group that advocates on behalf of the imprisoned accused whistleblower. A letter from the US Army Criminal Investigation Command (USACIDC) dated May 18, 2012 has been published to the Web in which Susan Cugler, the director of the Armys Crime Records Center, responds to a Freedom of Information Act request for information pertaining to any internal files which may involve the Bradley Manning Support Network. A search of the USACIDC file indexes revealed that an active investigating is in process with an underdetermined completion date, acknowledges Cugler.

The memorandum just about ends there, however, with the Army refraining from revealing any more details into the advocacy group that backs the accused whistleblower who is alleged to have distributed classified materials to Julian Assanges WikiLeaks site. The Army invokes specific subsections of the Freedom of Information Act to brush off the FOIA request, essentially freeing itself from releasing any details of their investigation on the grounds that the release could reasonably be expected to endanger [the] life or physical safety of those discussed in the militarys files. Manning, a 24-year-old private first class with the US Army, has been behind bars for nearly 800 days without trial. Military prosecutors have charged PFC Manning with aiding the enemy due to the alleged leaking of classified materials, a charge that could send him to prison for life if he is convicted. His attorneys are in the midst of a heated legal debate to hear the governments accusations, fighting on behalf of the soldier that the materials he is accused of releasing did not have any detrimental implications for national security.

AFGHANISTAN WAR REPORTS

Sister Remembers Covina Marine Killed In Afghanistan

Curtis J. Duarte, 22, of Covina. Lance Cpl. Curtis J. Duarte, 22, of Covina died while conducting combat operations in Helmand province, Afghanistan, last week. The family will hold a memorial service for him Aug. 18 at Covina High School, where he attended school. (HAND-IN PHOTO)

08/07/2012 By Juliette Funes, SGVN Covina native Curtis Duarte was a mischievous goofball who always liked to make people smile and never took life too seriously, his sister says. And though it was difficult for him to pinpoint what exactly he wanted to do in life, the one thing he was sure about was serving his country as a Marine. Last week, the Marine lance corporal was killed while on his first tour of duty in support of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. He was 22. To lose him has been one of the most devastating things in my family and the worst thing weve ever gone through, said Duartes sister, Jennifer Johnson, 26. He was kind of the glue that held the rest of us together. Duarte was a rifleman assigned to 1st Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, 1st Marine Division based out of Twentynine Palms. He was killed on Aug. 1 while conducting combat operations in Helmand province. Details surrounding the circumstances of his death were not made available. Johnson on Tuesday remembered Duarte as a great man. He always went out of his way to make people smile and was always joking around, Johnson said. When he was little, he was a big mischievous kid, but when he did anything wrong you couldnt get mad because he always had a goofy smile. He loved his hometown of Covina and he said he felt more at home there than he ever had in his life, Johnson said. After graduating from Covina High School, where he played baseball, Duarte briefly attended San Diego State University. When he got out of high school, he was confused of what to do, Johnson said. Curtis didnt always have an idea. Duarte only took a few classes before following in the footsteps of his father, Joe, and enlisting in the Marines on Aug. 6, 2008. He wanted to honor my family by going Marine Corps, Johnson said. Curtis decided that he was willing to give his life to help others and there was no other greater honor than that. He was a very caring son, and an amazing brother, a great friend, she added. Duartes remains were transferred from Afghanistan to Dover Air Force Base, Del., over the weekend. Johnson said that he will be cremated and remain with his immediate family.

Duarte leaves behind his mother, father, one brother and two sisters. They will hold a memorial service for the Marine from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. Aug. 18 at his alma mater Covina High School. All Ive ever wanted anybody to know, especially in light of this tragedy, is that my brother died as a Marine and needs to be honored for the sacrifice he made for so many and I wish so many people would view them for the sacrifice they make and not so much the war, Johnson said.

La Verne Soldier Who Died In Afghanistan Buried In Riverside

(Gabriel Luis Acosta / Staff Photographer) 08/09/2012 By Wes Woods II, Staff Writer; Contra Costa Times RIVERSIDE -- Pfc. Jose Oscar Belmontes, 28, of La Verne was laid to rest Wednesday as more than 250 friends and family members watched. Among them were the soldiers widow, Floria, and his mother, Francisca Lopez. Many of the mourners wore black shirts that displayed his face and birth and death dates underneath. Belmontes, an Army construction engineer who died July 28 of wounds from enemy small-arms fire in Afghanistan, was buried at Riverside National Cemetery after a memorial service at St. Thomas the Apostle Church, also in Riverside.

Our brother Jose has gone to his rest in the peace of Christ, said Deacon Michael Cruz Wednesday afternoon at the cemetery. May the Lord now welcome him to the table of Gods children in heaven. With faith and hope and eternal light let us assist him with our prayers. Cruz and the Rev. Joseph Felker spoke in a Mass for Belmontes earlier at the church. Candelario Rodriguez, 60, a member of the Patriot Guard Riders, led the procession with about 10 riders and later gave family members pieces of the shell casings from a 21-gun salute. Its an honor that we were invited. We only attend services when were invited, said Rodriguez, who lives in Upland and described Belmontes as a warrior to his family. The Patriot Guard Riders are a group of motorcyclists who frequently welcome servicemen back or attend military funerals. He was a hero to all of us, said Belmontes cousin Hector Lopez, 24, of Colton after the funeral. He was an outgoing person. Great heart. He always had a smile. He was always happy. He was always active. Uncle Victor Tovar and aunt Sandy Tovar of Hacienda Heights each described Belmontes as a volunteer. He helped a lot of people, they said. 1st Lt. Gavin Ellman of the 7th Engineer Battalion, said after the service that in October he was present for Belmontes deployment from New York to Afghanistan. I shook his hand and wished him good luck on his deployment. Im happy to see hes as loved here as he was in his unit. Rep. Ken Calvert, R-Corona, noted in a speech on Aug. 1 in the House of Representatives that Belmontes was born in Riverside in 1984 and graduated from Polytechnic High School in 2002. In July 2011, Belmontes arrived at Fort Drum after he trained at Fort Leonard Wood, Mo. He served as a construction engineer with the 630th Engineer Company, 7th Engineer Battalion, 10th Sustainment Brigade, 10th Mountain Division, which deployed to Afghanistan later in July. Belmontes awards and decorations include the Purple Heart, the Afghanistan Campaign Medal with one star, the Army Achievement Medal, the Combat Action Badge, the Overseas Service Ribbon and the Army Service Ribbon.

POLITICIANS REFUSE TO HALT THE BLOODSHED THE TROOPS HAVE THE POWER TO STOP THE WAR

FORWARD OBSERVATIONS

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had I the ability, and could reach the nations ear, I would, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppose. Frederick Douglass, 1852

Rise like Lions after slumber In unvanquishable number, Shake your chains to earth like dew Which in sleep had fallen on youYe are many they are few -- Percy Bysshe Shelley, 1819, on the occasion of a mass murder of British workers by the Imperial government at Peterloo.

Army Increases Combat Effectiveness With More Reflective Belts, Extremely Safe Combat Patrols

August 18, 2012 by ArmyJ, The Duffel Blog ******************************************************************************* About The Author: ArmyJ Armyj is a knuckle dragging infantryman who finds time to write when hes not pretending to fight a war with the Afghan National Army. He likes clam flavored ice-cream and seal clubbing during the off season. He can be reached via carrier pigeon or a strategically placed signal fire.

[Armyj up close and personal] ******************************************************************************* Southern Afghanistan, Panjwai District Army Sergeant First Class James Hargrove knows the dangers of war. The platoon sergeant currently on a year-long deployment with the 82nd Airborne says hes been worried about maintaining combat effectiveness since casualties have been so high. His soldiers have seen increasing attacks from small arms, rocket-propelled grenades, and countless improvised explosive devices (IED).

I was really concerned about whether or not we could keep this up for another five months, says Hargrove. I mean, how the fuck can you take the fight to the enemy when youre losing guys like we are? So I brought up the issue to my chain of command, and believe it or not, they did something about it. The grizzled platoon sergeant smiles and holds up the latest addition to a soldiers protective gear when going outside the wire. A bright yellow reflective belt. When the CO called us all together and told us about the new policy, I was like holyshit, why didnt I think of that? Years of Army research of course has proven beyond a reasonable doubt that soldiers who wore reflective belts during low light hours were 75% less likely to get hit by cars, motorcyclists, pedestrians, small arms fire, explosions, lightning strikes, or fat wives in base housing. The only question soldiers are asking is why wasnt this implemented sooner? As Hargroves platoon gears up for another combat patrol into the heart of an enemy village, the men are all smiles, helping each other adjust the neon-yellow straps to ensure maximum visibility during the dark hours of the night. Theres no way were going to take casualties with these babies! exclaims PFC Lance Detwiller. As the Americans exit the compound with their Afghan partners, the ANA seem to hang back, shying away from the US soldiers in formation. When asked about this, SFC Hargrove believes it to be a simple answer. Its probably just jealousy. I mean, theres only so many reflective belts to go around, and our guys come first, ya know?

Popular Revolutionary Forces Remain The Leading Force In The Resistance--And They Have The

Potential To Shape Post-Assad Syria

Just Because The U.S. Aims To Manipulate The Syrian Revolution Doesnt Mean It Will Succeed
In The End, Class Conflicts, As Well As The Armed Resistance, Will Play The Decisive Role In The Outcome Of The Syrian Revolution
August 16, 2012 By Lee Sustar, Socialist Worker [Excerpts] As the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad enters what could be a terminal crisis, imperialist forces are maneuvering to shape the outcome of the revolution. This has prompted some on the left to write off the resistance as tools of the U.S. and its allies. But a closer look at the Syrian struggle shows that popular revolutionary forces remain the leading force in the resistance--and they have the potential to shape post-Assad Syria. Imperialist intervention in Syria has led many on the international left--mistakenly--to write off Syrian revolutionary forces as having been hijacked by the U.S. and its regional proxies, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. According to this logic, the international left and antiwar movement must confine themselves to opposing imperialist intervention and withhold support for the Syrian revolutionary movement. Is it really the case that one of the most inspiring, self-organized revolutionary movements in recent decades has degenerated into a pliable tool of the West? Are we looking at a repeat of Libya, where NATO air strikes played the decisive role in turning the tide in the civil war? Are ultra-sectarian Islamist forces--backed by the Saudis and Qataris--becoming a dominant force? The answer is no.

While imperialist forces are angling to install a post-Assad leadership to their liking--a preferably a military strongman, as Reuters reported--the revolutionary movement has continued to develop in response to the struggle in Syria itself. Moreover, there are well-documented divisions within the SNC and the FSA--and criticisms of both from grassroots Syrian revolutionary forces on the ground in the LCCs. And does it make any sense to equate an SNC leader who calls for a no-fly zone and meets with State Department officials with a farmer who distributes AK-47s smuggled in from Turkey in order to defend a village from Syrian army tanks? In fact, the escalation of the armed resistance has exposed the contradictions of imperialist strategy in Syria. The hesitation of the U.S. and European powers to intervene militarily isnt primarily due to Russian and Chinese opposition in the UN Security Council. If Washington wanted to mount a direct attack on Syria, it would put together a coalition of the willing and do it. Instead, the U.S. has so far refused to give heavy weapons to the FSA, which means Turkey has kept a lid on arms flows to the rebels. Thus, fighters can obtain AK-47s and rocket-propelled grenades, but not anti-tank or anti-aircraft weapons Turkey has banned Kurdish parties from participating in SNC meetings in that country, and the SNC has had a terrible position on Kurdish self-determination, insisting on the Arab character of Syria. In the hopes of peeling off Kurdish support for the revolution, Assad granted citizenship to the 250,000 of Syrian Kurds who had been considered stateless. As the armed resistance mounted, Assad pulled Syrian armed forces out of Kurdish areas and allowed the PYD--the Syrian arm of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK)--to act as the de facto regional power. This move was threatening to Turkey, which feared that Syria would become a base for renewed Kurdish armed resistance led by the PKK. A crisis was averted when Masoud Barzani, president of Iraqs Kurdistan Regional Government, intervened to create a political deal between the PYD and other parties, making himself a broker for Syrias Kurds in relation both to Turkey and a post-Assad Syrian government. Thats another worry for the U.S., which would prefer to keep Syria intact and prevent the emergence of an independent Kurdistan that could destabilize the Kurdish region in NATO ally Turkey. Given this risk of a breakup of the Syrian state and the outbreak of a wider civil war in a country stocked with heavy arms--including chemical weapons--the U.S. has had to bide its time. Even a limited intervention, such as the creation of a no-fly zone, would require a massive bombardment of Syrian anti-aircraft positions in densely populated areas.

This would create a backlash against the U.S., as every Syrian knows the devastating impact of the U.S. war and occupation in neighboring Iraq. For these reasons, imperialist forces have so far carefully calibrated their support for the rebels to foster a prolonged, low-grade guerilla war to grind down the regime. One hope is clearly to buy time for the U.S. to encourage the Syrian military brass to mount a coup against Assad, which could then be dressed up as a civilian transitional government fronted by the most pro-Western elements of the SNC. By attempting to keep as much of the Syrian state intact as possible, the U.S. and its allies want to pre-empt popular, democratic revolutionary councils modeled on the LCCs. The U.S. doesnt want an accountable Syrian government that reflects the opinion of the majority of the population, since this would almost certainly create a crisis on the border of the U.S.s key ally, Israel. If the U.S. wanted to channel the revolution into a contained armed struggle, so too did Assad. The regimes atrocities against Sunnis were designed to provoke counter-atrocities against Alawites and Christians and drive them further into Assads arms. Despite horrific massacres by Syrian armed forces and the gangs known as shabiha, sectarian violence hasnt taken place on a large scale, though the dangers of such degeneration are serious. Even so, the support of religious minorities for the regime is cracking. Walid Jumblatt, the Druze Lebanese politician who is seen as the leader of his co-religionists in Syria, came out against Assad months ago. One key headache for imperialism is the potential for jihadist and al-Qaeda forces to get a foothold in Syria, as they did in Iraq. The U.S. decision to rely on Saudi Arabia and Qatar to run guns and money to rebel forces has created an opening for those elements. So there are jihadist and sectarian elements in the field that reportedly are attracting young fighters because of their superior discipline and armaments. Rather than unleashing a Libyan-style intervention, the U.S. and its allies have waited for the revolutionary upsurge to weaken the regime enough to force out Assad without becoming strong enough to carry out a democratic transformation of Syrian society. The issue isnt whether Syrian revolutionaries obtain some weapons from the West, but whether imperialism has been able to assert control over the movement. Just because the U.S. aims to manipulate the Syrian revolution doesnt mean it will succeed. This is an old question for the left.

The CIA, for example, did its best to influence Solidarnosc mass workers movement that shook the Stalinist regime in Poland in 1980 and the democratic revolutions that swept the old Eastern European bloc a decade later. But that didnt stop supporters of workers rights and genuine socialism around the world from supporting those struggles. To be sure, the militarization of the resistance--something the Assad regime did its utmost to force with its massive repression--carries great political dangers for the fate of the revolution. The risk is that elite groups of fighters come to make the revolution, substituting themselves for the self-activity of the mass movement. The problem is compounded by the fact that the Syrian working class movement is weak. Independent unions were banned, and much of the Syrian left has acted as an apologist for, if not a satellite of, the Baath Party regime for decades. So while the popular movement did mount what it called general strikes in some cities in the early months of the revolution, these were, in fact, civil strikes, in which business owners and shopkeepers voluntarily shut down operations to support mass protests. But given the ferocious repression by Syrian forces, it isnt possible to simply counterpose civil resistance to armed struggle. It would be absurd to expect the Syrian people to refuse to use guns from any sources as they defend themselves against Assads barbarism. Nevertheless, members of the LCCs have been frustrated by their lack of political control over FSA militias. Some LCCs coexist with armed fighters. In some areas, where the Syrian state has essentially withdrawn, LCCs administer towns devastated by attacks and dole out food and charity. In other areas, the FSA--which, again, is comprised of disparate elements-operate autonomously. Now, after more than a year of mass civil resistance against repression, the armed struggle has taken center stage. But if the rebels win, it wont be because theyve achieved superior military firepower, but because the social base of the regime collapses. Even if Assad retains the loyalty of most members of religious minorities, he will fall if the popular support for the revolution compels the Syrian bourgeoisie to abandon him. Long tied to the regime through patronage from state-owned enterprises and, more recently, benefits from market-type reforms, Syrian capitalists are being forced to choose between a state that can no longer protect their interests and a working class, poor and peasant uprising that threatens their wealth and power. Imperialist forces will do their best to contain that movement from below. But in the end, class conflicts, as well as the armed resistance, will play the decisive role in the outcome of the Syrian revolution.

DANGER: POLITICIANS AT WORK

Opponent Of Police Brutality And Racial Profiling In New York City Threatened With Years In Prison
New York Police Retaliating For His Years Of Videotaping Police Stops In Harlem In Order To Expose Racism And Misconduct

Charged With Two Counts Of Felony Possession Of A Dangerous Weapon

The Dangerous Weapons Were A Penknife And A Commemorative MiniReplica Baseball Bat
August 13, 2012 By Yoni Golijov, Socialist Worker [Excerpts] SOME 100 people rallied July 31 at the Manhattan Criminal Court Building to support Joseph Jazz Hayden, an opponent of police brutality and racial profiling in New York City, during his court appearance on charges stemming from the NYPDs campaign of harassment against him. More than double the number of people came out compared to Jazzs last hearing. They stood right in front of the entrance to the court building, and speakers used the peoples mic to denounce police racism, stop-and-frisk and retaliatory charges. Activists believe the New York Police Department (NYPD) is retaliating against Jazz for his years of videotaping police stops in Harlem in order to expose racism and misconduct. In December 2011, two police officers recognized Jazz, illegally searched his car, and arrested him--he was charged with two counts of felony possession of a dangerous weapon. The dangerous weapons were a penknife and a commemorative mini-replica baseball bat. Jazz faces two to seven years in prison for each charge. Jazz spelled out the situation clearly and simply: If the NYPD was providing courtesy, professionalism and respect, as they claim is their mission, they would have no objection to Jazz Hayden filming them. However, because weve had over 700,000 stop-and-frisks, and only 6 percent of them resulted in anything resembling a crime, they need to be scrutinized. And thats what Jazz Hayden does. At the protest last week, David Galarza of the Justice Committee explained the importance of videotaping police. He did this in mid-July and caught a police officer on tape abusing and then bodyslamming--twice--a young man of color. Because of his video, more than 150,000 people have seen this brutality.

This is what Jazz has been doing for four years, and this is what the NYPD wants to stop. This is the pushback, Jazz said. Retaliation--silence the people who stand up. Well, we want to send a message to the NYPD, to (Police Commissioner Ray) Kelly, and Bloomberg. We arent having it. We packed Jazzs court hearing on July 31, too. To show our solidarity, when the judge called Jazzs name, we all stood up. We sat down when asked, but the point was made: an injury to one is an injury to all. We will not let the NYPD and the district attorney lock Jazz up for his work under any circumstances. The hearing ended quickly. The judge simply set another court date for October 11. Outside, we reassembled and Jazzs lawyer, Sarah Kunstler, updated the crowd on the legal proceedings. The DA intends to indict Jazz before the October 11 date and will most likely convene a grand jury in September to do so. We have to come out in full force on both days. Then she added: I talked about the legal, and now I want to talk about the extra-legal. They took notice of us there. The judge saw you, the DA saw you, everyone in that courtroom saw you, and it makes a difference. All the advocacy that everyone has done outside the courtroom for Jazz makes a difference. Jazzs supporters have collected over 1,600 signatures, sent dozens of personal letters to DA Cyrus Vance, and garnered support and letters from elected officials. It has also kept the DAs office in the spotlight for its role in this injustice--if Jazz is indicted, it will completely disprove Vances claim that when it comes to us, we are not making charges that are biased in any way. Sarah Kunstler explained the real motivation behind the charges, This is the way the system derails movements--by putting people on trial to distract from the work that were all doing. So we have to spin this on its head, and make these prosecutions part of the work were all doing. Thats what Jazzs defense campaign has done. Because its not just Jazz being targeted by biased charges. Its a whole generation of people of color who the courts are calling criminals and locking up in cages. Even as he faces these charges, Jazz is organizing. The Campaign to End the New Jim Crow, of which Jazz is a founding member, drafted a flyer to distribute to the people waiting in line at the court. In a call for an August 11 public meeting, the group said: The lines going into every courthouse in America look exactly like this one you are standing in: black, brown and beige people being processed by this criminal in-justice system.

Jazz ended the rally by saying: Once again, I want to thank yall. Im telling you Ive never felt so much love and so much warmth. Its just mind-boggling, for someone who was brought up in the streets of Harlem and has gone through this system all my life, starting with kindergarten, to be able to stand here and be surrounded by all this love and support is a wonderful thing. I want you all to know that I do not take any of it lightly. I will do this job as long as I have your support.

DO YOU HAVE A FRIEND OR RELATIVE IN THE MILITARY?

U.S. soldier in Beijia village Iraq, Feb. 4, 2008. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

Forward Military Resistance along, or send us the email address if you wish and well send it regularly with your best wishes. Whether in Afghanistan or at a base in the USA, this is extra important for your service friend, too often cut off from access to encouraging news of growing resistance to the war, inside the armed services and at home. Send email requests to address up top or write to: Military Resistance, Box 126, 2576 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10025-5657.

The Only Thing That Can Save My Wife And Daughter Is A Revolution

Cries Of Shame! And This Is Not Fair! Erupted In The Packed Courtroom And Were Echoed By The Crowd Outside
The Defendants, Who Had Mocked Much Of The Proceedings, Greeted The Sentence With Giggles; One Rolled Her Eyes

Members of the punk group Pussy Riot sit in a glass cage at a court room in Moscow on Friday. Associated Press August 17, 2012 By RICHARD BOUDREAUX and ALEXANDER KOLYANDR, Wall Street Journal [Excerpts] MOSCOWThree members of a feminist-performance group whose anti-Kremlin punk prayer inside Russias main Orthodox cathedral led to one of the most politically charged trials of the countrys post-Soviet era were convicted of hooliganism Friday and sentenced to two years in prison.

Cries of Shame! and This is not fair! erupted in the packed courtroom and were echoed by the crowd outside. The defendants, who had mocked much of the proceedings, greeted the sentence with giggles; one rolled her eyes. Their families reacted somberly. What they did is not right, but what the court did is much worse, said Vladimir Zhiyanov, Ms. Alyokhinas father. Pyotr Verzilov, Ms. Tolokonnikovas husband and father of her child, said, The only thing that can save my wife and daughter is a revolution. Hundreds protested Friday outside the courthouse as the women, held without bail since their March arrest, were driven away in a police van. Police detained more than 50 demonstrators.

MORE:

Comment Unnecessary

In support of Pussy Riot, Times Square, New York City, August 17. By Mickey Z. with Jenna Pope

CLASS WAR REPORTS

Troops Invited:
Comments, arguments, articles, and letters from service men and women, and veterans, are especially welcome. Write to Box 126, 2576 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10025-5657 or email contact@militaryproject.org: Name, I.D., withheld unless you request publication. Same address to unsubscribe.

Wives Rage At South African Police Brutality After Massacre Of Striking Platinum Miners:

We Are Feeling Bad Because The Children Now Are Crying. The Wives Have No Husbands Now. Their Husbands Are Lying Dead In The Forest
There Is Clear Evidence That Policemen Randomly Shot Into The Crowd There Is Also Evidence Of Their Continuing To Shoot After A Number Of Bodies Can Be Seen Dropping And Others Turning To Run

A woman cries as she confronts police during a protest over the killing of 34 miners at the Lonmin platinum mine. Photograph: Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters

There is clear evidence that policemen randomly shot into the crowd with rifles and handguns. There is also evidence of their continuing to shoot after a number of bodies can be seen dropping and others turning to run.

17 August 2012 By David Smith in Marikana, Guardian News and Media Limited [Excerpts] Nosisieko Jalis husband is missing. She has heard a rumour that a bullet hit him in the head, yet he survived. One witness said all his clothes were torn. I dont know where he is, said Jali, numb with anxiety. The hospital wouldnt let me come inside. I am hurting. Jali is among scores of wives at the Lonmin platinum mine in Marikana still waiting to discover if their husband is in a jail, hospital or mortuary after one of the bloodiest days in South Africa since apartheid. Thirty-four people were killed and 78 injured on Thursday when police with automatic rifles, pistols and shotguns opened fire on the strikers, many of whom were armed with spears, machetes and clubs as they demonstrated for higher wages. The shocking images, beamed to TV viewers around the world, provoked comparisons with massacres by the white minority regime of the countrys past. On Friday, next to the killing field, wives took the place of their dead and wounded husbands to stage an angry, emotionally charged demonstration. The women raged against police brutality, mine exploitation and a lack of official information that has left them agonisingly in the dark. How can we know whether people are dead or missing? demanded Nowelcime Bosanathi, 35. My husband went to the protest with a stick. I worried he might be dead. Then he called last night to say hes in a police van and he doesnt know where hes going. Now his phone is on voicemail. Waving sticks, whistling and ululating, the women performed the apartheid-era toyi-toyi dance up and down a dirt road. They sang songs, some mournful, some defiant, warning: When you strike a woman, you strike a rock and invoking the memory of heroes of the antiapartheid struggle such as Oliver Tambo. They joined hands in a circle for a soulful rendition of Nkosi Sikelel iAfrika, the national anthem and originally a hymn. They kneeled before police armed with shotguns and sang What have we done? in the Xhosa language. The group of about 100 women also brandished homemade cardboard placards with handwritten slogans condemning the police.

Police stop shooting our husbands and sons, one said. Another, referring to the new national police commissioner, Riah Phiyega, read: Piega you celebrating your position by blood of our families. Primrose South, 51, was still waiting for news about Mishack Mzilikazi, 35, who lives on her property and is considered part of the family. I last saw him at 8am on Thursday. He was going to work with his phone but now its off. He also had a stick and he was quiet. I dont know where he is now. He could be in prison or he could be dead. I dont know. She added: We are feeling bad because the children now are crying, are hungry, are afraid even to sleep at night. The wives have no husbands now. Their husbands are lying dead in the forest. Whatever did happen here there is no shortage of blame and competing accounts. The women point at the police and the Lonmin mine management. South, who works as a mine store manager, said: The management sent the police to kill our husbands, brothers and sons. But we will fight for our rights like them. Many of these women followed their husbands from Eastern Cape province or neighbouring countries such as Lesotho, Swaziland or Zimbabwe. They live in the nearby Nkanini settlement in cramped shacks with pit toilets and an intermittent water supply. Above one of one of the worlds richest platinum deposits, goats wander in adjacent scrubland strewn with discarded plastic bags and rubbish. They denied that the workers had opened fire first and said a turf war between rival unions was a sideshow to the dispute over pay. The unions are scrapping for members. The National Union of Mineworkers, a supporter of the ANC, had signed up to a pay deal with Lonmin. But the militant Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) rejected this and pushed for wages to be trebled. This comes amid a wider debate on whether the governing African National Congress (ANC) should curb mine owners power. The youth league of the ANC argues that nationalisation of the countrys mines and farms is the only way to redress the injustices of the past. The youth league said: South Africas exploitative mining regime, capitalist greed and the poverty of our people is the cause. For its part, Lonmin announced that it would provide support to all the families that have suffered loss this week. Simon Scott, its chief financial officer, said: We have established a help desk at Lonmins Andrew Saffy Hospital, which will help families with the identification of bodies, assist with all the burial arrangements and offer bereavement counselling.

Lonmin commits to provide funding for the education of all the children of employees who lost their lives. This funding will cover education costs from primary school to university. The companys London-listed share price slumped 9% early yesterday, though it ended 1.3% down at 639.5p. It plunged to a nine-year low on the Johannesburg exchange, where it is also listed. The South African Institute of Race Relations called for the immediate suspension of all police officers involved in the shootings. It said: There is clear evidence that policemen randomly shot into the crowd with rifles and handguns. There is also evidence of their continuing to shoot after a number of bodies can be seen dropping and others turning to run. This is reminiscent of the Sharpeville massacre in 1960, it said.

MORE:

A Policeman Fires At Protesting Miners

A policeman (right) fires at protesting miners outside a South African mine in Rustenburg, 100 km (62 miles) northwest of Johannesburg, August 16, 2012. A Reuters cameraman said he saw bodies after the shooting, which occurred when police laying out barricades of barbed wire were outflanked by some of an estimated 3,000 miners massed on a rocky outcrop near the mine, 100 km (60 miles) northwest of Johannesburg. REUTERS/Siphiwe Sibeko

Village Life Inside The Syrian Revolution:

Makeshift Governments Are Springing Up In Villages Across Aleppo Provinces Countryside, Providing Interim Courts, Keeping Basic Services Running, Managing Finances And Distributing Aid Shipments
Men Every Village, It Seems, Can Recite The Names Of Men Who Were Killed, Or Disappeared Into Regime Prisons Or Were Forced Into Exile During That Crackdown
August 17, 2012 By CHARLES LEVINSON, Wall Street Journal QOBTAN JEBEL, SyriaOne morning this week, Sheik Tawfeeq Shehab Eddin replaced his AK-47 with a Bic pen and took up his post behind a metal desk. Mr. Shehab Eddin is one of the four rural commanders of the Tawheed Division, an Islamist-dominated umbrella force that is leading Syrian rebels fight around the countrys largest city, Aleppo, against forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad. Their division has driven pro-Assad forces from much of the Aleppan countryside and some of Aleppo. On Friday, division fighters fought regime tanks near the citys airport. The regimes pullout from much of the countryside last month has left the Tawheed Division as the areas army, government and police. That is why on Wednesday, Mr. Shehab Eddin and his aides spent some 14 hours hashing out questions about their next deployment to the front line in Aleppo, scrambling

to defuse a flare-up with a neighboring Kurdish village and mediating petty disputes between villagers. We commanders have been forced to take on all the problems confronting our villages, he said, adding that elected leaders should eventually take that over. The role I am playing now is bigger than myself. Similar makeshift governments are springing up in villages across Aleppo provinces countryside, providing interim courts, keeping basic services running, managing finances and distributing aid shipments. Many of the rebel courts have taken on an Islamic bent. Tawheed Division commanders forbid the torture of detainees. But that ban doesnt include whipping the soles of detainees feet, Tawheed commander Abdel Aziz Salama told several people, including a Human Rights Watch team. Another group of Tawheed fighters executed four members of an Aleppan family accused of funding and running a hated pro-Assad militia accused of keeping iron-fisted control over restive areas. The divisions field commander, Abdel Qader Saleh, told The Wall Street Journal that the four men were given a battlefield trial before they were killed. Here in Qobtan Jebel, a pinprick village of century-old stone walled homes in the hills west of Aleppo, Mr. Shehab Eddins word is law, at least for now. Before the uprising, the self-taught sheikalso known by his nom du guerre, Abu Soleimanpreached covertly to a small following in an adjacent village about the Syrian regimes ills. The sheiks morning began when two of his fighters brought in a young man they had stopped at a checkpoint with seven jerry cans of gasoline in his car. The commodity is in short supply. The fighters suspected the man might be a smuggler. A couple quick questions satisfied the sheik, who ordered him freed with his fuel. The next visitor pleaded for the release of a detainee accused of working as a regime informant in the village. The sheik was unmoved. We have two witnesses and evidence against him, he said, drawing Xs, Os and spiral doodles on a blank sheet of paper as he listened. Next came a stringy youth who said he had just defected from the Syrian army. He was brusquely questioned by the sheiks aide, Ali al-Haji, a 28-year-old former tank commander with a degree in Islamic law. The fidgety defector, 20-year-old Ahmed al-Latouf, said he had served as an army mortar man. Theres no mobiles phones, no television, he said. No one knows anything and they believe what their officers tell them that we are fighting criminal gangs and terrorists. The sheik concurred. We know our brothers in the army have been lied to and brainwashed, he said, admitting the youth into the ranks of rebel fighters, who

elsewhere could be seen doing calisthenics and training with rocket-propelled grenades. A fighter rushed in. A resident of Qobtan Jebel, he said, had that morning kidnapped a resident of a nearby Kurdish village and was demanding ransom. In retaliation, the Kurds kidnapped four village men. Kurdish villages dot the local countryside, and relations have cooled since Syrias civil war took a sectarian turn. With police gone, crime is a growing concern. Rebel commanders say a flare-up now in Kurd relations would play into regime hands. Well call the Kurdish leaders, set up a meeting and solve the problem, said Mr. Haji. Next in line was a man from Aleppo who had raised funds for Mr. Shehab Eddins brigade, which fought in Aleppos Salaheddin neighborhood for 14 days but withdrew last week after supplies wore thin. The fundraiser demanded an explanation for the withdrawal. We couldnt stand it anymore. We werent getting enough help, the aide, Mr. Haji, explained, eager not to alienate a supporter. A group of villagers stormed in waving handguns and assault rifles. A fighter had commandeered their car to ferry supplies to the front, but sold it instead. They vowed revenge. Dont do a thing until I have a chance to look into this, Mr. Haji said. Are you really going to kill someone over a car? We spend a lot of time dealing with petty issues while fighting a war at the same time, Mr. Haji said after they left. But if you dont listen to everyone, well lose the people and then the revolution. As the sun set, Mr. Haji retired to his commanders walled residence where he lives with his three wives and 15 children. They broke the Ramadan fast, silently using flatbread to scoop lentil soup, hummus and tuna fish out of metal bowls. Well set an ambush for the guy who kidnapped the Kurd, and well turn him over to the Kurds, in exchange for our men back, he said, reclining on a pillow on the cement floor, scrubbing his teeth with a twig. He dispatched a patrol to find the suspected kidnapper. The regime wants us to fight among ourselves. We cant allow this to happen, he said. A village elder with a long graying beard and a handgun strapped to his side dropped by to pay his respects. He said he was arrested in 1977 as part of the regimes crackdown on suspected Muslim Brothers and served 15 years in prison.

In Aleppos countryside, the rebellion is fueled by memories of that crackdown. Men every village, it seems, can recite the names of men who were killed, or disappeared into regime prisons or were forced into exile during that crackdown. Before midnight, a messenger arrived to say the kidnapped Kurd had been released. The captorwho said he was on orders from a different rebel leaderpanicked when he realized he was being hunted down by both Kurdish and rebel militias. Mr. Haji characterized the other rebel commander as a roguea criminal with a gang posing as a brigade in the name of the Free Army, he said with a sigh. We have enough problems, the sheik told the messenger. We dont need problems with the Kurds. This is not in our interests. This is something that can never happen again.

GET MILITARY RESISTANCE NEWSLETTER BY EMAIL

If you wish to receive Military Resistance immediately and directly, send request to contact@militaryproject.org. There is no subscription charge.

RECEIVED:
No Doubt When He Returned Not More Than A Year Later, The Funeral Home Was Not Too Many Blocks Away
From: Sharlet, Robert To: Military Resistance Newsletter Subject: RE: Fatal attraction Date: Aug 18, 2012 12:31 AM Sad, sad for the Sgt and so many like him, and especially for those who went over there only to be murdered by their Afghan comrades. I wish there was a way to raise the consciousness of the men who line up to fill those battalions of death, but for many of them from a certain background, often military families, there seems to be a fatal attraction to the forces. I remember reading an obit, probably in GI Special [the original name for Military Resistance newsletter in 2003] a ways back, of a boy from Lake George Village, a tiny town about 50 miles north in the Adirondacks.

He was eager to be a soldier, in particular an infantryman. I vividly recall that on the June day of his high school graduation, he went directly to the recruiting station which happened to be down the street on the same main drag. No doubt when he returned not more than a year later, the funeral home was not too many blocks away.

Comment: T
Robert Sharlets younger brother, Jeff Sharlet, created and edited Vietnam GI newspaper, after returning from military service in Vietnam. Concerning Vietnam GI:

Vietnam GI: Reprints Available

Vietnam: They Stopped An Imperial War

Edited by Vietnam Veteran Jeff Sharlet from 1968 until his death, this newspaper rocked the world, attracting attention even from Time Magazine, and extremely hostile attention from the chain of command. The pages and pages of letters in the paper from troops in Vietnam condemning the war are lost to history, but you can find them here. Military Resistance has copied complete sets of Vietnam GI. The originals were a bit rough, but every page is there. Over 100 pages, full 11x17 size. Free on request to active duty members of the armed forces.

Cost for others: $15 if picked up in New York City. For mailing inside USA add $5 for bubble bag and postage. For outside USA, include extra for mailing 2.5 pounds to wherever you are. Checks, money orders payable to: The Military Project Orders to: Military Resistance Box 126 2576 Broadway New York, N.Y. 10025-5657 All proceeds are used for projects giving aid and comfort to members of the armed forces organizing to resist todays Imperial wars.

Military Resistance distributes and posts to our website copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in an effort to advance understanding of the invasion and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. We believe this constitutes a fair use of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law since it is being distributed without charge or profit for educational purposes to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for educational purposes, in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107. Military Resistance has no affiliation whatsoever with the originator of these articles nor is Military Resistance endorsed or sponsored by the originators. This attributed work is provided a non-profit basis to facilitate understanding, research, education, and the advancement of human rights and social justice. Go to: www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml for more information. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond fair use, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.

If printed out, a copy of this newsletter is your personal property and cannot legally be confiscated from you. Possession of unauthorized material may not be prohibited. DoD Directive 1325.6 Section 3.5.1.2.