PUBLIC WORLDS

Dilip Gaonkar and Benjamin Lee, Series Editors

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VOLUME 9 Claudio Lomnitz, Deep Mexico, Silent Mexico: An Anthropology of Nationalism VOLUME 8

Greg Urban, Metaadture.- How Culture Moves tbrough the World

VOLUME 7*

Patricia Seed , American Pentimento , Tbe Invention of Indians and the Pursuit of Riches
VOLUME 6

De ep Me xico Si len t Mexi co

Radhika Mohanram , Black Body : Women, Colonialism , and Space VOLUME 5 May Joseph , Nomadic Identities Tbe Performance of Citizenship VOLUME 4

Mayfair Mei - hui Yang, Spaces of Their Own. Womens Public Sphere in Transnational-China
VOLUME 3

An Anthropolog)r of Nati onal isni

Naoki Sakai, Translation and Subjectivity On 'zapan"and Cultural Nationalism VOLUME 2 Ackbar Abbas, Hong Kong: Culture and the Politics of Disappearance VOLUME 1

Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization

M IN

PUBLIC WORLDS VOLUME 9 UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS MINNEAPOLIS LONDON

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-Copyright 2001 by the Regents o the Llniveisny of A1lnnesota

Every effort was made ro obtain permission lo reproduce rhe illustations in this book. If any proper acknowledgment has not buen nade, we encourage copyright holders to notify us. The University of Minnesota Press gra te fulh aeknusrledges permission to reprint the following An earlier version of chapter 1 appeared as Nationalism as a practica] System:
A Critique of Benedict Andersons 1 hcory of Natiu nolism from a Spanish American Perspeetive," in The Odre Minor Gmnd Theory tbrou96 Ele Lens of Latin America, edited by .Miguel Angel Centeno and Fernando Lpez-Alves (Princeton, N. 1= Princeton Universiny Presa, 2000), 329-59; copyright 2000 Princeton University Presa, reprinted by permission of Princeton University Press An earlier version of chapter 3 appeared as "Mudes o Cltizenship in Mexico. Pab1i1 )apure 1 1no 1 (1999. 209-93; copyright 1999 Duke University Press. An earlier version of <hapter 4 appeared as "Passion and Banaliryin Mexican History : The Presidential Persona1n Tbr (_dlective and lbe Public in Lat, America: Cultural ldnttitirs and Polilid Order, edired by Lms Ronigar and Tamar Heaog (Londom Sussex Academic Press, 2000). 238-56; copyright 200(1 Sussex Academlc Press. An cachee version of chapter5 appeared as "Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism," Publle Culture 9, no 1 (1997), 55-68; copyright 1997 Duke University Press An earlier version of chapter 7 appeared as "Ritual Rumor, and Corruption in the Cunstitution el Poliry in Mexico," Joumal of Latirt American Anthropology I, no. 1 (1995) 20--47, copyright 1995 American Anthropological Association, reprinted by permission of American Anthropological Association, Arlington, Virginia. An cachee version o chapter 10 appeared as"An Intellectual' s Stock io the Factory ol Mexican Ruins Enrique Kauzcs Blogiaphy o Power, "American launtal of Sociology 103, no- 4 (1998). 1052-65, copyright 1998 by the University o Chicago, al] rights reserved.

This book is dedicated to the memory of

Jorge Simn Lomnitz (1954-93)

Al] rights reserved- No pait of chis publlcat1o11 in ay be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or tansmitted, in any forro or by any mean, elecn'onic, meehanical, photocopying, recording, or otharwise, wlthout the prior -t-aten pemtission of the publisher. Published bv the University of Minnesota Press I I 1 Third Avenue South, Suite 290 Minneapolis, MN 55401 2520 http //www opresa umn edu Liba, of Congruas Cataloging-In-Puhlmatlon Data Lomnitz-Adler, Claudio. Deep Mexico silent Mexico an anthropology ot nacional ism /Claudio Lomnitz. p cm-(Pubhc wor]ds, v 91 Includes blhliogaphlcal referenees and ,ndex
ISBN 0-8166-3289-8 (HC zlk- paper) -- ISBN u-8166-3290-1 (PB : alk. pape,) 1 Nationaliana-Mexico 2 Croup identity-Mexico- 3. Mexico-Politics and government 4- Anderson Benedict R. O'C. Benedict Richard O'Corman), 1936- Imagined eommunities. 5. Inmllectuals-^:lexico-History. 1- Title. II. SeriesJC311-L7432001 320.972-dc21

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Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction Part Making the Nation

ix xi

Nationalism as a Practica) System: Benedict Anderson's Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America 3

2
3

Communitarian Ideologies and Nationalism

Modes of Mexican Citizenship

35
58

4
5

Passion and Banality in Mexican History: The Presidential Persona

Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism

81
110

Part I1 Geographies of the Public Sphere 6 Nationalism's Dirty Linen: "Contact Zones" and the Topography of National Identity 7 8 Ritual, Rumor, and Corruption in the Formation of Mexican Polities Center, Periphery, and the Connections between Nationalism and Local Discourses of Distinction
145 125

165

Part III Knowing the Nation 9

]0

Interpreting the Sentiments o the Nation. Intellectuals and Governmentality in Mexico An Intellectual's Stock in the Factory oF Mexicos Ruins:
Enrique Krauze's Mexico: Biography of Pmuer

197
212

11 12

Bordering un Anthropology_ Dialectics o a National Tradition Provincial Intellectuals and the Sociology o the So-Called Deep Mexico
Notes References Index

228 263
287 317 335

Acknowledgments

To me, this book is like a "cabinet o curiosities," a showcase for a whole extended family o subjects that were first washed upon my shore by the tide o a previous book, Exits from the Lahyrinth. The essays that 1 have included here were written between 1993 and 2000, and they were crafted in an environment o intellectual engagement and friendship that is too rich and diverse to acknowledge properly. There are, however, a few engoing conversations, a few influences and instances o friends coming to my aid that 1 cannot omit, Over the past five years 1 have benefited tremendously from the criticism, example, friendship, and support o my colleagues and students in the departments o History and Anthropology at the University o Chicago. As an anthropologist, 1 am drawn to the peripheral, te the curiosities and details o human sociability. Friedrich Katz has brought me back to the great current o world events, and in the process has also taught me much o what 1 know about Mexican history. He has been my closest colleague these past years. The friendship, conversation, and example o Fernando Escalante, Robin Derby, Roger Bartra, Beatriz Jaguaribe, Nstor Garca Canclini, Andrew Apter, Eric Fassin, Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, Juan Prez, Liz Henschell, Marshall Sahlins, Ricardo Pozas, llan Semo, Arjun Appadurai, Martin Riesebrodt, Tom Cummins, Francisco Valds, Fred Myers, Annette Weiner, and Guillermo de la Pea sustained and inspired me more than 1 can say. Some o the particulars in one or another essay benefited from the

tx =

advicc 0f Jamar Herzo,. Ete 1'tt i , as Carlos Funnent, and Cristbal Aliovn - 1 hc late Calo t lnica mas tic <oriraocous Iricnd who helped mc alt through srith tic original puhhs auun mn e hapicr 10 in Mexico. 1 em csi ccially iTi dcht,(i tu' 1 )il,p (di kai lor encouiaging inc Lo writc this book 1 hc R^ic c (uluns , allccuvc sshnsc r, e rings 1 have attendeel regularly ovcr the pass vears has aleo inspncd me in many ways_ Thc manuxnpt as a saholc gainccl ioni tic c..cetul and critical engagement ol Roger Rutne and Enu Van 1"oung 1 am gicdils' in clchr tu riese exemplarv rcadcrs A numbcr of students who liase \r ,i ked closcly with mc over tic past years Nave been an intlucncc 1 am especially gratetul Lo Ev Meade, Chris Boyer, Dimita Doukas, Paul Ross, F leather Levy, Daniel Resendez, Matthew Karush, and Katherinc Bliss More generally, 1 am indebted Lo the students o the Latin American History Workshop at Chicago. Finally, my editors at Minnesota, Robin .Moir, David Thorstad, and, especially, Carric Mullen, put up with this incrcasingly grumpy writer and cajoled him finto writing a bettcr work. Thc essavs in Chis book viere also wrltten under a very different influence, a tide that rase and fell with the pull o the dark moon of my brother jorge's death, and o the glowing clelight el my family, and especially o my children, Enrique and Elisa, and my wife, Elena Climent. Conversations with Elena have been formative in the deepest sense, and her work as an artist is a source o constant insp im tion.

Introduction
The Balcony of the Republic
There is a class o intellectuals who have the delightful privilege o constantly keeping their readers company-writers who take down their impressions o the significant events o a communiry and supply it with a steady stream o commentary - The role o these intellectuals is something like that o a village priest, consecrating significant events, offering advice and sympathy, proffering henedictions, and even threatening the unbelievers with excommunicatlon. Their lives are like a book that opens onto their communit. Perhaps because it is, at heart, a Catholic and provincial society, Mexico has always had a special preference for these chronicters, and they have thrived even in today's mass society. Carlos Mara Bustamante, Guillermo Prieto, and Ignacio Manuel Altamirano were figures o this sort in the nineteenth century, as was Salvador Novo in the decades following the Mexican Revolution. Currently, writers such as Carlos Monsivis, Hctor Aguilar Camn, Enrique Krauze, and Elena Poniatowska fati finto this category. Even intellectuals who have kept a greater distante from the bustle o the day Lo day, such as the late Octavio Paz, or Carlos Fuentes, descend from their lofry heights, like bishops going Lo a confirmation, when it comes Lo consecrating the truly importara events: the 1968 student movement, the earthquake o 1985, or the Zapatista revolt o 1994. The cronista accompanies the communiry, guides it through its dilemmas, consoles it in its grief, and shares in its triumph. Mimesis with

the people is such that this 'mtellecttual is a natural representative o the nation. How different this is from my own sltuation' 1 left a fob at El Colegio de Mxico in 1988 and carne to work in the United States not as an exile, but voluntarily Although 1 go back to Mexico constantly, and sometimes for long periods, and although 1 have access to che comings and goings o Mexican politics and its cultural aftairs, iv position is reminiscent o that o an infirm ancle who keeps ro his quarcers, and who only makes an occasional appearance These confusing teelings of access and isolation, o accompanying the nation's tribu lations Irom atar, rellect the ci rcumstances and conditions in which this book was written The position of ehronicler can only be attained through immersion in the day to day o that great city that is Mexico City, the place that Porfirio Daz recognized long ago as "the balcony o the republie." In an authoritarian country, public opinion and national sentiment were both concentrated and represented in the national capital. The values of the pmvinees and foreign values both were realized there, and they were made to radiate from there to the entire nation. My generation is the tirst in which a few mcmbers o Mexicos intelligentsia have chosen to forsake Mexico City for another balcony, which is the American academy. In the past, Mexican intellecnials used the experiences o Mexicans in the United States as grist 1nr the nati onalist mili. As the MexicanAmerican folklorist los Limn has shown Mexican intellectuals have decried the conditions of their fcllow countrvtnen in the United States, and used their condition to further political projects in Mexico. What they have rarely done is acknowledgc thc Mexican-American vantage point as the sorrce of new critical perspectives.' In my years in the United States 1 have often thought of my experiences in relation to those oi Mexican migrant workers, to their ties to honre villages and to the ways in which rheir lives are lived andjustified in the United States. 1 do not mean to make too much o this comparison, as 1 am not especially interested in Mexican-American identity politics, nor do 1 seek a new group to represen[ now that 1 have "abandones MexicoOn the contrary, what I share svith many Mexican migrants is their emotional and material investment in Mexico, the sense that the migratory experience can he used for setting pass situations right, and the ambivalent realization that the dithculties ol the migratory process have changed os. The sature o our investments, the sources ol our frustra tions on the home front, the spec ific qualities o our tiansformations in the United States are

different, no doubt. 1 do not mean te use the hardship o the peasant migrant to make my own cause more noble, nor am 1 about tu raise a classaction suit on their behalf. 1 cannot speak for them.
1 am, rather, interested in the ways in which immigration to the United States offers a critical perspective en Mexico and en the United States. My current position in the American academy and my experience in Mexico afford, I believe, a vista o its own, a vantage point that is mounted neither on the balcony o Mexican public opinion nor en the wellgreased machine of American expertise, though it leans on both. My concern is to understand the social conditions in which national distinctions emerge.

Depth and Silence

It is common knowledge that nationalism involves an appeal to origins. The Frontier Society, the Melding o Two Races, the Chosen People o God, the Children o Revolution-these myths appeal to the historical "depth" o nations, a depth that finds material expression in the land itself. As in Australian aboriginal "dreamings," ties to ancestors are encrusted in the landscape, and contemporaries inhabit the outer surface of that amalgam between a land and a people that is the nation. Stories of origins are required for spreading feelings of kinship in a heterogeneous and unconnected population. Images o a nation's rootedness are also used to displace or ignore particular claims.2 In nineteenth-century Spanish America, for instante, national symbols tended to he chosen from nature: the quetzal (bird) o Guatemala, the copihue and araucaria (plants) o Chile, the Argentine pampa, the Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl (mountains) o Mexico, and so en. Alongside the exaltation o the land carne the idealization o the remate indigenous past: o unconquerable chieftains such as Caupolicn, Cuauhtmoc, and Tpac Amant, and indigenous achievements in astronomy, urban design, and engineering, Both natural and historical images were mobilized for the exclusion o the opinions and immediate interests o large portions o the population who, it was felt, needed to be civilized, educated, racially improved, or even, in some cases, exterminated. Appeals to the "depth" o the nation have been a staple in the packaging o modernizing projects, calling potential dissenters Yo order in the narre o a shared trajectory. In national societies, "depth" and "silence" are mutually implicated.

This relationship between depth and silente reveals a national secret,

11troduc1lon xiii

which is that denarrcctcy, popular soccn-i,,ntr and a racional governmental admin:stration are leso lulh guaina blr . 1 hc nacional state is always involved in the work of shapinr puhl:c opirtum with che aid of rigid systeniso t discipline arad exdu,ion. l hn rs be, ause che eonneetio ns hetween che,tate che people in( che turuo:p aire am thrng [,lit harmonious and stable- Scates are shaped in m),,,,, , r,t espansion and conquesr, or else in processes of deculonizatiun In eiiIiei a,c. diverse people,, sometimes unrelated te) ea, h uther are suhreeis nl thc ante st,ue The muvcmcnu involved in elalming popular and territorial sovereigncy ti-tus requirc arrangem eras between peuples w^ho do not neeessarily i dentify with une anothcr, and ,vho may Nave only tenuous and indirect links. In extreme ssmacions, chis can load tu civil war and territorial fragmentation, but oven in milder cases the scgmenration of "the nation' has profound political and cultural consequences, including che exacerbated use o nationalism_ Moreover, che sha pe ot a territory is never perfectly attuned to che tradicional habitat ot a people even in cases when such relations between a people and a territory can credibly be made. Territories peed to be claimed, boundaries necd tu be enforced, and so they are dependent not only un che national community, but also on its neighbors. In short, neither a people nor its corneenuns to a state and terrimry are stable facas. Instead, these relationships leed constantly co be shaped and reshaped. In Chis, Mexico is not an exception, latir rather an extreme. Like all other nations, Mexico carne into being as the result o world-historical conditions that were beyond che control of its inhabitants and, although the viahility of Mexico as a polity was common serse for locals and foreigners alike at che time of independence, che size of che territory, its lack o economic integration, che diversity of its people, and che desirabiliry o its resources to foreign powers al conspirad co make nationality a desired achievement more than a well-established fact. In che era o independence, nacional consciousness was uniform neither in its contencs nor in its extension. [-ven as late as 1950, Octavio Paz prefaced his book un Mexican national cultura warning that his analysis did not apply to al] inhahitants o ,Mexico, but only to that segment o che population that was conscious of heing Nlexican, which he saw as a minority-' Today it may be diflicult co find a Mexican who is not aware o being Mexican, but che contexts in which nationality is pertinent, and its symbolic and practical referents, still vary substantnally. Nationaliry is nelther an accomplished fact nor in established essenee; itis, rather, the moving horizon that acturs point to when they need to appeal co che con-

nections between che people and che poGty, when they discuss rights and obligacions, or rey co justify oi r'elect modernization and social changeNacional filiation is thcrelore used in order to hanuner out a consensual, oi hegemonic, a rra ngem ent, ir involves cajoling and purchasing, exhibits o strength and eocrcion- Uepth and silente are che Siamese twins oi national tate formation_

Nacional Distinction Tbeory and History of National Sprices

The nacional ideal of popular sovercignty can rever be fully accomplished- Ir is instead like a receding horizon, a point of referente that is used te) organize relationships between che people and che state in processes of modernization that can rever be contained by nacional borders. As a result, che nacional space is constantly changing. Isolated communities are integrated into che national public sphere, while newly pauperized classes are marginalized from it; power brokers rise and falla foreign interesas are successfully reigned in and subsequently escape governmental control, In short, che development o a national space is a historical process. Abstract generalization, theorization with no historical referent, is difficult given the currenc state o our comparative knowledge, and yet theorization is required to make adequate descriptions o that great abstraction that is "national space."4 A theoretically inclined history is thus useful at chis particular junction.

But we need historically sensitive theories just as much. Nations are at once aspects o an internacional order and the product o local processes o state formation. As a result, their position in the internacional order itself shapes che ways in which theories are written and understood.5 There is an inherent tendency for standards to emerge between nations. The culture o che state, the forro and contencs o its progranis and o its organization, are often the brainchild o transnational comniunities of specialists. However, this does not relieve os from having to understand systems o national distinction in their singularity; for social theories as they are developed and deployed in practice are aspects o chis system o distinetion ton. There is thus a polyphony, a bizarre range o harmonics, in any social explanation or body o theory, because, for che most par, these explanations resonate differently when they are sounded in che scientific or artistic vanguards than when they are broughc finto national contexts as policy or as social criticism. History thus helps understand che range o theories, as well as their polyphony, slippage, or movement Nationalism, which is a way o framing communitarian relations, itself
1 n i r o d u e t i on xv =

develops in relation to other communitarian forms, including families, villages, and religious communities. The ways in which nationalism relates to these various communities depend on the ways in which the national territory is tied together, economically, politically, and culturally. Moreover, in order to disseminate nationalism, it has to be shaped into signs and told, it has to be tied to sites o local memory in effective ways. Finally, the very uses to which nationalism is put, the projects that it shapes and prometes, the interna) distinctions that it facilitates, and its uses in dealing with what is foreign, vary. This is why students of globalization do not tease to insist en the fact that globalization is not mere homogenization, and that "its" effects are locally differentiated. Nonetheless making this point in the abstract is much easier than showing it ar work-the very persistence o the disclaimer en the part o students of "globalization" attests te this. This is because the study o the conditions in which nations are produced invohres a historical sociology o state formation; it cannot bypass the particular. Grounded
Mexican social sciences are as much a part of the international horizon as any other science. Mexican authors do not hesitate to borrow from the works o foreign colleagues, and they participate actively in international discussions and publications. There is a sense, however, in which they are entirely enconipassed by national history, for the very justification o Mexico's scientific establishment has been tied to national development, to the formation o a national consciente, and to addressing the kind o issues that Andrs Molina Enrquez called Great National Problems."6 It is fair to capitalize this expression because ir narres the fetish o Mexican social science. Social sciences are supposed to respond to Great National Problems, when in fact it is the social sciences that have named and given form to those problems in the collective imagination. Mexican fetishism o Great National Problems occupies a position analogous to the fetishism o the "Western tradition" and o "Rationality" in the United States. Historians o curricular development in American universities have shown how and why schools in the United States decided to incorporate their own tradition within a narrative o "the West."7 Universities were designed as neoclassical palaces or else as imitations o the great English universities, an architecture that proclaimed the desire to emulate empire while spurring republican pride, to appropriate the grandeur o both Greece and Britain. The United States has liked te think
In^ro1 ction

o itself as the westernmost portion o "the West," a place that inherited all that was reasonable and open-minded o English liberalism, and yet was unfettered by an aristocracy or by a degraded mass o "commoners." Today, in the United States, economics and much o political science and sociology are dominated by theories in which the habits o American consumers, o American voters, and o foreign-policy makers are presented as paragons o rationality. The collective habits o the world's Great Power can be nothing short o "rational." Just as Mexican social scientists have named and shaped Great National Problems, so too have American economists given form to an allegedly universal rationality. For those who share in this spirit, the historical sciences are quaint and old-fashioned disciplines that are still devoted to the study of the particular. No grand theories o general applicability can come forth from their stubbornly idiographic methods. They can never add up to anything, though they may deserve to be modestly supported, since they can readily provide those tedious facts that are still needed to avoid entirely confusing Bolivia with Brazil. Consonant with these imperial pulsations, non-Western areas became a special branch o knowledge, subordinated to the universalizing interests o "the West." Thus, the mores and intellectual traditions o Latin America have been called "non-Western," despite the fact that they have as much o a claim to Europe as does the United States. Older or weaker empires, as Arjun Appadurai has pointed out, have been associated with intriguing and vastly simplified characteristics that were useful for sharpening the self-image o the West: the Mediterranean stood for honor and shape, India for caste, China for filial piety and minute women's footwear . . .8 Latin America provided proud and supersttious men, beautiful seoritas, venal tyrants, and whimsical revolutions, How can widely useful ideas emerge in arcas that are dominated by particular complexes o traits that are so clearly bounded in scope and limited in vision? The category o the non-Western is the category o the particular; it is not a suitable place from which to think through either human universals or events o world-historical significante. In Mexico, narratives that identify the habits o the Mexican people as paradigma o rationality, and therefore as universally applicable, have had little success. The country has been hyperconscious o its backward condition for at least 150 years. Moreover, it has had to deal with a layered history o imperialist depictions: in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Mexicans could not be made into the paragon o rationality because they were racially inferior, later on, the Mexican people were
In tro d u cti on = xvii

poitraycd as tiaditi onalists, as latalitiis whu.c racional capabil iti es, though no longer biologically deniahle v, ere no less blinded by superstition. Todas' Mexico 1, routinely lobeled a [les cl^^ping nation' Because it is alIcgedly not vct devclupcd. ii is nr,: in a ituauun to speak for humanity at large Nut surprisingly, tico Mcsican Liuducs Nave conccnrrated on contributions to che resolution nl tic nations problcnts. These nced to be dealt with hrst: univcrsallty will ,unir lacre As in che Anicrican case iNc vchucctuny ui Mexics principal universities relleces [hese aspira Go ns. Alodernisln scith its charaeteristic eombination of state-ol-che-art technology, ahrc acted tiaditional rnotifs, and che subordination of the whole to modero usage, provided che ideal vehicle. The National Universiry is a paradigmatic instance: research and teaching facilities are laid out in a plan that is reminiscent of pre-Columbian urban design, while che whole was developed with che most modero materials and techniques available. The definition o che Great Nacional Problems and o their resolution thus involves incorporation ro a "civilizational horizon" that transcends Mexieo's bordees: the language of scicnce and of che arts is recognized as a universal language, and so che process of devcloping a national consciente or o contributi ng to national devel opment involves building an infrastructure that is oriented to learning and disserninating works created on che outside.1(1 Thus, Mexican modernism takes an inward turn, both because of che effort t transiate and appropriate foreign innovations and because of che obsession with making interna) conditions more favorable for progress. Given Chis self-centeredness, and given che ethnocentrism involved in imperial universalism, it is not surprlsing ciar diere are considerable difficulties in getting whatever originaliry thcre has been in Mexican social and scientilic thought recognized as innovative outside o Mexics borders, because whereas the thinking ol American authors is usually inscribed in a universalizing language leven in cases when its significante is parochial), in Mexico contributions that might be o general utility are subsumed into the language of the particular, o the national. This state ol affairs produces an interesting complex regarding the hidden contributions of Mexican culture to universal civilization. Thus, Mexicans sometimes mutter that che inventor o color television was Mexican; that Thomas Edison reas half Mexican; that \Valt Disney stole characters from Mexican composer i, and that historian Edmundo O'Gorman's ideas concerning tic invention of America went unaeknowledged by che school devoted tu nventcd ti adi tions." In short, we have
11., ,, 1,

che whole complex that Kasherine Verdery described among Romanian intellectua ls as pro tochroni sm,' that is to say che doctrine that struggles to rescue a series of nacional figures who had prcfigured well-known 'Western" devel opments from an imperial conspiracy that has confined them to oblivion. 11 The conditions for procochronism are produced by asymmetries of power between che scientilic establishments of Mexico and Europe or che United States_ However they are also che result of the way in which Mexics knowledge -stablishmcrit has been justified_ In order to engage public interest in Mexico, in order to attract funds, and so on, one must engage the Great National Problems. This means that thinkers who recycle works and ideas produced abroad and apply them to the nacional conscience can enjoy an undeserved (though entirely local) reputation, and it also means that thinkers who have had a contribution to make to the broader civilizational horizon can go underacknowledged, especially when the country does not have the capaciry to absorb the work to its full potential.

1 have myself worked for many years under che strain o [hese tensions, desiring to contribute to che discussion o Mexico's particular problems, while holding to the conviction that any real engagement with particularity requires a degree of critica) thought, a kind o thought that knows no national frontiers. My work has therefore tended to inhabit a margin: a bit toe theoretically inclined for most Mexican social scientists, a bit roo engaged with Mexican political quandaries for most o my American colleagues. However, this situation, which is not so very singular, also affords, 1 think, a certain kind o engaged critique, a kind of theoretical particularism that is well suited to the study of the national form. It is a forra o "grounded theory" in both senses o this term: grounded because it works through a vast and dense set o facts, and grounded because it has to confront, and hopefully to transgress, an order o confinement.

Road Map
This is a book of essays. It carne to life as a volume when my friend and colleague Guillermo de la Pea suggested that 1 publish a volume in Mexico with a collection o essays that had appeared only in English. 1 followed Guillermos advice and put together a volume that appeared in 1999 under che title Modernidad indiana: nacin y mediacin en Mxico. As 1 prepared that work, however, 1 realized that my general project o [hese last years, which has been to develop a historical sociology o Mexican national space, was not far froni completion and 1 spent an additional eighteen
I n 1 r o d u c t i on = xix =

months writing che essays that werc relj n ved, '1 bis hook reproduces five of che time essays included in ,bindrn,:J.t.l im{unta (che earliesc was written in 1993), and adds co them seven newer essays that mark che end of a long project (che las( was completed in clic hrsi months of 2000). The hook is dividcd roto [bree pars Pare 1, "Making che Nation," is composed of live essays. Taken togcthci, [hese chapters provide a historical and theo retical Ira1nework for u n deis tan ding Mexican nacional ism and nacional identity as a process that hagan vvith colonization. The essays in Chis section generally cake a very historical broad sweep. Chapter 1 is a critical appralsal ol Benedict Anderson's theory o nationalism, wriuen from che vantage point ol Spanish Ame rica. 1 show that tire relationship lietween nacional ism, secularism, and social hierarchy diverges somewhat from Andersons proposition- This leads both to amendments to Anderson's theory and co a discussion o che political usage o nationalism in Mexico and Spanish America. Chapter 2 extends the discussion o communitarian ideologies i niiiated in che discussion o Benedict Anderson by exploring competing versions of Mexican nationalism, and also other hiscorically powerful communitarian forms that are pertinent 1or understandi ng che appeal and I'units of any nacional ist project in Mexico. Both chapters are wide-ranging historical essays that explore che lonyue durc. Chapter 3, by contras[, focuses on the transformation ot Mexican citi zenship during the nineteenth and early twcncieth centuries. Here 1 seek to hiscoricize Roberto Da laua's idea regarding che cultural logic of hierarchy and ci tizenship in I_atin .America_ As in che essay en Benedict Anderson's theory, 1 eomplement a cultural reading (in chis case o citizenship) wich an emphasis on che political f ield in which che cultural construction o( citizenship develops_ In che process, 1 argue against che view that imagines the development of ci tizenship and democracy in Mexico as a process that liad an carly and very brief gulden age during che Restored Republic (1867-76), only to tal] during che porfiriato (especially after 1884), and ricen to hegin a heroic recoverv in che alcermath of 1968. 1 show that che prominente of discourses of dtizenship and o civic virtue in che first two-thirds o che nineteenth century is related to che political instahility o che country, and that che exaltad language of citizenship chal was popular in Chis period declinad not so much as a result o dictatorial repression as hecause of che alliancea among che political class that modernizatioa and economic grnwth nade possihle. The history o Mexican democratization thus appears in a somewhat less heroic lighc chan in the criumphal nartatives of eontentpurary democrats_

Chapter 4 complements che discussion of che political consolidation of che Mexican state by focusing on che development o che image o che nacional president as a fetish ot sovereignty_ In particular, Chis essay explores che relationship between religion, race, and images of sovereignty, and it shows the ways in which power was secularizad, and che law and economic modernization were indigenized during che nineteenth century and into che Mexican Revolution (1910-20). The final chapter of Part 1 is devoted to che contemporary crisis o Mexican nationalism, and it can be read as an alternative introduction to chis hook (as a eomplement tu chis Introduction). In che last two decades, innovations in che organization o transnacional capital have provoked profound changes in Mexico, changes that include a reorientation of che national economy, che dismemberment o che revolutionary state, and increasing class polarization. As a result, ttere is a chronic crisis concerning the relationship between nationalism and modernization. This essay explores Chis changing relationship and discusses che strain en Mexican nationalism in che contemporary moment. It thus spells out the context in which che essays o chis hook were written, which is the long period known as Mexico's "transition to democracy." Commentators such as Paul Krugman o che New York Times have crowed that che historie Mexican election o July 2, 2000, should be chalked up to che North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and globalization, and that che neoliberal presidents who presded over chis transition (de la Madrid, Salinas, and Zedillo) were in fact the wellmeaning democrats that they always claimed to be 12 However, it was Mexican authoritarianism, not Mexican democracy, that led Mexico into che General Agreemenc en Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and NAFTA in che first place. The full power o Mexico's revolutionary state was needed to preside over che sea change in che economy that finally buried revolutionary nationalism, which is why che transition to democracy was so protracted. Now that che change in economic models was an accomplished fact. Mexicans were allowed to choose their president freely from among three candidates who had strikingly similar platforms, and the economists who imposed their models on Mexico could claim to have given birth to democracy.' 3

Par ti, "Geographies o che Public Sphere," is dedicated to the cultural geography o che nacional space, and it is composed of three chapters. The first, Chapter 6, deals wich che contexts in which nacional identity and xenophobia emerge It introduces one o che central monis o Mexican nationalism, which is that che nation cannot eontain capitalism and eeonomic
1 ,t r o duc

modernizatioii much o which conics ti, m ahroad The chapter proposes a rudimentarv topography oi t. ont.ru zones Ti which nacional identiry emerges as a ciguilicant political resaure,c. Chapter 7 irgues chas ntual rumor and contiption Nave htstorieally bcen the ericical mechanism, tor thc eonstitution tal nacional public opinion in Mexico 1 his is because c Iris clieisiuns u ie su significant that broad sectors of che population are se te ma tic i K eycluded trom che hourgeois public sphere Lite chapter then deselups elements of a spatial approaeh to che study ot che public sphere Chapter 8 is about centrality and uiai ginalicy-" Insread of seeing these categories as stable piopeitics of places, they are best understood as metaphors that are used lar che development of interna) idioms o distincuon that are then deployed to link I actions of communities across the nacional space. This essay, like chapter 12, uses che case o che anthropologically famous village of Tepoztln to develop a perspective en this matter. As a locality, Tepoztln has usually been constructed by outsiders and government officials as "peripheral," but local inhabitants have deployed within their town che same hinary oppositions that they have been subjected to-The essay explores che politics of chese juxtapositions. Thus, the three ehapters o Part II study, lirst, the geography o nacional identiry production, second, the cultural geography of che public sphere, and final]y, the geography o national distinctionPart III, "Knowing che Nacion," is about che different ways o producing public knowledge within and about the nation. Chapter 9 uses Michel Foucault's concept o governmentality to argue that, because o the tribulations o Mexico's development as a weak nation in che international order, intellectuals who sought to speak for che nation on che basis o statistics and population studies have liad lintited success. Alongside these "governmental intellectuals," nacional sentiment has been expressed by others, who claim to be close to social movements and revolutions. Chapter 10 is a polemical essay en che effeccs o che current privatization o culture, by way of a critique of che work of Enrique Krauze. This essay, originally published in English in 1998, generated a heated polemic in Mexico. 1 have included che piece in this volume despite its polemical eharaccer for two reasons hrst. because it deals with the role o history and historians as nation builders and as nationalist intellectuals and is thus of a piece with che preceding chapter en the interpretation o che sentiments of che nation and wich my work on che history o anthropology and second, because Chis is an instante in which analysis and polities come together-both the writing of che essay and che reactions

that it generated in Mexico are rclared co clic "balcony" from which Ti seas written

Chapter 11 complements Chis polemical piece by analyzing che historical role of anthropology in shaping Mexican nationalism and conversely, che role that nationalism has liad in shaping .Mexican anrhropology- It is written as a seholarly piece , sehereas che preceding chapter is written as a polemical review, but hoth develop aspects of che same argumenc regarding che preponderant role that nationalism has placed in shaping Mexican social thought The final chapter of the book is a critique of Guillermo Bonfil 's notion o a "deep Mexico," a concept that 1 subscitute with a "silent Mexico." The chapter proposes a geography o silente by way of the study of local intellectuals . 1 show that the mechanisms that intellectuals use co justify their authority to represent their communities provide valuable clues for understanding the geography of Mexican democracy , a geography that is deeply segmented along class and regional lines. Taken together, the twelve chapters in Chis book are a historical and cheorecical exploration of Mexican nacional space , by way o an analysis o nationalism , che public sphere , and knowledge production . They are offered both as cultural criticism and as a scholarly contribution to our understanding o these phenomena.

lr 1 r o du c t i on xxiii =

PART1

1Vla k ing

Nation

Nationalism as a Practica ) System: Benedict Anderson 's Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America

Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities has probably been the single most influential work en nationalism o the past two decades. Written with clarity and flair, Anderson's book explains nationalism as a specific form o communitarianism whose cultural conditions of possibility were determined by the development o communications media (print capitalism) and colonial statecraft (especially state ritual and state ethnography-for instance, bureaucratic "pilgrimages," censuses, and maps).

Seen in this light, nationalisms are historically recent creations, and yet terribly successful at shaping subjectivity. In fact, it is nationalism's power to form subjects that truly arrests Anderson's attention: "[patriotic deaths] bring us abruptly face to face with the central problem posed by nationalism: what makes the shrunken imaginings of recent history (scarcely more than two centuries) generate such colossal sacrifices?" (1994; 7). This concern with subject-formation and identity is consonant with Anderson's principal innovation, which is to treat nationalism not asan ideology, but rather as a hegemonic, commonsensical, and tacitly shared cultural construct. For Anderson, nationalism is a kind o cultural successor to the universalism o premodern (European) religion. Thus, although he locates the birth o nationalism in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the preconditions for its emergence occur much earlier, with Europe's

expansion in the sixteenth century. In Anderson's view, European expansien created the image of plural and independent unes of civilizational development, and this pluralism or rclativism was eventually transformed roto a kind of secular historicisin in which individuated collectivities"nations"-competed with each other.
One o the most surprising turns in Anderson's brief book is that he claims that nationalism developed first in the colonial world, and spread from there back to Europe Despite the act rhat religious universalism is first shaken in sixteenth-century Europe the formation of a system o equal, independent, secular, and progressive collectivities occurs first in America, and almost threc centurias alter the decline of religious universalism. This nieve caught Latin Americanist historiaras off balance, for the - historiography o independence up to thcn was dominated by treatises ora the intellectual influences of Europe--uf liberalism, of the Enlightenmenten American independence. Rarely did the Latin American specialist dare to claim much original ity for these movements, let alone to suggest that nationalism itself had been invented in Spanish America and subsequently exported to Europe. For his insistente ora che singularity of colonial conditions abone, Latin Americanists are collectively in Andcrson's debt. However, despite Chis boon to a profession that of ten aches to elaim singubarity for itself, developments in the Latin American field were slow to turra in Anderson's direction, with significant works using Anderson as a point o inspiration appearing practically ten years alter die book was first published. The slothful reaction to Anderson by Latin American historiaras and anthropologists has been owing nor only to the usual reaction o the subfeld's antibodies against brash foreign intruders who do not respect the regnant doxa. It is also the result of considerable difficulty in grappling with the relationship between the bouk's general thesis ora nationalism (which is often inspiring) and the fact that Anderson's view o American independence is incorrect in a numher of particulars. My aim in Chis chapter is to carry out a comprehensive critique o Imagined Conirnunlties, by which 1 mean a critique that interrogates both Che conceptual and the historical theses 1 shall do so by way o a close study o nationalism in the Spanish-American republics, and in Mexico particularly. Because this arca is, according to Anderson's formulation, the birthplace o modero nationalism, it is a key to bis general thesis. On the other hand, the fertility o Anderson's niasterfu1 book is such that criticizing its central thesis requires developing an alternative perspective, the seeds o which are also presented hete.

Review of the Historical Tbesis

In order to understand Anderson's account o the birth o SpanishAmerican nationalism and independence, we must be clear first on what exactly he is trying to explain:
[The aggressiveness of Madrid and the spirit o liberalism, while central te any understanding of the impulse o resistance in the Spanish Americas, do not in themselves explain why entibes like Chile, Venezuela, and Mexico turned out te be emobonally plausible and politically viable, nor why San Martn should decree that certain aborigines be identified by the neological "Peruvians." Nor, ulbmately, do they account for the real sacrifices made.... This willingness to sacrifice on the part o comfortable classes is food for thought. (52)

At stake, then, is the explanation o what makes a country "emotionally plausible" and "politically viable" from an internal perspective. In addition, there are issues concerning identity and sacrifice: why do Indians become Peruvians, and why do privileged Creoles lay their lives down for national independence? Anderson's explanation o why this is so proceeds along three separare bines.
First, in Spanish America, colonial administrative practices divided Creoles from Peninsulars by reserving the highest offices o the empire for the latter, thereby fostering a cense o resentment and identity among the former. Second, the fact that Creole bureaucrats were constrained to serve only in their administrative units of origin meant that they collectively shared an image o these provinces as their political territory. The bureaucratic pilgrimage through colonial administrative space allowed for the conflation o Creole national identity with a specific patria, or fatherland.

Anderson recognizes, however, that these two factors were present before the rise o Spanish-American nationalisms at the end o the eighteenth century, and he feels that they were insufficient to produce true nationalism. The third, and indispensable, factor was the rise o print capitalism and, especially, o newspapers. These papers allowed for the formation o an idea o "empty time' that was to be occupied by the secular process o development between parallel and competing nations:
[W]e Nave seco that the very conception o the newspaper implies ihe refraction o even "world events" roto a specific imagined world o vernacular readers, and also how importan[ te that imagined community is an idea o steady, solid simultaneity through time. Such a simultaneity ihe immense stretch o the Spanish-American Empire, and the isolation o its National,sn, as a Practica] Systern 5=

Nntionafi . ni i^ ., Pr. ., bical Systea

compone ni par , nade ditti e nlt to imagine Mexican creoles inight learn months luter ut dcveiopmunts in L'ucnr,s A ires, ba r it would be through Mex ican newspa pees, flor those id thr ILr, de la Plata; and the event would ;tppcar as "si milar to rathcr iban pl.-f .,l' ce.rnts in Meato.
In thls 111111 , the facturo nt ;ne tipannh \rncncan expericnce to generate a pennanent Spanish -Amunca-sido nationalism rodeos ehe general Icval ol development ol tapitalnm . and tochnoingy in tire late eighreenth cenurnv and thc'local" hackwanlnes t pan.sh eapiralism and technology in rclanon t0 the a1111111111 tra tivc 1treic1 ol t1 1 c1111 ) Ir L> () 31

adherente to and identification with such a community Although the emphasis on the "imaginar)'" qualiry o narional communities is redundant-all communities are imaginary constructs--Anderson's emphasis on nationalism's imaginary qualiry is mcant ro signal that nations are not face-to-face communities, and therefore involve a charactetistic form of abstraction-' The imaginary quality of thc national community is also underlined for a political purpose, for Anderson is critica) of nationalism and so is intent on showing its historical conti ngency and its "invented" natureUnderstanding the "community' hall of Anderson's dehnition is, perhaps, not as simple a matter, because community has a specific and limited connotation for the author "[the nation] is imagined as community because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep comradeship. Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes ir possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited meanings" (7; my emphasis). This association between nationalism and sacrifice is consonant with Anderson's guiding preoccupation at the time he wrote this book, which was the troubling fact that socialist countries were fighting nationalist wars, showing that nationalism could provide a kind of comradery that ran deeper than the solidarities of shared class interese This led Anderson to investigate nationalism's secret potency, its capacity to generate personal sacrifice. Correspondingly, the question of sacrifice is, for Anderson, the telltale sigo of nationalism, a fact that leads him to view nationalism as a substitute for religious community. Let us pause to consider this definition before moving on to Anderson's historical thesis on the genesis of nationalism. The first difficulty that must be faced is that Anderson's definition o nation does not always coincide with the historical usage of the term, even in the place and time that Anderson identifies as the Bite of its invention (i.e., Spanish America, ca. 1760-1830; Anderson 1994, 65).

Thus, because they emerge so early, Spanish-American nationalisms exhibit an oddity, which is that linguisrie identification does not coincide with the territorial consciousness of Creole bureaucrats and newspaper readers, thus allowing for tire emergente of both a series of individual nationalisms and for Pan-Spanish-American quasi-national identity. In most later (European and Asian) cases, linguistic identity would play a more central and defining roleWhat the eye is ro the oover-that particular. ordinary eye he or she is boro with-language-whatever language hist(>rv has made bis or her mothertongue-is to the patrios Throsigh rhat language, encountered at mother's knee and parted with only at the grave, pasts are restored, fellowships are imagined, and futuros dreamed. 154)'

In short, Anderson explains the rise of Spanish-American nationalisms (Chilean, Peruvian, Bolivian) as the result of (a) a general distinction between Creoles and Peninsulars, (b) a Creole political-territorial imaginary that was shaped by the provincial character of the careers of Creole officialdom, and (c) a consciousness of national specificity that was shaped by newspapers that were at once provincial and conscious of parallel states. Once these early Creole nationalisms succeeded in forging sovereign states, they became models for other nations.t

Definitions In order tu decide whether this theory of rhe rise of nationalism is an acceptable account , we need tu understand precisely what Anderson means by nationalism , and whether bis definition corresponds in a useful way to the historical phenomena that are being explained.
For Anderson , tire nation " is an iniagined political community-and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign ( 6) "Nationalism" is the
N a ^ : o n .i i l s m . , , P r o . l : c : , l System _

The subtleties in the usage of the term nacin can perhaps be introduced through an example. In 1784, Don Joaqun Velsquez de Len, director of Mexico City's School of Mining, writes in La Gazeta de Mxico that
1 said in my letter of the year 71 that the Machine that is calied of tire was easy to use and to conserve: but one year later, that is in 72,- the Excellent mister Don Jorge Juan, honor and ornament of our Nation in all sciences and mathematics, devoted himself to building that Machine in the Royal Seminary of Nobles of Madrid- (September 8, p. 13; my emphasis)

Nata as a Practica) System 7 =

In chis instance, Velsquez, who is writing to a predominantly Creole audience in the context o a debate with Father J. Antonio Alzare, a famous Creole scientist and proronationalist, writes o Jorge Juan that he is "an honor to our nation." The ambiguity of this formulation helps us understand the process of transformation that the semantic field o the term nation was undergoing_ In the early cighteenth century, nacin was defined strictu sensu as "the collection of inhabitants of a province, country, or kingdom."4 This definition is already quite ambiguous New Spain, for example, was a province (or several provinces), a country (or several countries), and a kingdom, just as Castile was a kingdom that encompassed several provinces and countries Thus, returning tu out example, the Castilian scientist Jorge Juan might not be o the same nacin as most o the readers o the Gazeta de Mexico- However, two further ambiguities in fact make this identification possible. First, the term nacional referred to "that which is characteristic o or originares from a nation." Thus, Mexican Creoles could be o the Spanish nation because they had their roots in Spain, were characteristic (propios) o Spain, and so on_ A second ambiguity of the semantic field o nacin stems from the movement o administrative reforms that Spain's enlightened despots set in motion around the middle o the cighteenth century (the "Bourbon Reforms")_ Among other things, there was a concerted effort to streamline the territorial organization o the empire, doing away with the idea o the Spanish Empire as being composed o a series o kingdoms and substituting this notion with that o a unified empireThus, from che viewpoint of Spain's colonies o the late eighteenth century, the term nacin could be used to pit peninsulares against Americans, as Anderson has suggested. However, ir could also be used to emphasize the extension o national identity by way o lines o descent and thus be made into a synonym o blood or Gaste and thereby provide a rationale for interna) divisions within colonial societies. Finally, the concept o nacin could be used as a sign o panimperial identty. Moreover, if the referent o the term nacin was ambiguous with respect to its conneccion to territory and to bloodlines, it also had complex connections to sovereignty, and this was particularly so in the Americas. So, for instance, if someone took che "hloodline" definition o nacin, they might point to the varyingluieros inviolable legal privileges) attached to the Spanish and Indian republics as separate estates_ If, on the other hand, they identified nacin with a kingdom or province, they could cite the
Nnl^ona1 1 , .,, ['ra.ticnl System

fueros enjoyed by its nobility and its citizens. It is important to note that in both o these cases, sovereignty is not absolute -- popular sovereignty, but rather a limited form o sovereignty comparable to that o pater potestas or to arenas o individual sovereignty granted by the doctrine o free will.5 Thus, whereas Anderson's definition o nationhood involves a sense o the sovereignty o a state over a territory, the Spanish definition vacillated between an increasingly unified but nonetheless ambiguous territorial definition and a definition around descent Both o these forms involved specific fueros, in other words, access to limited forms o sovereignty. It is pertinent to note that this notion survived the American independence movements, for example, in the usage o the term Indian nations to refer to nomadic tribes in northern Mexico, or in the ambiguous referente o the term repblica.Because o the ambiguity in the ties between nation and blood, Spanish usage o the term nacin could be distinguished from a second term, patria (or fatherland), in such a way that a single land could be the patria o more than one nacin. This was, indeed, the case in most o the Americas, which were conceived as plurinational patrias. This tense coexistente between a discourse o loyalty to the land and one o filiation through descent is visible in colonial political symbolism.' Common loyalty to the land was a concept that was available in Spanish political discourse at least since the sixteenth century but it was nonetheless not directly assimilable to the notion o "nation." This ambiguity is at the basis o the category o "Creole" itself, which, as a number o historians have shown, emerged in the midsixteenth century, but maintained an ambiguous relationship to Spanishness throughout the colonial periods
The move to associate nation with Common subjection to the king was promoted by Charles III, who sought to diminish differences o caste in favor o a broad and homogenized category o "subjects." Thus a tendential identification between nation and sovereignty was being bult up by absolutist monarchs, a fact that makes San Martn's dictum that so claimed Anderson's attention ("in the future the aborigines shall not be called Indians or natives, they are children and citizens o Pero and they shall be known as Peruvians" [Anderson 1994: 49-50]) iess o a Creole invention than Anderson supposed9

A second significant problem for applying Anderson's definition to the Latin American case is that belonging to an imagined national community does not necessarily imply "deep horizontal comradery." The idea o nation was originally tied to that o lineage; members o a nation could be linked by vertical ties o loyalty as much as by horizontal ties o equality.
Na tlonallsm as a 9 Practica1 System

Thts is most obviously relevant \1 11111 aimidering the way in which age and sex elit( r the picwreo nauunal identity V'omen and ehildren eould and can very much ide ntity widh therr nations oven thotigh they are usual h not therr natlons represcnmtivc siihiccn Snnilarly a master and a seivant cuuld he par I che lamo nanun sc nhuut having tu construct Chis tic as a horizontal link based on fraterniw This is a fundamental pomt lur Spanish-rAmciican nationalism in che nineteenth century, whcn ourpurations uich as indigenous communities haciendas inri guilds werc ovcn m,nc salicnt than thcy are today Nonetheless, the point also has hruader signiticancc. Jrgcn Habermas (1991] pointed out that the hourgeois publi( sphere in eighteenth century northern Europe which was tied inextricably to che development of nationalism) was made up ideally of private cinzens. Nonetheless, the citizen's "private sphere encompassed his family, making the citizen at once an equal to other citizens (Andersons fraternal bond") and the head o a household in which he might he the only full citizen. It would be a mistake, however, tu presuppose that nationalism was embraced only by che citizen and not by his wife and children. In more general terms, the horizontal relationship o comradery that Anderson wants to make the exclusive trait of the nacional community occurred in societies with corporations, and the symbolism o encompassment between citizens and these corporations is critica) to understanding the nation's capacity to generate personal sacrifices. Nationalists have fought battles to protect "therr" womcn, to gala )and for "therr" villages, to defend "their" towns, lt is just as true, however, that women, servants, family members, and, more generally, the members o corporate communities or republics could send "therr" cinzens to war. In other words, citizens could represent various corporate bodies to che state, and they could represent the power of the state in there corporate bodies. In Spanish America che complexines of these relationships o encompassment (between che national state, cirizen, and various corporations) have been widely recognized in analyses of conflicts between various liberal and conservative factions in thc nineteenth century, and in the role of local communities in che wars uf independence themselves.1 1 The relationship between the modern ideal o sovereignty and citizenship and the legitimate claims o che corporations is indeed a central theme in nineteenth and twentieth-century Laun American history. The third, and final, difliculry with Anderson's definition of nationalism is his insistente on sacrifice as its quintessential symptom. The image o nationalism as causing a lemminglike impulse to sacrifice because o its
Na t, on., rn , a Pr u, l ca l Sysleni 10 =

appeal to community is as misleading as the idea that nationalism is necessarily a conimunal ideology of "deep horizontal comradery"; for, in order to comprehend what nationalism is and has heen about, one must place it in its context of use. The capacity to generate personal sacrifice in the name of the nation is usually not a simple function ut communitarian imaginings ot comradery Ideological appeals to nationhood are most often coupled with the coercive, moral, or economic force o other social relationships, including the appeal no che defense of hearth and heme, or the economic or coercive pressure ol a local community, or the coercive apparatus of che state itself

Moreover, there are plenty o examples o nationalism spreading mosdy as a currency that allows a local community or subject to interpellate a state office in order to make claims based on rights o citizenship.'t It is misleading to privilege sacrifice in the study o nationalism, because the spread o this ideology is more often associated with the formulation o various sorts o claims vis--vis the state or tward actors froni other communities. In sum, 1 have raised three objections to Anderson's definition o nation and nationalism: first, the definition does not always correspond to historical usage; second, Anderson's emphasis on horizontal comradery covers only certain aspects o nationalism, ignoring che fact that nationalism always involves articulating discourses o fraternity with hierarchical relationships, a fact that allows for the formulation o different kinds o national imaginarles; third, Anderson makes sacrifice appear as a consequence o the national communitarian imagining, when it is most often che result o the subjecds position in a web o relationships, some o which are characterized by coercion, while others have a moral appeal that is not directly that o nationalism.

Toward an Alternative Perspective

in one o his most brilliant moments, Anderson suggests that nationalism should not be analyzed as a species o "ideology" but rather as a cultural construct that has affinity with "kinship" or "religion" (1994, 5). Anderson's selection o `deca horizontal comradery as the defining element o nationalism is his attempt to give meaning to this proposition. The essence o nationalism for Anderson is that it provides an idiom o identiry and brotherhood around a progressive polity ("the nation"). Following Victor Turner, Anderson looks for the production o this fraternity in moments o communitas such as state pilgrimages. He also explores the conditioris of possibility o national identity, arguing that nationalism depends on a
Natio nalisni as a Practica) Syst,. t1 =

secular understanding o time as empry" and o the world as being made up o nations whose progress unfolds simultaneously and differentially through Chis empry time
Thus, for Anderson, che compelling aspect o nationalism is its promise o fraternity, and chis is, 1 believe, che most fundamental problem o the definition. 1 suggested earlier that nationalism is an idiom that articulates citizens to a number o communities, ranging froni family, to corporate groups, to villages and towns, to che nacional state. Thc connections between these communities are often themselves che suhstance o nationalist discourse and struggle. It follows that che imagery that is used to build nacional sentiment cannot so readily be reduced to che brotherhood among citizens. In order ro define the nature of nationalist imaginings, we must ask questions such as: When and how is nationalism invoked in a man's relationship with his wife7 How is it depleved in the dealings between a small-cown schoolteacher and his villagers, or between an Indian cacique and a president7 For, in all of these cases, the ideology o fraternity invoked by Anderson is being used to articulare hierarchies into che polity. The protection o che nation then becomes the protection o che family, or o che village, or o the race. My first amendment to Anderson's theory is thus that nationalism does not ideologically form a single fraternal communiry, because it systematically disti nguishes full citizens from par citizens or strong citizens from weak ones children, women, Indians, the ignorant). Because these distinctions are by nature heterogeneous, we cannot conclude that nationalism's power stems primarily trom the fraternal bond that it promises to all citizens. The fraternal bond is critical, hut so are what one might cal] che bonds of dependence that are intrinsically a pare o any nationalism. This leads to a second, chough mino' and derivative, amendment. The pride o place that Anderson gives to sacrilice in his view o nationalism is misleading, for if we accept that che national community is not strictly about equality and fraterniry, but rather about an idiom for articulating ties o dependence to the state chrough cicizenship (fraternity), then the defense of che fraternal bond becomes one possible symptom o nacionalism among severa others.

nationalism can even be deployed by a peasant who resists induction roto the army. Finally, the very nature o patriotic sacrifica is easily misconstrued if we do not pay close attention to the bonds o dependence that are central to the national communiry-for citizens enlisted to go die in World War 1 not only because o their fraternal ties with other volunteers or conscripts, but also because their families might reject them if they did not, or their communities might reject their families, and so on. In short, instead o saying, as Anderson does, that che nation is a community `because, regardless o the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, che nation is always conceived as a deep comradeship," 1 define the nation as a communiry that is conceived o as deep comradeship among full citizens, each o whom is a potential broker between che national state and weak, embryonic, or pare citizens whom he or she can construe as dependents.
This brings us to a final question concerning the concept o nationalism, which regards che relationship between the analytic definition o nationalism and actual usage o the tercos nation or nationalism. Although my revised definition would still exclude any form o ethnic identification that did not strive for some degree o political sovereigncy, 1 helieve that it has a greater capacity to include and distinguish between historical varieties o nationalism. For instante, che ambiguity between a racial and a politicalterritorial definition o nacin that 1 cited earlier for the late-eighteenthcentury Spanish world is a refiection o a specific moment in nation building that should not simply be called "prenational," because it involves a territorially finite state and a sovereign people, even though it tolerated significant differences between stations and even estates. Similarly, the peasant who has never seen a map or aided a census taker, and who has no notion o why, say, "Germana' and "Guadalajara" are incommensurate categories, can still be a nationalist because he makes an appeal as a Mexican, or because he comes home to his wife late and drunk on che nght o September 15 (Mexican Independence Day).

Revised General Historical Thesis The fundamental thing about nationalism is that it is a productive discourse that allows subjects co rework various connections between social institutions, including, prominently, the relationship between state institutions and other social organizacional forms. As such, the power o nationalism lies not so much in as hold en che souls o individuals (though Chis is not insignificant) as in che fact that it provides interactive frames in
Nationalism as a Pract-iba System 13 =

In other words, che power ol nationalism is as evident in che gesture o a Nio hroe who wraps himself in tire flag and dies for his country as it is in the gesture o che peasant who invokes his cicizenship when petitioning for and, or che small-town notable who claims that his villagers and himself descend from Aztec ancestors when he petitions for a school. In fact,
Nat^anali.m ns a Yrariira1 System 12 =

which the relattonship between ctao institnions and various and diverse social reiationships r family relacion.h;pc. cite organization of work, the detinition oI lorms of pr(>perty. nnd che regulation ot publie spaee) can he negotiated Thus one cotild 'erice a history ut nationalism that would Nave two bookcnds. one in sr hieh suc ,tic. vete not sulficiently dynamic and states were insulficiendy potent lor nationalism co emerge as a useful ,pace ol negotiation and contention and another in which states are no longer sullieiently potent and coniplex to he clic key actors ni che process of regulating what ,Nliehel foueault called biopower.' that is, che power tu administer a "population and to regulate ns habits. Capitalism traverses this history from end to end. It is therefore misleading to begin che history ot nationalism at the end of che eighreenth century, and not at che beginning of the sixteenth centuryInstead o positing che notion that nationalism emerged first in the Americas around the time ot independence, with the rise o print capitalism, and that it is therefore scareely two hundred years old, the Spanish and Spanish-American cases suggest that nationalism developed in stages, beginning with European colonization in the sixteenth century or perhaps in the Reconquista. In fact, nationalisms developed along different, though interrelated, tracks, such that, as in che analogy between nationalism and kinship, one might locate diverse nationalist systems. 1 shall outline what Chis alternative perspective reveals for the SpanishAmerican case. 1 will argue for several moments in the development o nationalism, each o which involved a distinct interconnection between fraternity and dependency. This reinterpretation o the history o SpanishAmerican nationalism leads me identi f theoretical mistakes in Anderson's general argument, including (1) false conclusions concerning the historical connections between "racism" and nationalism, as well as between language and nationalism; (2) a misleading emphasis on che idiom o fraternity as the only available languagc oI nacional identity; (3) an incorrect or successional view o the relationship between religion and nationalism (nationalism, for Anderson, replaces the universalistic claims o religion, yet Spanish nationalism was in fact hased on che national appropriation o the true faith)

the case: national consciousness emerges as an offshoot of religious expansionism_ 1 cite from Anderson once again to elarify what is at stake
In che cocarse of the sixteenth ccntury , Enrope's "discovery' of grandiose eivllizations hitherto only dimly rumored in China, Japan, Southeast Asia, and the Indian subcontinent-ur completely unknown-Aztec Mexico and Incan Peru-suggested an irremediable human pluralism- Most of these civilizations had developed quite sepaiate from che known history ot Europe, Chriscendom, Antiquity, indeed man their genealogics ]ay outside o and were unassimdable co Eden. ! Only homogeneous, empty time would offer them aceommodation.) (69)

This point of view is perhaps a true reflection o the ways in which expansion was assimilated in England and the Netherlands, but it was not che cultural form that expansion took in Spain (or in Spain's strongest early competitor: the Ottoman Empire)." On che contrary, both the Spanish Reconquista and subsequent expansion into Africa and to America were narrated very much in the framework o what Anderson describes in shorthand as "Eden." It is well known that Columbus and other explorers speculated on their proximity specifically to Eden, and to other biblical sites, when they reached che New World. That they attributed their success to God's design is evident in the ways in which they christened che land: islands and mainland being named alternatively for roya) and for spiritual sponsors (Isla Juana, Filipinas, and Fernandina alternating with San Salvador, Veracruz, Santo Domingo, etc.). Neither was this identity between conquest and the broader teleology o Christendom abandoned once colonization set in.
Franciscan missionaries interpreted their evangelizing mission in Mexico in terms that were consonant with the messianic scholastic philosopher Joachim de Fiore (see Phelan 1970); the priest Mendieta, an apologist o Hernn Corts, derived many a moral from the marvelous fact that Corts had been born in the same year as Martin Luther, the one to work for God in extending che true faith, che other tu work for the devil.'^ In fact, the whule o the conquistados "discourse o the marvelous" was evenly peppered with elements o popular literature (Marco Polo, Mandeville, Virgil, chivalry novels) and with biblical stories. Cine might argue, contrary to Anderson, that the success o Charles V gave

FirstMoment in Spanish National Fonnation: Colonization

A fundamental error in Anderson's account of che history o nationalism is his insistente un associating it with secularization. In the case of Spain, whose formation as a nation is cercainly one of the earliest, the opposite is
i\'' ,c tionali ,, ,, a P,a.l,ca1 Sys

new lile and plausibility to a narrative o Eden that had been much weaker in che days o Mandeville and Marco Polo, when the idea o taking Jerusalem and o achieving the Universal Catholic Monarchy was beyond any realistic expectation.
N a ticnalisn, as a Practica 1 Sysle,n 15 =

But even after Spanish expansionism was waning, by the 1570s, the reIationship between the true faith and the ways o local heathens was still told as par o the Christian eschatology, as is obvious both in narratives o indigenous intellectuals such as Felipe Guamn Poma de Ayala and in those o seventeenth-century C:reole patriots, such as Mexico's Carlos de Sigenza y Gngora. Both o these argued (in different ways) that the Aztecs and the Incas had been evangelized before the arrival o the Spaniards, and had subsequently been led astray by the devil, only to be brought back into the fold by an alliance between the remaining loyal Indians (such as the Texcocans or rhe Tlaxcalans in Mexico, or Guamn Poma's own family in Peru) and the Spaniards. The significance o this point for the history o Creole patriotism has been extensively argued by both David Brading andjacques Lafaye. Not only was Spanish expansion told as part o Christian eschatology, but the social organization o the state that was being built during this expansion innovatively identified the church and church history with a national idea. The earliest formulation o this occurred in the days o the Spanish Reconquista, with the legal codification o so-called blood purity (limpieza de sangre). Certificares o blood purity, guaranteeing that the holder was an old Christian, were necessary in order ro hold office, to enter the church, or to enter certain guilds. Although the holders o these certificates were not identified as "Spaniards," but rather as "Old Christians," they were thought o as a communiry o blood and o belief that had privileged access to the state.

vacos] during their time o arrival to those provinces, or any that may become unoccupied, to the Spaniards [ espaoles ] living in them ... so that they may have them, enjoy their tribute, and give them the good treatment that is mandated in our laws." Similarly, another law (1608) orders that "O the people in aid that the Viceroy might send from New Spain to the Philippines, he not allow in any way that mestizos or mulattos go or be admitted, because o the inconveniences that have occurred" (book 3, title 4, law 15). Law 14, title 5, book 3 orders that arms builders cannot teach their art to Indians ; title 10, law 7 o the same book prohibits military captains from naming slaves as standard-bearers in the army, while law 12 (1643) o the same book and title orders army officials not to give " mulattos, dark ones [morenos], mestizos" the job o soldier. Book 3, title 15, law 33 orders that the wives o the members o the Audiencia (high court) hear Mass in a specific part o the chapel in the company o their families, civil authorities , or women o rank "and not Indian women, black women, or mulatas ." On the other hand, the king ordered that when viceroys and judges named a "protector o Indians" (a kind o free lawyer for Indians), "they should not elect mestizos, because this is importan[ for their defense, and otherwise the Indians can suffer injuries and prejudice" (book 6, title 6, law 7); in other words, Spaniards, not mestizos, are the best and most appropriate defenders o Indians. Examples can be multiplied.15
In short, a concept o "Spanish" emerged quickly for the colonization o the Americas, and Spaniards were expected to take up a position o spiritual , civil, and military leadership, The notion of Spanishness was formally and legally understood as a question o descent, and it therefore included "Creoles," even though contexts o differentiation and discrimination between American-boro Spaniards and Peninsulars did exist from the mid-sixteenth century onward.16 This process o differentiation was predicated not en blood, but rather on ideas concerning the influence o the land en the character, makeup, and physionomy o those borra in the Indies.17 The term criollo had, in fact, a derogatory slant, in that it tended to assimilate American-born Spaniards with other American-born castes, such as slaves or mestizos (Lavall 1993, 20). Thus patriotism (in the sense o exaltation o the land o birth) became central te the Creoles, because it was through a vindication o the true worth o the land that they could fully claim the inheritance of their blood.18 This tension between a nationalism based en communiry o descent, and a patriotism based on a clear, delimited idea o "Spain' (as opposed both to the Indies and to other
NationaIismas aPracticalSystem

This nationalization o the church became much more significant with expansion to America. The whole o the first chapter o the Laws of the Indies is in fact devoted to justifying Spanish expansion to the Indies as a divine grace extended to the king so that he might bring the trae faith to those lands. Moreover, holding political office or belonging to the privileged classes is also seen in relation to faithfulness to the church, as is evident in a law that threatens any nobleman or holder o office with the loss o all privileges if he takes the narre o God in vain (libro 1, ttulo 1, ley 25).
Leaning heavily on these formulas, the concept o "Spanish" was created as a legal category o identity in order to organize political lile in the Indies. Spanish authority involved moral and religious tutelage over other social caregories o persons, including "Indians," "blacks," " mulattos," and "mestizos," and also served as a category differentiated from other European "foreigners" (extranjeros). For example, law 60, chapter 3, book 3 o the Laws of the Indies (first written in 1558) grants "the Viceroys o Peru the faculty to entrust (encomendar ) any Indians rhat may be unoccupied [indios que hubiere
Na1,onalism as a Prac t,c at Sys lem 16 =

= 17 =

Lampean holdings nl thc Spanish monarcli srould iemain important in Spain and in che Anaeucrs even altri indepen deneu The degrce to which Spaniards Spanish ncu and che Spanish language viere identiticd widt lile crac lailh and si ith inlizatton comes through e lile test ul lile lollov, ing las' 1 -0
Having malle a dese examinaron U inccniiTl schethcr thc mysteries of our Holy Catholic Faith can be prohcrlc asplained in cvcn in che post perfect language n1 thc Indians it has eco r,, ng nizect thet chis is not possible witlrout i,icurring great dissonances and impenccuons - - So, having resolved that it would he huir to inruducc lile Gostil,an language, we order that tcachers he nade available to Indians s, Iio wish volu n taxi ly to caro, and we have thought that diese may he lile e,icristrines.

In short, the Spanish language was not leen in the colonies as merely a convenient and profane vernacular, hut rather as a language that was closer lo Godao Language thusreflected lile process o nationalization ojtbe charca, which les at the center o the history of Spanish (and Spanish-American) nationalisms, a point o depai-wre that is at che opposite end o the spectrum posited by Anderson, who inaagined that secularization was in every case at che root o nacional ism. The civil Ieadership of Spaniards over Indians and others is laid out in a number o laws and practices, including in laws concerning the layout o Spanish towns and streets; in tire superiority o Spanish courts to Indian courts (Indian magistrates ceuld )al] mestizos or blacks, but not Spaniards); and, more fundamentally, in that the laws o Castile served as the blueprint for those o che Indies and for every other realm in che Spanish domain (book 2, title 1, law 2 115301 , "That che Laws o Castile be kept in any matter not decided in those of che Indies"). In sum, che concept o espaol, as a community o blood, asseciared wlth a religion, a language, a civilization, and a territory, emerged rather quickly in tire course o che sixteenth century.

Second Moment of Spanish Nalionalisni Decline in the European Theater

The first moment o Spanish national construction was, tiren, quite different in spirit and content from that posited by Anderson; Spanishness was built out o an idea o a privileged connection te the church, Spaniards were a chosen peeple, led by monarchs that had been singled out by che pope with the tale of "Catholic" As Old Christians, they were the true keepers of lile faith and theretore lile only viable polirical, moral, and
li1t ,s , r.,.:^ca, System lh

Figure 1.1. Nuestra Seora de Guadalupe, patrona de la Nueva Espaa, anonymous eighteenth-century painting. Collection o the Museum of che Basilica of Guadalupe. In chis painting, Guadalupe, patroness of Mexico, is bridging Europe and New Spain. For Hidalgo, that bridge crumbled with tse Napoleonic invasien of Spain, and divine grave, embodied in this apparition, is rooted entirely in Mexican sesil.

economic elite .2' The conquistadores were thus instantly a kind o nobility in the Indies and "Spaniards" were che dominant caste. In short, Spanish nationality was built on religious militancy: descent and language al rolled into a notion o a nacional calling to spiritual tutelage in the Americas and throughout che world.
The Spanish language in che Indies was not simply an arbitrary tongue among others, it was the suitable language in which to communicate che mysteries o che Catholic faith. Even today in Mexico, hablaren cristiano ("to speak in Christian") is synonymous with speaking in Spanish. Similarly, che Spanish bloodline-for Spanishness usually included American-born Spaniards-had a special destiny with regard to che true faith. Relativism was not at the origin o Spanish nationalism, nor did che discovery o the Indies dislocate Christian eschatology in any fundamental way. "Eden," as Anderson calls it, was maintained as the framework for histories that explained and situated Aztecs, Incas, and the rest of them.22 Spain's precocious consolidation as a state allowed for the rise o a form o national consciousness that was distinct from the relativist vocation o Britain and the Netherlands, whose entry to che game o (early) modero state and empire as underdogs made them fertile ground for the development o liberalism and, eventually, o truly modero forms o nationalism that are more akin to those described by Anderson.23 On che other hand, Spain's rapid decadence in the European theater both consolidated and exacerbated national consciousness in peculiar ways. Horst Pietschmann (1996, 18-24) has summarized the development o Spanish economic thinking o the ate sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, arguing that thc administrative reforms o the Bourbons in che eighteenth century were not a simple importation o French administrative ideas, but rather that they combined che latter with a native body o economic and administrative theories and projects devoted to finding remedies for che economic decline o Spain. Aniong these, Pietschmann's summary and discussion o che influential work o Luis Ortiz (1558) is pertinent for my argument here

J aL A
A, n:.. ..

Figure 12_ La virgen de Guadalupe escudo de oilud coruva l a epidetn(a del Matlazahuail de 1716-1738, a nonymous engraving , 1743. Col ccti on uf the Museum o the Basilica o Guadalupe - Here che patroness ot iSMcxico is protecting the city's inhabi tants against the plague.

Ortiz argued that Spain was poor because it only exported raw materials and then reimported rhem in che form o manufactured goods. The Spaniards' disdain for manual labor contributed to the underdevelopment of industry, as did che progressive depopulation o che countryside. As a partial remedy, Ortiz urged that laws enhance ehe prestige of manual labor: "these should he extended even to che extreme that the state force al] young men (including che nobles) to learn a trade, with che penalty that they would otherwise lose their nationality" (Pietschmann 1996, 19).
Na tionalism as a Practica! 21 System

Thesc rcconimcndations and othurs like them, hecome a staple of seventeenth-century econonnc prt,iccts and studies, call loe the strengthening el the Crown for the pcopling ,,l thc country and for leveling sume differences bctv, een the variou, ,tations.',uch recommen da ti ons are concived as a matter ol natioiial lit, t_,1 and in Urtizs case, proposed pena [Les for tailure tu comply induje lo,s uf nationalityThree points concernimg thi, intd lectual tradinon are pertinent for understanding the history ot nationalism Ti the Spanish world: hrst, a national consciou,ness seas exaccrhatcd hv thc pcrccption of Spain's me casing backwardness vis-) vis rts cunq>etltors econd, the solutions that were proposed l policies concerning track populaticn. education, work, administrative rationalization, etc. i also callad systcntatically [o a diminution o regional differences and policy reforms that involved conceptualizing a people in a finite territory, under a more streamlined and tendentially more equal izi ng admi nistrati on, third, the idea of re lative decline and o competition involved a keen sense of empty time" (that is, of secular competition between states progressing through time) before the advent o "print capitalism," a fact that is obvious not only in the economic literature, but in al] manner o military and contra e reial policy. There is in fact sonie confusion in Andersons analysis o empty time. Following Walter Benjamn, Anderson defines homogeneous or empty time as "an idea ... in which simultanelty is, as it were, transverse, crosstime, marked not by prefiguring and fulfillment, but by temporal coincidence" (1991, 24). The novel and the newspaper are artifacts that popularre this conception o time, in that their protagonista can act independently o one another and still have a meaningful relationship to each other only because the characters belong to the lame sodety and are being connectcd in the mind o the same reader Thc question that this analysls poses to a historian o the Iberian world is whether the novel and the newspaper were the first cultural artifacts that frame events and ates in "empty time-" The answer is that they were not.

trouhles of the country had a truly wide audience [ in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centurias j . since thc majority of thcir projects were printed, and we even find their ideas repearedly in the works o writers like Cervantes" (1996, 23 Thus , competition betwccn states , and a consciousncss of relative decline were required tu promote and justtty programs of economic and admi nistrative reform . As a resulr, this mode o imagining time liad long been available tu the cures , and cannot o i tselt explain the risa o Spanish-American nationalism , although it does suggcst an earlier son o Spanish collectivc c onsciousncss" A final citation from Pietsehmann who is my principal authority in this matter, summarizes my point concerning Chis second phase : "[T]ogether with the affirmation o the Catholic religion (the Spanish Enlightenment was qualified as being specifically Christian , and it had its reformist current in Jansenism), we find also the patriotism o the Enlightened thinkers, a fact that differentiates them from the cosmopolitanism o Enlightenment thinkers in France and other European countries. This patriotism , that gave the Spanish Enlightenment a strongly political character, was expressed in the desire that Spain reconquer its earlier economic florescence and its poltica] position as a power o the first order" (1996, 25).

Government policy making in the Spanish world was running en empty time long before the industrialization of print media, and elites, Creole and Spanish, were well aware o this. Plans and programs for streamlining administration, disciplining thc workforce, rationalizing tariffs, and improving transportation systems were discussed and predicated un the recognition of the parallel and sinwltancous development o the great European powers- titorcovcr there discussions were widely known and debared, as Pietschmann reminds us: "[1 deas concerning the economic
Nat'o',alism a , P , . ', t' al Sys1rrn

In the eighteenth century , under the Bourbons , the discussions o the prior century and a half were reanimated , and they generated a series o administrative reforms. These reforms were , once again , built on the patriotic and national consciente that had developed since the Conquest, a consciente that simultaneously produced a clearly delimited image o "Spai" as a land , and o "Spaniards" as a nation (even though there was no isomorphism between the nation and Spain).'s As an example o the Spanish imagined community that was being constructed through these reforms , 1 offer the following vignette, taken from the Careta de Mxico ( November 3, 1784 ), describing the celebration o the birth o royal twins and the signing o a peace treaty with France and the United States in Madrid : " Rarely shall there be a motive for greater complacency, nor more worthy o the jubilation o the Spaniards, than the happy birth o the two twin infantes, and the conclusion o a peace so advantageous to the national interests " ( my emphasis).
Having identified both the subjects o the ritual as Spaniards and the interests being served by the twin birth and by the peace treaty as "national ," the Gazeta de Mxico goas on to narrare the public festivities that marked the event, especially the content o a series of allegorical floats (carros alegricos):
Nati on d liara as a Practica1 System 23 =

1 st Floao Adanes Holding die Sky

The first float is preceded by drums, trumpets, pages, heralds, and eight couples o both sexes, six o artisans, one of farmers [hortelanos], and one o field hands [labradores], each with che instrument o its profession. They are followed by che orchestra and irnmediacely thereafter by a super float, pulled like che rest by six horses, in which the stacue o Atlantis, character. ized with severa) mottos, holds che sky. Our August Monarch Charles 111 holds with his heroic virtues and happy government che Spanish Monarchy. The love o[ che Spaniards venerares in os glorious Monarch che Princes and the Royal Family, so worthy also of che )ove that is bestowed to chem by tbe Nation.

At the same time, che inclusiveness o che category o "Nation" appears to be a bit broader ehan che Spanish terricory that is so clearly delimited, because it includes the readers o che Gazeta de Mxico, who are fully expected co share in the joy o the occasion. Around the time o this festivity, Charles 111 would try te implement administrative reforms that would more clearly make the territorial image o Spain inclusive o the Indies in a way that paralleled the inclusive potencial o the concept o the Spanish nation.

Third Moment: Bourbon Reforms and Independence

The high point o chis reformist movement, in the late eighteenth century under Charles III, involved trying to make Spain and its colonies into a closed economic space, with a relatively streamlined administration, an active financial and economic policy, a decentralized administration and army. This imperial unity was known as the Cuerpo unido de Nacin (Unified body o nation; Pietschmann 1996, 302), and its administrative organization was clearly the precursor o the state organizations that were generated with independence,

Here we have, in an officially sanctioned bulletin published in Mexico City, the portrayal o a Spanish nation-a nation, represented by farmers, agricultura] workers, and artisans, protected by a nacional monarch, who holds up the sky over their heads like Atlas. Both che monarchy and the people are called "Spanish" here, and che publication o this in Mexico is clearly meant te make this national celebration inclusive at the very least co a Creole audience. Yet che terricory of "Spain is clearly limited in che ritual, in a way that diverges from the inclusive term nacin:
5th Floao Spain Jubilan[ because of che Birth o che Infantes The las[ float . is preceded by eight couples on horseback, armed with lance and shleld. Then two pagos, and vine couples that indicare the different provinces o Spain, whose costumes they wear. They are accompanied by an orchestra, to which they respond with dances of their respective provinces.

The description o a series o allegories portraying Spain goes en in detail and is summed up in che following analysis:
The interpretation of chis float is easy. Spain is represented in che greatest surge o its happiness as a resulr o che birth ol the two SERENE INFANTES, by [newly signed peace], by its producrs, by its main rivers, by its Sciences, Arts, Navy, Commerce, and Agriarlture, all of which e; fomented by our august sovereign, facilitating for Chis Illuscrious Nation che abundante and opulence that is promised by its fernlc soi] and che constancy o ics loyal and energetic inhabitants.

Interestingly, however, these reforms were promoted not only as a response lo a feeling o backwardness and o nostalgia for past nacional glories, but also te face che political threats posed both by the British navy and che American Revolution. The former threat in particular made the decentralization o administration an importan[ strategy for the fortification o the empire. This system o decentralization and administrative rationalization also involved promoting a view o industry and o public interest that is significant in the formation o a modern form o nationalism, based en individual property, a skilled and well-policed workforce, and a bourgeois public sphere. Two divergent tendencies are produced with these administrative, religious, and educacional reforms. On the one hand, the formation o the idea o a Gran Espaa, made up o Iberia and the Indies together, with a population o subjects Lending toward greater internal homogenization under increasingly bourgeois forms of political identity, en che other, the consolidation o the various administrative units-the viceroyalties and the new "intendancies"_as viable state units, each with its own internal financia] administration and permanenc army. These contradictory tendencies are in fact incimately related: en the one hand, the administrative consolidation o transatlantic political units was che only logical means te shape a strong Gran Espaa; en the other,
Natioualism as a Practica1 System =25=

In short, a clear image o Spain, represented by a modero idea o the public good (wich great prominence given co arts and industry, natural resources, and the customs o che various folk), is present in this state ritual.
Naiionalism as a Praci ical System

24 =

political crisis Froni the seventeenth century on, the armada from Spain liad to struggle to ntake successful voyages to the Americas, and there were moments when the armada was entirely incapable o managing Spanish-American trade Creater administrative and military autonomy would provide another line ol imperial detense. Thus, at the lame time that the "political viability" and the "emotional plausibility" o the viceroyalties were strengthened pollncally by the new system o intendancies and deologically through a new emphasis on the public good through industiy and education, so too was the notion o a truly panimperial idenriry closer at hand than ever hefore.

These contradictory tendencies are in evidente at the time o independence: first, in the parallels between tire American War o Independence and the "war of independence" o Spain against the French invaders; second, in the fact that the liberal Constitution o Cdiz (1812) defined "Spaniards" as all o the people who were born in the Spanish territories, with no differences made between Iberia and the Indies.
Figure 1. . Ex-oolo gining Ibanks lo tbe oi rg is: of Cuadal upe f o r a successful medica opera tion, anonymous, 1960. Reornier of the c[ghLeen th century were convinced that divine protection and Interjecti on were not i n conlbct aith modernizat, t i a and modern technologies. This has been a persutent [heme in Mexican nationalism In this ex-voto of 1960, the Virgin of Cuadalupes llght shines in the operating room.

Fourtb Moment. The Rocky Road to Modera Nationalism (Mexico 181o-29) In Latin America, the road ter national modernity was particularly cumbersome. This was owing to the early date of independence movements, a fact that resulted not so much from the force o nationalist feeling in the region as from the decadente o Spain in the European forum.36 As a result o this, the new countries faced stiff interna and foreign- relations problems, and it is in the context o [hese problems that a functioning nationalism developed. The fourth moment in the evolution o Spanish-American nationalism can best be understood as one in which the dynamics of independent postcolonial statehood forced deep ideological changes, including a sharp change in who was considered a national and who a foreigner, a redefinition o the extension o the fraternal bond through the idea o citizenship, and of the relationship between religion and nationality and between race and nation. This process o radical transformation occurred alongside the emergence o a new form o popular politics, in which social movements cut across the boundaries o villages and castes, regions and guilds. The Spanish-American revolutions may seem "socially thin" to some contemporary observers (Anderson 1991, 49), but they were by far the most "dense" social and political movements that Spanish America had had since the Conquest. In this section, 1 explore the dynamics of [hese
Nationalism as a e-ractica1 System

the very process o consolidating their viability made independence al] the easier to imagine . Alexandcr von Humboldt's voyage and writings en Spanish America are a good example of this conundrum. Whereas in the Laves of tbe Indies, which is a compilation made in 1680, printed materials about the Indies were banned frota [hose lands , and foreigners were outlawed from going beyond the ports of the Indies, Humboldt received a roya) commission to travel thcre, and authorities were asked to give him all o their statistics and any in formation he might find useful. Humboldt's publications on the political economy o the Indies followed the spirit o the Bourbon reforms, as well as Cerman cameralist administrative theory, by treating each principal administrative unit (mainly viceroyalties) as a coherent whole, with a population, an economy, a map, and so on. The administrative consolidation of viceroyalties, intendancies, and other political units was occurring not as a ploy to keep Creoles boxed into their administrative unas, but ratheu to strengthen the general state o the empire, and tu give each segment a greater capacity to respond to a
N a t i o n a l i s m gis e p roo i ,cal S y s t e m 26 =

Mexican independence, Hidalgo and Morelos, who were secular priests, claimed to be fighting for the sake of religion. Here, for instante, is a formulation by Morelos:
Know that when kings go missing Sovereignry resides only in the Nation,7 know also that every nation is free and is authorized ro form the class of government that ir chooses and not te be the slave o anothcr; know also (for you undoubtedly have hcard rell of rhis) that we are so far from heresy that our srruggle comes down to defending and protecring in all o its rights our holy religion, whlch is rhe aim of our sights, and ro extend the culr of Our Lady the Virgin Islary. (Morelos 1812, 199)

Morelos and Hidalgo accused rhe Spaniards o betraying their trae Christian mission and using Chrisrianity as a subterfuge for the exploitation of the Americans.27 To uphold the true Christian faith was also to drive out al] Spaniards who had milked the Mexicans of their native wealth and who had driven rhem to abjection. These early movements failed. Morelos and Hidalgo were executed, and alrhough their followers continued rhe fight, independence was not to be achieved under the leadership of this particular ideological wing_ Instead, an alliance was captained by Agustn Iturbide, who had been a loyalist army officer and who enjoyed the backing of a sizable fraction o New Spain's elite. lturbide's Plan de Iguala gave Spaniards ample guarantees of full inclusion in the new republic. _ The backers o Morelos (including pardos, Indian village communlties, local artisans and merchants) were led by Vicente Guerrero and backed a political program that would eventually gel roto what Peter Guardino has called "popular federalism" (1996, 120-27; 179-86). The popular radicals o the 1 820s were interested in lowering taxes and broad electoral enfranFigure 1 4_Sa1or Reina de la Arnrrc, L? ion hy Gonzalo Carrasco (1859-1936), n. d. Collection o die Muscum of thc Baslica of Guadalupe. Guadalupe here is the patroness of Spanish-American sovercignty Th, image also underscores Mexicos presumptive role at the head ol the Spanish-Anierican con federati on.

chisement. They favored the formation o municipal boundaries and institutions that would help villagers defend their lands, gave free rein to antiSpanish sentiment, and sought to implement a liberal system modeled en that of the United States. The elite of this group carne to be associated with rhe Freemasons of the rite of York, and they supported a movement to expel the Spaniards from Mexico_ In 1828 a yorquino-backed coup led ro the looting o the market o the Parin in Mexico Ciry, where wealthy Spanish merchants had their shops, and the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico followed shortly afrer.21 Thus Mexican nationalism went from excluding Spaniards in rhe early independence movement, to including rhem at independence, to excluding rhem again, all in a very short lapso of time.
Natioriui 5,n

transformations through a discussion of certain key events in early independent Mexico (18 10-29). As Andiony Pagden has shown, Creole patriotism was predicated on Spanish political philosophy. In the Iberian world, sovereignry was granted by ((>d to the people, who in furo ceded it to thc monarch. It is therefore nos surprising that the early fathers of
Narionn lien^ .i^ Pear..al Sys tea 28

,rn a Iractlcal 29

Systea

Thc very viulence Di the iti, ologieal transionn a ti ora of early Mexican nationalism suggests that a general Ti absti,ict "nationalism" does not help in undcrstanding thc speciiio ot tts eontcnu or as dynamics of propagation In fact jusc as che noticio of kinshils s in abstraction of such a general leve) that it can obtuscate clic natura d thc practicas that are being summed up Ti the ealegory, so tus, can see say that Andersos cultural ist reading o nationalism is to such a (legrar general and abstract thar it fails to clarify che polities ot cono uunitt przxluecion.

dent, Guadalupe Victoria --so much so that when US. ambassador Joel Poinsett arrived can che sccnc in 1825 , he saw gaining some o the terrain that tire United States liad already ceded to che British as his most formidable cask."' Poinsett naakcs a sustained cffort to huild a pro-Ameriean party to councer British intluence in Mexico Part ol Poinsetts wellcalibered strategy included aid in che organization of Masonic lodges co counter those affiliated ro che Scottish rite, arad he attached these Masons co che rite o York (chartercd by che lodge in Philadelphia). These two Masonic organizations t, ould funccion as political parciies" in Chis early period.' Both che Scottish and che Yorkish Masons tried to monopolize as many government posts as they could. As the competition between the escoceses and the yorquinos became embittered, che Ameriean caus' (o York) begins to identify the Masons o the Scottish rite with imperialist European interests, especially with Spanish interests. This allowed the yorquinos to distract attention from tire US-British rivalry, and it promised co yield juicy dividends co yorquinos in che form o Spanish property, because the Spaniards were still che most prosperous sector o Mexico's population.

lile speciiio fonnulations ut thc natura ol clic nation and of who was included and who was excluded undcnvent dramatic. shifts that cannot be attributed ro changes in conaciousness gained by new naaps or censuses (Humboldt was still the maro scuice chal people drew en in this period). Nor do these shifts respond lo ara intensification o travel or o che strength o bureaucratic networks acioss che territory. The formation o Mexican nationalism can be understood in rciation to the political conditions o its production_ These condi Horas mere determined as muela by the new nation's position in an international order as by the fact that it did not have a national ruling classThis latter point requires elaboration. At che time o independence, Spanish-Ameriean countries did not hace a Creole bourgeoisie that could serve as a nacional dominant class. Domestic regional economies were not well articulated Yo each other; much of che transatlantic merchant elite was Spanish; mining capital often required foreign partnerships. Thus che Creole elite was a regional elite, and not a national bourgeoisie. Only two institutions could conceivably serve co articulare the national space: the church and che military. The milicary, however, was not a unified body, because it was led precisely by regional caudillos, many o whom controlled their own milicias. The church, on che other hand, articulated the national space in ternas o credit to some extent, and also ideologically, but it could not serve as a national dominant class In Chis context, uniting regional leaders inco national factions was necessary. In che early years after Mexico's independence, Freemasonry had Chis role.co It was through Masonry that regional elites forged interregional networks that con Id prefigure the national burcaucracy after independence. When independence was anained, nnich o Mexico's political elite helonged to Masonic lodges organized in the Scottish rice. These elites were well disposed co Britain and, indeed, Great Britain was che first great power to recognize Mexico Not surprisingly, George Ward, who was Britain's first anthassador co ixlexico was able to reap nunaerous economic and political concessions Froni (lit govcrnnaent of Mexico's first presi.A4^ ,0ra clic., Sys trm 311

The escoseses, for their pare, because they were losing che contest for national power, denounced the role of Joel Poinsett as a foreigner creating che parry o yorquinos and the very existente o "secret societies."
Thus, it is in che competition between two secret societies for full control over che apparatus of che state that two critical aspects o Mexican nationalism get consolidated: nationalism as an excluding ideology (even as a xenophobic ideology)-seen both in che move co expel the Spaniards and in che move to expel Poinsett; and nationalism as an ideology that makes public access to the state bureaucracy a cornerstone o its ideology. These aspects o nationalism reinforce one another because neither of che two Masonic parties can afford the luxury o identifying entirely with foreign interests (because each needs to attack a different foreign powerthe yorquinos want to attack British and Spanish interests, che escoseses are opposed to U.S. interests), and neither can openly admit that it merely wishes to control the bureaucratic apparatus.

Finally, the links between religion and nationalism should not be taken as constant. Although early Mexican patriotism was identified with a superior loyalty to che Catholic faith, arad Mexican nationalists vehemently excluded other faiths from che national order, both the British and the Americans coincide in their interest in propagating freedom o religion. Consequently, some degree o religious tolerance was necessary to maintain trade with England and che United States, and che polarization o the
N a t i o,t a l i s m a s a Pra ctica 1 S y s t e m 31 =

political spectrum ended up producing a jacobin camp that was absent in the early postindependent period. Eventually, church properties would be to jacobins what Spanish properties had been to yorquinos in 1829: a source o wealth that could be the spoils for political expansion in a period o little economic growth.
In chis fashion, Mexico consolidated a nacional state with a nationalism built on three principies: che defense against foreigners, the defense o open political parties instead of secret societies (and o an understanding o the state as a normative order rather than as a governing caaes), and the (uneven) extension o the beneflts o nationalism to popular levels (whether througb the abolition o tribute, o guild restrictions, o church tithes, o distribution o nacional lands, che distribution o spoils from the Spaniards, the distribution o goods o new technologies). These three pillars are in part rhe unintended result ol the contest o the secret societies, supported by two imperialist states, for control over the state apparatus. These secret societies, in turn, functioned thanks to the cleavages o economic and political interests that cut across nacional lines or that did not reach "up" to the nacional leve) at all. In short, the bases o communitarian feeling, criteria o inclusion and exclusion in the nation, the imagination o a territory, and the very conceptualization o nacional fraterniry were shaped in the political fray.

world long before print capitalism, beginning with the decline o empire and Spains failure to attain a universal monarchy. Thus, Spanish economic thought formulated the notion o a national economy beginning in the mid-sixteenth century. The administrative constructs that allowed for the imaginings o a people tied to a territory can be dated back to the sixteenth century, when both colonial expansion and the defense o the empire against European powers led to the consolidation o the notion o "Spain' and o "Spanards." As Spain continued to decline in the European forum, state reforms tended to target political middlemen in an attempt to substitute regional political classes with a bureaucracy, to consolidare an idea o a nacional territory, and to shape a Greater Spanish Nation made up o subjects that tended increasingly toward an internal uniformity vis-vis the Crown. Finally, independence itself, as Anderson recognized, was not the product o cultural nationalism, but rather o the decline o Spain's capacity to run its overseas territories. As a result, much o the specific content o modern nationalist ideology, such as the notion that politics should be public, or that religion should not be a criterion for choosing a trading partner, or that a Spaniard is not a Mexican even if he sympathizes with the Mexican cause, was the cultural product o independence, and not its precondition. On the theoretical front, the Latin American case leads me to modify Anderson's definition o nationalism in order to stress botn fraternal tres and bonds o dependence in the imagined community. It is in the articulation between citizenship and nationality that various nationalisms derive their power. As a result, sacrifice is not the quintessential feature o nationalism, but rather one o a number o possible signs and manifestations. In addition, because Anderson's ideas concerning the necessiry o cultural relativism as a precondition for nationalism are incorrect, it follows that his theoretical emphasis on the centrality o language over race in nationalism can also be questioned. In the case o Spain, at least, "racial" identity (in the dense o a bloodline) was coupled with linguistic identity for the formation o an opposition between "Spaniards" and "lndians," and it was descent from Oid Christians who had fought holy wars that made Spaniards a chosen people. Like knship and religion, nationalism has come in various strands. In the early modern period, we must distinguish between the nationalism o a chosen people, such as that o Spain, and the defensive nationalism o the British or the Dutch, who created nationalist ideals in order to affirm their right to maintain and sanctify their own traditions. Both o these
Nat,onai,sm as a Practical System 33 =

Conclusion
The cultural density o the phenomenon o nationalism les in the politics o its production and deployment Nationalism combines the use of transnationally generated formulas, ranging from legal formulations to state pageantry, with a politics that is inextricably local. A dense or thick description o nationalism is therefore a necessary step for understanding its cultural characteristics.

The Spanish-American and Mexican cases present a significant historical problem for Anderson's conceptualization because in Spain nacional construction began with an appropriation o the church, and not with a relativization of "Eden." Spanish was seen as a modern form o Latin, and therefore was more appropriate for communicating the faith than indigenous languages. In a related vein, "yace" was central to early modern Spanish nationalism, insofar as descent from Old Christians was seen as a sigo o a historical tie to the faith, a sigo that gave its owners control over the bureaucratic apparatus of both church and state.
Moreover, the concept o "empty time" was present in the Spanish
Nat,Onallsm n,: a Prac^,cal System

fornis contia, t with the highly unsiablc nati unalist tomula ti ons of early postcolonial Spanish America AdUtmallants tamily free reaches baek to the very birth of the modem w01 TI and ideas cl political community that lave emerged sincc then are buth muro and Icss than a cultural suecessor ot che rellgious community

Communitarian Ideologies and Nationalism

This chapter, first published in 1993, is the earliest of the essays in this book. It iras written for a wide audience, with the aim of provding very general historical parameters for the study of Mexican communitarian ideologies.

The territory now known as Mexico has always been occupied by diverse human groups that speak different languages and have significant variations in belief and customs. Mexican nationality is not a historically transcendent entity. On the contrary, it is the historical product of the peoples who have inhabited those lands. The goal of this chapter is to identify communitarian ideologies that have played salient roles in the formation and transformation of national ideology in Mexico.
Today it is common to assert that nationalism is a communitarian fiction. However, the nation is a kind of community that coexists with others, either as a complementary form oras a competing form of community, and strategies for identifying the communitarian ideologies that are pertinent for the study of nationality are a matter that requires attention. Max Weber defined communal relations as a type of social relationship wherein action is'based on the subjective feeling of the parties, whether affectual or traditional, that they belong together."i Thus al] communal relations,
N a l i o n a l i, ni ., , e P r,, , i i c a l Syste^

35 =

including family relations, are hased on subjective feeling and en fictions regarding the social whole, and who "we" are
In this chapter, 1 analyze communitarian ideologies by identifying the goods that each community marks as inalienable- This strategy is based en Annette Weiner's discussion o exchange- In contrast to classical (Maussian) models of exchange, which inspected the role of the reciprocal exchange o goods for building ties of solidarity, Weiner focused en the goods that people decide that they cannot exchange: inalienable goods.2 In so doing, she showed that reciprocal exchanges not only assert solidarity; they also chape systems o social differentiation. The objects that are exchanged in relations o reciprocity also underline by omission or by implication the resources that will not be exchanged. The relationship between the various things that each exchange partner withholds and keeps out o circulation objectifies a system o social differentiation. This idea is useful for describing how communitarian ideologies are constructed. The totalizing visions that underlie communitarian relationships are always based en definitions of goods or rights that are common and inalienable te al]. The relationships o differentiation that are later constructed within and between communities are defined with reference to the series of goods that are inalienable ro the group. In out case, examining the nation's inalienable goods clarifies how Mexicanness has been formed. National feelings are presented as inherited "primordial loyalties." One is burn and dies with them and they are passed un: children must also inherit them- This characteristic o nationaliry-its ideology o transcendence-can be grasped by studying the communitarian goods and rights that are considered inalienable because they embody the material transcendence O the community. My aim in this chapter is to use che inalienable communitarian possessions to identify the principal types of communitarian ideologies that facilitated or blocked the formation of the feeling o Mexican nationaliry .

and (4) ancient Nahua notions correspond at many points with those o other Mesoamerican groups. My aim in considering the Aztecs is not to affirm the precepts o traditional Mexican nationalism, which always saw the grandeur o the Aztec city as the founding moment o Mexican nationality. Rather, it is to understand the nature o Aztec communitarianism so that we may better identify its potential for modern nationalist thought. When discussing Aztec notions o community, it is necessary to consider kinship, territory, cultural formulations o subordination and domination, and ideas about civilization and barbarism.
In the Aztec period, indigenous states' areas o influence did not correspond to the limits o a single linguistic or territorial community. The great cities o Tenochtitln, Texcoco, and Azcapotzalco housed migrants from many areas, including speakers o various languages. The great tlatoani o Tenochtitln was the lord not only o the Nahuatl speakers o Tenochtitln, but also o Otomis, Mazahuas, Zapotecs, and many others, some o whom had been forcibly brought to the city as slaves, while others were migrants, members of guilds, and merchants. Pre-Hispanic states were thus not meant to represent a cultural community in the contemporary sense o the term, although communitarian ideas certainly existed. These notions developed around a discourse el kinship (that is, o alliance and descent) between living and dead people, as well as between kin groups and land. The cornerstone o the sense o community in the Aztec period was the institution o the calpulli- The communitarian ideology of the calpulli was manifested in a series o inalienable goods and rights: (1) the land el the calpulli belonged to a lineage, not an individual, so individuals could even sell themselves as slaves but they could not freely dispose o calpulli lands; (2) the lineage and land were sponsored by a deity (calpulteotl), and the link with that deity could not be broken by individual will; (3) the calpulli's links with other calpultin were manifested and symbolized in kinship links among their chiefs and among the gods in the cycle o suns, a myth that legitimated the preeminente o a single people (the Aztecs) and their tutelary god over en entire era.3 This series of kinship relationships was also used to claim Aztec filiation with the Toltec line, which was the source o civilization, and was also seen asan inalienable legacy.

The Aztecs
The Aztecs are notan obligatory starting point for the analysis o Mexican communitarian ideologies. 1 begin with them for four reasons: (1) understanding the communitarian ideologies of pre-Hispanic states helps us to visualize the full gamut o ideological sources o modern Mexican nationalism; (2) some features o pre-Hispanic communitarian ideologies have persisted, albeit in a very transformed way, (3) many Mexican nationalist movements have tried to take up the polirical forros o ancient Mexico;
Communi !oran = 36 = 1dologies

In Chis sense, in the pre-Hispanic period the "national" question did not depend en "ethnicity" as we understand iq nationaliry did not depend en membership in the same Iinguistic, racial, or cultural group. The important thing was to belong to one o a set o landed communities. Belonging to these communities determined a relationship to a series of inalienable
Coromu,o arias = 37 = Ideologies

,,oods summcd up in tire dilterent dinx nsic, ns ot tire caipulli comnion land 'Lid a kinship idiom tying all maniera ol a..ipuiG togethet; filiati on with a local deiq^ ca ipu!leoil;. and a reccrved set ol ilb,nces between calpultin (expressed in genealogical forn) hctwc^n tamiheso t chi eis and between their tutelary gods These relationsh, s t,crc ^spressed very powertuliy in che words that according to Fray lfui nardi no de Sahagm) Aztec priests directed to che Franciscana whu cure to convert them
They out progen noi e,ak]ri ue all thcir 'caes of wo^+hip,

political licld- Sacrifice and slavery were interpreted as an affirmation of the greater cosmology-tic period or reigning son in which it was thought that they were livinig--through che expansion of sorne communities at che expense o others In tima sense, although the aalpnlli was the primordial communitarian unir, riere was also a leve) of social identi fication related Lo the Aztec state. The feclings of belonging to this greater political unir were built on a numher ol relationshi ps. Wc have already mentioned tbe importance of the system of kinship alliance between nobles. Marriage between nobles was so important in che ideological construction of the empire that is almost impossible to imagine chis system without polygamy, because Aztec lords formed alliances with subordinated peoples by accepting their noblewomen in marriage6

their ways of reveriog l che goda Thus, before them we bn ng carde to our mou ths ]we swear], so do we bleed, we pay our debts, we burn incense, we offer sacrifices Ttey [our progenitora] said that they, the gods, are for whom one leves, that they deserved us

These kinship networks among allied, subordinated communities and imperial centers also had an ideological counterpart in religion. Here, the Aztecs' tutelary god, Huitzilopochtli, ruled the era-the'Pifth Sud'-as a whole. Thus, che calpultin' s communitarian worship could also find a subordinate place in a religious cosmology that included and favored the empire, with the Aztecs' Huitzilopochtli presiding over che whole era. Imperial society also had mechanisms for attracting individuals who did not come as slaves or victims. Aztec expansion depended en military and commercial domination. In turn, Chis domination required powerful armies, and the Aztecs permitted non-Aztecs to join them and rise in rank through battlefield accomplishments. In this way, the Aztec empire developed mechanisms for absorbing and assimilating individuals even though they did not belong to their primordial community o origin.7 In conclusion , one can say that in pre-Hispanic society there was a vision o the human individual as an energy that had a value in itself. This energy (figured in the tonalli) had Lo be linked to a series of inalienable possessions that every qualified individual inherited. He or she had to be linked to a piece of land, Lo a kin group, to a configuration o tutelary gods, and to the political acate. The Aztecs' imperial policies were to some degree oriented Lo channeling these various communal loyalties toward them through a complex system o alliances and threats. They also had the capacity to absorb individuals into the group in return for services rendered, especially on the battlefield. Basically, one can say that, in the Aztec period, belonging to a landed community that was figured as a kindred was the only truly honored way o life, and to be separated from that state o community, the ancient Nahua was destined Lo serve orto dic.
Con,sunita rian Idealagies 39=

How? Wherer When it was still night And they [our ancestors raid, that they give os
our sustenance, our food. everything one drinks, one eats, that which is our flesh, maize, beans, amaranth, cha. They are who we ask for water, ramo, which is why che things of dte land are produeed.'

This vision o community also hclps Lis Lo understand certain features of che Aztecs' characteristic sense ol honran hfe. These features are expressed in che ideologies o sacrifico and slavery. When an individual was captured in war, he was taken by the hair on the crown o his head. This act represented che appropriation of his tonalli, his vital force, and the separation o that vital force from che captive's original community.s Thus, sacrifice and slavery were one naton's or community's way o liberating and expending the human energy and vitality that had been separated from anorher nation or community_ This strengthened che alliance between the appropriating nation and che different gods that shaped its
Communii ir, ,n Id,olo 38

The Colonial Period

and indigenous barrio was generally imperfect, it did reproduce the tenNotions of communiry in colonial society, can also be explored through an analysis o the inalienable possessions that each attributed to itself. New Spain was a caste society that recognized different types o communities that maintained hierarchical relationships with each other. I shall briefly review indigenous, Spanish and mestizo communitarian ideologies. Indigenous communities partially maintained some o the calpulli's communal attributes: the communiry remained legally and officially landed through its "primordial titles," which were decrees from a Spanish monarch that granted a series of lands and goods to a village, sometimes in recognition o tribute paid or to confirm lands that had belonged to those villages in antiquity. Clearly, one o the colonial indigenous communitys inalienable goods was land, despite the fact that communal lands could be rented for long periods or lose through illicit sales. Correspondingly, the primordial titles were converted into almost sacred documenis guarded by the most venerable elders and displayed only in special occasions. Knowledge o the content o those titles was a central theme o local oral traditions. As in pre-Columbian times, this collective relationship with the land was reflected ar the ritual, religious, and political levels. Thus, indigenous communities instituted their own ofhces-alcaldes, jueces, gobernadores, mandones, and alguaciles-that circulated, in theory at least, among the village principales, the descendants o the old indigenous nobility. This political organization o the indigenous communiry had the double purpose o guarding village intereses, imparting local justice, and responding to Spanish demands on the community, including tribute, the organization o labor groups, and the enforcement o Christian worship. A good part o the territorial, political, and religious organization o indigenous communities also tended to coincide with kin groups in the mode o the calpulli, but in general the indigenous quarters and communities of the colonial period were not direct continuations o the calpultin. In the first decades after the Conquest, many ot the indigenous quarters (barrios) that were organized were in fact calpultin However, this correspondence often broke down because o the enormous Indian mortality throughout the sixteenth century and the population movements that responded to new Spanish economic demands. Moreover, to resolve the difficulties in controlling the dispersed indigenous population the Spanish "concentrated" it in larger population centers (aboye all in the late sixteenth and eariy seventeenth centuries). Still, although thc physical continuity between calpulli
1drologies 40 = Com ''hita rian 1deologies 41

dency te organize kinship relationships en the leve) o the barrio and the community. The indigenous barrios o the colonial period were generally composed o two or three great patrilineages_ Even more important, as James Lockhart has shown, colonial indigenous jurisdictions tended to coincide with the pre-Columbian units (altepetl), in such a way that the combination o barrios formed a single political community. On the ritual plane, each village adopted one or several saints, and the Christian tradition o revelation articulated with the shamanism o preColumbian peoples. This permitted personalized relationships between saints and individuals (and, by association, between saints and the groups to which individuals belonged). Thus, the indigenous communitarian spirit maintained inalienable links with land, family, and gods, albeit in a transformed way.

In addition to al] this, colonial indigenous communities were nations in a racial sense, and this radically differentiated colonial indigenous nationality from pre-Columbian nationalities. Like the calpulli, each community identified its limits on the basis o a relationship with a series o inalienable objects-the land, an oral tradition about the land, a series o political relationships within comniunities, and a series o relationships between communities and deities. However, it is also clear that in the colonial period this form o constituting communiry was exclusive to Indians and that Indian was a "racial" and a legal category o persons: legally, Indians were those people who could aspire tu belong to an Indian republic and who were obligated to vender tribute, labor, and obediente to the Spaniards. Racially, they were descendants o the original settlers.a Thus, although the indigenous colonial community's interna] world partially resembled and perpetuated the calpulli's characteristics, the colonial criteria o inclusion diverged widely from those o the pre-Hispanic period. This is because, instead o belonging to a world composed o dominating and dominated peoples (who remained connected through relationships o kinship, political alliance, and social mobility), all indigenous communities found themselves subordinated to a caste with which they could not easily meld; that is, as a group, indigenous communities formed a caste or subordinated nationality in a social hierarchy that sought to maintain stable distinctions, however unsuccessfully. On the other hand, the relationship between indigenous individuals and their community also changed. After evangelization, Indians were thought to be subjects with free will, who would be judged by the moral choices made by each person. In part because o this, Indians who separated

thcroselve, Iront their conununities acre ns, [coger simply a nmss ot energy that could be appropiated he anothei group through sacrifice or servitude On dic contrary, Indians sep.u nted tn,m thcir primordial ti ti es, therr chiets and tlicii village palom ,Lino conld ronOnue having al] individualizad rel a ti onship with die saini, and c aire In s;,th their lives in a world of ineipient social daacs In that aro r ld, indio ,dual energy mas libera sed in forming une s iamily and in ,carch, n;; tor svagcs, leisure, vices, and ceremonics ot social gruups that had no inalienable possessions acide from their smil, and [he color ot L[)( 11 ,kin,. For there dislocated Indians thr orle asailablc sources ot collective identity were those creoted by thc racial or racist 1 organization o the regime and by the experienee ot sharcd living in an urban quarter, mining community, hacienda houschold, nr in a lactory or port. On the other hand, the inalienability o the soul allowed these Indians to receive the sacramenta of the church and to choose tlicir spo ices without strict racial determination. The ideology of free matrinionial choice was especially respected by the clergy Ti the first hall of ihe colonial period (see Seed 1988), but even in the late colonial period, the only serious obstacle to interracial marriage was paternal opp(>sitton. For Chis reason, marriages between members of the sane c lass leven though not of tire same lineage or color) or between prosperous people of color and poor whites were common.' Among ttere new mestizo groups, two new factors in the process o social identification began to assert themselves, money and Hispanic acculturation. These were interrelated in tercos o their role in constructing ideas about community, so 1 treat them jointly. The Spaniards o the colonial period had a genealogical concept of tire nation_ its members were descended from tire same blood. The ideological role o "blood" in Spain is subtle and at the same time crucial for understanding how Mexican nationality seas formed. The importance o "blood ,n the Spanish regime dates co the Reconquista o Spain (immediately hefore the discovery o America), when there were movements to separate "Old Christians' from Jewish and Moorish converts. This was par of a broader tendency in Spain to nationalize the Catholic church and to make Spaniards the delending knights o the faith (as well as the principal beneficiaries o the taith's expansion). Thus, beginning in the fourteenth century "eertificates of blood purity" were required forjoining the clergy, holding publlc office, or belonging to certain guilds. These certificates were intended to show that a individual descended from many generations of Christians_ The concept is ofspecial anthroCo n, nin^ta^i..n I.,,olodas 12

pological interest becausc ir liiiked two important leaatres o "honor' (1 i the individual's r<habilily aboye all with regard to religion, hur it was assumed that this loyalw extended to otlier spheres loyalty to friends and bravcry in defen di ng the group the fa n>ily, and o nes own honor), and (2! the cbasty of the women ot the group Be, ause honor was mcasured through the blood, bi ologi cal paterniry and ma tern i ty were c ri ti cal, thus reinforcing thc links between honor, control over virginiry, and women's sexual lidelity alter marriage. The notion that "hlood prcdicted and redactad an individual', reliability became the hasis bar the Spanish idea of nation," understood as a people that emanated from the lame blood Bclonging to a similar lineage or ro a common nation was important in a numher of contexts; however, Spanish ideas of character, honor, and right also admitted the possibility o assimilation, and sometimes emphasized the effects o che milieu on inheritance.

The idea o patria, or "homeland," recognized the importance o the place where one was boro and raised. This is the original sense o the word Creole, which comes from the verb criar, torear or raise. When a black slave was boro in Veracruz, it was said that he or she was a "Veracruz Creole." For this reason, people of Spanish nationality boro in Mexico were sometimes known as "Creoles' (o Mexico). The importance given to land complicates the scheme o identity through blood and honor. Being boro and growing up in a certain place influenced the development of the individual. Thus, for example, there were Spaniards who commented on the "degeneration" o heredity that took place in America: after two generations a green pepper became a chili pepper, and a Spanish worker had Creole sons who became lazy bums.'o This New World influence was not always conceived in terms o acculturation (i.e., learning); aboye all, it was thought o in terms o the physical influences that emanated from different places' climatic and chemical qualities. Air, humidity, heat, cold, and drinking water all affected the development o human qualities just as one's heredity did. Consequently, there were widely opposed appreciations o che nature or effects o any particular land: one o the important points in the dispute between Creoles and Iberians was the relative nobility or ignominy o American versus Iberian lands. In sum, land and blood were central componente o the person and, by extension, o the nation in Spanish ideologyThe third important factor in the conception o the social group was acculturation through learning. Here the word ladino provides a useful key. This word was used to denote a person o a barbarous or pagan nation that
Con, n, u ni Carian Ideologies

43 =

had been at casi parthr civilized Por example, it was said that an Indian was ladino when he or she had a good grasp of Spanish- The same usage applied te slaves: recently arrived Alricans were bozales, bozales torpes (clumsy bozales), or bozalones, but those who now spoke Spanish and knew local customs were ladinos-" A ladino slave was worth more money than a bozal, and a ladino Indian was considerad more qualihed to assume public office in a repblica de indios tiran a nonaccul turated one A ladino slave was also more dangerous than a bozal, because the tenn was most often used to refer te Moorish slaves." On tire other hand, it is indispensable to note the ambivalente felt toward acculturation or "ladinization', Jews and Muslims were considered members o especially dangerous nations because they were ladinas; that is, they could imtate Spaniards and subvert their order froni within. This was why Jews and Moors were prohibited from entering the New Worldeven if they were converts. The meaning of ladino as an able but truculent, two-faced person has survived into our times. It is the main meaning that this word has today, but in thc past it was part o a far more complex semantic field. With these considerations iri mirad we can now reconsider the Indians who separated themselves from their communities and whose only inalienable possessions were their souls and skin color. We have said that these individuals could aspire te a place within a new community through money and skills. In light o the concepts o free will, blood, homeland, and ladinization, we can better understand these people's strategies and alternarives. First, although Indian migrs no longer had inalienable tres to land through primordial titles, oral traditnons, and so on, they did have ties to a more abstract "homeland", thev were "Indians." Second, through their participation in the market economy, sorne o these migrants could learn Spanish ways. Thus they had certain advantages over the monolingual village Indian (alrhough here it is crucial to remember the ambivalente toward ladinization. these Indians were at once superior to and more dangerous than those still tied te their villages). Third, if a man managed te make a little money, he could invest in the transgenerational path o honor, for example, by marrying a mestiza or Creole ("improving the race") and by acquiring possessions with which he could assert a certain honor. Successful Indians who separated from their local communities could begin te identify with a larger homeland and aspire to win a small measure o honor and progress

sense. When Creoles identifled or were identified as a group (which they often did not), they were distinguished from Peninsulars not by "nationality," but rather by the influences o their respective homelands. This occasionally served to discriminate against some o them in the fields o business, matrimony, religion, the army, and the bureaucracy. Because o this, one cannot speak o Creole nationalism (against the Spaniards), but o Creole patriotism: an ideology that extolled the benign influence Mexico, Pero, and other countries. On the other hand, beyond European nationals boro in Mexico, this Creole patriotism also found support among ladinoized Indians who no longer belonged te an indigenous community and for whom a highly valued homeland could be important. Finally, it is interesting to note African slaves' position with respect te these issues o homeland, nationality, and community. Unlike Indians, slaves had no inalienable possessions; al their goods were alienated. Moreover, the very legitimation for slavery was to undo peoples who resisted evangelization. In principie, slaves were captives o "just wars" against unbelievers who refused even to listen te the missionaries. In Chis context, it was-legitimare te take slaves and oblige them to receive Christian instruction in hopes that they would go en to a better world after passing through all the sufferings o a life dedicated to servitude. Thus, unlike the Indians, slaves were not redeemable as a nation, but only as individuals, and this only aher the bitterness o slavery. Because o this, black communities were regularly watched or flatly banned: the as$ociation of more than two blacks and all corporate bodies except the military companies of Pardos y Morenos o the eighteenth century and religious sodalities were prohibited, and even sodalities were Ilegal at times because o their subversive potential.'3
However, there was an important contradiction with respect to the collective nature o slaves: despite all the efforts against the formation o a slave society parallel to indigenous society, slaves were brought from Africa and nowhere else precisely because they could not be confused with either Europeans or Indians. Undoubtedly, this confluence o factors heles us understand the fear that the idea o Afro-American kingdoms inspired in Spaniards. However, the tendency to form Afro-Mexican collectivities was limited to the groups o maroons who succeeded in establishing themselves in coastal arcas. Meanwhile, most slaves were marrying free people and contributing te the formation o the colonial plebe that constituted the popular classes in cities, mines, and ports.

The problems of Creole collective identities were simpler in some

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These considerations about indigenous, Creole, and black nationality and patriotism are fundamental for understanding the development o
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Mexican nationality properly spcal.ing. Pelote passing to that topie, however it is lmportant co mention lene tino t i-itional pohtical etfect of the colonial regimc ti is c leal from all thc evidente that Pie predominant ideo logical, legal. and eeonomie se,l,... in th, eulnnial period helped forge a multinational society in which d,tlcrc nt national groups could share interests in their homelands Uno must add to this, however, that the colonial pollucal system in itsclt helpecl lo produce images of politieal sovereignty that pcople werc trylnp lo entulate alter independence_ in the colonial period:.Mexico nv sea, the seas ot a c iceroyalq, presided oven by a viceroy. sebo conccived ol himselt as Pie kings alter ego. His court seas composed of nobles, the high clergy. Icarned men, merehants, and miners. The viceroy vas ultimately responsible for all branches o government-admjnistrative, ecclesiastical, and mihtary . The existente o this pinnacle o state power in Neve Spain undoubtedly helped the Creles and their various alijes to imagine a new state with its capital ni Mexico City, ruled by Mexican patriots and not by Iberians.

canos. thc silvei extracted from the homelands "belly," and the pyramids and other grandeurs of the pie-Hispanic indigenotis cultures, the material remains ol which now tornad part of Pie land and gave che landscape its osen narre: Mexico. not New Spain_ This set of symbols, which werc of the homeland and not strictly national, had first been developed by Creole patriots beginning in the late sixteenth centuey By the time o independence, these symbols had already become part o a well-known repertoire, ,he artworks that extolled the producs and landscopes of che New World, Pie presentation of preColumbian civilizations as panllel to those ol Greek and Reman classical antiquity, the assertion o Mexican Christianity's legitimacy and autonomy through the cult o the Virgin o Guadalupe, the search for a pre-Hispanic Christianity in such figures as Quetzalcoatl, and so en. i4 The novelty o independence patriotism in the face of this Creole tradition was that, given the Mexican state, ene could proceed to grant official status to these symbols. Thus, Hidalgo flew the standard o the Virgjn o Guadalupe; Jos Mara Morelos used a flag with an eagle on a nopal cactus and the inscription "VVM" (IViva la Virgen Mara[); Iturbide also

Nationality affer Independenc One o the central ideological problems ol the independence period was how to transfonn Creole patriotism roto a new nationalism ehat could include social groups that had beca horn in Mexico but did not belong to the "Hispano-Mexican lace."
This was a practical question even belore ll became a theoretical one: how to give the homeland enough stature so that patriotic concerns would eclipse class and cante questions At a purely logical leve) there were only two solutions ti) this problem. the first was to redefine the ideas o nation and nationality so that belonging to a common homeland determjned and dcfined belonging lo che nation; tire second was to maintain the multinational system with a kuropean elite, but in a context where everyone benefited from the fact that Chis elite was as attached and loyal to the same homeland as the lndians and blacks. On a practical level, there were obviously different, extremely complex ways o blending these two options, which need to be expa roed. Regardless o which option was adopted, any independence ideology had to nave a common patriotic oasis; it seas much simpler co share a love for the homeland than to agree en the characteristics of the nation. Because of this, the rst fornuilations of Mexicos sacred and inalienable goods werc very direccly linked wldh symbols of tire (home)land: jis "sacred sojl." tire central mesa', Jeep bine skies, die Aztec eagle, the vol-

adopted the Aztec eagle (albeit with a crown), and in 1821 he formed the Order o Guadalupe for soldiers, insurgents, teachers, and distinguished clergymen. The first coros were minted with figures o the Aztec eagle. From 1821 to 1 853, various national anthems were composed until the patriotic song o Gonzlez Bocanegra was adopted. One cannot say that it is nationalistic. it is almost exclusively about the importante o sacrificing for the homeland, and its most representative stanza is the one that proclaims, "No longer shall the blood o your sons / be spilled in contention between brothers / only may he who insults your sacred name / encounter the steel in your hands." However, the speed with which the sacred signs and objects o the homeland were formed did not nave such a simple counterpart in the way the nation was defined. In fato, the national question properly speaking has been polemical ever sincc

The ways in which the homeland was identified with the nation were evolving in interesting ways. In tire first years o jndependence, one o the legacies uniformly claimed for the nation was the Catholic religion. This nationalization o the church can be partially understood as an extension o the appropriation o the faith that was the ideological cornerstone o Spanish imperialism. The church was considered a fundamental and inalienable legacy o the Mexican nation in all the principal laws and docunients o the early independence period, from the appropiation o the
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Virgin of Guadalupe by Father Hidalgo to che political programs of Morelos, Iturbide, and che 1824 constitution. The Seven Laws (1835) stipulated that Mexicans had che obligation to profess the Catholic religion, and not even the anticlerical laws proanoted by Jos Mara Luis Mora in 1833 undermined che official status of Catholicism. The essennalized link between che nation and religion was not broken until che 1857 constitution, and che process of denanonalizing religion was never fully achieved. On che other hand, regardless of clic support that nationality eould find in religion, che difficulty in detining che nation was reflectad in che fluctuating ways in which citizenship was defined. Although there was a more or less uniform movement to make tics co che homeland che definitive criterion of nationality, che definition of which individuais were citizens properly speaking was much more restricted. Thus, for example, in che Seven Laws-which were valid from 1835 until che Reform lawsonly men of legal age with an annual income more than one hundred pesos could vote. In 1846, these men were also required lo know how to read and write. In order to be a congressional deputy, one needed a momal annual income of 1,500 pesos, to he a senator, 2,000, and to be president, 4,000. Thus nationalist ideology in che firsr hallof che nineteenth century permitted che de facto retention of colonial social hierarchies: distinction through money could strengthen systems of discrimination by "race" given the fact that che majority o Indians and other people of color were poor. However, there were also great differences between che system established alter independence, which lavored che rich, and che explicitly caste-based system of che colonial period. One of che central differences is that supposedly bclonging to a contmon nation (defined on the basis of a common homeland) made it possible for peasant villages and other poor contingents to make their political claims in terms of citizens' rights and not in terms of che subordinated complementarity of caste. But chis transformation could also mean the loss of certain special rights for subaltern groups, aboye al] Indians. The ideological, legal, and physical assault en communal village lands and other indigenous community instiitutions such as hospitals, public political offices, schools, and che management of community chests began in che tirst years of independence. The counterparts lo chis assault were che indigenisr movements that sought co identify che nation with che indigenous race_ Thesc carly indigenista movements expressed themselves in nacional political spheres through such figures as che congressional deputy Rodrguez Puebla, who in che first congresses fought co keep indigenous community institutions (except tribute) intact.
Co a m un: i a r: a n 1.iro logi

This political position was contrary lo che central precept of liberalism, however, which was becoming the dominant ideology of the independence movement. An indigenismo that attempted to maintain and strengthen indigenous communities within a pluriracial national order threatened to divide che nation. Don Jos Mara Luis Mora summed up che liberal stance toward Chis indigenismo:
The real reason for Chis opposition was that che new arrangement of public instruction was in open conflict with Mr. Rodrguez Puebla's desires, goals, and objectives with respect to che destiny o che remains of che Aztec cace that still exist in Mexico- This gentleman, who pretends to belong to che said race, is one of che country's notables because o his good moral and poltica] qualities, in theory, his is che parry of progress and personally he is a yorkino; but, unlike the men who labor in Chis together, Mr. Rodrguez does not limit his scope to winning liberty, but extends it to exalting che Aztec race, and therefore his first objective is to maintain it in society with its own existente. To that end he has supported and continues to support che Indians' ancient civil and religious privileges, che status quo o che goods that they possessed in community, che poorhouses intended to attend co them, and che coilege in which they exclusively received their education; in a word, without an explicit confession, his principies, goals, and objectives tend te visibly establish a purely Lidian system. The Faras administration, like all che ones that preceded it, thought differently; it was persuaded that che existente of different races in che lame society was and had to be an eternal principie of discord. Not only did he [Faras] ignore these distinctions o past years that were proscribed in constitucional law, but he applied aH his efforts toward forcing the fusion o che Aztec race with che general masses; thus he did not recognize che distinction between Indians and non-Indians in government acts, but instead he replaced it with that between che poor and che rich, extending to al] che benefits of society)'

The conflict over che place of indigenous communities in the new national society did not end with these squabbles in the country's high political spheres: aboye all, it translated floto regional conflicts in which indigenous groups sought to construct their own nacional autonomies. These movements were called "caste wars" by the nation's political classes, but they must also be understood as nacional movements in the sense that they sought congruency among indigenous nations, management of territory, and appropiation of religion.

Many Indians' nostalgia for their own states, a land with one blood
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undcr thc role of their oven w ,e roen and thc mande of an indigenous Christianity, translated Inl vn ial movcmcnts di various points in the eightecndt. ninetecnih and evcn tcrcnticth ec intries For example, during che lamous coste iras" ot Yucacin lhv Indians liad their capital in ChanSanta Cruz and euostruc sed thcir leadership around a cross that spoke direedy to che priests ficho direcicel che ichellious odian movement. Among other structurally similar. mcii einents wc re those that took place in the Chiapas highlands 1865.. thc haqui (lcxrt et Sonora 1885-1909), the Huasrcca 01 San Luis I'otos 1588 and thl enasta] Misteea region i- 1911 U. There weic also a numher of nimviuIent niovcnients o chis type, some of theni allied with note urbanized clases. In thc very capital o che country, diere are currently pro-Nahua[I groups ol mlxed social origins that seek the return of Moctezumas heacidress and che installation o a new indigenous empire On the other hand, given che tact that nineteenth-century liberalism was against upholding a "multiracial nation, racist ideas that had existed since che colonial period could persist and hecome increasingly pernicious. The ideologist who most intluenced educated racist thought in Mexico was Herheri Spencer, who beGeved in che fundamental importance of social evolution and in che inheritance o acquired characteristies. This combination of doctrines, applied to Mexico, led to the conclusion that che Indians had been suhsidized by che colonial state for centuries, and that che negative characteristics that had been acquired would continue to plague national evolution if the proportion o fit individuals (Europeans) did not increase.16 On the ocho hand, Spanish forros still dominated racist thought in Mexico even alter the imporcation of northern European ideas. According to the dominant ideologies of che colonial period, the indigenous race was inferior to che Spanish race, but it was also redeemable through Christian faith and procreation with Spaniards. There salas a well-known formula according to which the child of a Spaniard and an Incitan was a mestizo, the child of a mestizo and a Spaniard was a castizo; and the child o a castizo and a Spaniard was a Spaniard; that is, an individual's indigenous origins could be "erased" through a couple gcnerations o intermarriage with Europeans. This is why, in che colonial period, racial identity was manipulated: birth certificares were altered so that children could he classified as Creoles and not as some inferior casto; mestizos bought access to indigenous communities; rights to dress as Spaniards vide horses, and bear arms were conceded ro certain Indians. With independence, che definitions and legal guarantees of caste were abandonad, thc claves were freed, and indigenous

tribute as well as racial classificati ons in baptismal certillcates were prohibited. However thc manipulation of racial identity continuad, aboye all in che struggle for status Only in this way can we understand why Porfirio Daz powdered his lace svhite and why politicians and rich men with dark skin liad an exaggerated preferente for white wivesOn che other hand, alter independence, che ideas o granting the mestizo a certain racial digoiiv and of making the mestizo into a national mace pegan to gain currcncy In the beginning, this tendency was limited simply to recognizing che greatness of hoth che indigenous and the Spanish sources of nationality. However, this recognition of the central importante o mestizaje for Mexican nationality could not be easily translated finto an ideology in which the mestizo was equal to che Mexican, for two reasons, liberalisms attempt to rid che definition o nation of any links with yace and the ever-greater influence of pseudoscientific racist thought. Thus, che liberalism o Jurez and his generation-which had great political and intellectual figures o indigenous origin-was completely distinct from che indigenismo o Rodrguez Puebla. Whereas Rodrguez sought to maintain indigenous communities within a pluralistic nacional framework, Jurez showed that Indians were perfectly capable o "ascending" to che Europeans' cultural leve] if given che opportunity and resources. Jurez's generation o liberals sought to redeem che Indians by giving them access to the goods of citizenship: education, universal rights, and equality. Jurez sought to forro a nationality composed of a citizenry (defined by common birth in a homelanci) that had a truer equality of access to state protection and representation. One can say that, in che 1857 constitution, che nation had three inalienable legacies: national territory, state sovereignry, and a set o inviolable individual rights. This is also why liberals of chis generation broke che privileged link that che church had maintained with Mexican nationality until then: they no longer needed a national church to legitimize the country because che freedom and equality of Mexicans under che rulo of law and in the framework o the homeland were sufficient. On che other hand, the dark-skinnedJurez was himself living proof that these ideals were attainable.

It was easier to denationalize che church, however, than it was to construct a national citizenry The laws promoted by Jurez helped erode che indigenous communities that had mantained the calpulli's transformed communitarian legacy, but the proletarianized masses continued to be principally dark-skinned and under the economic yoke of foreigners. The majority of Mexico's poor continued to be excluded from che
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henefits o nationality (citizens equality, public education, and the right o representation in the state) because che nacional bureaucracy's resources were meager and, worse yes, those resources were primarily utilized for paving che way for capitalist investmenc Fnr Chis reason, in the nineteenth century che term Indian gained a new acceptance, fusing racial and class factors: for che urban middle ancf uppen classes any poor peasant was an "lndian", that is, che category "Indian" carne to mean those who were nos complete citizens. This also explains why Spencer's racist thought gained some influence in offfcial cireles. Social Darwinism permiued certain official groups to blame the victims for the negative results et post independence social developmenc Mexico had not attained che social leve] o the United States because o che Indians' negative intluencc [-he only way to achieve political evolution was by importing E unopcans and dominating Indians through education or, in more recalcitrant cases, cmeler disciplinary forms. in this period, indigenous slavery was revived and massacres of Indians were perpetrated in Sonora and Yucatn. The power and class strtxggles of chis period also became a nacional struggle in some seccors because che progress achieved by Porfirio Daz was largely based on concessions co foreign capital, and the social sectors chat were negatively affected by those concessions allied themselves with political groups that had been excluded Irom che monopoly that Don Porfiris group exercised oven the bureaucratic apparatus. These alliances gave rise to che revolution.

Manuel Gamio, who is frequently considered che "father" o Mexican anthropology because o his role in che construction o revolutionary nationalism. Gamio relied on che authority o bis teacher, Franz Boas, in claiming both the equality of al] races and the validity o all cultures. Based en chis, Gamio developed an indigenismo that dignified Mexican Indian features and blood, thereby paving the way for che mestizo to emerge as che protagonist of nacional history. The principal ideologists of Mexican nationalism (Luis Cabrera, Andrs Molina Enrquez, Manuel Gamio) imagined che mestizo as che product o a Spanish father andan indigenous mochen- This very particular formula had a twofold importante. First, it made che Spanish Conquesc che origin o che nacional yace and culture. This point o origin was fertile for the production o a national mythology, a task that captured the attention o prominent artists and intellectuals, including Diego Rivera, Samuel Ramos, and Octavio Paz. Second, and even more important, che identification o che European with che male and che feminization o che Indian fit well with che formulation o a nacionalism that was at once modernizing and procectionist. We can better understand Chis by analyzing Andrs Molina Enrquez's cose discussion o the master (1909), which was influential in che formulation o revolutionary nationalism. According to Molina, who leaned en Darwin, and en Mexican luminaries such as Vicente Riva Palacio and Francisco Pimentel, for crucial aspects o his argument, "[t]he mestizo element, formed by che cross o che Spanish element and che indigenous element, is nos a new yace, it is che indigenous yace, defined as che totality o indigenous yaces o our land, modified by Spanish blood."17 Mestizos were thus a fortified version o che indigenous race,'a and the modifications brought about by Chis mixture o Spanish and Indian races would, eventually, creare a population chas would finally be capable of holding its own against che United States. 'y

Tbe Redefinilion of Mationality in che Revolution

From che point o view of nationality, the Mexican Revolution was a watershed at least as imporrant as che luruz reforms. Here 1 focos en two features, che reval uati on of che mestizo a^ qui ntessentially nacional and che redefinition of the inalienable goods o che nation. As already mentioned, che placement o che mestizo as a central personage has a history that began with independence, but che revolution broke tics with two doctrines that liad inhibited che adoption o che mestizo as che nacional yace. On che one hand, Jurez's classical liberalism was complemented with a procectionist state cha[ was seilling to cake special measures and dispositions for speciflc national groups sucli as Indians, peasants, and workers. On che other hand, che racist ideas of social Darwinism were overturned. These two ruptures were complententary and went hand in hand. The most important figure in clic balde against pscudoscientific racism was
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In Molina, as in practically every pro-mestizo nationalist, che Spanish race carne to Mexico through men, and che indigenous element was associated with che feminine- This was true both literally (che mestizo was imagined, in his origin, as che child o a Spanish man and an Indian wornan) and more abstractly, in che characteristics of each yace. "lf che white yaces can be considered superior to che Indian yaces because o the greater efficacy o their action (which is a logical consequence o their superior evolution), che indigenous yaces can be considered superior to che white caces because of their greater resistance (which is a consequence o their higher degree of selection)"10 Action, which is highly masculine in
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Chis contevt and o si,tanee chic ti is Icniinine. arc ti, erebv embodied in che Spaniard and thc I n d i a n . reshcc t n v c l y -1 i i c onthina ti on of action and resictancc in thc hodv ol the is I,uvccrlul. lot it combines che besa q tialities ol cac1, racc. but with che I odian i Icntent. that is. che maternal clement, preduminating. Thc resina arc dc,ttned to lead che nation to ;uccess aga'uut origen aggression and ncoct,Ionial cxploitation. Mestizo nationalism dws implicitiv snpportcd che creation ol a protectionist and modernizing statu. It ,ra, io hc a nindernizing tate because thc mestizo, like bis Furopean lathei 11,111 a hropcn,ity for action. lor hi torv. It seas protectionist because thc mestizo si'ught tu protect bis maternal legacy from exploitabon by Europcan,, Sebo tela no loyalty whatsoever to che land orto che Indian, and whoni Molina Enrquez saw as che dominant class that needed to be assimilated or pushed out. The nationalization o che mestizo also rcpresented a break with some features of laissez-faire liberalism and introduced a new version o che nacional patrimony. There was no longer che notion that progress and modernity emanated simply from freemarket (orces and respect for che rights of man, instead, there emerged che idea that progress could only occur under che jealous protectlon ot a nationalist state. Thus, in acidition to guaranteeing citizens rights, che sanctity o democratie institutions, and nacional sovercignty, the 1917 constitution claims che states right to permit o prohibir the free action o foreigners in the country and to watch over che public interesa The latter includes public education, labor conditions, che right co expropiare any land for reasons o public utility, che regulation of foreign investment and o the amount o land that can be legally possessed, preferencial contracting o Mexicans over foreigners, and so on. This consutulion explicitly siaces that all the land o Mexico is an inalienable possession o che nation that may be bought and sold but can always be returned ro public use when so neededUnder che watchful eye of che postrevolutionary state, a regime that fostered class-based corporacions as an integral portion o a ore-party system, Mexico went from being predominandy rural and agrieultural to having an urban majority, and the population grew from about 20 million in 1950 to about 80 million in 1990. This urbanization and che generally growing complexity o national soeiety besan co complicate che management of state representation through che sectors" o che ruling party and the policies o che one-party state_ At che same time, the mechanisms o state bureaucratic administration could not avoid che country's bankruptcy in 1982, which meant that foreign economic deniands liad to be attended to.

A chain of reforms tliat besan under President Miguel de la Madrid has tended co revive some fcacures o che nineteenth-ccntury liberal niode1, including che redehnition of what constitutes che inalienable wealth of che nation a decline o che so-called social rights of (he revolution and greater emphasis on individual iight,. Foi this reason, nationalists of the old school have compared che sale of scate enterprises and che privatization of the ejido with che sale ol che family jewels. The legal and economic clianges carried out since 1 982 represent a profound trae stormat ion in che very definicion of che nation and of che things and rclationships that belong to ir.

The contemporary nationalist discourse appears co be reverting to che patriotic formulas of che nineteenth century: it is long on praising che patria and past glories o our "millennial cultura," but it is very short on defining what the nation and its legacy currently are. There have only been two historical moments when the relationship between homeland and nation has been congruently and explicitly defined. The first was the universalist liberalism promoted by Benito Jurez, when the nation was separated from its bonds with yace and the church, This was tremendously influential in nacional history, although it was never realized as a practical project. The second moment was revolutionary nationalism, which is internally more contradictory than Jurez's formula because it adopted some elements o democratic liberalism at the same time that it constructed a corporativist and protectionist scate, This model tied nationality to race and "mestizo" culture, and it adopted a modernizing, protectionist, corporativist, one-party regime. The current regime has been abandoning the now rusty or fossilized precepts o revolutionary nationalism, but it has been slow to embrace Jurez's universalist liberalism because unpopular economic reforms have required a strong, authoritarian state like those that arose from the revolution. On the other hand, universalist liberalism was a more potent ideology in che hands o Jurez because he was proving with his own flesh that Indians could gaita access to che benefits o civilization that were in the hands o ata economic elite that did not identify with che bulk o che population. For all these reasons, che current regime has needed revolutionary nationalism even to destroy che regime that created it.

Current tastes reflect weariness with the epic visions o revolutionary nationalism: today the intimare world o Frida Kahlo is o greater interese than the epic grandiloquence o Diego Rivera; even when they distill nationalism, as with the narratives o Poniatowska or Monsivis, intimate chronicles are consumed with more interest than che comprehensive
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national epics o a Carlos Fuentes. This situation is symptomatic o the crisis o old nationalism: the longing for community and an inheritance continues, but the state definitions o those communities are almost as weak as they were in the nineteenth century. Conclusion The development o the communitai ian ideologies that 1 have tracked in this chapter permits us to systematize certain considerations with respect to the future. As this is a moment of profound changes in the national question, it appears to me to be pertinent to conclude with some ideas in this regard, even if they are not necessarily novel. 1 hope at least that the foregoing discussion permits us to understand the known options with greater clarity.
Currently there are at least thrre logical alternatives for national ideology insofar as it is manifested in the definition o inalienable goods: The first option is to consolidate democracy in the way desired by Jurez's generation. This option would mean giving priority to the inalienable rights defended by Jurez, including human rights and democratic representation. The second option is to reanmate revolutionary nationalism. This option would mean maintaining the "tutelage o the state" over some goods considered central to nationality and the public interest, such as ]and, the subsoil, the communications industries, and educational and cultura] services, and industries This option could keep mestizo nationalism unscathed but it has the problem o being championed principally by the leftist opposition, which also needs tu sustain che value o democracy "in the style of Jurez" to win power. For that reason, it would have to design a kind o state that does not fall into the same antidemocratic vices that revolutionary nationalism fe]] into when it was in power. The concrete way in which revolutionary nationalism mixes with liberal ideals has always been a central probieni for Chis kind o nationalism, and, if this ideology returns te power, ir: will again have to confront this problem.

and "neoliberalism" because it seeks to broaden the definition o the human right to defend certain general social interests against the "natural" tendencies o the market (for example, defending child nutrition or the right to inhabit unpolluted spaces). This direction also entails a recodification o civil society. This new civil society would rid itself o the sectorial organization that developed under revolutionary statism, and it would create new forms o state protection for the new human rights. The principal ideological adversary o this option will be the current nationalist mythology. This mythology tends to demand a state with tutelage over the entire national interest and includes many o the prior bases for the definition o national communities, such as the reification o nationality in racial terms, Also, behind this les the proposition that the state's central role is to direct the "modernizing" process. It will be necessary to impose limits on the reign o the ideology o modernization, to avoid modernizing at any cost. It appears to me that the third path is the only really desirable and viable one in the long run_ But to move in that direction, one must be ready to question both revolutionary nationalism and neoliberalism. It will also be necessary to create images o nationality and modernity that are separate from the teleology o the muralista and the "Fathers o the Country."

The third option is less clearly delineated but would have to try Lo build a social dernocracy based on a recodification of human rights. This formula would diffcr from the second because it would not depend on a racial metaphor ("the mestizo") io define nationality, but would center its efforts in defining the rights of pcrsons ir would not put "the nation" ahead o the rights o persons, and therefore it would distante itself from rhe populist and authoritarian formulas that have predominated in Mexico. On the other hand, Chis option separates itself from liberalism
C o m n: u ... ^:.: e n 56 = !deol09fe Communiiarian Ideolog,es = 57

gain exceptional status and tu rice aboye die degradation reserved for all nobodies Thus, for instante a lady cuts in fiont ol a inc to enter a parking lot; che attcndant prottst5 ancl points to che lino but she says "Do you

know sebo you are talkino to- 1 am the wile of so and so, member of thc eabinet.' and so on_

A similar dynamic has characterized modera iNiexican citizenship For instance, it has long beca noted that in ;Mexico much of the censorship of thc press has boga ''sellcensorship,' and not direct govern mental censor ship.' Spcaking tu a journalist about chis phenomenon, hc remarked that much el chis se]-censorship resulted frota the fact that journalists, like all members o Mexican middle classes, depend to an unpredictable degree en their social relations. Reliance on personal relations generates a kind o sociability that avoids open attacks, except when corporate interests are involved. Thus, the censorship of che press is in part also a product o the overall dynamics o DaMatta's degraded citizenship_ The logic that DaMarta outlined for understanding the degradation o Brazilian citizenship could easily be used to guide an ethnography o civic culture and sociability in Mexico. The ease o application stems from similarities at both che cultural and structural levels familia) idioms used to shape a "discourse of the honr' have common Iberian elements in these

Modes of Mexican Citizenship

One o the frsi cultural accounts of citizenship in Latin America was Roberto DaMatta's effort to understand the specificity o Brazilian nacional culture. DaMatta identified the coexistente o two broad discourses in Brazilian urban society, and he called theta the discourse o the home and the discourse o the street.' According to bis description, the discourse that he called "o the honr' is a hierarchical and familia) register, where the subjects are "persons" in the Maussian sensc, that is, they assume specific, differentiared, and complementary social roles. The discourse "o the street," by contrast, is the discourse of liberal citizenship: subjects are individuals who are meant to be equal to one another and equal before the law. The interesting twist in DaMatta's analysis regards the relationship between these two discourses, a relationship that he synthesizes with the Brazilian adage'Por my friends, everything, for my enemies, the law."z For DaMatta, Brazilian society can be describcd as having "citizenship" as a degraded baseline, or zero degree, of relationship, a fact that is visible in the day-to-day management of social relations.
Specifically, DaMatta focuses en an Liban ritual that he called the "Voge sabe coro queni esta talando' (Do you know who you are talking tu?), a phrase that is used tu intcrropt the universal application o a role, that is, tu interrupt what he calls tire discourse o the street, in order to

two countries, the result not only of related concepts and ideas o family and friendship, but also similar colonial discourses for the social whole. In chis chapter, I develop a historical discussion o the cultural dynamics o Mexican citizenship. 1 begin with a series of vignettes that explore what the application o DaMatta's perspective to Mexico might revea). 1 argue that the notion that citizenship is the baseline, or zero degree, o relationship needs to be complemented by a historical view o changes in the definition and political salience o citizenship. Without such a perspective en the changing definition o citizenship, a critica) aspect o the politics o citizenship is lost The bulk o chis chapter is devoted to interpreting the dynamics o citizenship in modern Mexico, as it developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and argues against narratives o Mexican modernity that tell contemporary history as a simple "transition to democracy."

Cultural Logic and Hsstory

Mexico City is a place of elaborate politeness, a quality that is epitomized by the people whose job is to mediate (for instante, secretaries and waiters), but that is generally visible in che socializaron of children and in the
Modos of Al exiean Cit;zen sh;p

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59

existente of elaborare registeis of ohscquiousness, attentiveness, and respect_ AII of [hese registers tiisappcar in tire anonymity of the crowd, however, where people will push pul, shove, pinch, cut in front o you, and so un_ There is no social connact tor che crosvd; there are only gentleman's pacts antong persons Drivers in iylcsico ( itv, lor instante, tend tu drive with thcir evos pointed straight ahcad and casi slightly downward, much like a waiter's. This way they need no( make concessions and can drive with presocial Hobhesian rules dona give awap an inch. If, however, the driver's eye wanders even juct a 1irti, ir ntav catch another driver's eye, who gently and smilingly asks to Inc let into the flow of traftlc At this point, the world of personal relations Often takes huid of the driver who had been trving to keep things anunymous and he may gallantly let the other car th rou gil. This dynamic contrasta wilh ncc culturc of socieries that have strong civic traditions, in which citizenship is che place where the social pact is manifested (making a queue being a sac rosanct rite of citizenship in a place like Fngland, for instaures but where personal relationships do not extend as lar out_ Thus, a British traer-lcr to iMexlco may be scandalized at lhe greedy and impolitic attwde ot ncc people en the street, whereas a Mexican tvill complain that no pica or personal interjection was ever able to move al] Englisi' bureaucrat to sv mpathy What are the mechanisms ot sucralization finto Chis forro o courtesy7 Access ro in alleged right, or lo a p overn nt e otal service, in Mexico is very ofeen no( universal. Education, Inr instante is mean[ to be available lo ale, but it is oteen dllcult tu register a eh1ld 111 a nearby school, orto get finto a school at ale, public medicine exista. bite it is alwavs insufhcienq moving through Mexico C:ity, trafiie in an ordene fashion is oteen niade difficult by ncotoveruse ol public space_ ln short ilexicn has never had a state that was strong enough to provide servios tll IVCrsally_ In this context, corruption and other ntarket mechanisnn casily emerge as selecriun en tersa: if you pay money, the bureaucrat will scc vou tirst_ The systeni has also generated forros o sociability that help shape a pracural oricntation that is well suited to tire discretionmy power that s( arcity ygives tu bureaucrats and other gatekce pers. One notable examp le ot ibis is summed up in the very Mexican proverb "Whoever gets mad lirst, loses" i`El que se enoja, pierde").
According tu this priori pie, a [,ne person shall never explode out o exasperation, because he or she can oil, lose by such an outburst. A service provider will only claro up tebeo Paced with an angry user and, since nce service is a scarcc resource. he or she \s 111 use politeness as a selection criterion.

Socialization into politeness, pariente, and self-censorship thus has at least two significant social conditions. The first is a strong reliance on personal relations in order to activare, operate, and rely on any bureaucratic apparatus, che second is the reliance on personal relations lo achieve positions in society_ Both of [hese conditions would appear lo support DaMatta's claim that citizenship is the zero degree of relationship, There is, however, a difhculty in the argumenr that can be exposed by focusing closely on the implications o the saving "For my friends, everything; for my enemies, the law." The saying is clearly a model for political action, yet it contains significant ambiguities in the proponed categories ("friends," "enemies,"'law," and "everything"), partieularly if the saying is a recipe for a bureaucrat or a nieniber o the political class, In many, if not most, situations, a bureaucrat will be dealing with neither personal friends nor personal enemies, but principally with people to whom he or she is unrelated and initially indifferent_ The saying is useful, however, because sume of these people will not receive the full service that the gatekeeper controls, whereas others will. Thus, an initially undifferentiated public needs to be shaped luto "frtends" and "enemies_" Money (bribes) and prior personal connections are two routes tu receiving excepcional treatment (as "friends"), but patience and politeness may at least keep you in che game, whereas a breach o politeness or an outburst o anger will in ale likelihood place you in the "enemy" camp_ The application o "the law" as a criterion o exclusion in each o these cases is simply the use of bureaucratic procedure as a fundamental mechanism o exclusion. We have, then, a logre that favors the development o personal relations, the elaboration o fonos o obsequiousness and politeness, the cultural routinization o briberv, and che use of bureaucratic rules and procedure as mechanisms o exclusion. This logic is undergirded by structural conditions, o which 1 have stressed two: a relatively weak state, and a large poor population. Because [hese conditions have existed throughout Mexican history, one might expect that bribery, politeness, and a highly developed system o informal relationships have been equally constant practices, and that they have been elaborated according to cultural idioms that apply a "discourse of the honre" in order to create distinetions between potential users of a service. This is true at a general level. However, although the cultural logic that we have outlined shows that citizenship is a degraded category, ir also gives a false sense o continuity and constancy. We noted that the category o "friends" and "enemies" can be constructed in che very process o applying a bureaucratic role, and that most o che population that is being classified in this way is initially
Mojes o f hleslcnr,

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indiflercnt tu the bureaucrat R1,1 thc de!initiun of the pool that che burcaucrai is aeting on o not dctermincd h^ ihc cultural logie of social discance from che barrauarat oi ;;atek eche i. fo ribo words the gatekeeper is not aetually ruling oven e pre cc i - 1 t roaj' t 1 nentls and enemies, but 'u inste ad culturally construc ti, in tnends and cnemie5 out of a pool of Acople who are presclceced not hv h;;n but by theii thcoretcal relationship lo a right. As a result. i1thuugli it is corlee t sas that-- ,ivcn a bureaucral, a set ul rulos. and a pool ot citisns-uti:-.cnship 111311 be che zero degree of rel ationship that needs to he complemen ted by a prior personal claim, by a bribe, or bv sympathy, tic haselme of utizenship is not determined by this cultural logic, and it valles historically in important ways- These variations are not trivial, for thcy define che potencial pool of users o a service that is heing offered, an issue that also has critica) significante for a longue-dure history of cultural forms of sociability in connection to citizenship. A comprehensive view of modero Mexican citizenship therefore requires an interpretation of the cclationship between legal and institutional definitions of citizenship and its cultural claboiauon in social intetaction. 1 ,hall atrempt to sketch key elemcnts ti such a com pre hensive view.

stem from che class of bis lineage; thc sane shall he observed with regard to those who represent che rank of captain and aboye, or who render any special service to the countiv" (article 25, The only fundamental exclusionary clause in tliis constitution, as in all early Mexican eonstitutions until that of 1857, regards the role o religion, '1 he Catholic religion shall be the only one, with no toleratice for any other" (article 1) In addition to a comnion movement to broaden che base o citizenship such that lineage and race were abolished as (explicit) criteria of inclusion or exclusion, early procl ama ti ons and eonstitutions did tend to speeify that only Mexicans-and otten only .Mexicans who had not betrayed the nation-could hold public positions (articles 27 and 28 o Lpez Rayn's constitutional project).5 Thus, from che very beginning, che idea was to create an ample citizenry and a social hierarchy based on merit: "The American people, forgotten by some, pitied by others, and disdained by the majority, shall appear with che splendor and dignity that it has earned through the unique fashion in which it has broken the chains o despotism. Cowardice and slothfulness shall be che only causes o infamy for the citizen, and the temple o honor shall open its doors indiscriminately to merit and virtue` (article 38) 6 Despite che general identification between early Mexican nationalism and the extension o citizenship rights in such a way as to include (forme[) slaves, Indians, and castes, there were a number o ambiguities and differences regarding the meaning of this extension. Article 16 o the Mexican empire's first provisional legal code, for instante, states, tellingly, that "[t]he various classes o che state shall be preserved with their respective distinction, but without piejudice to public employment, which is common to all citizens. Virtues, services, talents, and capability are the only medium for achieving public employment o any kind".7 On the other hand, the federal constitution o 1824 does not oven specify who is to be considered a citizen. Instead, it leaves to the individual states o che federation the definition o who shall be allowed to vote for their representatives in Congress (article 9), and the selection o the president and vice president was Ieft to Congress. Thus citizenship was to be determined by regional elites in conjunction with whomsoever they felt they needed to pay attention to, and access to federal power was mediated by a Congress that represented these citizens.

Farly Republieanisnt and che Risc of ibe ideal Uitizen

The debates of Mexico's Junta Instituyente between independence (1821) and the publication o the first federal constitution (1824) gave little sustained attention to citizenship. (.ates about who was a Mexican national and who was a Mexican citizen were vaguely inclusive, with attention lavished only on the question o patiiotic inclusion or exclusion and very little said about che qualiues and ciaractensties o che citizen. Nevertheless, the process of independence hall a critical role in shaping a field for a politics o citizenship_ For instante, Miguel Hidalgo, tathcr ot Mexican independence, proclaimed che emancipation of slaves, thc end to al] forms o tribute and taxation that were targeted to Indians and castes;' and the end o certain guilds monopolies over specihc activities 4 Of course, Hidalgo's revolt failed, but his nieve to create a broad base for citizenship and to leve) differences between castes was preserved by leaders o subsequent movements- For exaniple Ignacio Lpez Rayn's falso failed) project o a Mexican constitution (1811) also abolished slavery )article 24) and stated that "[w]hoever is to he boro alter thc happy independence o our nation will find no ohstacle other than bis personal defects- No opposition can

It is worth noting that most o the distinctions between who was a Mexican citizen and who was merely a Mexican national are similar to the formulation found in the Spanish liberal constitution that was promulgated in Cdiz in 1812. Some o the early independent constitutions are
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a bit harsher than that o Cdiz on matters o religion (e.g., Father Morelos's Apatzingn constitution sanctioned the Holy Office-that is, the Inquisition-and it upheld heresy and apostasy as crimes that led to los o citizenship). In one matter, however, the constitution o Cdiz narrows citizenship beyond what is explicit in the earliest Mexican constitutions: debtors, domestic servants, vagrants, the unemployed, and the illiterate al] forfeited their rights as citizcns (article 25). This move was not explieltly embraced in the first Mexican constitutional projects, but neither was it entirely avoided: Iturbides Plan de Iguala, which was the first effective political charter o independent Mexico, specified that until a constitution was formed, Mexico would operate according to the laws o tire Spanish Cortes- The federal constitution of 1824 left the dotar open for these mechanisms o exclusion by delegating the decision regarding who would be a citizen to thc individual states- Finally, the centralist and conservative legal code o 1836 rcasserted the points of exclusion o Cdiz and added much greater restrictions, the rights o citizenship were suspended for al] minors, domestic servants, criminals, and illiterates, they were lost definitively to al] traitors and debtors ro the public coffers. All citizens had to have an annual income of one hundred pesos, and substantially more if they wanted to be elected to offlce. In short, early Mexican constittnions displayed tensions between the elimination o criteria o casto and o slavery in order to create a broadly based nationality and the restriction of access to public office and to the public sphere to independent malo property holders who could read and write. The category "citizen" was (and still is) not identical to that o "national" in legal discourse, though tiro two were tellingly conflated in political discourse: in fact, the relationship between the two was one o hierarchical encompassment. The Mexican citizen had the capaeity to encompass Mexican nationals and te) represent the whole o the nation in public.

ever, Florencia Mallon has shown that in the unstable context o midnineteenth-century Mexico, the need to mobilize popular constituencies, and the space that was available for spontaneous popular mobilization, led to the development o forras of liberalism that catered to popular groups.s It was in part the challenge that universal citizenship at times posed to these local patricians and chieftains that fanned the development o a negative discourse about "tire masses" in nineteenth-century Mexico: la chusma, el populacho, la canalla, la plebe, and other epithets portrayed masses as both dangerous and insufficiently civilized to manage political life.
Alongside damning imagen of the plebe, a series o positive words referred to popular classes who were seco as ordered and civilized: el pueblo, los ciudadanos, la gente buena. To a large degree, the difference between positive and negative portrayals o the pueblo corresponded to whether the people in question were acting as dependents or whether they were difficult to control, Like the difference between the lumpenproletariat and the proletariat, the distinction between a canalla and a ciudadano was that the latter was a notable, or at least depended on the same system as the notables who made the distinction, whereas the fornter had only loose connections o dependency to "good society." In political speeches o the nineteenth century, for instance, there are differences drawn between a lower class that might be described as "abject" and as an obstacle to progress, but that is also perceived as unthreatening and in need o state proteccion, and a lower class rhat is potentially or in fact violent and dangerous to civilization. In a chronicle o his voyage t the United States, published in 1834, Lorenzo de Zavala, a liberal from Yucatn who had been governor of tiro state o Mexico, congressman, and apologist for the U.S. colonization o Texas, asks his readers to
[c]ompare the moral condition o tiro people o the United States with that o one or two os our [federated states and you will undcrstand the true rea-

Inclusion and Exclusion in the Era of Nalional Vulnerability At first glance , these early citizenship laws developed in a contested field in which the pressure to broaden the basis of citizenship coexisted with pressures to maintain political control in tiro hands o local notables. Historian Frangois Xavier Guerra has argued that the urban patricians who had controlled the bureaucratic apparatus during the colonial period usually kept control over government despite these changes, relying un their power to materially control local election processes.s HowAlodes of Nicv,cnn 64 = C'1'zensbip

son why it is impossible for us to raise our institutions to the leve) o our neighbor's, especially in ceriain states In the orate o Mexico and in that o Yucatn, which are tiro ones that 1 know best, of rhe 1,200,000 inhabitants o tiro former and thc seven hundred thousand inhabitants o tiro latter, there is a proportion of, at tiro most, one in twenty f who know how te read and write]. [O these,] two-fifths do not know arithmetic, three-fifths do not even know che meaning ot thc words geography, history, astronomy, etc., and four-fifths do not know what tiro Bible is . To this we must add that at least one-third o the inhabitants o Yucatn do not speak Spanish, and

M odes of ;Mexican Ci lizenybip 65 =

une-lifth of 11)e star, ul Nesita, ' in tbt sano tondino n. I hose who do not take finto atoount tic d, i,, I sic ill;_at,on o1 dite mnsses whcn thcy make

Moreos el
II we desceud, sir. from riese philosophieal and moral considerations to search for material transcendt-ntal ev,ls m socieiy. we sha11 be confronted

'Tus tito natlve population ir pa rtit_dar mas ac rhe bottom of rhe hcap , and In need ut eles ation .A simil;u sentimelit is echoed three dotados lato , alter tito brench intcrc entiun. s, ben rhe 1857 constitution seas reinstated There in a sessit'n iii ( iiigress . representative Julio Zrate presented a propusal to proh.bi1 privaic ia,is in haciendas and, more generally del uiitlase all punishmcnt that sr:s meted unt in [hese private institutions He described the cunditiom ul the Indian ni the following tercos.
In rhe states of Mexico, Puebla. Tlaxcala, Guerrero, and Quertaro, where the bulk el the indigenous population is t oncentrated, there is slavery, there is abjection, riere is misci v susiaincd by rhe great landowners. And this abject conditlon coni prises clos e to 4 ni,ilion roen It has been eleven years sincc tire constitution was ratificd. private trials were prohibited; flogging and other degrading punishments were abolished,; and authorities were given die right ro establish jails for crimes .. . nonetheiess, there are jails in rhe haciendas and stocks where the workers are sunk, and rhe foreman gives lashes to tic Indians, and debts are passed from father to son, ereating slavery, a succession of sold generations (February 15, 1868). ''

by die degradation oi that dase thai heeaux ol its ignorante. is called the lowl,est class dese 5ifrou i. aud that has been indelibly inoculated with a propensity te bl oody iris 1 li s elass. which has beeo sus' o bented from die benchts ot enligh tenm ent. does not know tbc guodncss of vinue exeept bv tito harnt it recervcs lor being criminal; in it tic noble sentiments that inhere in tire human hect[ degenerme, beceusc die government and rhe clergy, publicists and speakers tny to show th an in abstntct tire matrers of religion and of polities that thei r unenltivated intel1 igence cannot comprehend. AII rhe while, the attmctlons of vice and tito emotions that are produced by certain spectacles excite and move their passions- Since it is not possible to establish schools everywhere where this class can be well taught, remove at leas[ [hose other [schools] where they learn evil, where the sight of blood easily fosrers rhe savage instincts to which they have, by nature, a propensity - If we want good citizens, if we wanr brave soldiers who are animared in combat and humane in triumph, prohibir specrades thar inflare sentiments and that dull [embrutecen] reason."

Readers would be incorrect, roo, to rhink that rhe dangerous'lowliest" classes referred to itere are strictly urban and that all rural Indians were thought to be sale for state or hacendado patronage. Rebellious Indians, usually labeled "savages," were known to be highly dangerous. Thus, for instante, in his campaign against Indian rebels and a few remaining proHapsburg imperialists in Yucatn (1868), Presiden Jurez asked Congress to suspend a series of individual guarantees in Yucatn in order to carry out a military campaign riere. One of the suspended rights was article 5 of rhe constitution, which reads: No one can be forced to render personal services without a fair retribution and without their full consent. The law cannot authorize any contract rhat has as its object the loss or irrevocable sacrifice of a man's liberty-" In other words, slavery and corve labor were authorized for rhe duration of the Yucatecan campaign, which was fought principally against the Indians." Thus, a discourse of the sort that DaMatta called "discourse of the street,' thar is, an egalitarian and universalistic discourse of citizenship, could be applied to rhe "good pueblo-" At the same time, the fact that in some nineteenth-century constitunons servants were not allowed to vote because they were dependents,and therefore did not have control over their will, was indicative of the fact rhat most of the good pueblo was made
M o ci e s o l A l e x i c a n C i t, z e n s 1, i p 67 =

This view of the proto-cirizen who needed to be elevated to true citizenship through state protection, miscegenation, or education, and whose condition was abject but not direetly threatening to truca nd effective citizens, contrasts with other portrayals of popular tolk who are more difficult to redeem and more menacing 1 will oler two examples from the same congressional sessions that 1 havc fusr ciredOn January 9, 1868, representativo Jess Lpez brought tu Congress a proposed law to banish bulllighting This iniriative was one of severa) attempts to locate the causes of incivility and to transforni the habits of a people who would not conform m tic ideal of dtizenship that the constitution granted them
The benelits of a democratic constitution, which raise the Mexican from rhe conditiou of slavery to tic rank of the cir!zen, aunounce that Mexico marches tnward greatness under rhe auspices o1 liberty. In contrast ro this, asan obstarle that block, Mexie,,s match tosvard prosperity, there exists in each eommunity a place dsat svinhol,0e barbansiii

Al ' ,3''u l Al us.

up o a kind of citizenry that veas guarded not so much by the constitucional rights of individuals as by thc clainis that loyalty and dependency liad on clic consciente o Christian patriardisNevertheless , che image ot a good pueblo veas not simply that o the dependen[ masses either, because [hese could bc figured as a harmonious and progressive co] lecriviry or ! as we have seco as abject slaves . In order to comprehend ideological dynamies withln chis field better , two further elements need no be introduced: the nations position in a world o competing predatory powers , and che question of national unity. A sharp consciousness o national decline and o uncontrollable dangers for che nation can he found among .Mexican political men almost from che time of the toppling ol Iturbide 1822 ). Referentes to decline and to danger abound both in clic press and in discussions in Congress. For instante , Depury Hernndez Chico elauned that thc nations situation was "deplorable" because of lack of public funds (Juno 14 , 1824).14 On une 12 o that sin-te yeai , Deputy Caedo svarned o che need to guard against a In]] civil war, in light of seecssionist movements in che state o Jalisco. The image o che republic being split apara by rival factions is almost always seen as the cause o chis decline or imminent disaster, as in the case of a speech read in Con-,res, by che minister of war against a proIturbide uprising in Jalisco on June 8, 1824
Yes, sir, there are vehement indicatiuns that ibese two generals are plotting against che repuhlie that thev des re irs ruin , that it is they who move chose implacable assassins that aflljet thc staies al Puebla and Mexieo , they who propagate that dcadly division that ron hnnta oon berween parties, they who are behind Clic conspirators 'e llo cause our unease and who make life so difficult This feeling o pending or actual disnstcr caused bv lack o union increased and became pervasive in political discourse as che country indeed became unsrable, eeonomically ruinous and suhjected to humiliations by foreign powers

deadly influence. Unleashed from che abysmal depths where it resides, it flung itself furiously in che midst of our newly boro sociery and destroyed it in ics crib .. There in che shadows o that frighcful darkness we can hear che ruar o the monster that spilled in Padilla che blood o General Iturbide: che blood o che pero who hnished che work o Hidalgo and Morelos. There, roo, you can hear che horrible cry o that maGdous and treacherous spirit chat sold the life o che great (benemrito] and innocenc General Guerrero to che firing squad.15

The heroes who had iniriated the revolution (Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, Morelos) liad al] been marryred by Spaniards, but che two who actually achieved independence (Iturbide and Guerrero) were both murdered by fractious Mexicans. This was to stand symbolically in a position analogous to original sin: Mexicans are denied their entry to national happiness because o their internal vices and divisions:
Woe is you, unfortunate Mexicot Woe is you because, not having yet fully entered the age o infancy, you decline in a precocious decrepitude chau brings you close to che grave! Woe is you because you are like che female of [hose venomous insects that thrive in our dimate, and o whom it is said thar it gives birch to its children only to be caten by theml16

Decline was caused by personal ambition and foily among leaders and would-be leaders o government, so much so that Arellano begins his remarkable speech distancing himself from any sort o political activity:
1 have not yet traveled-and God spare me from ever raking-che murky paths of che poliucs that dominare us, o that science whose principies are che whim of [hose who protess it, where che most obvious truths are put in doubt, and where he who is bes[ at cheating and who is bes[ at disguising his deceptions is considered wise_iz

The ultimare results o vice selfishness, and ambition have been the ruination o Mexico, irs decline, irs inability to reap the benefits o freedom and independence. For sonie speakers, [hese vices were typical o one parcy: monarchical interesas of conservatives, for instante; or Catholic fanaticism that led to blocking che doors to colonization from northern Europe and che United States, or to federalist folly in delegating too much power and autonomy to states. For all, they reflected a lack o virtue and che fall o public morality. To quote again froni Arellano: "We must acknowledge that our vices have grown and that public morality is every day extenuated, that our country has been a constan[ prey o ambition, o
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In a remarkahly irank, but not entirely extraordinary, "civic oration" proffered on che anniversarv ol independence in the city of Durango in 1841, Licenciado Jestis Arellano reeapped che history o political divisions and fraternal struggle in che lollowing tenor.
Lets go hack in time to Sepecmber 27, 1x21 That day, my fellow cicizens che very day of our greatest Iortune. also initiates che era o our greatest wocs_ It is Irom that dar that a hon-Ible discord began t exert as

1 i _,ii' bip

tealousy. il rrtncidel tuulc nclcs ^,I aiti)ct vis ve nde tras ol insatiable usuty Ol lamttcism and up rstti nn ol incptiuide and pe vetsity. and ol chimsy and inhumano mandarins

and sacrifice; and a thtrd hetween citizens who strived to open the way for the extension of citizenship nghrs and those who blocked them in order to cnhancc their own tyrannical authority. In some con tesas, th ese vi, ws could be arti Gula ted to one another; for example, the situation of thu bad puehlo was compared to citar of a young woman who was not under ihe tutelage of a roan, it was fodder for "seduetion" by bandits or by iactious aspiring politicians. In other words, ihe bad pueblo was fodder o rhe vicious po hi tici an, as much as it was ihe principal challenge o enlightened li bcral governments sello sought te) expand public education, eliminare ihe obscurantist intluence of tire church, prohibir bullfights, cockfights, and other forms o barbarie diversions, and so on

In sum it is nnstaken tu imagine 1 1.11 in rts ongi ns. tito discourse ol citi^enship vas in am simple clac nbl t.[i se'.tl ine. a zero degrec o relationship" ()n thc cotlitar v carls epc ocies had quite signiticant strictures regarding who could bc a citizen l liese restrictions rcadily allowed for the t-inergence ol une spedlic dise nurse about tito gooci and ihe had pueblo: ,>00d va, thc prctla that cr_n Icecheeii tito porcion of Mexican cationals svho allowed thcnuchcs p( aselullq to be represenred by tNiexican citizens; had pueblo was thc [uebi-.> thar seas not governed by the class of local notables, and this included rchellious Indians (like those cited in Yucatn or in Durango) as much as the feared dcaes 6vitnas that were notas siniilable through puhlic education. At ihe same time, che ten de nev to con tia te vatio nalty arad citizenship, at least as a utopian idea, existed hom (he very beginning, and this allowed for another kind of distinction between good and bad citizens. This distinction focused on "petty tyrants" Some ni three were perceived, particularly alter rhe constitution of 1857, as local caciques or hacendados who kept 1odians in a siavelilee position and separated from their rights as Mexicans, as was rhe case in tito spccch, cited carlier, against jails in haciendas. Others, and this was particularly prevalent in the earlier period, were tyrants in their selfish appropriation of what was public. This latter forro o dividing between virtuous and vicious elites readily allowed for rhe consolidation of a discourse o messianism around a virtuous caudillo, as is illustrated in another patrioric speech, pronounced en September 1 1, 1842 (anniversary of rhe triuntph against rhe Spanish invasion of 1829) in the city o Orizaba,
The political regeneration ci Anahuac [.mexico] seas rescrved ab initio to a singular Vctacruzano_ an encrepreneurial gcnius an animated soldier, a keen statesmart a profound poli tician, or, in sum, to Santa Anna tito great, who, llke another Alcides and Tesco, wi II purtiy ihe precious ground of the Aztecs and tid it o that disgusting and criminal riftraff [canalla] o tyrants of all species and conditions-19

The description ol citizenship as a zero degree o relationship is misleading , then, because it emphasizes only one aspect o tito phenomenon, which is the fact that familial discourses have always been used to supersede tito universalism o tito legal order. Moreover, ihe notion o ihe citizen as tito baseline of all political relationships is historically incorrect, because in tito early national period it was clearly a sigo o distinction no be a citizen, and even alter ihe constitution o 1857 and tito revolutionary constitution o 1917, it still excluded minors and women. Having established this general point, let us return to our evolutionary panorama o rhe development o citizenship in Mexico.

The Demise of Early Liberal Ctizenship The first truly liberal constitution of Mexico (1857) develops an inclusive and relatively unproblematic identification between citizenship and nationality: in order to be a citizen, al] that one needed was to be a Mexican over eighteen (if one was married, over twenty-one if one was not), and to caen an honest living (article 34). Simplicity, however, is sometimes misleading. Because in theory everyone was a citizen if they were o age (the article does not even specify that one needed to be male to be a citizen, though this apparently went without saying, because female suffrage was not to be allowed for another hundred years), the constitution and the congresses that met aher its ratification were very much concerned with giving moral shape to the citizen. Fernando Escalante ends his pathbreaking book on politics and citizenship in Mexico in ihe nineteenth century arguing that "[t]here were no citizens because diere were no individuals. Security, business, and politics were collective affairs. But never, or only very rarely, could they be resolved by a general formula that seas at once efficacious, convincing, and
Modrs of Adcxi c an C.fizeeship

In short, ihe political field around ihe delinition o citizenship involved three kinds of distinetions- one hetween a pueblo that would be encompassed by a group of notables anda pueblo that would not; another between selfish and falso citizens who suught private gana from their public position as citizens and thosc who cquamd citizenship with public service
,Ate les o] , s,_,i

i..

ish

il'

71

presentable ' ' [lis book demonstrates lhar diere was a high degree of pragmatic accord berween liberals asid conservatives on che matter of laws and institutions not beir.g applicable in a systematic fashion because consolidating state power was more tundaniental and urgent, and neither group couId adequately resolve che contradicriun between creating an effective and exclusive group o citizens and tlie actual politics o inclusion and exclusion demanded by che sor iety numerous corporations Despire this pragmatic agrecment regarding the priority that consolidating state power had over citizenship rights, the ideal of citizenship was about as obsessively pervasive in Mexican political discourse as was che rejection o politics as a site of vice. Part of this obsession was a result o the fact thar, until Jurez's triumph over t`9aximilian in 1867, political instability and economic decline raised fears that Mexico could be swallowed up by foreign powers or split apart by interna rifts. Collective mobilization seemed che only way forward, and diere is a sense in which Mexican history between independence and die French intervention (1821-67) can be seen as a process o increasing polarizarion. In che end, it was this process, in conjunction with emerging capitalist development and the construction of che first railroads in che 1 870s that allowed the first successful centralized governments of Jurez and, especially, o Daz, to operate. Escalante has argued convincingly thar the old idea, championed by Coso Villegas, that Jurez's restored repuhlic was a genuine experiment in liberal democracy is simply wrttng, and rhat che consolidation o the central state unde-Jurez and Lerdo needed to sidestep che legal order and te create informal networks of power as much as che Daz dictatorship that followed it. I have no space here to go finto detail coneerning che evolution of citizenship under che Daz regime ( 1876-1910), but a few remarks are necessary_ First, che achievement of governmental stability and material progress pushed earlier recurrent obsession over citizenship into the background. A plausible hypothesis is that a strong unified state and the concomitant process of economic growth led hy foreign investment was a more valued goal for the political ciasses than citizenship. In fact, the earlier fixation on citizenship was in large par che resulr o the fact that regional elites needed ro appcal to altruistic patriotism in order to try to hold che state together; once thc state could hold its own, this motivation disappeared21 A discourse on "order and progress" quickly superseded earlier emphasis on citizenship and che universal application o laws as the only way to progress, and a strong state tbat could guarantee foreign investment was [he key to rhat progress.
A111d s oJ

Thus, during che Porfirian dictatorship, it was the state, and its power to arrange space and to regiment an order, that was the subject o political ritual and myth; the masses, it was hoped, might eventually catch up to progress or-if they opposed che nacional state, as the Yaqui, Apache, and Maya Indians did-be eliminated. In short, whereas the law and the citizen were the ultimate fetishes of the era o national instability," progress, urban boulevards, railroads, and the mounted police (rurales) were the key fetishes o a Porfirian era that upheld the state as the promoter o that progress, and che vehicle for [he ultimate improvement of Mexico's abject rural masses."

Contemporary Transformations If chis were the end of che story, however, how could we come to terms with che fact that in the 1 930s Samuel Ramos, the famous founder of a philosophy about che Mexican as a social subject, identified che pelado, that is, the subject who had been considered beyond the pale of citizenship since independence, as che quintessential Mexicana Ramos argued that Mexican national character was marked by a collective inferiority complex, This inferiority complex was exemplified in the attitude of the pelado (urban scoundrel), who is so wounded by the other's gaze that he replies to it aggressively with che challenge of "Qu me ves?" (What are you looking at?).24 Thus, where che driver o our earlier Mexico City example seeks anonymity in order te act like a wolf, but becomes a gentleman with eye contact, the pelado rejects eye contact with a threat o violence. But whereas the nineteenth-century politician would not have hesitated in identifying the trae citizen with che (unconstantly) amiable driver and the pelado asan enemy o al] good society andan individual lacking in ove and respect for his patria, postrevolutionary intellectuals such as Ramos made the urban rabble foto che Ur-Mexicans, Why che change?
Before che revolutionary constitution of 1917, Mexican citizens had individual rights, but very few social rights. The right o education existed in theory but, as historical studies o education have shown (Vaughan 1994), public education during che porfiriato was controlled to a large extent by urban notables, a fact that was reflectad in extremely low literacy rates. Moreover, as 1 mentioned carlier, che right to vote was often nullified by che machinery of local bosses, who controlled voting as a matter o routine.

The 1917 constitution and che regimes following the revolution changed chis in severa) significant ways. First, under che leadership o Jos
Modas of Mexican 73 Ci ti zen sbip

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Cl OS n che 920s arel in an cllon u, wrench che tormation of eiti zens from the hands of che chute h h.iblic cdueation ,test on a crusade to reaeh out us che popular clases Tito etioit successful to a significan[ degrce and sc houls wcrc built cn ir rrmi,tc agrarias communities tiecond che 1` 17 constitunm cstaislichcd che iight ot access to land tor agricultura) workers_ The )and, ,,,or,ling t, ths constitution, belonged to che nation, as did che subsoil and territorial waters Cirizens had rights to poitions of that national wcaltb incie] cenain conchtons Third, che 1917 constitution speelied a series ^,1 ' ,rkci s rights. nduding minimum ,caces, che prr,liibcion ot chilcl labor thu prohibioon ot debt peonage. maxTmum working hours, and clic filie. Thus, bcing a citizen promised ghts of access to certain forros o protection against che predatory practices of capitalists, who, signihcantly, werc often identihed as foreign in constitucional debates. ldentifying members o che urban rabble as the prototypical Mexicans was, in this context, consonant with die state's expansive project. The modal citizen should, indeed, be clic a!lahlc and reasonable member o the middle classes-and Ramoss portraval o Ihe pelado was in no way laudatory; however, Mexicos backwardness and che challenge of its present made it useful to identify the typical subjccr as bcing off center from that ideal.

urgent and supremo ideal to being a long terco goal that con Id be achieved only alter che enlighte sed, scientific state liad done its job. This perspective was, in its turn, transformad by clic postrevolutionary state, which co nc ple roen ted ir with the o rganiza t ion of che pueblo Tito corporati o ns that wcrc regulated and protec tt d bv che tate These broad shifts have liad their correspondi ng counterparts in (he history of the privare sphe re1 be priva te sphere of citizens in Mexico has rever been very fully guaranteed. In clic early republican period, liberals identiticd corporate toinis of property as a central obsiacle co citizenship_ specifically, they targeted Clic property of Indian communities and of the church. However, che expropriation of both communal and ecclesiastieal corporate holdings in 1856 did not lead to the desired end, which was to creare a propertied citizenry, but instead to even greater concencration o landed wealth in che hands of an oligarchy. As a result, wide layers o the population lacked a secure base o privacy and lived either as dependents or as members o communities whose rights could only be defended collectively.

At the same time, the revolutiionary stare, like the Porfirian state, did not concern itself so much with producing citizens. Instead, the goal was to creare and to harness corporate groups and sectors finto the state apparatus. Although presidents Obregn and Calles upheld the ideal o the privare farmer in the 1920s and thought it a much more desirable goal rhan thar o che communitarian peasant, the task o building up the state was more important to them rhan building up the citizenThe principal shift between thc Portirian and che postrevolutionary state is that che latter consolidated a political idiom o inclusive corporativism that could be used to con, plemenc che Porfirian (but still current and useful) [heme of the enliglitened and progressive state. By che time President Crdenas nationalized che oil industry (1938), political discourse in the Mexican press by and large lacked any referente to the ideal citizen and portrayed,instead,a harmoniousinterconnection between popular classes under che protection of the revolutionary state. In short, early republican obsession wirh citizeriship was primarily owing to che extreme vulnerabilicy of .Mexicds central state. It was not produced by an existing equality among citizens, bur rather by existing divisions among che elites and by clic pressure of popular groups. As soon as a central state was consolidated. citizenship went from being sean as an
xi., n t i.. z, nslri p 74

Alter the 1910 revolution, the state sought to protect individuals from slavelike dependence on the oligarchy, but che relations o production that it fostered were equally problematic from the point o view o the consolidation o a private sphere. Agrarian reform failed to build a Lockean citizenry in the countryside because ejidatarios (land grantees) are not legal owners o their land, Moreover, they depend on local governmental support for many aspects of production, and so are feeble participants in the construction o a bourgeois public sphere. Similarly, the numerous indigent peoples o Mexico lack a secure private sphere, as ethnographies o che "informal economy" have amply attested: people working in the informal sector lead lives that are largely outside o che law. As a result, they need to negotiate with state institutions in order to keep tapping into 11legal sources o electricity, to keep vending in restricted zones, to keep living in property that is not formally theirs, and so on.2' Thus, although incorporation into a modern sector was one o the critical goals o postrevolutionary governments, che modalities o incorporation retained significan[ sectors o the population that not only did not benefit from access to a privase sphere that was immune froni governmental intervention, but in fact depended on governmental intervention in order to eke out a living in a legally insecure environment. O che three sectors that made up Mexico's state parry, two-the peasant sector and the popular sector-had no sacrosanct privare sphere from which to criticize che state, and therefore no protected basis for liberal citizenship.
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This situation complicates the vision ofcitizenship asa debased category, for it is through claims of citizenship that the peasantry and the informal sector have negotiated with the postrcvolutionary state-exchanging votes and participation in revolutionary national discourse for access to lands, credirs, electricity, or urban services At the same time, Chis citizenship belongs to a faceless mass, not to a collection o private individuals The pelado who, in Ramos's account felt wounded by the mere gaze o the erstwhile modal citizen, and who asserted his right tu nationality by his involvement in revolutionary violence, is harnessed back into nationality not through patron-client tics tu privare elites, but through a series o exchangos with state agencies through which he receives the status o massified citizen. Let me illustrate what the shape of official citizenry was like in the era o single-party rule- In the 1988 presidencial campaign o che Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), which was in many respects che last traditional PRI campaign, public rallies and events were divided into severa] types.s` There were, tirst, events targered tu specific portions o the party's tripartite sectorial organization peasarit sector; labor sector, and popular sector), second, there were meetings with regional and national groups o experts, who organized problem-focused discussions with the candidate and an audience (CEPES [Centros de Estudios Polticos y Sociales] and IEPES [Instituto de Estudios Polticos y Sociales], both o the PRI), third, there were massive public rallies that were meant to show the party's muscle by uniting the whole pueblo in a single square; and finally (chis was an innovation for che 1988 campaign), there were talk-show-like events where the candidate lielded questions from callers who were not identified as members of a party sector. The image o the nation as it was generated in the massive public rallies was thar of a corporate organism. Iike public displays o che social whole since che colonial period, che public o these rallies was divided internally by sectors, each of which signaled its corporate presence with electoral paraphernalia (sheets painted with the candidate's name and the name o the supporting sector: flags, T-shirts, tags, or hats that had the candidate's initials and those o che party or sector), but also with a certain uniformity of look, peasants in their hats and sandals, railroad workers in their bloc hats schoolteachers in their modest, lower-middle-class garb, and so on. Alongside this hierarchical and organic image of che nation as being made up of complementary, uncqual, and interdependent masses, however, campaign rituals also presented certain modal images o the citizenry.
AAod,, oJ

This is apparent in the use o dress in the various rallies, for although the presidential candidate dressed up as member o the sector that he was visiting (as a rancher when in a rally o the peasant sector, as a well-dressed worker in a rally o the labor sector, or in a suit in a discussion with experts), the relationship between "the suit" and other costumes is not one o equality. Rather, the suit is the highest formal garb, the one that the candidate will use on a daily basis when he is in the presidency, and the one that he has daily used as a government official prior to becoming a presidential candidate. The suit is the modal uniform o the public sphere. Public sessions devoted to the discussion o regional and national problems are attended almost exclusively by suits, even when their inhabitants are representing interests associated with labor or agriculture. Thus, the image o the citizen with a voice stands in contrast to the massified citizen.
This situation has been identified by Mexican democrats as a lack o a civil society, and [hese same democrats have been building a narrative o Mexican democracy that has the heyday o the corporate party (the 1940s and 1950s) as che historical low point in Mexican citizenship. According to this view, che corporate state effectively funneled Mexican society into its mass party until the 1960s, when certain groups, especially middleclass groups-but also some peasants and urban poor-no longer found a comfortable spot in the state's mechanisms o representation and resource management, producing the 1968 student movement.27 The violent suppression of this movement, and che expansion o state intervention in the economy in the 1970s, gave a second wind to the corporatist state. However, an unencompassable civil society would keep growing during chis period and would reemerge politically in the mid1980s, when the state's fiscal crisis weakened its hold on society. This situation has been leading inexorably to the end o the one-party system and che rise o Mexican democracy

During the period o state party pile, political classes in Mexico had a pretty clear mission, which was to tap into resources by mediating between state institutions and local constituencies. It was in this period that a clever politician coined che phrase "vivir fuera del presupuesto es vivir en el error" (to live outside o the state budget is to live in error). The expansion o che state for severa] decades was a process o always incorporating political middlemen as new social movements emerged- Thus, in the 1970s and 1980s, positions were created for leaders o squatters' movements, for leaders o urban gangs, for student movement leaders, for teachers' movement leaders, and others. The fiscal crisis o che state that began in 1982 severely limited its
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possibility ol cngaging in thn , , -uptivc stratcgy, and so rhe numbers o nongovernmental organizations in artive service roce dramadeally, as did oppositioti pa r'ties l here has undoubtc(1h buen an intensification ot eitizen activity in Chis period s. ith sast numhcrs ol people rejecting massfied corporate forros oi political )ar tiupatton that are no longer providing real beneflts, and ctrong voten partir ipation as well as a huge increase in participation in political rallies, dem onsoatiom. and rhe like The press roo, has broken with rhe unspoken rulo ol prescning rhe figure of rhe national presiden[ irom direct attack and ts crit11 '5m of government has become much loe der.

isted in Iberoamerica However, bis strategy is hest suited to highlight rhe micropolitics of access to state institutions and does not elarify rhe specihe ways in which citizenship is filled and emptied ol contents. It therefore misses in important dimension of rhe eulture ot atizenship, including how, when, and by whorn it is politicized. In Chis chapter, 1 have presented a rough outline o rhe politics surrounding citizenship in modern Mexico. 1 argued that there have been two periods when discussions of citizenship Nave been truly central to political discourse The first period which 1 analyzed in sume detail, is rhe era o political instabibty and economic decline that followed Mexican independence; the second is the contemporary, post- I982 debt crisis period o privatization and rhe end of single-party hegemony The view that 1 developed suggests that the intensity o discussions surrounding citizenship in the first five decades alter independence reflected both the complex politics o including or excluding popular classes from the political field and the fact that national unity seemed unattainable by any means other than through unity among citizens, and violence against traitors (be these indigenous groups or fractious "tyrants" with their clientele of canallas). In other words, citizenship was continually invoked as the foremost need o the nation ata time when rhe country had no effective central state, a declining economy, and was threatened both by imperial powers and by internal regional dissidents. Beginning with Preside n[ Jurez, but especially under Daz, the national state was consolidated and a national economy was shaped thanks to the state's capacity to guarantee foreign investment and national sovereignty. As a result, the "bad pueblo" was slowly neutralized and substituted only by rhe growth and expansion o what 1 have called the "abject pueblo," or the people who were not fit for citizenship (not knowing how to read or write, not speaking Spanish, or living in conditions o servitude that effectively precluded full participation as independent citizens). In rhe process, rhe national obsession with citizenship diminished even as the celebration and fetishization o the state as the depositary o rationality, order, and progress grew. The combination o national consolidation, rapid modernization, and rhe extension o a degraded form o citizenship to the vast majority is par[ o the backdrop o rhe Mexican Revolution o 1910.

Ar the sane time, howevcr, rhe lact that many political leaders and mediators are now living outside of the fiscal budget may also mean that a new forro of massified citizenship is beiog constructed. The economic costs o democracy and democranzation are so far very high in Mexico, and a lot o money is going to al political parties, as well as to running electoral processes Elections and electoral processes have become a source o revenue in their own right, and the jockeying between party leaderships could beeome divorced irom rhe ever-growing needs o rhe country's poorest, particularly because the middle and proletarian classes are now large enough to sustaln such an apparatus. This situation is illustrated in Are fact that today, although there is undoubtedly more democracy in Mexico than at any time in recent memory, rhe extent o urban insecurity, the numbers of fences and walls, and the presente o the military and o privare security guards are also rhe highest in recent memory. At this juncture, as in rhe posrrevolutionary years in which Ramos was writing, there is an increasing number o pcople who are tinprotected by relations o privare patronage, unprotected by rhe state, and who have insufficient private possessions to participare as reliable citizens. On the other hand, as in the unstable years o rhe early and mid-nineteenth century, there is an increasingly large class ot lumpenpohticians who seek to funnel die "bad pueblo" finto "factious movements. And the passage from unruly anonymity to amicable personal contact may beeome more strained as the capacity to claint that "whoever gets mad first, loses" itself loses credibility

Conclus-ion
DaMaua's analysis of thc relationship hetween liberal and Catholichierarchical discourses in the negotiation of citizenship is a useful entry point for rhe descriprion o debased torno of citizenship as they have ex-

The constitutional order that emerged from rhe revolution allowed Mexicans access to a series of benefits, including land and protection against employers. Nevertheless, the postrevolutionary orden did not achieve rhe liberal goal o turning rhe majority o the population into property holders. In fact, the fragility o rhe privare sphere for large sections
Modes of Mex ican Citrzensf 79
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o the population has been one of the constante in modcrn Mexican history. As a result, the revolutionary state combined the Porfirian cult o enlightened, state-led progress with an organicist construction o the people.
This revolution gave citizenship another kind o valence. Inscead o attacking communal lands and trying to transtorm every Mexican into a prvate owner, postrevolutionary governments gave out land and protection as forms of citizenship, out they retained ultimate control over those resources. As a result, citizenship in the postrevolutionary era (up to the mid- or late 1 980s) can be thought of in par as massified and sectorialized, because peasants and workers of the so-called informal sector received beneHts en the force of their citizenship, and yet lacked independence froni the state. Thus, the debased citizen that DaMatta speaks of is different in the prerevolutionary and the postrevolutionary periods, because, in the latter, "nobodies" coulcl make daims for state beneHts on the oasis o their collective identity as part o a revolutionary pueblo, whereas in the former they could not. Part of the current difficulty in MMexican citizenship is that social critics acknowledge that state paternalism and control over production led to unacceptably undemocratic forros o rule and, indeed, lo policies that led to the bankruptcy of the country. However, at least the 1917 constitution envisaged parceling out some benefrts tu people by virtue o the fact that they were citizens. The contraction o che state has produced massive social movements and a very strong push aruund democratizaban and the category o che citizen, out the current emphasis on electoral rights risks emptying the category o iis social ccntents once again, and, given the fact that Mexico still has a large mass of poor people with little legal private property or stable and legally sanctioned work, and given too that Mexico's state is still incapable o extending rights universally, we may yet see the reemergence a pernicious dialectic between the good pueblo and the bad pueblo.

Passion and Banality in Mexican History:

The Presidential Persona

In Mexico, theories about nacional destiny have often eclipsed broader concerns with human history. Development in Mexico has been national development, history has been national history, and theories of history have been theories o national history. This phenomenon is not caused by isolation. It is instead the result o a pervasive peripheral cosmopolitanism, of an acute conscience o wanting to catch up, to reach "the level" o the great world powers, The need to explain the dynamics o national history stems from the nacional project's failure to deliver its promise, its failure to free Mexico from subservience and to make the nation an equal o every great nation. Curiously, however, theories o Mexican history do not usually begin by inspecting the impact o national independence en the sense of disjointedness that generates national self-obsession. Instead, they always want to reach further back in an attempt to force a national subject who can then be liberated through the sovereignty o a national community. My argument in this chapter takes an alternative route. Ideally, sovereignty may indeed coincide with the liberation o the nacional subject, out this has never been a realistic expectation. Instead, real sovereignty, independence as it has actually existed, has generated a dynamic o cultural production that shapes Mexican obsessions with national teleology because

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it creares a systanatic divide ben,cen nati],cal ideolugy and actual power relatiuns 1-his chasm is espcdalls cvident In Clic states tense relationship io modernizati on and to che ],roed prole, t I cultural modernity.

projects is i cself used to construct che nacional subject that is meant to be liberated by the nacional scatc, and by che next set o reforms. 1 Nave argued that che limitations o various modero projects in Mexico Nave reflected che highly segmented quality of che public spherc there. This segmentation can be properly understood through a geography of mediations. My rescarch agenda has been to develop such a geography by focusing boch on agents o mediation, such as intellectuals and politicians, and en che public enactment of nacional unity and artnculation in political ritual In Chis chapter 1 will focos on che secular process through which che ideal o nacional sovereignty was incarnated; 1 mean che shaping o che public persona o che president of the republic. 1 will argue that the rocky process by which presidential power became routinized affords a glimpse of che way in which the state has brokered Mexico's modernity.

Al] nacional state, can be th,caccned b, modcrnlzation. After al], eapitalist development has thnved mi clic inahility ot srates fully to encompass che economies of their peoplc lhe tcchmcal social organizacional, and cultural Innovacions that are linkcd io indu,tnal growth (i e, moderniza tion) can thrcaren boch che interests and che teehnical hasis of state power. Cultural modernity tor: is en esl,ansive projeer thac has challenged specihc state instiitu tions hv shaping and upholding a series of rights aiound che category o che citlzcn, by insisting on a degree of autonomy fui artistic and scientilic production, and by fostering a "public sphere" froni which state policiies and institutions can be evaluated and criticized. In Mexico, che scates active role in propitialing and channeling development and modernization has depended en institucional forms that often contradice democratic ideals of dnzenship, freedom of expression, artistic and scientiflc autonomy, and other ideals of cultural modernity. This fact is manifested in che resilience o1 che category ancien rgime' in Mexican political and historical texts Eighleenth- century modernizing reforms introduced by the Bourbons are correctly casi against a classical ancien rgime, which is described as corporatist and premodern, but corporatism, che ownership o political office, and the primary importance of personal negotiation with a sovereign did not die with these reforms. Historian Frangois Xavier Guerra discusses che 1910 Mexican Revolution against the backdrop o a still-crumbling "ancien rgime," despite che fact that Porfirio Daz was indisputably a modernizing dictator and that Mexico had been independent for nearly ninety yeais when che revolution broke out.' Even today, political writers have resurrected che ancien rgime label, but Chis time to refer to the postrevolutionarv one- party system that is in the process o collapsing. The persistente o che epithet ancien rgime' is a manifestation of the perceived divide between che nacional ideal wherein che law has universal extension and application, and real state power, which is seco as making decisions on a self-serving and ad hoc basis. This chasm has been che declared cause of revolutions and reforms. However, reforms have failed to redress che gulf between che real and che normacive order, modern and tradicional "hybrids" proliferare, and chis process usually ends up being interpreted as a manifestation of che resihence of a nacional culture- The cycle of nationalist angst is therehy closed, because the failure of modernizing
P,:,, ion and Bi,:nliiv in Al r:!; ca,: Hi, ,ory

First Time as Farce?

Disturbed perceptions o che disjunction between the central tenets of nacional ideology and actual political practice are visible in Mexico as early as the independence movement itself. For instante, Jos Mara Luis Mora, a man who worked tirelessly and to a large extent unsuccessfully at creating the persona of the liberal citizen, complained that his contemporaries believed that "[t[he constitution and che laws are here to place limits en a power that already existed and was invested with omnimodal power, and not that they are here to create and form that power."' In other words, the presidency alter independence saw its power as preceding the roles and laws of the constitution, which might limit it in some ways, but not shape it ex nihilo. State power was not boro of a formal social contract, but the nation allegedly was. Despite the persistente o chis ideological disjunction, liberal theories regarding social contract, political representation, and citizenship flotar-. ished. This fact can be understood in part as a mimetic strategy for che state's survival: che adoption o the great powers' own idiom of statehood was necessary for navigating a weak state in international waters. The temptation to cloak local struggles for national power in a language that enjoyed a degree of international prestige, a temptation that was provoked at once by imperial pressures and by che strategic utility of foreign ideas for internal self-legicimation, produced political habits that Nave been described since che early moments o Mexican nacional independence and up until che present day as a grotesque penchant for imitation-imitation
Yassian nnd Banality in Al rxiran 83 =

History

flor only o liberal idcals, hut of everv kind of glorious foreign practice. 1 quote again froni Mora,
The raen who arroganlly chist '],al 'comtimnons are sheets of paper that Nave no value other than ihar wlnch die governmcnt wishes t give them" are deludcd That expression vhidt seas in some v.ay tolerable coming from thc hero oI Marring of jcna aod ol Austcrlitz, ro ni the inan who saved Franco a thuusand timos and Icd its armies vietoriously 111 YO Russia, has been repeated not lar hnm mis bv pygmics without mera, service, or presti ge s

[i]nsulting the faith and our sovereign, Ferdinand VII, painted en his hanner (he image of our august patroness, our Lady of Guadalupe, and wrote the following inscriptiom. "Long Live the Faith. Long Live Our Holiest Mother of Guadalupe- Long Live Ferdinand VII_ Long Live America, and Death to I3ad Government.'o

Abad y Queipo subsequendy excommunicated Hidalgo and threatened to do the lame to any person who persisted in fighting on Hidalgos side or in aiding him in any way. This edict, which was soon endorsed by the archbishop o Mexico, caused great indignation and rape with Hidalgo, Morelos, and other members o the insurgent clergy. Hidalgo made a formal reply, in which he swore his loyalty to the Catholic faith: "1 have never doubted any o its truths, I have always been intimarely convinced o the infallibility o its dogmas.`7 Hidalgo then vehemently deplored his excommunication as a partisan act: "Open your eyes, Americans. Do not allow yourselves to be seduced by our enemies: they are not Catholics, except t politici their god is money, and their acts have our oppression as their only object." s He then called for ehe establishment o a representative parliament that,

Here, Mexican politicians are tiny AGicans, aping Europeans in their banana repuhlic. But, as historian Fernando Escalante has demonstrated, the citizen that was meant to monlmr these politicians was an equally fietitious character, hecause the power oI die 'tate was never sufficient to delend the property and the rights of Mexlcans who enjoyed formal citizenship. ln this context the office ol ihe presidency became a vehicle for imagining sovcrcignty, and presidente built ibeir authoriry by shaping and embodying these images.

Excommunication ani) Primary Piocess"iiice Jodependence

Once Miguel Hidalgos (1810) movement lar independence had ravaged severa) towns o the Bajo regios, thc bishop o Michoacn and erstwhile Iriend of Hidalgo, Manuel Abad y Queipo, decreed the excommunication of the priest and o his followers.' This act, and some o the insurgent clergy's reactlons, set the tope for l ater meraphors of national unity and apostasy.

saving as its principal object la maintain our boly religion, will promete benign laws [leyes suaves], useful and well suited to the circumstances o each pueblo. They shall then govern with the tenderness o parents, they shall treat os as brothers, banish poverty, moderare the devastation o ihe kingdom and the extraction o its moneys, fonient the arts, liven up industry , . _ and, after a few years, our inhabitants shall enjoy al of the delicacies that the Sovereign Author o nature has spilled en this vast continente

The bishop began his edict with a citation from Luke-"Every kingtlom that is divided finto factions c11,11 he dcstruycd and ruined"-and then proceeded tu review ihe ravagcs of die wars in French Saint-Domingue JHaiti), which were caused, he reminded bis dock, by the revolution in the metropole. The result of that revolt was not only the assassination of all Euro pean' and Creoles, but also the des truction of four-fifths of the island's black and mulatto population and a legacy o perpetua] hatred between blacks and mulattos. No good could come from a falce division between Europeans and Americans.

In sum, Hidalgo warns against tire use o the trae faith for the enrichment o foreign oppressors. He identifies national sovereignty with rule o the Catholic faith, a rule that is to be paternalistic fin that it shall recognize the specific needs and circumstances o each pueblo, and he imagines a nation guided by a single true faith that will quickly become a kind o Christian paradise in which poverty is eradicated by the fraternal sentiment and benign intentions that exist between true coreligionists. Thus Hidalgo performed a kind of counterexcommunication o European imperialista who used Catholicism in order lo "seduce" those whom they sought to oppress and exploit.

Abad then expressed particular chagrin regarding the fact that the cal] of disloya]ry and arras carne from a priest, ^tiligucl Hidalgo of the parish o Dolores, who not only killed and injured Europeans and used his robes to 'seduce a portion o innocent laborcrs,' but aleo,
P.+s=ion and Bnn.iy r ,. Jlex,can Hisiory 8.l

Hidalgo's position found concrete jurdica] expression in the edicts o bus follower, the priest Jos Mara Morelos. In his first edict abolishing slavery and Indian tribute (1810), Morelos proclaimed that "[a]ny American
Pas 'ion nnd 13ruia1ily in Mexican 85 liistory

who owes monee Lo a European is not oblit;ed Lo pav it- It, on the conti-are, it is thc 1 uropean who owes. hc shall rigonxisly pay his debt Lo the .Ameriean" Moreover e vete lanwner sha bc set ice wlth che knowldge tirar il he eomni its thc satine dime nt air c othei that eontradicts a mans honeste, lic- '11,111 be mmh, ti

by Morelos's declaration o a elean siate for all, would be impossible to uphold. They were ill suited to serve as the hasis for consolidating a huge territory peopled by a weakly integrated nation that gained its independence at a montent o iotense imperial competition.

These Iaws portrayed Turopeans as uuirious'y living o o "Amen ca os such that there was no possihle Anacrican debt to the Europeans that liad not been hanclsomeIv paid lor bclrehand and that the judgment o e rimes unid el thc Spalis h reginn rs a. ses tematically unlair. In sum, che c ountcrexcommunieation ot INC Spanish clergy by Hidalgo and Morelos tuses the nacional ideal with a Christian utopia. Paternalistic beneficence and brotherhood would be achieved in an independent Mexico ruled by true Catholics, instead of by oppressors who used Catholicism to pursue their unchristian aims: the cxtraction o money and che oppression o a nation. Morelos's political spirit would perdure because che defense o nationals against foreign extortion and the dispensation o Christian justice proved impossible to achieve after independence. Thus, Hidalgo s image al sovereignty as the Christian adm i n ist ration of plenty remained a utopia, and Mexican governments alter independence were just as subject to the polities o religious appropriation/excommunication as their Spanish predecessors. A similar formulation o national ideals can be found a hundred years aker Hidalgos cry in Dolores, issuing from the pen o that foremost ideologue o the Mexican Revolution, Luis Cabrera, who blasted the official celebration o the centenary o independence just two months prior to che first revolutionary outburst o November 20, 1910:
The celebration of our glories and the commemoration of our heroes is a cult, but those who suffer and work cannot arrive togerher at the altar o che fatherland with [hose who dominare and benefit because they do not share the lame religion- Just as the Ch ristian's plea to pardon all debts cannot fit in the same prayer as the lew s plea tor daily bread exacted from profits, neither can ttere be a unilied hnmage te our fathers by those with an insaciable thirst for power and hy the noble desire for justice that moves che hearts of the pueblo that suffers and wnrks11

Dead Presidents
The consolidation o a central authority has been a eomplex problem in Mexican history, for although such an authority existed during the colonial era in the figure of the king and his surrogate, che viceroy, establishing a central state and authoriry after independence proved to be highly problematic.

Monarchical solutions to this quandary were consonant with the ideology o Mexican independence, which leaned heavily en traditional Spanish legal thought to legitimate itself. The dream of a smooth transition between the colonial and che independent order was simply not to be. On one side, radical insurgents were not keen to see the precolonial status quo upheld to such a perfect degree. On another, Spain did not immediately relinquish its claims over the new Mexican empire and attempted to reestablish a foothold on the continent for ten more years, sufficient time for an anti-Spanish sentiment that had been growing along with the construction o Mexican nationalism to become virulent. Moreover, the United States was clearly and loudly opposed to che establishment of a monarchy in Mexico." As a result, monarchists were forced to set their hearts en acquiring a European monarch with che simultaneous backing o al] or most European powers, a solution that was tried and failed in che 1860s. Thus the early fractures among the nascent national elite were connected ab initio to che contest between the United States, France, Spain, and Britain. It was not until 1867, after the French departed and Maximilan was shot, that Mexico finally earned its "right" to exist as a nation. Until that time, no strong central state had existed, and the country's sovereignty was severely limited. In the words o a Porfirian commentator,
[before che wars o intervention] being a foreigner came to mean being the natural-born master o all Mexicans. It was enough, as a few o the exceptionally rare honest diplomats acknowledged, for a foreigner to be imprisoned for three days en poor behavior or intrigue for that person to become a creditor for fifty or one hundred thousand pesos to the Mexican national budget as a result o a diplomatic agreement.
Passion u,d Bana1,ty in Mexican = 87

This significant, indeed foundational, strain of,Mexican nationalism therefore lees the national state as the ideal medium for achieving a Christian community- In fact, however, the standards lar sovereignty that were set by Hidalgo, wherebv poverty would be bar'shed "in just a few years," or
Ya ssi o n und Ira n l r d.l. , nn n 1listo ty 80 =

History

The state had become the guarantor o foreign interests against its own people. The bullet that killed Maximilian effectively ended the possibility o ever establishing a European-backed monarchy, while making a highly visible international statement about the sovereignty o Mexico and o its laws. Until that time, Mexico had been routinely "Africanized" in foreign oyes. In the years between 1 821 and 1867, Mexican leaders had tried a series o strategies for constructing central power, combining varying forms o messianism, aspects of monarchic power, republicanism, and liberalism, in a large number o short-lived presidencies Civen the nonexistence o a successful hegemonic block among early postindependence elites, and given a number o foreign pressuies that were not fully comprehended by these elites until half the country's territory had been lost, the difficulty in constructing an image o national sovereignty and authority in the office o the president became a major cultural challenge, for whereas political ritual and the stability o office in the colonial period reveal a clear-cut ideology o dependency-that is, of a combination o subordination, complementarity, and mutual reliance-this cense o reliance and encompassment between the centers o empire and Mexico was decidedly shaken, and sometimes completely shattered, alter independence.

persona: the strategy o the martyr, the strategy o the exemplary citizen, and the strategy of the modernizer. In discussing selected aspects o these three presidential repertoires, 1 hope to clarify one aspect o the distante between legal forms and actual political practice.

An Arm and a Leg

The saliente o martyrdom in politics has often been noted in popular commentary in Mexico. Mexico has a large pantheon o national leaders who were shot or martyred, including Hidalgo, Morelos, Allende, Aldama, Iturbide, Guerrero, Mina, Matamoros, Maximilian, Madero, Villa, Carranza, Obregn, and Zapata, to name only the most prominent ones. The first martyrs o independence were Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and Santa Mara, whose heads were severed by Spanish authorities and displayed in the four corners o the Alhndiga de Granaditas, where Hidalgos army had massacred a number o Spantards and Creoles. Many other leaders o independence were also executed in later periods. When it carne to insurgent priests, Spanish authorities tried to degrade the leaders before and after execution. The subjects were defrocked in ecclesiastical courts and then turned over to the civil authorities, who dictated their sentences. In cases where military officers had to take justice into their own hands, some officers "reconciled their duties as Christians with their obligations as soldiers" by undressing the rebel priest, shooting him, and then redressing him with his robes for burial.10. Despite these and other degradations, [hese dead became the martyred "fathers" o the nation. The use o messianic imagery was significant en two levels: it was a way o identifying the presidential body with the land, and it cast the people as being collectively in deb to the caudillo for his sacrifices. The relationship to kingly ideology is clear. Because Mexico was unable to enshrine its own king, in whom a positiva relationship between personal welfare and national welfare could be state dogma ("The King and the Land are One"), its national leaders had to create this relationship negatively, through sacrifice. Thus, it was through personal sacrifice that the president could attempt to convince people o his capacity to represent the entire nation. The most successful example o a president who relied primarily en this strategy for fashioning his persona was Antonio Lpez de Santa Anna, who dominated Mexican politics during the first half o the nineteenth century Santa Anna was called to the presidency eleven times, alternatively as a liberal, a conservative, and a moderate. Ideological purity was
Passion and Banality in 89 Mexiean HisIory

The difficulty in shaping presidential power was increased, too, by the weakness, and at times nonexistence, o modern political parties. Political organization around che time o independence flowed to a large extent through Masonic lodges. In the early independence period, there was only one Masonic rite, the Scottish rite, which had been imported by Mexico's representativas at che Cortes o Cdiz in 1812. A second lodge, o York, was established in Mexico by the first U.S. ambassador, Joel Poinsett, with the explicit ami o consolidacing a federalist, republican, and more Jacobin organization finto Mexico's political arena, In neither case, however, were these lodges open to public scrutiny, as political parties are, and political power was taken in the name o ideologies, such as federalism, centralism, liberalism, or conservatism, with no party structure tu back them.
As a result, the construction o the persona o the president as the personification o sovereignty was both important and highly problematic. It involved creating an iniage that could risa ahoye and reconcile a regionally fragmented society, an image that could also be manipulated in order to seduce orto frighten off imperial power-contradictory uses that are surely par o the famous distante hetween the p,?s real and the pas legal. 1 shall explore three significant strategies in the evolution of the presidential
Passion nnd 13 1 '1y ,n 88 t` CXJC11 11

11 isiory

clearly not che way to estahlish onesdl as a durable alternatve for the presidencv in carly nineceentli ,, ntury ,Vlcxico_ Instead, historian John Lynch observes chat Santa Anua sale El ini e l as a preserven of order, not as an ideologically Inconsisccnt opporuinist 1 -he fault !,aceording to Santa Anua] las with the political par ti,, ss bici, dlvidcd Mexico and created a need for reconciliation" : 1992, 3s6

Aboye the political fray hetwee n nothing remained in the rhetoiic of the period but the fachciland ,p.nna. itsell, and so Santa Anna cultivated bis repuiation as a war heru He led clic defense against the Spanish in 1829, bis leg was amputated alter wounds acquired in cine "Pastry War against the French in 1839 (offsetting, somewhat, bis humiliating defeat in Texas), and he organized the defense against the U.S. invasion ata time o political disarray. In 1842, Santa Anna was once again called to power, and at that point he attempted co build the rudiments o a political geography that would have him at its center. He had a luxurious municipal theater built (the Teatro Santa Anna), with a statue of himself in front o it. A solemn and much-actended ceremony was cnacted to inaugurare a third monument, which was a mausoleum in which bis left leg was reinterred. The significante o Santa Anna's Icg-a limb that linked him to Hidalgo, Morelos, and all the dead heroes whose ]ove for the patria at that point was the only ideology capable of unifying the country-is best appreciated in Santa Anna's own words:
The infamous words the messenger read me are repeated hete: "The majority o Congress openly favor the Paredes revolution . . The rioters imprisoned President Canalizo and extended their aversion to the president, Santa Anna. They tore down a bronze hust erected in bis honor in the Plaza del Mercado. They stripped bis narre from the Santa Anna Theater, substituting for it the National Theater. Furthermore, they have taken bis amputated foot from the cemetery ot Santa Paula and proceeded to drag it through the streets to che sounds of savage laughter and regaling ..." 1 interrupted the narrator, exclaiming savagely, Stop' 1 don't wish to hear any more! Almighty Codi. A member ot my hody, lose in che service of my country, dragged from the funeral urn, broken into bits to be made sport of in such a barbarie mannert' In that moment ot grief and frenzy, 1 decided to leave my native country, objeet of my dreams and o my disillusions, for all time 15

Figure 4.1. Vlceroy don Juan Vicente Guemes Pacheco y Padilla, segundo Conde de Revillagigedo, anonymous painter, eighteenth century. Oil on canas, 52 x 41. Collection of Banco Nacional de Mxico. This is a usual representation o a viceroy's arrival in New Spain- The viceroy is assisted on one side by the power o arms, and en the other by che power of justice, the same two powers that caudillos claimed for themselves when they claimed to stand aboye all parties.

Civen Mexico's ideological rifes, the dilflculcies in creating a national center in the face o interna] divisions and international pressure, the only
Pa, sion nnd Daneii1 y .u Xlexican Hirirry 90

1 ieure 4.2 hnagni de iura Len releen de Frmm,nlo VII ;monymous painter, ninereenth century. Oil cn canvas, 1-40 x 98 cm_ Collcetion ui !Museo Regional de Guadalajara. 1-he message on the painCing reads. leluved Fernando, Spain and the Indies placed on your head this [imago o the croes n 1 the bottom reads,'This ion, which is the Spanish nation, will rever lel gu Ironu i lit,hes rhe teso worlds of Ferdinand VII" The representation of the king oo Str ikinglq ,imitar ti) portraits of Iturhide and Santa Anna_ 1 igure 4.3. Santa Anna as presiden[-

,,ood president could be a seltkss one The dead insurgents beeame ex acoples ol this ideal, and the ea' licsi viable examples o the presidential persona wcre built around the ligare ot the martyr-presidents who did not reecive salaries, whu saeriheecl theii iniilics who abandoned their lamily l'artene. who gavc [Ti' their health iris tbctr country. Santa Anna lost his leg and it beeame the focus o contention. Alvaro Obregn caudillo of the Mexican Revolution, president from 1920 te 1924, reelected for office in 1928. and murdered on the day of his elee tion, lost an arni in the battle el (elava against Pancho Villa- This arre was preserved in alcohol and it hecame tlie centcrpicce of a monument built in his trame by the man who created thc Partido Revolucionario Institucional that ruled the country for seventy-one ycars. Obregn's martyrdom was thus used to funnel charisma finto a hureaucracy that has insistently called itself revolutionary. Two less well known and curious stories are the ends met by the bodies o Guadalupe Victoria and of General Francisco (Pancho) Villa. Guadalupe Victoria, Mexico's first president, died in 1842. During the U.S. invasion of Mexico in 1848, American soldiers violated the tomb where his mummy and preserved innards were kept. According to one hagiographer, two U.S. soldiers drank the alcohol in which Victorias innards were preserved and died-the remains o Guadalupe Victoria were still powerful in the struggle for sovereignty. In 1862, just before the French invasion, Victoria's remains were transferred to Puebla by General Alejandro Garca, and they were placed at the foot o the Angel o Independence in Mexico City by President Calles in the 1920s.16 U.S. patriots apparently also had a bone to pick (so to speak) with Pancho Villa, whose tonib was desecrated and whose head allegedly ended up in the Skull and Bones Society at Yale University, a secret society o which George Bush was a member-1' It would appear that Villa, who was initially portrayed by the U.S media as a great popular hero and then demonized as the bandit who had the gall o invading Columbus, New Mexico, and getting away with it, beeame die object o "scientific interest" by patriots in the United States, whlle Villas invasion o Columbus is still a source o pleasure for Mexican revnncbis les.

created equal, has been a place that only the dead can inhabit, which is why we sometimes fight over their remainsls

Unconventional Conventionalists, or the Fetishism of the Lau,

It fell to Benito Jurez to create the first strong image o the presidency as an institution o power that seas truly aboye the fray, and his strategy was to present himself as a complex embodiment o rhe meeting between the nation and the law. As an Indian, Jurez could stand for rhe nation; as an impenetrable magistrate and keeper of the law, he attempted to create an image o the presidency as being aboye ambitious self-aggrandizement.19 Francisco Bulnes provides a biting creole perspective on Jurez 's distinct public image: Jurez had a distinctively Indian temperameny he had the calm o an obelisk-that reserved nature that slavery promotes to the state o comatoseness in the coldly resigned races. He was characterized by the secular silente o the vanquished who know that every word that is not the miasma o degradation is punished, by that indifference that apparently allows no seduction but that exasperates .. Jurez did not make speeches; he did not write books, use the press, or write letters; he did not have intimate conversation , nor did he have esprit, an element that makes thought penetrating, like perfume . Nor was he subtle or expressive in his gestures, his movement, or his gaze. His only language was official, severe , sober, irreproachable, fastidious , unbearable. His only posture that o a judge hearing a case . His only expression the absence o all expression . The physical and moral appearance of Jurez was not that o the apostle , or the martyr, or the statesman ; it was instead that o a god in a teocalli, inexpressive en the humid and reddish rock o sacrifices.30

The politics around these remains reveals the degree to which the nation's inalienable possessions llave been vulnerable to foreign appropriatien, as well as to interna] desecration- It suggests that martyrdom has been fundamentally linked to an elten unworkable ideal o sovereignty in modern Mexico Sovereignty, that ideal locatien where al! Mexicans are
1,e1 1 1 as 1 11 .1 B .1 .I!. ', Vrxrcan v4 His1ory

Jurez created a lasting image o what the relationship o the president to the nation should be: he had no need o the kind o martyrdom that Santa Anna utilized because his yace already proved his links to the land. Nor, as Bulnes says, was he an apostle , in that his role was to remind Mexicans and foreigners o the role o the law. The result appears at first as an impossible combination: the legalistic bureaucrat as national fetish. Jurez's construction o the presidential persona as the embodiment o the law depended on a racial element for its success. Mexican presidents who belonged to the local aristocracy could only achieve full identification with the land through the theater o messianism and martyrdom. Jurez, on the other hand, relied on the mythology o the Aztec past that
P a s s o n a n d B a n a 1 i 1 y i ,i M e x i c a n H , t , , = 95 =

was important in Mexican nationalism as a way of establishing a credible relationship to the land without relying on messianism . When he relied on hiblical imagery, Jurez usually turned to Moses, the lawgiver and liberator, and not to Jesus and the martyrs . This was because Jurez's challenge was not to demonstrate loyalty to the land, but rather to show that he could 'rise aboye his yace." The law resolved this problem to some extent. The Indian, who indisputably was connected to the land , could identify so fully with the law that he would become faceless: a national Fetish of the law, an idol in a teocalli, as Bulnes says . This contrasts with the role of the law in the persona of the messianic president , whose actitudes in this regard were usually inspired by Napoleon. Jurez was aided in this project by the fact that he presided over the definitive defeat of European powers , the execution of a prestigious European monarch, the defeat of the clergy, and an alliance with the United States . He succeeded in identifying himself with the land not through the greatness of his individual acts ( as Bulnes would have liked), but rather through his sober image as the inexorable instrument of the law.
After Jurez , two alternative images of that national fetish that is the president had been rudimentarily established : the presiden [ as messianic leader- overflowing with personality , ideologically inconsistent, and abandoning his fortune for the sake of the nation - and the expressionless leader who claims the rule of law in the narre of the nation . The fact that the two could not easily be combined is evident in a satirical verse directed to Len de la Barra , interim president of Mexico alter General Dfaz's fall in 1910:

El gobernar con el frac Governing with a tuxedo y ser presidente blanco Being a white president es tan slo un pasaporte Is only just a passport de destierro limpio y franco 21 7o certain banishment.

One could use a tuxedo like Jurez if it underlined a fusion between the Indian and the law, but if one were white and sought to be president, one could not cake on the persona of the bourgeois or the bureaucrat; instead, one needed the force of arms and a messianic language. After Jurez, the image of saving che law in che narre of the nation becarne a powerful way of claiming the presidency and of shaping the presidencial persona, and this despite che fact that Jurez's self-serving use of the law was no different from either his predecessors nor his successors.22 During ehe Mexican Revolution, Madero revolted against Daz in the name
P
,S510n

Figure 4.4. Tlahuicole, by Manucl Vilar. Collection of Museo Nacional de Arte; photograph by Agustn Estrada. This exemplar of indigenista art from che time of Jurez has the Indian embody the classical ideal of strength and beauty. The discrepancy between che potential of the Indian race in its moments of sovereignty and its degeneration, caused by foreign subjugation, was implicit in the representation itself.

and

B,nnlity in Alrx,can

Hisfory

96

Figure 4.5 I,idios carboneros y labradores de Li vecindad de Mxico, lithograph by Carlos Nebel (1850)- This re presentati o o ol eoniempoi ary Indians is characteristic of the period and contrasta wlrh the ideal cmbodied in Tlabnicole-

of the 1857 constitution and he was punctilious in setting himself up as a law-abiding citizen. In fact, Madero combined the messianic image with that o the law provider in his "apostle o democracy" persona. Carranza's army called itself the "Constitutionalist Army" when it organized against the usurper Huerta; Villa and Zapata called themselves "Conventionalists" and claimed to be fighting Carranza out of respect for the resolutions o the Aguascalientes Convention- Finally, and perhaps most important, Mexico's dominant party, established in 1929, saw itself as the institutionalized heir of the revolution, which was interpreted as the fount o nacional comunitas whose spirit was embodied in tire constitution o 1917. In each o these cases, including jurez's, the nationalization o che law was a way to construct a viable presidential authority whose actual policies often had no more than a casual or after-the-facr relationship tu the law.
Figure 4.6- President Jurez, anonymous engraving autographed by Presiden[ Jurez. Jurez, the Indian who studied law and who made Europe pay for its intervention by ordering Maximilian's execution in conformiry with that law, is the modero

Inventos del hombre blanco: Modernizalion and Presidencial Fetishism

1 have outlined two ways in which thc presidenr's persona was shaped: che messianic strategy and che indigenized-legalist strategy. These alternatives were developed at difterent moments. though hoth are components
P.iseion and Oa salii> ,, v8 ;blexicnn Hislory

reconciliation between che idealized pre-Hispanic Indian and che promise held out by national sovereignry- Jurezs identity as a civilian demonstrates the porential of Mexican society ro back this ideal, while simultaneously affirming that national liberation would not be attained by "caste wars "

IGNACIO M. ALTAMIRANO.
Figure 4.7. Allanurano, lhe Indian Gmlor, anonymoiu engraving published in Evans (1870)_ Ignacio Manuel Altamirano seas, on che cultural plane, a symbol quite similar co Jurez. The Indian body elothed in European high culture was a reclamation o what had been due te che Indiati yace. It was a consequence of sovercignry and hecame its fitting symbol_ Figure 4.8. Presidente Benito Jurez, by Hermenegildo Bulstos. Collection of che

of contemporary Mexican "presidentialism The messianic strategy was che first successful option because [here was no way that the presidency could feign ideological consistency in che first half o che nineteenth century. The fetishization o che law occurred in coniunction with the consolidation o Mexico's position in the international system and as a result o the polarization o che country to a degree that only one party could conceivably emerge as che victor_

Senado de la Repblica (Mexico). This contemporary portrait o a green-eyed Jurez hangs today in Mexico's Senate. The mestizaje of Jurez is here embodied in che whitening of his face, a strategy that made sense while Jurez lived.

[In che early and mid-nineteenth century] [w]e have two theses corresponding to two tendencies [che liberal and che conservative tendency], which struggle against each ocher because o their respective aims and because they are founded on two different visions of che direction o history. However, [hese two theses end up postulating the same thing, co wit, they both wish to acquire che prospedty of che United States without abandoning
Passion and Bnnulity in 101 = Mexican History

The third strategy that 1 will discuss concerns che nationalization o modernization as a presidencial stracegy. According co historian Edmundo O'Gormam
) i i. 100 A:,'xi:nn History

u'aditional ways of being, because these were judged tu be the very essence of the nation. Both comenta wanted thc benehts o moderniry, but neither wanted modernity itsclf"

In other words, the contest ter nm oderniza tion (niaterial and technological progress) asas a high aim of the national struggle that was claimed by all factions, while cultural modernity was, in different ways, rejected This tendency was clearly expressed at the muro o the twentieth century-when the contest herween liberals and co nserva tives had been transcended-in irielisnm, an ideology that posited the spiritual supcriority of Latin America over the United States and envisioned modernizing Latin American countries without absorbing the spiritual debasement created by the all-pervasive materialism that was attributed to U.S. society. Although Enrique Rod's Ariel ties Latin spirituality to a Hellenic inheritance, the fundamental tenet o arielismo (greater spirituality that is nonetheless compatible with selective modernization) has multiple manifestations, some o which are present even today in the forro of indigenismo, and in nationalistic forms of socialism. Taken at this leve) of generality, arielismo presupposed a certain cosmopolitanism and a high degree of education (at least at the leve) o the elites), combined with the maintenance o hierarchical and paternalistic relationships within society. The cosmopolitanism and spiritual education o the elite were required, in fact, in order to guarantee a well-reasoned selection o modere implementa and practices to import. In other words, arielismo was an ideology that was well adapted to the circumstances o Mexican political and intellectual elites from the end of the nineteenth century to the end o the era o impon substitution industrialization ( 1982), because it cast Mexicans as consumers o modern products that retained an unaltered "spiritual" essence, an essence that was embodied in specific-unmodern-relations at the leve) o family organization, clientelism, corporate organization, and so on.

figrtre 4.9a. Caballero guila. Sculpturc lrom the Mexican pavilion of the Exposicin Iberoamericana de Sevilla 1929)- These twin statues, adorning Mexico's con tribu(ion te che Ibero american Exhibition in Seville, makc the Spanish and Indian nobles equis a ents- Mestizo power is die logisal consequence of this vision

Figure 49b Un caballero espaol del siglo XVI Sculpture from the Mexican pavilion et the Exposicin Iberoamericana de Ser dla ! 1929)

Moreover, arielismo, indigenismo, and other avatars o this posture implicitly fostered a defensive cultural role for the state and its statesmen_ to guard Latin societies against the base materialism o U.S. society. Given this mediating position, the state was meant to be savvy about the consumption o modern produces. Its knowledge was derived from the humanistic education of its leaders and the spirituality of communal relations in Latin America. This mediating position allowed the appropriation of modernization as part o the presidential manna. "Los inventos del hombre blanco' (the white man's inventions) were a third critica) prop in creating
Pns sian arad E)aueliiy ir. Mexican His to ry 103 =

a stable view of sovereignty and of presidential power in the history o ideological uncertainty.

In the cal y nineteenth century, there are relatively few examples o this political usage o modernization by the presidential figure. One parcial exception is the use of statistics, to show that, morally, Mexico City was the equal of Paris, with lower percentages o prostitutes, higher educational levels, and other illusionsr' Early efforts were usually cultural rather than technological-Santa Auras choice to build a theater as his most public work is an example. However, rhese never had the nationalist power o the later technological imports.
The image o the state presiding over or introducing some major technological innovation or material henefit has been critica) to the construction o the persona o the presidenr since Porfirio Daz's regime (1876-1910), whose introduction of the railroad did much to lend verisimilitude ro Daz's studied resemblance of Kaiser Wilhelm. Recent examples o the nationalization of modernization include the construction o the Mexico City subway under President Daz Ordaz (1964-70), Che construction of the National University's modernist campus and the development o Acapulco under Miguel Alemn (1946-52), the development o Cuernavaca under Calles (1929-34), the construction o the Pan American Highway and the naUOnalization o the oil industry under Crdenas (1934-40), and the electrification o the Mexican countryside under Echeverra (1970-76)_ The identification o the president with modernization has at times been used against the more racialist imagen of the presidency as the embodiment o national law and o the nation's martyrs. This has especially been the case in times o great economic growth, when presidenta usually show ideological eclecticism . The father o this eclectic style is Porfirio Daz, who nonetheless concentrated in his persona much o the two earlier coniponents o Mexican presidentialism (idenrity as racially Mexican, and idenrity as war hero)_ Dfazs unparallcled personal success in combining all rhree strands of thc presidential persona seems to have received divine sanction: the day of his namesake, San Porfirio, coincided with Mexican Independence Day; the birth o the pero and of the nation were thus celebrated on the same day.

Figure 4.10 . Excursin al puente de Metlac, photograph by C. B. Waite (early 1900s). Feats of engineering , such as the bridge over the ravine o Metlac, became emblematic of Porfirio Daz and his accomplishments as president.

while his modernizing policies eventually gave him popularity with Mexico's industrial classes. Arguably Lzaro Crdenas (1934-40) also had a credible mix of these ingredients. At any rate, since World War II, with peace in the land and sustained economic growth for a couple of decades, the image o the modernizing president became more and more significant. Moreover, with the exhaustion of models o industrialization organized around the national market through import substitution industralization, variants o arielismo as an official ideology have become increasingly untenable . Therefore, modernizing presidents lince the 1982 debt crisis have gambled everything on a successful bid to be like the United States-materialism and all. As a result, the Mexican presidential image has suffered greatly, especially to the extent that presidents have failed to achieve the promised goal.

Conclusion
The idea o sovereignty was firmly entrenched in New Spain before independence, but it became an elusive ideal afterwards. The source o this insecurity was the weakness o Mexico's position in the contest between imperial powers and Mexicos internal economic and cultural fragmentation, a situation that made the construction of a central power difficult.
Passion and BanaIlty n Mexican 105 = fistory

This almost ideal overlap between a modernizing image (gained only by presiding over the country in a moment of economic growth) and an image of personal sacrifice and racial legitimacy has only rarely coincided lince. To a cenan degree, Alvaro Obregn (1920-24) had it: his pickled arm, which was bluwn off at the I3attle of Celaya, linked him to the earth,
Pas^ioe ^^nd 13anniii^ .^. Alrxisan 104 = His^ory

Although tli e unccrtaingV ot o,eic pntr vaa, mast keenly telt in the periods bctwccn 1821 and 18c and h,-neern 1910 and 1939, the cultural dycamics ehat wcrc unleash ed hv thca: tuxemirGes h ave bcen releva nt for tire whol,> nl ,slexicos independent pistan

UNA LECCION DE PINTURA.

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The thrcc strategics lar utn stnicct n:; thc presldcnt.al figure chas 1 have discussed originare and culminare in ditferent moments-all three were routinlzed roto the presidencial otlice in che postrevolutionary era

- E. erta eec proteXO enmendar mi esftlo.

Figure 4 .12. A Painting Lesson, El hijo del Ahuizote, July 31, 1887; Benson Collection, University of Texas. A newspaper portrays the young President Daz modeling himself after Jurez . The virtues associated with Jurez are civilian (constitutionalism, civism , respect for che law, firm principies , intelligence , patriotism) and
Figure 4.11. General Porfirio Daz presideole de la Repblica para el perodo 1877-1880, Gustavo Casasola Collection. Daz as n war pero--a representaron reminiscent of Santa Arenas self-fashioning strategy.

Indian ( abnegation, modesty, constancy, discretion, and honesty). Daz the war hero had co copy some of these.

,,,\1,,,,a, History

(1974) called "primary process" in his classical essay on Hidalgo's revolt. These are moments in which the original idea o sovereignty as a moment in which the Mexican nation would be free to construct its own destiny and to ]ve in fraternal bliss are revived. Nevertheless, these moments o communitarianism are always betrayed because the popular ideal o sovereignty has been a structural impossibility for Mexico. As a result, Mexican history generates a characteristic combination o passion and banality, with long periods o modernizing innovation being perceived, despite their novelty, as facade or farce, and short bursts o unrealizable communitarian nationalsms as the manifestations o the true feelings o the nation. The martyrs that are generated in these moments o primary process are subsequently harnessed and appeals to their image are routinely made by aspiring presidents and used as che blueprint by which to build a more stable political geography.
At the same time, this very strategy o constructing a national center by brokering modernity through the presidential office, and by nationalizing it through the cult o martyrs and through the racialization o the law, is what has helped generate a national self-obsession. This obsession was fostered to a large degree by che aspiration o liberals and conservatives, o arielistas and indigenistas, to modernize selectively and to attain the promFigure 4.13. Arc of Triumpb Erected in Honor of Porfirio Daz Here miliitarism, indigenism, and modernization are rolled into one. the construction of the are is a feat of engineering and architecture, a sign of rhe wealth produced by modernization, a nod toward Europe, andan identifcation of Daz as a savior, a soldier, and an Indian.

ised modernity within a national framework. Arielista cosmopolitanism, the cosmopolitanism o che statesman as the nations official internacional taster. is at the heart o the preponderante o the nation as an intellectual object in Mexico. This cosmopolitanism, which sometimes conceives of itself as provincial, has forged sagas o national history that reach to che Aztecs or to the Conquest for an understanding o che qualities and properties o the Mexican nation, but it is Mexico's persistent dismodernity that generates this form o self-knowledge.

Nonetheless, representing the nation internally while maintaining an adequate externa) facade has been a chronic difficulty. The importante o the nation's self -presentation to the externa] world, and the conflicts between che states needs in this regard and its connections to interna ) social groups, led to the invention o a state theatcr that was often divorced from the quotidian practices of state rulo. As a result o this structural prob]em, moments o governmental selfpresentation before foreign powers have buen vulnerable targets o public protest, as occurred during Daz's centenary independence eelebrations in 1910, before che Olympic Carnes in 1968, and on the day o the inauguration o che North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) enJanuary 1, 1994. Clashes between communitarian revivas o che idea] o sovereignty and stiff and self-serving international presentations o the state have often been understood by analysts as manifestations o what Victor Turner
Pnssion oid 13ana.ily in iltesican History 108 =

Pa ssion and Baxality in Mexican 109 =

History

such unlikely democrais as iMexico's longtinte state party (the PRI) and Mexicos traditional left. In the sphere of scientiflc and aeademie production, the government has !mil, m cnted e1rae onian measures for niodernization, doggedly promoting standards o1 production and productivity that are mcant to put Mexican science in liase with an international standard." Finally, in the economic realm, the idea of competing in global markets has gained enormous autliority, and it has ser-ved to justify the transformation ot state en terp ri set that were run on a red istti butive ideology of ''national interest' and "social justice" into privately owned, competitive, and, yes, "modern" businesses-

Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism

The confluente o al] o these changes and themes of public discussion reflects, undoubtedly, the fact that Mexico entered yet a new phase of dismodernity in the past two decades. The 1982 debt crisis dealt a terrible blow to the regime o state-fostered national development, and the economic arrangement that has emerged provoked an intense struggle for supremacy between diverse modernizing formulas. Those involved in this contest continuously make appeals to various idealized national audiences, but those audiences have themselves changedIn this chapter, 1 explore one aspect o this transformation, which is the relationship between national culture and modernity. Specifically, 1 discuss the ways in which national identity has changed from being a tool for achieving modernity to being a marker of dismodernity and a form o protest against the most recent reorganization o capitalist production. In the process, both the substance and the social implications o nationalism have been deeply transformed.

Mexicans have been tormented with recurring modernizing fantasies and aspirations ever since independence Dreanis of the nation wrestling with the angel of progress have been especially haunting in moments o profound social change, such as those that are transpiring in Mexico today. Worrisome symptoms of epochal cultural and social transformation first carne to the attention o the reading public in the mid-1980s. At that tinte, many a social diagnostician thought that Mexico had contracted "posttnodernity" and that its twisted historical trajecrory might at last have hrought it to that vanguard that ends all vanguards (albeit in a disheveled state). Nevertheless, Chis notion was soon corrected by Roger Bartra (1987) who, having carefully analyzed Mexio's symptoms, came to the sohering conclusion that, although indeed strange things were happening regarding modernity in Mexico, diese might more aptly be described as a particular form of dismodernity or, more playfully, as "dis-mothernism": a mixture of a quite postmodern drsn odre (chaos) and continuing aspirations to an unachieved modernity. Unsatisfied with this state ot aflairs, M(xicos political parties and the press soon nade the issue of modernity finto their central theme- In the political realm, lor instante, democracy has received obsessive attention. It has become a hegentonie idealogy. bringing rogether all parties, including

The Telltale Naco

One phenomenon that helps to capture the changed relationship between nationality, cultural modernity and modernization is the way in which the connotations o the term naco have changed in the past decades. Until sometime in the mid-1970s, the terco naco, which is allegedly a contraction o Totonaco, was used as a slur against Indians or, more generally, against peasants or anyone who stood for the provincial backwardness that Mexico was trying so hard to emerge out of. In the 1950s, Carlos Fuentes described the nacos counterparts as "little Mexican girls .. blonde, sheathed in black and sure they were giving international tono to the saddest unhappiest flea-bitten land in the world."' The naco, then, was the uncultured and uncouth Indian who could only be redeemed through an international culture
in
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FI Sf U ICS

Na ti on a i,

110

111

In the past twenty years, however, the connotations o naco began breaking out o their rustic conhnement to such a degree that naquismo carne to be recognized as a characteristically urban aesthetic. Similar processes have occurred elsewhere in Latin America, with tercos such as cholo in Peru and Bolivia, and mono in Ecuador. Resonating with the imagery o colonial castas, che aestheiics of the uaco denote impurity, hybridity, and bricolage, but, aboye all, the more recent usage o naco designates a special kind of kitsch. The naco's kitsch is consideren vulgar because it incorporates aspirations te progress and the material culture of modernity in imperfect and partial ways. We recognize a form o kitsch here because the naco is supposed te feel moved by his own modernized image. So, for example, the Haca is moved by the sopas in her living room and she seeks to preserve their modernizing impact by coating them with plastic. It is worth noting, however, that in defining naco in this new sense, the category can no longer be confined or reduced to a single social sector or class, because the kitsch o modernization affects upper classes quite noticeably, and 1 have in mind not only such outstanding naco monuments as former Mexico City Chief o Police Arturo Durazo's weekend house that is known as "The Parthenon," but also many of the attitudes o Mexico's bourgeoisie, whose self-conscious fantasies are easily perceived in the domestic architecture o any rich post-[ 960 neighborhood. The category of naco as modern kitsch is thus directly connected to an idiom of distinction that appears to have lost its moorings in the indigenous and peasant world: it now targets that whole sector o society that silently sheds a tear o delight while witnessing its own modernity. And it is this self-consciousness, this unnaturalness o the modern, that explains the persistence o a (derogatory) Indian brand, for, like the colonial Indians, today's nacos have not fully internalized their redemption; they are therefore unreliable moderns in the same way that Indians were unreliable Christians, and so the whole country is dyed with Indianness. In addition to marking a kind o kitsch, che epithet naco also connotes a certain lack o distinction, or at least a lack o hierarchy, between "high culture" and its popular imitations. Specifically, naco can be used te designate an overassimilation o television and o the world o capitalist commodities. It is an assimilation o the imitation with no special regard for the original. For example, forcign-sounding names such as "Velvet," "Christianson," and "Yuri" have proliferated in the past decades. One unusual but telling example is 'Madeinusa,' a name that was inspired by the label "Made in USA" and that is used in Panama. Broadly speaking, these
Fissu res in Alex,can ; Valionaiism

names come from comic books, magazines , and soap operas, and they are rejected by anti-naco sectors, who are increasingly inclined to use names from the Spanish Siglo de Oro (e.g., Rodrigo, Mara Fernanda) or from the Aztec and Maya pantheons (e.g., Cuauhtmoc, Itzamnah, Xicotncatl). This latter group sees the former as nacos, but one could also argue that the distinction is rather one between closet nacos (modernizers who are nevertheless worried about erasing historical distinctions between high and low, foreign and national culture) and open or "popular" nacos, who couldn't care less. This is recognized playfully by some in the distinction between "Art-Naqueau," which is a more elite naco, and "Nac-Art," which is based en commercial North American culture, a distinction that flags an elitization o history. Whereas the popular naco hreaks with the weight o tradition (the mother is called Petra, the daughter is named Velvet), traditionalists try to appropriate History with its Rodrigos and Cuauhtmocs. Thus we can distinguish between nacos who try to affiliate to the modern va the great national or Western narratives, and those who erase history and simply luxuriate in modernization. The popular nacos move toward the diminution o the weight o national and Western history brings some problems to those non- or closet nacos who depend to some degree on those histories. For example, in politics certain new populist styles have debunked long-standing poltica forms in Latn America, In La Paz, Bolivia, a highly "cholified" city, "El compadre Mendoza" and his sidekick, "La Cholita Remedios," DJs of a popular radio station, have won important political posts. In Ecuador, former president Abdala Bucaram identified simultaneously with Batman, Jesus, and Hitler, while in Braslia, Mexico City , Buenos Aires, and Lima presidents and ministers have protagonized intense melodramasconfrontations between spouses, rivalries between brothers, leve affairs between cabinet members-that generate sympathies and antipathies that threaten to overshadow the significance o the great narratives o national power. Thus the new vulgarity is at times a threat to traditional political forms, just as it can threaten traditional mechanisms o class distinction, reducing the old elite to ever-narrower and culturally obsolete circles o "oligarchs." These threats to civilization are complemented by a growing horror toward the masses, a situation that is attributable to the combined effects of the lack o respect for "distinction" involved in the new naquismo and the tremendous growth o urban unemployment and crime. The fear o looting and o armed robbery has a counterpoint at the leve] o distinction: fear o proletarianization and o blending in with the "vulgar classes."
F,s,ures in Mexican Nationai,sm

112

113 =

Political seientists are scan<lalizcd hy e caes "IumpenpoliGes, eloset nacos are scandalizcd by upen llrlios. and che gheist ut che Indian haunts America once more not as e redeemed Indian hut a, al) incdeemahie Indian. The emergente cal neto- tones ol chstinction that are evident in che crarsformatun of che tate ory oi r n in 1ts e llange from a diseriminatoty terco almed at peasants to a Iow-status aesthctics ot modernity that is arguablv applicahle to che vast maionty of che urban population, is symptomatie of a proeess of deep cultural cham;,e in Nlexican national spaee. Until recently, nationality liad lucen e nicehanism lar modernizationI his identification emerged as early as clic wats ol independence, when ideologues such as Carlos Mara Bustamante placed che blame for the economie backwardness of Mexico at che leer of Spanish colonialism, and progress was neatly associated with nacional sovereignty and freedom. Moreover, che idenfilication between nationality and cultural modernity was strongly fortified in the aftermath of che 1910-20 revolution, when the state intervened actively to chape a lay, modero citizenry out o Mexico's agravian classes. This proeess was to be achieved through education and economie redistribution, through land and books," as one agrarista from Michoacn put it.'' The result of chis would he, according to president Lzaro Crdenas's well-known formulation, not to Indianize Mexico, but to transfonn Indians finto Mcxicans. Accordingly, the old usage of nrtco marked peasants and other traditional peoples and practicas as Indian," that is, as not yet fully Mexican. The new usage, contrarily, marks Mcxicans on the whole as not fully at home in modernity. Nationality and national culture are no longer che vehicle o modernity; they are che lingering mark o dismodernity.

This whole system ol ritualized mobilizations, segmented spheres o political discussion, and intellectuals with privileged access to clic media was complemented by the once ntested power of arbitration and intervention o the nacional iresident who became a much-sanctified figure [ti Chis respect, clic ene percy regime that was ir che hcight o power during ISI can be seco as a retashioning of the colonial system o political representation, when the viceroy was the highcst arbitrator and political expressi ocas were channelcd roto che ritual life ol various corporations Ocae major difference hctween the two systems, however, was that diere was only a very incipient public sphcre in che colonial period: the press was stringently controlled and void of all political commentary, the university had no autonomy, there was no national parliament, and the Inquisition still stood as a symbol o state vigilante over belief and expression. Moreover, the colonial system was premodern in that it was doggedly determined to prevent the separation between public morality, science, and art. On che other hand, neither can it be said that national society in the postrevolutionary era was unflinchingly modern, for although there was a public sphere in the Habermasian sense, che forums for discussion and che citizens that they included were a very restricted proportion o the population. Moreover, although Mexico had effectively achieved a separation between church and state by 1930, it had not achieved a separation between politics, science, and art. Instead, both art and science were fostered under the patriarchal umbrella o the protectionist state, and were ultimately confined by it. Scientific production in Mexico has thrived disproportionately at its public universities, especially the national university, which until recently produced about 70 percent o Mexico's scientific output. On the other hand, policy making in Mexican state institutions has not always held scientific production at che forefront o its preoccupations: education has been too deeply associated with state-fostered mobility, and sound scientific policies have at times been eschewed in favor o using the educational apparatus as a mechanism o redistribution. A similar sort o argument can be made for state policies in financing che arts. Few Mexican intellectuals have escaped che ensuing ambivalente toward the revolutionary state. At the regional level, until che 1970s Mexican culture was constituted out o a dialectic between che capital, which was both the center o national power and che paradigmatic center of modernity, and various sorts o provinces. Incorporation to modernity meant incorporation to state
Flssu res In Mexican Natiocaulisrn = 115

Understanding the Background. i''vlodentily and Citrzenship onderlmport Substitution Lcdustrializaton and in ihe Neoliberal Era
The crisis of nationalism iir che current era has to be understood against che backdrop o Mexico's regime of import suhstitution industrialization (ISI), which lasted roughly from 1940 m 1982 That era o intense modernization developed under the aegis o a one-party system that was ideologically founded en revolutionary nationalism. The public sphere was largely centered in Mexico City, where institutional spaces were carved out for intellectuals to interpret "national sentiment" on che basis o highly ritualized political manifestations hy social groups that had little direct access to che media of national representa tion and debate 3
Fr ssurrs t u. ',IeL ,.t,. v'e dona 1'1m 114 =

institutions, especially schools, and knowledge and culture found their clmax in Mexico City. This led to a simplilied view o the provinces as a homogeneous bedrock of tradition and backwardness, a feeling that is summed up in the famous maxim: Fuera de Mxico, todo es Cuauhtitln" (Outside of Mexico City, there is nothing but Cuauhtitlns),
In fact, however, Mexican regions were spatially fragmented into a complex system o localities and classes with concomitantly rich idioms o distinction between them-I have called the ways of lile o these spatially fragmented classes "intimare tintures-" Abstractly stated, regional cultures were made up o combinations o agrarian and industrial classes. The agrarian classes comprised peasant villagers, day laborees, cowboys, and ranchers, and each o these had regional peculiarities and various degrees o prominente in each region. On the other hand, the period o ISI was also a time of accelerated urban growth and o migration from rural settings to cities, giving cities a strong presente o peasant folk, many o whom returned to their villages at least for fiesta days and became active transformers of village social lile as weIl The entry into a new phase in social and cultural history can be traced to severa] sources, including (1) urbanization and new industrial poles o development outside o Mexico City-most notably on or near the U.S. border; (2) the consolidation of television and the telephone in the national space (which can be dated tu around 1970); and (3) the 1982 debt crisis and the corresponding end o the regime o import substitution industrialization and o models for self-sustained growth. These changes radically altered the regional organization o production-including cultural production-as well as the government's place in the modernizing project. The reduction o the role of the state in the economy led to governmental attempts to divest from its tormer role in science, education, and art: public universities found thcir budgets strangled; Televisa, the prvate television giant, stepped up its role in "high culture," filling part o the void that the government was leaving behind by building a major modernart museum, consolidating its cultural TV channel, and creating strong links with one o Mexicu's two main "intellectual groups."s On the other hand, because o the government's will to maintain party hegemony and the social system's acknowledged reliance on both higher education and research, the government tound that it could not afford simply tu abandon its ties to intellectuals, and so it developed new forms o patronage For restricted groups o artists and scientists. Thus, state divestment left most intellectuals dependent on Televisa and other corporate
Fissurrs in Aleen.' " = 116 = N's dona l i sm

investors, or on highly exclusive and specially targeted governmental scholarship programs. The status of scientists and artists as social groups was undermined. In chis way, intellectuals benefited from some decentralization and a bit more autonomy o cultural production from the state, at the cost o impoverishment and reduction o the size o the community of cultural producers, and a significant takeover o this arca by private monopolies. At the level o regional cultures, rural localities became less tied to their historical regions. Increasing dependence on industrial commodities, and agite modes o communication (the telephone and TV), have substantially simplified what had until now been spatially quite intricate nested hierarchies o productively and commercially interdependent localities, and television plus the urban experience have served to instate a more standardized idiom o distinction in the regions. This latter aspect sometimes provokes a feeling of homogenization and o cultural loss: the increased social role o industrialized commodities, standardized and publicized by a monopolized medium (TV). In sum, in the era o ISI, Mexico was made up o a complex and differentiated set o cultural regions. The state had a pivotal role in fostering industrialization and in creating che institutional framework for a national citizenry, and these two processes were intimately reeated. The state as educator, as employer, as provider o social security, o agricultural credits, or o housing subsidies was the main modernizing agent. Becoming a fully fledged citizen, unencumbered by conflicting loyalties to native communities, was thus a sigo o modernity.
In the past few decades, however, the mass media has created forms o transregional communication that circumvent governmental institutions and that transcend their unifying power. For example, since Carlos Salinas's presidential campaign (1988), television stars were used as a main draw to attain public attendance at his rallies. On the other hand, the withdrawal o the state as a primary employer, and its constrained sponsorship o intellectuals, artists, and journalists, serve to sever the identity that had existed hetween citizenship and modernity. More recently, opposition parties such as the Partido de la Revolucin Democrtica (PRD) have used television and movie stars as successful candidates for congress.

Consumption , Recycling, and the Resilience of National Identity Given this general context , forms o consumption have become perhaps the single most important signs o the modern, and recycling is one o the
Fi ssu res u Alex,can Na tlonalfsm = 117 =

maro signs 11111 dion]s ot distincti un It is usehd tu distinguiste between stracegics ot staggered dise ibution that are designed co underline degrees of separation ron] the holy (rail ol che sr,-c alled international standard or tashion and recve Ing propei st h,eh involves cranstorming the use of a standardized iteni 1aperopriatiun resistan[ e (>r atfirmation ot ditterence). In che first category we hace as examples the distribution o films, which is spatially ordered in sueh a way that the hlms chat mark higher status are sereened in che Uniteri States lirst then in lancier Mexico City theaters and ni a lew provincial capitals and ttnally in thc popular cinemas. It is also evident in che phenomenon of dumping' in the tashion industry -where prestigious brand, are mimlcked with cheap imitationsor in software, where piracy prevalls and few people own manuals co their (often slightly outdated or virus-intected) programs. On the whole, the distribution o brand names and goods places Mexicans slightly off the cutting edge o international consumption. In contrast co this form o staggered distribution recycling involves improvisation: using generic instruments lar fixing the big brand names or, more drastically, using produces for entirely different aims [han they were designed for: plastic bags as plant pots, a hroken-down refrigerator as a trunk for storage, and so on The prevalence o both o these forros of distribution and recycling invades the whole country with a sense o secondclassness. This feeling is menacing to most political elites, including aspiring oppositional groups, and they correspondingly develop forms o distinction that stand against Americanization and turn either to Europe or inward (to the hacendado, to che urban notable, to the Aztec lord) for inspiration. In Chis way, various local and nacional elites can obviate a destiny o becoming a middle-class periphery of Houston. In Spanish, there is a saying, "Ms vale cabeza de ratn que cola de len" (I'd rather be the head o a mouse than the tail o a lion). People who are interested in asserting leadership need co construct themselves as being at the head o a community wich a degree o sovereignty; they cannot simply be the lower-middle cog in a system o distinction that has its capital Ti some corporate headquarcers in Atlanta, and this situation reinforces the legitimacy of state-protected monopolies and political prerogatives that Mexican elites, and lo some extent Mexican citizens, hace always had in therr country, thereby pitting nationalism against a globalizing forro o modernization.

work the resilienee o che pcasantry the ubiquitous presence o personal servants for che middle and upper classes, the vas[ urban class of semi employed." political control over [hese seccors. whose direct dependence on specific capitalists has o!ten been unstable, was until recently achieved through corruption. Corruption worked in two importan[ ways: first, specific state institurions were appropriated bv nidividuals who took charge o dispensing resources and repressing dissenters: second. corruption tended to reinforce or creare a corporate structure both beeause it involved consolidating aeeess co work via the mediauon of a politiiea! leader, and because policiical leaders legitimated their position to superiors and subordinates by way o various political rituals that involved come redistribution. Thus, modern Mexico prolonged the haroque tradition o popular representation in a spatially intricate fiesta system. In the current moment, however, Chis system has undergone serious strains. The retrenchment o government has hegun to erode the communitarian framework that was ultimately the referent o these various rituals. For example, local village factions used to strive for gaining the PRI nomination to therr municipal presidencies. The fact that the struggle occurred within a single party signified that local village factions acknowledged the encompassment of the village as a whole by both the state governor and the national presiden[ (both o whom always belonged to the PRI). This tacit recognition o encompassment helped consolidare an idiom o village unity that was expressed in the inclusiveness o village fiestas. The contraction o national government has meant giving up some party control over Chis hierarchy, and it will certainly mean giving most o it up in the near future. Village factions today are often funneled into separare political parties This multipartisanship may well strain some o the communitarian ideologies and rituals in national space. For example, when che late Fidel Velzquez, perennial leader o the officialist confederation o unions called the CTM (Confederacin de Trabajadores Mexicanos), announced that, for the first time, the CTM would not carry out a Labor Day parade en May 1, 1995, unions and people sympathizing with the opposition participated in a-now uncontrolled-demonstration, that was widely interpreted as a rift between state and nation.

This lame problem can also be gleaned kom another anglo. One characteristic o Mexico's modernity has been the persiscent reproduccion o vast social classes that are not fully incorporated into modero forms o
F . ....... A I e , . e : A a b o n a l i s o , = 118 =

Thus the incapacity o the new state to funnel employment, and its concomitant difficulty in securing key ritual spaces, added to the severity o the current economic crisis, creating an image o a state that is controlled by and used for the benefit of a [hin and unpopular Americanizing elite that is overlain on a popular, Mexican nation. This image is unquestionably
F , s s a res ,, mcx,c an Nnbonalrsm = 119 =

new (although it has historical precedenes) and threatening. Corruption today appears as a more individualistic phenomenon than it was in the past: instead o being a system that had che president at its apex and worked smoothly down from there, today higher officials are seen as plunderers who do not share with a broad base o supporters. The connection between corruption and corporate ritual is not as pervasive now as it was in che SI period, leading to an image o a schism between people and state, Whereas the image o the pyramid was a root metaphor for Mexican society in the period o ISI, today the elite is often portrayed as a technocratic crust that is increasingly out o touch with society.'
In sum, the two logics o distribution-staggered distribution and recycling-both tend to reaffirm che incorporation o Mexico into a system o distinction that has its capital in the United States. However, this same fact generates two forms o nationalism to counter it; one comes from the recyclers and the other from al] manner of political leaders. Recyclers affirm difference from the international market simply by existing. Politicians need to affirm nacional difference in order to place themselves at the apex o the various levels o an imagined national community. On che other hand, the capacity of political leaders to portray themselves as sitting at the apex o a cultural and political community has been seriously eroded by transformation in the economic system, whose contraction has led to democratization and to a reduction o state sponsorship o communitartan rituals. As a result, the pyramidal imagery that was typical o revolutionary nationalism has heen replaced by various images o che political elite as a free-floating crust of predators This makes their identification with the nation problematic.

"international standard" achieves a status akin to that o truth for scence' competing internationally is the ultimate legitimation7 On the other hand, much o che country's population, which grew and developed under the systemic logic o import substitution cannot easily reach this standard, and this population seeks che protection o the state against the global market, while it asserts che value o local cultural forms, traditions, and producs. There is thus a cultural dialectic between acceptance and rejection o globalization that is obvious in che ambivalent position o naquismo: enthusiasm for modernity and a (sometimes involuntary) assertion o the individuals eccentricity. From a spatial perspective, this dialectic implies a change in the places and contexts in which nationalism is deployed. Whereas nationalism under ISI was the hegemonic idiom o the state, an idiom that was appealed to in negotiating local political demands but that was less relevant in the day-today reality o production and consumption, nationalism emerges today as a quotidian question that is deployed in connection to issues o work and of consumption Whereas under ISI there was only one dominant form o nationalism, and it was predicated en the teachings o the Mexican Revolution and had the national state, personified in che president o the republic, as its ultimate locus, today there are two forms o nationalism, one that sees reaching full modernization and che rule o the international standard as the ultimate patriotic end, and another that insists en the intrinsic superiority o local products and traditions and that sees che neoliberal state as having traded its patriotic legacy for a bowl o U.S.-made porridge. The first form of nationalism requires a credible bid to enter a North American economic community in order to survive. The feasibility o this today is questionable because o both Mexico's economic crisis and a nationalist backlash against NAFTA and against Mexican migrants in the United States, The second form o nationalism has not yet devised a political formula that can simultaneously work in a contested democratic field and provide the kind o state protection that revolutionary nationalism once offered.

Nationalsm and the International Standard So far 1 have described a situation in which demands for che extension o che benefits o modernization and modernity have expanded to all levels o the regional system, while contradictions have emerged between these decires (whose pulsating vitality is evident in the ebullience o naco aesthetics) and the very limited response froni state institutions that have heen retreating from their roles as providers. In this context, there is much ambivalente regarding che so-called international standard: free trade means producing for an international market and competing internationally, so that any Mexican product, sports hero, artist, or scientist who can compete internationally risks being transformed into a metonym o Mexico's idealized place in a commoditized world o equals. Thus che
Fis su res in Mrxlcan Nniionalism 120 =

Conclusion
The transformation in che logic o capital accumulation and in the role of the state in the economy has had a counterpoint at the level o cultural production in national space. Changes at this level include (1) a reduction of the cultural independence o provincial and Mexico City upper classes and a standardization o idioms o distinction through mass consumption; (2) a
Fistures in Mexican Nationalis 121

eontraction o state sponsois hlp ol scicnec and art and a concomitant growth in the control ()ver those seo tors br a untple ot industrial groups, i 31 a relative decline o NIccico (io as the uncontested center of national modernit . 'i a neo- bardo ovci thr- runtcnis ot nationah s ni that spills in lo the ways in w h ieh tia nsfonna ti uns in the se tete ot production a nd in coi) sumption hahits are embraced oi rejcctcd, 51 a breakdown in the regional ehain o corruption and controllcd poltieal ritual that has transfonned the imagos with which tic governnncnt is portraycd from a pyramidal metaphoi lo vatious imagos o pa ras i tism. ani( i tr, a divisiun between those who recyele witbotrt regard ro the status detinitions of mass consum ption and those who do their utmost lo be in the hrst cycles o consumption. AII o this adds up to a serious crisis in the politics o nationalism. Under the protectionist revolutionary state, nationalism and modernity carne in the same package, today nationalism can serve as a counter to globalization. However, the hopes of using the state effectively as an alternative route to modernity llave not bcen renovated with ideas that make it seem more viable than the model that was already tried and exhausted or than failed attempts to foster socialism in one (dismodern) state. On the other hand, neolibcral politicians have not succeeded in reformulating Mexican nationalism in a way that preserves the sense that the nation has its own interna) system of value production. As a result, the opposition between state and nation, between a "deep Mexico" and a commercial, international, and super6eially modernizing elite, emerges as a common image o the national situatiion. Politically, these dialectics of nationalism and national culture do not hold positive promise. Mexico is currently condemned to continue being a nation-state for a while, given the United States' ever more militant resolve to patrol its borders and control intmtgration. As long as current aspirations to modernity go unquestioned and unanalyzed, and as long as new formulas for state intervention in a modernizing project are not invented, the future looms darkly, one o economic decline and unresolvable political divisions.

PART11

G e o g r a phies of the Public

Sph

ere

The spatial analysis o the cultural dialectics o modernity/dismodernity that 1 have presented here is a necessary stop for envisioning alternatives, and could be particularly usef ul en two levels- in the elaboration o possible alternative narratives for the nation that are in line with its best real possibilities; and in understanding che cultural implications o the geography of modernity, thereby helping to specify the sorts of social and political demands that are truly relevant in the refonnulation o political programs, beyond ourcurrentideologicalhankruptcy

122

Natonalism 's Dirty Linen: "Contact Zones" and the Topography ot National Identity

The production of knowledge, the narrative strategies, and the psychology of colonial and postcolonial relations have been the topic of a body of writing that has come to be known in the anglophone world as "postcolonial theory." Within this broad field, there is an arca of sociological inquiry that is of central importance, which is the systemic aspect of national identity production. Until recently, nationalist narratives were predominant, and they portrayed national identity and national consciousness as processes of "self-awakening " National identity was portrayed as emerging out of a dialectic that was interna) to the national community.

In the past couple o decades, this approach has itself been shown to be an instrument of national identity production. Instead of looking for the secret of national identity within the "soul" or "spirit" of each nation, contemporary analysts have looked at the history of nationalism as an aspect of transnational relations. Local innovations to nationalist imagery, discourse, and technique are communicated between politicians, experts, and intellectuals the world over, in a complex history that leads to the standardization of various strands of nationalism. This history implicates scientific theories and measurements, narrative strategies in fiction and nonfiction, and aesthetic solutions to shaping the national image in art, architecture, and urban planning. 1

= 125 =

showto National identity has thus hcrn Ti he fashioned in transnational nctworks cal specialists, intelleeuials and pulitieians. many of whom proveed to eover thcir tracks and te cell ihcir tales as it they were strictly local nventions 1lorcover che denial ut interdci^cndency hetween nations has been shows to have a varete c't pu,rtiea] ises Thtu. intelleetuals from colonized arcas have criticized che unes in which their countries material and intellectual contri butions have lacen appropriated bv the great powers, whose nationalism js thus casii\ icientilied with rationality" and eiviIizanoll l'he nationalism ui we ak nations e as a result, in eonstant need of self-assertion, arad it tends to mino, che nationalism of che great powers by claiming independent or prior invention ol c ivilization for i tself 2 The shift Irom interna accounts of che origins of national identity to accounts that understand nationalism as a cultural product that is generated in a web o transnational connections is thus o great consequence. Nevertheless, this development has nos yet provided all o the elements that are required for a systematic account ol che contexts in which national identity actually emerges. Nacionalism, as Benedict Anderson argued, is not a coherent ideology, hut rather a broad cultural frame in which a variety o contradictory claims are made' We know that states put forth their proposais for a national image and inaplement them in schools, museums, and public squares, but ay which points, in which social relations, is national identity pertinent, underlincd, or referred to by other actors? It is quite easy to produce lists of disparate contexts and relationships in which nacional identity "naturally" emerges: in the exclusion o an upwardly mobile urban Aymara teenager from an afternoon social by her "white" Bolivian classmates; in the negotiation o a business deal in broken English; or in the film that features an exotic woman who is made to represent the bounties o her country to potencial foreign investors ... The list o identity-productog social relationships Is limidess, and placing its diverse items in the Trame o a broader poltica economy is a challenge. 1 seek here to put order in the various sorts of contexts in which national identity "naturally" emerges. The master is of some importante to the general project of this book, which js to understand the conditions for the production o "Mexico" as a polity, as national identity, and as national culture.

achieved statehood long before as territory was bound together in a "national marker" or by a "national bourgeoisie." As a result, the territorial consolidation of the country mas a long, eonflict-ridden process involving secessions, annexations. civil wats, and forcign jnterventions. National consolidation carne hall a centup alter independenc e. and was still called roto question on severa late, occasioos- As a result, understandi ng the process of identity formation in Mexico is both a historical and a sociological challenge_ It is a historical challenge because jt has been such an uneven and differentiared process. Ir is sodologically demanding because identjdes are always relational; che specihication of che relationships that generate national identity mphies a sociology of national identity.

The case is thus a paradigmatic context for what 1 have called "grounded theory": the confrontation o a historical and a political problem that requires sociological innovation The theoretical requirement here is constrained by che historical object (Mexico), an object that is generally believed to be provincial. The knowledge that stems from that which is provincial is usually thought to be parochial and prosaic. As opposed to England, France, Germany, or the United States, the Latn American countries have generally not been held up to be che cradle o anything in particular that is o world-historical significance.s Moreover, even Latn Americs status as "Western" or "non-Western" is ambiguous, and it thus falls short in providing a radical sense o alterity for Europeans. Thus, the continent has not usually been cast in the role that "the Orient," Africa, or Oceania have played in che Western imaginary-at least it has not often done so for the past couple o centuries. Mexico and Latn America have much more often been portrayed by Europeans and Americans as "backward" than as radically different.6
On a theoretical plane che, continent would thus appear to be destined to play Sancho Panza to the North Atlantic's Don Quixote: not a radical other, but rather a common, backward, and yet pragmatic and resourceful companion. An inferior with a point o view. A repository o customs and relations past, where universalizing theories that were built Lo explain world-historical phenomena are constantly applied, and yet are often too high and disengaged from ininiediate interese Even now, when the very notion o a historical vanguard has been so thoroughly questioned, the social thought emerging from these provinces is soniewhat cumbersome when it is put to work elsewhere, usually requiring further extension and translation. "Grounded theory" is a kind o theory that fijes more like a chicken than a hawk. My aim in this chapter is to propose a simple generative principie for
Na i ie r: a i, n Ls Dirty Linen

These conditions have often been precarious.^ Like many peripheral nations, Mexico emerged as the result of che collapse o an empire more than because o an overwhelming popular desjre for national independence. Nationaljsm was thus nos widely shared at che time o che national revolutions. Moreover, like most Spanlsh-Amerjcan countries, Mexico
Na bona li, m '. D!riy Liten 126 =

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national identity production in peripheral postcolonial societies. From this general principie 1 derive four classes of social dynamics that generate particular frames o identity production. Each o these is discussed and illustrated with historical examples from Mexico. National Identity in tbe World System (Sand)o's Lersion)
Weak national communities adrift in the international system constantly run the risk o indecent exposure, of involuntarily revealing the tenuous connections between national imagery and everyday practice. Quite simply, a country's weakness in the internacional system undermines the basic tenets o modero nationalism and thereby calls national identity into question_ These basic principies are, first, that the nacional state is a vehicle for the modernization o a people that shares a set o values and traditions; second, that this process of modernization chiefly serves the interests o national community and not those of foreigners; and thed, that nationalism is a sign o progressive modernity and not o backwardness. The peripheral postcolonial condition poses constanr chalienges to the most fundamental dogmas o nationalism. This is my general structural principie. Te this we should add one general historical principie, which is that peripheral nations generally develop in a forcefield that is shaped by two contradictory impulses: che desire to appropriate for the nation the power and might o the empires that they have broken away from, and the impulse to shape modero national comnwniues based en an idealized bond o fraternity between citizens. These two impulses can be thought o as a tension between liberalism and ("internar:' colonialism, a tension that is heightened by weakness in che international arena. Maintaining the sysrem o interna) differences inherited froni the colonial world, the hierarchical differences o race, sex, and ethniciry that are used to organize exploitation can he seco as antagonistic to the ideal of the nation- a charge that can be levied not only by the lower classes o the country, but also by foreigners, who can use the charge to raise their own claims. It is in relation to these principies that one can develop a sociology and a topography of the frames of identity production in which national identity is generated.

al" in contrast to others who are portrayed as "foreign_" This specification is necessary because many contacts between persons, or between persons and objects that represent other persons, are not marked in this way, even when differences in nationality exist, The ongoing implementation o "neoliberal" policies in Mexico, for example, has led some people to "foreignize" the government officials who have furthered these policies. From their point o view, neoliberal officials are serving the interests o U.S.-controlled institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and they are following teachings o their equally American professors at Harvard, Chicago, Stanford, or MIT When this powerful movement o reform began, however, there were a number o intellectuals and politicians who had been calling for a "return" te the liberal policies o Benito Jurez and Sebastin Lerdo de Tejada, Mexican nacional heroes o the nineteenth century The same set o policies and relationships were "indigenized" by sume and marked "foreign" by others_ Thus "neoiiberalism" in Mexico is an ideological tendency that involves questions o national identity for some, and not for others. For a cultural contact to be considered under the definition that interests us here, it must serve to construct a difference in national identity between actors.

Frames of Contact
The concept o "contact frame" refers tu the relational contexts in which national identity production occurs. We can identify classes or types o such contexts from the dynamics o nation building and transnational interactions that can be isolated en the analytic plane. Contact trames are thus the minimal analytic units o a vast topography o national identity. For example, there is an entire class o contact frames that is produced by the logic o commodity production and consumption under capitalism, which is an international system that national communities can never completely encompass or regulate: a shop that sells foreign goods in La Paz, Bolivia, is called "Miamicito" (and so provides a frame that marks both the foreignness of its wares and the nationality o its customers); during the 1970s, the Latin American left referred to

National Identity Our subject is the interactions that generate an awareness of differences o ascription among actors, contacts between actors who identify as "nationNn ti"un l^sre ', Diriy Linera = 128 =

Coca-Cola as "the sewage" (las aguas negras) o Yankee imperialism, and thereby framed its distribution and consumption as so many episodes in the national struggle. We shall identify severa) such classes o contact frames.

Nai,onnlism's

Dirty Linera

= 129 =

"(onfacf

ZonrC ve d tbe Ti^pog n^pi>y

ol

;Valiou,il

Id rntily

Por example , ir wc look at che history of Mexico, a number o antiforeign manitestacions hace eentered on commerce- anti-Spanish sentiment in che first repuhlic id to the sacking of Mexico City 's Parin Market in 1828 This in turra preceded che expulsion of che Spaniards, who only eight years earlicr liad been proclaimcd to be fellow Mexieans by the triumphant leaders of independence Sonic o the most acutely xenophobic movements in Mexican history associate foreigners' supposedly pernicious influence with thcir position as husi ncssmen . This was true of che anti-Chinese movements in Sonora during che revolucion and of lournalists complaints againsr itinerant commerce hy lews and Arabs in Mexico City during the 1930s Morcover, there are numerous occasions when che products themselves have been seen as transporting a pernicious foreign influence . Thus, much o che activity o the interior ministry's censorship commissions in che 1950s and 1960s was geared to chis. For years trese commissions were in charge o censoring comics, films, and other products o mass culture when it was judged that they conspired against basic Mexican values . In other words , anti-Spanish , anti-Semitic, antiChinese, and anti-American discourses have been constructed around the space o comnierce and iniported material culture." This is significan [ because the causes o cach o [hese xenophobic movements were in fact different from each other The anti - Spanish movement at che dawn o the republican era was related to the competition between England and che United States for political hegemony in Mexico and to power struggles between local parties ; che anti-Chinese riots were spurred en by menibers o regional political elites who saw the Chinese as easy cargets; the identification o itinerant commerce as "foreign" in che 1920s and 1930s was a strategy to diminish an activity that affected established businesses . Despite these different motivations, however, the identification o foreign businessmen and products as a danger to national integrity is a viable political argument because they do not conform co Mexican national customs and interests.

Ti traditional gu>gnpha diem is n diste nr tittn hetteeen the coneept o "zone ian 1nternal ly huno eeiie us sp le e a,el 7egion " thc functional integradot of chtterenc kinds'' -1 1nt1 - hall cal] ara iTi te rnal ly homoId, 1 -.J1 C unmct iones are integrated geneous class of contact franxs a finto a broadcr "regiod' ol national identity production that includes a zone ol state institutions that delirae r^ghts vid obligations tor citizens and produce intagcs and narratives tal n:^tionali-c and iones o local and class identity production ihat are egoalle t r [ti,_! 1 b us contact iones are par of the region uf nacional identity production which is che national space, complete with che cultural production ol clic state and the interna ] idioms o distinction that give shape co national culture. These national spaces are, in therr curn , part of a global system of identity production. A typology o zones o contact hice the one see are proposing here thus forms part o a hroader project , which can be conceived o as a topography o national identity.

In Chis chapter 1 distinguish among loen classes of trames o contact in che topography o national identity . Thev are generated by (1) che material culture of capitalism ; ( 2) che ideologica1 tension between tradition and modernity that is necessary to che tounding o nation-states ; ( 3) the entropy of moderni zacion , which is intrinsie to che development process; and (4) che nternational field of ideas and models o civilization , science, and development that forros par o what could be called the civilizing horizon o nation - states 1 now describe each o these trames o contact using Mexican examples in order to understand how che contact frame challenges the stability o national regimes

International Business and Intjorted Material Culto re

The tour types o contact zones that 1 discuss are abstractly related to an intrinsic quality ot nation-states. they are political communities within a world system ot communities , but they are part of in economy that cannot be contained by national boiders This quality of nation-states means that economic modernization ( and ics agents ) can generate spaces o national identification and confronration . This is especially che case in 1 peripheral " nations , for which technol ogical innovation and capital often come from abroad- In these contexts espeeially, consuming commodities or adopting productive techniques ol foreign origin can be understood in relation to nacional identity 1 D: r ly 130 =

In the 1920s and 1930s , che Mexican press emphasized that the trade in narcotics in Mexico's northern states was in che hands o foreigners: Chinese , Americans , and Russians . Vice was being brought in from abroad. During the Daz Ordaz presidency in the 1960s , an attempt was made to restrict che importation o films and records that promoted the hippies' "effeminate decadence ." Daz Ordaz 's crusade against American pop culture went hand in hand with his repression o a number o middleclass social movements . More recently , a proposal before Congress sought to bao the carteen show Beavis and Butthead from Mexican television
Na iion a ls 131 Dirty Linera

because it perverted the nations values, especially as regards proper adoIescent behavior. International business constantly produces national identity because businessmen can be credihly portrayed as furthering foreign or private interesas at the expense of the national community. Also, the exogenous material culture o modernization can be perceived as corrupting morais or subverting che ruling forms of cultural distinction that can easily be nationalized. Thus, the fact that national communities do not successfully encompass and control the national economy generates a zone o contact that is manifested in an open-ended number of contact frames. In each o these frames, a social actor identifies a producr oran agent as foreign" and as opposed to the "national" collective interest This way o framing the national interest usually advances more particular interests that are unnamed and fused into the national collective

duced deep rifts between national versions, une o which sought to preserve the Catholic and Hispanicist traditions, while the other sought to found nationality squarely on liberal principies, and was fervently antiSpanish and anticlerical. These two nacional versions even honored two distinct heroes o independence and two different dates for national independence." Each side accused the other o lack o patriotism and o collusion with foreign interests.
This situation changed with che end o the civil wars that followed the French intervention (1867), a peace that involved a pragmatic arrangement between liberal and conservative factions under a universally acknowledged liberal hegemony. The peace also allowed Mexico to make a concerted effort to galo international respect and to attract foreign investment. This involved dispiaying the individuality o its culture to foreigners, an aim that was more readily achieved with tequila than with whiskey and with indigenous buipils before manufactured shirts. Since that time, the official construction o tradition necessarily visited certain features o Mexico's rural and artisan life, not only the pre-Columbian past.

Tbe Tension between Tradition and Moderniiy

The second type o contact zone arises From the very logic o nationalism as an ideological construct It is known that , in different ways , nationalism depends en ideological constructs that tic tradition" to " modernity." This dependency is necessary because modero nation - states are supposed to be vehicles for che modernization o collectivities ( nations ) that are, in their turn , defined in a genealogical relation to a "tradition ." 10 This ideal relationship can be precarious , however, especially in the case o weaker nations . When national tradition is perceived to be divorced from or opposed to modernization , a contact zone emerges. In Mexico, postindependence nationalism appropriated the preHispanic world in a way analogous to che Furopean appropriation o classical antiquity, but with a twist . The Aztccs were the forerunners o independent Mexico ; the colonial period was a parenthesis that served to bring Christianity and certain traits o civilization , but it also barbarously degraded the condition o the indigenous peoples . Therefore , in principie, the glorification of che pre-Hispanic past did not imply claims en behalf o che contemporaneous Indians because their habits and condition were seen to be the result o colonial degradation Thus, in the early postindependent era , modernization could readily be made tu trample over indigenous traditions without challenging national identity , The same was not true, however, with respect to che preservation o Catholicism and o a number o che mores o the Spanish colonial worid.

At the same time, the relationship that the state was trying to create between tradition and modernity continued to hold. In some cases, the existence o a "Mexican tradition" made it possible for Mexico to claim a particular modernity, but it never denied the nation-state's fundamental and eternal aspiration: modernity and modernization.12 Therefore, the great official points o pride couid not and still cannot reside principally in the world called "traditional": the modern must be granted a privileged place in the national utopia. Thus, some o the crown jewels o Mexican state nationalism have been President Santa Anna's theater, Emperor Maximilian's boulevards, Don Porfirio's trains, Lzaro Crdenas's nationalized petroleum industry, Miguel Alemn's Acapulco and the National University campus, Lpez Mateos's National Museum o Anthropology, Daz Ordaz's subway and Olympics, and Echeverra's highways, Cancn, and nationalized industries. O these examples, the National Museum o Anthropology is exemplary in that it combines traditional aesthetics with an avant-garde architecture that relies heavily on state-of-the-art technology. In this formulation, tradition is like the country's spiritual dimensien, which is incorporated as an aesthetic into a unique modernity that is the country's present and, aboye all, its future. However, Mexico's position as a relativeiy peor country in the international order threatened the ideal relationship that nationalism constructs between tradition and modernity, making it into a fissure where iones o transnational contact could endanger that very nationalism.
Na tton a lism 's Dirty Line,, = 133=

Thus, modernization in che tirst half oi che nineteenth century proNa tiona 1i s rn s L),r iy Line 132=

Touris ts, ti av elers. ucientists and othci inyuuitive foreigners llave gen111,11 sector, and ver rhe states caerally tended to roen rowarci thc triditiona pacity tu get visitors to apprcc rat, che allegeel conneetion hetween che tradicional and che niodern has a lseavs bcen lim,tu el . For example El te Lolov describes thc history c,l iht hippie movement in Mexico as a case ol cultural producrion in thu curnt, i ot transnational communication. Antong his sources Zolov cites tire PI [r> Guie to Alexico travel guide, which llegan to be publishcd in che 19(,0, espeeielly for eountereultural tourists. In its hcvdav, Chis hool: served t, oricnt die hippie ro countercultural pilgi image centers and to nvaid Indico with otficial Mexico. In a passage dedicated to the problems that hippies suffer when they cross the border, for example, the guide points out thar, tu beat che system, "we look like sniall town teachers or collcge students from che early Sixties [when we cross] - . The bordee ofhcials lave it"" In Chis case, che foreign visiror is disguising herself as rhe Mexican governments ideal of an American visitoi a clean-cut student or teacher eager ro visir the Mexico that the government was interested in exhibiting. Once Chis tourist crossed rhe bordee, however, she presumably removed her bra, put che beads back un. and ibera moved across the national terrirory with greater interest in Mexic is "hackward" arcas and more suspicion o as "progressive" sector than was desirable. The contact frames that tomism and scienrific srudy open up between che traditional and modero worlds had their first problematic moments long before thc hippie movement. The U.S. and European travelers who carne to Mexico in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s frequently felt more attracted to che rural, indigenous world than ro che modern, urban one, which generally was less modern than their own cides. However, at that time che attraction that rhe foreign intellectual felt for the indigenous world went hand in hand with rhe states own renewed interest in identifying with that world- rhe Mexican Revolution had reconfigured the ties between che indigenous and modern worlds in some respects. Also, even many ofhcial Mexican indigenistas ot rhe penad trequently sought inspiratren for che modern in the indigenous. '' On che other hand, as che revolutionary order hecame more routinized and Mexico entered a modernizing era with ever more tenuous tres tu rhe agrarian and popular world o the revolution, the relationship with che traditional world became more propagandistic, and foreign visitors' and intellectuals' lack o interest in modcrn Mexico could become irritating.

phase of national development spurred by a strong, closed state that wanted ro transform che country's position on rhe international scene While President Daz Ordaz sought tu show che world a Mexico that was capable oi hosting che Olympics-a Mexico with a recently inaugurated subway system, an Olympic village built expressly tor rhe event. and an architecturally impressive new gym, pool, and sradium-a number of people who rejected the labor and very idea of progress looked for mushrooms in Huauda, walked aromad in peasant sandals and changed che very image o Mexican youth The contact zone that inverts che hierarchy o tradiniion and modernity also touches the history of anrhropology. This discipline's fieldwork methodology made middle- and upper-class Mexicans and foreigners privilege che peasant over che local schoolteacher or the village merchant. Anchropological fieldwork gave cultural authority lo people who in their own regions had been disdained or even silenced for their supposed backwardness, a practice that world be repeated and reinforced by travelers who were attracted to Mexico's indigenous people and peasantry.

The search for the aurhentic, in both science and travel, sometimes inverted che scale o prestige; by showing little interest in Mexicos modero sector, travelers interested in authenticity exposed its lack o distinctiveness. The sector that was paraded internally as che vanguard and latest cry o modernity was oid hat to che foreigner. By revealing rhat the country was not on the cutting edge o modernity and by nonetheless exalting its traditional sector, foreign visitors and scientists could destabilize the ideal relationship between tradition and modernity that is so essential to all nationalism. Thus foreigners in che traditional world generare a contact zone that produces nationalist reactions.
The famous educator Jos Vasconcelos discussed the politics o chis contact zone in his autobiography, in which he describes his childhood on che Mexico-U.S. bordee. Vasconcelos recounts that, as a Mexican child who crossed roto che United States every day to go lo school, he was impressed by the fact that che U.S. school textbooks shared his sympathy with Mexican Indians and rejected che Spaniards. As an adult, however, Vasconcelos viewed che love that Americans professed for the Mexican Indian as a thinly veiled desire to replace che Mexican Creole with an American. By denying che ties between Mexico's modernizing elite and its indigenous traditions, che country was defenseless against U.S. imperialism." Other active agents in this contact zone do not necessarily seek tu strengthen an imperial center against Mexico's government and officiai
e l sm'c Di riy Lineo

The counterculrural hippie movement was rhe niost conflictive moment in tire recent history of chis contad zone because it coincided with a
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13-1

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culture. However, these agents can create doubts about che government's effleaey or even che legitimacy of its modernizing goals.

The Disorder of Modernization

Modernization as we have seen repeacedly. is critica) to che legitimation o che nacional state. When modernizarion desrroys an aspect o the status quo that can be claimed as a nacional tradition, a contact zone emerges in which che modernizing agent is assimilated wirh foreignness." When traditional sectors o the country are portrayed by foreigners as more accomplished than the modern sector, or as being in an unhealthy competition with it, a contact zone emerges- There is yet a third related source o nacional identity production, which is the entropy of modernization. Our third type o contaet zone is generated by the difficulties that nationalists face when the disorder that is produced by modernization is exposed. In order to understand che contours o chis contaet zone, wc need to review che place that modernizing projeccs have in che cultural production o che state. The culture that states produce has diverse purposes. On one hand is what Arjun Appadurai has called the "ethnographic state."1e This is che form o state cultural production that describes che national populationwhich is che alleged subject o che state--by manufacturing censuses, questionnaires, histories, and statstics. Alongside the ethnographic state is che "modernizing state"-the form of nificial cultural production that seeks to ]ay out the task o development Once "che population" is described, che ethnographic state's scales and measures serve to define lacks or scarcities such as "poverty,"'illiteracy," and "unhealthy conditions," as well as a series of growth- and progress-oriented measures that define the efficacy o governments.'7 Together wirh these two aspeccs of state cultural production is a third, which is che production o che councrys image for both international and domestic consumption. This includes cultural production for attracting tourism, internacional sports events, international congresses, national museums, television scations, and schools- All institutions that are presentad as national dedicate at leas[ come effort to shaping or conforming to che national image. A fundamental difficulty for Chis third aspect o state cultural production is that the national image is not at al] easy to manage.

takes material form and can be displayed to insiders and outsiders; that is, states seek to create a "front stage" (public) image characterized by an ideal combination o modero and traditional components. They usually seek to show a booming country that marches inexorably toward progress and modernity.
However, the very creation o this public image leaves disorder in its wake: che history of tourism is che supreme example o chis. In Mexico, Cuernavaca was probably che first modero tourist destination, developed during che 1920s and 1930s. Cuernavaca's main attraction was its stupendous climate, its proximity to Mexico City, and che fact that both the nation's jefe supremo, Don Plutarco Elas Calles, and the U.S. ambassador, Dwight Morrow, built residentes there. This attracted both che Mexican political class and an important contingent o American retirees. In addition to che climate was che Casino de la Selva, which offered distractions to tourists who might otherwise get bored by che quaint and che picturesque. However, che casino was also seen as a bad influence en che population, presenting an undesirable image o Mexico as a place where foreigners could shed che moral strictures they faced in their own countries. Reflecting on chis, Presiden[ Lzaro Crdenas judged that che casino created undesirable frames o contaet a form o tourism based on che promotion o public vices. The "ugly" side of tourism is not easy to mor out, however, and around tourist centers che differences between foreign tourists and national workers in terms o their consumption and purchasing power became apparent. Therefore, beginning wirh Acapulco and continuing wirh Cancn, Ixtapa, and others, che cides constructed for tourism are "twin cities": a "front stage" coas[ and hotel zone is exposed to rhe tourist, and "backstage" zones combine poverty, prostitution, and so on. This relationship between che presentable side and its hidden consequences makes a number o politically volatile frames o contact possible. For example, in her work on prostitution in Mexico City during che 1920s and 1930s, Katherine Bliss describes che discussion that took place in che capital eity government about che creation o a red-light district near the La Merced market. The neighbors organized to protest against che project. Among their arguments was that the red-light district should not be authorized because it would be located on che mute between the Mexico City internacional airport and downtown, and so would be one o che first images that visitors would have o che city.'v

Erving Goffman's cheacrical mecaphor of ' front stage" and `backstage` describes che relationship between a subject's public presentation and what he or she wants to hiele or proteet_18 -1-he state production of nationalism seeks to construct spaces where che official image o che national
N a t i o n a L: m U: r y 13Fi = Linee

In the lame way that a housewife fries to make sure that her visitors stay in che parlor and do not see che mess in che bedrooms or kitchen, che
National ; s nl 's Dirty Linera 137 =

goventnrent. tuurist adoso \. and a yund number ol patriots seek tu display an mergo of urdo and clc:uil.ness to lcrvigncrs, and the strain in volved in riese etlorts easilV turras ini, a peliucal iiahiliiv. In a 191(1 essay orlad I.os dos patriousmns 1ic i r') patnoti>msi. Luis Cabrera, who svould he one c,d the principal idcr...,gucs ^l tic ,Mexican Revolution, described bote tic Purlirian elite ccrganized a spcctaeular celebiation of the independence centennial tor tire bunetit mainly o toreign investors. The tesdvities wcrc so concemad w.th managin tic national image thai when a ragged group o( women s.orkeis orgamzed ihcirown eelebratory mareh, it was brutally dispersad be the police. fhc natumal image is diftlcult ro control, not only because it is difficult to keep the ragged workers from the view o the investors, but also because rhe very occasion of a national show is a tempting occasion for union leaders tu display them. A betterknown exampie o a similar polirical conrext is the violente o the Mexican '68, which was ried to upholding rhe national image during rhe Olympics. Indeed, President Daz Ordaz and ihe antisrudent social sectors spoke insistently of evil foreign infiuences that goaded rhe innocent Mexican student: only a foreigner would seek to sully Nlexicos public image before rhe world Other cases, such as the bordee cides oi norrhern Mexico, present the lame probleni in a more toutinc fashion- These cities are all part of bicephalous urban sets often calied "twins," though if they are twins they are clearly of rhe fraternal kind, because, even though they develop in tandem with one another, they are not ideorical one par o the urban zone is located in the United States and rhe other in Mexico. The relationship between rhe Mexican and U5. parts of the urban border zone has not been symmetrical, but rather symbioric and in many senses rhe cides en the Mexican side have generally been a "backstage" for rhe U.S. cides. The Mexican border town's prosperity has depended en abortion clinies, divorce lawyers, judges, bars, prostitutas, sweatshops, garbage dumps, and so ora. The fact that Mexican cides constirute the backstage o U.S. cities threatens nationalism's fou idational credo: nioderniry is for the nation's own benefit and not for foreign outsiders.

habitants of that liminal zonc wcrc said tu have a dubious sense o belonging or even ot loyalty to tic country, a faer that was reflected in their impuro pocho language zoor- suit clothing, and other marks of cultural inipurity Controlling rhe "border zone" proved to he impossible for rhe .Mexican govern ni ent. however and the incorpora tico ot ever-greater proportions ot Mexico into rhe backstage" of US economic interests has been an inexorable process. Peasant villages from al] over the country have been turned into rhe seasonal equivalent of dormitory com mun ities whose inhahitants traed to work in inferior conditions. as 'illegal migrants,' in the United States, while rnagtiiladora assembly plants can now set up shop un any porrion ol rhe territory Cultural impurity can no longer be contained at tic border, and the dark sido of modernization is harderto hide than ever.

The Scientific Horizon as a Contad Frante The final type o contact exists because nation-states are supposed to march togetber toward progress Without this ideal, there would be no obsession with national history, because modero history as we know it is only understood in tercos of rhe dogma o progress. The universal importance that al] nation-states atcribute to progress implies that there is always a civilizing horizon or vanguard o progress on the international level. This civilizing horizon is identified in tercos o technological development, scientific advances, and rhe techniques used to govern the population. The civilizing horizon serves tu measure a country's individual progress as well as different countries' relative progress The parameters used tend to be produced in countries with robust cultural and scientific infrastructures. Therefore, science, art, and fashion can destabilize the nation's dominant models.
The recent work o Alexandra Stern en Mexican eugenics provides a good example o the ways in which scientific development constitutes a zone o contact.20 Between 1920 and 1950, a number o medical doctors and anthropologists participated in international eugenics congresses, read international journals in that discipline, and formulated ideas about the Mexican racial and genetic inheritance. Their work served two ends: un rhe one hand, it strengthened the "mestizophilic" Mexican Revolution's antiracist argumenta; ora rhe other hand, it tended to characterize Mexico's various poor populations (from rural Indians to urban workers) as comparatively dehcient. Eugenics' racial relativism (each race was supposed to be adapted to a specific environment and so was in some respects superior,
N a l i o , i a li> ni , Uir1y Linen

The Trames of contact created he the entropy of modernization can generare extreme nationalist reacrions. 'l la was rhe case in Cuba, where rhe image of Havana as a brothd seas ara important morivation for many revoludonaries to risa against die Batista regime. In rhe case o Mexico's northern border, rhe very conLept u( a border zone," whieh for many years occupied a marginal position tr'ith res peer to the rest o rhe country, was supposed to resolve the contradictions of this contact zonc. The in-

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and in others inferior, to the restl and its simultaneous characterization of the Mexican majority in terms of a series of relative lacks offered hope for eventual equality between Mexico and European peoples. It also offered ample justification for a kind o "interna] colonialism" Eugenics offered a way to objecrify and quantify dilterences between poor Mexicans and ideal nornis represented by clic elite This in turra permitted the state's development mission to be detined, while clic peor national majority could remain scientifically deva]ued. Ar rhe same time, the potential uses o race science to undercut che imagined potential of Mexico's "halfbreed" race is well known and was always a potential liabi]ity for the nationalists. The introduction o new ideas and theories ahvays presents challenges and opportunities to governments and Yo processes o national identity formation. The ideas o "scientihc socialism" allowed opposition movements like the guerrilla movenient led by Genaro Vzquez in southern Mexico in clic 1960s to refer ro die Mexican governnient as the "disgovernment' and to propose a series of demands to che state in name not on]y o Marx and Lenin, but also in that o thc heroes o national independence. The monetarist ideas o clic Chicago school o economics allowed a group o technicians ro take control of che Mexican state, accuse the previous governing elite o backwardness, and describe the Mexican state as "obese." The scientific ideas of Darwin Freud, and Marx were at the center o a schism in the Mexican educacional establishment in che 1920s and 1930s, and they were used tu rethink nationality. The Lamarckian notion that acquired characrerisrics are inherited Ied some members o the Porfirian elite ro advoeate an aggressive policy of European immigration before reforming che Indian rhrough education. Each o these movements has liad implications for national identity and the precepts of nationalism_ The scientific contact frame produced by the international civilizing horizon destabilizes dominant formulas o nationality and good government, it presents growth opportunities for certain sectors and threatens others.

or interna] political facuonalism that can profit from assimilating economic competitors to foreignness.

The second and third types of contact zones are produced by the difficulties that weak nations Nave in managing the national image. The second emerges as a result o the comparative weakness o these nation's modern sector. This situation al]ows foreigners or opponents to the dominant nationalist scheme to attribute greater value to the "backward" than to che "modern" sector, and even to portray che modero sector as antagonistic to tradition, and therefore as failing to develop a trae or successful nationalism. The third type o contact zones emerges as a result o the difficulty that these same governments face in controlling clic modernization process, and in successfully sweeping the adverse aspects o modernization under the carpet.
The fourth type o contact zone is produced by the instability that is generated by che (international) civilizing horizon. This contact zone, which is produced through che mediation o scientists, professionals, and artists, can destabilize the national image by portraying it as old-fashioned and out o tune with modernization. Conversely, nationalists can try to reject a deve]opment in these fields by portraying it as alien to che national interest, to che national aesthetic, or to custom, Like each o the other contact zones, this fourth type lends itself to shrewd political usage and can respond equally to interna] factionalism and to important changes emerging from abroad. 1 have extended Mary Louise Pratt's term contact zone to refer to transnacional spaces o national identity formation." As we have seen, however, the concept o "zone" implies a geography o regions: a zone is a kind o place within a system o functionally related places. What position do these contact zones occupy in a broader geographyz The Trames o contact that we have analyzed are relationships that emerge from che tension between che nation-state as a certain type o political and cultural community and the fact that modernization neither begins nor ends in such a community. This fact is problematic for nationalism because nation-states are erected as forms o social organization for coordinating modernization: zones o contact with che rransnational dimension o capitalism and progress can therefore cali roto question sorne o che basic precepts o any particular nationalism. Moreover, che very process o shaping and extending nationalism opens a country up to foreign interesas and forms o consumption that can undermine che nationalism that made room for them.

Reflections ora the Four Types of Coni acl Zoiies 1 have identified four types o contact zones AII are related to the nexos between modernization and nationalism as it develops in weak or peripheral nations . In che first case, there is a contact zone created by the instances in which foreign business concerns or imports unsettle local arrangements or mores , This is a zone that may appear whenever there are technological innovations , changes in che inrensity of foreign investment,
A'a ti ona l., m , 140 Di r;y Li raen

This is the case with frames o contact that open up because o the relationship that nationalism postulares between tradition and modernity. This
Na t,o,a1,sm 's Dirty Line 141 =

rel aci onship rxisted becau,c co, h t ountrv tones part of in interna ti onal avstem antl sn must inain a sensc ('1 ,pccilit it, tAlorcover, in che case ot poste olonial ur b u ckwartI c ountrics nacional mingo)ante is ni ore readily builc out of their tndittonai ^ tuna thar their modera sector,. In che Mexican case it has proved ca,ier ttu t unstn.ct a nacional singularity on the oasis of pulque ol k dancing wov en or;tpc. and bce1 tacos than on the hasis o whiskey, rock rol], tuxedos and French aiisine even when the latter may alto be local producs At the sanie ti;ne thc dencificatlon of che nations sutil with che traditional world and its bode seith che macicen world is an unstable formularon because cho seorld callctl traditional" persists as underdevclopment and in a series of relationships of domination that are generally understood te) be continuotis with colonial domination. Foreigners pursue their own relationships witIi those modcrn and traditional worlds, creating a zone of contact that can challenge nationalist narratives. In addition, 1 showed that the scenic prescntation o national achievenients mobilizes resources that can Ti tara spoil the presentation. Just as Brasilia, the model city of Brazilian modernity, provided the material conditions for che growth of shantytowns that could never enibody che supreme rationality of nationality, so were al] che great tourist projects and grand international macroprojccts boro with their own dirty twins, On che other hand, even che most avant-gardc example o national modernity ages , thus creating new challenges to national identity and the state.22 In each o trese cases, contact tones frame relationships in which che logic of national development clashes with che transttational logic o modernization, and they exist because che production and consumption o commodities is a transnational process, because people can cross national borders for work or recreation, and because there is an international horizon o scientific and technological progress. Therefore, contact zones are border arcas between the logic o the nation-state and capitalist progress that exist within che national space.

For example, when che Mexican state assigned iisclf clic task o modcinizing, national elites unniediately took on thc cosinopolitan role par excellence they were clic Quicial agcnts o forcign contact hecause their patriotism, their resourccs and their educated tate gave them greater access te thc civilizing honzun. 11111, clic comprador elites" o Mexicos nineteenth ccntury inhabited a contact zone that ideally served to discriminare hetween the aspccts o modernity that were desirable and those that were undesirable co che naton_ l heir maturity and special role gave them license to fashions and affectations that thcy would then try to bar from general consumptton in their countries C )nly a strong cultural elite could design the ticket that a weak and backward country needed to be allowed into the "concert of nations" However, Mexican elites have not aIways been able to maintain a privileged position in the arca o foreign contacts. The migrant who manages to become the owner o an auto-repair shop in Los Angeles can return to bis village with more money, prestige, and knowIedge o the modero than che old political boss there. An Indian from Zinacantn, Chiapas, may converse more extensively and gain more information from an American anthropologist than the mestizo rancher who oppresses him. Moreover, the spectacular growth o the middle class in che second half o the twentieth century also made che political brokerage o the "civilizing horizon" increasingly difficult to sustain. Thus, neither che government nor the political claes has full control over the national image. Here, it seems to me, is a key to understanding the interna) dynamic o the frontiers o social distinction, and even o violente. A social movement that can cast doubts en che national image may become the object o state violence. At times, violente explodes when a group whose members had been designated as part o che nation's traditional residue prefers to shape its own separate political community and paths to progress. Violente also erupts when che state insists on controlling spaces where there is little possibility of establishing the ideal order in a permanent fashion but where the ideal order must nonetheless be asserted. This is the case o violence against itinerant commerce or against Ilegal housing settlements. It is also occasionally deployed against social movements that governments cannot assimilate as properly national because they conspire against the country's public image. This is the case o much o che repression against youth subcultures.

Condusion
1 conclude with some thoughts on che iniplications that diese Trames o contact have for che construction of interna] frontiers between social groups in che national framework. It is clear enough that frames o contact created by commercial and tourist relationships, labor migration, and scientific and artistic production produce instabiIity in che interna] forms o social distincrion. This instability is rcilecccd both in fashion cycles and in the reeonfiguration and reproduction of social classes.
Nntiun.i Ii t Si I)uity Lite,; 142 =

We cannot conclude from these examples, however, that patrolling the national image is only che contera o the government, o political classes, or o other elites, for these sanre contact zones are also used to denounce
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sectors o these very elites as strangers to the national community. Thus, elite-directed attempts to change mores and social practice can be targeted and ridiculed as Americanized, Francophile, Jewish, or Oriental. Attempts to professionalize che state bureaucracy have ar times been portrayed as "technocratic" reforms, and therefore as Aniericanizing. Criticism o new forms of consumption, such as lasr-food chains or brand fetishism, are other common examples. On the political plane, rhe Porfirian cultural elite, the cientficos who had such a key historical role in shaping Mexico's nacional image, was portrayed by Mexico's revolutionaries as foreign. Marxist parties during the Cold War portrayed the Mexican government as a pawn o US. interests, Harvard-trained President Carlos Salinas was often compared to the national traitor Santa Anna alter che tal o che peso in 1995. These denunciations are thus used both in che construction o difference and in the organization of political opposition_ Nation builders try to fashion che national image the same way that people build a house. Starting with che most modero materials and designs at their disposal, they want to have diverse, functionally and hierarchically organized interior spaces, including spaces for exhibition to whoever comes in from outside AII this is ideally governed by the political equivalent o a paterfamilias who seeks rhe entire lamily's orderly modernization and regulares contacts between his home and the outside world, However, national architecture and space do not have che stability o a house and che government lacks a patriarch's security because the nation's internal order is always warped by transfcrmations in the conditions o production, consumption, and communication Therefore, nationalism's dirty finen can be exposed by the exploited stepdaughter, the disinherited son, or che affronted mother if there is a window-a contact frame-that permits them to do so. This relative openness and permeability o national space becomes a dynamic facror in che production o fashions and distinctions, but iris also the roor o xenophuhia and violente.

Ritual , Rumor, and Corruption in the Formation of Mexican Polities

This chapter provides a perspective en the connections between ritual and polity in Mexico. Evidently, constructing even the roughest map o this relationship is a daunting task, both empirically and conceptually. Nevertheless, as che number o historical and anthropological studies o ritual and politics grows, so roo does the peed to construct various organizing perspectives.' 1 shall propuse such a vantage point here by exploring the historical connections between various sorts o rituals and che development o a nationally articulated public sphere. My ultimate goal is to clarify the connection between political ritual and che constitution of political communities in che national space. In order to carry out chis aim, 1 propuse a fine o historical and spatial inquiry that is driven by a set o methodological and theoretical innovations that may be summarized as follows, First, 1 hypothesize a complex relationship between che existente o aneas o free political discussion and the centrality o political ritual as an arena where political decisions are negotiated and enacted. At any given local level, the relationship between public discussion and ritual is negative: ritual substitutes for discussion and vice versa. However, when une sees the relationship in an integrated national space, che relationship can be complementary: localized political rituals become che stuff from which a (restricted) nationally relevant public

Naiionnli^u

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sphere dcnves t6 legitimar ^ Sea ond. 1 p i ipocc a few chava, teristi es of the gcographs ot public sphcies 'in tht plural cmphasizing thc fact that ci vic discussion in Mesico has br cu sepincntcd along class and regional mes. and that thc sonso idation 'a: national puhlic opinion has always hcen an pruhlcmati<- aran r. fhiid 1 post ibat thc ucaoon ot a nacional puhlic sphcrc in dhis spatially scgmcnied liuld ot opinion and discussion nvnlvcs creating mechanisms ior piivilcgcd iiucipretations ot a dtffuse popular v ill 1 therciorc cxplorc thr relatr'nship hetwecn political ritual, rumor and thc di amati_ation ui :ntcrests 1inally, 1 argue that there is a general iclationship betsrcc n politieal ritual and localized appropriations ol state institutions (cunruptiuii Che expansion o state institutions is historically linked to thc contlicting dcmands o antagonistic local groups, a factor that strengthens the importanee of ritual, o festivities, and of the redistrihutive actions that are associated with them. As a result, there is a connection between loo ring the bill of these rituals and the ways in which state instl tutions are appropriated The ineeption and growth o state institutions involves the production uf ritual, so the patrons o these rituals have a degree o control over thc local branches of those institutions,

a remarkable , continuous , prvate correspondence with all of Iris governors and some jefes polticas and local notables In this corres pondenee, regional issues were frankly discussed , instructions were received, and suggestions were provided _ Governo rs would in their tu rn , ineet with representatives of what Guerra calls the principal collective actors of their regions representatives of villages , jefes poi lcos, heads o elite families of hacendados, merchants , and miners , and they would engage in closed - door discussions that paralleled those that had been carried out with Daz . Finally, these leaders would institute the new policiesThus, public opinion seas constructed almost exclusively by elites, and there was no open nacional or regional forum for civic discussion during the porfiriato (or, a fortiori , in any o the previous regimes ). On the other hand, the various collective actors whose leaders were hrought together in closed-door discussions also had their own local forms and forums o communication , some o which involved free public discussion and some o which did not , and the criterio o inclusion in these foroms were also diverse and not always hased en citizenship . This is why it is necessary to speak o public spberes ( in the plural).

Locating Public Spberes

Fran4ois Xavier Guerra has painred a portrait of Mexico's nineteenth cenrury in which he maintains that Mexico's tradicional political and social organization was leh without a political ideology and program to support it alter independence- Without the monarchy, the nation's regions, its political bosses and clients, its corporate indigenous communities, hacendados, and retainers had to create or accommodate to a system o political representation that was in theory based on equal individual rights.2 Thus an idealized national community was shaped by an elite made up o military leaders, hacendados, miners, merchants, and intellectuals whose discussions occurred in insti tutional forums provided by Freemasonry, by che development o a commercial press, by a few urban literary and scientific institutes, and in salons and social gatherings (tertulias)- This elite was the national public opinion that mattered, and its ideas and ideals were formally nationalized in institutions such as Congress, the supreme court, and the national presidency As a resulr, there was considerable distante betwecn what oceurred in the national public sphere that was shaped by the opinion o these men o substance and the way in which popular intereso were actually interpreted and dealt with by thc government. For example, Porhrio Daz maintained
Ri we1, I^u mc a 3J t or, upiion .t =

Overview of Mexican Public Spberes Mexican cities in the preindustrial age had as their main collective actors local urban elites (merchants, miners, hacendados, church authorities, civil and military authorities), artisanal guilds, and petty merchants, Indian community members, andan urban rabble that at times acted collectively but had no official corporate status , In rural arcas , major relevant collective actors for Chis early period included textile workers and miners, inhabitants o haciendas and o ranches, and inhabitants of peasant communities. Most o these collectivities were organized in the religious plane in cofradas (sodalities for the cult o saints) and were also visible as collectivities in the period's best-attended events, such as bullfights, the entrada o a viceroy, archbishop, alcalde mayor, or priest, or major religious festivities.3 Participation in these cofradas provided occasions to discuss the internar affairs o the collective actors. This is probably the cause of the occasional conflicts that emerged between local authorities and slave and black cofradas, and o colonial regulations regarding the place and time when these brotherhoods could meet-4 The organization around the cult o each collective actor's patron saint also allowed discussion and expression o collective interests within each of those groups. Colonial society offered no political arena in which discussions could
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be publicized and broadened, so each group depended on the crown's justice. Direct arbitration, added to investiigative political reporting (climaxing in the famous visitas), was crucial- Newspapers, which were introduced in the 1720s, did not become a Iorum for public discussion until the late eighteenth century, and then discussions were limited to scientific and technical questions. For the most par, newspapers provided short information briefs en the ritual life of che city, glorifying the political life of the colony (for years, each issue of the Gaceta de Mxico began with a short biographical note on a past viccroy or archbishop), and occasionally announcing major international events (battles won in Europe, ships coming in and out of Veracruz and Acapulco) In short, collectivities were represented in the ritual life of the kingdom but their problems were not examined in a national forum of public opinion. Instead, collectivities relied on the crown's justice and en its respect for acquired and traditional rights and prerogatives (usos y costumbres) or, at best, on some discussion and debate of these rights in the town council. Each of these corporate groups was nade up of networks of families, friends, neighbors, patrons, clienu, and allies. These networks have generally not been characterized in communicative terms by free dialogue and discussion. Elite families, for example, have been known to gather hundreds of members in family rituals and to construct complex webs of communieation within these large groups. Yet, most uf these familia) decisions and debates could not be raid to occur democratically because members do not confer in an unrestricted fashion. lnstead, discussion occurs in a hierarchical framework: women and men argue in different ways and places, and there are rules of seniority and significant status differentials between major power holders and weaker family members, who are systematically inhibited from participating in discussion. Thus there is a rich ritual lile in elite families, where che results ot complex negotiations, alliances, and decisions are displayed, but these do not add up to an "open" forum of public discussion, Instead, familia) ritual and communicative practice are more akin as a decision-making process to what Habermas called "representative publicity," that is, public representation of the whole en the basis of hierarchical status, and not as the result of free internal discussions The same conclusion applies to the typically smaller kindred of peasants, workers, artisans, and small merchants: we see significant familia) rituals, strong channels of information, and opinions coming from all members of the family, but only 1imited intrafamil ial discussion by members as
Rl i,,ai, Rumor. and Lovupiian

equals. Instead, information and opinions are weighed by powerful family members who make up their minds and impose their decisions. Of the main agrarian collective actors (hacienda and ranch dwellers, mine and obraje textile workers, and peasant communities), only peasant villages developed institutionalized local public spheres. Unions were prohibited in haciendas, factories, and mines, and the fact that hacienda workers often lived en the land of the owners limited upen discussion between members of those collectivities. Instead, discussion was informal, with no forum to focos collectively en a single issue and to sound out a collective will. Dsscussion among equals operated as rumor, while public lile was dominated by ritual and by centrally controlled forms of publicity.
In most peasant communities, in contrast, we have both a ritualized display of community and a public sphere based en discussion and deliberation. This public sphere has had various forms, with institutions such as town meetings, meetings of thejuntas de mejoras, the Lion's Club, or the asociaciones de padres de familia serving as forums of discussion. Discrimination by sex in these forums vares and has received little systematic attention from either anthropologists or historians7 Although my impression is that they are usually dominated by men, there is also plenty of female participation, and many key instantes where women are the central players.s But it must be noted that, in addition to the various community-wide fomms, there are sex-specific forums of discussion and debate, including paradigmatic forums such as the cantina (bar) for men and the water well or the washing arca (lavadero) for wornen, and these should alert us to the need to describe the gendered spaces of discussion and their interconnections in various local contexts,

In sum, the institutional spaces that stand out as having been arenas of discussion among equals are associated with village or urban life. The bar, the well, the village or school association, the cofrada, the Rotaries, or the town meeting allow for some public discussion that may have been somewhat less limited by the strictures of family authority on one side, and state authority en the other. The articulation of various local forums finto a national public sphere developed in distinct historical moments: (1) after independence, with the constitution of a national public sphere, (2) with the birth of modero industry during the porfiriato, (3) with the incorporation of a workers' sector into the reigning party after the revolution, (4) with the emergence of middle-class professional groups in the mid-twentieth century, (5) with the emergence el an independent union movement (1970s), (6) with the emergence of social movements that do not explicitly represent class
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nterests but focos rather on sclcc t, (i ["Lo s such as housing, women,s rights dctense against developmeni prolects and so un. Although 1 do not wish to go Inn, cach ^,1 these developments here, a tew considcratiuns on the tran,f t,nnation of tic public sphere are needed. 1-irst, with ndcpendence, a natiunnlls articulated public sphere emerged tor the tirst time wnh the commcrcial pies and Congiess as its two maro torums. This ttansition meant that arbitration troni rhe political center was no longer rhe only or even ncces,arily the principal, way of arguing lor rhe rights uf a colle( tive actor In,tead ol mercly eepressing rhe collectivitys inclusion in rhe realm by rcay uf tic malo liestas, riese collectivities sometimes found their usos y wslinuhres ^ traditional rights) being debatcd and changed in rhe new national public sphere, and this without any local imput_ This was notahly the case of indigenous communities, whose traditional instirutions carne under aitack almost immediately alter independence, and who lost most of lucir legal protection in just a few decades. Moreover, most o the social actors of rhe period were illiterate and lacked properry and other chanctcristics liar were deemed central to being a citizen. Because o this, tic ritualized representation o a national order continued to be o significance, although liberal governments fought hard to wrench this system o representation out of the hands o the church and into those of civil authorities. This process was politieally painful and was never achieved in its entirety. The difficulty was in part owing tu rhe fact that the civil framework set up by liberals had no room for formally recognizing rhe collective actors that were on the scene, whereas these had previously been acknowledged in rhe organization o cofradas, in the commemoration of patron saints, and in major religious fiestas such as Corpus Christi and Easter. In other wurds, rhe creation ot a national public sphere, "fictitious" and highly iniperfect though it was, was a real threat to the traditional status o collective actors, because it set up an arena where new rules could be made that affected rhe very toundations of the collectivities in question. In this respect, the struggle against the clergy in rhe nineteenth and twentierh centuries takes on special significante, for rhe conflicts were not only connected to the power of the church as it has usually been considered (land, wealth, induence through schooling), but they issued, much more subtly, because rhe church had provided spaces o representation and political mediation for a series o collectivities. This tan headlong against the liberal project of creating a national citizenry that was shaped by individual opinion The ultiniate results o this clash in the
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nineteenth century are we1i knowm a de jure separation o church and state, and a convulsivo history ol struggle over local rights between various classes and communities The second sign1Ocant c oii idt ratiun on tic tra nslormat ion of rhe public sphere concerns ihe toi ination ol a modern proletariat and its historical connections to the public sphere_ In the mirial phascs of modernization, the Mexican proletariat found little room for eepression or representation in government. A proletarian public sphere did emerge, however, around trade unions and with tic hclp of tic pcnny press, and it produced two of Mexico's most noteworthy intellectuals, rhe anarchist revolutionary Ricardo Flores Maltn and rhe artist fos Guadalupe Posada.

In other words, the early srages o modernization-especially in mining and in textiles-saw die constitution o proletarian collective actors and the articulation o rhe proletariat to the national public sphere, although both o these processes were hindered by state repression, as well as by low literacy rates and by the many social ties that Mexican workers Nave with nonproletarian kinsmen and friends.
After the 1910 revolution, such proletarian organizations and voices found much support from government, which took a leading role in organizing and coordinating union confederations-first the Confederacin Regional de Obreros Mexicanos (CROM) and later the Confederacin de Trabajadores de Mxico (CTM), which still hobbles along today. This process, however, also led to the formal inclusion o unions in the official party apparatus, a simation that ultimately weakened that class's interna) forums o discussion and compromised proletarian inclusion in civic, nongovernmental forums. A comparable process occurred with peasants who, thanks to the political strings that were attached to land reform, were effectively incorporated in the state's "masses." Thus we get relatively weak presente o these two classes in the nationally articulated public sphere. This meant that riese collectivities maintained arbitrated and ritualized relationships with rhe state that were in some respects comparable to those that existed in rhe colonial era, except for rhe fact that rhe statethrough a particularly rich development of nationalist mythology-was able to wrench most o these ritual functions away from the church.

Among rhe first collective actors to ron headlong against this "neobaroque" system were rhe new middle classes. Ricardo Pozas Horcasitas has described this process in his study o the medical doctors' movement o early 1960s. These doctors cared little for revolutionary rhetoric. They had already been trained in a fully modern era, and expected rhe benefits o modernity without rhe forros o state tutelage that had been imposed
RitualRurn ar and 151 Co r rup tia n

on most peasant and working-class collectivities. They also expected to control their own discussions and to have free access to the press,9
The government showed a distinct unwillingness to open up to these new political actors, either by conceding liberties for self-organization or by allowing greater freedom o access to media and policymaking. Repression o the emerging middle classes continued throughout the 1960s and into the early 1970s, after which point the government began to embark on a series o political reforms that are collectively known as "the transition to democracy."

tors" and have pointed to their internal forums o discussion and their connections to the state through ritual, closed-door discussion and decision making, and to the national public sphere. In addition, 1 have given some elements with which to imagine these various collectivities in their regional locations. It is in connection to these factors that a profitable discussion o the place and role o political rituals can take place. Political Ritual in National and Regional Space A poignant introduction to the role o ritual in consolidating Mexican political communities can be found in the early contact period, which was a time when the capacity for dialogue between Spaniards and Indians was minimal, and powerful interests were vested in maintaining some miscommunication between them.' 1
At that time, a Franciscan friar, Jacobo de Testera, sought to create an atmosphere that was propitious for the rapid conversion o Indians, an atmosphere that would not require extensive communication between Indians and priests. To this end he used a form o pictographic writing in which icons were to be spoken out in indigenous tongues, while the rounds that were thereby emitted approximated those o the Latin orations o the Mass. Through a mock form o reading, Testera put Christian orations in the Indians' mouths: they read out "flag" and "prickly pear" (pantli, noxtli), he heard something quite like "Pater noster,"'2 and this misunderstanding allowed both parties to participate in a critical communitarian ritual: the Mass. Thus, ata time when there was no bourgeois public sphere in Mexico, before the existence o a national language or even o a coherent project for a national language, rituals were a fundamental arena for constructing political boundaries and relations o domination and subordination within the polity, Gruzinski has written extensively on the crucial significance o nondiscursive forms o communication in the conquest and colonization o the Indians. He has shown the centrality o icons in this communicative process, and has even spoken o a "war o images" in lieu o public debate. At the level o images, and especially in ritual, pragmatic accommodations between participants may occur without any corresponding accommodation at the leve) o formally stated policy or discourse. This sort o politics-pragmatic accommodation while formally adhering to a discursive orthodoxy-has been insistently remarked upon by observers o Mexico, some o whom trace its beginnings to Hernn Corts, whose dictum to King Charles-"I obey, but 1 do not comply"-has become famous.13
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Middle-class pressures on the Mexican corporate state (movements o doctors, schoolteachers, students, parents' associations, etc.) grew in tandem with the development of the new social movements," which were no longer strictly class-based and were not directed toward the control or redistribution o the benefits o production, but rather centered on the conditions o reproduction: housing, urban services, pollution control, schooling, parks, transportation costs, women's rights, and so on.
It is important to note, with regard to trese movements, that many o them were not new in a strict sense: Castells has described the renters' strike in Veracruz in 1915 as a case in point, and urban riots in the colonial and early national period were concerned with issues such as grain priees, conflicts between church and state, and abuses by priests.10 What is new about the movements beginning in the 1970s is their scale, which reflects rhe vertiginous growth o cities, and particularly o Mexico City, the diversification o demands on government asan institution responsible for providing an ever-expanding set o services and forms o social protection, and the fact that, being goal-oriented, these movements sometimes lacked mechanisms for defining participants as stable members o collectivities. This final point means that movements usually jell around leaders and issues and can then decline to such an extent that they define ageneration rather than a collectivity that reproduces through time AII o these conditions meant that the "new" social movements had enormous potential for widening the base of discussion that made up national public opinion, and that they were not easy to incorporate to the sectorial apparatus o the official party and the state. The combination o these variegated pressures, including those from professional and protoprofessional middle classes and nonincorporated unions and peasant communities, forced the state to develop new strategies o encompassment and inclusion, as well as to expand forms of access to national public opinion.

1 have provided a historical overview of Mexico's main "collective acRitual, Rumor . nnd Corruption

152 =

In fact historian Irving 1 ' onan) tclt tila[ Chis was a debning character,stic ol the dominan[ aesthetic se nsthihtp ol the soalled Baroque era roughly 15RU-I?SU,, which wm bascd on regid adhcrencc to a iew basic principies of Catholic dogma ano to tilo apphcation ot wit to embroidering around thcni" L.ikcwisc, Gntsinsk, argues that clic transition finto the Baroquc era ot represemation was eceompanled by an attack en [odiar, Icarning, by che decline of che boak among the popular elasses, and its utbstirution bv Imagcs that wcrc conventional_" This protoundly antidialogic t,, [1,1 did nnt dic along with lile CounterRetormation_ Nlexicus Fnlightenment and 1'ositivist eras were also eharaeterized by tilo use of modernity as a rhetoric that departs from everyday practico in civic life.10 Generally spcaking, anthropologists and historians have recognized that Mexico has a Icgalistic, formulaie tradition that is combined with keen political pragmatism, a pragmatism that has often been compared co Machiavellianism." The flexibility that Mexicans may lack at the leve) o formal political discourse and discussion they have in political practice, and these accommodations are enacted in ritual and its imagery. Correspondingly, the study o ritual allows us to witness the ideological articulations of a sociery that has always been both highly segmented and systematically misrepresented in formal discourse. In sum, ritual is a critica) arena for che construction o pragmatic political accommodations where few open, dialogic forms of communication and decision making exist. In other words, there is an inverse correlation between the social importante o political ritual and that o the public sphere. Moreover, one could add a cultmalist argument to this sociological one. once the Spaniards abandoned al] serious attempts truly to convince and assimilate Indians into their sociery, certain aesthetic forms were developed (the colonial versions ol "baroque sensibility"), and these became values that permeated tire socicty deeply, affecting family relations, forms o etiquette, and other social forms in al] social strata. Thus Mexican ritual and ritualism would have both sociolugical and cultural roots. This very general appreciation is merely a starting point, however, for in order te organize the variegated literature un political ritual and, furthermore, to propuse an agenda for futuro research, we need te arrive ata more precise formulation of the specific soits o political work that ritual does and has done in different regional and historical contexts. 1 focos en three majo poincs here: First, 1 argue that political ritual reflects the dialectics o opposition and appropriation hctween sute agencies and collectivities. This point leads os away froni a simple opposition between popular and state ritual- Second, 1 discuss sume of the intcrconnections between ritual
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and rumor. Specifically , 1 argue that both ritual and rumor can be seen as occupying spaces of expression that cannot find other ways into the public sphere . Ritual can serve as a way of constntcting a high leve ) of regional integra tion with unly a nunimum substratum o common culture and, especial ly , of discussion _ This view leads away Iron' looking at Mexican history as a simple secular process toward democracy and modernityThird, 1 discuss the connections between ritual and corruption . This puint helps te) clarify che ways in which tire state is locally appropriated and in which a hegemonie order is constiituted-

Ritual and tbe Expansion of Siate Institutions

A good starting point is to explore the relationship between Foucauldian institutions (with their techniques o bodily discipline) and rituais that aim to construct an image o consensus around a notion o "the people" (el pueblo). In a study o the history of patriotic festivals in the state el Puebla (1900-46), Mary Kay Vaughn shows that tilo interconnection between schools and festivals passed through two stages: during the porfiriato, festivals were organized by the local jefe poltico with the aid o the local elite o hacendados, ranchers, and notables. Civic fiestas emphasized the patriotic participation o Pueblans especially (May 5-the battle o Puebla-was the main celebration). At the sane time, schools catered mainly to the notable families and, te a lesser extent, to inhabitants o the main cabeceras (municipal seats), but they decidedly excluded the rural and poor majo rity.'a

After the revolution, tilo strength o schools was undermined concomitantly with the strengthening o the agrarian community and the weakening o the regional elites. Schoolteachers did not have the coercive power that prerevolutionary jefes polticos once had, so they could not organize local work parties in support o the school and federal funds were insufficicient, This situation began to turre around in che 1930s through the reviva) o the patriotic fiesta by the teachers, who now used competitive sports to draw in a wide constituency. These sporting competitions became a venue for local social lile as well as for traditional forms of competition and sociability between villages and barrios. As a result, local agrarian communities vied in getting schools built and provided the badly needed support for their sustenance. Hence, perhaps the most fundamental modern institution o discipline and uniformity, the school, spread not so much as a result o state imposition as by its capacity to bridge and reconcile state piares with various forms o local politics. The school became, in fact, an alternative arena for
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giving materiality and visibility to local communities in a way that is analogous to che role that the church had played in che colonial period, and ritual (the patriotic festival with its attractive sports features) played a central role in che expansion o schoolsjust as che religious fiesta, with its secular and spiritual attractions, had been central to che earlier expansion o che church. Vaughn provides a valuable clue for understanding che ways in which che revolutionary state succeeded in taking representational functions over from che church. In che Porfirian arrangement, schools and patriotic festivals were mainly organized by and for regional elites, and che church still provided che broadest arena for che political assertion of eollective force in its fiestas. It is only alter che revolution, with che decline in the coercive power o local politicians and che introduction o competitive sports, thar che civic fiesta became a forum in any way comparable to the church fiesta, and, interescingly it is only at chis point that oral schoolteaehers mustered the local supporr they needed to really expand che school system with the tight budgets that they have always had.'o In other words, state institutions cxpand in a fashion that is dependent on che local, regional, and nacional politics o culture. The institutions that creare an idea o simulcaneous nacional development are also constrained by che various local cultural and political (orces. The results o this situacion have varied historically as che force o modero institutions has grown, but ovcrall they may be synthesized as follows: in Mexico, public opinion and nacional sentiment still have public popular ritual as a critica[ forum, and che leveling media o che bourgeois public sphere (newspapers, television, Congress) have generally been used as a cool for providing a discursive interpretation and solution to the ritual manifestations o "popular wilL" Evidently, Chis situation had been intermingled with che lack o a formal democracy in Mexico, but it would be a mistake to attribute Chis lack o democracy exclusively to a dictatorial imposition from che presidency: authoricarianism is the product of complex interconnections between various local, national, and international forces. Moreover, there developed a culture o accommodation to [hese circumstances, including wellestablished forms for expressing political demands, for interpreting them, and for resolving them

o che church, because schooling Bases movement across che nacional space in search for work, and therefore ultimately contributes to weakening che agrarian community. 1 merely suggest that che system o political and cultural representation o the Baroque needs to be taken seriously as a preceden[ in order to understand che role o political ritual to chis day, and that Chis is because religious and civic ritual is a key to understanding the expansion o state institutions in Mexico.

Rumor, Ritual, and the Puhlic Sphere

l have argued that throughout Mexican history there have been various social organizacional forms and collective actors that have nor developed the sor[ o open discussion of che classical bourgeois public sphere. This does not imply, o course, that communication does nor exist within these groups, or that they are incapable o arriving at eollective agreements or o representing [hese agreements in public. It means simply that public sentiment is formed in communicative contexts other [han [hose o an open dialogue between equal citizens.
Hierarchical organizations such as landholding families, haciendas, or factories do nor have free interna) discussion, nor can their individual members always participare in che formation o national public opinion because they have usually had restricred access to the media. For che members o these subaltern groups, opinion is formed in che sor[ o concext that Erving Goffman has called a "backstage": in che kitchen, io the washroom, while bending down to plant or pick, in che marketplace, or in che anonymity o a crowd.

This does nor mean, however, that che role o political ritual has remained constan[ in Mexico since che Baroque era, Nor does it imply a simple substitvtion o church ritual by state ritual The extension o schools has long-term effeces on che local community that are distincc from chose
Riturt 1, liu mor, a,i Corruptfon

These are the spaces where information flows. Because they are "backstage," they are typically seco as subversive o official truths as well as o the national public sphere, and they are correspondingly feminized. Thus, in Mexico, "frank," "open" talk at public meetings is often contrasted to "washerwoman' s gossip" (chismes de lavadero o de asotea), and political dialogue is characterized as "manly" (direct, open, rational ), whereas rumor is cowardly (it occurs behind one's back), it is 'women's talk" (chisme de viejas). This form o mapping gender onto che frontstage/backstage relationship between public spheres and che multistranded currents of rumor can be understood as a ploy for undermining che validity o rumor and it should not be taken as a de facto correspondence between a feminine/ masculine dichotomy and public sphere/rumor. The same rumors that are feminized and called "washerwomen's gossip" one day can be hailed as che egregious "sentiments o che nation" che next day. Moreover, backstage
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identi fication of a movement with "the people," and as such its demands
c ommunication i s 1111[ a prer'ogative nt wumen. just as niany women engage in public speaking-

can he put forward in a clearer way to che public and che specter o cooptatiou of a specific leader ur of a small co nsti tuency dimi nishes. The use of niasks is a Brechtian son ol strategy, ellacing rhe individual and stressing che social persona by rclyi ng >ir imagos denved from the mass media This is entnely difterent from ritualized social movements that are not directed to che media ihat represen[ national public opinion, for example, in small towns, In [hose cases, che people" are represented directly by known people, and it is che prescnce of particular individuals that convinces others to join in_ Consequentl y, [hese movements are not mediated by a national public; they are direct expressions o local opinion and, although at times they seek support from national inedia and public opinion, they do not usually entertain high hopes for che efficacy o these mediations. Also interesting is the use o inversions of public and domestic realms in mediated versus face-to-cace movements. Whereas in local movements these sorts of inversions are direct appeals to revolt, in mediated movements they serve as poented appeals to public opinion and are thus gestures o revolt Thus, middle- and upper-class women take to the streets o Mexico City to protest che construction o a highway or to protest the high costs o a devaluation. This provides powerful "photo opportunities" for an urban movement. Similarly, ranchers from the Altos de jalisco fill Guadalajara's central square with tractors to protest new agricultural policies. The inversions o public and domestic spheres are usually more sharply subversive in smaller communities, where local opinion can immediately be swayed. For example, when women took to che streets in Tepoztln in 1978, che men backed them and took over the municipal presidency. In che mediated urban context (which is an ever-growing field, given the current expansion o che national public sphere into ever-deeper levels o the regional system), inversions are used as appeals to a public opinion that will then exert pressure on government by nonviolent means.

It is useful to think o rumor a, Inllnwing rhe negativo mold of rhe variuus public spheres that hace (10011 dostusscd AVherevei civic discussion and open argument are precludcd bv thc a,ymmetries o power, alternative communicativc relationships 0merge and rumor predominates. In Mexico, rhe nationaily articulated puhlic sphere has never achieved widespread credeneu-roo many coitos aro excluded from it. Because of this, people usually pretor a personal marco ot inlnrmation gossip'1 to a merely official one ' This situation leads lo Mexicos classical legicimacy crisis. how to interpret, conform, or channel whatJos Marca Morelos called "the sentiments o the nation" As we have seco, intellectuals have had a leading role in fillIng this communicational void, just as newspapers became a privileged media for the interpretation of national sentiment. Nevertheless, intellectuals, like rhe oracles o old, need signs. Going out and asking citizens in a systematic fashion was always seen as problematic, and has only gained ground in reccnt years-21 This is because the poli involves making the backstage front stage; in other words, it involves constructing a free-flowing, confessional relationship between citizens and the state, a relationship that involves a corresponding notion o govcrnmental accountability. Because chis accounrability did not exist under authoritarian forms of corporativism, neither could a candid relationship be built except in cases where "dtizens" felt that they had little to lose, and perhaps something to gain. The signs that intellectuals and politicians read are therefore complex, for political manifestations are interpreted mainly in their expressive and symptomatic dimensions. Hence che work o interpreting national sentiment does not end with che gathering o opinions, for opinions chat are unlinked to action, opinions that have no practical consequence, are easily discounted as 'women's gossip" or "talk." -1 he true national sentiment is only meaningful in connection to puhlic action, to political ritual. 1 say "ritual" because the weakness o Mexico's national public sphere guarantees that political events will be interpreted symbolically, with expressive dimensions counting at least as much as instrumental ones 22

Moreover, significant differences emerge between political manifestations that are geared to the media and events that are oriented to direct action in smaller-scale collectiviries_ Inreresting in chis respect is che use o masks in two recent cases, that of' Superbarrio" in Mexico City and that o the neo-Zapatistas in Chiapas. The use o masks allows for a more abstraer

In sum, whereas niany collectivities are routinely recognized and reconstituted in rituals that can substitute opon interna) discussion, there are also political manifestations o public sentiment that are created in backstage contexts, socialized through rumor, and converted into specific movements that can be analyzed as political ritual because their significance depends on their modo o insertion in a body o public opinion that is not smoothly created out o discussions in che public sphere. The theatrical element is therefore o special importance. The centrality o ritual in che constitution o polity can therefore be understood in two dimensions_ en che one hand, rituals can be expressions
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,,unl,

x",,,-,

,,nd ('o,r,, pii oe

of collective vitality and interests within the sanctioned political order; en che other hand, public political manifestations are understood as expressions o a public sentiment that is construcied in the backstage, and that has therefore not (yet) been harnessed by che state. This second dimensin means that political movements are heavily ritualized. They are in fact the maro signs that political interpreters read. Corruption and Ritual 1 Nave suggested three important roles that ritual has in the constitution o political communities in Mexico First, on the most general level, ritual is crucial because social segmentation and power relations undermine dialogue in the nacional community. Second, ritual has been used to build alliances between local collectivities and state and church. The dialectics o this process involves competition or struggle between collectivities or classes, and alliances with state or church are used to further local interests In those struggles. Third, ritual is critical to the constitution o national public opinion in an authoritarian state because it is the principal sigo that interpreters read, occupying a role that is analogous to that o the poli (and that is no less manipulable); ritual substitutes for a bourgeois public sphere. In this section, 1 inspect the relationship between ritual and corruption in the Mexican system.
The problem o corruption can be understood en three levels: first, on a functional leve] (what it does for government, what it does for individual participants and victims); second, at the leve! o aceusations o corruption (what a discourse o corruption does in the world o politics); and third, at the leve] o the moral sensibility of a people (how discourses and practices o corruption affect personal attitudes and definitions o self). Throughout Mexican history, corruption has consisted o appropriating portions o state or church machinery for private benefit (arguably), to the detriment of the state's interesr as well as that o the public. However, these appropriations serve various functions and have varying implications during different periods. For example, throughout the colonial period, official governmental posts were seen as prizes that the crown handed down in recognition either o social proximity or o past favors, or else in exchange for money. Correspondingly, officials were expected to profit from their posts they were not civil servants, but rather royal servants. Comparable situations have existed well inca the modero period.

tion in the church was also important. Local constituencies could at times play these two sets o ambitions off against each other. Villagers participated fervently in their fiestas in par as a show of alliance with the church, which might then intervene in their favor against the abuse o landowners or officials, whereas suits against priests could be brought to civil authorities. Local ritual could also stand as an affirmation o local rights against both church and state, both o which could easily conspire against the subaltern classes. Ritual had a mediating role in the colonial period, where the boundaries, strength, and rights o a collectivity could be expressed at the same time that alliances were forged with the church or the state.
In this context o negotiation, corruption was reflected in what might be called an extended "cargo system." Anthropologists have been prone to take a narrow view o what religious cargos are about, stressing their significance in indigenous communities and their links to forms o prestige that are allotted only within the limits of traditional communities. In fact, variations o "cargo systems" exist and Nave existed throughout the national space, and the burden o paying for celebrations has usually reflected the expected distribution o the benefits o reigning. For example, Mexico City notables and officers had to come up with money for all sorts o commemorations o the roya] family's affairs, as well as those o the viceroy. Smaller towns and villages had to incur parallel expenditures to commemorate their saint's day. But it was these very forms o public festival that also gave political recognition to these places and allowed for the funneling o resources to the community leadership. This same logic survived finto the national period. In Tepoztln, for instance, carnival became the most expensive fiesta and was bankrolled to a large degree by the local notables. This contrasted with the humble barrio fiesta, which was paid for by collective contributions. Local notables funneled their money reto comparsas (dance organizations) that represented their barrio o origina thus notables created solidarity with poorer mcmbers o their barrios and subsequently depended en this local basis o support to successfully control municipal offices during the nineteenth century and most o the twentieth century.

Because the church was the fundamental arena for collective expressien, and because it had its own independent sources o taxation, corrupR i ^ u n 1, Rumor , ., u d Corrup

In the Morelos highlands, de la Pea has described how hacienda owners increased their popularity and that o the municipal notables by contributing resources to the local fiesta 23 Finally, in Zinacantn, the classic and much-debated instante o the traditional "cargo system," Cancian has shown that financing local fiestas was a crucial item o prestige and local power for many years, and that the system only carne into crisis when the
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local economv di vcrsihed and thc population greca, creating a spbt be, tween che oldcr peasant notable, and 1,)LIe capnalist en t repreneurs. 21 Che elders hace kep Clic voung genci auon Irom sponsoring che Gestas, and che cargo svsicm has therctoie declinad .1, a locos of political expression. ; The correlauon between iinanc Ti,,Icov inca and real) 1118 che benehts of che state for o appropriating local branc bes of che state) has parallels in che ways in which che PRIs poliurtl cam pait; ns are financed- Until che demociatic refxms of che 1Oleas. calculatmg costa ol olticial parcy can paigns seas imposible, becau,c hisioad ol ,corking ,,ah a cencialized eofIcr and budget amipaign c osi, wc 1, dillused among supporcers, all of whom expected co bencht 1ront ihc tate in cxchange for diese expenditures. Governors and municipal presidenu usad up che ir budgets to show their personal support ot a presidencial candidate and, through that personal support, the support o che collectivities co which they were linked. Union leadership that had privileged support from che government used union funds and working hours co support che candidate_ As in the fiesta, participants in campaign events were also nieant to gain things for themselves: a day off work, free food, and a fiesta, or at least a renewed relarionship with cheir immediate patron_ Thus, political ritual has been cied to corrupton beeause che finaneing o ritual reflecta che actual or expected ways in which local leaders and communities appropriate porcions of che state apparatus-these rituals are enactments both o a persorialized style of state redistribution and o che power o the whole constituency vis-h-vis che more abstract nacional state. The connection between fiesta and corruption does not end here, however, for mosc fiestas combine a concrolled and an unrestracned aspect. Solemn Masses are followed by turkey in nicle sauce, drinking, and dancing; carnival ends with the High Mass of Ash Wednesday; political ralles rypically are followed by free-flowing strcams o alcohol. Even che most Apollonian rituals, such as che once popular oratory contests, were peppered with occasional comic or lyric moments, and secular festive events such as the bullfight or che cocklighc tended co reccive some governmental supervision, wich formal moments wherc supervision was asserted. This combination o political control and unrestrained popular expression made the fiestas occasions where a certain complex hegemony was enacted, for popular expression was at once unrestrained and encompassed by the authorities. This is che mosc surte sense in which political ritual can be said to he tied to che history of corruption: fiestas assert the significante of a collectivity vis 5-vis che state and chus they have been used to jockey for position on che nacional map. On che other hand, once
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a collectivity is receiving sorne benefits froni che state once it has a leader or a class that appropriates che state and representa it locally, [hese leaders are expected to foot thc hill of much political ritual for che ritual will se:-ve as a manifestation ol clic colleccivitys continuad vitalicy to higher officials. Thus fiestas are usually signa of che vitalicy of both "che people and che state." "Corruption underwrites Chis whole rclationship because che state is only extended inm ch(se col l ecti vicies on che condition chat it be locally appropriated'usually by local elites) and that some o che benetits of chis appropriation spill ayer to tire test ol che local population Finally, rituals presenc popular moral standards regarding corruption_ Ungenerous leaders are shunned, as are leaders who do not finance fiestas or do not recognize or acknowledge their own people.2 1 In general, an ethics o respect, generosity, and comtnunion is enacted, and chese values provide che rudiments o a technology that is used for articulating che nacional polity. In this respect, che Catholic ritual is a standard that continually haunts che politician.

These pervasive connections between ritual and corruption, both in relation to local appropriations of state machinery and in che construction o an ethics o xhose appropriations, demonstrate che critical significante o che study o ritual for understanding hegemony in che Mexican national space.

Conclusion
1 have explored che connection between ritual and political communities by looking at public spheres developmentally. In the process, 1 have suggested relationships between rumor, ritual, and corruption. Ths analysis leads us away from three trends in che study o political ritual. The first is che one that divides rituals finto state versus popular ritual- The second is che trend that fries to construct a secular progress between premodern ritual and modero democracy. Against che first trend, che perspective developed here stresses the dialectics o opposition and appropriation between state agencies and various collectivities. This dialectic affects both che constitution o subjectivities by the state and che ways in which state institutions are locally appropriated. Against che second trend, our perspective stresses che persisten[ obstacles to che creation o a bourgeois public sphere in Mexico. Mexican modernicy continues to segment and exclude large numbers from che promised benefits o citizenship and modernization, and Chis has allowed for a continuous reconstitution of a ritual ]fe that has ics origins in che Baroque era.
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For these reasons, the specter ot an `ancien rgime" seems never te die in Mexico: ir survived the 1857 colis ti tution, it survived che revolution, and it may oven survive che current transition to democracy. The regional study of ritual offers a way of specifying these relationships, of understanding their historical evolution, and of clarifying the nature of social change in che polity.
Finally, a third trend that must be modified is the one that seeks to synthesize national culture by way of che study of national rituals. Our contribution to chis perspective is to show nce significante of developing an overall geography of ritual as a necessary prior step. Once this is done (and chis chapter is only a heginning of such a geography), che social and political referents o rituals can be clarified and placed in their proper perspective. Because our fundamental thesis is that political ritual is substituting for arenas o` discussion and argumentation-creating hegemonic idioms o agreement between various and diverse points of view (cultura] and political)-the study of these rituals can serve as an entry to understanding hegemony geographically, but rituals cannot be used to homogenize the culture of their participants in any simple way.

Center, Periphery , and the Connections between Nationalism and Local Discourses of Distinction
b

It is now commonplace to recognize that centers and peripheries have historically constituted each other: "the Orient" was as critica] for the formation of a narrative about "che West" as European colonialism was to the formation of Asan nationalisms, che Americas and Spain mutually constituted each other, and, much more generally, ideas regarding cultural and economic modernity and modernization rely on constructions of "tradition" and therefore on producing peripheries. A somewhat less understood dimension of center-periphery relationships is how peripheralization and centralization are practices that can help us to understand the ways in which localized idioms of distinction and political language are created This point is often overlooked because of the strong temptation to portray centers and peripheries as stable and homogeneous and then to make these categories into vast abstractions: "the West" is central, "the Rest" is peripheral; "the First World" is central, "che Third World" is peripheral. If prompted for greater detail, then a speaker may say, within the Third World, metropolises are central, rural areas are peripheral, or formal sectors are central, informal sectors are peripheral. Such attempts to classify places as central versus as peripheral tend to bracket the fact that center and periphery are always coexisting as elements in idioms o power and o distinction throughout che social system,
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hecause center--periphery tropel are hiera rclucal in Louh Durrmoti LS sense, that is, they involvc complenxntants and encnmpassment' Thus, althciugh one may igree that in lile late mneteclith celLUrv Britain could, on thr rvhole be s_lassllied as central tu lile rer n'Id sestent, while India eould hv counted as a periphery. we can alpe, rutunni_c that ccnter-periphery discuurses viere equally rclevnnt tur lile dcr clopment ot distinetion in both places
In Chis chapterl explore lile histnricnl tnmtrlr mation ul centel, Periphery as a va luc-lacten svctem rt or^anlzm sial cpaee_ [Ti ti,, anthropoIogicaliy

notion of "eultur' and practica] reason. Part o thc conceptual diffieulty stems also from lack o1 attention to rhe analysts o spatial systems, and speci fically tu the disti ncti un hetween various uses of center/periphery as an organizational scheme The contlation ot a center-periphery scheme ur the organization ot produaion with a ccnter-periphery scheme tor political domination and a center-periphery logic ot cultural distinction leads inevitably to the sort ot abscracted and idealized cores and periphcries that we seck to reject. It is thc muddle in lile spatial model-a confusion that can be shared by cultuialists and pragmatists-that sets the stage tor Chis ethnogra p hic paradox

lamuus village ()j Tepoztln, iNiexlt o blq purp use u tu show historien.] clianges in ti,, ways in which the Lento, has buen locally construeted- 1 also aim to demonstrate a few of Lile competing strategies for centralization and marginalizarlon as they base playeel out in local pulules of distinction and in che enunciation of local demands to state agencies or for rational public opinion. By focusing on center/periphery as a key metaphor in the dialectics of distinetion within Tepoztln, 1 wish to ]cave a nagging paradox behind. When analysts rely en center-periphery metaphors in order to understand what Redfeld called folk soceties they tend either to exoticize lile marginal society by analyzing it as it it viere culturally coherent, or to deny the existente of a collectively g,enerated "eultur' and to substitute that notion with a more atomized, indlviduallstic culture of multiple adaptations. In other words, they tend either to "orientaliz' a reified local culture or to dispense with the notion of a locally generated collective culture in favor of sumething like 'adaptation' or even "rational choice." In the case o Tepoztln, Robert Redfield fell finto the orientalizing trap by overdrawing the separation hetween 'folk and "urban societies, while Oscar Lewis dissolved Tepoztccan "eultur' finto a set o pragmatic adaptations to an environment that was shaped by nationally dominant classes and polticos.

Consciousness of a Peripheral Status

Tepoztln is located about seventy kilometers south o Mexico City, in what was until recently lile agricultura) periphery o the state o Morelos, whose capital is Cuernavaca Until the early 1960s, chis meant that villagers were primarily peasants, many of whom were called "Indians" by city folk. The town as we know it was created between 1550 and 1605 in response to Spanish authorities, who concentrated the more scattered indigenous inhabitants of the jurisdiction called Tepoztln luto a nucleated settlement, Thus, the very constitution o this agricultural village was to sume degree orchestrated from without. Later, investors and power holders organized the region that is today called Morelos in such a way that irrigated sugar fields in the lowlands would benefit from cheap seasonal labor, firewood, and grazing lands provided by an impoverished highland peasantry that was concentrated in villages such as Tepoztln. This decision was renewed from lile time o the formation of Spanish landed estates in the late 1500s to the moment o industrialization, beginning in the 19505.3

This theoretical bind emerges in numerous forms throughout the anthropological and historical literauue_ Olten, differences map opto the opposition that Marshall Salilins called "culture versus practical reason," where the culturalist will emphasize lile internal coherence o local culture (and thereby construct a sharp break hetween the culture of peripherfies and that of centers), while lile economic reductionist will emphasize rational adaptations that generate statistically verifiable differences within and between localities that do not add up tu a holistic local culture. Nevertheless, lile conceptual origins of this muddle are not restricted to che (by now largely transcended ^ opposition hetween a Saussurean-inspired
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In short, Tepoztln occupied a peripheral position from the time of its colonial reconstruction. Economically, it was to serve as a source of tribute, of revenue through commercial exploitation, and o cheap seasonal labor in lowland plantations. Politically, it was defined as an indigenous jurisdiction that was to be controlled from a distante by a Spanish alcalde mayor who was, in turn, named by the heirs to Hernn Corts's estate, lile Marquesado del Valle. "The center" has tilos been "in the periphery" for most o Tepoztln's post-Conquest history, both in the sense that it has had a critical role in fashioning the place, and directly through specific institutions and individuals that have been charged with administering this peripheral status,
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ineluding evangelizing priests, indigenous nilers, merchants, schoolteachers, policemen, and municipal officers. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that hoth centrality and marginality have been elaborated in Tepoztecan mythology. One revealing set o stories that deal with these aspects o Tepoztecan society are about El Tepoztcatl, the mythical "man-god" o Tepoztln who was meant to be both the local ruler in the pre-Conquest period and the first Indian to become evangclized in the region (en September 8, day o the Virgin o the Nativity, who is said to he his mother and who is also the patroness o Tepoztln).^
The story of El Tepoztcarl has two niain portions. One occurs before and at the time o Conquest when El Tepoztcatl vanquishes the lords o major surrounding towns, thereby gaining centrality for Tepoztln. A second refers t the period shortly alter Conquest, and it runs roughly as follows:
Tepozrcatl's lile was exemplarv He helped and protected al of bis subjects and Tepoztln thrived more during his reign than ever before. One day Tepoztcatl wcnt to visir Mexicn City and he found thar people were having great difficulties in raising rte maro bell to the tower o Mexico's cathedral. Since Tepoztcatl was a friend o rhe god o wind, he enlisted his hele and the wind god blew a srrong whirlwind thar blinded everyone white it raised Tepoztcatl finto the air, brll and all When the people looked around, Tepoztcatl was already in rhe church tower sounding the bell, much m cveryone's amazement. In order to thank Tepoztcatl for his hele they gave him a box and told him to bury it in rhe maro square of his village Tepoztcatl received it with joy and walked back to Tepoztln When he arrived there, people asked him what was in the box He answered thar thcy had given him the box and thar he could not open ir, but rather liad to bury it, which is what he did. However, people's curiosity was roo great and they dug the box up that night and oponed tt rhe next morning When they oponed ir, four white doves flew out in different direetions. Onc posed itself en the church tower, another on the tower of Mcxicos cathedral, a rhird en the hill where Tepoztcarl lives, and rho fourrh in the town af Tlayacapan. That is why no one discovered what Tepoztcatl had been given, hut allegedly tt was a greattreasure -

village shall always be poor. There shall be intelligent people, but they shall leave the place just as the doves thar you freed lefa "s

As a whole, the story provides a genealogy o Tepoztln's poverty and o es destiny always to lose its brightest lights to other towns. More subtly, the story also notes the role o Tepoztecans in the construction o the center. In point o fact, a number o Tepoztecans did work in corve labor to build Mexico City's cathedral during the colonial period,6 but Tepoztcatl's role with rhe cathedral's bell is also potent symbolically because the bell was the principal marker o time in the period, and, ultimately, o the dominion o the Spanish faith. Finally, the story makes Tepoztcatl a staunch ally o rhe church (Tepoztcatl as rhe first convert, Tepoztcatl as ido basher, Tepoztcatl as son o the Virgin o the Nativity), thereby representing Tepoztln as a voluntary subordinare to the colonial regime, despite the fact that die village was burned no the ground by Corts during his campaign against the Aztecs in 1521 because its lord would not become his ally.7 In sum, the legend o Tepoztcatl is a story about Tepoztln's terms o submission. These terms, which are performed yearly on the day o the Virgin o the Nativity, include, first, public acknowledgment o hierarchical encompassment o the village by a larger political society centered in Mexico City and identified with the church; second, a recognition o what Tepoztln has brought to the center; third, an emphasis en voluntary subordination to and adoption o this order; fourth, a proud affirmation o the continuity o local tradition, a continuity that is enunciated in the very act o recalling Tepoztcatl as man-god, as ally o the wind god, as lord o the mountain and guardian o the village. The story o El Tepoztcatl thereby reflects, to a significant degree, the prolonged vitality o a colonial discourse o hierarchy and marginality. It would be mistaken, however, to imagine that this colonial discourse o encompassment is the only way in which center-periphery relations have been constructed by Tepoztecan ideologues. In fact, there are several center-periphery discourses operating simultaneously, and their signs and artifacts are constantly manipulated in local jockeying for status, wealth, and power. By way o illustration, 1 shall consider one example o a more modero formulation of Tepoztln's peripheral status, beginning with a story written by Joaqun Callo titled "The Intruder." `The Intruder" is an allegory. A group o blond foreigners whose characteristics make them a composite o communist spies, evangelista, and anthropologists has come to Mexico with the mission o "study[ing] the
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Upon receiving rhe news o what rhe curiosity o the keepers o the treasure had brought them to, Tcpoztcad said- "The doves that flew out o rhe village were fortune, but thcy new went tu enrlch other towns, and our
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customs, the psychology ot che people ol che vdlages. their ways o lile, their thought their degree of c olture and. above all, their religiosity They believed that it was c.uier <o e nrvince simple and poor villagers and to attract them to their own pOint ol t iew" Che leader o the group (who has been nanted Ivani goes to Ccpoztln He asks v illagers all sorts of questions that are intended t o Libvert the dominan[ order by iinplying that Tepoztecans are being exploitcd be caplralists, by government, and by priests-

again in thc carly days of Tepoztecan tourism, beginning in che 1940s, when prominent artists and intellectuals settled in Tepoztln and found in che place a kind of prototype ol the true Mexico More recently, in the 1960s, local movements against hippies" deployed a similar discourse o mustie purity and tradltionali sm a purity that has also been mobilized at times against Protestan[ missionizing, in discourse highlighting che value o lile in Tepoztln as against che migratory experience in the United States and in che 1990s, for niustering local and external allies in massive mobilizations against two modernizing projeets a suburban train that was ro link Mexico City with Tepoztln and a development project that was to build a golf course and an urhan development on communal lands. This most recent social movement has been of such proportions that it led, among other many things, to che overthrow o the municipal council and to the promotion o a "popular council" in in; stead. The ceremony in which the new council was sworn in makes powerftil usage o the ideological mechanisms discussed here:
Before a crowd o three thousand in a popular assembly [asamblea popular], Lzaro Rodrguez Castaeda took office today as che first mayor o che "free, constitutional and popular municipio o Tepoztln" In a symbolic act, che Lord o che Wind, El Tepoztcatl, gave Rodrguez the red o rulership [bastn de mando] as Che new tlatoani of the community - The new popular municipal presiden[, who shall load Tepoztlds destiny, swore that en no account shall he allow che Club de Golf El Tepozteco to be built, nor shall che municipio become "che parrimony o any oligarchy"1

After his inicial inquines. v,.n loes to ( ucrnavaca ro cable a message thar reads Trentendous soeces It is case to attract these sandal-wearers (huaranbudosJ: rhev can'[ rcad They only cat tortillas, beans, and their explosive mole." Nonetheless, this impression of Tepoztecan ignorance and pliability proves deceitful, because, with their kindness, the purity o their faith, the beauty o their ways, and, predictably, their women, the Tepoztecos succeed in converting [van to their persuasion:
He became convinced rhat people are happier in liberty, in peace and tranquillity. He found that although [he, is poverty [in Tepoztln], conditions are not wretched and that people's convictions are worth more, much more, than promises o equaliny rhat are ncver kept because those that manage the party rule the lives and goods of others.

Ivan takes a job in a nearby hacienda and courts Catalina, "a pretty dark girl with large eyes," but he is mmdered by the men from his parta. This story is not especially popular or well known in Tepoztln, but it
rehearses a number of themes that are popular among romantic enthusiasts o the place, who stress both che ignorante and humility o the people and their greater purity and simplicity. The story also usefully summarizes a discourse that has been deployed by Tepoztecans themselves in their political dealings with outsiders, a srrategy that involves mimicry o the idealized "Indian' o Mexican narionalist discourse. One early instance o this mimctic srrategy occurred in 1864 when "Tepoztecan Indians' went ro pledge allegiance to Maximilian o Hapsburg and simultaneously petitioned hico to solve a land dispute with neighboring haciendas. These "Tepoztecan Indians' were led by members o che local elite .9 The portrayal o Tepoztln as "Indian" is central in the cultural construction o a class o notables during che porfiriaato, whose members fled to Mexico City during the revolution and tounded a Tepoztecan colony that was active in Tepoztecan politics and cultural affairs during the 1920s and 1930s, reviving local indigenismo An idealized Indianness was deployed
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Although "the intruder" o Joaqun Gallo's story is ambiguously portrayed as communist agent, U.S. evangelist, and foreign anthropologist/ psychologist, and the story is true to some o che political usage to which the discourse o Tepoztecan "simplicity" has been put, one must add key agencies o the Mexican government itself as critica targets o this discourse o cultural purity. This distinctly modero peripheralizing discourse involves the double move o portraying ordinary Tepoztecans as Indians and as true representatives o the nacional ("popular") soul, thereby legitimating polirical mobilizations that can serve to negotiate che terms o the Iaw and o state policy. The discourse is also for aspiring politicians, insofar as it does not deny che ignorante o the villager, and thereby provides political leaders with acople room for negotiation or manipulation. It is an ideology that can be deployed both to defend the village against actions o an "external agent" and to cal] for progress.

In short, Tepoztln's position asan agricultural periphery, as a source o

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migran[ workers for the United States , Mexico City, and Cuernavaca, as a poor municipio within the state system, and as tourist site-is recognized culturally in complex discourses o marginaliry . Nevertheless , it would be mistaken to take this as justification for labeling Tepoztln simply as "a periphery," a simplification that obscures more than it reveals. Instead, the complexity of even rhe two peripheralizing discourses that we examined thus far signals that Tepoztln has occupied severa ) peripheral situations, often simultaneously , corresponding to varying ways o organizing economic and political space As a result, one symptom o economic marginaliry-for instante , peasant production - can serve to claim centrality in political discourse in rhe shape o "Indianness ." In the sections that follow, 1 shall review rhe relarionship between center -periphery ideologies and the dynamics o distinction in Tepoztln.

Cadena." Although the interpretation o this document is demanding, a few interesting elements emerge with clarity. First, "Tepoztln' was, at that time, the name o a jurisdiction roughly equivalent to todays municipio o Tepoztln, but perhaps not the name o a nucleated village." The jurisdiction was made up of fine calpulli. In other words, Tepoztecans of this period did not yet cal) their primary neighborhood units barrios (a term that is in use in the 1580 "Relacin de Tepoztln"), but still used the Nahuatl term that designated a social organizational unit that was conceived as a patrilineage with an attached territory. O [hese nine calpulli, Ateneo was that o the local tlatoani, and thus rhe highest-ranking calpulli. By the time o the 1540 census, a number o Tepoztecans had already been baptized, presumably by the Dominican Fray Domingo de la Asuncin, who allegedly baptized El Tepoztcatl o the story narrated earlier, and who brought down and shattered rhe main ido) dedicated tu the tutelary god

Indio, de razn, and notable m rhe Organization of Llrban Space

One key element o Spanish colonialism was the equation o urbanity with civilization. The extreme opposire o rhe urbane and civilized person was, o course, rhe uncivilizable barbarian who, following Aristotle, was thought o as a "natural clave," that is, as a creature entirely devoid o reason whose bes[ hopo was to be ruled by a rational person and harnessed to civil society (see Pagden 1982). The barbaran was an entirely physical begng, o brutish force, ruled by his own emotions-a wild man alone in nature. Between rhe wild man and the cultivated aristocrat there were, of course, gradations of civility and coarseness. A logical corollary o( Chis view was that signs of urbanity became a factor in local and regional politics of distinction. the construction o churches, o squares, and o public offices are an example, but there are others, including the official status awarded to a town (be it ciudad, villa, or pueblo, cabecera or sujeto, etc.), the proximity of hotises to the central square and church, the durability o materials with which houses were built, the layout o streets, rhe layout o a graveyard, and, not least, the general bearing o rhe inhabitants.

Ome Tochtli, building a provisional church at rhe foot o the steps leading to Ome Tochtli's hilltop temple.'

The census shows, too, that rhe households o nobles included mayeque serfs or slaves, and that not all o rhe local population were ethnic Tlahuica Nahuas (Carrasco 1964, 1976). Thus, chis first census suggests a class structure in which the principal divisions were those between the nobility, macehuales (conimoners), and mayeque serfs or slaves. The village was further divided finto Christianized and pagan people, a social fact that was marked in the villagers' names, which appear as either Christian or indigenous in rhe census. Around 1550, rhe Dominicans began construction o a convent and church with a spacious open-air chape!- Although we know little regarding the specific location o each of the vine calpulli prior to [his time, it is clear that these units begin to be identified as barrios around this time, keeping both the name of the calpulli and adopting a patron saint. The noble calpulli o Atento thus became Santo Domingo Ateneo, taking rhe name o the mendicant order that dominated the village unti! the parish was secularized in the mid-eighteenth century)4 Three other calpulli became the barrios o San Miguel, La Santsima Trinidad (calpulli Tlalnepantla), and Santa Cruz (calpulli Teycapa). The other five calpulli became the outlying hamlets o Santa Catalina, Santa Mara, Santo Domingo, San Juanico, and San Andrs. Thus, four calpulli were aggregated into the nucleated Villa de Tepoztln as barrios, while rhe other five became sujetos o that villa. The difference between the villa and its sujetos was subsequently marked in terms o urbanity. the villa (which 1 shall henceforth cal "Tepoztln") had
Center, Peripbery, and Connections

In Tepoztln [hese elements and others have been deployed in varying ways and for diverse purposes and, athough we do not yet have continuous evidente for rhe history of diese uses, there is sufficient documentation to sketch a general outline o rhe role of urbanity (and thus "centrality") in local politics of distinction. The hrst major colonial census o Tepoztln was carried out around 1540 and has been translated from Nahuatl into Spanish by Ismael Daz
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the ntain church and monastees It sc as alst^ rhe seat ot rhe government of tic repb6cu1 estahlsil cd according tu tic New 1 aws o1 1542. The idcntity ot Santo Ih nningn as a bario rd nobles may slowly Nave icen tlndcrmined bcginning ss ith tic csils- Spanish prohihition against Indian nobles kceping claves. ( )n tic saholc dre internal structure o the barrios tended toward structural equival ent e, cach barrio be ing 1nhabited by a series of noble prindpr,ic, ano ala. risudi s ommoners while the wholejurisdietion seas under tic political dntninion ol une or two majar noble lamilics that took up Spanish la.t Che most lamous and eontinuously impon taus ot riese lamilics sr as tic Rojas tamily, whose members held thc principal political offices wrth great frequency from che seventeenth to the nventieth ce n tu tics." Thus, centrality and marginality werc slowly redefined during the sixteenth century A city center, with rhe church, a square, and government buildings was establ ished, and rhe most worthy subjects lived clase to it. On the other hand, hierarchy hetwecn barrios tended to dissolve and was substituted by a relationship ot structural equality and competition between them. This relationship ol competition is expressed in each barrios efforts tu build its own chape]. Thus, centrality was indexed by urbanity, and cultural distinction was arranged in some consonance with this idiom of centrality. Correspondingly, Tepoztecan elites (including a few Spaniards) tended to occupy the village center They also were bilingual Spanish and Nahuatl speakers, dressed in the Spanish mode, rode horses, and so en, thereby occupying a nodal position in a political organizarion of space that had Spanish towns as coros and odian jurisdictions as peripheries. Moreover, although for severa] centones the outlying sujetos o rhe jurisdiction o Tepoztln were in positions almost entirely analogous to those o the villa's own barrios, Chis began to change slowly, as some inhabirants of the central barrios o Tepoztln hecame Hispanicizcd and identified more closely with Tepoztln's urban institutions The whole process can be imagined as a shiit froni an initial hierarchical relationship between calpulli, to a tendency for structural equivalente between barrios (and hierarchy between rhe villa's Hispanicized center and rhe barrios), to a tendency lor some inhabirants o barrios around the center o Tepoztln to see themsclvcs as more urbano and less "Indian" than inhabitants from outlying barrios and hamlcts This third phase gained momenwm alter 1ndependence, wirh die introduction o an ideal o democratic politics.
r. P.iipi., 174 a-i Cono eclions

Tino Local Strategies for Reworkinq "centrality

Center-periphery dialectiics in Tepoztln have usually peen experienced as a set o local disti nctions, and not as a mere replica of a system o distinction that has its center in Cuernavaca or Mexico City. One o Robert Redfield's firmest convictions when he observed Tepoztln in 1926 was that Chis was a "folk society, that is, a place that was lis own cultural center, where information and cultural artifacts from outside the village were reprocessed and assimilated in a highly discriminating way. Although Oscar Lewis was more concerned with rhe impact of national conditions and events en local society than was Redfield, he did not question the fact that these conditions were reworked locally.1fi Both authors perceived that rhe connections between rhe interests o regionally dominant classes and local dynamics o distinction were actively mediated by Tepoztecans. In this respect, rhe indiscriminate application o rhe term subaltern for local Tepoztecans and for Tepoztecan culture would present some difficulties, because Tepoztecans have often combined wage labor with more independent forms of work, such as subsistente farming, artesanal production, and petty commerce. They have therefore preserved political and cultural spaces that have been limited-but not necessarily occupied-by regionally dominant classes.

Correspondingly, rhe constructs o centrality that we have reviewed were contested since their inception in rhe early colonial period and well into rhe second half o rhe twentieth century, when the very definition o centrality began to shift significantly. In this section, 1 wish briefly to identify two local strategies for manipulating centrality. The first is a form o asserting a disjunction between political centrality and social - moral centrality; rhe second is a way o appropriating the center for discretionary local usage . 1 review riese two forms here in order to demonstrate that ideological mechanisms o contention and appropriation are well established. In later sections , 1 will review the transformation of center-periphery dialectics in modero Tepoztecan history.
The first strategy is to reject professional politics and political discourse entirely.17 By relying on traditional ideas about the nature o sickness and health, about rhe necessary complementarity within the peasant family and rhe central importante o reciprocity for social and cultural reproduction, this strategy convincingly casts peasant agriculture as an inherently "clear" activity and politics as a necessarily "dirty" one. Peasant production is "clean" because its goal is to fulfill an entire cycle o production and consumption within the household, exploiting no one, and relying
Peripbery , and Connecllons = 175 =

Center,

instead un a "natural" complementarity hetween the sexes, between young and old within the household, and on reciprocity between households.'" These relations o complementarity and eyuality resonate in a powerful way with local ideas concerning health, nutrition, and the body.19 Politics, on the other hand, is inherently "dirty" because the politician's livelihood is based on producing and mcdiating confiict. As a result, political speech is to be systematically distrusted because it is always masking the politiciads interest. The popular apliorism "A ro revuelto, ganancia de pescadores" (roughly, Muddied waters benefit the fisherman) is used to describe the politician: his job is to generare confusion and then exploit societal conflict for his own benefit. On the whole, these ideas reinforce a habitus that has local society as Its center, insofar as they orient peoples actions toward strengthening relarions o complementarity and reciprocity within and hetween households and provide, in the process, a view oi the meaning and goals o h fe that is not brokered or mediated either by the city or by the state. Moreover, the state, its representatives, and its activity ("politicians" and "politics") and capitalist merchants and produccrs are seen as living off o the contradictions o clean people, contradiciions that are tire unlucky result either o necessity (as when an individual is landless) or o foolish disregard for the precepts o local wisdom_ This ideology does not deny the power o the state and (he market, but ratlier sees its power as an evil that must perhaps he endured, sometimes resisted, but never emulated. The relation o local society to state agents is casi not as a relation o complementarity, but rather as a relation of exploitation. As a result, regional loci o power are not seen as the center of local society, but ratheras externa) to t. The second strategy for reworking the ndationship between Tepoztln and the centers of power that encompass it 1 cal the "artificial flowers strategy," in honor o an episode in the local school during the 1860s, when a community member was dispatched on the long walk to Mexico City to purchase artificial flowers that woud serve as (loor prizes for student conrestants The strategy consists of enshrining urbanized or industrialized objects that represent tems that are tound profusely in a natural state in the local environment (such as Howers)_ This is tren used to link local society ro the national community or to elite culturc in a highly discretionary rashion, both to malee claims on powerful individuals or state agencies and ro hector the local population toward more involvement in state instituGons or in idioms o distinction that come from dominant centers.

gory (''Indian") that refashioned elements o the local life-world. In identifying with the romanticized Indian o national mythology, Tepoztecans could stake a claim for special treatment within the national state. At the same time, however, utilizing this strategy also meant learning nationalist discourse and exhibiting this learning in public. It is not coincidental, then, that Tepoztecans who used this strategy since the 1 860s promoted schooling actively, while insisting simultaneously on activities such as learning the Mexican national anthem in Nahuatl, or performing local folklore in schools or political rallies. This strategy has also been used to market local products for outsiders and to protect selected resources from unleashed market forces. The adoption o urban discourses regarding the value o pure air, o the picturesque beauties o the village, or even o the "vibrations" o the mountains and the pyramid have served simultaneously to defend local resources against the intrusion o unwanted corporate investors and to commodify local resources.
The very same discourse that is used to sell an agriculturally worthless piece o land with a good view at an exorbitant price is used to bar the construction o a building that will block that view. The same discourse that is used to convince fellow villagers to "work for progress" is used to bar unwanted forms o investment or state intervention from the village. Thus, although a center-periphery dialectic has been at the core o local cultural history since the early colonial period, and although Tepoztln as a whole can plausibly be described as "a periphery" because its centers are outposts o more significant centers, and because local conditions o production have been dictated by dominant groups who have privileged other spaces, we must also recognize che existente of local ideologies and practices that rework dominant center-periphery ideas in significant ways, ranging froni a rejection of centers o power as legitimate centers o value, to a discretionary refashioning o center-periphery relationships that serves to transform and to reposition local society vis--vis the state and the market

Class Strife and Redefinitions of Centrality 1 have argued that, although it is legitimate to classify Tepoztln asan economic and political periphery , power centers have always been present there both indirectly ( shaping the contours o Tepoztln as a productive space ) and directly ( in the form o agents and agencies and in local ideology and cultural production )_ 1 have also singled out two alternative strategies
Center , Perip bery , and Connecl,ons

Por instante, the self-identification of Tepoztecans as "Indians" before emperor Maximilian of Hapsburg was a form of enshrining an urban cateCenier, Peri,ohrry, 16 and Con,, eci,ons

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rhat are deploved ro reforme ni manipulatc center-periphery relationships local ly In this section. 1 wish to danta the social impon of these straregies hy inspecting the svay in which ccntia]ity ,vas contestad in a ti especial y conllicted moment [Ti the altermath al the Vlexican RevolutionClass contct n otten a latero thanc in iepoziecan political history - It has usually bcen subsumed nio pe,litical baulcs that cut across classes, making che language ol class sirife roto the son ol discourse that James Scott has callad a hidden tianscript re lerriiig to the faet shas most forms nl class struggle involving peasaot are nos articulated openly or explieitly, lavoring instead more oblique torno ol enunaation through resistanee_ One significant historical exception to this role did occur, however, in the years immediately following the Zapatista revolt of 1910-19.

However, the military defcat of Zapatismo did nos lead to the reconstruction o the Porfiriao settem_ The seizure of the nauonal presideney by general Alvaro Obregn in 1920 i nstared the remaining ZapaUStas Ti the Morelos siare governmcnt. Zapatista general Genovevo de la O became military commander ot die region, all o which allowed Tepoztecan Zapatistas lo express their convictions and hopes for land reform and poHtical change openly. The village's notable families had emigrated to Mexico City at the stars of rhe revolution and lived in the neighborhood of Tacuhaya, where a Tepoztecan colony o exiles was established- These exiles, including not only the town's main caciques, bus also tes principal intellectuals and many people o more humble origin, formed an association, the "Colonia Tepozteca," which was simultaneously a historical society, a philanthropic society, and a political group. The Colonia took an active role in reactivating local education, and it published a newspaper on Tepoztln using rhetorical formulas that were reminiscent o the prerevolutionary intelligentsia's indfgenismo.

Tepoztecans suffered rerribly during the Mexican Revolution. The village was burned down on severa] occasions, many were abducted by the federal army, others fought alongside Zapata- Peaceful villagers were forced lo ]ive in the mountains for months al a time, where they suffered famine and plagues , while others fled to Mexico City, Cuernavaca, and Yautepec.20
In many ways, the revolutionary process destroyed the central institutions o the porfiriato. In 1911. local Zapatista commanders burned the municipal archives, where land records were kept. The houses o local caciques and o the church fathers, even the church building itself, were periodically turned roto barracks, and the region' s main haciendas went up in smoke. Nevertheless, the destruction o the region did not lead to a simple collective takeover. Instead, Zapatistas were divided among themselves and much o Tepoztln's local leadership was killed in interna] frays. Moreover, the unpredictabiliry of the outcome o the war between Zapatistas and Federales was such that villagers had to learn to live with both factions. Although most of the town's pacificas sympathized with Zapata, they usually portrayed hoth Federales and Zapatistas as a menace. By the time the pacification of the village came in 1918, local Zapatistas did not contest the command of a relatively benign federal army officer. Instead, his main opposition carne from elites who wanted to regain control o local government. Thcy expected to be reinstated now that Che defeat o Zapata was certain. Moreover, most Tepoztecans who fought with Zapata lefr the village to do so, and ofren came back lo Tepoztln almost as srrangers , hnding that many of their possessions had been taken by those who had stayed, and fearing overt poltica identification as rebels both because o the military defear of their movement and because most local Zapatistas had dispersed in various armed hands and did not return to the village as organized units."
Per ipbrry ar,d C. or n r c tions

However, nos even the intellectuals and politically active individuals o the Colonia Tepozteca were united under the banner o an old-style cacicazgo. On the contrary, at least two prominent ones were affiliated with the socialist and Obregonista labor confederacy that dominated Mexico City politics in the early 1920s, the Confederacin Regional de Obreros Mexicanos (CROM). This combination o factors allowed for the conformation o a sort o local Zapatista politics that had never emerged in a coherent fashion during the highly uncertain years o armed insurrection.
Local Zapatistas allied themselves lo the Mexico City CROM leadership, raised the red-and-hlack banner o Mexican anarcho -syndicalism, and created a CROM-affiliated' Unin de Campesinos Tepoztecos" (UCT) that gained the support o the Zapatista state governor and o President Obregn himself. Moreover, there was a family o Tepoztecan peasants, the Hernndez brothers, who had been officers in Genovevo de la O's army and who quickly became the armed branch o this movement. 1 do not have space to detail the ways in which these political relationships unfolded in the highly turbulent 1 920s, and shall turn instead ro the ways in which social space and centraGty were reconfigured during Chis decade.22

We have sean that representations o civilization relied on symbols o urbanity, symbols rhat were concentrated in the center o the town, which is where state, church, and niarket had their seat and where the most substancial citizens resided. This view o civilization had the potential o expanding outward from that center, a tendency that was manifested in the
Center. Perip hery, and Connecii"ns

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urban iza tion o barrios, che improve ni erito barrio chapels , che expansion o education , and che adoption of urban ways , including shoes and dress, and tire adoption o certain pieces of furnicure ( mainly beds , in che early twentieth century , hin also solas , cables , and later radios , television, etc-). "Che adoption of modero status symbols occurred principally at the individual leve) , through education language practicas , and forms o conP agai tsc proper folk ," " sandal-wearers" sumpcron mainst da Ind ans i -s1, and users of rhe fork , ( ) a tht pitt che bed, and che table against users o tortillas as eacing implements , mats (petates) for sleeping , and scools around che hearth for eacing . However, che movement o "progress " was also visualized in aggregate form, making some places more civilized and modero than others , according to whether they had roaos , houses built with solid macerials and so on In che Tepozdn o the porfi riato and of che 1920s and 1930s, progress was correspondingly expressed in barrio competition . The fact that local elites lived in the three " lower barrios " that are adjacent to the plaza allowed those barrios to be identified as scronger , wealthier, and more civilized, despite che fact-demonstrated by Lewis-that there were numerous poor residing in chem 21 It is not surprisi ng , chen , that postrevolutionary conflicts oven che definicion o centers and of their place in local society were manifested in che very conception of local urban space. The political situation o che 1920s produced intense conflict between che old Porfirian elite and che members of che new Unin de Campesinos Tepoztecos , a conflict that revolved around control over che municipal presidency, over che local milicia, and oven che exploitation o the communal forests. Members of che Unin de Campesinos Tepoztecos felt that local peasant demands could articulare wich a nacional and regional movement, represented by che CROM and Zapacismo ( respeccively ). Radicalized Tepoztecan peasants imagined a comcnunity without a local landholding elite but ehat could still be par of national politics. As a result, they tried to marginalize tire old class of caciques that had traditionally represented che national center in che village . Acnvists called for che death or expulsien o local caciques as they rallied under che red-and - black banner. Significantly, these caciques were also referred to in Chis period as "los centrales," that is, as che people froni tire towns center.

nival celebrations. In doing so, che centrales sought to maintain the older core-periphery ideology that saw "che party o progress" as a movement that expanded from che center outwards and successfully encompassed a portion of che local poor, at che very least those who inhabited che lame barrios as che rich.

In other words, che centrales strongly resisted being identified either as rich or as che old caciques. Instead, they wished to be seen as progressives who were interested only in improving local conditions. They tried very hard not to appear hostile to che local poor. In a characteristic example o what 1 earlier called che "artificial flowers strategy," for instante, a writer who used the pseudonym o El Tepoztcatl, and who routinely addressed Tepoztecans from the pages of El Tepozteco-a paper put out by che cacique-dominated Colonia Tepozteca-wrote: "Even out most humble neighbors-once they have been invested with the representation o public functions-are owed unconditional obediente, not only because o che representation of authority that they wield, but because chey wield Chis authority because of che morality o their public actions and because o their good personal habits" (El Tepozteco, December 1, 1921).
Taking on che voice o El Tepoztcatl to address his compatriota, Chis political writer apparently favors peasant political power, but is in fact subtly stressing the critica) importante of "progressive" behavior in political posts:
What can be expected of a town that is mled by authorities plagued with vice that, forgetting che investiture o which they are unworthy, and having lost all dignity ... instead of making public show of their morality and good conduct creare public scandals in such a drunken state that, because of their indecent accs, they deserve not only immediate demotion but also exemplary punishment?

This apparently neutral cal) for civilized behavior subtly reasserted a prerevolutionary politics o distinction, by calling for reinstating religion'24 public morality, the significante of education and o literacy.25

In their turn , che centrales defined supporters of che UCT as " Bolsheviks" and, in a stunning strategic move as `los de ancha," that is , as inhabitants of che tour upper barrios that were removed from che plaza and could not compete successfully in expressions o urbanity such as the expensive car11, .,".i
111 n,r bono

The care with which che old elite dealt with this issue, never discounting local leadership out o hand because o their class origins, but judging them instead en their distinction, reflecta che power o the movement pitted against them. ft is not coincidental that almost all political articles in El Tepozteco are signed with pseudonyms (mainly "El Tepoztcatl" and "Alexis'che Aztec and the Hellenic) and that they take en an impersonal and allegedly impartial voice. By presenting their faction as che party of education, the centrales mapped che factionalism o the period onto a distinction
Center. Peripbery, and Conneclians

81 =

between Che backward' upper bar nos and Che progressivc lower ones, and rejccted thc map thot pttted pca,ant' ron, all barrio, against inhabi tants o l the ccntee This illustrate, Che vulnciahil,ts ol ni,[,n ihe periphery, as well as Che czistencc ol altcrnatisc e Hiena lor inarp inahzati on and inelusion in a system ol distinction lor ssheruas sr ntpathizers of the Unin de Campesinos lepozte,os streesed ns therr criterion ol inclusion or exclusion 'Che acople versus thc cacique,' 'the acople versus os cenaks, therr oppone-nt, invokcci o dl.tinc[ion based on urbanity that was then mapped onto thc lower versus Che upper barrios inhabitants of upper barrios were portrayed as ignorant, poor Indians"'0 In Chis way, an apparently innocuous cal[ fui progress in lact vas used to reconfigure urban space against the peasant coro-periphery model that was based en class. A significan[ innovation of 1920s politics is that there was a concerted attempt by soma poor villagers ti, control ocal government, and thereby to disentangle the connections between the power o the state and the power of money Redfield unwittingly rctlecred Chis novelty when he ingenuously classihed politics as a imito occupation (that is, as uncouth or Indian).27 Although Chis may nave beca truc in 1926, it was entirely false in the prerevolutionary era. In fact, the idea o making the village as a whole roto a peasant outpost within a broadly based workers' union whose main source of governmental support was in the national presidency was a deep change from the prerevolutionary spatial model, when the Morelos state governor, who carne from Che region's hacienda-owning elite, named Che subregional jefes polticos and dominated Che municipal presidency in an alliance with local economic elites. Thus, Clac terms and Che very nature o che presente o state and market poseer were the object o a local politics that was manifested in a struggle over local categories of centrality and ntarginality

[ion o production in sugar haciendas to incrcased pressure on land resulting from population growth and Clac rise of a small-town agrarian bourgeoisiesteadily increased tensions between villages and haciendas. It was at Chis junction that Che revolution broke out, destroying Che regioris haciendas and initiating a new stage in the organization of economic space.

Although some aspects ol Che old economic system were revitalized alter Che revolution (see Warman 1976), Che economic organization of Morelos never regained thc clear-cut features o carlier periods. Industrialization o selected arcas began in Clac 1950s. Tourism, construction, and real estate have picked up steadily, crops have shifted, seasonal migration to the United States has ebbed and flowed These and other factors have contributed to a much more diversified set o economic relations, which in turn translate into a multiplication o economic "centers." On Che whole, these twentieth-century transformations have altered Che hierarchical order that once existed between localities, moving progressively away from a system that was characterized by a neat overlap between economic and political space to a system with important disjunctures between various economic interests and che hierarchy o political administration. In some cases, these changes in Che spatial organization o economic production have been overlaid on Che old agrarian core-periphery organization o the region. Such was the case, for instante, o industrialization, which proceeded in such a way as to Cake advantage both o the preexisting infrastructure o Che region's main towns and o the cheap labor that could be gotten from peasant peripheries. Other activities, such as tourism and construction o weekend hemos for people from Mexico City, operate according to a logic that is largely independent o Che principies used to organize space in Che agrarian era. In this section, 1 shall review aspects of the reconfiguration o centerperiphery dialectics in Tepoztln since the 1950s. 1 shall argue that although Che old dialectics o distinction successfully spread the ideals o progress throughout the village, transcending the oid divisions between

RecentReconfi'guratovis of Centmlity avd Maejnolty

In an carlier work, 1 suggested that Che analysis o regional culture can proceed by looking at Che ways in which residual, dominant, and emergent forms o organizing economic and administraiive space are interwoven in a specific place 28 In Che case o Morelos, [lacre clearly was a long-lasting economic organization o regional space hased on interdependencies between lowland segar and rice plantations and poorly irrigated highland villages. This organization entered a critical state during Che final decades o the nineteenrh century when a series of tactors-ranging from Che intensificaPer

Che center and Che barrios and even between los de arriba and los de abajo, the result has not been a simple incorporation o Tepoztln and o Tepoztecans roto a standardized idiom o distinction (if, indeed, such a standardized form can be raid to exist). Instead, Che space that was historically shaped in the struggle over local power and distinction has left room for forms o subjectivity that are not shaped in a simple fashion by state discourses and institutions.

1 have argued that since independence there has been a progressive civilizational movement in Tepoztln This movement was spurred through
C e n t e r , P e r i p b e r y, 183 and C o n n e c t i o n s

competition between individuals and by comperition between villages and barrios. "Progress" also involved attaching local culture and history to national mythology, a move that served multiple, and not always commensurable, purposes, including enhancing tire position o the local intelligentsia and political elite, marketing local resources for outsiders, and defending Tepoztln against specitically targeted state and prvate development projects. I have also noted the existence o an antipolitical, and to some extent "antiprogressive," discourse that upholds the autarkic community composed o independent households as its ideal. This discourse can be allied to that o the progressive nationalist's, since the very existence o a traditional culture is a significant instrument for claiming positions vis-vis the state, but it can and has also stood against "progress," opposing nomerous state and prvate schernes leading up to rhe massive protests against a golf course. When rumors first circulated regarding plans to build a road linking Tepoztln Lo Cuernavaca, they were received with much enthusiasm: "If this [project] comes to fruition, it will be of great importance, because Tepoztln will be visited by foreign and domestic excursionistas."29 The image that Tepoztecans had then was oi tourists who would come te spend the day (excursionistas), visit the pyramid, and cave a few pesos behind in local food stalls or perhaps in an inn. Matters developed quite differently, however. The road connecting Tepoztln and Cuernavaca was finished in 1936, and Tepoztln did receive some excursionistas in the 1940s and 1950s, as well as a small mimber o promincnt artists and intellectuals, some o whom helped bring state resources Lo ti e village.30 Beginning in the 1960s, however, the nature and scale of tourism and colonization changed dramatically. In 1965, a direct freeway to Mcxico City was built, leaving Tepoztln less than an hour away from the ciry. As a result, weekend homes proliferated, and the price of land began tu rise- L.arge portions o the Valley o Atongo, just east o the village, had been bought up by three investors in the 1940s and they resold plors slowly, favoring settlement by families who maintain a relatively rustic look hut who are wealthy by village standards. Beginning in the 1980s, and especially aker the devastating 1985 earthquake in Mexico Ciry, a number of middle- Lo upper-class people moved permanently to Tepoztln, forming schools for their children and engaging in varying degrees with local Tcpoztecan society. By the early 1990s, )and prices in Tepoztln were among the highest in the country, and the village had a number o famous homeowners in its midst, including intelCen trr, Ver,pe,v 184

lectuals, artists, financiers, and politicians. At the same time, the large number o daily visitors that come to the pyramid and the market have been a boon for local commerce, especially in the market and around the plaza, and for several hotels, restaurants, discos, and video stores. Tourism and colonization produced changes in the center-periphery dialectic.
First, the colonists and homeowners have acquired a collective identity that is separate from the village. Although a number o these individuals have good tres in the village, when tensions arise, people in the valley are spoken of as "foreigners" or as "Tepoztizos" (false Tepoztecos). At the same time, social and cultural differentiation by the traditional eight barrios has been erased thanks to this same process, because barrios are all roughly equally urbanized and land value is roughly equal throughout. The premium placed on scenic beauty no longer makes living close to the plaza particularly desirable, and the wealth o the local elite is overshadowed by that o the new inhabitants. As a result, the last severa decades have brought the traditional divide between the city center and the barrios to a close. In its stead there are now divisions between the village and the valley, as well as between the traditional old barrios and some o the new settlements on the margins o the village, which are poorer, have fewer urban services, and include significant numbers o migrants from outside the village. Second, the growth o the real-estate market has made agricultura value a secondary consideration in the organization o space. This has combined with long-term shifts in family economies to almost completely sever Tepoztln's identity as a periphery o a lowland agricultural core. Growth in the local construction industry, in petty commerce for tourists, and in services for weekend homes began making Tepoztln into a receptor o migrant workers, and wage labor in lowland agriculture has all but disappeared. This process did not occur without conflict or resentmentsfor instance, in connection to water usage by weekenders for lawns and pools while local agriculture lacked irrigation-but it has continued inexorably, making agriculture finto a complementary economic activity.

Third, tourism and colonization also involve the adoption o a series o values that come along with commodificatiom the construction o Tepoztln as a "natural," "traditional," and "picturesque" place has had its truth-value confirmed in the market. So has the idea o the place as a cite for an alternative lifestyle te) that o the modern ciry, a process that opened a market for earrings, incense, crystals, tarot reading, and tai chi lessons, as well as for crafts that are made elsewhere but sold to tourists locally.
From the perspective o center-periphery relations, this process gave a

an,l Counectio ns

Centre,

P pi,ery , 185

und Con nec to ns

new twist tu lile earlicr nativism, whiclt liad inainly scrved to tic the village lo a national mythology and wa, used in appeals te) the state The cCmmodificatian ol lepoztl,in a, a ,c Mn,' ul scenic bcauty and o an al terna ti ve cultural traditiion operas the place up to a kind of multicultura] ism whose paraphernalia ,ncludes (,uatem,lan k, t,, incense, masks from Guerrero, herbal medicine, Kun;; Fu (,aen Mai, and su ora. The construetion ot place nos, combine' rhe nativist idcntilication of Tepoztln as a center o Mexicanness seith constructs emerging ruin the hippie movement, and espeaally that mixture of ,piritual rraditions known as New Age "

cual and wood from the comnrunal forests but, beginning in the 1950s, it received support from income coming from local construction and from work in tbe burgeoning new industries around CuernavacaThis process did nor however lead lo lile full assimilation o Tepozrecans finto formal-sector svhite- and blue -callarjobs because the biggest growth in high school and college graduates-heginning in the late 1970scoincided with thc siome in employment frrr these sectors. As a result, reliance on self-employment and/or on trying tu control local sources of employment has grown, making these educated sectors highly oriented lo communiry lile and te) Tepoztln as a place that can provide a crucial space for reproduction This is reflected in the fact that some, though by no means all, o lile leadership and militancy against projects such as the golf course and lile fast train has come from these educated Tepoztecos. This apparent paradox can be better understood if we acknowledge that professionalization and skilled industrial wage labor presentTepoztln with yet another alternative core-periphery structure, wherein the socalled formal-sectorjobs that are controlled by the state and industries are a core to an "unemployed," "underemployed," "self-employed," or "informally employed" periphery . In this context, Tepoztln is a home in the periphery that deserves to be defended against intruders who not only will change the Pace o Tepoztln, but will also not employ skilled Tepoztecos and ruin a valued community and lifestyle by Booding the town with educated and higher-income colonists who will impact further on scarce local resources, including water and land, and eventually squeeze local inhabitants out of their homes. The expansion o education in a period of economic uncertainties has strengthened many an educated Tepozteco's resolve to re-create a local tradition. The cense of a new investment in the locality has also been strengthened by migrants who spend months working in the United States and Cavada. A significant proportion of migrant dollars are invested in bettering homes, buying furniture, and in domestic infrastructure in lile village, thereby reaffirming the value o Tepoztln as locus o cultural and social reproduction, and once again casting Tepoztln as a periphery to new centers, this time in the United States and Cavada, while retaining the place's desired and cherished value as the Bite o reproduction, as the end o their investments.

In sum, tourism and colonization nave dramatically reshaped the dynamics o distinction in Tepoztln Although tourism does not employ the whole village by any means, it has aflccted land erices, patterns o urbanization, and the definition of what constitutes a local resource. From the perspective o economic cores, the town has gone from being a place where agricultura) labor was cheaply produced lo a place where city folk can find reprieve and alternatives tu their lives As such, Tepoztln has moved from being a periphery of Morelos's irrigated lowlands to being a posh periphery o Mexico Ciry; it has also gone from providing labor, grazing lands, and wood lo lowland haciendas lo providing scenic beauty, goods, and cervices for tourists and colonists. These processes have helped to expand urban services in Tepoztln at a quick rate and, as a result, economic differences hetwcen the village center and the barrios, or between upper and lower barrios, have practically disappeared. New divisions, however, have emerged between colonists o the valley, who are sometimes portrayed as "foreign," as rich, or as eccentric or sexually promiscuous, and "real' Tepoztecos These divisions between trae locals and new arrivals ar times also spill into antagonlsm against migrant workers, who come mostly from Guerrero, but can come from as far away as Oaxaca or even Guatemala. Finally, peasant agrictdture has diminished in importance (not only because o tourisin), although it does remain as a complementary activity for families. Another shift that accounts for a modihcation in local core-periphery dialectics has been the rise of wage labor and o professionalism. Beginning in the 1930s, villagers invested in the education o their young. This process, which was aided by connections with politically influential visitors, gave Tepoztln an educacional edge over tire vast majority o Morelos. In the 1970s, there was a relatively largc number of Tepoztecan schoolteachers,- today there are also many Tepoztecan professionals in a host o helds. The growth in local education was tirst bnanced by the sale o charCeurer, Pr, ery ,nA connec t,ou^ 186 =

These three elements-tourism, the rise o ara underemployed educated class, and migratory labor to the United States-have transformed the center-periphery logic in significant ways. Internally, the spatial layout o
Cera ter, Pule bery, and connectioin s

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the village is no longer part of an idiom of centrality, except in the distinetion between vil ley and con ter and, Da more subtle tone, between neighborhoods o poor niigrants from Guerrero and the rest o the barrios. Centrality is, however, assertcd in the wav in which Tepoztln' s status as a "pur' place gets reconstituted, and here we see a confluence between the symbols that attract tourists to Tepoztln and che ways in which professionals and migrants invesr themsclves in the place- 1 next illustrate the nacure of this confluence with changes that Nave transpired in the ways in which the local carnival is celebrated-

Carnival
In earlier sections, we saw that neighborhood and village have been social organizational units that embodicd distinctions such as those that separate Indianness from urbanity, wealth froni povcrty, and so en. These dynamics generated competition between barrios, a competition that tended to make them homologous with one another. cach barrio had (and has) its chapel with its patron saint; cach barrio was meant to have its own character, reflected in an animal nickname (specifically, toads, lizards, ants, opossums, badgers, and maguey wonns); cach barrio organized its own fiesta; and barrios organized collective work parties for various purposes. In addition to chis tendency toward homology between barrios, we noted that center-periphery dialectics were once expressed in an opposition between the lower barrios around the plaza and the poorer upper barrios. This opposition found ritual expression in carnival because the biggest expenditure for that fiesta, the fabrication of <bfrtelo, (elaborate carnival costumes) and paying for prestigious bands, was hankrolled by barrios and not by the village as a whole. Only the dirce lower barrios had sufficient resourees to organizo successful dance cornparasAnthropologist Phillip Bock did a Lvi-Straussian analysis o barrio symbolism in Tepoztln." He argued that tbe sigas o barrio identity, including animal nicknames, barrios saints' names, barrio fiestas, and carnival comparsas, were part of a "tradicional Tepoztecan cosmovision" that was alive and well when he studied it in the early 1970s. According to such a view, the distinctions between barrio animal names and the separation o the village roto an upper and a lower poition are al] par o an elaborate symbolic code that representa che organization o Tepoztln asan indigenous agrarian village. If we pay attention to the dates o the fiestas and organize barrio symbols along an axis of symmetry that corresponds with the above/helow division, chen these symbols suggest distinctions begente , 'erip ,ry. .,r.d C,,,.r, ec ttons

tween night and day, between wet and rainy seasons, between rich and poor, and between odian and mestizo- However, the symmetry that is so crucial to the kind of coherent worldviews that are posited by structural analyses such as Bock's prove to be historically precarious when we try to articulate them te the history o distinetion. Instead o trying to fiad such a transcendental symmetry, we can look to the carnival, to the barrio fiesta, and to the symbolism associated with place in Tepoztln as arenas in which the changing relations between places are manifested. In recent years, for instance, the barrio o Los Reyes changed its carnival sigo from a badger (a nocturnal animal associated with the mountains and with the dry season) te a little king (representing the Theee Magi whom the barrio is named alter). San Sebastin, who once shared the opossum with the barrio o Santa Cruz, has since changed to a scorpion, and San Jos adopted a leal instead o sharing Santo Domingos frog. Although these changes alter the apparent symmetry and neat intertextuality o the previous arrangement, they are not a reflection o the decline o carnival or o barrio fiestas- Quite che contrary, these fiestas are perhaps even better attended today than they were a couple of decades ago.
lf we inspect recent changes in the carnival carefully, we note three significant tems: flrst, carnival comparsas now incorporate all eight barrios of the village and no longer exclude the upper barrios; second, today's barrios never share their nicknames in carnival (it used to be that San Jos and Santo Domingo shared che frog, and Santa Cruz and San Sebastin shared the opossum); therd, some barrios have taken up symbols that are simply indices o the barrios name, relinquishing the obscuro symbolism o animal names: San Jos is a neighborhood that was always known as "La Hoja" (the leal), and it is no longer represented by a toad but by a leal; Los Reyes is no longer represented by a badger but by the Magi; and San Pedro abandoned its maguey worms for a representation o its chapel.

These shifts reflect several facts that relate to our discussion o centers and peripheries. Barrios are no longer an ndex o differential urbanity. There is no longer an opposition between che central and the upper barrios, a fact that is reflected not only in that comparsas now bring together upper and lower barrios, but also in the fact that barrio symbolism is used strictly as a form of individuation, and noc as a way o expressing alliances, as was the case when San Jos and Santo Domingo, two lower barrios, shared the toad, or when Santa Cruz and San Sebastin, two upper barrios, shared the opossum. Also, the new version o carnival reflects a loosening o the ties between the ritual cycle and the agricultura) cycle, a fact that is manifested in the current discomfiture in handling and understanding the
Comer, periphery, oa Connect,ons

188 -:

189 =

tradicional animal nicknames I he signilieance or even the range of associations of soma ol [hese animal, n lost un nurst local peoplc, and so they triad ro wced out dilficult or unplc.oant svmbols. such as San Pedro'' maguey wormc, that could set theii upe Ii ir ndieule. Instead ol being in the hands ot barrio cldcrs, nim 1i otnual barro, symbolism today has fallen finto the hands of schooltcac hers who ser thc carnival symbolism nor as a reflecrion of traditional prochietive teehniqucs and social organization, bur racher as par ol a timeless local tradition cdebrating the village Ti short, harrio symbolism ir. , ii nivai ntanilests sevenl of the changes we have been discussing Urbanity is no longer the principal sigo of eentrality [Ti local idioms ni distinction .Nci ther is there a clean-cut spatial division between the party of progress and the party of tradition. The enormous vitality o "tradition" masks the fact that agriculture has been steadily receding as a defining activity for Tepoztecans. The key position taken by educated Tepoztecans in reshaping barrio symbolism makes the fiesta a celebration of an idealized tradition whose links to older forms o production and social organization are increasi ngly tenuous. This picture, however, does non reflect the vitality o local sociery even as it can be gleaned from fiestas such as carnival, for alongwith the decline o the core-periphery dialectic that was hased on an agrarian political economy, we find new personal investments in the place and its significance vis--vis "the outside worid." These pulsations are obvious not only in the huge crowds o tourists and locals who are present, who are dancing, who are drinking and eatnng, but also in sope of the symbolism o the carnival itself, particularly in the cosuimes. Lavish expenditure en elaborare carnival costumes (chinelos) is a common investment among Tepoztecos who work as migrant laborers in the United States and Canada. Their savings allow them not only to improve their houses and to buy consumer products, but also to participate lavishly in Chis expensive fiesta. Many other Tepoztecans, educated and noneducated, wage earners and petty merchants, also invest in these expensive costumes. In 1993, chinela carnival costtnnes were embroidered mainly with four kinds o motifs: (1) stereotypical (calendarike) images o Aztec prinees, princesses, and pyramids that reallirm the village's lineage in the dominan[ nationalist discourse, (2) figures irom cartoons such as Donald Duck, Tweety, and so un, (3) voluptuous women either in the sexy Indian or in the Barbie-doll modos; and 14) hect caos, tequila bordes, or Coke, These images play with the diversification ot economic centers that Tepoztecans deal with, reaffirming an idcalized imago o the Indian, appropriating

ready-nade imagen from the media that circulare as widely as Tepoztecans can hope to circulare playing with consumption, and fantasizing with exotic sexual affairs All are dreams that are shared while dancing in the carnival o Tepozdn

Condusion
Center and periphery are mutually dependen[ terms.More inportant, they are ni a relationship [fiar is constantly renegotiated This fact is sometimes forgotten because o the political dividends that accrue from reifying centers and peripheries. It was expedient in the 1960s to define the whole o Latin America as a periphery to a northern Europe and North America. But the very ease with which we fall prey to such reification is a sigo o the conceptual difficulty involved in spelling out the ways in which centerperiphery relations are intertwined. This difficulty stems in part from the tendency to collapse economic, political, and cultural core-periphery structures as if these relationships al mapped onto each other neatly. They need not do so. In the case o Mexico, for one, nationalism was built not en the culture o the bourgeoisie or o the urban proletariat, but rather around the romanticized figure o the Indian and peasant. As a result, the cultural core-periphery structure (which can be abstracted out o an analysis o the dynamics o distinction) is impacted and thus does not follow neatly from economic considerations. For instante, Tepoztecans have claimed, at times effectively, a special tic to lo popular in order to negotiate conditions with the state. Economic marginalization can place a particular group o people in a politically advantageous position as potential representatives o "national culture."

Theoretical positions that take only economic factors as their criteria for organizing core-periphery models tend to tender the complex politics o center-periphery invisible. Instead o visualizing a politics o distinction that permeates most o the world system at every level, this strategy tends to envision regional blocks competing with each other. For instante, Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) used countries as units in his classification o the core-periphery structure o the capitalist world system. This makes sense to the degree to which, as Wallerstein argued, the transfer o capital between nation-states has been a crucial mechanism for capitalist expansione Following this same logic, analysis who seek to go beyond an international core-periphery structure and finto peripheralization within a particular country have been logically drawn to concepts such as "internal
C e n t e r , P r r i p by' and C o n n e c t o n s

p ice .^u.l = 19U =

CuuuecHani

191 =

eolonialism," which still allowed arelatively clear-cut division between centers and peri phcries. Unfortu late y, [hese views tend tu imagine places as distinctly "central" oi "peripheral," instead of as loci with different kinds of center-periphery dialectics_ 1 hope to have shown here that "clic center" has always been present in Tepoztln, but that the processes of claiming centrality and of peripheralization have changed hisrorically. In fact. in at least one key moment during the 1920s, a traditionally defined centra-'s capacity to encompass and, hence, to successfully peripheralize the whole village was seriously called finto question-this despite che fact thar, from a macroeconomic point of view, M-lexico (and Tepoztln) remained as "peripheral" as ever. 1 also showed that peripheralization in che period following industrialization, especially since che 1960s, has hecome an increasingly complex phenomenon due tu the coexistente of competing logics and loci of "centrality": che relationsh ip with che nation-state is now strongly influenced by transnational currents of Tepoztccan migrants, by urban middle- and upper-class colonists, by educated and wage-earning Tepoztecans, and by che very process of commodifying local culture and resources. This diversification of economic centers and che definitive decline of che old agrarian core-periphery structure Nave produced significant ideological alterations, even though some of [hese are niasked by che apparent continuity of traditions such as che earnival. Not long ago, local politics of disti nction di fferentiated che uncouth peasant indio from che urbanized and educated citizen. At the same time, ,orne Tepoztecan intellectuals were invoh'cd in dignifying Indianness using che "artificial tlowers" srrategy, rhat is, by teaching Nahuatl, literacy, learning che nacional anthem n Nahuatl and so on. This strategy allowed [hese intellectuals simultaneously to reinforce their position as what Redfield called correctos" and to stake a polihcal claim for che rown vis-vis che state_ From a peasant perspective, however, all of [hese strategies were bese kept at arm's length, separare ron che morality of reciprocity and of household production rhat was at che center of their lives. In this period, the terco indio was indeed what Judith Friedlander (1975) called a "torced identity"; in other words, it was a discrimi natory term used to discount a peasant's authority as a pubhc speaker oras a progressive citizen. Today it is increasingly difficult ro categoriza Tepoztecans as Indians, as peasants, or as suhjects in need of civilization. There is no unified local elite. There is no single encompassing economic center. At che sane time, che importante of Tepoztln as a site of social reproduction is as strong as ir ever was Migrants wanc their (modernizad) honres to come back to.
Peril,br^y ,,nd f o n.eeiio

Families with construction workers, petty merchants, or skilled laborers in their midst still like to grow sorne coro for their own consumption, and al] are worried about having sufficient water or about retaining or acquiring a small plot for their children to build on.
In Chis context, claiming peripheral status from one angle can serve to challenge a competing form of peripheralization. Nativism is used co counter large corporations and large-scale development projects that threaten Tepoztln as a Bite for social reproduction, while economic necessity is used co legitimare commercialization of local culture and resources. The ideal of personal progress heles spur migrants on their difficult journey north, and the ideal of coming back to celebrare the fiesta helps to keep them going. It should not be entirely surprising, then, that so many Tepoztecans-peasants or wage-earning, educated or not-are willing publicly to take on an indigenous identity that was described by Judith Friedlander only three decades ago as "forced identity," for this is par of what it takes to reproduce at che margins.

Cenier, periphery

and Connectfons

192 =

= 193 =

P A R T 11 1

Knowing

the Nation

Interpreting the Sentiments of the Nation: Intellectuals and Governmentality in Mexico

My aim in this chapter is to inspect the sources of legitimation that have allowed Mexican intellectuals to represent national sentiment or public opinion, It is common to contrast the role of intellectuals in Mexico with their role in the United States: Mexican intellectuals are thought to be more involved in public debate and in political society, while intellectuals in the United States are thought to be cloistered off from that world by a well-greased academy that makes them into erudites or technicians. This opposition often leads, in turn, to an argument regarding whether the social position of the Mexican intelligentsia in fact follows a more European, and specifically French, model. These contrasts can be misleading, however, lince they may be taken to imply that the differences between Mexico and the United States are simply the result of the application of distinct models of knowledge production.
Both French and American examples have been chosen by technicians and policy makers to model Mexican governmental institutions. The hospitals, educational establishments, and prisons that were created or reformed during the porfiriato (1876-1910) were often imaged on French models. The establishment of El Colegio Nacional, which is a more recent creation, was inspired by the Collge de France. The influence of the United States as provider of institutional models has been equally great,

= 197 =

cspeeially sine( \Voild \Var II ami thc new e: univcrsities and rescarch faulnles Nave oitcn h)llowcd Amercan ryalnple,. I rencli in ti United States institutional model Nave Jiu, cu,, yiSicd n AIcxico since che late nineteenth cenulrv and so thev cannLII hc malle tulle lo account lar the srrate,gics that Mexican intellec ulah harc Incd t', epll:sent nati:mal sentiment Instead, a more general analysu ol che hlstoncal connections between state-furmation and intellectuals w rcquiral In chis chapter, 1 contribute tn this endeavor by inspcct:ng che rc a.ionsh ii between intellectuals repreacntation ol popular sentiment and thc hisutnV ol what .Aliehel Foueault called govcnvn cntalit}," that b to sar thc h:stoly ot thc ways in which che state described and adntinistercd .Muxicos population. My general contention is thar tlie economic and political circumstances surrounding Mexican independence produced a long dclay in the effecrive implementation o a governmental state1 During chis protracted period, a style of intellectual representation that gamed its authority from political revolt complemented che sor[ of scientific representations of the Mexican people that are associated with governmcntaliry. The representation o national sentiment was produced not only by referente to a set of indicators culled from censures and questionnaires, hui also by giving meaning and direction to the cacophany o popular social movements and insurrection. My general claim is that although statistics were generated and populations were cared for and managed by Spanish administration since the sixteenth century, the state and die church kept their information en the population and deliberations on general policies private. Systematic information en towns and provinces reas centralized in offices such as that o the roya] cosmographer, or placed in che hands o high royal officials such as visitadores or viceroys, but they were not scrutinized by a "public." In the anclen rgirne, public sentiment reas a phenomenon associated with towns or cities, and ttere was no consolidation of opinion at the leve) o the realm, much less o the entire empire. Correspondingly, statistics, maps, or reports could be controlled by specific communities or corporations, but not in the narre o a broader polity

Vicente Gemez Pacheco y Padilla from publishing che results o a Mexico City census that he had comml,sioned, and freedom of the press was only granted for a few brief montNs ni 1 812. As a resulta che hrst major publications presenting the Spanish colonies from the viewpoint of a governmental state thc works of Alexander von Humboldt, had a powerful effect on American nabo nal ists.' Hun,bol dts portrayal o the Spanish-American realms as functioning wholcs, complete with an aggregate population (divided into races), maps ol rhe rcabns, and discussions of their compoundcd resources helped nationalists imagine their countries as autonomous units, and themselves as their would-he administrators. The dialogue between scientifcally aggregated knowledge of the population, public discussion, and state administration thus had only a short, and rather explosive, colonial history. This fact is coupled with another, which is o equal significance. At independence, most Spanish-American countries were not well integrated economicaily. The new national elites were usually landowners, and the commercial and financial concerns that had tied the empire together were most often controlled by Peninsular Spaniards.Independence therefore inaugurated processes o territorial disarticulation and disaggregation, and nacional consolidation would be won only after a protracted sequence o pronunciamientos, caste wars, civil wars, and foreign interventions. As a result, peaceful administration was encumbered, census taking was irregular, and the consolidation o a working scientific establishment was slow. Mexican independence was won in 1821, but a securely functioning governmental state did not exist until the 1880s. There is thus an extended period in Mexican history when a commonly accepted scientific image of the population, o its desires and its propensities, was not attainable. Intellectuals' reliance en the instruments o governmental administration was thus necessarily mixed with the interpretation o public sentiments on the basis o their attachment to revolts, revolutions, and social movements, and these movements were commonly endowed with authority to discredit "scientific" representations of public opinion.

The notion o a public that transcended che hounds o the town or ciry and extended iota the broader realm was consolidated slowly only during the late eighteenth century. With this development, statistics became a matter of general interest, because they measured che common good. However, the tension between che nadan that statistics were privy to the king and his representatives and the idea that they were che niirror in which the public could measure its oren improvement extended to the end of the colonial period. As late as 1791. the Inquisition barred ViceroyJuan
fn larp rrtinb Ihe ^, ..wt.rlr I9H = oi tbe .Alalion

In che Mexican case, chis nineteenth-century phenomenon (which was common to Spanish America and indeed to portions o Europe) was extended far loto the twentieth century thanks to che Mexican Revolution o 1910-20, and to che fact that che state that was spawned by the revolution was a one-party regime that was led by an inordinately powerful president. Thus, regardless o French or American influences, both o which have provided critical instruments for che representation o national sentiment,
Inlerpretln9 tbe Senliments of lbe Nalion 199 =

Mexican intellectuals have spoken for the people with some autonomy vis--vis the classical instrtaments of governmentaGry. This is my argument at its most general level.

Populations, States, asid Nationalities

Benedict Anderson argued that New World nationalisms were the first of the modern era, that nationalisni moved from rhe periphery o empires to their very coro. Although this contention is debatable, it is undoubtedly true that American nationalisms sprang up relatively early on the world scene. What is less clear is the nature o (le relationship between nationalism, sovereignty, and statecraft, hecause rhe domina that nationalism spawned independence movements can just as easily be inverted, and one could just as readily claim that it was th( prospect o severing ties with Spain that shaped Spanish-American nationalisms_ It is tempting to resolve this question by pointing to a dialectic between nationalism, the push to independence, and then the further propagation of nationalism as a result o the contest for independence itself, However, it is worth considering this matter more closely, because the specific contents o "nationalism" vary significantly according to its connections to the various aspects of statecraft, and these variations in turn afford a perspective on our theme, which is the specific spaces for intellectual production that are characterisde of 1 atin American, and specifically Mexican, modernity In the last decades of the eighteenth century, New Spain underwent a significant shift in the ways in which publicity and "the public" were discussed, with an emergent class of "reasonable people' (gente sensata) rejecting so-called baroque forros ol ceremony and championing enlightened views o the common good. They were aided by enlightened monarchs who shared their suspicion o the ' obscuiantist church" and o sectors o the old nobility. This shift corresponds to a recomposition and expansion o New Spains upper classes, with new individuals entering the Mexican nobility and the expansion of urban classes of merchants and artisans as the countrys economy grew.4 Late-eighteenth-century conceptions of "the public" can be culled from the Gazeta de Mxico, Mexico Citys periodical, which reappeared in 1784 in a novel forro alter a lapso of two decades in which no regular newspaper was published. The carlier Gazeta o Mexico City and the Gazeta de Lima liad dealt almost exclusively with public ceremony and commercial information, with covcrage of commemorations o royal births
Iuiee r, tin g ibe Seo 1IVeer; 200 =

and deaths, deaths o principal inhabitants o the cides, masses pleading for the welfare o the Spanish fleet, and Te Deums o thanks for being spared from plagues, but also with lists of the cargo and names o the ships that entered Veracruz and other ports. In the second era o the Mexico City Gazeta, this genre o reporting was complemented with discussion concerning "the public" and its improvement.s Perhaps the best way o capturing this novel concern with the progress and welfare o "the public" is a genre o writing that I am tempted to call "the scientifically marvelous." We know, today, o the curious genealogy o discourses o the marvelous in the Americas, o their deployment as propaganda and as a silencing mechanism in the sixteenth century, and o their centrality in the perception o contemporary Latin America as the Bite o a disjointed modernity, in the literary movement o the real maravilloso. In the late eighteenth century, we have a specific subgenre o writing the marvelous-which is, o course, found also outside of the Iberian worldthat exalts the wonders o nature and o science. The pages o the Gazeta, a paper whose dedication te useful things was decreed by the king himself, are replete with examples:
In the measles epidemic, whose remnants still sting this jurisdiction, a child o age seven was sickened by it and by smallpox simultaneously, such that the right side of his body was pocked by measles, while the left side was hlled with smallpox, with nor one grain of smallpox mixed with one of measles.(November 17, 1784, 186; my transiation)

In this case, the exact separation o the infant's body in halves is the object o wonder. As in so many instances o what is judged to be marvelous, it is the combination between the infinite and the exact that is awe-inspiring, the precision that denles randomness and thereby allows the viewer a glimpse o a higher order. This repon is an itero from a broad genre in which natural phenomena are shown co be motivated by a divine order, and inquiry into the natural world is thereby made compatible with religion.

Another kind o example o rhe "scientifically marvelous" dwells en the unsuspected potency ofthe ordinary:
Don ngel de Antrello y Bermdez, inhabitant o this city (o Guadalajara) with a letter dated on the fifteenth of the past month (o October) notifies the Supreme Government wirh the goal that Chis news he published, that the plant called Ajenjo, which in Sonora is called Estafiate, ground and mixed with water, together with the root o Palo Blanco, or, if chis root is
Inlerp re^ing ihe Sen( im en ts 201 =

of tba Nnlon

of tbe Nntion

laeking, cha[ ot Chamisa, or I:, ri lla. kn^,wn in Sunora whcic it grows in abundo rato) as yatamote. is highls ci lican iuus, I drunk, co cure iabies'ilbid., 193; mv translation

[ion to his obligations and sought always co be instructed in Che useful natural sciences, which were not incompatible with his onice .. - Our curato gathered 'm his hotue a ver" modest salon trrlulia made up o che vol and the barher thr only lwo champions sebo had any polish n a

In Che sane H*av that natural llana' m rcecaled hcavenly inrervention, so too did Che unsuspected potential ot nature iu marvclous uses and the promise ro heal and to bel p. The gente of tire sLienGfically marvelouc as it is forme in Che Gazeta combines ara interest in publie weltarc inri contirmation o the role o God and of religion in Che transition ui nurtlcrnicp and toward Che progressive improvement o living conditions hhc inrervention of God is manifest in Che uncanny. Science, in Chis sense, has a double mission: discovering and proclaiming God's hand in nature and seo ing a publie whose very adoprion o all that is true and useful is a ratification o a deep and mysterious rationality. The people who subscrihed to the view that public acclaim seas the measure and proof o having discovered a divine rationality were known as gente sensata, or "reasonable people They opposed the pomp and ceremony o the retrograde church with a modernized Catholicism in which the progressive discovery of God's ways was tied to Che improvement of the living conditions of the public In this respect, Miguel Hidalgo, leader of the first armed revolt for Mexican independence in 1810, is paradigmatic, a mystic o national independence, a priest, and a man impassioned by Che useful sciences. Scientifically Inclined nationalists and nationalistic scientists were commonplace at this time.

country tilled with Choros and rorrghncss Decemher 2> 1784, 2; my translation1

Thc eountrys intellectuals clearly had Che public welfarc in mirad This was ro be attained through Che ipplication of sciences and arts that were compatible with religion he pious tcchnician seas Che personification of Che useful citizen.

Dialectics between the Tecbnician and tbe Spirit Medium Certainly these ideas regarding Che public as the cite where truth about nature is put to its ultimate test were related to the development o nationalism in Mexico, though one might note that they were also broadly compatible with Spanish absolutism and, indeed, with any forro o modero statecraft. Independence, however, brought with it a dizzying political instability-an instabiliry, moreover, that led to the dramatic increase in the relative backwardness o the new Spanish-American countries, with respect to Che United States and northern Europe.7 The relative decline o Mexico carne along with unmitigated competition for control and appropriation o state institutions, and this contest made the simple adoption o material improvements by "che publican insufficient basis for interpreting national sentiments. The strategy o governmentality, though centrally important throughout Che modern era, was insufficient once independence destabilized government.
It is in this context that a second method for interpreting public sentiments became important. This method maintains that popular will is visible during times of revolution and revolt, but is difficult to ascertain in times o apparent peace because systems o coercion over individual opinion are in place. In peaceful times, Che people were ruled by the existing powers: political bosses, hacienda owners, mine owners, who each had a ferrous hold on their workers and dependents The vote merely echoed the wishes o chis political class

This particular form o validating truth is compatible with Michel Foucault's ideas concerning governmentality. states define a population, establish parameters to measure its progress, introduce new productive techniques, and then legitimize their own existente on the basis o the adoption o [hese improvements. In Chis sense, governmentality creates characteristic spaces and roles for intellectuals, for the engineer and the inventor, for Che economist, rhe hygicnist, and Che statistician, and, indeed, [hese are some o Che main sorts o intellectuals who appear in debates during Che late-eighteenth- and carly-nineteenth-century Gazetas
As if to illustrate the social competition of the lower echelons o Chis intelligentsia, ara editorial response te) a teclinical debate that filled entire issues o Che Gazeta invents a hypothetical readership in an imaginary village: In the town of Cozotln, abundant in sadness and scarce in amenities, there resided a curare who combined a satistactory leve of coniprehension with great diligente because o which he remained unsatisfied with mere elevoIn lerp rrling Ibe 5ru,r ",,i,, 202=

The establishment o a state hased on democratic representation was always a distant goal, never an accomplished fact. Although numerous attempts were made to establish a system of representation based on reliable ways o counting the population and on the capacity to guarantee equality
lote rpreting Ibo Srr.limenic 203 = of lbe Nalion

before the law to al] citizens, rhe successful establishment o credibility was another matter-s It is arguably thc case for instante, that rhe 1994 and 1997 elections were the firsi fati- elections in Mexican history, Polis and polling were not being used widely in Mexico before 1988.9 These difficulties stemmed principally from the force o various corporate structures in rhe society, ranging from haciendas, to the church, to the army, to indigenous communities. Underlying their strength was the weakness o the privare sphere o vast numbers o Mexicans. There have always been many people who were dependents in Mexico, either because they were servants, or sharecroppers, or peons living en their master's property. Dependents have never nade ideal liberal citizens, for the defense o individual rights is meant tu be hased on secure property and a competitive labor niarket (servants were explicirly barred from citizenship in early legal codes). In the twentleth century, rhe "urban informal sector," which is enormous, produces other forms o dependency. The state was thus incapable of upholding the ideals o liberal citizenship for the poorer sectors o society, and therefoie political representation depended, and was perceived as depending, on thc muscle o regional and local elites.lo An example that clarines the nanlre of rhe problem is rhe case o Texas before its secession in 1836. The Mexican constrtution o 1824 abolished slavery Nevertheless, as tensions hetween Anglo-American colonists in Texas and the Mexican government mounted in the late 1820s, the Mexican government repealed rhe prohihition o slavery in the case o Texas as a way o appeasing rhe colonists. In short, the Mexican state did not have rhe power tu guarantec citizenship to its population, but relied instead on the power o various local elites who could mobilize or demobilize popular classes to such an extent that in certain instantes they might even be able to enslave them without effective state restrictions.'1 In a more general way, one might argue that rhe continued presente o a vast peasantry and, especially in the twentierh century, o a populous urban informal sector has meara that rhe state culture of governmentality, hased on censuses and en other forms of state ethnography, as well as on rhe construction o measures of progress, has never been intellectually sufficient for founding credible political representation. These standard mechanisms for measuring popular will are effective only to the extent that the state has the means for regulating rhe lives o its people.

more developed countries became an aspect o state theater in the more backward ones. Early national statistics in Mexico mobilized the study o variation around a mean in order to demonstrate that the people o Mexico City were as educated as those o London, that levels o prostitution in Mexico were lower than those o Paris, and that levels o prosperity were comparable to those o the same capitals. These statistics were not reliable or useful for interna ) social engineering , the way that colonial statistics had been. Instead, they were intended to create a mystique o modernity that would help secure a place for Mexico in the concert o nations.
Any bid for being taken seriously in rhe international arena involved such forms o state theater. During the porfirato (1876-1910), which was rhe first time in which such a credible bid could be sustained, there was much display o rhe visible signs o modernity. Daz created an elite police corps, the rurales, whose uniforms and organization gave a semblante o order to a country whose association with banditry was legendary. The first national census was taken in 1895 and then regularly every ten years beginning in 1900, and the capital city became the cite o government interventions that were oriented to making the city finto a credible capital o a modern nation. 1 shall dwell briefly on certain aspects o this strategy.12 The national state was only lightly inscribed in Mexico's landscape before the 1 880s. In many o the most important state capitals , institutes o science and arts existed as an educational and intellectual counterpart to the structure o state legislarures. These Institutos Cientficos y Literarios tried to recruit students from each municipality every year, thereby creating a structure o education that would impact the whole o each state's political life. This method o intellectual representation, which was parallel to the ideal o democratic representation, has not yet received much attention from historians, and we do not have a good comparative view o its operation , but it is clear that it did not achieve a nationally integrated public sphere. This fragmentation o the public sphere, which corresponds to the lack o a national dominant class (that can only be said to have emerged after rhe construction o the railroads, beginning in the 1880s), is reflected in the fragility o the state's inscription in rhe landscape. According to Carlos Monsivis, there were only seven statues o heroes in the whole o Mexico's public squares before 1876.13

What is more, rhe growing concern with backwardness-a concern that began to develop about ten years alter independence and that becarne acute alter rhe war with the United Stares in 1 847-meant that some of the forms of state CLIture that one associates with governance in
1n trrp reting tbr n 1 i rn 1': 1, 204 = of 1be Nal on

With Daz, however, effective centralization o the state was achieved, along with the consolidation o a national bourgeoisie. These achievements coincided neither with a florescence o democratic institutions nor
Tnterpreting t b e S e n t i m e n t s o f t b, N o t i o

= 205 =

with Che universal extensic>n ol civie r nrtue -except, of course, at the leve] of state thcater The pcrfiri,ilo mac hav e ] ecn the heyday of bondad labor, but in Mexico City. Daz presentad iii imap,c ol federal demoeraey by linuig the new Paseo de la Retare,,, bnt,le ard with two busts ol notables from each ot Che republie statcs The capital city thus became a site where local leaders were tranvorlacd finto Che nic to nym ic si gris ol an imaginary demoeraey

Madero was famously upright, a guardian of impartnality and o the rationality o justice, as is evident in Chis fragment from one of his speeches pronounced soon after toppling Daz:
lo Che suffedng and working peoplc. Chis is to soy that 1 expect everything from your wisdom and prudcnce That you should consider me as your best friend. that you make moderate and parriotic use o the liberty that you have conquered and that you have faith in Che justice of your new governors - because from Che political point of view your situation has undergone radical chango, going from the miserable role o pariah and slave Lo Che august heights o that ol the citizen- Do not expect that your economic and social situation shall improve sharply, because this cannot be attained through decrees or laws, but only by Che constant and laborious effort o al] social elements . - Know that you shall find happiness in yourselves, in dominating your passions and repressing your vices, and in developing your willpower in order to act always according to the dictates of your conscience and o your patriotism, and not according Lo the ways o your passions. Finally, 1 urge you to seek strengch in uniry and to make the law the norm o al] o your acts.15

The strategy ot political representation that was drst consolidated under Daz is still usad todav Durinc ethnogrophie work on Che staging of public ralees during che presidenual campnign ul Carlos Salinas in 1988, 1 noticed that in each state tour. thc presidential candidate delivered speeches that contained a simple formula: he would begin by acknowledging the greatness o Che state in which he mas, by naming prominent historical figures of the state, who were usually political heroes or prominent artists, intellectuals, and the like- Tiren he would value their contribution in terms o what they mean[ for Che nation- For instance, Salinas said that he was proud to be in Puebla, thc region o Aquiles Serdn and the birthplace o the Mexican Revolurion, Chihuahua was the state that harbored Benito Jurez during his campaign against Che French invaders, Veracruz was Che land o poeta and popular artists who, like Agustn Lara, had brought international recognition to Mexico. In each speech, the region was recognized, but its value was only realized at che leve) o Che nation. 10 This is a legacy o Daz's regime, when Mexico City was effectively set up as the Bite in which national value was realized. However, although Che centralization of Che state under Daz allowed for the development o a more reliable set of measurements with which to count, poli, and represent 'Che peoplc,' capital accumulation in Che period relied en labor repression, and Che stability of the central state itself depended en robust authoritarian practices. As a result, che governmental intellectual whose infancy we have tracked al the way back to the pages o Che Canela de Mxico in Che 1 780s liad only limited credibility and was used as much as an element o state thcater as the means for actual governmental administration. The tension between che representation o the people by way o the state's governmental sciences and its representation through direct and unmediated access to national sentiment thus became a structural feature of Mexican development The figure o Francisco 1. Madero the revolutionary leader who toppled Daz in a vast popular movement, provides a curious instance o the intimate and unsolvable concradiction between a governmental intellectual and one who representa popular opinion through a more mystical tia.
f^!i^^pruin ) ^6e , i i,,, Eni' nt it,, Na,,on 200 =

However, there were not yet any reliable mechanisms for feeling the pulse o Chis new world o august citizens and impartial judges. Knowing Che popular will was, in the end, a matter o faith, it required Che ability to tap finto the secret reservoirs o national sentiment. In this respect, the other, private face o Madero as a religious man and especially as a spiritualist is not as contradictory as it has been made out to be-16 As a leader who proved capable o mobilizing a broadly based nacional movement in entirely undemocratic conditions, Francisco Madero Che progressive democrat needed the guidance o his alter ego, Francisco Madero the spiritualist and medium. The duality o Che governmental intellectual and o the intellectual as spirit medium o the popular will is here conjoined in a single, politically explosive figure. In sum: Whereas an early form o interpreting national sentiments is based en the public's adoption o useful and progressive measures, Mexico's instability, its increasing backwardness, and the authoritarianism that was its most readily available remedy al] conspired to produce a second method o interpreting the sentiments o the nation- This method recognizes that political representation in the public sphere is insufficiently developed, so that popular will is conceived o as a rumor that can be interpreted through exegesis o popular actions, with revolutions as ultimate loci o authenticity.
In te rp re ting Ihr Sen i,m en ts = 207 = of tbe Nation

In times ot unrest, as during the perioel berween 1821 and 1876 orbe tween 1910 and 1940, or again since rhe revolt in Chiapas in 1994, appeal ro social movements and to revolutions as the privileged sites o public opinion is quite extended, while che capacity to build legitimacy on the productive effects of a state culrure o governmentality declines, turning the scientists and technicians of these periods into objects o ridicule whose pretense of method is broken by a rcality that will not cede t positivist inspection. During momenrs of stahi1ity and progress, however, the public acceptance o these technicians grows, hut even then their material dependence on a state that relies on che mediation o a political class for the management o a largo "dependent" population occasionally undermines their credibi1 ity

note, since many modern states subsidize only che bureaucratic, "governmental" intellectuals. In Mexico, governmental subsidies to che press are substancial, and there are a number o institutions, ranging from statefunded presses to universities, cultural institutes, museums, fellowships, and scholarships that are routinely used to fund Chis kind o intellectual.ls The significante o these "inrerpassive" intellectuals for the Mexican nation is a function o the states capacity to creare a working relationship between che countrys diverse corporate sectors.
In this sense, postrevolutionary government investment in interpassive intellectuals can be clarified if we contrast Mexico's situation to Ortega y Gasset's (1921) famous analysis o the breakdown and decomposition o Spain. Ortega described a situation, which he named "particularism" and described as a breakdown of the consciousness o interdependence between che nation's principal segments. This breakdown was caused by the lack o an attractive and viable nacional project. In that context, che various sectors o society-the army, the proletariat, che bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia-turned inward and did little to seek intersectorial alliances. This inward turn was led by parochial leaders, each o whom imagined a perfect identity berween his own sectorial interests and those o che general public. The famous military pronunciamientos o the nineteenth century were, for Ortega, paradigmatic o the phenomenon o particularism:
The pronunciados (military rcbels) never believed that it was necessary to struggle to obtain victory They were sure that almost everyone secretly held their same opinions, and so they had blind faith in the magical effect o "pronouncing" a phrase. They rose, then, not to struggle, but rather to take possession o public power.19

Interpassivity and Governmentality

The concept o "i nterpassiv i ty" is useful lar understandi ng the dialectic berween the two forms o intellectual production and che two kinds o spaces for intellectuals that 1 have oudined so far. n Interpassivity is a kind o relationship in which the anticipated reaction o an interlocutor is acted out by the emissary o the original message. Zizek gives canned laughter en television asan example In the Mexican case, both of che techniques for interpreting che sentiments of the nation that 1 have oudined ',and that 1 am tempted to cal] "bureaucratic" and "charismatic") are built en the silente, or at the very least en che incoherente, of popular expression. The will o the people is read either by interpreting silente as complacent appeal o the governmental state, or according to the interpretarions o intellectuals, whose speech is meant tes be the symptom o the expected reaction o a public that is unable co articulare views in the public sphere. In this sense, che role of intellectuals in Mexico is not limited to that o technicians o governmentality-which difterentiaces che country to some degree from the United States. The role of somatizing national sentiments, the interpassivity o national intellectuals, is based not so much en the professional drive for specification, isolation, and classification as on developing narratives about the progress o popular will that conform to the circumscances of social movements and state policies- We thus have as national intellectuals both the technician and che medium, the bureaucratized professional and the "interpassive" charismatic intellectual.

Mexico's situation in the postrevolutionary era had both similarities to and differences with che Spanish case. On the one hand, it was, and to some extent remains, a deeply segmented country. On the other hand, the revolutionary state was able to put forth a more or less viable and attractive national project. National unity, however, still rested on a culturally segmented and inwardly oriented set o sectors, most o which had weak intellectual representation In Chis context, it is perhaps not so surprising that the state took such an interest in fostering an intelligentsia that could somatize these various sectorial interesas and place them into a single, though highly restricted, discussion that in Mexico has been called "public opinion."
Interpret:ng tbe Sentiments of ibe Nation

The state subsidy o intellectual mediums" or agents entrusted with acting out expected popular sentiments is a historical fact that is worthy o
In lerpreling tbe Sr n,e n., of 208 = eNalion

209 =

E ondusion

hulent_ As a result, the instruments of governmentaliry have usually been unevenly applied, owing lo che states insufficient resources and the nature o capitalist development in the region. Moreover, given Mexicos position in the international arena given its need to attract forcign capital and ro gain a measure of respect trom the great powers, govermnentality itself became something that needed lo be convincingly exhibited. The sciences o state administration needed to be presented as developed and effective, a fact that in itsell has generated the suspicion that they are neither. This complex history of governmentality in Mexico thereby provided a relatively secure space for nongovernmental intellectuals.

The analysis ot che spaces tor ntellecwals ti, one hackward country allows us lo look ar the rclationship between pal tics and antipolitics in Latin i A rnerica under a (f erent light In NI, xican polities ot che past century, a dialectic between so-called tourm and iio6Lco+ has been widely noted Similarly, in countries such as Elide Argentina and Brazil, military governments developed ela hora te an ti polit:cal discourses_ theirgovernments were cast as technical administra tions. not as properly polltical."' l his discoerse ot antipolitics is assudaied with a specilic kind of antiintellectualism Chilean universittes and culture spheres were dismantied in all but their most technical wings during rhe military government, and an appreciation o the hureaucratic, as against the charismatic, intellectual has remained there lo this day. Similarly, during the porfiriato in Mexico, the intellectual-cum-political elite took on the pretentious narre ot cienlfcos Porfirio's policy would be founded in a positive science, that is, on the hegemony o the governmental state. Even then, however, [hese pretensions were understood lo be at least in par an aspect of state theater, and a distante between the pas real and the pas legal, between the state's image of the country and the country itself, seas at times grudgingly acknowledged As a result, charismatic intellectuals, though dangerous lo the regime, were not entirely alien lo it. The Mexican Revolution, however, provided a new fount and bedrock for popular will, one that brought back the claims o all past revolutions, and revolutionary governments took it upon themselves lo create spaces and to provide resources for an intelligentsia whose role has been lo function as an interpassive agent o popular opinion. These spaces include an "autonomous," but state-funded, National University, and governmenthacked spaces for relatively free artistic expression and publication. This contrast might provide a key for understanding why the Mexican state has fostered a certain sor[ of intellectual and artistic production, whereas other Spanish-American countries nave invested much fewer resources in these activities. It also frames the question of the connection between engaged public intellectuals and academics or cechnicians in relation to a set o issues that transcend the question of which models-French, British, German, Spanish, or American-were iniported. All were imponed, and all were subordinated to the logic outlined liere. Michel Foucault's idea of governmentaliry is of special pertinente for understanding the strategies with which intellectuals have represented national sentiments because Mexicos entry to modernity was highly turtutor pte i ir; 1', S, ..,r: rn1' 210 = af t1r Natfon

In te rp rrtrng

tlsr Sent,.,,is 211 =

of tbr

Nation

massacre and been a champion of democracy since the s 9sos, be accused of writing official historya In an interview with Milenio regarding Chis debate, historian Lorenzo

Meyer went furtber and argued that in Mexico there has never been an official historya And yet, I would argue, it moves. 1 call the history that is written lo provide the pedigree, Co identify tbe imagnary subject, and lo provde che governmental horizon of che state "official history." In Micbel Foucault"s tercos, this is a history from che present,"as opposed Co a "history of the present." Its function is Co give the state its pro per cerfcation, and Co shape and drect a national community. Enrique Krauze's criticism of Mexican presidents and presidentialism has tefe the revolutionary regime's nacional mythology intact in its most important points; invigorated in its central dogmas, it is now readyfor its new tenants,

An Intellectual's Stock in the Factory of Mexico' s Ruins: Enrique Krauze 's Mexico: Biography of Power

This chapter concerns Che practice and use of history in Mexicos great epochal transtion. It is about the relationsbip between intellectuals, the state, and che market, and espeeially about che privatization of Mexicos cultural apparatus. As sucb, this essay and che debate tbat it provoked are one of che early episodes of what has become a battle over che cultural policies of che Mexican state. I reproduce bere my original text with no modifications, though I Nave added tipo neto footnotes Co call attention Co mistakes in my original text that were pointed out by Mr Krauze in bis responses. Tbey are of little consequence. At the end of every presidential term (sexenio), Mexican presidents become involved in a frenetic yace o inaugurations; their posterity depends on it. Hospitals, museums, universities, dams, highways, subways-all of the signs of modernization and progress that every president promises-must be inaugurated, along with a large bronze plaque giving credit to the president, whether the building is finished or not. My brother, a scientist, once witnessed the inauguration of a research facility by outgoing president Lpez Portillo in 1981. The inauguration occurred in a building that was made to look finished, complete with lawns, potted plants, and the rest of it, As soon as the president left, a presidential team came in, rolled up che grass, picked up che potted plants and took them to the site of the next inauguration.

This essay mas fru published in che American Journal of Sociology 103, no. 4 (1998): 1052-65_ ft was subsequently translated asid published in Mexico in the newsniagazine Milenio (May i i, 1998), where it geneated a broadly publicized exchange ivith Enrique Krauze.1 Tbis debate became somethin,/ of a curiosityfor those tobo follow Ihe affairs and daily practice of intellectuals_ Although it gravitated toward the ad bominem remarle more [han lo proper inl ellectual a rq,nnen tation, the episode is itself a performance of che central themes of tbis book ibe role of intellectuals in nation building, tbe role of scient c disciplines (in Chis case, of history) in this process, and Ihe significance of iones of contact as points of tension were all irarnatiaully enacted- Me Krauze countered Ihe elaims tbai 1 malee in Ibis essay by arguing, arnong other things, that bis book could not be called a "ruin" because it had sold i n;illion copies, and that my review, which he cbose Co frame as an attack by "an acuden,ic o; "a public 6rtellectual,"was motivated by a serse of personal frustration unt tbe Alexicun milieu 1 was portrayed as baving accepted a position in tbe American academy becas se 1 lacked viable alternatives in Mexicos university system and, finally, as Mter Lomnitz tbat is, as a foreigner or, u,bat is much worse, as a Mexican who had choca; tire Llnited States overMexico Tbis chapter is thus itse f an exaniple of Ihe telationsbip between contact tones and che production of ihe nation lts publica ti on nlso generoted sorne debate around the category of 'oficial history" Ir bis response lo [bis essay, AIr Krauze declared hirnsef to be amused by my argumenta in ibis rojard, Hato eaula he, lado had denounced che 196s student

This practice, which betrays so much about the economy and legitimacy of Mexican presidentialism, is certainly one of the sources of what Brazilian literary critic Beatriz Jaguaribe has called "modernist ruins." The rush to legitimize a presidency or a governorship is enmeshed with the economy of public expenditure, and both conspire to produce veritable monuments to the grandiloquence and corruption of the governing elites that are, at the same time, inhospitable and alienating for ehe intended user (the public"). The fascinating thing about these modernist ruins is that they betray Che gestural quality of much of Mexico's state-led modernity.
An ln relleclual's Stock

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1 he central tenet of archltectu ral modernism ti til1ts practicality) serves as a sereen tor a second rationale-. w11( 11 u 1cilit ieal . the story of Mexicos progressive state vede an enormous pork barrcl.
hhis aspcct cf Mexicos n)dcl 111 1\ t:as nat pUCtiC II ly captured by the Seottish eecentrlc and surrealist AII I dwaH lames, wbo built ntajestic cement ruins lo die jungles ot thc Huasteca to swallow up When he was asked why he pude Chis cosdy extraca;-ance. Edwards elaimed that it was to confuse tic al-chaeclogists ..f thc )atare.

meant filling the universiry with a staff Chal was not always well qualifiedAlthough the results of Chis huge expansion ot the educational system in the 1970s were mixed, criticisms of its perverse effects were particularly harsh, because he formula ot state-driven expansion was no longer sustainable alter Che states fiscal crisis in 1982. The National University and other public institutions carne under severe scrutiny, and their ruinous aspect was widely puhlicized as the de la Madrid administration slashed its support of Mexican public institutions of higher learning. This was Che dawn of a new era in Mexican cultural life, an era marked by privatization and by growing differences between an increasingly proletarianized mass of low-prestige teachers, a somewhat fancier stratum of publishing academice, and a new cultural elite that fases writing with business.

Like Mr lactess ruin,, Ncxicos nodernist mies llave very personal signaturas, which are oteen tiose ol Clic prrsidcnt'vilo sponsored themSo, whereas archaeologists of Che c-Columpian past use site names to label historical epochs (e-g, Monte Albn 1. II, 111, or Tlatilco IV, V, and VI), archaeologists of Mexicos modcrnist ruins would be wise to rely en Che names of thc presidents who sponsored them, for example, Alemn 1 and II, or Lpez Portillo I, II, and III.

Although Che discussion of modernist ruins usually brings to mind housing projects, hospitals, bridges, and basketball courts, Mexicos cultural world is also littered with [hese ruin,. The central axis of cultural modernity-which is a productive relationship between science, art, and the constant improvement of che quality of lile ("progress")-was historically so feeble in Mexico that, beginning in the 1920s, the state took a proactive role in strengthening it- This role has been as open to demagogy and corruption as any other modernizing project.
Until the 1900s, the states hmction as patron of the sciences and the arts had met with relanve success-the National Autonomous University was built, as was the National Polytechnical Institute. The arts flourished under state patronage, and Mexico began to make a credible bid for a place among modere nations. The revolutionary prestige of government and the accelerated modernization chas began around 1940 fostered a relatively snug relationship between middle-class ideals of mobility and the state's self-image as the prime engine of modernization.

Changes in Mexicos cultural world have been so deep that the analysis of their impact on the quality of cultural production has been suspended to a surprising degree. There is so much that is new in the institutional arrangement of Mexican cultural life since the 1980s: changes in training programs and in the profile that is expected for entering a university career, growth of privare and public universities, and Che emergente of cultural groups with wide media access.
There are signs, however, that the time is ripe for a critical look at today's cultural milieu , for the eras first monumental modernist ruins are now becoming clearly visible. This year it seems that Mexico City's main private art museum may Glose its doors.4 It is also clear that most Mexican private universities are not funding research. However, in Che world of culture, Che most significant ruins are always the cultural works themselves. The appearance of Enrique Krauze's Mexicos Biography of Power (HarperCollins, 1997) is a landmark in this respect, it is a "period piece" that allows us to scrutinize the effects of power on intellectual production in a sector of Mexico's intelligentsia. 1 propose to do just this. A discussion of Che organization of Krauze's book, of Che connections between Krauze's intellectual project and pis position in Mexico's cultural milieu, andan appraisal of the value of this book as a work of history opens a clear perspective en the use of history as a gesture in the struggle over who gets to represent Mexico.

Mexican sociologist Ricardo Pozas has shown how Chis relationship first cracked in 1964, when medical students and young doctors rejected the state's authoritarian forms of decision making and embarked on a series o[ strikes that were violently suppressed.' 1 he seque) and culmination of this conflict occurred in the student movement of 1968, which ended with the massacre of hundreds of students at Tlatelolco square, in Mexico City. The killings at Tlatelolco provoked a new spurt of construction of modernist ruins. Under President Echeverra the whole of Mexico's university system expanded was' beyond che countrys capacities, which
An 1n:r l 1 T, lile l's 1!ork 214 =

Organization Mexico: Biography of Power is Enrique Krauze's most ambitious book. It combines into a single work three hooks in Spanish (Biografas del poder, about
An In1r )lee tual "s Stock 215

the leadership of the Mexican Revolution, Siglo de Caudillos, about the Mexican presidency in the nineteenth century, and La presidencia imperial, which covers the Mexican presidency from 1940 to the present). In addition, Mexico: Biography of Power ofiers a brief synthesis o political power and political culture in che colonial period. This is the only work available, in English or in Spanish, that covers such vast territory The complexity o the subject matter is made manageable by giving history a direction and a premise- Both o these are offered with disarming simplicity, For Enrique Krauze, the history of Mexico is the history o the struggle for democracy. So much so that, echoing Fukuyama, he ends this book by asking Mexicans
tu bury once and forever Cuauhtdmoc with Corts, Hidalgo and Iturbide, Morelos and Santa Arana, Jurez with Maxi ni filian, Porhrio with Madero, Zapata and Carranza, Villa and Obregn, Calles with Crdenas, al[ o them reconciled withm the same tom But Mexico would hace to be less pious roward as modero actors. There can Inc no re, onciliation with Tlarelolco. Krauze feels that the 1968 massacre at Tlatelolco should not be forgot-

American readers, and to some political groups in Mexico, it is notdefensible as the key to understanding that history .
The books central premise shares the pleasingsimplicity o its teleology: This book threads the lives of the most important leaders during the last rwo centuries finto a single biography o power, but 1 am in no way subscribing to an outmoded (and unacceptable) great-man theory o history. Thus, while writers and academice the world over worry about the "death o the subject," Krauze is busy anthropomorphizing national history and providing it with a "biography."
What 1 hopo to convoy is that in Mexico the lives o these men do more than represent the complexities and contradiction o the country they carne to govern or in which they took center stage for a rime at rhe head o armies fighting For chango or for a return to the past (or for both). The accidents o their individual lives aleo had an enormous effect on the directions taken by the nation as a whole- Personal characteristics and events that in a moderately democratic country might be mere anecdotesinteresting , amusing , or trivial-can in Mexico acquire unsuspected dimensions and significante. An early psychological frustration, a physical defect, a family drama, a confused prejudice, a tilt one way or the other in a man's religious feelings or his passions, even a local tradition automatically accepted could literally alter rhe late o Mexico, for better or for worse7

ten because that conflict was largely about governmental democracy. However, the fact rhat the 1968 movemcnt did not involve or affect Mexico' s peasants nor the majority of os poor does not seem to matter Mexico's peasants are asked ro "bury Zapata; who called for land for those who work it, but never to forget a middle-class movement that demanded democracy. The organization of political history around the story o democracy is highly problematic in a country whose fundamental viability was in question during most o the nineteenth ccntury. Moreover, although democracy has been a significant political issue during most o Mexico's modero history, it has often not peen the principal political aim or site o contention. For instante, the Mexican Revoltition (1910-20) begins as a democratic revolt under Madero, but it quickly turras finto a broadly based and rather inchoate social revolution with vatregated demands, ranging from agrarian reform, to labor laws, to national control over resources, tu radical state secularism. On the whose it is fair to say that these demands, and the dynamics o the struggle for power itself, overshadowed democracy as the main issue. This fact is confirmed in the political success o the official state party (PRI), a party that was decply undemocratic but that left considerable room for social demands. In short, although the organization o Mexieo's political history around the epic of democracy is pleasing for
A n lu t, llrr i ^, n 1. 216 = Stock

According to Krauze, then, presidential biographies in Mexico collectively shape what he mystically calls the nations "biography o power." However, he does not want this te be identified with a "great-man theory o history" but wishes instead to provide the premise with a kind o cultural specificity. This is because Mexico's historical roots combine "two traditions o absolute power-one emanating from the gods and the other from God [he means the Aztec and the Spanish tradition]-this political mestizaje conferred a unique contection with the sacred on Mexico's succession o rulers-" s What wer have, then, is a great-man theory o history with validity confined to Mexico. As a result, Mr. Krauze continually asserts that Mexico is unique and fundamentally different from the rest o the world. This exceptionalism is convenient because it allows him to ignore the parallels between Mexican history and other histories, parallels that would diminish the force o the contention that presidential biographies have systematically "altered the fate o Mexico-" On the other hand, since Krauze claims exception for Mexico on the basis o the peculiarities o the Aztec and Spanish mixture,
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this leads straight back to Mcxicus oflidal history, which this book dis1incdy reproduces: Martn Corts son ot Hernn Corts and La Malinche) was "the hrst Mexican" (p 52, Hernn Corts was "che spiritual antithesis" ot Moctezuma ip. 44Moctezuma and Cortes''created a new nationaliry the instant they met" (p. 47 theiu veas no True ethnic hatred" in Mexico from the colonial period forward p 491; slavery in Mexico was sweeter iban in rhe United States (p 50 and so on In short, the fabricated saga of rhe mestizo as national protagonist is swallowed whose, hook, line, and sinker. ']-he au thori tative narntion ul Nlcxlco, ate and tortune rehearses and reaffirms officia1 history, but with a twur. instead of culminating with rhe progress wrought by rhe Mexican Revolution (which liad been the End o History until recendy), it culminares with rhe democracy that Krauze's 1968 generation is supposed to have engendered.

purity He sets himself as a liberal and even as a "heretic,"10 an independent intellectual who cr'i ticizes Mexican authoritaria nism from the sanctity ot his private worldIn fact, however, Krauzes prestige and cultural poseer do not come from 1968, nor is he comparable on an intellectual plane ro Coso Villegas, let alone to Octavio Paz. Krauze's prominente is, instead, an effect o a more recent story. With the debt crisis in 1982: the Mexican government carne down hard on al[ salary carnets real minimum wages plummeted to hall in less than tive years (a fact that, like almost every economic consideration, goes unnoted in Krauze's book) Among rhe wage-earning population, one of the sectors that was hit hardest was rhe educational sector, and the universities in particular.

Krauze: Biography of Power Krauze's history can be read in two keys: rhe first key is the the saga o democracy into which he wants to shoehorn Mexican political history; the second is rhe saga o his own intellectual genealogy. This second epic, which is barely visible to an English-speaking audience, is nonetheless critical, because Mr. Krauze is in rhe business o representing che nation to rhe outside, trying hard to garner credentials with which to construct himself as rhe kind of privileged interlocutor that other Mexican intellectuals have been: Octavio Paz, Carlos Fuentes, Diego Rivera, Rufino Tamayo.
Enrique Krauze began his careen with a book on what he called "intellectual caudillos" o rhe Mexican Revolution (the term caudillo originally referred to military leaders whose charisma allowed them to vie for control over countries and regions; ir is a political form that was characteristic o Spanish America's nineteenth cenmry). Krauze then hitched his wagon to rhe star o Daniel Costo Villegas, a prominent liberal historian who directed El Colegio de Mxico and who created a workshop that was known as rhe "factory o Mexican history," where much o the history o rhe porfiriato and the Mexican Revolution was written.9 Alter Cosfs death, Mr. Krauze became the impresario and subdirector o Vuelta, Octavio Paz's cultural magazine, from which he derived most o his intellectual cachet.

When che debt crisis hit, the government was unwilling to maintain universiry salaries at in their traditional middle-class levis, and so it created a system o evaluation that sidestepped university regulations o promotion and that rewarded only productive academice. 'Publish or perish" carne to have a very literal meaning in the Mexican academy. However, rhe process o internal stratification in the university system did nor come without a substantial cost both for the prestige o academic work and for rhe possibility o surviving as a beginning scholar. As a result, whole ,;enerations o potential scholars were either significantly slowed down or destroyed.
At the same time that rhe Mexican state strangled its universities, it did not abandon its patronage and contact with intellectuals. The de la Madrid (1982-88) and Salinas (1988-94) governments coupled their tight policies toward the university with generous contracts and subsidies to specific intellectual groups. The principal groups gravitated around two literary/political journals: Vuelta and Nexos. These two groups accumulated vast cultural power in rhe 1980s and 1990s: Hctor Aguilar Camn, former director o Nexos, member o the '68 generation and erstwhile leftist, was a close friend to Carlos Salinas de Gortari. He created a publishing house, Cal y Arena, whose books were widely distributed, publicized by Nexoscontrolled public TV Channel 22.

In an effort te create a voice for himself, and perhaps to emerge from under rhe long shadow o his mentors, Krauze identifies as a member o the 1968 generation, a generation that was marked by the student movement and by its violent end at the hands o the Mexican state. Like a number o others, Krauze relies on this identity to acquire the semblante o
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On his side, Enrique Krauze, rhe principal entrepreneur o the Vuelta group, received support from President de la Madrid for his "biographies o power" project (comprising rhe porflriato to Crdenas sections o Mexico: Biography of Power), a project that was printed by the government-owned publishing house Fondo de Cultura Econmica, a prestigious press that sidestepped its traditional role o publishing scholarly work. During that same period, Krauze and Vuelta began doing business with
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Televisa, Mexicos television giant that had effectively been a communications monopoly for decades, thanks to os special ties to government. Televisa had a largely negative role in Niexicos transition to democracy, a fact that has been widely recognized by independent political observers of Mexico, including Che United Nations This did not stop self-styled democratic pero Enrique Krauze trom becoming one of the company's partners. Krauze is co-owner o Clio. a publishing house devoted to populartzing his version of Mexican history and producer of historical soap operas that have devoted some effort to rehabilitating Porfirio Daz 1876-19 10), the liberal dictator and formen archvillain o official history. In short, Krauze's power was amassed in a moment in which the government turned its back on pub r, education and research and subsidized a process of cultural privatization that had similar characteristics to other privatizations_ enormous concentration of power in very few hands, and the formation o a new elite. Whereas Daniel Coso Vlllegass facton, of history" was built in a pubhe institution and whereas his lactory produced books that were signed by the individuals who did the researeh, Krauzes lactory o history is private, and only he Cakes Che creca For big rollers in Mexico's cultural enterprises, research is a menial task Thus, where most historians work alune or with one or two assistants, Mr- Krauze lists sixteen in his acknowledgments, two o whom are as acconiplished as historians as Krauze himself.'t His heavy reliance on dais privare lactory" is Che reason why Chis book is such a good mirror ole presiden ti al power. the resources that Krauze musters have allowed him to write a monumentally ambitious work, but his rnethods make him unsurc at cvery toro. Mexico: Biography of Power is a hollow monument.

Mallon, and Stephen Haber is not cited, nor-in most cases-are their ideas assimilated in Che text, despite their indisputable relevante to the subjects covered." Like the politicians who have always stressed Mexican exceptionalism, Krauze roo is interested in Mexico's insularity; by turning his own coterie o friends and mentors into the principal thinkers and actors in Mexican history, he can easily aspire to become Mexicos representative in Che media.
The use el the work o Mexican scholars is equally problematic. For instante, in his treatment o the 1968 movement, a chapter that is meant to be the high point of Che book, Krauze gives preeminence to two intellectuals-Coso Villegas and Octavio Paz-both o whom were marginal to the movement and of an older generation, but were nonetheless central to Krauze's own development Coso Villegas gets no fewer than thirty-three mentions in the text o this book; Mexican historian Edmundo O'Gorman, who was arguably a more profound thinker, gets none." Perhaps the oversight is due to the fact that O'Gorman publicly disapproved of Krauze's biographies o power. Citations of significant books written by members o a younger generation o Mexican scholars are another notable absence-they are potential competition. In addition to the political motives behind these oversights, there is another Iikely cause for Krauze's sloppy use o secondary sources: Che factory This hypothesis comes to mind because there are a number o instances when a key historical work is indeed cited, but its conclusions are not assimilated in the analysis. Or else a work is cited in one context (perhaps being worked on by one o his research assistants) but then fails to appear as a source in another part o the book where it could have done a lot of good. For example, French historian Frangois Xavier Guerra has developed

Krauze as Historian
This books main empirical conrribution is a set o interviews that the author or his assistants made with important political figures as well as a much-publicized, but rather disappointing, diary o President Daz Ordaz. Most of the book, however, is based on published documents, as well as on secondary sources. The use of [hese secondary sources provides another key for the archacologisi of tNicxicos modernist ruins.

quite a complex view o Che modernization o Che Mexican state in the nineteenth century. Guerras view is that between independence (1821) and the revolution (1910), Mexican political society changed from being made up of corporations that were built around personal ties in villages, guilds, and haciendas, to a modero society in which these personal ties could no longer hold the country together. As a result, Che personal power of Porfirio Daz (1876-1910) is, for Guerra, both the culmination and the swan song o what Krauze calls a "biography of power." Guerra is cited en a factual matter, but his general argument is ignored Moreover, Guerra fails to appear in Krauzes discussion of political theory in independence, where he would have been very helpful. In sum, the cavalier use of secondary sources is possibly the only true cense in which Krauze can be called liberal. An Intellectuul's Stock 221

During Che past twenty years or so, US. and British historians have written a sizahle proportion o the most relevant works en Mexican history, yet Che work of historians suela as Jolan Coatsworth, Alan Knight, Eric Van Young, GilbertJoseph Anthony Pagden, John Tutino, Florencia
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The Aulhorily of Opinion

Enrique Krauze has had two principal mentors. Daniel Cosa Villegas and )ocavia Paz. Krauze took Cono Villupass tactorv o history , privatized tt, and made It into his own political niachine Prora Paz Krauze has tried to emulate grandeur, scope, and boldness -I he resale is not always badAlexico: Biog raphy of Poioer is c,itainly a teadable book However, Krauze's attempts at Paz-like holdnes, al,o llave a , ery perverso effeer, which is ihat they liberare Chis book trom rhe usual strictures of historical evidenee. Krauze has made a name loe him,cli in iM, xico by calling for a "democraey without adjectives," but he aeeni, ent,rely incapable o offering a history without opinions 14 More of(en [han not, these opinions are stated as if they were facts. In Mexico, I3iogniphy of Power we are asked to believe, for instance, that there were only two "trac ethnic wars" in Mexican history (p. 780), and that Coso Vlllegas's criticisms o President Echeverra 1 1970-76) were the bravest thing any Mexican had published in one hundred years (p. 746); we also learn rhat' Jurez the Indian" "was all religion" (p. 167) and that his invocations of God and Providente were carried out "without hypocrisy" (p 166) In short, the dictatorship o what might usefully be labeled "the Krauzometer_" The translator, Hank Heifctz, has done a commendablejob not only in avoiding the annoying changes in register that characterize Krauze's Spanish prose, but also in trying m tone down the Krauzometer as much as possible So, for instance, in La presidencia imperial (the Spanish- language book that comprises Parts IV and V o Mexico. Biography of Power, and which appeared simultaneously with it in the spring o 1997), Octavio Paz's Labyrinth of Solitude is "the most importanr book o the Mexican twentieth century" (100 en the Krauzometer, p. 152), but it is only "one o the most important books of rhe ^tilexican tventieth century" in English p. 364, and an 80 on the Krauzometer) Similarly, in Spanish, Krauze asserts boldly (100 on the Krauzometer) [hat President Daz Ordaz (1964-70) did not lie in his memoirs (p_ 355), but in English he asserts that "[i]t is unlikely that they are al] les" (pp. 728-29, and only a 55 en the Krauzometer). In Spanish, Miguel de la Madrid won his election because the people voted for him personally, and not for the PRI (p. 402, and 100 on the Krauzometer-president de la Nladrid was a generous patron ro Krauze); in English, the people voted not for de la Madrid personally, but rather for bis platform o moral renovation (p. 763, and 80 en the Krauzometer). Moreover, in Spanish, de la Madrid won the election with 76 percent ot the vote (p_ 402 ), whereas in English he seems only to have
An Ir,1,1;,,t,,i , Sieck - 222

received 68 percent (p. 763) In this book , opinions are facts , and they both change along with rhe intended readership.

Biography and Power

Certainly, Krauze's factory has produced a readable book, with much information in it, including sume new information and a wealth o aticedotes. Although nono of this information makes a significant mark on rhe historical interpretation of modero Mexico, it does add richness and legibility to chis facile and ideologically loaded test In Mexico, Krauze's version o history is being massively consumed in soap operas, which is an appropriate-though perhaps not harmless-venue for it.

There is, in addition, another good selling point for Chis book, which is che idea that biography is a useful vantage point for political analysis. 1 have already argued that Chis interest in biography led Mr. Krauze to che great-man view of history that he allegedly rejects, but more attention to Krauze's biographies is warranted. The first thing to note about [hese presidential biographies is that they rarely provide che kind o psychological insight that the author was hoping for. This unevenness is due not only to the space and detall devoted to various presidents (Miguel Alemn gets seventy-five pages, Manuel vila Camacho gets twenty-seven, Miguel de la Madrid gets eight pages), but also to the format of the chapters. For instante, whereas we get an attempt to portray che family history and youth of presidents and caudillos between Porfirio Daz and Gustavo Daz Ordaz (1876-1970), there is no parallel information for che more contemporary presidents (beginning with Echeverra). Krauze thereby declines any attempt to provide a more profound portrait o the three presidents with whom he has had a personal relationship (de la Madrid, Salinas, and Zedillo). The irregularity o rhe quality o biographical insights is also a product o Krauze's rush to represent, which leads inevitably to an imprudent reliance on common sense. For instance, Krauze tells os that
[r]evolutions have been organized around ideas or ideals, liberty, equality, nationalism, socialism. The Mexican Revolution is an exception because, primordially, it was organized around personages . The local histories from which they [these personages] began, their family conflicts, their lives before rising to power, their most intimate passions-all are factors that might have been merely personal, though perhaps representative, if these were merely privare livcs But they could not be in Mexico, a country
An In tellectual ', Stock 223 =

where the conccntration of pos+ el finto a single person (tlatoani, monarch, viceroy, emperor. President, caudillo, jefe, ^, Ledute) had been the historie norm across the centuries.''

different kinds o relationships between che leaders biography and the exercise o power.

The trouble with this is that no disti ncti nos are made regarding the significance o biographies, say, for a tlatoani and for a president, or for a caudillo and a monarch_ Instead of attentpting to specify these different forms o power, and then seeing their connection to biography, they are constantly collapsed rito a single cumposite, which is then-sometimes anachronistically-turned rito che giirnresscnce o Mexicanness. Throughour the book terms such as monarch, tlatoani, tbeocratic, and caudillo are used as metaphors for other forms ol power. The Mexican presidency is "like a monarchy." The president is "like a tlatoani-" Presidential power is "almost theocratic Jose Vosconcclos and Daniel Coso Villegas were intellectual "caudillos;' and communications magnate Emilio Azcrraga was a "caudillo of ndustry These comparrsons and metaphors mas be innocent enough in daily parlante, but I your thesis s that there is a special connection between che details of a leader's biography and the counrry's destiny (p. xv), then the difference between an actual monarchy and something that has similarities to a monarchy, an actual caudillo and someone who is compared to a caudillo, an actual tlatoani and a president, hecomes critical. For example, the power of a revolutionary caudillo like Emiliano Zapata was, especrally in its origins, charismatic People followed him because they shared his cause, were often n desperate straits, and because they believed in him_ Zapatas biography s critically important because it is the source o che social connections of his inner circle (whose biographies in turn affect outer circles), and because his persona gave credibility and direction to che movement as a wholc. As a result, che epic o Zapata's life takes a messianic turn, similar to what we lind in a number of revolutionary caudillos n Mexico, beginning with Miguel Hidalgo, whose political usage o the passion play was perceptlvely analyzed by Victor Turner (also not cited by the author). Krauze argues that the biography of Zapata and of Hidalgo is critical for understandi ng their movement, destinies, but one might argue, conversely, that the construction of their personas was shaped by che context n which thcy acose as leaders_ It is certainly no biographical accident that led Zapata, Hidalgo, and even Madero to cake up a messianic, Christian narrative and construct their persons around it. Specific forms o power such as presidencies, monarchies, grassroots leadership, and so en imply
A u I n r , , ,t,,1 l , elock 224

For instante, in European monarchies, the idea o "the king', two bodies" implied full identity between the king', well-being and the prosperity o the land. The king was like an embodiment o his kingdom. Indeed, in the case o Spanish America, Philip 11 decreed the production o censuses and maps o the entire realm (the famous Relaciones geogrficas). The maps and descriptions he received were concentrated in his palace at El Escorial and in the office o the royal cosmographer, and the information in those censuses and maps was privy to che king. At the same time as he received the maps, he sent out portraits o his person to che four corners o the realm: the king concentrated the full image o the realm in his palace; the realm received, in its stead, the bodily image o the king.16 The relationship between biography and che application o power in this case is certainly distinct from that o Mexico's nineteenth-century presidenta. The connection between presidencial power and personal benefit inverted che central dogma o monarchy_ Nineteenth-century caudillos like Jos Mara Morelos and even Santa Anna wanted to be thought o as servants, not as lords, o the nation. As a result, nineteenthcentury presidenta ("caudillos") routinely modeled their public personae alter Cincinnatus-a renouncer (much as George Washington did in che United States, and Rosas did in Argentina). However, Krauze wrongly reduces Santa Annas constant show o retreating from che presidential chair to a psychological quirk ("he detested the direct and daily exercise o power"), when in fact it was a variation o a classical theme in the theater o presidential power in nineteenth-century Spanish America.17 Whereas the monarch identified his personal welfare and prosperity with that o che realm, early presidents and revolutionary caudillos used personal sacrifice as a legitimating device_ As the presidency became a stable political institution, the office began to require less dramatic personal sacrifices and the image o che "civil servant" became more prominent-this was the image thatJurez adopted for himself, but it was not routinized in Mexico until well finto the twentieth century. Krauze ignores all o this. For him, charismatic power is a constant in Mexican history, che product o a mythified fusion o Aztec and Spanish "theocracies" As a result, he reduces the differences in the persona o various leaders to che details of their biographies. This error leads to the kind o Mexican exceptionalism that 1 objected to earlier (to the proposition that there s something about Mexico that makes all o its leaders into tlatoanis-or did, until the fateful events of 1968, which brought about a
An In tellectual's Stock 225

new generation. led by Krauze, anurng others, who Nave finally hrought demoeracv co Mexico, thc Fnd ot Histoiy ti aLo Ieads him to eurious attempts to diflerentiate "authentie (ron inauthentic" leaders. Antonio Lpez de Santa Anna Ii,r Krauze is che epitome of che fake. lis powei was theatrical, opcratic and worse, tt was divorced from che nation's roots-never mind that che nation did not yet effectively exist Thus, commenting che rise of Benito Juaren (who, unlike Santa Anna, is portrayed hese as being 100 percent authentie--"a puye-blooded Indias '), Krauze saos that'Tclhe country would now he governed by a group of young mestizos who were closer tu Mexican soil, closer to indigenous roots" (p. 151). Which brings us back co che fundamental characteristic o Chis ruin: it is little more than a rcenactment of the nacional myth for the 1990s. In De Critique of ihe Pyramid, a post-1968 reflection en what Fiad gone awry in Mexico, Octavio Paz wrote a trenchant criticism o Mexico's Nacional Museum o Anthropology. His main complaint was that the architecture o the building and as layout made the museum's Aztec hall finto the culmination and synthesis of al] pre-Hispanic culture. This construction o the Aztec enipire as both the centerpiece o the pre-Hispanic world and che antecedent o the independent Mexican nation negated cultural pluralism, idealized a scrong central state, and falsified the preColumbian past.

o che Mexican state, of some powerful-government-related-businessmen, and, by now, on as own private resources. The systcm also benefhts, howcver, from che fact that che readership in che United States-and to some excenc in Europe-has preferred to have a small handful o authorized voices on Mexico rather than co cake che country seriously as a site o cultural and intellectual production. It has been economical and convenient for Americans and others to simply tuve Ti to Carlos Puentes, Octavio Paz, or Enrique Krauze and to take whatever they say as representative of whatJos Mara Morelos called "che senciments of the nation However, che power co represent Mexico in Chis way, to embody it in a single intellectual, is as dead as che autocracic power o the president.

When he was at the height o his power, President Miguel Alemn wanted the Nobel Peace Prize. President Luis Echeverra tried for the secretary- general o the UN, and Carlos Salinas wanted to be president o the World Trade Organization. These un-kingly desires reflect the nature o presidencial power and the limits o presidencial biographies: they are not the main axis in the history o Mexico. 1 like to think that this book is the intellectual counterpart o these desperate presidential moves: the concentration o cultural power in the hands o a few intellectuals has been linked to the authoritarian power o Mexican presidents, and the current democratization asid debilitation o che presidential office promises to end this form o "intellectual caudillismo."

Krauze's book is very much like that museum. The fusion and confusion o tlatoanis, caudillos, viceroys, and presidents, and the thesis that the course o Mexican history was dictated by Daz Ordaz's ugliness, by Santa Anna's theatricality, and by Jurez's religiosiry and puriry, makes this book as much of a Mexico City-centered account o the history o power in Mexico as che Museum o Anthropology ever was. In chis allegedly critical review o the Mexican presidency, che presidents are fetishized, and the social history o the country is collapsed finto nationalist myth. The peculiarty o Krauze's generation of mythmakers is that they are not builders o state institurions, but have instead used state patronage to build private niches for themselves- Two Mexican intellectuals o the 1968 generation have been emblematic in Chis transicion, Hctor Aguilar Camn (former editor o Nexos) and Enrique Krauze (former subdirector o Vuelta) ,18 These intellectuals have been in che business o creating their own "faetones o culture." They now speak from these niches and ventriloquize "Civil Society," much as ',lava priests once interpreted the commands o a Talking Cross. So far Chis new mude o cultural production has counted on the support
A,, luir ! I e..u al e,ock 226 = An In trllec tu al 's Stock 227

11

Bordering on Anthropology: Dialectics of a National Tradition

The current sense o crisis in U.S. and European anthropology has been widely debated Beginning with a series of criticisms o the connections between anthropology and imperialism in the 1970s, the critique o anthropology moved no deeper epistemological terrain by interrogating the riarrative strategies used by ethnographers to build up their scientific authority and their role in shaping colonial" discourses o self and other. The field o anthropology in the United States and Europe is still reverberating from these discussions.' Less well known and less understood, perhaps, is the quieter sense o unease and transformation in anthropological traditions that one might cal] "national anthropologies." By "national anthropologies" 1 mean anthropological traditions that have been fostered by educational and cultural institutions for the development o studies of their own nation. These traditions began to be the object o reflexive interest in the United States and Europe during the 1970s, alongside vocal criticisms o colonialism_ Their significante for reshaping anthropological theory was brought to the fore in the 1980s.'

Noteworthy among these interventions were two short pieces by Arjun Appadurai arguing againstholism in dominant metropolitan anthropological traditions. Holism, for Appadurai, was "a g]aring example o the making

o theoretical virtue o a range o infirmities o practice,"' infirmities that included the "tendency for places to become showcases for specific issues over time."^ This tendency was weaker in peripheral anthropological traditions, because they developed not so much for the production o a general account o "Man" or o "Culture," but rather to confront social problems in the ethnographer's own society, a society that was always problematically integrated to "the West." Thus, in the 1980s, peripheral anthropologies becarne part o a process o diversification and specification o anthropology, a process that countered the grand holistic narratives o earlier generations that used India asan excuse to reflect on hierarchy, Africa to reflect on lineage structures, or the Mediterranean to think about honor and shame. This movement against grand holistic narratives and toward the diversification o the field is perhaps the principal symptom and effect o globalization on "metropolitan" anthropological traditions. However, the effects o "globalization" on national anthropologies is not so well understood. Globalization has involved a number of powerful changes in these places, including transformations in the role o national governments in development and educational projects, the demise o "national economies" as being even ideally viable, and changing publics for anthropological works. These general tendencies seem to produce differing effects in distinct countries. These differences are influenced by factors such as national language (former English colonies having some comparative advantages here), the role o local anthropologies in managing national development, and their impact on nationalist narratives. In this chapter, 1 provide a historical interpretation o the gestation of the current malaise in one national tradition, which is Mexican anthropology.s Peripheral nations with early dates o national independence, such as most countries o Latin America, have had national traditions o anthropology that evolved in tandem with European and American anthropology from its inception. The histories o these national anthropologies is still not very well known, in part because o the disjunction between the ways that anthropology is taught in the great metropolitan centers and in national anthropological traditions. Whereas in Britain, France, or the United States, anthropological histories are traced back in time within their native traditions, "national anthropologies" often emphasize tiesto great foreign scholars, thereby placing themselves within a civilizational horizon whose vanguard is abroad. Commenting on this phenomenon, Darcy Ribeiro once said that his fellow Brazilian anthropologists were cavalos de santo (spirit mediums who spoke for their mentors in Europe or the United States). The works o anthropologists o the "national traditions" thus
Bordrring o n An t bro pology

228 =
229 =

appear co be discontinuous svith each other lh use a .Mexican illlustrati on, che influence of Boas on Camk, and ol ( cure on che carlier Chavero tends to mask che genealogica1 rclations between Camio and Chavero. It is therctore no( surprising thai althnuuh che existente of chis class o national anthrccpologies is wcll knosen it has not buen suffictently theorized. How does a discipline that otees so much to imperial expansion and globallzation--indeed, a discipline that has otten conccived of itself as che study of racial or cultural othcrs" thrive when os objects of study are the anthropologist's co-nation_tls- H,osv are chcories and mechocis developed in American or European anthropologies deployed in [hese national traditions; Is there a relati onship between the current transformations of national anthropologies and che crisis of anthropology" writ large? 1

tu the management o a backward population and as incorporation finto "nacional society" (materials from che 1880s to che 1920s); the consolidation of a developmental orthodoxy (materials from the 1940s to thc 1960s); and che attempt to move from an anthropology dedicated co che study of Indians" co an anthropology devoted to che study o social class (materials from the 1970s to che 1990s). 1 begin by contextualizing the current unease in Mexican anthropology, and move from there to the historical discussion

19x8-95: "Criticism has been excbangedforan officiai post"'

The 1968 student movement produced a generacional rupture in Mexican anthropology. Its manifesto carried che disdainful title of De eso que llaman antropologa mexicana (O that which they call Mexican anthropology), a book that was penned by a group o young professors o the Nacional School o Anthropology who were playfully known in those days as 'The Magnificent Seven." The magnficos had had the daring to criticize that jewel on the crown of the Mexican Revolution that was indigenista anthropology.

The study o Mexican anthropology is instructivo for the broader class of national anthropologies. Mexico developed one o the earliest, most successful, and internationally influential national anthropologies.6 The institutional infrastructure of Mexican anthropology is one o the world's largest and its political centrality within the country has been remarkable. This is linked both to the critical role that Mexico's archaeological patrimony has played in Mexican nationalism and to anthropology's prominent role in shaping national development. However, the success o Mexican anthropology in that nation's project of national consolidation is today its principal weakness. The sense o crisis in contemporary Mexican anthropology moves between two related concerns: che high degree o incorporation o anthropology and anthropologists into che workings and designs o the state, and the isolation and lack o intellectual cohesiveness of the academy. The conecto with the co-optation of Mexican anthropology in particular is a recurrent theme. In addition, there appears to be the sor[ o disjunetion between research, criticism, and useful and positive social action ("relevanee') that has also been the subject of recen[ attention.
This chapter claims that ^Mexican anthropology has reached the point where it must transcend the limitations imposed by its historical vocation as a national anthropology. In order to lend credence to chis normative claim, 1 explore the development of Mexican anthropology from the midnineteenth century to the present by focusing on four dynamic processes: the historical relationship between the observations o foreign scientific travelers and the production of a national irnage (materials used for this section range from che 1850s to che carly 1900s); che relatiionship between evolutionary paradigms and the development of an anthropology applied
Ben enng on ,1nih'cpology 230 =

By 1968 the identification o Mexican anthropology with official nationalism was at its peak. The new Nacional Museum o Anthropology, which was widely praised as che world's finest, had been inaugurated in 1964, and the Nacional School o Anthropology (ENAH) was housed on its upper floor. The institucional infrastructure o Mexican anthropology was firmly linked to che diverse practices o indigenismo, including bilingual education, rural and indigenous development programs throughout the country (concentrated in che Instituto Nacional Indigenista, INI), and a vast research and conservation apparatus, housed mainly in the Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia (INAH). Mexican anthropology had provided Mexico with che theoretical and empirical materials that were used to shape a modernist aesthetics, embodied in the design o buildings such as the National Museum of Anthropology or che new campus o the National University. It was charged with the task o forging Mexican citizenship both by "indigenizing" modernity and by modernizing the Indians, thus uniting all Mexicans in one mestizo community. In Mexico, Chis is what was called indigenismo. According to che magnficos, Mexican anthropology had placed itself squarely in the service o che state, and so had abdicated both its critical vocation and its moral obligation to side with the popular classes. The 1968 generation complained that Mexican indigenismo had as its central goal the incorporation o che Indian finto the dominant system, a system
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that was called national" and "modern' by rhe indigenistas, but that was better conceived as "capitalist' and dependen[." Mexican anthropology was described as an orchid in the hothouse of e lexico's authoritarian state, coopted and entirely saturated by irs needs ami those o foreign capital.
Moreover, the legitmate actions of early indigenistas, their tres to the Mexican Revolution, had been exhausted. In the words one o rhe magnficos, Guillermo Bonfil.
Today we can contrast rhe reality of Mexican society with rhe ideals o the revolution and establish che distante between the two . It would be diffieult ro doubr that these days we can no longer do justice to the future by m a intaining rhe same programs that were levolution ary sixty years ago. Those programs have either run their nurse or else they have been shown t be ineffective, useless, or, worse yet, thcy have produced historically negative results.

Mexico City papers reponed that Arturo Warman was charged with pleading with former President Salinas on behalf o President Zedillo to put an end to a one-day hunger strike.10 Principal Thesis My contention is that the image of anthropology's history repeating itself in a never-ending cycle o state incorporation is misleading. In this chapter, 1 seek to elucidate the origins and historical evolution and current exhaustion o Mexican anthropology as a confined, national, tradition.
The concerns that characterized anthropology in Mexico even before its institutional consolidation in the late nineteenth century related to the historical origins o rhe nation and to rhe characteristics o its peoples. The study o rhe origins and o the attributes o the nations "races" was especially important in Mexico, where independence preceded the formation o a bourgeois public sphere. Until very recently, at least, Mexico has been a country in which public opinion is to a large degree subsidized and dramatized by rhe state. Anthropological stories o national origins and o racial and cultural difference were therefore useful to governments and they were routinely projected both onto the nation's interna) frontiers and abroad, Anthropology has helped to reconfigure the hierarchical relations that develop between sectors of the population, and it contributed to the formation and presentation o a convincing national teleology. However, in Mexico, as elsewhere, the strategies and role o rhe state in shaping the contours o society have been deeply transformed from the 1980s on. The crisis in anthropology today is not as much about rhe discipline's absorption by the state as it is about as uncertain role in rhe marketplace. An enlightened vanguard may no longer realistically aspire to fashion and shape public opinion for interna) purposes, and discourses regarding cultural origins and social hierarchies are no longer central to the allure o the country for foreign governments and capitalista- In this context, there is a real needforinvention

Thus, the authors o De eso que llaman nrtropologa mexicana called for Mexican anthropologists tu keep rheir distante from the state. They should steer clear o a policy (indigenismo) that had the incorporation o the Indian finto "national society" as as principal aim. "National society," noted Arturo Warman, was always an undefined category that simply stood for what Rodolfo Stavenhagen and Pablo Gonzlez Casanova had called "internal colonialism" as early as 1963. The aim o Mexican indigenismo had been rhe incorporation of the Indian into the capitalist system o exploitation, and in so doing it had abandoned the scientific and critical potential o rhe discipline. Not surprisingly, tensions grew strong in the National School o Anthropology, and they culminated in rhe expulsion o Guillermo Bonfil from the school by director Ignacio Bernal. The fact that a number o indigenistas remained loyal to rhe government during and alter the 1968 movement was sean by rhe sesentayocheros as a final moment o abjection, and it marked the end o that school's dominante in Mexican academic settings. Twenty years later, however, Arturo Warman, who was rhe most famous o the magnficos and author of a number of books that were critical o Mexico's agrarian policies, accepted rhe post o director o the Instituto Nacional Indigenista, and later that o Secrerary o Agrarian Reform under President Salinas. From chis position Warman conducted rhe government's agrarian policies, which were directed precisely to incorporating Mexican peasants roto forma of production that are geared to the market. Thus rhe co-optation o the anthropological establishment seemed to repeat itself, complete with as own momeni of drama: in March 1995 the
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Anthropology and the Fashioninq of a Modera National Image Shaping an image o national stability, o collective serenity, security, and seriousness o purpose, has never heen an easy task in Mexico. It was absolutely impossible to accomplish in ehe decades following independence (1821), when governments had to operare with unstable and insufficient revenue, a foreign deht that was impossible to pay, constant internal

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which recapitulates the advenmres and impressions that he and the collector HenryChristyhad on their trip to Mexico in 1856- To my knowledge, this book has never been published in Spanish, and it is not widely known or read in Mexico. This is odd at first glance, given .Mcxico's legitimate daim to have been the muse that inspired the discipline that in Oxford was at times referred to as "Tylors science."'t The lack o attention to Tylor's Mexican connection seems even stranger given the peed that countries like Mexico have had to remirad the world that thev have not been absent in the process of shaping the course of Western civilization.1i Mexico's failure te) appropriate Tylor's Anabuac seems less perplexing when we actually read the book. Tylor described a Mexico whose presidency had changed hands once every eight months for the previous ten years, a country whose fertile coastal regions were badly depopulated, and whose well-inhabited highlands were bandit infested and difficult to travel. Mexico was also a country that was sharply divided by race, where the whites and half-castes were hated by the Indians whom they exploited.
Figure 11 .1 , The Horsea ni] thr Zapilott, in Evans (1 870), p. 506 The buzzard (here misspelled) became a regular motiv in travel writing on Mexico during the nineteenth century. Buzzards figure in the first Mexican impressions o both Fanny Caldern de la Barca and E. B.Tvlor. Here, Colonel Albert Evans uses the image to end his book on a suitably pessirnistic note: "As wc went down by rail from Paso del Macho to Veracruz, we lookcd from dhe window o what had been Maximilian's imperial car, upon a scene by the roadside which struck me nearer to the heart, and filled my soul with sadness . a poor old steed-who may have borne Santa Anna and his fortunes in his day, or hetter seved the world by drawing a dump cart for a grading party-had been mrned out to die. The zapilotes [sic]-which are among the insnmtions of the country-watching from afar saw death 's signal in his glazing eye, and wheeling down froto their airy heights, came trooping from all directions to the coming feast' (Evans 1873- 505-6),

Tylor's first vista o Mexico is the por[ o Sisal, in the Yucatn, and it gets the Mexican reader off to an uneasy start, suggesting the fragility o Mexico as a polity and its lack o cohesiveness as a nation:
Cine possible article o expon we examined as closely as opportunity would allow, namely, the Indian inhabitants. There they are, in every respect the right article for trace: brown-skinned, incapable o defending themselves, strong, healthy, and industrious; and the creeks and mangrove swamps o Cuba only three days' sail off. The plantations and mines that want one hundred thousand men to bring them into full work, and swallow aborigines, Chinese, and negroes indifferently-anything that has a dark skin, and can be made to work-would take [hese Yucatecos in any quantity, and pay well for them.14

revolutions, a highly deficient system o transportation, and frequent foreign invasions. The image o Mexico abroad, an image that had been so important to Mexican politicians and intellectuals even before Baron von Humboldt published his positive accounts o New Spain, had turned very contrary indeed. Naturalists and ethnographers who followed Humboldt's steps took a decidedly negative view o Mexicos present and a pessimistic view o its future.11

Tylors first impression was a disturbing reminder o the fragility of the links between Mexico's people and its territory. His observation revealed what is still today something o a dirty secret, which is that Mayas were indeed being sold as slaves in Cuba at the time. But if Tylor's first impressions were unsettling, Mexican nationalists would find little solace in his conclusions:
That [Mexico's] total absorption [finto the United States] must come, sooner or later, we can hardly doubt_ The chief diffieulty seems to be that the American constitution will not exacdy suit the case- The Republic laid down the right o each citizen to his share in che government o the country as a Bordertng o s A =235=

A useful point o entry for understanding ehe labors o early Mexican anthropologists is a discussion o Edward B Tylor's travel book on Mexico,
Bordcr,n.t o ,. Anfi;ro polo9y

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universal law .. making, it is true, so me slight exceptions with regard to red and black men. The Mexicans, or at least the white and half-caste Mexicans, will be a difficulty. Their claims lo citizenship are unquestionable if Mexico were made a State o the Union; and, as everybody knows, they are totally incapable o governing themselves ... [Mjoreover, it is certain that American citizens would never allow even the whitest o the Mexicans to be placed on a footing of equality with themselves. Supposing these difficulties got over by a Protectorate, an armed occupation, or some similar contrivance , Mexico will undergo a great change . There will be roads and even rail-roads, some security for lile and property, liberty o opinion, a flourishing commerce, a rapidly increasing population, and a variety o good things. Every intelligent Mexican must wish for an event so greatly to the advantage o his country ...1$ As for ourselves individually, we may be excused for cherishing a lurking kindness for the quaint, picturesque manners and customs o Mexico, as yet un-Americanized; and for rejoicing that ir was our fortune to travel there before che coming change, when its most curious peculiarities and its very language must yield before foreign influence.16 Tylor's Mexicans were in most respects an unenlightened people.

Mexican schooling was dominated by an obscurantist and coirupt church (Tylor mentions Che case o a priest who was a highwayman, and discusses the laxity o priestly mores) 17 The legal system gave no protection to ordinary citizens, who were at a structural disadvantage with respect to soldiers and priests. The population avoided paying taxes because the government was ineffective. The country as a whole was in the hands o gamblers and adventurers, and Mexican jails offered no prospect o reforming prisoners.

Ethnologists and historians o the period must have been struck by the Mexican governments incapacity to control the connections between the nation's past and its futuro, a fact that is demonstrated by Tylor and Christy's activities as collectors o historical trophies, but even more potently by Tylor's remarkable description o Mexico's national museum:
The lower story had been turned into a barrack by the Government, there being a want of quarters for tire soldiers. As the ground-floor under the 1 2. Porter ami Bakerin MMexicu, in Edward B . Tylor, Anabuae ( 1861), p. 54. cloisters is used for the heavier pieces o sculpture, tire scene was somewhat curious The soldiers had laid several o the smaller idols down en their faces, and were sitting en the confortable seat un the small o their backs, busy playing at cards. An encerprising soldier liad built up a hutch with idols and sculptured stones against the statue o the great war-goddess Teoyaomiqui herself, and kept rabbits there. The state which the whole
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opment of anthropology in Mexico (and, indeed, in Britain) was to a significant degree shaped by che negative imprint o chis book and others like it. After the publication o Anahuac, things in Mexico took a different turn than che one that Tylor had envisioned- Instead o being invaded by che United States, Mexico was occupied by France, which made the best o che American Civil War to regalo a foothold en che continent; and, although Tylor was not entirely wrong in thinking that a number of Mexicans would welcome che intervention of a great power, civil strife and resistanee against the French proved stronger than he had anciicipated, and che curo of world events frowncd upon Mexico's second empire. Alter its "second independence," however, Mexico had yet to show that it was a politically viable country, a country that was capable of attracting foreign investors, a country that could embrace progress.

Figure 11.3- 1-lon- Willian, fi- Srto,trd Tranoiiug io klrxico, in Eva lis (1870), p. 18. A characterisu cal ly uncritical re preseuc^tlon ot American power in che period-

place was in when chas left te che tender mercies o a Mexican regiment may he imagined by any one who knows ti liat a dirty and destructive animal a Mexican soldier is. '"

Cine important move in Chis direction is a book written by Vicente Riva Palacio and Manuel Payno, boda of whom would later lead che manufacture of a new history of Mexico." El libro rojo (The red book) (1870) was among che first of a series o lavishly printed and illustrated volumes of the final third of che nineteenth century. It is a brief history of civil violente in Mexico, told by way of an illustrated look at executions and assassinations, much as if it were a book of saints. El libro rojo is remarkable for its ecumenical reproach o civil violence. Illustrated pages are dedcated equally to Cuauhtmoc and lo Xicotencatl ( Indian kings who fought on

Mexican anthropology has liad multiple births, the writings o the sixteenth-century friars, and especially of Bernardino de Sahagn, are frequently cited, hut so are those ol Cicole patriots and antiquarians writing in the seventeenth and eightecnth tentarles, or che foundation of the International School o American Archaeology and Ethnology in 1911 by Franz Boas, and the creation o che tirst department o anthropology by his student, Manuel Gamio, in 1917.'" Anahuac represents an unacknowledged, but not a less important, point of origin, for Tylor's first book was the sort o travel narrative that anthropologists, including Tylor himself, tried to trump with che scientihc discipline of anthropology, retaining the sense o discovery and of daring of che gente while reaching for systematizacion and eniotional distante -2o For Mexican intellectuals, however, Anahuac nanied the unspeakahle but omnipresenc nightmare o racial dismemberment, nacional disintegracion, and tire shameful profanation of the nacion's gnndeur by che state itsclf. Anahuac in other words, is a work that hoth British and Mexican anthropologists would write against- As in a Freudian dream, che primal scene has peen carefully hidden, but che devel[ l o r d o r ; n . ; o , A i, ropo logy = 238 = =

Figure 11.4. Dolcefarniente, unsigned etching from Felix L. Oswald , Summerland Sketches, or Rambles in the Backwoods of Mexico and Central America (Philadelphia, 1880), p. 185. The image o a lazy and obscurantist church was a staple o anglophone writing en Mexico from che time o Thomas Gage's work in che seventeenth century to the writings o Edward B. Tylor and beyond. Here the priest' s siesta illustrates Oswald's observations on Mexico in che 1870s.
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Anthropo logy

239

opposite sides during the Conquest), to conquistador Pedro de Alvarado and to Che Aztec emperor Moctezuma, to Jews who were burned by the Inquisition and to priests who were massacred by Indians, to marooneel African slaves and to a Spanish archbishop. Even more remarkably, the pantheon of martyrs includes heroes on alternare sides o Mexico's civil struggies o Che nineteenth century _ Father Hidalgo and Iturbide; the liberals Comonfort and Melchor Ocampo, and the conservatives Meja and Miramn. Even Maximilian o Hapsburg, who had been executed by the still-reigning president, Benito Jurez, was given equal treatment. El libro rojo sought te shape a unified Mexico by acknowledging a shared history of suffering. Ideologically, this was Che course that was later taken under General Daz (1884-1910)22 El libro rojo was primarily directed to unifying elites, as is shown by the book's guiding interest in state executions, rather than in Che anonymous dead produced by civil strife or exploitation. The unification o elites involved taming the nation's war-toro past and projecting Chis freshly rebuilt past finto the present in order to shape a modernizing frontier. It is therefore not surprising that the pacification and stabilization o Che country that followed slowly after Che French intervention required the services o an enlightened elite, which carne to be known as the cient(cos, in order to shape Mexicos image. This is the subject o derailed work by Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, in his book Mexico at the Worlds Faus and clsewhere. 1 will Ilustrare the kind o work that was accomplished by Chis intelligentsia by referring to a book that was published in English and French by justo Sierra and a team o illustrious cientficos in 1900, Mexico Its Social Evolution. This work is o special interest not only because Sierra was such a prominent and influential figure in Mexican culture and education, but also because it was printed especially in foreign languages, and its lavishly produced illustrations seem to answer point by point the negative comments and images o Mexico offered by Tylor and other travclers. The hrst, most fundamental strategy followed by Sierra's team was to make Mexico's evolution compiehensible and parallel to that of France, Britain, or Che Uniced Statcs (that is, to readers o French and English). Thus, Che narres o the authors and historical personages were anglicized,
Figure 115. Statue of tbe.blexican Godlrss l War (o, oj Denth) Teoyaomiqui ( 1861), in Edward E. Fylor, Anabuac p- 221 Soldicrs used Chis stone to build a rabbit hutch.

trom "Jane Agnes de la Cruz" ro "William Prieto," and parallels hetween Mexico's evolution and that of Che civilized world were explicitly or implicitly established. Carlos ("Charles") de Sigenza y Gngora is placed alongside Isaac Newton, Ro de la Loza is followed shortly by Auguste Comte, and photographs o museums, hospitals, and courthouses built in Victorian or Che latest Parisian styles were displayed on page alter page- This mimetic Bardrrii^9 on An tbropala2y 241

strategy was common aniong tMcxic u's elite literary and scientific cireles of the Belle hpuque, but it is takcn Lip in a punctual manner by Sierra, who cndeavors to show that cach of cite hallmarks ol progress exists in Mexico. Tylor complamed uf che state ol ahandon of ^Vlcxican education and its suhordination tti a retrograde ehureti lusui Sierra piovided diseussions of che development of Mexican positice scic ice Tvlor smiled ironically at che lack ot actention citar reas given tu Mcxicu's history and patrimony Sierra shows che Nacional Musevm ot ^nthropulogy and che ways in which Nlexicos once contlici toro roces I-mec bcen neacly studied and organizad in it 1inally, Tylor notcd cite arhitrariness of Mexico's governnient and che lack o justice and institu tions of social reform. Sierra shows che rapid and impressive development ol courts of law, of councils, hospitals, schools, museums, and prisons In short, while Tylor spoke o a country that had becn ravaged by revolution, Sierra'% book spoke o evolution. In chis dialectic between Tylors and Sierras books one can catch a glimpse o che central role that anthropology has had in Mexico's history. In a rather simplified way, one could say ciar the international aspect o anthropology has the capaciry tu destabilize nationalist images o Mexico. Mexicds nacional anthropology has worked hard to curb these tendencies by imaging che parallels between Mexico's development and that of the nations that produce anthropologists who tiavel. Figure 1 1.6. The Nacional Preparatory Scbool, from justo Sierra, ed., Mexico Its Social Evolution, tome 1, vol. 2, p. 480. Finely printed photographs of modero hospitals, laboratorios, libraries, prisons, schools, courcrooms, town halls, and railroad stations fill che pages o Sierra's book.

Shaping Narralives of Internal Hierarchy, Organizing Governmental Intervention in tse Modernizing Process
In addition to shaping and defending the nacional image, Mexico's anthropology had from the beginning a role to play in the criticism and organization o interna) hierarchies, Even before che risa o any solid institucional framework for che development of Mexican anthropology, diseussions and writings en roce and en che historical origins o Mexico's Acoples were constantly deployed in order to orient strategies o government. The Boletn de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica, Mexico's oldest scientific periodical (founded in 1839), has many examples of chis. Statistical and population reports that viere drafted in che 1 850s and 1860s ofren carried sections on roce, for instante. Thus, luan Estrada in his repon on che Prefectura del Centro o che state o Guerrero, says that OJf che 25,166 souls in the prefecture, 20,000 are Indians. However, wliat is paintul is that che remaining 5,000 are not educated, nor do they relcaio from uniting with che Indians in their designs to exterminare che HispanoNlexican rase.2s
We would abstain from making Chis sort of classification [i.e., racial classification] were it nor trae that just as politics prefers to treat citizens as essential pars of che nation, so does economics prefer to consider their specific condition, nor in order to worsen it but, en the contrary, to seek ics improvement. Without a practical knowledge o che peoples [los pueblos], we cannot improve their civilizacion, their morality, their wealth, nor che wants that affect them.25

In the lame period (1845), the Constitutional Assembly o the Department o Quertaro gives a more nuanced account o che racial question in its state "The wise regulatory policy o our government has proscribed forever che odious distinctions between whites, blacks, bronzed, and mixed races. We no longer have anything but free Mexicans, with no differences among them except those imposed by aptitude and merit in order to select che various destinies o the republic."24 However, the authors go en:

The congress then proceeds to discuss che qualities and deficiencies not only o Quertaro's three main roces (Indians, mixed-bloods, and

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Mexicans, he also mentions the black population in the Veracruz region, and divides Mexican Indians into three types: brown Indians, red Indians, and blue Indians. These "blue Indians," known in Mexico at the time as pintas, were the troops o general Juan lvarez that had overrun Mexico City shortly before Tylor's visit, and they were "blue" because many of them had a skin disease that orases pigment in large patches.
One o the principal tasks o anthropology as it began to develop in the 1 880s was to put order into these regional hierarchies o race and to tic them into a vision o national evolution o the sort that was so successfully displayed in Sierra's Mexico: Its Social Evolution. A key strategy for chis can be found in Alfredo Chavero's work on pre-Columbian history in Mexico a travs de los siglos (1 888), a work that develops an evolutionary scheme for pre-Columbian history that implicitly organizes hierarchical relations between the yaces in the present. Chavero describes Mexico's pre-Columbian past as if it had been waiting underground for his patriotic generation to bring it back to life.
figure 11 J National Museum, Salan of the Alonolitbs, from justo Sierra, Mexico Its Social Evolution, tome 1, vol. 2, p 488.

Throughout the ravages o colonial destruction and the revolutions o the nineteenth century, the colossal Mexican past slept under a blanket o soil:
But our ancient history had been saved, and all that could have perished in

Creoles), but also importan[ distinctions within the Creole race according to levels o education. Thus, while the highest class o Creoles is circumspect, controlled, and similar to the ancient Spartans, the classes beneath them can be fractious.
Statistics supplied by the state of Yucatn for the year 1853 include detailed discussions o the relationship between race and criminality, showing that Indians are less likely to commit violent crimes than castas or Creoles, because the Indian race is belittled (apoc(jda), either naturally or as a result o degeneration- Correspondingly, Indians indulge in petty theft, and they do so systematically, The Indian steals, More [han anyrhing he is a thief, and Chis he is without exception, and in as many ways as he can However, because of their petty nature, these thefts escape the action o justice, and so are not recorded in tire annals o crime."26 Statistics from the department of Soconusco in Chiapas in the lame period divided local yaces into ladinos, Indians, blacks, and Lacandones.27

oblivion shall today rige to our hands. Even if [hese hands he guided more by daring than by knowledge, they are also moved by love o country, a love that embraces the desire tu preserve od memories and ancient deeds just as the great hall o a walled castle keeps the portraits o each o its lords, che sword of the conquistador and the luto o the noble lady 2a

After claiming the possession of the noble treasures o the past for his country, Chavero proponed an evolutionary story for pre-Columbian Mexico. This story had blacks as the initial inhabitants- However, these blacks were weaker and less well suited to most o Mexicos environment than the race that expelled them from al] but the torrid tropical zones: the Otomis. For Chavero, ir is the Otomis who can be truly called Mexico's first inhabitants. However, the Otomis were not much better than the blacks: they were a population o troglodytes who spoke a monosyllabic tongue, a people that was contemporaneous with humanity's infaney:29 Life in [hose days could be nothing but the struggle for sustenance. Families were formed only by animal instinct. Intelligence was limited inside the compressed crania o those savages ... And just as nothing linked them to heaven orto an eternal god, so too did they lack any nos t the earth; there was no fatherland [patria) for them.30
Bordering

It is clear from [hese reports that rhere was not a fixed national system of racial composition, but that the races, and even to some extent the specifics o rheii character varied substantially by region. Even 1_dward B. Tylor's classification ol Mexican races reflects Chis, for although he foregrounds the relationship between Indians, hall-castes, and SpanishBorde ring o', A n 1 b i o p o l o g y

o n Ant bro p ology 245 =

Despite there unpromising hegininga, che intcriority ol che Otomis did flor deeply star che natian pri ele Instead 1t actually proved uselul to uflderstan el ing eontem poiuiv ras ial hit iarchies 1 ortla' Otomis initia ted ara svoluu oflan nx,vulile lit that culmi naced s, ah che magnilieent Nahoas, a tate ahuse appearance seas auctnding tu C llavero, e untemporancous wirh that ot the greate i yilizations ol Lgypt, India, and China Moreover, the Oro mis otrer a valuable perspectirc iruni svhieh lo comprchcnd the condiclan of thc Indians CiLI11TI 11- C haveis s prescnt lar che Otoms acre che India,i Indians _ thcy were che cunnuu cd peoples ol tliose sello wcre later in therr turra , conquered Because ol this, thcy allow che Mexican to rela-

-tivzechSpansCoquetdrimnshweg acionlhstry
But did these first peoples acquire any culture ? We are not surprised to find them degraded and almost brutish lin che historical penad . They were toro apart by invasions without recciving new lile-blood [savia] from che conquerors, and inferior peoples desecad and perisla when thcy come finto conraer wirh more advaneed people We sroulcl he wrong to judge che state o rhe ancient kingdom of Mexico befare che Conquest on che basis of our prescnt-day Indians'

[Ti one stroke Chavero has established both the grandeur o the Mexican past and che kcy to comprehend lis lall, and so has put aside the painful image that foreigners still projecred of Mexico in Chavero `s day. Mexico's prehistory and its contemporary momear mapped onto each other, they conipleted one another The images of the Negro , Otomi , and early Nahoa races in figures 1 1.8a-c illustrate chis point. whereas Chavero used archaeological pieces to portray the early Negro and Nahoa races, he relied tan a drawing o a contemporary " Indian rype " to portray the ancient Otomi. The contemporary degenerare ' odian rype maps onto and indeed substitutes for rhe missing image of the early and unevolved Otomi, just as the ancient grandeur o che Nahoa completes che image o Mexico 's future as it is being shaped by che cientfico eliteMoreover, there is a striking similarity berween Chavero 's description o the degraded Otomis and contemporaneous descriptions by foreigners o che Mexican Indian . For example , U.S historian Hubert Bancroft wrote a diary o his travels to Mexico at the tinte sehen Mxico a travs de los siglos seas in preparation , and he makes che following comment regarding the pervasive fears os U.S annexation aniong Alexicans:
But what che United Stares seants nt iMexico, sellar benefit would accrue from adding more terntory, whar clic nadan has lo gain from it 1 cannot

Figure 11.Sa. Cabeza gigantesca de Hueypan , in Mxico a travs de los siglos, vol. 1, p. 63.

fathom ... If there were nothing else in the way, the character o the Mexican people would be objection enough . The people are not the nation here as with us; che politicians are absolute . There is no middle class, but only the high and the low, and che low are very lose indeed, peor, ignorant, servile and debased , and wirh neither the heart or the hopo ever to attempt to better their condition. 1 have traveled in Europe and elsewhere, but never have 1 before witnessed such squalid misery and so much o it. Sit at the door o your hotel, and ven will see pass by as in some hellish panorama che withered, the deformed, che lame and che blind, deep in che humility o
Bordering o t A = 247

rdcris) ..,. .nibi , ^pologJ =lao=

Figure 1 1.8c. Cabecita de Teotihuarrn, in Mxico a travs de los siglos, vol. 1, p. 69.

debasement, half hidden in their dingy, dirty rainment as if the light o heaven and the eyes of man were equally painful to them, hunchbacks and dwarfs, little filthy mothers with lude filthy babes, grizzly gray headed tren and women bent douhle and hobbling en canes and crutches.32

In the Pace of these devastating impressions, Chavero and his generation strived to make Mexico presentable to the patriot, to make it defensible vis-a-vis the foreigner, and especially to attract foreign allies. The success o this great concerted effort o the Porfirian intellectual elite has been discussed by Tenorio-Trillo, who calls the team o Mexican intellectuals and politicians who pulled it off "wizards." This is perhaps not much o an exaggeration. Fernando Fscalante has reminded us that during most of the nineteenth century, Veracruz, a town that was so plague-ridden that
Figure 1 I,Sb- Tipo otont, in Mxico a envs de los siglos, vol. 1, p. 66

it was known as "the city o death," was nevertheless the favorite city of the Creoles, because going there was the best way te) get out o country.

The special role o Chavero and other early anthropologists was to suggest a certain isomorphism between the past and the present. By creating a single racial narrative for the whole country, diese anthropologists
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eould shape the invernal tionuers idt mod erniza ti on whilc upholding a telcology that nade progress and cvulution in integral aspect el Mexican civilization Moreover, this strategy involved using hstory te moralize ebout the present. which w;u are inuncnsely popular aetivity in Mexico that had significant grassrouts appeal ', The generation of Porhriati anthropologists would use this evolutionary theory as a frame for shaping iA'lexicos imago, but rcvolutionary anthropologists would use it to interv ene direcdy in native communities. The key figure in Chis development is Manuel ( amio who was so suceesstul that he is generally considerad the "lather" of Mexican anthropology Because Gamio's story is well known, 1 shall only briefly recapitulate Manuel Gamio met Franz Boas when the latter founded the International School of American Archaeology and Ethnology in Mexico City in 1910. Boas, as Guillermo de la Pea has shown, felt that Gamio was the most promising of the young Mexican scholars and invited him to do his doctoral work at Columbia." Gamio also reccived support from Carranza's government even before its final triumph over Villa, and in 1917 he created the Department of Anthropology of Mexicos agriculture and development ministry, From this position, Canijo organized a monumental study o the population of the Valley of Teotihuacn In San Juan Teotihuacn, Camio found a perfect parable for the Mexican nation. The valley of Teotihuacn was rich, but its people were poor; the ancient city was the sise of astonishing civilizational grandeur, but the current inhabitants had degenerated as a result of the Spanish Conquest, exploitation, and the poor fit between Spanish culture and the racial characteristics of the Indians- Just as important, perhaps, the setting offered up the raw materials for the presentation of a national aesthetics, a strategy that had already been implemented by the authors of Mxico a travs de los siglos and the architects of Mexico's exhibit at the Paris World's Fair of 1889. This work is continued and deepened by Gamio, who attempts not only to extend the use of an Indian iconography in Mexican publishing and architecture, but also to adopt an indigenizing aesthetic for enlightened classes, and to bring a serious engagement with indigenous culture to bear on modern technologies in architecture and cinema. 35 The elevation of traditional cultura for the consumption of elite classes was a matter of some controversy and it was often disdained in the restored Republic and during the por)iriato (it can still be controversia) today). For example, when a critic ol 1871 described Guillermo Prietos poetry as "versos chulsimos oliendo a guajolote" (beautiful verses that
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smell of the indigenous terco lar turkey), Chis was taken as an insult.s' Gamios involvement in the revalorizaron of indigenous culture seas part of a long-terco civi lizational process for the Mexican elite. Unlikc his Porffrian predecessors, however, Gamio telt that the role o the anthropologist seas not only to present the past as a vision of a possible future , but also to intervene as the enlightened arco of government, as the arco of science that was best equipped to deal with the management of population , with forging social harmony and promoting civilization Thus, lar Camio, the actions of the anthropologists were the actions of the nation itself. In a prologue to a booklet that published the international reactions to La poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn , Gamio explains that he puts this compendium of flattering comments into print not asan act of self-promotion , but rather because La poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn "is a collective work that has national dimensions." Moreover: The opinions and critica) judgments not only praise the scientific methods that preside over the research brought together in this work and the social innovations and practica ) results that were obtained . There is also , in severa) of the most distinguished foreign judgments, the suggestion that a number of other nations follow Mexico's example in favor of the well-being and progress of their own people , a judgment that will undoubtedly satisfy the national consciente,"

On the other hand, the fact that Teotihuacn and the Department of Anthropology of the Secretara de Agricultura y Fomento were both national symbols did not make them equal, for whereas Teotihuacn stood for the nation because of the wealth of its territory, the grandeur of its past, and its racial and cultural composition (which reflected a fourhundred-year process of degeneration), the Department of Anthropology was the head of the nation from which the promotion of civilization was to come. This is most potently brought honre in the instructions that Gamio gave to bis researchers before they began fieldwork in Teotihuacn:
We then suggested to out personnel that they shed the prejudices that can arise in the minds o civilized and modere men when they come into contact with the spirit, the habits and customs of the Teotihuacanos, whose civilization has a lag of four hundred years. We advised that they should follow strict scientific discipline in the course of their actions, but that they should make every effort to temporarily abandon their modes o thought, expression, and sentiments in order to descend in mind and body unti] they molded to the backward life of the inhabitants 38
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The pioneering works of Alexandra Stern have shown che connections that existed between the work o Canijo and other "mestizophilic" nationalises and the eugenics movements" ()ne of the aspects of chis relationship that is pertinent here is that the view of che current population as degenerate, as having been made to depart from che best developmental possibiliUes of in; yace, went along with quite a challenging and revolutionary set of policies. Indeed, as a high government oficial leading an official project, Gamio had an interventionist role in local society that was entirely different froto that of foreign anthropologists. By his recommendation, the government raised che salary of che arcas tour hundred government employees (mostly employed in che archaeulogical dig and in che various development projects that Gamio promoced) in order to nudge up the salaries that local hacendados paid their peons- Gamio had lands distributed to peasants. A new road, a railroad station, medical facilities, and educational facilities were built. The combined power of an integrative scientific method, embodied in anthropology, and its practica) use by a revolutionary government was so dizzying that Gamio compared che mission of the Department of Anthropology with che Spanish Conqucsr
We believe that uf che aciitude uf governmcnts continues to be of disdain and pressurc against thc indigenous elcment, as ir has been in rhe past, their failure will be absolute and i rrevocab Ir. -1owever, if rhe countries of Central and South America begin, as Mexico has already begun, a new conquest of the indigenous yace, their failure shall turn inm a tiiumphal suecess.40 Thus, che disconrinuities between Gamio and Porfirian ethnohistorians

Figure 1 19a. Tipo de hombre indgena del valle de Teotihuacn, froto Manuel Camio, La poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn, vol. 2, place 41. These samples froto a series of niug shots illustrare Manuel Canijos concern with race and racial types. Canijo celebrated indigenous culture and mestizaje, but he shared che scientific esrablishment's concerns with racial degeneration_

Figure 11 .9b_ Tipo de hombre mestizo del valle de Teotihuacn, from Manuel Gario, La poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn, vol, 2, plato 48

or eth noli nguists such as Chavero or Pimentel are as interesting as their convergences: both believed in che degeneration of Mexican races alter che Conquesq hoth believed in che grandcur of Mexican antiquities; and both placed their knowledge in thc service of nacional development. However, che Portirians did so mainly as par of an effort t present Mexico in che international arena, as a contribution to efforts to bring foreign migrants, foreign investments, and tourism to Mexico, whereas Canijo took these theses and applied them not only to shaping the nacional image, but also to the art of governing.41 By doing field research, by creating his own, "integral," censuses, and by intervening in a direct and forceIul manner in local reality, he could at once particpate in rhe Porfirian imaging process and hele fashion internal frunricrs.4r The similarities and differences between rhe two anthropologicol styles parallel the similarities and differences between che Porfirian and die revolutionary governments:
EtorAerinq on .lni bro1, ology

Figure 1 1.9c. Tipo de mujer indgena del valle de Teotihuacn, from Manuel Gamio, La poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn, vol. 2, plato 50

252

borh were modernizing regimos that seished tu porrray the republie as being led by enlightened and scicntitic vanguards. but whereas the Porfirian regime placed its ht ts mosdy on din,vos posible convenience tu torcign capital the revolutionarc ;o^ernments tried m balance their eftorts ro attract loreign investors ansi tupir i onnnrtment tu interna) social and agrarian rclorm This latter formula seas leen ir the twentieth century as the more atiractive and desirahle Ti Mexico

a prominent United States, British, or French anthropologist in chis period (which has rather revealingly been labeled the "golden age" o Mexican anthropology)s Instead, foreign anthropologists sought mutually bencficial collaborations, or else they were as unobtrusive as possible. They worried about being able to pursue their research interests and about being able lo send students to the fleld- Even so, the orthodoxy o Mexican official anthropology still faced an external challenge, a challenge that is endemie to the very proposition of a nationalized scientific discipline- In this period o industry and progress, the challenge of foreigners was threefold: they could uncover the dark side of modernization, in the tradition o John Kenneth Turner's Barbarous Mexico; they could adhere to the Indian and reject the moderna or they might further the political interests of their nations at the expense o the Mexican government. 1 will briefly exemplify how [hese dangers were perceived in this period by examining two incidents.

Cmtsolidation o^ ,l National Anthn'pomly When the 1968 generation accusud tMexiean indigenistas of shaping a strictly national anthropology, Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrn was probably right to accuse them in turn of not having rcad the indigenistas closely.43 Aguirre went ahead and named a number of cases of studies that had been done by Mexican anthropologists abroad; he could also llave usted the active interest that indigenistas from Gamo and Sainz on showed in exporting Mexican anthropology lo other locations. Nevertheless, one can still argue that the 1968 gencration was correo on this point, for the anthropology that Mexican indigenistas exponed seas a national ant h ropology, geared lo shaping connections betwecn rho ancient pass, contemporary ethnic or race relations, and national modernizing projects- As the Mexican governments moved from the early proactive stages of the revolutionary period to institutional consolidation in an era of much industrial growth, the position o anthropology became at once atore institutionalized and less capable of challenging the status quo The period that runs roughly from 1940 into the late 1960s is a time when a nationalist orthodoxy prevailed This is also the time when most o the great state institutions that house Mexico's large professional establishment were buile the Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia (1939), the Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e Historia (1939), the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano ( 1940), tire Instituto Nacional Indigenista (1949), the National Universirys Seccin de Antropologa (1963), and the new Musco Nacional de Antropologa (1964). The growing strength o the Mexican state and the institutional consolidation o anthropology, alongside foreign (principally U.S.) anthropologists' interest in alterity and the delicate position of American researchers in Mexico during the Cold War, are al factors that conspired to take the sting off o foreign anthropologists as harsh critics44 It is impossible lo imagine the kind of candid commentary that we read in Tylors book regarding, Por instanee, "what a destructive animal a Mexican soldier is" being published by
IIn rder , nl An i l , ro poiogy ?54

In December 1946, President Miguel Alemn had just taken office. University o Chicago anthropologist Robert Redfield and two high officials o the Mexican government (Mario Ramn Beteta and Alejandro Carrillo) were invited to discuss the president's inaugural speech on Mexican national radio, The event generally went off without a hitch, except for a newspaper article attacking Redfield's position that appeared La Prensa Grfica. After reciting Redfield's impressive scientific credentials, Fernando Jordn focused on a question that Redfield had raised, which was whether the industrialization o Mexico would not carry with it a radical change in the mores o the Mexican people. Would industrialization not involve the standardization o indigenous cultures? Would it not diminish the beauty o a people that had well-defined ethnic characteristics, a people who gave great personality to Mexico? The radio host who was interviewing Redfield responded quickly that "the traditional moral structure o the Mexican people is so strong that not even three centuries o Spanish domination were able to change it in the least." However, Fernando Jordn reacted less defensively:
If Mr Smith, Mr. Adams, or any other tourist who had spent one month in our country had raised the lame question, he would have reaffirmed the conception that we have of many o them. We would have thought him superficial and naive. However, the question was raised by Dr. Redfield, a professional ethnologist, a renowned sociologist, and author o a number of books about Bordering on Antro po logy = 255

Mexico and its aboriginal cultures . his thus impossi ble to believe that Redfield's question was foolish or i dl,. But in that case what does it mean? In our vi ese, it mearas severa) things at rhu same time.. that Mexico, for che scholar, only has a proper o, ni when it is viewed through the kaleidoscope o native eosttune, dance, and through the survivals of preHispanic cultures and the "folklor'ic' misery el indigenous people- But ir chis is part of Mexico, it is not Mexico i tsell, and it is not what our nation wishes t preserve-

Jordn is shocked that a 1amous sociologist could replicare the superficial opinions o a tourisc, but hc offers an explanation o Redfield's true motiven
From annther point o viese, and given che u-ajeete ry o American anthropologists, Redfield's question can be finte rprcted in a differen1 way. We feel that it expresses the researchcr's fear of losing the living lahoratory that he has enjoyed since the days o Frederick Starr [annther University of Chicago anthropologist]. He fears that he will no longer be able tu vivisect the Otomi, Tzotzil, Nahua, or Tarahuman cultures. He tremoles at the thought of seeing the Tehuanae dress, or the 'curious'' i ags of the Huichol, being replaced by the overal[ that is necessary ora the shop (loor or the wide pants needed in agri culture He is expressing his ideal o stoppi ng our natiods evolution in orden ro preserve the colorful miscrv of our Indians, a misery diat will provide material for a series o books-most of which are soporific-in which the concept of culture will be represented by a set o isolated and static "ethnie" attributes that Nave no 'elation to rhu Indiads dynamisni.

The foreign anthropologist is interested in exoticizing Indians, in maintaining Mexico as a kind o laboratory or ecological preserve, and not in solving the countrys pressing social and economie problems. As such, his opinions and research ideals should be rejected in favor of a more interventionist approach, an approach that is committed to modernization and social improvement. Foreigo interest in traditional cultures is welcome insolar as it explores the roors and the pocential of the Mexican people, or insofar as it adds its efforts to the practica] guidelines set by governmental projects, but when foreigners begin to value the traditional over che modero, what we have is a pernicious forro o colonialism.
Figure 11.10. Untitled photograph of a Moya woman, by Frances Rhoads Morley, from Robert Redfield, The Folk Culture of Yucaton, 104. This portrait o indigenous beauty is the kind of romanticization that Fernando Jordn objected to. It was also a source o friction between Robert Redfield and Oscar Lewis in their diverging portrayals o Tepoztln and of poverty.

We should note that Fernando Jordn's osen implicit program for the Indians (and Chis was a journalist seno studied anthropology in the National School and was favoring President Alemn's modernization program) denies anthropology as Redfield understood it The "interna] colonialism" o
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ogy

Mexican anthropology could not uphold diversity over progress, whereas the postcolonial U.S. or European anthropologist could not intervene directly in Mexico, and thus had a vested interest in diversity. National anthropology and metropolitan anthropological traditions relied on each other, but they also denied each other. Thus Gamio could not be a tate cultural relativist Iike his mentor Franz Boas and still retain his brand o
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applred anthropology, flor troulcl h<ta, tulle approve of che bewildering variety o applicd proiccts that (,armo likecl to iuggle As a result, che degrce o mutual ignorante that is t olera te d bc twcen these t ra di ti ons generally, and betwcen Mexican and LLS aiithropologies in particular, rests on cpistemological conditions that run decper than mere patriotic rejection or language barrters-

3 Thc book was detaniatory of Mexican institutions and of the ,Mexican way of lile; 4 The book veras subvcrsive and anti - revol ut i otra ry and violated Article 145 of che \Icxiean Consti tution and was , therefore, punishable with a twenty- vear jail sentence becausc it incited to social dissolution; 5 The Fondo de Cultura Econmica, che author, and the book were all cited for action bv che Geography and Statistics Society to the Mexican Attorney Geneials Ofhce; and
6 Oscar Lewis was an FBI spy attempting to destroy Mexican institutions^s

For exaniple, afrer the publication of thc Spanich-language edition of Fi ve Pernil ics in 1961 Oscar 1 c wis rcnarkcti
Some oi thc A1cxica nj tevIew^ c<I 1 11, La m,i:, ,ecm cxcellent to mc and others very negative But even in tire good unes 1 lee] there is some resentment of che fact il was a North Amercan, a gringo, who has acquainted the world, and even Mexicans, with a little cl che misery in which so many families live.

1 regret it very much if I havc offended some Mexicans with my work. It was never my intention to hurt Mexico or Mexicans because 1 have so much affection for them .
Many times 1 huye suggested that it would be good if some Mexican anthropologists would he willing to Icave tlieir Indians for a while and come to my country to study che ncighhorhoods ol New York, Chicago or of Che South. 1 have even offered assistance in getting grano for them.e

Nevertheless, the project o Mexicans studying the United States has not yet come to fruition_ The very idea of a national anthropology runs against it: what would a book by a Mexican en the United States be used for? Unless, o course, it were a book about Mexicans in the United States, or about American interests in Mexico. There is no public in Mexico, no institutional backing for this product, which would then be destined to be either an erudite curiosity, or w(jrsc, a Mexican anthropologist doing the Americans' job for them47 There was no possible symmetry of che sort imagined by Lewis in bis welLmcaning but also slightly disingenuous comment. Thus, che threat of a scientific indicmient ot Mexican modernization by foreign scientists remained, and .4exican reactions to che publication o Oscar Lewis's Cldren of Sdecbez ( 1964) were even more severe than they were to Five Families. In a letter to Vera Rubn. Lewis summarized che attack that the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica mounted against bis book: 1 Thc book was obscene beyond all limits of human decency, 2 The Snchez family did not exist. 1 had nade it up;
I l o r d r r i u g o ,, A<n 1 b r o p o l o 4 y =

Much of che Mexican intelligentsia rallied to the cause o Oscar Lewis at this point, including some anthropologists such as Ricardo Pozas, who had heen highly critical of Five Families, because they saw in the Society's attack che hand o the govermnent trying to keep all eyes off o the destructive effects of Mexican modernization, that is, off of urban poverty. Nevertheless, Arnaldo Orfila, che great Argentine editor and then director o the state-owned Fondo de Cultura Econmica, Mexico's most prestigious publisher, was Torced to resign from bis post, and Lewis published the third edition of Tbe Cbildren of Snchez with a prvate publisher. The implications o [hese two cases are clear. The whole set of views that in Mexico carne to be called "officialist," and which more or less served to demarcate che limits of mainstream Mexican anthropology, had a tense relationship both with anthropologists who might romanticize Indians to the degree o rejecting modernization, and with those who studied the wrong end o che acculturation process, that is, the unhappily modernized end. If che anthropologists doing the work were American, then these tendencies were all che more menacing. Moreover, the rejection o [hese foreign works was also a way o reining in work done by Mexicans, work that could he seen as unpatriotic or as bookish and irrelevant. This was, in fact, pretty much what the official attitude to the 1968 movement boiled down to: student unrest was creating a poor image o Mexico abroad precisely at che time when the nation was on display, at the time of the Olympic Games.

Conclusion: The Exhaustion of a National Anthropology?

1 began chis chapter by noting che sense of estrangement, of being condemned to eterna] repetition, that has surfaced on occasion in recent
B = o rdrriny o ti An ibrop o l o9y

258

259

to state relations with certain middle-class sectors than to the need for anthropologists as technocrats. The existente o certain highly visible anthropologists in government masks the relative decline o the political significante o national anthropology for the Mexican state.
Moreover, in the stages that I have outlined, there is a distinct sense o exhaustion o the possibilities o the national anthropology paradigm: it began with the task o fashioning a credible national image that could do the work o harnessing the transnational machinery o progress. From there, national anthropology complemented this task with an active role in the management o the indigenous population (which in the early twentieth century could mean a concern with the vast majority o the nation's rural population). This development o the anthropological function gained much prestige from the revolutionary government's capacity te
Figure 11 1 I The Snchez Family, in Oscar Lewis, Fina Families, p. 213. The Snchez

distribute land and to mediate in labor and land disputes.

tamily opens a vista to the underside of modernization crowded living, unhygienic conditions, promiscuity, and the disaggregation of communities.

years-the sense that anthropology in Mexico is destined te take its place inside a government office, regulating the population, writing the governor's speeches, or presenting a dignihied face for the tourist; the sense that Mexican academic anthropology will always be confined to its preexisting public, to a national public that carel only about the solution to the "Great National Problems"; the uneasy feeling that nags the student o Mexican anthropology when she realizes that Francisco Pimentel was a high official in Maximilian's court, that Alfredo Chavero was the president o the Sociedad de Amigos de Porfirio Daz, that Gamio was the founder o the Departamento de Asuntos Indgenas, undersecretary o education, and director o the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, that Caso was founding director o INAH and ENAH, that Aguirre 13eltrn was director o INAH, that Arturo Warman is Minister of Agrarian Reform ..

This atavistic sensation is, nonetheless to some degree a false une. There is a useful corollary of Marx's Eightcenth Brumaire that 1 think can be usefully applied here, which could he something like "moins ca change, moins c'est la mme chose" (the less things change, the less they remain the same). The pattern o absorption o Mexican anthropology by the state is in some respects quite diffcrent today from the times when anthropology had a central role to play in national consolidation. The multiplication o state-funded anthropological insritutions in the 1970s and 1980s seemed to respond more to the growth o the educational apparatus and
13ordering

The year 1968 marked a watershed for Mexican national anthropology because the student movement reflected a shift in the relative importance o Mexico's urban population. Correspondingly, the magnficos and others no longer called for absorbing Indians loto the nation, but argued for a more theoretically inclined anthropology. In fact, each o the major moments o Mexican anthropology, from the cientficos to the revolutionaries, to the anthropology that blossomed alter 1968, has involved a "theoretical inclination." Each has looked to the international field for inspiration or for authority, and intellectual leaders at least have had direct connections with the most prominent leaders o the international field. The apparent paradox, however, is that once theoretical inspiration is channeled into the national anthropology model, dialogue with the international community gets reduced to conversations with arca specialists at best. However, as 1 have shown in detail, there are causes o substance that restrict the relationship between national anthropology and its metropolitan counterparts, for the relationship between these two sorts o anthropologies has more often been one o mutual conveniente than o true dialogue, because anthropologies that are devoted to national development must consistently choose modernization over cultural variation, and they must balance studies o local culture with a national narrative that shapes the institutional framework o the fieid.
In 1968 there was momentary awareness o the conceptual and political confinement that was embedded in "national anthropology." However, De eso que llaman antropologa mexicana was still, unwittingly perhaps, a version o a national anthropology: "Our anthropology has been indigenista in its themes. Even today it is conceived as a specialization in particular
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problcros. Lnligenun u is atumizin;; and it t, id, to intcrprct its materials in an isolated lashion i tu s nsmos. In.iolo!ion, h,t, rejednl ibe compara tive ntetbod t n t i lbe global w:alysu o l ti,, roud:n 1 r. .a mi oro particip rte.`'" By emphasizing che comparativa methoct 111050- crtOs s retained che sense o the national m-hsdc that was indispcmablc boite to nretropolitan traditions and m,Mexican nationallst anthropology Thev retained, in otherwords, che liolistic prentiscs that werc lato c riticized hy Appadurai and others. Not surprisin Iv tlien che hnl phasc ol Rlcaican nacional anthropology 1'icOs -hOs s,as in exp ttsisc niumcnt 111,1t liad a number o things Ti common with the hcad} days ol C atnio. lo che anthropology of those years liad to rcinvent a nation that no longer liad an indigenous baseline but was still centered on taking conunand ot projects o national development. The cal] t develop a holistic and coniparative study o "che societies in which Indians participate" was thereforejust as prone to the vices of bureaucratization, theoretical sterility, parochialism, and co-optation by che state as indtjenisino liad been Today there is no longer a viable way o isolating tire nation as che anthropologist's principal political and intellectual object, and Mexican anthropology has to diversify its communitarian horizons and rcinvent itself.

12

Provincial Intellectuals and the Sociology of the So-Called Deep Mexico

In an eloquent book that quickly became Mexico's best-selling anthropological work, Mxico profundo (1987), Guillermo Bonfil portrayed Mexican reality as an overlay o two opposed civilizations: a subordinated civilization that stems from the millenarian agrarian culture o Mesoamerica and that has a variegated set o locations and permutations in contemporary Mexican society, and another, Western and capitalist, civilization. Bonfil explored the characteristics of che Mesoamerican tradition in the contemporary setting, usefully disturbing categories such as Indian and mestizo, and then proceeded to show how that civilization has been shut out or marginalized from Mexico's dominant civilizational scheme. His book calls for che reassertation o the Mexican tradition in the critical contemporary moment, and thus his analysis feeds directly into today's political debates. My argument with Bonfil's book is not merely academic. The image o a deep versus an invented Mexico is a key trope in a specific kind o nationalist language that stems from a justified rejection of the social and cultural impact that multinational capital has had on Mexican society. Despite the ample justification for a nationalist reaction to current trends in Mexico, however, the "deep" versus "artificial" imagery stands on very shaky sociological ground and therefore is an ineffective political alternative, despite its obvious ideological appeal.
Bo rletin^ o, An ti2to po lagq

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i
There is a sense in which BonhI's civilizational approach is merely a refashioned inversion of Che modero st trope of tradition versus modernity, sharing premises with formulations such as the Chinese road to socialism" or "the japanese way to progress." Ir can be read as a cal] for pragmatic accommodations berween local forros of social organization and grand strategies for progress and indust vial i zar ion, while it simultaneously claims the moral preeminence o rhe local tradition over the grand narratives of capitalism and socialism. From un analytic perspective, however, Bonfil does not offer a detailed formulation o Che dialectics that have existed between so-called tradition and modernity since rhe inception of a modero mentaliry in Che late eighteenth centupy or since the inception of capitalism in rhe sixteenth century One worrisome conseque rice ol Chis shortcoming is that the political application o Che "deep versus invented imagery must ultimately rely on a system uf reflned discrim ina tions wherein certain privileged subjects, usually nationally recognized intellectuals or pohGcians, are placed in a position of interpreti ng Che true national sentiment. Because it cannot extract Mexico from Che world capitalisi system, Che "deep Mexico" image tends to re-creare or revitalize Che sort of authoritarian nationalism that was characteristic o the period of growth ander import substitution, a nationalism rhat had many positivo aspects, io be sure, but that is bankrupt as a viable political formula roday However, Che very case widi which 1 Nave formulated this criticism may obscure Che intuitive appeal of rhe imagery of a deep versus an invented Mexico, an appeal that undoubtedly stems from the ascertainable fact that large sections of Mexico's population are and Nave historically been shut out o the national puhlic sphere. They have been "muted," and are correspondingly absent from Che dominant forums of political discussion and public debate and Nave little access ro Che media of publicity. These forms o exclusion have been denounced both as a rather subtle form o racism and as infernal colonialism. In sum, "deep" and "artificial are images that re-creare an obsolete and unpromising forro of nationalism, while at rhe same time they are at least successful in indicating and denouncing profound rifts in Mexican society. The question is, how can we provide a wcll-grounded sociology o these processes o political and communicative exclusion? Conceptually, the challenge that we face involves understanding Che ways in which the national space is articulated, both politically and culturally. che various and diverse forms of political representation and discussion that exist in differProoi r.ciel Inirll; ctuals 264 = I wish to begin by clarifying my usage o two terms : pubiicspbere and intellectuals. For Che first term , 1 quote from an article by Geoff Eley who, following Habermas, says:
By "Che public sphere " we mean first o al] a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed - Access is guaranteed ro all cirizens. A portion of the public sphere comes finto being in every conversation in which privare individuals assemble to form a public body. They then behave neither like business or professional people transacting privare affairs, not likc members of a constitucional order subject to

ent sorts o places and the major transformanons that regional and national systems have undergone
1 propose to meet Chis challenge by focusing in Chis chapter on the geography o two interconnecred social categories: intellectuals and public spheres Specifically, 1 wish to exemplify how a fine-grained analysis o the dynamics o cultural distinction in a small region helps us to understand the ways in which local publics are articulated to a national public. Intellecruals and forms o puhlic discussion depend on and reflect the geography o cultural distinction, and by studying their nature and contexts we can understand why some social groups have no voice in national public opinion. It is only by specifying these mechanisms that we can at once criticize tire current political and social systeni and avoid a simple primordialist nationalism that offers little promise o efficacy and many political dangers. 1 shall interrogare Che history o distinction and community representation in localities from the municipio o Tepoztln, Morelos, that, because o their varying size, locarion, economy, and position in tire state's administrative hierarchy, represent different niches of Morelos's regional political econorny. By looking at Che historical development o ?hose communities' internal mechanisms of representation, 1 hopo to help develop Che rudiments o a geography o intellectuals in Mexico's national space.' 1 have chosen a rural and semiperipheral arca to initiate Chis geography, because insuch regions one can discern Che contexts for Che emergente o persons who can articulare local senriment to state discourses and vice versa. In small towns it is also easy to specify some o Che difficulties that aspiring intellectuals face in that process.

Definitions

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the legal cutis train tc ol a s tate buteaut rae, t 1]tzcns behave asa publie b, ,!v when thee ennfcr in an 11 n1(e)r111, 1 roshum-tira, n, with the guara,,,, at freeelom nl ...... 'rv .ind ; sst r 1 nr,n and thc Ircedom to express and puhlish lhcir opl nio hs -aP=,u1 'tuuc: ol ge ns-ntl inturest. In a large pldslic liudo 11111 klnd ul 1111nmnti.1uon rc luu as spcu llc nteatu tur transmitting tnlormauon and 1ntl uc lit, ng, thosc whu reeelve ,t Today newspapcrs and maga-roes. radio a1.d 1 A are d e ntcd,a of the puhlic sphere.

rent latid froni Spanish hacendados or ranehers, and 1 Nave found not one Spaniard, or anyone using the tide of "Don" or Doa registered in the birth, death, and marriage reatrds found in the local parish (starting in tic carly seventeenth cenrury and continuing wtth come interruptions into the mid- ntnetecnth ccntulo There was some basis lor gami ng greater prosperity in those communities through politics. The post of alcalde carried with it exemption from tribute payments, and there are documents that sugges t that ,hese alcaldes ntay occasionally have pocketed son te inoney in their mediations with tire cabecera and, particularly, in their organization o cooperative efforts for the cabeceras church and church lestivities: some alcaldes paid villagers less ,han they in toro charged for candles and wax pi esented to the church, for example. However, the most substantial cases o corruption in Tepoztln's history all occur in the Villa of Tepoztln and not in its dependent hamlets (sujetos).

As for the seconcl terco l have- trnmd May Wchers definition of intellectuals to be the ntost usetul tor nto purposes here. for Weber once defined intellectuals as "a group ol nten vvho by virtue o their peculiarity have special access tu certain achicvements considered to be'culture values,' and who therefore usurp the Icadership of a culture community-'" Thus we are concerned with two dimensions. the representation o communities, and the cultural values chal can he suf licientiy difficult to acquire and sufficien tly iniportant to authorizc one ndividual's representation while di sauthori zi ng anothers^ Because intellectuals as we define them here are concerned with the representation o communities hy virtue. o specific culture values, an understanding o local-leve) intellectuals necessarily requires a look at local systems o class and cultural disti ncti un. 1 will discuss localities that correspond roughly tu two major types of places in the region o Morelos: the village o Tepoztln, which was until recently a peripheral agricultura) town and is a seat o municipal power (cabecern); and the hamlets o Santo Domingo, Amatln, and San Andrs de la Cal (all o the municipio o Tepoztln), which are small nucleated villages that surround the municipal cabecera and that were, until recently, occupied almost exclusively by peasants and farro laborers. 1 begin with a discussion of the hamlets, and will proceed from diere to the municipal seat.

In the hamlets, political bosses gained their positions because o their centrality in a kinship network: they were elected from and by the local elders.' They were thus centrally located and deeply identified with local society, and interna) rifts probably reflected divisions between families who aspired to those central positions, much as they do today.
This situation changed only in certain respects with independence. Local inhabitants were no longer legally classified as "Indians" then. Moreover, starting in 1856 with the creation o the civil registry, people adopted Spanish last names en masse, and privately controlled plots o communal land were registered for the first time in 1857, and then again in 1909.8 On the other hand, the political equivalent o the old Indian alcalde was now named by the municipal presidents to the post o ayudante municipal and received no reniuneration.

intellectuals and Ibe Representation of (onmtunity in Morelos The Hamlets

For most o their colonial and modern history, inhabitants o the hamlets in the municipio o Tepoztln have peen par of a single class , o a single culture. During the whole colonial period, diere were no economic elites in the hamlets' Inhabitants were peasants, they were also involved in animal husbandry and in selling wood to nearby haciendas and ranches. Villagers paid tribute to tire Marquesado del Valle, and for some years also sent workers to tire mines at Taxco and Cuautla under the repartimiento system o corve labor. Local latid bases were mcager, villagers were forced to

Although we know little about the expansion o haciendas in earlynineteenth-century Morelos since John Womack's view was first contestad, in the case o Tepoztln there is evidente that haciendas encroached on the municipio shortly after independence' In fact, the ejido latid that was given back to Tepoztln after the revolution in 1927 was a restitution for this postindependence land invasion. It is possible that hacendados o that period either wanted to force more laborers to work for wages or, quite simply, that they felt that che chaotic political situation at the nacional and regional leve) allowed them to get away with invading Indian communities. Thus, inhabitants of those villages that bordered en hacienda lands were possibly more latid-hungry in the nineteenth century than they liad been earlier.
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On the other hand , internal community differentiation does not seem to have grown during this period . The registration o lands would seem to point to a tendency for a weakening of communal links in favor o the formation a " prvate sphere " and its corresponding inhabitant : the "citizen." This was , in any case , the liberal agenda behind policy changes . However, it is difficult to ascertain whether or not those changes had a significant impact either en community or on local society in the nineteenth century, for thesc villages were al] highly endogarnous , and there seem to have been communal policies not to se]] local lands to outsiders . 10 Moreover, the registration o plowable l ands as private property in fact simply formalized the arrangement that existed in die colonial period , while land that was not arable retained its communal status. These policies were reinforced alter 1927 , with agrarian reform, when inhabitants of some o the hamlets reccived lands in restitution for what the haciendas had taken a century carlier. Communal tenure was also officially reinstated , and a new local official, the Representante de Bienes Comunales, was charged with ovcrsccing in assembly that made all decisions concerning local communal lands- Resistance against selling large tracts o private lands to outsiders remains a factor even today , as land developers have discovered en more than one occasion . 11 In sum, the hamlets were socially quite homogeneous during the whole colonial period, and finto the mid-twentieth century. In the decades following the introduction of che first industries in the region, beginning in the mid - 1950,, two new economic groups have emerged. out-migrants who retain local ties (returning either en weekends - if they live in Mexico City or Cuernavaca-or seasonally, if they are working in the United States or Callada ), and political mediators who acquired new significante in the processes o connecting the villages to modero life ( in the construction of the villages road, in bringing schools and electricity, etc.). Major political divisions , which in the hamlets have always been linked to competition between major families , now pitted "conservative' factions-who sought to maintain communal land, forest , and water resources intact-against progresistas ( or "modernizers "), who justified compromising some o these resources or even consuming them entirely, in exchange for the advantages and comforts of progress and civilization. These factions are common both ro the municipal cabecera at Tepoztln and to all o the hamlets . However, the specific connection between conservative and progresista factions en the one hand , and the history o cultural disti nction en the other , was somewhat different in the hamlets than

in the municipal seat, and this was reflected in the issue of intellectuals and the intellectual representation of communities.
There are no known local intellectuals from these villages for the preindustrial period. Schoolteachers who worked on and off in these places were hired irregularly by local families and stayed even more irregularly. Starting in the 1950s, the villages began producing a few schoolteachers o their own. However, the ministry o education's placement policy works against hiring nativos in local schools-at least in the early stages o a teacher's career. None of the hamlets ever had a resident priest, and the posts o ayudante and-after 1927-of communal lands representative were not particularly associated either with literacy or with intellectual leadership (although reading was always an asset), but rather with social centrality within the hamlet or with personal ties tu Tepoztln's municipal president. We can understand a little more about the social spaces that were available to aspiring intellectuals in these hamlets by looking at recently generated ethnographic information. In the early 1980s, Santo Domingo was divided into two factions, one that had sided with a modernizing Presidente de Bienes Comunales, who had opened the communal forests to commercial exploitation in order to pay for the road that allowed motor vehicles and electricity to come up to the town for the first time, and the faction that opposed him.' Interestingly, these two factions were identified in spatial terms with two sides o the village, and each side was known by an animal narre: the tecolotes (owls) were en the eastern side, and the xintetes (lizards) en the western side. The reasons why this factionalism between conservatives and progresistas could be made to coincide with a spatial division o the whole village can be found in the relations o kinship and patronage around the political leader-whole core o support was mainly near his own residente. Now, up to this point, the category o "intellectual" would be very problematically applied in Santo Domingo: local cultural values were not susceptible to being controlled or monopolized. The people who had gained the respect o the entire community had done so en a strictly consensual basis, and they could not lord their knowledge over anyone without losing their capacity to represent that person. In my own ethnographic work in the municipio in the late 1970s and the early 1 990s, 1 learned that there is a discourse on "respect" that is often generated when one interviews a person; for, in interviewing someone, there is implicit acknowledgment of the other's authority. Many people who want to reaffirm their right to represent the community to the outsider,
Provincial ( ntellece als 269

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arad especially to ara educated outsider hogin or end their parley by saying somcthing like "In [his tosen es ev-one n.pens me That's heeause 1 respeet evers one I-veryone knosas mc inri greets inc. and 1 greet everyone There is no one scho doesn i n.pee t me and so on However it sometimes happens that when somc^,'te csi dise uvcrs who vou Nave been talking to, he orshe proceeds tl) dise edit the individual in question and to svarn you about taking hico seri,,ueis It ie Indo wonder that Oscar Lewis's iniormanis told him that kedlields mani i nlormant had a head full of air

are almost exclusively found in the town next dooe On the other hand, in Borne factionalized villages, like Santo Domingo during the 1970s and early 1980s, curanderos tdentilied closely with local factions, and witchcraft accusations tlowed between them_ In other words, either curandero power is closely associated with political power and can be used as ara instrument o it, or else the curandero seeks ro be disassociated from political identification and use bis or her knowledge for the benefft of any taller If the curandero uses his art to gain worldly power, he will be called a witch by his political enemies and in chis way his authority to represent the communiry gets subsumed under the power o a political faction. It is only in the second case, when the curandero renounces the active pursuit o political power for himself, that the curandero can become a successful local intellectual. Because o the fact that curing is seen as a gift that is magically revealed, the whole organization o curanderismo as a system of knowledge is spatially simple and not amenable te) building a bureaucratic or quasi-bureaucratic hierarchy. localities have one or more curanderos, whose power and effectiveness for both good and ovil purposes are contrasted with those from nearby villages and hamlets. These curanderos are al] members of the peasant communit and they are usually not devoted exclusively to their curing powers: the money or species that they get from healing complements what they caen from farming, wages, or small-scale commerce. There is a second leve) o healers who Nave regional, or sometimes even national and international, reputations. These healers sometimes live in larger towns, and they can charge very steep prices. A healer o this kind who operated in Yautepec in the 1980s, and who was much sought after by Tepoztecans, earned roughly the equivalent o three months o minimum wages each working day.t'

1 tu turra Nave been told that 1 Lwi , ;nionnants v,ti pulling his leg, and I know that it has been said that 1 spoke tt,e, mueh with a mara who is not even a "real Tepozteco." When authority is based on respeto, it is always consensual, and if au intellectu al pases his or her authority exclusively on respeto, he or she will only very oecasi o nally be successful in "usurping the representation o a culture communit." An intellectual whose basis is strictly consensual can never be prof essiona 1 ized. In the hamlets, positions of l eadership and access to knowledge were 1imited to a certain circle of people. con]posed usually of married men, and often o married men with ma ny grown brothers and sisters or children. Within those circles, howevec the only roles that involved controlling cultural values that were not easily accessible to the whole age group were those of healer (curandero) and witch (brujo). Since the 1950s, schooling has hecome another way of acquiring some scarce cultural values, but schooling also tends to lead one out o the communiry and finto skilled urban jobs or bureaucracies that Nave very few local institutional spaces. Having good or evil powers over health and the body was traditionally seen as being available to people by, one of two means: either one is born with a calling (it is said in Santo Domingo that a child who is born with a morral, or pouch, under her ami is destined tu hecome a person of knowledge; twins too are believed to be born evith these powers), or one could acquire power by revelation, either through possession by los aires, by touching lightning, or by ingesting psychotropic substances near a cavewhere los aires dwell-and finding healing powers there. The knowledge that healers and witches Nave is thought to he revealed in dreams or in conversations with plants or spirits In other words, there is no socially standardized route that leads to this posta on of knowledge. Moreover, connections between the knowledge of curanderos and political power can be quite problcmatic, curanderos often uy tu disengage themselves from local iufighting for feas that they may eventually be isolated as witches. This is probably why it is so con]mon in the Mexican countryside to fiad people claiming that they have curandera in their village, but witches

These professionalized healers or witches have clients from the hamlets (people who were not cured by their local healer, or who mistrust the local healer because o his or her connections to possible enemies) or from other healers, as well as from their local cities and elsewhere. The greater degree of commercialization o their practices also tends ro separate them from local politics: they have a clientele they cater to in exchange for money, and their sustained connections to local communiry factions are often tenuous. In sum, the small peasant hamlets o Morelos traditionally had only two social roles that could successfully amass knowledge that was not available to everyone. One was that of the local politician, whose mediating position in the power network made him privy to information and
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news that was not necessarily accessible to all, che other was che healer or witch, whose powers are not believed to be reproducible at will, and who is eonfronced with a tough choice: either to subsume his or per powers under [hose of interna) factional and political divisions, orto withdraw trom political and factional affairs as much as possible. Consequently, in these hamlcts there has usually been a large extent of democracy ti, che forro of town meecings and discussions-a firm basis for che representation of che col lecrivity-coexisting with a very narrow platform for the formation of profession al intellectuals. Moreover, the values that need to be cultivated co gain respect within the community involve a kind of humility that Gmits che capacity of a respected man to serve an artieulatory function for any extended period of time. Any attempt at monopolizing such a representation by an average person is susceptible to mockery and ridicule. Solemnity and respect ac che community leve) are only achieved by representing group ieclmg in a low-key, unpretentious manner, because representation gained through respeto can be taken away at will. Thus, che cultural homogeneity of che hamlcts produced a kind o paradoxical effeco on one side, nce hamlcts had an inordinately open forum o local discussion and debate-as other ethnographers who have worked in these sorts of places have recognizcd, o ora che other side, there is no local basis for any privileged intellectual representation o che community and, what is much woose, che cultural values chal have been accessible to all in che village have not been thc ores that allow access co che mediated national pub'lic sphere. Because of chis, che hamlers were always vulnerable to representations by individuals who had agendas that were not constructed in local public discussion This fact, which can be glossed simply by saying that the hamlcts had no local intellectuals who could effeccively mediare between the local community and state or prvate institucions, had two sorts o effects. First, it made che inhabitancs of che hamlcts easily available to stereotyping by outsiders. Second in che ntost recen[ period, following the industrialization and urbanization of much of Morelos, it has meant that newly educated individuals who reside locally can also indulge in chis sort of approprration For example, the hamlet of Amatln notr has an intellectual, a schoolteacher who married into [ce village and who has been the most active Nahuad revivalist in [own. Don Felipe has promoted che idea that the preColumbran prrest-god Quetzalcoatl was boro in Amatln. There is a happy eoincrdence between Don Fclipes nativism, rhe regional promotion of tourism, and a local ethnic reviva) that has been produced by intensified economic dependence en cities and on wages, so his project has met with success.

Recently, Amatln was officially declared by che state of Morelos to have been the birthplace o Quetzalcoatl, renamed "Amatln de Quetzalcoatl," and now dons a polychromed cement statue o che god nextto the town's basketball court. Don Felipe also sold a plot o land to an investor who built the village's first hotel and restaurant: "La Posada de Quetzalcoatl," which offers tours to visir a famous local curandera, tradicional temaxcal baths, and a naturalist diet.
Not content with these accomplishments, Don Felipe teaches schoolchildren the Mexican national anthem in Nahuatl, and invented a 'Tiesta de Quetzalcoatl" celebrating Quetzalcoatl's birthday, held on the las[ Sunday o May. When a friend of mine asked a young man about his partieipation in the fiesta, he undermined Don Felipe's legitimacy as a representacive o local sociery by saying, "Oh, thats justa fiesta de Don Felipe"' (Don Felipe's fiesta) In chis example, we perceive che emergente o a system o interna] cultural difference in Amatln-a difference between [hose who are keyed in to local history as a way o refashioning the relationship o the locality to che national state (and thereby to tourism and other forros o investment) and those who are not. However, it is still che case that the local assembly and public sphere are politically connected to che outside through the ayudante, through schoolteachers, and through che conimunal lands representative, bot they have no reliable quotidian mechanism for having their voices heard in the nacional or regional public sphere.

Intellectuals and the Representation of Community in the Cabecera This situation was never che same in agrarian poluta) and market centers such as the village o Tepoztln, which always had greater interna] cultural distinctions [han its politically dependenthamlets and, consequently, more o a platform for generating its own intellectuals. Because Tepoztln was che seat o a pre-Columbran polity, it was made into an administrative center in che colonial period. Tepoztln had an Indian governor, who presided over che whose jurisdiction (including che hamlers), as well as a convent that housed at least one prrest and, until che mid-eighteenth century, several monks. In addition to chis, che population density ol che village and the availability o some land r u thejurisdiction attracted Spanish settlers, o whom there appear to have been three or four families at any one time. 15

n
Provincial Intellectuals 273

Thus, in the colonial period 7epoztlin liad two axcs around which cultural distinctl ons were orgainzeii an echnie axis (fila 1111Y opposing Spaniards and Indians, and in axis ot wealth and poseer 10 Indian governors in this arca, m e Isewhcrc in ccnttal ylcxico, tended ro come from a single family, [Ti tisis case che Ruias lamils' sehie h cante co acquire a substantial antount o wealth in )and, cattlc plows, horses, and houses. This family and a couple o others rook on many markers o cultural and ethnic distinction. clic ncher mcnihcrs nt che Rojas family spoke and wrote Spanish as cee11 as Nahuatl roda hol,cs. lived [Ti che center o town, married Spaniards, and adopted a Spanisli las[ sume as well as che tales o Don and DoaThe question o las[ narres is Interest'mg Ion oca purposes here, because che idea of lineage was crucial to Spanish nonons o nobility and honor: being able to trace one's line hack to a knight who warred with che Moors, who was a conquistador or carly scttler of New Spain, or who had on sorne occasion served Chrlscendom was o ten critica) for claiming noble status, and Spanish commoners who cante co the New World sometimes transformed their place o origin inio a las[ name that became the inicial point o such a Iinc. In contrast to chis, Indians in Tdpoztln did not bear las[ narres at all, hut rather were baptized with compouncl first narres, such as Jos Diego or Mara Gertrudis, and these narres were not inherited. Thus, when a censos taker or a local inhabitant wantcd lo specify which Jos Diego was being referred to, the name of che plot en whieh his house was built was uttered. Jos Diego Limontitla, for exaniple, o Jos Diego Tlalnepantla. f-iowever these house-sitos could nos funccion strictly as a paternal last name for the purposes o honor and lineage because-although the preferred form o residente alter marriage is and was patrilocal-there always has been some neolocal as weil as uxorilocal residence alter marriage. In other words, the house name could not function as a reliable marker o lineage; indeed, the image o a line or lineage among most Indians was difficult to maintain. Instead o chis, chere were large barrio families that were mainly but not exclusively connected through che paternal line, and communalquasi-ami lial-identity at che leve) ot che barrio or village was thereby enforced. Thus, if an Indian commoner leh his or her own village he or she would have nothing but a given name-no family history, only communal history. The ensuing lack of familial honor was sure to disauthorize chal person's speech and had che effect o blending che individual into an urban mas,- One could not speak publicly if une was a "nobody." The
Prc'p,n i, ,i In:riierluals 2?q

voice o [hese villagers was therefore anchored sturdily to their posinon within che community; outside tire village they were merely indios-'This issue has been sugisiiicant roto che modern era. for when a peasant is asked to speak auchoritatlvely by someone of a higher status, the response will sometimos be something like "1 don'[ know anything, 1 Nave no education, 1 am foolish" In chis light, Robert Redfield's division o che Tepoztecans of 1926 roto two categories, tontos (fools) and correctos (proper people), is more informative iban Oscar Lewis thought, for tonto in this contexi is someone who is not authoiized to speak publicly someone who is incapable of holding a cultivated conversation with an outsider, while correcto means well-mannered, and referred to people who had a status from which to converse with representatives o che state, foreigners, and so oals In the colonial period, the possession o a last name often indexed chis distinction.19

In contrast to che namelessness o the commoners, to their lack o position outside o che local community, some Indian governors sought to create a Iine, a mechanism o distinction that would allow them to reproduce their privileges transgenerationally. They thereby took on a last name and became ladinos, that is, they hecame deft at the ways o che Spaniards. Thus, the language o distinction through blood, honor, and civilization was also adopted within the indigenous sphere by che Indian governors, whose representation o the indigenous community, ironically, was founded on the Spanish notion o lineage. The cultural values that [hese Indian governors controlled and used in order to represent the community ay precisely in their bicultural adeptness: their constructed Spanishness vis--vis che Indians and local Spanish society, and their constructed rootedness in che Indian community by way o the Spanish notion o lineage. Arij Ouweneel (n.d.), who has studied Indian governors in the Valley o Mexico, has found documents certifying lineage and family Crees for [hese Indian governors. Despite the paucity o our knowledge o che question o intellectual representation in che eighteenth century, it seems likely that there were no channeis available for an institutionalized production o local intellectuals that mnght represent che community by virtue o their cultural values. AII mediation was in che hands o che Indian governor, who was elected by virtue o his lineage and wealth and was not che representative o a "culture community." The only local intellectuals that could access privileged cultural values and use them to represent the community were either those listed in out discussion o che hamlets (i.e., the "respected mas" and che curandero, with al] o their intrinsic limitations) or che priest and the teacherPronlnC,al Intellectuals 275 =

Howevet; in the colonial period , access to diese Iatter offices was denied to Indians. Thus , che intellecrual represenmtion o the community toward rhe outside was monopolized hy (acoles and Spaniards . The rest were mostly tontos. Given all of chis, ir is easy to understand how and why open contestatren o che representation of che community could lead to violente. In 1777, Manuel Gamboa , lpozdnc residenr priest , decided to give limestone that liad been collecred by villagers in communal faenas to the priest o nearby Tlayacapan ter his church _ The women o che village, who felt abused by the priest on many counrs , turned over the lime cart, provoking tic priest roto a rage that he venced by beating one o the women wirh his cave . This prompted Tepoztecan men roto action, and was the spark ot a rebellion that led to che destruction o much property and to severa) deaths , The lack of a communal voice that could authoritatively counter that o che priest madc way for a violent confrontation. On the other hand , the presente of a priest ( and o schoolteachers in some periods) meant that there was an authoritative voice that could represent the village, and Chis voice would be heard regardless o the assessment of Indian governors and o the villagers themselves , as is obvious in che trials thar followed che rebellion . In these trials , Gamboa used his authoritative portrayal of rhe villagers as par ot his defense che Indians were idle drunkards couples lived in sin for tmwo ycars before getting married, they sold their children to pay thcir debts , and so en. Meanwhile , villagers were not asked or authorized to produce a cuunterrepresentation o themselves and their defense was limited m a series o accusations against the priest? In sum , Tepoztln had a firm system o nrcrnal cultural and class distinction that contrasred with that of che hamlets . Tepoztln also had intellectuals from early on , most importantiv , its priests . However, in the colonial period , riese intellectuals were outsiders , and so we get the same sorr o cleavage we had in che hamlets between the authority o village public opinion and the authority of (external ) intellectuals representing che village.

nence o che old Indian political elite (who used to be known as principales) with che racial-cultural pretensions o che Spanish ethnic elite (that used to characterize itself as a class o gente de razn), The term notable implies both che political preeminence o a principal and cultural distinction o a de razn. In che 1 860s, Tepoztln's notables were a group o about thirty tiren and their households, al] o whom belonged to six or seven families that descended both from che old Spanish and Indian elites.
These notables monopolized the function o political representation (municipal officers and distinguished members o the militia o chis period), as well as at least some o che intellecrual funetions: local schoolteachers carne from chis group, as did che one or two Tepoztecan professionais who were trained during che porfiriato. Furthermore, although priests continued to come from outside rhe community, which was standard church policy, the church's policing and representative functions were much diminished by the Iatter half o che nineteenth century, and we find the priest acting in consultation with che notables; he becomes one o them.

In other words, in che ninteenth century we get for rhe first time a space for what could be legitimately called small-town intellectuals in Tepoztln: the interna) dynamics o distinction produced cultural values dar could be controlled and used to "usurp the representation o che community." These values were by and large che inherited marks o civilization from che colonial era (literacy, urbanity), but rhey were now included in an ideology o progress that opened che way for a dialectic between commuoity developmenr and nation building.
The maro intellectuals o nineteenth-century Tepoztln belonged to che same Rojas family that had sired Indian governors since che seventeenrh century. Shortly alter independence, a Rojas was involved in helping che village organize litigation against neighboring haciendas that had misappropriated village lands. Literacy, che Spanish language, and mcmbership in che local poltica] class allowed him to represent che village tu che outside in a move to protect its communal lands.

Independence broughr sorne changes ro chis situation . Most important, che fusion that had been under way between che wealthy members o che Indian nobility and che local Spaniards seems to have been accomplished rapidiy . Tepoztln was socially and culturally divided roto two groups : che common people ( or "d c vulgar class ") and los notables This Iatter term is interesting not only becausc it was che national term for prominent citlzens , but also becausc ir eflectively fused che political preemiProoi

The second, and best-known, intellecrual o the family was Jos Guadalupe Rojas, who was che village's main schoolteacher for about forty years, and who was centrally involved in giving shape to al of rhe "progressive" social events and organizations o che new positivist age, including educational church missions, cultural societies (usually named after nacional or state political figures o che time), and the publication of severa short-lived periodicals Jos Guadalupes brother, Vicente Rojas, was also a schoolteacher in che village's second school_ His nephew Mariano became a teacher o
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Naiuad in Moteo (itvs .Nau..nal !rlcncun. in che 1920s and autiored a short Nahuatl wordbook tiat is snll in eirc til ati on Anuncer member o[ che lamily, Simn Rojas was said te haC u beca pioseni at thc signing of Zapatas flan de Avala It is signilica nt tu note thot Clic role ul niany oj these uolal,lrs centered on che defense ol dtc community aga,nst hacienda cncroachmcnt, as well u s the defense ot clic comnuinltys p,liti( al s:,ll and vote at the scate leve]. In chis regar therc is a collapsinp ot clic intcrests ol local intellectuals and local politianns that conn's a. ith indupenelenee. This is owing Lo Clic tacs that Clic local nol,ala i, were by no means wealthy Irom a regional point uf viccr. being vasdy overshadowed by hacienda owners and rich nierchants Moreover, retaining control of the local political apparatus rema'med crucial for much of the local elite for, like the Indian governors before them, perks ron control of the new municipal offices, including che pussibiliry ot appropriating communal resources, were a significant source of wealih and resources-as, indeed, they still are today. The case of che ceacher Jos Guadalupe Rojas helps to illustrate che dynamics of incellectual represencarlon in Chis era for, although his diaries span a short pcriod (1865-72), an imporcant transformation occurs in his outlook during chas period. In tic carly portion of che diaries, Rojas is continually redeeming the people He sees the 'vulgar class" as being composed basically of peace-loving people who wished co work in peace, and whose limications (what we today would cal] their culture') could be remedied through titanic efforts in education. This education was meant to pul] the lower class out of its lethargy and ignorante: the habits o che vulgar class (including their language, which at chis tinte was still Nahuatl) were markers of ignorance In 1869, a visiting priest who was on a cultural mission publicly asked Rojas to make simultaneous translation into Nahuatl for him Rojas says that he was ashaned te have been put in Chis pusitiun, but that he complied. However, only one year lacer, Rojas decideci lo teach reading and writing in Nahuatl in his school, and generally bogan co emphasize che grandeur of che native culture and its noble position at thc root o Mexican nationality. This is an imporcant moment in Clic history o( local intellectuals for, until 1870, Rojas was still fu nda m en tal ly inspircd by che teachers and priests of che colonial period: representing che community to the outside, while trying to destroy its native culture. Stanine witli che movement for Nahuatl literacy, Rojas-and most local intellectuals who have followed him-hecame involved in a dialeetic that rooted che local community in
P r o i i , .. I n i , - . i , . i s . H , P r o i

nationalist mythology while it invoked urban values shared in the nacional public sphere) such as literacy and urbanity, hoth to redeem che community el its ignorante and to construct the intellectual's own social importance This strategy is exem plificd in a little event that Rojas recorded o] January 29, 1865- The schools board had collected money to pay for prizes that were to be distrihuted to the students and che teacher at the end-of-the-year celebration. These collections were a financial burden for che members of the board. most of whom were poor leven when notable): the schoolteacher had pone severa] months wirhout pay The board met to discuss whar prizes to huy, and, alter careful delibcracion (these deliberations being, as they were, taken as signs o instruction, morality, etc.), sent Juan Jos Gmez on a sixteen-hour hike to Mexico City to huy twentynine bouquets o artificial flowers.

This event epitornizes che cultural relationship between the country and the city, at least as it was seen from che intellectual's point o view. The prizes are flowers, which are very much a local product (Tepoztln is full of flowers, all year round), made permanent through specialized work. Artificial flowers were, in Chis context, an urban commentary on flowers (and, metonymically, en Tepoztln): they are worth re-creating, they are worth enshrining, they are worth cultivating. They are valuable. And this, more generally, is what local intellectuals set about trying to do to local traditions and culture. By taking a local productor value and elaborating it in che city, and by taking a local product that was so valued in the eity that it was the subject o elaboration, Rojas was simultaneously building a link between the local and che nacional culture and constructing bis own role as representative and mediator. Like the villagers who authorize their speech by insisting en how much they are respected, Rojas too was preoccupied with being taken seriously. To say that an event had been solemn was, to him, the highest praise, and yet che fact that he persistently noted whenever solemnity had been attained suggests that bis capacity to represent was fragile, and that laughter could shatter all his efforts and expose him to public ridicule-a fact that reflects the limications o the authority o small-town intellectuals o chis period. In Morelos, che revolutionary outbreak o 1910 in come ways produced a temporary dissolution o local communities, but it also intensified regional intercommunication between what we might cal] che popular public spheres. This was achieved through inedia such as the corrido ballads that circulated throughout che region, through the publication o leaflets whose contents were shared in che same meetings where corridos were sung, and in
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the installation o a kind of peasant common law in Zapata's headquarters and camps that was then transmitted to the villages as common law2'

In the case of Tepoztln, particlpation in Chis regional peasant public sphere was consolidated in the immediate aftermath of che revolution Agrarian reform laws enshrined communal )and tenure and led to the formation o regional peasant confederations iAMoreover, the political legitimacy that Zapacismo attained in the 1920s and the flight to Mexico City of a significant portion o the old cacique class, also strengthened peasant representation o their communities
However, ir was still certainly the case that the main tensions surroonding the intellectual representation o the community were between a l action o modernizers and che more humble "conservatives" who sought to retain communal independence from politics and from the outside world. In this region, the main novelties ol the period were (1) that the pos trevo luti o na ry progresistas were now niuch more persuaded o Rojas's nativism than they had been in che past, because the idea of totally ignoring and depreciating the nativo culture was politically much less sound alter the revolution than it had been carlier and (2) that tire local peasant assemblies had more power than they had ever had in the past. 1 first encountered the local conservative perspective during field research in 1977. At that time, tire dominant view of politics among the local peasantry was that there were three tepes o political actors: politicians (who were exploitative and lived off of other people's work and did not fully belong to che local commtmity), ci'npesinos (who lived in households, belonged co barrios and villages, and respected each other), and pendejos, or idiots, who took what politicians said at face value, and therefore lent themselves to their abuses In Chis view, the campesino was the only "clean" social persona available to a Tepozteco, for the campesino eats what he produces, minds his own business, and defends his communal rights_ On che other hand, the only honest politicians are necessarily risking eheir lives. Marryrdom is the only ultmate proof of cleanliness in politics. Because o this, unless and antil martyrs such as Zapata returned, tire bcst forro o political participanon was believed to be collective icvolt and resistance around the defense of specific rights.2 Tepoztecans Nave revolted on many occasions against encroachrnent on communal )and. against tate management o communal water, and against severa) urban development projects.23 Contrary to what occurred in most hamlets, the institutional basis for local Tepoztecan intellectuals grew signilicanc]y as carly as the 1940s .

Tepoztecan schoolteachers and-beginning in the 1960s-professionals returned to the village and forged some links o communication with the local peasantry, both because they belonged co that social group and by using the "artificial flowers" technique. Moreover, the decade of the 1930s was one in which peasant revolutionaries began to lose their grip en the Morelos state government, and increasing bureaucratization and professionalization set in. In this contexc, intellectual mediators were required to communicate between state bureaucratic agencies and local consticuencies.
Beginning in the 1950s, the literati became aspirants to municipal power, and they effectively edged out peasants from the main municipal offices. This process was accomplished, no doubt, because universitytrained Tepoztecans had a much better chance o knowing people in the governor's inner circle than peasants did, but it was also the result o pressure exerted by people within government in favor of naming only officials who were professionals, preparados. Peasants were believed to be incapable o managing the paperwork and the legalities o public administration. As long as the position o the educated Tepoztecans prospered, which was until about 1980, the split between correcto-like local intellectuals and the peasant public sphere was largely maintained, although coexistente was usually peaceful, and alliances were often made to defend common interesas. This vas largely because the power base of the local peasantryits control over communal lands and its privileged position in revolutionary nationalism-was maintained to a significant degree. The situation o the local intelligentsia has changed since that time for several reasons. On the one hand, che peasantry has been in a trae state o siege. Planting has become too expensive. Work options as wage laborers in Tepoztln (in the construction industry, in gardening, and in housekeeping), or in Cuernavaca, Mexico City, the United States, and Canada, have become increasingly important, even to educated Tepoztecans. Land prices have skyrocketed along with tourism and with the suburbanization o Tepoztln, making selling very attractive and buying back almost impossible, and the legal framework for local communal tenure is now threatened.

Many peasants svere able te) educare thcir children, and a fair number o
1'raoi^ : ci,iIr ielir-tuels 2HU

On the other hand, teachers salaries have plummeted and competition between local professionals has intensified, so that pressure en the local and state government from these sectors is increasingly unmet. As a result, in the 1980s, Tepoztln got its first f ill-timejournalist, who began writing a biweekly column en Tepoztln in a Cuernavaca paper, and who had a local weekly significantly called El Reto del Tepozteco (the challenge o El Tepozteco). This name contrasts with the narres o various previous, very
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short - liveef periodicals such as Cl (, ramo dr Al, 11,1 or El T,pozleco , because whereas carlier leafleis stresscd rinly that Tpoztln was a microcosm of the nation ( likc a grain ol sand i and that it could stand for the nativo roots <rt the nation El kem Jsi Tepozienr niakcs thesr native roots i. sym bol i zed by Ll Tepozteco finto a political challenge 'rno Tepoztln has today become divided between two political parties. Conservar i ve pcasants , suela as the Curte al representative of eommunal lands , eomplain that che people hace bct omc divided , forsaking community and peasant livelihood and dignity lar a iactionalism that reflects national politics and national i nterests

priests, meant a prolongation of the rift between local public opinion, which was in certain respects tormed quite democratically, arad the national or regional spheres ot diseussion, del iberatio n, and policy formationLiberal policies tried tu chango Chis simation by doing away with communal lands, and the institutron ot surnames and the registration of private property signal some degrce of success in [hese policies. However, in the municipio el Tepoztln, the erosion of the communities was not successfully cotnpleted by the end ol the porfiriato, and the split described earlier was strongly reaffirmed with Zapatas revolution and its populist aftermath.

Analysis By looking at two different types of settlements in the municipio of Tepoztln 1 have argued that the existente of small-town intellectuals, their nature, and their connections to both local politics and the national public sphere can be appreciated by inquiring finto the history of distinction in these localities, and by connecting the mechanisms of cultural distinetion lo the policies of the state.

In the village of Tepoztln, ora the other hand, the nineteenth century spurred a new development of forms of cultural mediation. Whereas in the colonial period the priest was the utmost intellectual authority, and whereas in that era collective religious ritual was the main forum of mediation, nineteenth -century schoolteachers used nationalism and progress as the tools for building ties between the locality and state and private institutions. This explains why Jos Guadalupe Rojas, whose acts were initially comparable lo those of a Spanish schoolteacher or priest, decided to take the nation's a nativistic turra and to identify the local popular culture with historical roots. His move has a family resemblance lo the one that insists en seeing Mexico as divided finto a "deep" and a "moder' country: in both cases, cultural and political marginaliry is equated to historical antecedence. Rojas, however, used his outlook as a modernizing device: position in the nation would strengthen Tepoztecan social lile; Tepoztln could claim such a position because of its pre-Hispanic roots, but the whose purpose of the claim was lo modernize. This dialectic guaranteed a position for local intellectuals , because they could stand between national opinion and the local community, as indeed they still do. There has been still one important change since the md-1980s, though. The abundante of trained Tepoztecans combined with shrinking state resources and very significant transformations in the overall class composition of the locality led to factionalism within the professional classes. At that point, access to media became crucial, and Chis explains the revitalization of the local press.

The contrast between Tepoztln and its surrounding hamlets unfolds in the following manner: Because of its position as the administrative center o an indigenous jurisdiction, colonial Tepoztln had a relatively powerful odian nobility that was absent in the villages. Tepoztln also had a resident priest, severa) Spanish families, andan occasional schoolteacher, all of whom promoted a complex system of interna) cultural difference, which nonetheless could produce no local intellectuals. This was because (1) community cultural values were easily accessible lo all adult men, (2) some cultivated values could not ser-ve as a basis for community representation because they were banned by the church, and (3) the niches that could be occupied by intellectuals-that of priest and that of teacher-were off-limits to Indians. The hamlets of the municipio had no such system of interna cultural and class difference, and, owing lo that very fact, they had no way of generating intellectuals who could effectively articulate local opinion lo influence Spanish policy. In both cases, then, one found political mediation, which relied en state power, serving also as the main form of cultural mediation. After independence, the situation changed. Tepoztln's cultural and politico-economic elite became unitied, and chis allowed for the emergence of the first truly local intellectuals. In the hamlets, the lack of an internal economic or cultural elite, as well as of local schoolteachers or
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Conclusion: Intellectuals and Political Mediation in tbe National Space

The historical analysis of the spatial ragmentation of Mexicos public sphere can be achieved by studying the ways in which culture communities have created or failed to create spaces for local intellectuals who can speak in and lo the national public sphere and who are not themselves simply
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power brokers This history is a cor,plex one, bur 1 suggest that there is a lorm to it, and that Chis forro can bc discrvered if we look closely at the formation o regional cultures and hack ofl from che homogenizing image o one deep Mexican civilization The postindependence project of creating a national public sphere, that is, a "media-scape" whcre civic opinion could be expressed, involved creating a unified cultural con, niunity ^.-hcre norte existed. This is why Iturbide, who was Mexicos hrst national sovercign, complained that there was no Mexican public opinion, out rathr-r a handful of diverse prvate opinions that claimed che status o bcing a national opinion. It is also why Iturbide felt that Mexican national sentiments were only truly expressed during popular uprisings. In othcr words, the channels for communicating hetween different local communities werc extremely limited and accessible only to a few. f sople could only express their opinions effectively by force. The image of a "deep" Mexico, o a Mexico that finds no expression in either national political iorums or in che niass inedia, can thus be traced backtuindependence. In this chapter, 1 have developcd the nidimcnts of a historical sociology of the silente that has characteri zed thc relationship o certain sectors o che Mexican population and state institutions. The methodological premises ot my analysis can be summarized in three points. 1 A geography o mureness nceds to be developed to give wellpondered content to the deep versos official" imagery. If such a geography goes undeveloped the imagery neeessarily devolves finto che nationalisr miasma that Iturbide and all of his successors were inextricably caught in 2 Such a geography can be developcd by analyzing the emergente o intellectuals in various typcs of communities or localities. It involves speelfying che systems ot iniernal cultural distinction that exist in each localized community and then identifying the culture values that can serve as the oasis for the forniation o an intelllgentsia that can aspire to represcnt che community. 3 The analysis also involvcs ascertaining whether the culture values in question articulare smoothhy with [hose that prevail among intellectuals in che centers of national power as wcll as with the state's culturally constituied idioms of rcpresentation. When appbed to che case of the n onicipal seat of Tepoztln and to the hamlets o that wunicipio, [hese propositions yielded rich resu]ts 1 would like to cunclude by summarizing a few ol them

1 For long periods, che hamlets could only produce intellectuals by a kind o interna] consensos that was formulated around a language o respect, whereas the municipal seat had a more sophisticated forro o interna] differentiation that fostered an intelligentsia from the very ear]y colonial period on.
2 During the colonial period, the institutionalized positions for intellectuals in the village o Tepoztln were al] in the hands o Spaniards, and off-limits to the local population. Because of chis, it is fair to say that a truly local intelligentsia with an institutional base did not emerge there unc] che national period. 3 Identification o local society with national culture became fundamental for the reproduction o local intellectuals during the nineteenth century, and it has remained critica) to this day. The formula at which Tepoztecan schoolteachers arrived at was simple: local traditions are at the very root el Mexican nationality, but only the developed branches can instruct and extract the unpolished province from its sleepy backwardness. Local intellectuals were the needed mediators o chis re]ationship: they rendered the image o the "deep Mexicu" back to the urbanites, national intellectuals, and state officials who so esteemed it, and in return became effective brokers. The "deep" versus "artificial' imagery is therefore a favored trope o intellectual mediators and it is a tool that has been used both to defend local culture and to argue for "progress" and modernization. 4 Despite the persistente of this formula o mediation, it has always had limited local appeal. Tepoztecans have at times disidentified both with che modernizing impulses o some intellectuals and with therr insistent nationalist nativism. Don ngel Ziga, a local intellectual who is devoting some efforts to teaching Nahuatl, has found more interest among middle-c]ass urbanites who have migrated to Tepoztln than he has among native Tepoztecos. Similarly, Don Felipe's ce]ebration o Quetzalcoatl has received a range o responses, including a fair amount o apathy from many vil]agers. The fluctuations in the acceptance and fervor with which che projects o these intellectuals are embraced are a necessary object for future study.

5 The formula o the intellectual as thc respected man is undoubted]y the one that has most interna] appeal in peasant communities. However, it is Chis very democratic appeal, combined with the class and cultural chasco that divides peasant communities from urban centers, that guarantees an unstable, contested, and ultimately unroutinizable intellectual leadership.
Y r o n i n ^ i a l 1,t 285 = s

Signilieant portions ot thc pupiifition ul hoth Tepoztln and its hamIcts still have no voicc as citizem. Instead, thev are representcd by poliGcal mediators :+nd interllectuals huye nrgnuations with the government occur in a dlfterent languape nu ,Ti, should hclieve what poIiticians say, according lo peasant consetvniscs Instead set conversing wlth diem, local constitueneies have litde choice hui to engage in very pragmatically calallated t ra n sacio ns wheie^ Ches retase ce rtam resourees or co ncessions in excbange for thcir voicc The preceding discussion suggesl, 1 thlnk ruar che ternt silent Mexico is more useful and precise rhan decp Hesito The silent Mexico has no historical priority over the ram bu nc ticas pa rtici panty in the public sphereNor is it a root o nationality - It siniply comprases che various populations that lave beyond che fracturad fault lino of Mexico's nacional public sphere. This situation does not imply that [hese populations are marginalized from participation in state instUtutions: it nicans that they have no public voice. The "silent Mexico" is organized around certain systemic principies that can be perceived in che organization ot cultural distinction in the national space.
INTRODUCTION 1 Jos Limn , American Encounters : Grealer Mexico , tbe United States , and che Erolics of Culture, 52-57. 2 A standard philosophical reference for this general point is Oilles Deleuze and Flix Guattari , A Tbousand Plateaus : Capitalism and Schizophrenia . A detailed anthropological study that develops this criticism closely around a specific case is Lisa Malkki, Purity and Exile Violente, Memory, and fltational Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania. 3 Octavio Paz, El laberinto de la soledad, 13. 4 A nation-state is made up o a sovereign people , its trate, and as territory. However, "a people" is not a stable entity, and neither are its connections to a state and territory. ldeally, che nation - state is a territory in which the inhabitants are communicated in such a way that they can concert opinions that give direction to government ( this is called "che public sphere "). Government , in turn, is organized in such a way that it can rationally administer the entire population . Both o [hese imply spatial hierarchies that should, in theory, be isomorphic . Thus, the public should be smoothly integrated from local levels up tu che national leve, with no regard for class differences , while the national state should have an organized system of administration down to local levels requiring no additional mediation for che implementation o its authority . Finally, this unit as a whole needs to shape its representation in an international arena In such a way that foreigners and foreign interests operating in the national territory can be managed , and that national interests that reach beyond territorial frontiers are protected. The national space is the intersection betureen che geography of che national public, the spatial organization of gooemment, and tbe nationstates situation in Je international arena. 5 See Dipesh Chakrabarty, " Provincializing Europe . Postcoloniality and the Critique o History," 337-57; and Harry Harootunian , Hismry s Disquiet Modernity, Cultural Practice, and the Question of Everyday Lije.

Notes

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6 Javier C,arciadiegu summanzes rhe dnvin., arras of tire National University's foundci Justo Sierra, as lalloccr. "F^r dan Jtntu ihe arco of rhe new institution was thc integral education of ihe udents a1,11 nos only die advanre o ,trence, a fact thai distanccd hico from rhe posilir i,,, ,A1,ruovcr ihe university should devote much attention in rhe social rcal,(e of clic country" (Rudo, contra tcnicos la Unroersided Nacional durante la rrooh,nd masrnn.,. - 1 1 my translation) The dehnltion of the "Great National Prohlems has varied solista ntial ly since the inauguratiou of chc National Univcrsiry i n 1 9 1 0 hui chc universuvt nc,corica committnent to studying and to solving them is a enastan[. S'c Dzv.d Lorcy, The Unmersity System and rhe Eeormmic f),,,Icernent nf h1 exiro erra e rn o 7 Lawrerice Lcvi rae, 76e Openirtg of ti, Aniei iron ,bliud Estimas, Cu l tive and History, ehapter 8 Arjun Appa dura i, "Thcory in An[h ropology Centcr and Periphcry," 356-61. 9 For a useful eatalog si U 5 st,reo,iypes si L aran America, see John Johnson, Lata America i i (-ancature 1o For chc significa nce nf ,trence a, a sigo in a parallel context (India), sec Gyan Prakash. Anotber Reinan Serence,nid ibr fic,Jlnat,oti of,N(odern Eedia, ehapter 1
11 Katherine Verdery. National IdeoleT y io,Jer Soaltsrrr Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceauscscu4 kornania 167-68.

searching for differences in che social organization o communieation in various classes as a key to underscanding nationalism, he incorrectly assumes that some forms of community are "concrete" while others are "imaginary," Al[ communitarian relationshi ps are based en an idea of rhe social whole Chas is imaginary,- and "rhe nobility" o bis example was much more reliant en systemic "replications" than Anderson imagines. So, for example, all legitimare descendanrs o che conquistadora and early setders o tire Indios were officially considered nobles (hilos dalgo) (Las Leyes de Indias, book 4, riclc 6, law 6). Likewise, it was poliey to reeognize and maintain the status o chc Indian "nobility" (ibid., book 7, fide 7, law 1) In short, rhe nobility o che Spanish colonial era played as systemic a role as the bourgeoisie, which mean[ that it burgeoned wherever it was needed to maintain a local hierarchy and state organization. The grandees of Spain were surely as ignorant o rhe identities of the descendanes o first sertlers or o [odian nobles in Chile as the menibers of che bourgeoisie of Barcelona were of che identity o their class counterparts in rhe Ro de la Plata 4 Real Academia Espaola, Diccionario de la lengua castellana en que se explica el verdadero sentido de las voces . _ Madrid, 1726-39 (1737), 5 For an illuminating discussion of the relationship between anclen rgime and modero, ideas regarding sovereignry in che Spanish and Spanish-American world, see Frangois-Xavier Guerra, "De la poltica antigua a la poltica moderna, la revolucin de la soberana," in Fran@ois-Xavier Guerra and Annick Lamperire, eds., Los espacios pblicos en Iberoamrica ambiquedades y problemas, siglos XVI11-XIX, 109-39. Guerra has shown that throughout tire nineteenth century, Spanish America combined elements o an ancien rgime and o a modero polity. A similar point has been made by Fernando Escalante, Ciudadanos imaginarios. Contemporary Latn America is also nos without examples of tensions between competing claims between ,rafe sovereignty and che traditional rights of corporations and communities 6 See Annick Lamperire, "Repblica y publicidad a fines del antiguo rgimen," 55-60. 7 A good case in point is rhe use o the cagle eating rhe serpear as rhe symbol for Mexico Ciry . Enrique Florescano (1996) has studied che evolution o chis symbol in che colonial period, and he shows that rhe Aztec symbol was used preferentially oven rhe coas o arras that has been assigned to che city lince che early seventeenth

12 Paul Krugman"Mexims New Dea1 .",A4-mYorkTnnrs Op-E,1 July 5, 2000 Kmgman somewhat disingenuously argues tliat che true purpose of free trade was ro bring democracy co Mexico. "now we knOW that. whaiever ihe slns of Mr Salinas, the reformen tic hroughi ro power were sincero--and the reform was real"
1 3 On clic icor la rities between rhe threc t andldares, sec Jorge Castaedas arguments in "Esta Ti, rs una eleccin de principios; es un referndum para el cambio Proceso, 10- 13

1 NATIONALISM AS A PRACTICAL SYSTEM

1 Anderson goes even htrther, and denlo, that racial Identity and racism are connected in any cesential way te nationalism ''1 t)hc lact oi che matter is that nationalism rhinks in tercos o historical destinres whilc cism dreams o eternal contaminatiene The dreams of racism ncrunlly havc their origin in ideologies o class, rather tiran Ti, [hose of nanon" ( 1904 149-10 `E. 1 hall argue that Chis assertion is
uncenable in clic Ihcrian world 2 "Out of che Americao welter came (hese imogmed reaGties _ nation - states , republi can instimGOns , eommon citizcnship , popular sovereignry, nacional flag , and anthems, etc and rhe Ilquidanon oi [lis Er Conn'ptual opposites, dynastie empires, monarchlcal institution, absrrluu-mi -1111,dnods Inherited neshilitics , serfdoms,

century. The use of chis indigenous symbol as rhe local symbol also buttressed creole identity This symbol was eventually written into che flag o Mexico in lieu o Hidalgos Virgen o Guadalupe, or o Morelos's "Viva la Virgen Mara." 8 Rey works en chis master include Brading 1991, Lafaye 1977, and Lavall 1993. ghertoes , and so forth In effen h, chc second datada of the nineteenth century, 9 ladead, rhe Spanish constitucion that was prometed in Cdiz in 1812 defined if role' T he' a'model ' of'the' independent natiunal tate was availahle for pira ting" Spanish citizenship in such as way as to include in equal tercos those borra in any (Ibid, 81) par o rhe Spanish dominion (article 18; in Tena Ramrez 1957, 62). Aljovn (1997, 3 At times Anderson appears to heLeve that [heme is such a thing as a "concrete" ver2-4) discusses rhe decline of Andean Curacas at rhe end of rhe eighteenth century sus an " imaginal'y " contmuni sy The relatively latan size of traditional aristucracies, in che context o che Bourbon stare's goal o eliminating rhe power o all institutheir hxed political bases , and rhe person al iza uon of polrtical relatioos implied by tions that brokered che relationship between rhe date and its subjects. sexual i ntercou tse and inherita lee . meant ( hae their cohesions as classes were as 10 For example, in both che Constiturion of Cdiz (1812) and Mexicos Centralist much concrete as imaginad . An ill itenw nobiliro could still actas a nobility. But the Constitution (1836), servanes have nationaliry (Spanish and Mexican, respectively), bourgeoisie ? 1 ere was a class whidt, hguratiyely speaking, come unto being as a bus in neither case were servants cirizens. class only in so mana' replications Ihid 7.. Althougli Anderson is shrewd lo 11 For che saliente o individual communities as primary referents o identity in che

Notes t o C h a p t e r , 288 =

= 289

wars nt mdcpcndenc.e set L0c Van 1ocng I 'iSO 11,1 thc ways in which communny or corpurate idcntitics orterlocked wich nauonalist chscourses. see Florencia Mallon. Pemm^l and t,1 -n: Ti's \I ,in :l lrec md Prru chopters 5 and 7; alto 1sealantc ( I:dm!o: rr rtrr.v',': `'-- I I ' and 4n carly formulat:on of cite .. problum ras set t... 11, bv Ildn.... t) t ...romo uchu argucd that Benito lurcz's trauniph ovar che 1 rench in 186, mtst ur 11 I nuulcred a seeond independencc,' e0t simply in lita rente that 91c.srr seas (real licor a torcign invades but, much more fundamontally, botarse it represen tcd che tnumph of liberal republi anism ovar a classical re pubhcnnlan VA c orino ras then, that d Miguel Hidalgo is the fuunder ol OUTJ natlonalrte Hl nio l maro e Es tito Inundar ni repubhean natronality. whreh in nota as we knu w. rt ,ll Ihe srm duo 19('11 , 86:. i2 See, ter Florencia,Nlallon cls. ussiunnt' popular Lberalrsm ronineteenth cenmry Mexleo and Peru (1995, 13w, and Gua dintis discussion o popular federalism between independence and 1850 i 1996. 179-94) 13 See Fleisher ( 1992) Clearly, early modero nat lona) tsm differed considerably in England, France, and tire Nethcrlands Stephen Pincus (1998) interprets the Glorious Revolution as che hrst nacionalist revolntion, rather [han as a religious war. Englands early separacion of natiunal asir' and rcligion reflects che fact chal it never hoped te achieve a universal monarchy. as Spain and che Otcomans did; thus, co a certain degree one could say that a religious nationalism is at che origins o che Spanish imperial state, whercas a revolutaonary, secular form nl nationalism eleveloped in England. 14 "It ought tu be well pondered hoy, wathont any doubt, God chose the valiant Corts as has instrumenc for opcning tito door and preparing che way le che preachers o che gospel in tire New World, where che Catholic church might be rescored and recompensed by che conversions ot many souls for che greac loss and damages which che accursed Luther was lo cause at che same time within established Chritianiry . Thus it is not without mystery chal in che same year in which Luther was boro in Eisleben, in Saxonv, Hernando Corts saw che light o day in Medelln, a village in Spain-the formar to upset thc world and bring beneath che banner of Sacan many o che fanhful who had buen for generations Catholies, che latter lo hring oto che bid o che church an infinita nember o people who had for ages been under che dominion uf Sacan in idolatry, vice, and sin" (Mendieta 1876, 3.174-75, my cranslatiun) . 15 Laws distinguishing subjeca o tire Spanish crown Irom foreigners were equally precise (e-g book 3, title 13, law 8)16 It should be noted, however that [hese pmcesses were by no means a simple constan:, and that che politics o differentiacion between "Peninsulars" and "Creoles" responded to varying kinds o interesa irnclud1ng, for instante, interesas in prolonging encomendero privilege aher che second generaron; interest in keeping Creoles out o certain religious orders or away l rom cerrarn political posts). These interesas waxed and waxed at various times and places, in such a way thac there were places and times when a "Creolc" was simply a Spaniard, oaher moments when "Crele' was used pri nci pally as a discriminacury terco, and yet others when American-boro Spaniards criad m affirm che equalhv, and oven tito superiora ty, o their land wich respect to Spain, Rome, or odres Furopean locatimrs (see Lavall 1993). 17 The natura el American lands and ti therr intlucnce on che characcer o che

Amerlcans was a po1emaca1 suhrect in scienti11 crre1us fronc che time of nitral conWarld tact to the carly twcntrcth c,ntury Sec Antoncllo (,,e(,,, Nano, in che 01,e, de ()iriado, and Ti,, 1ispule of lb, New World: From Christopher Columtus to (.ora:do Fenlndez The Hintory of a Polem I o-rvnu
18 The literatura cxalrnt_ American lands at times alto refashions che connections between the American and ideo. 11... has beca scudied ,, detall for Mexico hv Lafaye ( 1977, chapter 1I and hy David drading (1991, chapters 14 and 16). In che Andean world, Lavall ( 1993 1221 notes chal "Many Crtoles believed thac their patria could be con,pared to tire Flysian 1 ields. wich che Brbles paradise. There was in chis for sume a mere lirerarv style - Fur othcrs. thcre could be no douht. to paradise it roes the earthly paradise ol che Amcnca should not he ,, rnp,rred Sc,,ptwcs(emphasis in che onglnal'..

19 Raphael Semmes, a soldier in ti re U e, army, described che reception thac was given co US. troops by Mexico City's elites in che following tercos "The Calle de Plateros, through which we marched to the grand plaza, is che street in which all che principal shops are found, and although [hese were closed, che gay curtains chat fluttered froto che balconies aboye ... (almost every house had prepared and hung out a neutral flag-English, French, Spanish, etc-as a means of protection), and che fashionably dressed women, who showed chemselves without the leas[ reserve at doorways and windows gave one che idea rather o a grand nacional festival, [han o the entry o a conquering army finto an enemy capital" (cited in Luis Fernando Granados, "Suean las piedras: alzamiento ocurrido en la ciudad de Mxico, 14, 15 y 16 de septiembre, 1847,") The "neutral flags" were meant co signal co LI.S. soldiers chal che families in question were alto foreign nacionals, usually by virtue o descent20 Charles V famously claimed thac whereas German was appropriate for speaking co horses, and Italian was ideal for courting wornen, Spanish was for speaking co GodThe term ladino alto provides a clue co che sacralization ti Spanish, because it was used co refer co Jews, Moors, African slaves, or, laces, Indians, who spoke (neo)Latin, that is, Spanish (Lavall 1993, 19). A discussion o che history o che citle'Rey Catlico" and o its significante for Spain in its competition wich France can be found in Pablo Fernndez Abadalejo, "Rey Catlico: gestacin y metamorfosis de un ttulo." Jaime Contreras argues chal Spain's persecution o heresy under che Reyes Catlicos can be understood as a poltica] appropriation o the church: "Concerns with'heresy,' which were initially o little consequence, became a fundamental butiress co roya' law' ("Los primeros aos de la inquisicin: guerra civil, identification between Christianity monarqua , mesianismo y hereja," 703). On che and Spanish civilization in che so-called spiritual conquest o Mexico, see Peggy K. Liss, Mexico tender Spain, 1521-1556 Society and the Origins of Nationality, chapter 5, especially pp. 77-82. 21 Antonello Gerbi (1985 267-68) remarks chal Fernandez de Oviedo contrasted che grandeur o Spain wich thar of ancient Rome, noting thai Spanish Goths were Christians and were martyred while resiscing Roman paganism. Thus, in che sixteenth century, Spains nacional identification with the Christianity was made co rank higher even [han Rome's 22 Anthony Pagden has shown chal talle of a universal nionarchy was never universally accepted in Spain itself, and chal it war extinguished as an impracticable ideal by che end o che seventeenth cenwry. However, he alto argues that Spain's ideological

halesro

Lhaprurr 290 =

Notes t o C h a p t e r a 291 =

role as guardias o( universal Chnsrendom Formeci an importan[ part of rhe ideo logical armacure of what has some Llanos in hong che hrst European nation state' (Spanish Imperialism and the Political lmagnn,tion 5; 23 The Laos of be Indios provide an i nteresong example of how Spain reconciled the simultaneous development between enipires though time with a Catholic universal ism Much of the legistature that was promoved by Philip IV (at a time o imperial decay) shows punctilious conecto with public oration and repentence for public sins, as mechanisms to reanimare ihe empire and, perhaps, also as potencial explanations o its po1irical shortcomings For example, book 1, titie 1, law 23 (passed originally in 1626) orders viceroys and church authoddes to celebrate o November 21 every year with a Mass to che Holy Sacrament, in which priests call on everyone no reform rheir "vices and public si," in order ro thank God for his clemeney in allowing Spanish ships to rcach che Indies unharmed. 24 More thorough and convincing iban Andersonc emphasis on che populari zation o "emprytime through rhe newspaper and rhe novel is Moishe Posrones discussion of the vise of "a bstract tose,' a hisrory, that is telated in par to the development of technology, in pare to the Newton ian sc ient itic revol cnon, and ul ti mately to the history of contmodihcarion, and especially to rhe rice ot abstraer labor." At the most general leve], Postone suggests rhat che emergence ot rime as an "independent variable" "was related co che commodity torna ni social relacion" (1996, 211). If we apply these ideas to Spanish America, we eonclude ihat rhe consolidarnos of "abstraer rime" has been a long process, thac has only beca unevenly achieved The process began with devices such as administrativa relorms, was strengehened in various waves o modernizing relorms with che rice of a bourgeois public sphere in the late eighteenth century, and eventually w,th rhe conwltdacion of industrialtsm SpanishAmerican independence oecurred somewhere ii. che middle of this process 25 Antonio Domnguez Ortiz i flumi naces chis siwatiom "The social thoughr o en1ightened Spaniards was flor radical It did not ]aim rhe total suppression of barriers between the estafes, because riese wene cruntbling of rheir own accord bastead, it seemed more urgen[ to struggle againsr economic differences chal condemned a great portion o the population to misery This loes flor mean that pride in nobility had disappeared but thcy no longer used nohiliry Cides as excuses ro refuse common charges, privileges could nnfy be justihed if rhey were employed for the good of che naciun'' (Carlos 111 y la Espaa dr I llustraon, 120-21). Domnguez discusses the significante o stace projects and knowledge producrion in chis period in chapter 5 See alto Sranley Stein and Barhara Stein, "Concepts and Realities o Spanish Economic Growth, 1759-1789." 26 The fact that a nazi onalism and a nar]ona1 prograna were nor a conimon denominator even among Mexican insurgencs has been demonstrated by Edc Van Young, who has shows rhe central,ry hoth of local indigenous revolts whose claims with regar co state building were in fact the oppositc ol rhose of che crcole directorate (1986 386, 412), and of an ti nidcological criminal ur brigand element whose participacion was entircly opportunnoc 11989, 36-37) The role o opportunlstic rogues and the criminal elenaent in indcpcodeoce is also pungently demonstrated by Archer (1989). On rhe other hand Spanish American independenee was pro dictable oven hefore indigenous social miwements gor srarred and hefore narionallsts really heated up As early as 1786, Fhooas Jelfe noo's ,nain preoccupation regarding
2. COMMUNITARIAN IDEOLOGIES AND NATIONALISM This chapter has been translated from Spanish by Paul Liffman.

Spanish America was that it should nor fall out o Spanish hands too quickly. The fact that Spain would eventually lose those territorios was, for Jeffersoo, a foregooe conclusion The United States needed time to gain strength in order to annex as many Spanish-American ten'irories as possible (cited in Fuentes Mares 1983, 34-35). 27 For a descripbon that Ilustrares sume similariries between [hese ideas and those expressed in indigenous messianic revolts o chis period, seo Eric Van Young 1986, 402. 28 Silvia Arrom, "Popular Polis es in Mexico City The Parin Riot, 1828," is an illuminating discussion of popular politics and anti - Spanish sentiment in this period. 29 Masons appear to be present in Spanish America since the 1780s, though in the Mexican case it appears that rhe deputies who were sent ro rhe Cortes o Cdiz in 1812 were critial in rho (onnation of Mexico's lodges of che Scottish rito 30 Joel Poinsett to Henry Clay, June 4, 1825- Dispatches from US. Miniscers to Mexico National Archives, Washington, D.C.)31 The lodges had achieved such a status, that at che news of the death o the Duke of York, Presiden[ Guadalupe Victoria, who was a yorquino, published an edict ordering the presiden[, the vice presiden[, rhe members o rhe Supreme Court, state governors, district officers, and army ofhcials from the rank o colonel up to wear a black hand of mourning (Primera secretara de Estado Departamento esterior Seccin 2, May 19, 1827).

1 Max Weber, Economy and Society, vol. 1, 40, 41-432 Annette Weiner, Inalienable Possessions; Marcel Mauss, The Gifiu Forros and Funrtions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. 3 Alfredo Lpez Austin (TI, Human Body and Ideology, Concepls of rhe Ancient Nahuas, vol 1, 74, 79, and generally 68-83) summarizes the tensions between rhe communirarien ideology o the calpulli and che imperial ideology o rhe Aztecs. 4 Fray Bernardino de Sahagn, Coloquios y doctrina cristiana, 151 5 Lpez Austin, Tbe Human Rody arad Ideology, vol. 1, 207 Lpez Austin also mentions that "the han o prisoners taken in battle could also be kept as relics for che purpose o giving Che captive's powers co Che captors" (221). 6 In chis connecrion, it is interesting to note the determination with which Spanish missionaries combated polygamy. without polygamy, rhe possibility o constructing supracommunitarian alliances in the indigenous world was reduced. Perhaps it was not accidental, chen, that che first play presented in New Spain was an ejemplo againsr che sin o higamy and any infringement o rhe seventh commandment. For a discussion o the conrents of chis play, as well as o its production and impressive Ceehnical effects, see Othn Arrniz. Teatro de la evangelizacin en Nueva Espaa, 23-30. Ross Hassig (Aztec Warfare Imperial Expansion and Political Control) offers a number o examples of the use o rearriage as a strategy o alliance among the Aztecs Following Chis logic, Mocrezuma hiniself tried to marry one o his daughters to Corts, but rhe latter declined che offer on account o the fact that "he was already married" (244).

No.,s Iv .ba 292 =

Notes t o C h a p t e r z 293 =

7 In Chis ,,ad thc Aztrc unpirc umtr-nts wM1h huth thc classic .hayan k,ngdoms, sehere ssar seas can exiles v ac tisis el thc tmtouacy. and a-ith che luotihuaen model se e alntmt thc s5) hule s.st i appeals u, bave hico meritoeratlc. Pora coro Prehe nvcc trcatnAlt ol ssar in IP 1 lislsanic pceod. suc Ross Hassig. ,A lesos ni eu..w 11'vfar 6 However. O,nly nwdcm Spanish u s i roca ,ruin dillerute bus, curten[ notions. Although za was related ti, heredite. che tiro- ,ti,,, had a negadvc slart, hecause raza seas somcnmes understoud ne a s;vhle dilas t in physlcal appearanee that was a mark Ilt spietual 111t enontr. Thus th terno siete 111 1 1 readily used co meter co leves, Meo,, hlzcks u.Indians (1, TI o l nd C.Inn;i,rs sebo had ,.sla. On the other hand had bluod cnuld he ir:,pci, d s,.mc s'ce by m favorable cnvironmcnt.

3. MODES OF MEXICAN CITIZENSHIP

1 Roberto DaMatta. Cnrio,ds. Rognes and Heroes, 137-97, and, lor a lato and more elaborated version, A casa e u ruu Espi o, cidadania, rnulher e morse no Brasil. 2 The lame saytng exisrs to Me,,,,, aod has heen attributed to non, oth e2- [han Benito Jurez Mexico's must tamous liberal Fernando Escalante (Ciudadanos imaginarios , 293) discusses what come ti) be known o Jurezs day as "La Ley del Caso. shas is, che dtserettonaty application ol the law as che law 3 Thus che relationship hctween che government and die press is most often descdhed as une ot "colluson." rathcr chao of simple represslon (though repression has a)ways exisced,i A guod summary el che relationshmp hctween che press and che government o provided m Raynumdo Rrva Palacio. "A Cultura of Collusion- The Tics That Bind che Presa atol rhe PRI," 21-32 4 "Bando de Hidalgo, Decemher 10, 1810, in Leyes) undamnotales de Mxico, 1808-15)57, ed. Felipe Tena Ramrez, 225 These strictures are repeaced by Morelos in his Sentimientos de la nacin (18 1 3) "Arride 9. AII [public) jobs shall only be obcained by Amedcans" 6 Rayn's constitution can be found in Tena Ramrez, Leyes fundamentales , 24-27. 7 Ibid, 127. 8 Fran4ois -Xavier Guerra, "The Spanish-American Tradition o Represencacion and Its European Roots," 7. 9 Florencia Mallon, Peasant and Nation: The Making of Post-Colonial Mexico and Peru, 129-33. 10 Lorenzo de Zavala, 'Viaje a los Estados Unidos del Norte de Amrica, 1834," 1561 1 In Pantalen Tovar, Historia parlamentaria del cuarto congreso constitucional, vol. 1, 400-401. 12 Ibid., 306-8. 13 The discussion occurs on December 28, 1867 (ibid., 122 ). In a related discussion a few days later, Depury Zarco justifies che war in Yucatn by explaining shas "From che days o Maximilian, it is well known shas there were designs to creare - a viceroyalry in Yucatn, an asyluni for reactionaries . These traitors toil to separare that tenitory from the republic and to instare it as a principaliry so that they can sell the Indians off as slaves" (bid., 137). Ironically, in order to comba[ [hese reactionaries and che Maya rebels, Jurez and his liberals provisionally legalized corve labor and/or slavery in che peninsula. 14 AII citations o discussions o the First Constimtional Congress are from che facsimile edition cided Actas constitucionales mexicanas ( 1821-1824 ). Dates of discussions will be cited rather [ han pagination , which is nos entirely sequential. 15 Lic. Jess Arellano, "Oracin cvica que en el aniversario del grito de independencia se pronunci en el palacio de govierno de Durango el 16 de septiembre de 1841." 16 Ibid., 11. Curiously, che scorpion would later go tan co become emblematic o che state o Durango.

9 Sec. sor e,,antple. Edgar Lo ve on m.. lag,, hits: can blaeks and other Gastes Ti, Mexico Coy: Marnage Patierne ol Pers<sns of (\rfican Descent in a Colonial Mexico Ciry Parish," 79-91.
10 For examples of che latter, sea David .A Bradings discussion ol the ways in which the Spanish merchanc bequcathed tl:er businesses tu theu daughters' [borran husbands, while their creole sons besa,, can tdle aristocracy (Minera and Mercbants in Bourbon Mexico , 1763 - 1 9 10) . 11 Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrn , La pobla,tm: negra de tVlxicu 1519-isnr, 157, 160-61; che semi bozal is che same as che word lor hridle oc muzzle in Spanish and has the connotation of inexperience whcn app]ied to a horse or mole It also may be that che term referred to the tact that Atrican speech sounded Itke gibbertsh (voz or hoz referred to vosee, speech, shouting. ntouth, muzzle, etc.).

12 Ibtd., 157.
13 Ibtd_, 280-92. See also Coln Palmer, Slunes of tbe Wbita Gol. Blacks in Mexico, ts7o-a65014 Jaeques Lafaye Ouetzalceatl y Cuad,a6ipc la formacin de la conciencia nacional en Mxico, and David A. Brading, Piral Amneric,s Ti, Spanish ,'sIonarcby, Creole Patdots and che Liberal SIate, 1192-1867, chapter 16.

15 Jos Mara Luis Mora, Obras sueltas, vol. 1 152-53. 16 For a discussion o race issucs in Mexico, Almo Knight, " Racism , Revolution and Indigenismo. Mexico, 1910-1940," in Tbe 11, of Race in Latn Amurica, 1870-1940, ed. Richard Graham, 71-114. 17 Andrs Molina Enrquez, Los guindes problunas nacionales, 344 18 They were more Indican chao Spanish for several reasons, hrst, hecause che number o Spaniards in colonial Mexico was ahvays smal lar [han che number of Indians; secund, hecause che Spanish componen [ ot the mestizo roce was transmttced almost exclusively by orales, whcreas che indigenous clamen[ was reproduced by both females and males ; and third, hecause 'mdigenous mees survived in large p erts o che country that wh lte caces had heen inca pable ot t nhabi ring In th is latter argumenc, Molina Enrquez formulares quite explicidy che idea that Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrn developed ondee the ntle of "regions ot rchige bid i 19 "The mestizos will finally absorh the Indians and they wtll conrpletely tuse the Creles and che loreigners residing hiere wirh thcir oven race_ As a consequence, che mestzo race shall develop wirh liherty ( )nee this oso, nos only will ir: tesis[ che inevitable clash wirh the North American ras-e, hut tn chis elash, It wtll win" (ibid., 352). 20 Ibid 343 my emphasis.

17 Ibid., 6. I8 Ibtd., 16.

19 Francisco Santoyo, "Opsculo patritico, que pronunci el ciudadano teniente coronel graduado Francisco Santoyo, como miembro de la junta patritica de esta ciudad [de Orizaba) el da 11 de septiembre de 1842." 20 Escalante, Ciudadanos imaginarios, 290 21 Andrs Resndez shows how, in che case of Texas and New Mexico, alnuistic appeals

N o l e.

1'1

Notes t o

C h et p t e r 3 295

294 =

to national identity and shared rcllgion seere die principal resouices used by Mexico te, ti, to keep [hose terrhones in che lpublic ("Caught between Profi[s and Ritual; Nacional Contestation in Texas and New Mexico, 1821-1848" 22 On February 7, 1868, Just a lea monchs arar che execurion o Maxlmillan vol, Hapsbarg, che project for a lag tryi u, to ritially ensheine che 1357 constitution was presented ro Congress Tire u tific,oon h,r this proposal is significan[ "it is unquestionablc that Chis talisrnan i che consntution sil 18571 that Is so loved by the .Mexican people, was the cause of che prodigi(ms valor that disti ngui shed us in che bloody war that has just passed" in locar, H;;larva parlamentaria vol 1, 398). 23 Descriptions of Porfirian ;tate theater are plenniul. lar [he boulevards, see Barbara Tcnen baum, ',treehvise History The I'aserc de la Reforma and the Porri an State 1876 1910," 127- 0 for che i ,r_, scc Paul 1 Vanderwood, Disorder and Progress Rundir, Pole, and ilrxican Devalol r,, lora general appreeianon o Porfirian state rheatcr, see Mauricio Tennno-lrillo. Alexicc,d thr Worldb Pairo Crafting a Modero No dan. 24 Samuel Ramos, "El perfil del hombre y la culwia en Mxico," 131-35. 25 Sec, for example, Larissa Lomnlre. Netmork's m,d \larginalily: Llfe in a Mexican Sbantytown, Carlos Vlez-Ibez. Ritual, ol h1,, ryinn, ry. Potra s Process, and Gdlure Change in Central Urban Maxica, Ovan-4 1174; Antonio .Azuda, ed La urbanizacin populary el orden jurdico en Amrica La l inri. 26 For a fui description o [hese c-amira,gn nuca];, see Larissa Lomnitz, Claudio Lommitz, and Ilya Acfler, "Punctions ol clic f-orm Power Play and Ritual in che 1988 Mexican Presidential Campaign, 357-402.
27 Teday ;his version is common w,,d,,m, but lar a succinct synthesis of chis perspective, see Lorenzo Mcyer, libero bsn,o entoril,iria. las carrtmdiccimres del sistema poltico mexicano

Poinsett, che first US. diplomar in Mexico, arrived in che country saluting its independence and hailing che republic that was "founded on the sovereignty of che people and en che inalienable righrs o man" (cited in ibid., vol. 1, 303), which it arguably was not. 13 Francisco Bulnes, El verdadero Jurez la verdad sobre la intervencin y elimperio, 8 19. 14 This occurred to Father Mariano Balleza, a kinsman o Hidalgo; see Alejandro Villaseor y Villaseor, Biografas de los hroes y caudillos de la independencia, vol 1, 5815 Antonio Lpez de Santa Anna, The Eagle: An Autobiograpby of Santa Anna, 68-69. 16 Villaseor y Villaseor, Biografas de los hroes, vol. 2, 267-68. 17 Friedrich Katz, The Life and Times of Pancho Villa, 789 18 Thus, aceording to Molina Enrquez (1978, 425), "che notion o patriotism will be determined and reduced [o the following simple terms, al] will be like brothers in a family, free [o carry out their own actions, but united by [he fraterni[y o a common ideal, and obligated by virtue of that fraternity, on che one hand, co distribute their common inheritance equally, and, on che other, to [olerate each othet's differences 19 Bulnes, El verdadero Jurez, 856-57. 20 Jurez's lndianness was not trumpeted by Jurez himsclf, who only wrote o chis matter in a letter dedicated to his children; however, Jurez was identified by others as [odian. 1 am grateful to Paul Ross for pointing this out to me. 21 Agustn Snchez Gonzlez, Los mejores chistes sobre presidentes, 64 22 Edmundo O'Gorman, Escalante notes that che pervasive belief in Jurez as a lawabiding presiden[ can be traced back to che porfiriato, and forward to historiaras such as Daniel Coso Villegas and Enrique Krauze. He then demonstrates that che representation o Jurez and o che restored republic as an era governed by the law and the ideals o liberal ci[izenship is a false representation (Ciudadanos imaginarios, 233; 254259-86) . 23 O'Gorman, Mxico, el trauma de su historia, 33. 24 See Mayer-Celis 1995. For a superficial overview o che history o Mexican censures, see Claudio Lomnitz, Modernidad indiana: nacin y mediacin en Mxico, chapter 5. 5. FISSURES IN CONTEMPORARY MEXICAN NATIONALISM 1 Carlos Fuentes, Where tie Air ls Clear, 21 2 For an analysis of che work o Carlos Mara Bustamante, see David A. Brading, Los orgenes del nacionalismo mexicano, for a synthesis o che nature of postrevolutionary state intervention in shaping a modero citizenry, see Alan Knight, "Popular Culture and che Revolu[ionary State in Mexico," 395-444, and for the specific case o Michoacn, see Christopher Boyer, "The Cultural Politics o Agrarismo: Agrarian Revolt, Village Revolu[ionaries, and State-Formation in Michoacn, Mexico." 3 Studies o che historical relationships between in[elleetuals, po[ical ritual, and che public sphere in Mexico are the focus o chapters 7, 9, and 10. 4 Claudio Lomnitz, Exits from the Lahyrinth_ Culture and Ideology in Mexican National Space, chapter I. 5 During the 1980s, Mexieo's intelligen[sia experienced two contradictory tendencies: growth in the number o institucional contexts for intellectual production, on [he one hand ("decentralization"), and, en [he other, a concenrration o cultural power in tuco allegedly stellar and mutually antagonistic "intellectual groups," represented by che journals Vuelta and Nexos During the Salinas years (1988-94), both

4. PASSION AND BANALITY IN MEXICAN HISTORY 1 Fran4ois-Xavier Guerra, Mxico del rmq,m rgimr.. n la revolucin

2 Jos Mara Luis Mora, Obras suelta, vol 2, 523 Ibid, So 4 Fernando Escalante, Ciudadanos imayir,arios . 97-109. 5 'Decreto de excomunin de los insurgentes dado por el obispo Abad y Queipo, 1810, in listoria documen tal de Mexico, ed. Ernesto de la Torre Villar, Moiss Gonzlez Navarro and S[anley Ross, vol 2 30 10

Ibid, 37
7 "Man hesm que cl seor O. Nligucl Hidalgo y Costilla, Generalsimo de las armas americanas , y electo por la mayor parte de los pueblos del reino para defender sus derechos y los de sus conde dada nos hace al pueblo (18l0)," in Torre Villar et al, Historia doctimenlal de Mxico, vol. 2. 111- 1 3.

8 Ibid., 42. 9 Ibid 43, my cmphasis 10 Jos Mara .Morelos, 'Bando de Mordus suprimiendo las castas y aboliendo la esclavitud, 17 de noviembre de 1817 162563. 11 Luis Cahrcra, "Los dos patdolism; x556. 12 See Angel Delgado Espaa y Alee a -l siglo

vol. 2 192, for che views of che Spanish ambassador Angel Caldcrdn de la Barca ora [hese matcers- Ambassador

N^les i baplr, a 296 rs Nates to Chaptee s 297

grtxtps hall Glose relatiuns ss-nh -hc p,crrnnunt. hut Nusos's people received more concess,ons Irom thc tate. reh,le reieieed more h,s lulevisa. 6 Interestingly tisis imago -cs,tnater ti) che uan,lurmatians that Roger Rouse deserihes for U.s . wcict, in tim 1u1111 ,,LVU ol r:i b; ,a no. w hereby the U S. alas, structure s1 ' l1t111 aseae t -u m, a i' 1 1T 1 L,- 1 11 1 c anJ tuseard a dise ributlon that he ikens to thc chape ol a rnck,t. The,mu lata, es ame not mere eomeidence, teleeting Instead a tundamental shifr in che c. t,s stn uure ot both countries as well as changas in thc wavs tate, i in ma1'e ul citizensh,p One signtfieantcon trasc ber reen che teso cases . hoyes cris thar in che United States the dominan[ ima.lr ul tire class and poseer stntsturc has 11(11 liceo that of cho pyram,d. The alas, struccuru in che United States ,s ,,, dly poctrayed isumewhat appropriately) as diamond -sIbap,d, with a hroad mmddle and narro,, points at che top and che bottom Thus, whereas in che United States tiro cuncnt tos nslonnation of che iass structure is decried in mainstream newspapers as rellecting both " corporate greed" and che "formation of an underclass " (that ir. che tramlonnatnon of a diamond into a pyramiel), in Mexico che dorninant imagos are simply of pillage , of taking the jewels from che temple on top of che pyramid and depositing them in Switzerland. See Roger Rouse , "Thinking through Transnationalism . Notes en che Cultural Politics of Class Relations in che Contemporary United States , 353-403. 7 1 have developed chis point in connection ter che varying implications o multiculturalism in Mexico versus che United States and Europe in " Decadente in Times o Globalizatioo ," 257-67.
6. NATIONALISM ' S DIRTY LINEN

Poma and Fernando de Alea Istlilxochitl argued for a kind of "protoehronist' with regard to Christiani ry. ciar ti ng that che Ir ancestors recognized the trae God before che arriva1 of che Spaniards Th,s tactic underlles much of Latin Americas Ind,genista thinking unce at leas[ che nmctc-euth century, and was given playfully ironic treatment in earIe 19005 by thc 13,asdian writem 1 sosa Barreo) through che cragieomie nationalist hero Policarp,o k Jaresnta 3 Benedict Anderson, lmagrned Cmnmunrties, 5 4 For example, Roger Bartras most recent book (La sangre y lo Lista Ensayos sobre la condicin postmexicanaj is a colleeIr00 ol essays en "che post-Mexican condition" s Dipesh Chakrabarry ( 1992' has argued for che peed co "provi nci alize" Europe in che realm el rheory and history h his rail to arras succeeds rimen perhaps the sor[ ot "grounded theory" that 1 espouse herc will in somc respeecs he more universal and social thought may go through a pisase risa[ is parallel te cho one that religion was raid to have had in antiquity: "Thc various modes of worship, which prevailed in che Roman world, were a11 considered by che people, as equally tete , by che philosopher, as equally false ; and by che magistrate , as equally useful " (Edward Gibbon, Tbe History o the Decline and Fall of che Roman Empine, 35)6 European travelers te Mexico usually collected pre -Columbian objects. Contemporary producs that attracted their attention were generally seco as curious exemplars o crafts that were distinctly European in origin , made quaint because of their indigenous twist. Thus, in che 1 850s, a Mexican spur was sent to Britain by Henry Christy and Edward B. Tylor where , because of in, extravagance and size, ir was exhibited in the medieval section of che museum . See Edward B. Tylor, Anabuac, or Meneo and tbe Mexicans , Ancient and Modern, 295-96. 7 In an earlier work ( 1992a ), 1 developed sume elements o [his cultural geography, aboye al] [hose having to do with che construction o cultural regions within a national space . To that end, 1 proposed a series o concepts ncluding "intimare cultures" ( cultural zones forged by social classes in specific interactive contexts) and "culture o social relations" ( culture generated in the framework o interactions between different social clases and identiry groups within che national space). The topography o zones of contact , which 1 did not develop in Exits from che Labyrinth, is an important part of the task of producing a geography of national identiry . This is because national space is ie itself an aspect o an international system, so trames o contact with the foreign have to be understood as a feature o production o national culture and identiry and not as an element external co nationaliry. 8 For che case o che censorship commissions , see Anne Rubenstein, Bad Language, Naked Ladies, and Other Threats to che Nation: A Political History of Comic Baoka in Mexico, chapter 4. For anti - Semitisen in che movements against itinerant salesmen during the Great Depression , see Gary Gordon , Peddlers, Pesos and Power , The Political Economy of Street Vending in Mexico City, 47, and Moiss Gonzlez Navarro, Los extranjeros en Mxico y los mexicanos en el extrae aro, 1821-1970 , vol. 2, 133-34. For the case o che Chinese, see Juan Puig , Entre el ro Perla y el Nazas, la China decimonnica y sus braceros emigrantes, la colonia china de Teorren y la matanza de sea 1, 173-228; for the sacking o che Parin Market , see Romeo Flores Caballero, Counterrevolution: The Role of tbe Spaniards in che Independence of Mexico, 1804-3E, 119-21. 9 For che case of dmgs in che 1 930s, see Luis Astorga, "Trahcanres de drogas , polticos y policas en el siglo veinte mexicano" The Daz Ordaz regime 's hostility to the

1 This interest in che international networks of national identiry production has produced an exciting corpus of works en che hlstory of mapping , of censuses , o standardization of sc,entific measurements , of world expositions , o nationalist srrategies in a number of literary forms and gentes , en architecture , en urbanism, and on che history of transnational scienrihc and artistic networks Perhaps che finest methodological exemplar of [ his ine of rescarch is Daniel Rogers , Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age, hu Chis tradition has also produced a number o more general and theoredcally inclinad works , such as Arjun Appadurai , Modeniity at Larga Cultural Dimensions of Globalation , Homi K . Bhabha , " DissemiNation: Time, Narracive , and che Margins ol che Modero Nation ," 291-322 , Nstor Garca Canclini, Hybrid Cultures= Sirategirs for Entering and Leaving Modernity, Gyan Prakash, Another Reason, Science and tbe Imagrsacron of Modero India, Doris Sommers , Foundational Fictions , Tbe Nacional Romances of Lain Anrerica , and Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, to name a few prominent examples 2 In che recen [ anglophone literatura Edward Said ' s Culture and Imperialism is a wideranging exploration of che ways in whlch che colonial world was both critically important to che developmenr of "Western civilizatior ' and systematically diminished or denied by it. The peor nations ' reaction te these practices is oudined by Katherine Verdery ( 1991), who explores what sise calls "protochronism" among Romanian nationalist intellectuals , whicii es a tendency co assert that key inventions of civilization were i nvented ches r country r i both of [hese aspects o nationalism have long been recognized hy waters and poliucians in che colonial and postcolonial world- As early as che seventeenth ccnu,ry 1 ndigenous Intel leetuals such as Guaman

( -L,tL lar ,; 298 = i =

Notes to Cbapter e 299 =

disorder o Mexican pop tinture is succinctly addressed in Carlos Monsivis, Mexican Post-Cardo, 23-27 For a more detailed and wide- ranging discussion , see Eric Zulov, Refried Elvls: Tbe Rise o che Mexican Cmmterculture The discussion of Beavis and Buttbead appeared io the nacional press in 1993 10 This is also the argument that unos rhrougb inc iHobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The lnvention of Tradition- Any Herderian view of nationality involves a dialectic between rradirion and moderniry . 11 Liberals honored Hidalgo and celebratcd indcpendence on Seprember 15; conservatives honored Iturbide and celebiaccd indcpendence on Seprember 27. A detailed catalog o ideas represenri ng both sities of ibis rift can be found in La dominacin espaola en Mxico. 12 This relar,onship between tradition and moderniry is not exclusively Mexican. In nineteenth-century England, Matthew Arnold argued that the British national spirit was composed o three elemento rhe Saxon, which lent it 'rs seriousness and tenaciry; the Roman, which lent it as energy; and rhe Celric, which lent ir lis spirit and senti mena, "[The English genios] is characierized, 1 Nave repearedly said, byenergywitbbonesty Take away some of che energy which comes te us, 1 believe, in pan from Celtic and Roman sources, instead o energy soy rather steadiness. and you have the Gennanic genius steadinrss witb bonesty . - che danger tor a national spirit thus composed is the hunidrum, the plain and ugly, che innoble in a word, das Gemeine, die gemeinbeit, that curse of Germany, against which Goethe was all bis lile fighting" (Marrhew Arnold, "On che Study of Celtic Ltterarurc," 341)- In this some essay, Arnoldargues for che full assimilarion of rhe (_eltic peoples oto British society and for rhe annihilation o Celric as a living language . The assimilarion o (hese defeared peoples roto the national genius is rhus an identical move co che orle made by Mexican indigenistas. 13 Zolov, Refried Elvis, 145. 14 Examples o how government indigenistas sought to reconfigure Chis relationship can be found in Alexander Dawson, Indigotismo and the Paradox of che Nation in PostRevolurionary Mexico." 15 "And it was quite singular that (hose Americans who so guarded the privilege o their whire cante, when it carne to Mexico always symparhized with the Indians, and never with rhe Spantards' (Jos Vasconcelos, Ulises criollo, 34). 16 Arjun Appadurat, "The Culture of rhe Srate," lecture notes, University o Chicago, 1997 17 Arturo Eseobads Encounteriug Developmunl Tbe Muking and Unmaking of che Third World, is a critique o development as tt has breo organized since World War II. The role of development discourse (not only at rhe genera I ideological leve], bur, more importandy, asa set o categories and tneasurements) is central ro Chis story 18 Erving Goffman, The Presenlation o Self in Everyduy Life, 106-3419 "We don't think iris necessary to unde,In e che disastrous impression that che arrivng rourist wtll form upon seeing che spectacle of immoraltry thar the brothels, in upen air and established in an importan[ city arrery an obligatory path, offer" (cired in Kathcrinc Bliss, "Prostitu ion. Revolu(ion and Social Reform in Mexico Gry, 1918-1940"196)20 Alexandra Srern, "Eugenlcs beyond Bordees- Science and Medicalizarion in Mexico and che U.S. West, 1900-1950," and'Buildings, Boundaries, and Blood. Medicalizarion and Nation-Building on che U5 -Mexico Bordee, 1910-1930," 41-81-

21 Pratt coros che term contad zona "to refer no the space of colonial encounters, the space in which peoples geographically and historically separated come roto contact with each other and establish ongoing relations, usually involving conditions o coercion, radical inequality, and intractable conflict ...'contact zone' in my discussion is often synonymous with 'colonial frontier- (Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, 6). My own usage leaves the question o domination and o che nature o inequalities in transnacional contact zones open, because the relationships o contact are o multiple sorts. 22 The case o architectural modernism's decrepitude in Brazil has been analyzed by Beatriz Jaguaribe, "Modernist Ruin;." The challenges that Braslia's poor suburbs pose for che nationalist utopia that the city was meant to embody are treated in James Holston, "Alternativa Modernities: Statecraft and Religious Imagination in che Val ley o che Dawn"

7. RITUAL, RUMOR, AND CORRUPTION IN THE FORMATION OF MEXICAN POLITIES

1 The role o ritual in che consnuction of a national poliry is a venerable line o inquiry, with Eric Wolf,'The Virgin o Guadalupe A Mexican National Symbol," and Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphars the most prominent founding ancestors. The role o ritual in the consolidation of local communities has received much more attention , notably in arguments over Wolf's typology of peasant communities, as well as in debates ovar che "cargo system" ( for example , Frank Cancian, Economics and Preshge in a Maya Community, Tbe Decline of Community in Zinacanen; and Waldemar Smith, The Fiesta System and Economic Change and in studies on che connections berween ritual and local politics (for example, Guillermo de la Pea, Herederos de promesas , and Claudio Lomnitz, Evolucin de una sociedad rural . Interest in political ritual has also emerged in ethnographies o various dimensions o Mexican urban lile (for example , Carlos Vlez-Ibafiez, Rituals of Marginality Politics, Proceso, and Cultural Change in Central Urban Mexico, 1969-1974; Larissa Lomnitz and Marisol Prez Lizaur, A Mexican Elite Family) and in che anthropology o social movements (for example , Jorge Alonso, Los movimientos sociales en el Valle de Mxico, and Carlos Monsivis, Entrada libre. Finally, there is also work en politics as spectacle and on che role o myth and ritual in bureaucracy (Alberto Ruy Snchez, Mitalogia de un cine en crisis, Larissa Lomnitz, Claudio Lomnitz, and ya Adler, "Functions of che Forro: Power Play and Ritual in the 1988 Mexican Presidencial Campaign") In che past decade or so, interest in these fields has also gatned prominente among historians , who have attended similar themes in various periodo and regions. See, for example, Juan Pedro Viqueira Albn, Relajados o reprimidos Diversiones pblicas y vida social en la Ciudad de Mxico durante el Siglo de las Luces; William Beezley , Cheryl Martin, and William French, eds., Rituals of Rule. Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Cultura in Mexico; Serge Gruzinski, La Guerre des imanes De Chriseophe Colomb a ' Blade Runner', and Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Fanos of State Formation. These tules are only a sample o che literature 2 Fran4ois-Xavier Guerra, Mxico del antiguo rgimen a la revolucin, 2 vols 3 Viqueira Albn's, Relajados o reprimidos is a description and discussion o che transformations o collective participation in public ritual during the eighteenth century. 4 For example, che legislation promoted by Charles III devoted a chapter to che

Note S t o C 1, a p t e r 6 = 300 = Notes to Cha p ter 7 301 =

reguladora ul sisee and IrerH bisele .rlr.;.hm Javier Malagn Barecl, C digo negro cerolr '. chaptcr I0. 188-R`r
5 Lunvrnz and Prez l iza; . ^^ 53..... 1 17-91 describe huso Imnily ritual is a Inrum lur intraiamll.al c .mnnon c a euro _td dcus.un rr.ak.ing n che twen[ieth cuinu.rv

with a pedantic exhibition o classical and scholast,c Icarning. Obscurity was a virtue and a vacuous jumbling o1 allusions a merit With che copie ni no way disputable, exaggerated panegvrics and bombas[ were thc marks o esthetic excellence' (Baroque Times m 1 3d Mexico 1371.
15 Gmzinski. La Guerrr des imagen. 169-71, 175 16 Sec Guerra, Mxico dei anl.guo regonen a la reooluan, vol 1 18201 loe Che forfnato See also the significante ot lila service lo democracy in che PRI's 1988 presidencial campaign, in Lomnitz, Lomnitz, and Adler, "Functions o che Form." Fernando Escalante dcals squarely watn chis inste in Ciudadanos inmginarios.

This is whv 1-anssa Lomm.u. sah.. h s su .1, el Alexicao ramilles ot various social strata nvsts on ti,, significa nce ,.I .. rural" ocs .n that social organ,zational lona "I-as re laceres horr-onmles r've n. c.'o cn li estn.ctnra social urbana de Mxico{ 7 The bes[ historical treann^ et u' thn quawon s Steve Sretn, Tire Seoel H;story oJ iAIn:. ar 1 } , t, n...,, `ale o. Ruroncia Nlallon (Peasanl and Go.der Ll r Nmiorr 'Or n 1Al,.kn.g o( i'o 1 t -t , . 1 i'nrn -t %6; explores che polit.es ofgender in relation tu citizrnsha and p..t.cal mohilizaiion in nineteenth-century agravian conrmunities8 Paul Friedrich malees the porot that women are able to publicly articulare opinions chas would gel their men killed (Primer of Namr.ja) This argument would seem to be borne out by the historical work on rebellion in Mexico. In the most comprehensive study o colonial rebellions no date, Williana Taylor notes that "[t]he place o women [in village rebellions) is especially striking" (Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages, 1 16) Alrhough Taylor speculates rhat chis may be owing m che absence o men from the villages during agricultura) seasens, Paul Friedrieh's explanation would sccm to account lee thcir behavior more fully, because "[1]n at least ore fourth of che cases examined, women lcd the attacks and were visibly more aggressive, insulting and rebellions m thcir behavior toward outside authorines [[han men]" (bid )9 Ricardo Pozas Horcas itas, La draotrasia en blancor el movimiento mdico en Mxico, 9964-19(5.

17 Most prom'mently in Friedrich, Pm;ces of Naranja, and in Fernando Escalante, El ponerpilo 18 Mary Kay Vaughn, "The Construction o che Patriotic Festival in Teeamaehaleo. Puebla. 1900-1946," 213-46. 19 Vaughn mentions that [hese processes of negociaron between teachers and local communities also led teachers lo avoid imposing che most anticlerical educational themes of che "socialist educatiod' o che 1930s . At che nacional leve) "socialist cducation" was in no small par a crusade lo finish off che key role o the church as cultural integrator; some aspects o chis initiative found local support and civic festivals thrived along with a transformation in popular culture (che introduction o sports). However, chis same success also gave local constituencies che strength co avoid the most draconian antireligious measures taken by che government. 20 llya Adler's discussion o che uses o che press in Mexicos bureaucracy is significant in chis respect. He describes how bureaucrats conscancly present information that they have read from che newspapers either as their own personal interpretation or as coming from a personal source. The backstage has greater claim lo truth than offfcial, public renderings in Mexico. See Ilya Adler, "Media Uses and Effects in a Largo Bureaucracy- A Case Study in Mexico" 21 Nuestro Pas is che first journal devoted te public opinion in Mexico, and polis only began finding their way into newspapers since che 1988 presidencial campaign. For accounts o che rase o poliing in Mexico, see Federico Reyes Heroles, Sondeara Mxico, and Roder,c Ai Camp, ed., Polling for Democracy. Public Opinion and Political Liberalization in Mexico. 22 A fui) study o chis phenomenon would have to focus on che press and its management of public manifestations, a work that is yet to be done. However, examples and illustrations are easily available lo any reader of che Mexican press. Crucial instances of [hese processes have occurred in che aftermath of che 1985 earchquake (what was "che meaning " of the popular and che governmental reactions to che disaster?), during che Consejo Estudiantil Universitario (CEU) student movement, during che 1988 eleccions, alter che imprisonment o oil workers' union leader "La Quina," after che assassinations o Cardinal Posada, Luis Donaldo Colosio, and Jos Francisco Ruiz Massieu, during che Zapatista rebellion, and alter che devaluation of che peso in 1995. Al] [hese events (and an infinite number o smaller unes ) are rhe foci of poiitical contention through che interpretation o their "true" nature and meaning. An ethnographic description o che dynamics o political interpretation during Mexican campaigns can be found in Claudio Lomnitz, "Usage potique de Fambigit: Le cas mexicain" 23 Guillermo de la Pea, A Legary of Promises, Agricullure, Politics and Ritual in che Morelos Highlands, 58,

lo Manuel Castells, The City aud tbe Gmre;oots. 1 I Stephen Greenblatt argues that che discoursc of che marvelous was used co avoid transcultural communication in the contad period (Manrelous Possessions, 135-36). Gruzinski (La Guerre des imagen, 169-71) argucs that attempcs te foster true dialogue between priescs and Indians were more ar less abandoned in Mexico around 1570. 1 have argued chal ambivalente toward conununication between urban elites and popular classes lies at che hcart ol thc hisrory o Mexican anthropology (Claudio Lomnitz, Modernidad indiana, ehapter 4)12 Julie Greer Johnson, The fjoak in Ore Ame ricas. 15 13 See, for example, John Elliott , "Spain and Amcrica in che Sixceenth and Seventeenth Centurles," 303. The tradition o pragmatic aceommodations that coexist with a discursive orthodoxy has been promi nene since thac early period, and its force could be witncssed in the censorship that was meted out to Fray Bernardino de Sahagn's ethnographic smdies of sixteenrh-century native society en the grounds that m name that sociery was m preserve ir- Instead uf favoring dialogue, comprehension, and conversion through racional convictions, Testeras attitude toward conversion, which emphasized ritual compliance r ecr nuellectual conviction, triumphed.
14 So, in descr,l ing che contents ol a poetry contest during the era known as "the long siesta o che ses,enteer th centuq',' Irving I.eonard states that '[c]he aun [o che contesti was adulation and glorificaron oI che subject matter and it was bes[ achieved by ingenious conceits, by hold jugghng ot phrases and excessive artfice, together

N o I e+

1 c ( b .. p i e

NoIrsto

Chapter7 303 =

302

24 Caneran, The Decline of Cornrsun ty in Zinaratttn, 151-70. 25 The Mixe of Oaxaca discriminare becwecn good and evil merchants, whose money is, respectively good and ovil depending on whether they organize a series o preseribed esto al s and on whether or flor thcy are veto che needs of community members . Set James B Greenberg. Capital, Ritual and Boundaries o che Closed Corporate Communiry."

wood-carrying peasant who appeared in che mountains and warned his countrymen against a road , a fas[ train , a cable car , and a golf course, 5 Joaqun Gallo, Tepoztln personajes, descripciones y sucedidos, 15r translation and adaptaron are mine. 6 Silvio Zavala, ed., El servicio personal de los indios en la Nueva Espaa, vol. 1, 294-97. 7 Ross Hassig, Aztec Warfere. Imperial Expansion and Political Control, 249. 8 Gallo, Tepoztln, 163. 9 "The indgenas of Tepozdn present themselves before Maxirnilian and Carlota to offer personally their complete support , and simultaneously thank them for allow rng'some poor indgenas' to be worthy o seeing their faces " ( in Peridico Oficial del Imperio Mexicano , 28 de junio de 1864, reprinted in Teresa Rojas Rabiela, El indio en la prensa nacional del siglo diecinueve, vol. 1, 22). 10 La Jornada, October 1, 199511 Ismael Daz Cadena , trans ., Libro de tributos del Marquesado del Valle ( 1540). These consus materias have been analyzed by Pedro Carrasco in "The Family Structure o XVlth Century Tepozdn " and "Estratificacin social indgena en Morelos durante el siglo XVI" 12 Peter Gerhard discusses che chape o tire pre -Columbran kingdoms in present-day Morelos in "A Method for Reeonstruccing Precolumbran Poltica) Boundaries in Central Mxico." Lewis (Lfe in a Mexican Village, 21) shows the cites o preColumbian habitation in Tepoztln in contras [ with modern- day settlement patrerns - Before che Conquesr, and in al probability at che time o chis census, Tepoztecans lived in a number o scattered settlements at che feet o che Sierra de Tepoztln and were not concentrated in a village . This is consonant with James Loekhart's diseussion o che altepeel (The Nabuas alter che Conquesr, 15-20)13 See Fray Agustn Dvila Padilla, Historia de la fundacin y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de Mxico. 14 Serge Gruzinski provides an accnunt o che ways in which secularization was understood and resisted in che Altos de Morelos in Man-Codo in the Mexican Highlands, India,, Pomer and Colonial Society, 1 520-f 800, 105-72 . 15 See Robert Haskett, Indtgenous Rulers: An Ethnohistory of Town Government rn Colonial Cuernavaca , 153-60 for che colonial history o chis family. 16 In fact, in Five Frenlies , Oscar Lewis contrasts che mediation o local eommuniry cuh cure en Tepoztecan family life with the unmediated effects o capitalism on che Mexico City poor. Lewis felt chat che "culture o poverty" was an urban phenomenon flor because material conditions in che city were worse [han in Tepoztlnthey were not-bui rather because che urban experience of poverty was not mediaced by a tradicional collectivity17 Fiar a more detailed diseussion o chis strategy and its deployment in modern Tepoztecan history, see Lomnitz, Evolucin de una sociedad rural, 292-307. 18 Although 1 have not had the opportunity o verifying chis in Tepoztln , 1 believe that these ideas regarding peasant production are easily transferred to some o the other activities that Tepoztecans now engage in, particularly artisanal work (masonry, self-employed mechanics, bakers, etc.) and petty commerce . Greenberg (1994) provides an example o chis kind o transference in his discussion o distinctions berween "clean " and "dirty" money that are drawn among Oaxacan Mixe merchants . His material suggests che capacity o chis peasant ideology co expand

8 C E N T E R , PERJPHERY A N D THE CON N E C T ION5 BETW EEN NATIONALISM AND LOCAL DISCOURSES OF DISTINCTION

1 Lotus Dumont. Essays en Indrvrdualisrrc: Modem Idaoiogy in Asithropological Perspecesve, 279 2 The main an thropological works un Tepozrhn are Robert Redheld, Tepoztln A Mexican Village. Oscar Lewis L fe in a Licyean VilLigr and Pedro Martnez, and Claudio Lomnrtz , Evolucin de una sociedad rural , but [hect a number of shorter pieces san che place, niel.mng Pedro Carrasco, 'The Family Strucmre of XVlth Century Tepozdn," and Phillip K Boek, "Tepozdn Remn,idered Mara Rosas, Tepoztln, crnica de desacatos y resistencia is a journalistie aeeount ot re, ene politieal eonflict in the village. 3 Por discussro ns of che h istory of the re lar iomhip benveen lowlands and highlands in Morelos, see Arturo Warman, "We (bine ta Ubjecl" Tbe Peasano of Morelos and the Nacional Si,,, 33-41, and Guillermo de la Pea, 4 Legrey of Promises.. Agricultura Politics and Ritual in tbrLlorelos Htghlands, 20--37. 4 It rs difficult co discern what che hutoncal bases of che Tepoztcatl myth may Nave heen Local and regional inrell ectua ls, such as Pedro'. Pho. ) Rojas, El Tepoztcatl legendario , and Juan Dubernard, Apuntes para la bistona de 7poztln, unequivoeally identify El Tepozccad as che reigning tlatoani (i ndigenous ruler ) o che time o Spanish Conquesr and as che first Tepoztecan co take baptismal rices - Others , including Redficld and Lewis have assumed chal El Tepozccad was a mychical , and not a historical figure The interpretation is, in any case difficult. Several early sources refer to lepuzcdead Fray Juan de Torquemada names him as one ot che lords cha[ Moccezmna dispatched to che Golf Coast with gifcs for Corts (Monarqua indiana , vol 2, 59, Fray Diego Durn (Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espaa e islas de la Tierra Firrne , vol. 2 292) mentiuns Tepuzread as one o the gods rhar priests rmpersonated, along wi th Quetzalcoatl Huiczilopochdi, Tlaloc, and others These god-priescs were charged with the sacrifice o numerous victms. In the instante named by Durn , saenfices were imnated by King Axayacatl ( reigned 1468-81 ), who, after having had his lill of slaughceri ng, passed che knife over to General Tlacaelel, who in turra was succeeded in chis honor by che various godpriests . Fray Berardino de Sahagdn mentions Tepuztcad as one of che men involved in che discovery o pulque alter the Mexica departed from Temoanchan in their pilgrimage co Mxico -Tenoch cidn IFlorentine (e,ex, book 10, 193). It is possible , cherefore , chal Tepuzrecatl seas simultaneously che name oa god and che tide taken by che datoani - priest ot Tepozdn who was charged with che tare o che temple to che pulque god Ome Tochtli- It is also possible that a single tlatoani appropriated chis narre , under the rnodel o che high priest Ce Acad Quetzalcoatl Finally, Tepoztcatl may have referred generically to nobles from Tepoztln- In any case , Tepozccad appears in several historia mylhical periods, beginning with che migration froni Azdn , to a god of che Azcec pantheon under King Axayacatl, to a lord who met Corts , ro numerous modo rm day ap pan cions in che figure o an od, NaIrs

lo ('uaptrr e 304 =

Notes t o C h a p t e r e 305 =

beyond agneulture and rolo utb,, h :., ot work II ssentially , a merchants money is citan" :t he ur shc redist,dnues prohn Into shc local mntmunicy and ti prices and loans to con: munity ntembcr, are lose. 19 for an expllc ation oi track nona ] ]ti( 1 un hc.dth 1:1 ibis regios, see John Ingham, "On .Mrxuan Folk Medicine Mn t cl liusap s svell-knuwn tudy o capitalism In Colombia : T. U'oiI end (: omn:odif y Frl n i Soutj. 1 rica, develops an analysis with many parallels co thls Tepozteean idenlogy
20 Lewis Lifi Hexicrm Vi11 a9t 231 21 Lewis, Pedro AOarl(:ez, 119-20 22 Por more Inlnrmation un ibis penco,,. s^ o Lunv.nz Eoohuin de una sociedad rural. 157-74, and Lewa. I.i)e rl:.1 :31,x:..m i.h. 235 -40. 23 Lewis, L:fe:n a Mexinu: ViLLigr, 26. 1 19-23.

3 Theorics of admmist ratios such as Gennan camcralisni . applied by che Baron von Humboldt to New Spain in 1803. arc classical instruments of governntentality. be cause they arc oricuced tn treating cine whole of che poliry as it it were a business See Albion W. Small TI, (:nn, nl li,IS, ibe Pionccrs of Gemmu'socral Polity4 Por a dch d3cussion of shc relationship hetween gente sci,sari and baroque ritual. see Pamela Voekel, "Scent and Sc nsi kifity Pungency and Picry in che Making of che Veracruz Gente Sensata." Hugo Nutini provides che only general overview of che history of Mexicos aristoeracv He argues chal che Mexican aristocracy underwent three periods of expansion each ol which asas relaced to significanr economie transtormatron s, une ot diese che mining boom ot che eighceenth eentury (Wages of (2ogn,,t TheMex:c.lr A nstoo, ny in fine (.,rtexi of Western Arrsfocraciesl 5 For a statistical analysis ot che contents o che Gazeta de Lima see Tatuar Herzog, "La gaceta de Lima (1756-1761 i, la restrucmracin de la realidad y sus funciones " 6 For che use o che discurse of che marvelous as a propagandistic device, see Greenblatt 1992. For eonneecions between colonial discourses o che marvelous and che literary movement devoted to the real maravilloso, see Giucci 1992. 7 For contrasting accounts of che origins o underdevelopment in the nineteenth century, see John Coatsworth, "Ohstacles to Economic Growth in 19th Century Mexico," and Jaime O. Rodrguez, Down from Colonialism. 8 In her thesis on scatistics in che early postindependent period, Laura Leticia Mayor Celis (1995) shows that nacional independence generated a flurry o scatistics, as well as an interest in comparative nacional statstics, buc that che scientific basis o rhese scatistics lacked credibiliry even in their own time. 9 For an account o che emergente of polling written by an arden[ proponen[ o chis method, see Federico Reyes Heroles, Sondeara Mxico 10 This point is carefully argued in Fernando Escalante, Ciudadanos imaginamos, and in Frangois Xavier Guerra, Mxico del antiguo rgimen a la revolucin 11 Maya Indians were also sold luto slavery in Cuba during the second half of che nineteenth century. 12 For the image of the rurales , see Paul J. Vanderwood, Disorder and Progress : Bandits, Police, and Mexican Development. On Porfirian urban intervention, see Barbara Tenenbaum, "Screetwise History: The Paseo de la Reforma and che Porfirian State, 1876-1910" The most comprehensive discussion o che strategies and politics o nacional presentation in che internacional arena during Chis period is Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at tbe World's Fairs, Crafting a Modem Nation. 13 Carlos Monsivis, Los rituales del caos, 141. 14 See Larissa Lomnitz, Claudio Lomnitz, and Ilya Adler, "Functions o che Form: Power Play and Ritual in the 1988 Mexican Presidencial Campaign." 15 Francisco 1. Madero, "Manifiesto de Madero al Pueblo, a los capitalistas , a los gobernantes , al ejrcito libertador, al ejrcito nacional y a la prensa, Mxico DF, 24 de junio de 191 I," 237. 16 For a fascinating ficcional account o Madero as a spiritualisc leader, see Ignacio Solares, Madero, el otro. Solareis description o Maderos spiritualist sessions is based on Maderos diary. Other revolutonary leaders and presidents, such as Alvaro Obregn and Plutarco Elas Calles, were also spiritualists- Also pertinent to this question is che phrlosopher Antonio Caso's appeal to che powers o intuition via Bergson against che Porfirian cientficos' faieh in positivism.

24 See , lar instante , post of the arneLes signed hy Alexis" in El Tepozteco during che 19205, in AHT Alexis was che pscudunym of tuther Pedro Rojas. 25 In a revcaling admonicion , the sane wrirer calls on municipal authorities to consult with che litemte municipal secretary . " If our ignorante blocks the good intentions chal inspire us, if our unfamil iarity with rulcs and such interferes with our aims, let us approach our enlightened municipal secretarias , which, in al] goodness , will remove che veil of ignorante thac overpowers and annihilates us' (El Tepozteco , February 1, 1921, 3)26 Redficld , Trpozllmn, 220; Lewis, Lifr in a Maxican Village 26. 27 Redfield, Tepozlln, 68

28 Claudio Lomnitz , Exiis from si,, LabyrmtG Gdturc and ldeology in Mexican Nacional Space, 130-32. 29 El Tepozteco , April 1, 1922, 4 30 Poet Carlos Pellicer donated his privare collection o pre-Columbian artifacts for a new archaeological ntuseum in Tepozdn -che villags carlrer collection had been destroyed during che revolution - Oscar Lewiss research project brought medical assistance to che village in che 1940s , and help from prominent visitors was enlisted for getting clectricrty and a junior hrgh school ( see Lomnitz , Evolucin de una sociedad rural, chapter 2). 31 Bock, "Tepoztln Recansrdered 9. I NTERPRETI NG THE SENTI ME NTS OF THE NATION 1 A governmental state will "set up economy at che leve] o che entire state, which means exercising towards lis iohabhants. and che wealth and behavror o al], a form of surverllance and control as attentive as that of che head of che family over his household and his good" (Michel Foucault, "Governmentalicy," in The Foucault Effect, Studies o: Govrrmnentality, 92. The "populacion," which is measured through a variety o scatistics and with the hele of a number o seiences, is thus the central concern o administraGOn2 On che ways in which "public" and "republie' acere understood in che Spanish colonial world, and on their tramformabon with independence, see Frangois-Xavier Guerra and Annick Lamperlre, "I ntroduccinin Los espacios pblicos en Iberoamricaambigedades y problemas, siglos XVIII-XIX, 5-26. For a sketch o che historv o Mexican censures, see Claudio I ounitz, aiodern piad indiana: nacin y mediacin en Mxico, chapier5-

N o l e n t u a p 306

Notes t e C b a p t e r v 307 =

17 For a useful discussion of this cono ept, sce Slavoj Zizek, "Cyberspace, or, How to Traverse rhe Fantasy in the Age of the Retreat of t h e B i g Othec" 18 On che nature of government Involvcment nnd subsidy o the press, see Raymundo Riva Palacio, "A Culture o Collusion The Tics That Bind che Press and the PRI " The best-paid collahorators 01 the Mexican press are political columnists and wellknown ntellectuals who have regular columns. 19 Jos Ortega y Gasset, Espaa invertehrada hosquew di algunos pensamientos histricos, 86. 20 On the politice o antipolitics as a strategy and historical phenomenon , see Ferguson 1994, for the relatnonship between technocracy and democracy in Mexico, see Miguel Angel Centeno, Democracy wtth,n Reasom lrchnocratir Reoolution in Mexico10. AN INTELLECTUAL'S STOCK IN THE FACTORY OF MEXICO'S RUINS

by contrast, gets discussed thirty-three times in the body o the text, and then is frequently cited in the notes for factual information14 See Enrique Krauze, Por una democracia sin adjetivos (1986). Not surprisingly, the phrase "democracy without adjectives" does not belong to Krauze, but is instead Rafael Segovia's, "La decadencia de la democracia," Razones 24 (March-April 1980). 15 Krauze, Mexico, Biography of Power, 243-44. 16 See Barbara Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain, Indigenous Cartograpby and tbe Maps of tbe Relaciones Geogrficas, chapter 1 17 See, for instance, my own book Exits from the Labyrintb Culture and Ideology in Mexican Nacional Space, part 2, chapter 2. For Argentina, see Jorge Myers, Orden yoirtud: el discurso republicano en el rgimen roslsta. Other Latin American illustrations can be found in John Lynch, Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850. 18 ABer Octavio Paz's death (and the initial publication o this essay, which appeared in print three months prior), Enrique Krauze purchased the shares o Vuelta and launched a new magazine, Letras libres, of which he is editor. 11. BORDERINO ON ANTHROPOLOGY 1 Sherry Ortner reviews recent books on che crisis in anthropology in "Some Futures o Anthropology" 2 Notably, Ethnos devored a special issue to peripheral anthropological traditions in 1983. 3 Arjun Appadurai, "Is Horno Hierarchicus2" 759. 4 Arjun Appadurai, 'Theory in Anthropology: Center and Periphery," 358. This critique echoes Johannes Fabian's discussion o the practice o constructing anthropological sites as if they were "culture gardens" that were unconnected to the ethnographer's own society (Time and Ihe Otber: How Anthropology Makes Its Object). Similarly, Jonathan Friedman characterizes Geertzian cultural relativism in the following terms: "Each arbitrary anthropoplogical construction becomes a unique artifact to be cherished by its discoverer, a work of art in a gallery o distinct human species" ("Out Time, Their Time, World Time. The Transformation o Temporal Modes," 170). 5 The cense that Mexican anthropology is undergoing a difficult transition is reflected in different ways in a number of works, for example, Luis Vzquez Len, "La historiografa antropolgica contempornea en Mxico," and Claudio Lomnitz, Modernidad indiana: nacin y mediacin en Mxico, chapter 4. Roger Bartra offers Mexicans a choice between four "intellectual deaths," one o which can be summarized as "death by academy" ( La sangre y la tinta- ensayos sobre la condicin postmexicana, 43-48). 6 In 1973, Ralph Beals reviewed the field o Mexican anthropology and concluded that although it had had a relatively minor impact en anthropological theory, Mexican anthropology had played a critica) role in the formation o a national con science, and that the country had the third-largest number o anthropology professionals, after Japan and the United States (cited in Vzquez Len, "La historiografa antropolgica contempornea en Mxico," 139). In fact, however, a number o national anthropologies, especially in Latin America, but also elsewhere, have turned tu Mexico for inspiration during the past century. It should be noted, nevertheless, that Mexico has never been a "pure model" but, as in che case of Mexico itself, Mexican-inspired nacional anthropologies shaped networks o national institutions

1 Enrique Krauze, "El mrtir de Chicago', Claudio Lomnitz, "Respuesta del Krauzificado de Chicago ; Enrique Krauze, "Adis Mfster Lomnitz" An interesting antiSemitic coda co the debate occurred in a letter to the editor o che Mexican daily Excelsio,' Augusto Hugo Pea, Acerca de la fbrica de mentiras de Enrique Krauze," and my reply, "Respuesta al seor Augusto Hugo Pea" 2 Lorenzo Meyer, "En ,Mxico nunca se hizo una historia oficial," interview with Arturo Mendoza Moncio.
3 Ricardo Pozas Horcasitas, La dn,,ocras nt en bLmco: el movimiento mdico en Mxico, 1964-1965. 4 The Centro Cultural Arte Contemporneo was in fact closed down in 1998. 5 Enrique Krauze,Mexico,BiographyofPomer,797

6 Ibid., xv. 7 Ibid.

8 Ibid., 9 In fact, che central thesis o Mexico: 13io ir,i,by of'Power (i e., the preponderance o the president's Biography over Mexican history) n derived from an essay by Costo Villegas that was written against Luis Echeverra--a president who had an especially strong delusion of omnipoteneetitled El estilo personal de gobernar (1975). The theme o that essay, which was that in Mexico che president's personal whims had becorne a kind o raison d'tal, is niagmfied by Krauze finto che key to the whole of Mexican history.
10 See Enrique Krauze, Textos herticos ( 1992).

1 1 These are Margarita de Orellana and Aurelio de los Reyes 12 In Che debate that followed the publication of chis article, Krauze pointed out that he does in fact cite John Coatsworth once He cuuld not, however, dispute the fact that neither Coatsworth nor any o the others' ideas had any impact en his work. They did not. The Coatsworth citation in question is for factual information, and makes no direct or indirecr rcference to cha audtor's ideas, many o which are incompatible wth Krauzes. 13 Enrique Krauze misinterpreted chis lino to mean that tic had not cited O'Gorman in his notes 1 purposely counred only discusslons in che body o the text, which is where Mr. Krauze deals with ideas ti we turn to the notes o Mexico: Biography of Power, O'Gorman is cited rhree times On cac occadon, the citation is for narrowly factual evidence and not a discussion ol any of Ati O'Gormans ideas; Mr- Coso,

Notes

to Cbapte, 308

to

Notesto

Ch ap ter f 1 309 =

that sucre thcn conoce ted especialle tu LI S. ui ue eas....... 1-.uropean , misione. Corncll, Haivatd . C.hlcag, Bcrkelav Seintunl. LIIsl SC O and hienda cultural misS,11:11 hace heen some al t1 e 11 ,11 t 1 p a :t... ul i hese national institunons- For

17 The laxity of pnestly mores is a theme that was well knuwn tu English readers sincc thc pubhcation ol Fhomas Cages travcls in seventecnth-century Mexieo 18 Tylor, Anahuac, 222- On che subject o ihe governm en fs tare for its a n ti qui tics, Tylor tella how he and Hcnry Christy literally created markets fue antiquities. "At che top of the pyramid ot (,holula' wc held a market. and got some curious things. all ol small size however' li bid 275)- Hcnry Christys ethnographic collection be carne che most important of its time, and more [han half of its registered pitees were Mexican cace British Museum, Henry (-hrisly, 1 1 ) 19 Por a standard reeapitulatlon of chis vision, seo Warman, "Todos santos, todos difuntos," and Lomnitz, Modernidad indiana, ehapter 4 20 Mary Louise Pratt has tracked che con nections becween travel writing and anthropology in Imperial Eyes, Traoel Wri ting and Transeulturalion 21 Tenorio-Trilles Mermo et che World's Fairs- Crafting a Modem Nation as che pathbreaking book en chis subject. Mexican 22 Stacie G. Widdifield, The Embodiment of che Nacional in Late Nineteenth-Century World"s Fairs, 30Painting, 61-64; Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at che 23 Juan Estrada, "Estado Libre y Soberano de Guerrero; Datos estadsticos de la prefectura del Centro," Boletn de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica (hereafter, BSMCE), vol. 3, 74. 24 Asamblea del Departamento de Quertaro, "Notas estadsticas del Departamento de Quertaro, formadas por la asamblea constitucional del mismo, y remitidas al supremo gobierno .. ," 13SMGE, vol. 3, 232. In a footnote, che Congress o Quertaro contrasts its enlightened view of race with che "horrible anomaly" o slavery in the United States. 25 (bid. 26 Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Estadstica, "Estadstica de Yucatn, publicase por acuerdo de la R. Sociedad de Geografa y Estadstica, de 27 de enero de 1853," BMSGE 294. 27 Emilio Pineda, "Descripcin geogrfica del departamento de Chiapas y Soconusco," BMSGE 341. 28 Alfredo Chavero, Mxico a travs de los siglos, vol, 1, iv, 29 "Language as of great value for explaining ethnographic relations. Otomi is a language of an essentially primitive character. The Mexicans cal) it otomitl, but its trae name is bi-hu. AII of che circumstances of chis language reflect che poverty of expression of a people chat is concemporaneous co humanity's infancy" (ibid., 65). In his views of indigenous linguistica, Chavero follows the work of Francisco Pimentel, ("Discurso sobre la importancia de la lengstica .. . . 370), who argues that monosyllabic languages, such as Chinese and Otomi, have no grammar and are che most primitive. Pimentel was also looking for even carlier evolutionary forms within Mexico, such as languages that combined mtmicry and speech ("Lengua Pantommica de Oaxaca .. ," 473) In their disdain for Otomi and Chinese, Pimentel and Chavero were following racist trends in European romantic linguistics. See Martin Bernal, Black Atheno- The Afrocentric Roots of Classical Civilization, vol. 1, 237-38. For a diseussion of scientific stereotypes of Mexican Indians, see Robert Buffington , Criminal and Cruzo, in Modem Mexico, 149-5530 Chavero, Mxico a travs de los siglos, 69. 3 1 Ibid., 67 te C h a p t e r 1 1 = 311

1 1,, i n l l u o , , e ul ysiesicar . . .1 1,> i, ,1 n 1h. ; nd.n,poluec oi the United Sta(,, receives stlbtle treatmcnt In AIau111 . Ienuti::-Tn110. 'Stereophonie Scienhc 11 Modernistas Social Sacnce heiwcot Mexico and thc United States, 1880,-1930s

Immial o l Ar r 1 11 , Disto-y. nnd i n I :s c1 1111 n. ,L 1' 1- 1 F, 1 11 11111111 r1 Lirulcd] la t, , 1 I bx Erol2r )( llu rc, ltapiel2

reater:blexieo Ibe

7 The reterenee' i s ti) Arturo Warman 1 lux santa todos dilu,r,, "Critieism had lacen rep1ac.ed 'he an ulfiCin 1, appoimm 1, 1 ul n.an emo' ,Ant hropology had been rewarded widt lifelong benehts m che Instituto de Seguridad Social y Servicios a los Trabajadores del Estado (34) 8 Guillermo Bonfi1, 'Del indigenismo de la revolucin ala antropologa critica,' in Dr eso que llaman antropologa mexicana, 42. 9 Sciencihe research and critica] discourse were subsequcntly (and erroneously, 1 think) counterposed co che practico of iid,q,.,isnm "Che arate doeso t tare about the development of anthropology as a sdcnce chas Is capable o analyzing reality and modi fying ir deeply At most it is in teres red in it as a techo i que to train restorers of ruins and raxidermists of languages and customs. However, it hnds that che schools of anthropology . are centers whc-re snldents gather and smdy reality in order to transform i[, chal thev hght for democrndc libertes, and that res, maintain a militani attitude on the sirle o1 the oppresscd" (Andrs Medina and Carlos Garca Mora, ciad in Guadalupe Mndez Laeielle,'La quiebra poltica [1965-1976],' 362). lo Proceso, March 13, 1995
11 Foreign negative images of New Spain were the catalyst for some of che most distinguished eighteenth-century historical and anthropological writings by Mexican Creoles. For a diseussion, set Antoncllo Cerbi, The Dispute of che New World: The History of a Polemic, 1 9sn-1 900.

12 The British Museum also calls che eolleccor Henry Chrlsty, who led Tylor to Mexico, che godfather o anthropology (l lenry (biesty_ A Pioneer of Anthropolegy, 1). 13 Unveiling these connections is che painslaking subject of much of che scholarship
of recen[ decades, from Latin American "dependency theory" to Edward Said's Culture and Impenalism, bus it has alto hecn a constant concern since che late nineteenth century14 Edward B- Tylor, Anahuac, or Mexico and lbr AMexicans, Ancient and Modem, 16-17.

15 It as worth noting that Tylor's vicwpoint here coincides with that of Marx and Engels, boch of whom saw the incorpontion of iPexico roto che United States as a desirahle thing Thus, during une lblexican-Aniencan War, Marx wrote, "We must hope that [the Anaeocans] appropriate most ol Aiexims terrory and that they use che country berrer than che Mexicans have" i 1847, in Domingo P de Toledo y J-, Mxico en la obra de Marx y Engels, 28 i Engcls. in his turn, wrote on January 23, 1848: "Ve have wltnessed che defeat of hlexrao by the United States with que satisfaccion . when a country is forcibly dragged ro historical progress, ice cannot bus consider chis as a stop tnrward" (ibie1 16 Tylor, Anahuac 329-30.

3d o t r, l o

( I' ,,

Notes

31(7 =

32 Huberc Bancroft, "Observacions ora .Mexicd' (manuscript), 18-19 33 Thus, Bancroft writes that " 1 am, really astonished at che great number of pamphlets and books for the young relating co the history of this country, almanacs o history, catechisms of history rreatises on history , ese Thcse together with the numerous historical holydays and celebrara ons show as dcep and demonscrative a love o country as may be found , 1 venere co assert , anywhere elle en che globe There is certamly nothing lee it in the literaturc of che United States Today, rhe 27th, one hundred years alter che evenr , in chis com pararively isolated capital [ San Luis Potos] there are two iactions ora che plaza almost coming to hlows over an lmrbide celebratlon , the priesrs insisting thar they wliI do honor to his memory, and Che government party swearing thac rhey shall no [' ( bid., 40-41 ) In this instante, the date o che commemoracion of Mexicd independence becomes the focal point for con frontati ons between liherals and con serva ti ves It is possible that Mexican obsessions with history had their esois in (he ovil wars , although there is certainly much influence Irom Spanish ideas of lincage and Inheritance 34 Guillermo de la Pea. "Nationals and Furcigners in che History o Mexican Anthropology," 279 Imporrant sourc es on Camio indude ngeles Gonzlez Gamio, Manuel Gamio. una lucha sin fn,. Marrido Tenorio Trillo, "Scereophonic Scientific Modernisms= Social Science between Mexicd and che United States, 1880s-1930s"; Alexandra Stern, "Eugenies beyond Rorders Sdence and Mediealization in Mexieo and che U.S West, 1900- 1950Aur'elio de los Reyes, Manuel Garujo y el cine, Bufkngron , Crirarnal ama Citizen ni Modent Mexicd, and Jos Limn , American Encounters, Greater Mexieo, tire United Sta res, and the Erolies of Cultive, ehapter 2 35 For example, for a wedding banquet in honor ol che Gamio marriage , che Departamento de Antropologa offered clic ir huno red mitosis di shes with cides such as "arroz a la tolteca , mole de guajolote ccutr h unen no ," ' liebres de las pirm idcs," and "frijoles a la indiana." Invi cation te) che banquet is reproduced in Gonzlez Gamio, Manuel Gatno, otra lucha sin fn36 See the debate in Ignacio Manuel Altam i rano , Uierlos 108-45 37 Manuel Gamio, Opiniones yjuicios sobre la obra La p,'blann del valle de Teotihuacn, 2 3a Ibid 51.
39 Gamio was elecred vate presiden[ of rhe Seeond Ineernational Eugenies Congress in Washington , DC, in 1 920 ( uffi ngt un . (rrn,innl nnd Cnizen inModern Mexieo, 154). For a full discussion o Mexican eugenics, see Alesandra Stern, 'Buildings, Boundaries, and Blood, Mediealization and Nacion - Buildings on che USMexieo Border, 1910-1930 ' and Eugenio, beyond Ronde,, chapters ' 1 and 5 40 Gamio, Opinevi,s yjuicios sobre la obra La pohlaein del valle de Teolibuacn, 49; my emphasis 1 1 The losest antecedenc co Gamio's synth,,v may Nave hcen the short-lived agrarian experiment carried out by Maxi milian . See Jean Meyer, " La junta protectora de las clases menesterosas. indigenismo y agrarismo en e1 segundo imperio"

Braniff, or Toms Braniff ? ( Voices . No! No, We wouldn 't Cake any cient tos !)" ( in 50 Discursos doctrinales en el congreso constituyente de la Revolucin Mexicana , 1916-1917, edRaul Noriega , 255; my emphasis). 43 Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrn, Obra polmica, 104. 44 The impact of che Cold War ora Mexican anthropology has not yet been studied. The recent revelation that a former director o the Nacional School o Anthropology, Gilberto Lpez y Rivas , spied for the Soviet Union in the United States suggests that this is a significant topie The effects o Plan Cameloc en che intellectual climate in che region are better known ( see Irving Louis Horowitz , The Rise and Fati of Project Camela). Paul Sullrvan's Urtnished Conversations. Mayas and Forelgners between Two Wats is a sensitive book ora the relacionship between anthropology and diplomacy in che first half o the twencieth century . On Lpez y Rivas, see David Wise, Cassidy's Run, The Seeret Spy War ooer Nerve Gas, ehapter 12; Oswaldo Zavala, "Los pasos de Lpez y Rivas como ' espa sovitico' en Estados Unidos," Procesa, April 16, 2000; and Hornero Campa , "' Asumo mi responsabilidad y no me arrepiento' , dice el ahora diputado ," Proceso , April 16, 2000 45 See , for example , Javier Tllez Ortega, "La poca de oro (1940 - 1968)"
46 Oscar Lewis to Arnaldo Orfila , October 26 , 1961, in Susan Rigdon, The Culture Facade: Art, Science, and Politics in tire Work of Oscar Lewis, 288-89

47 Mexican smdies o Mexicans in che United States have a cradition , dating back to Gamio ( 1931). For a discussion of the ways in which [hese smdies were subordinated to Mexican nacional ieterests, often at che expense o che Mexican - American perspeccive , see Limn, American Encounters, ehapter 2. 48 Oscar Lewis to Vera Rubio . November 12, 1965 , in Rigdon, Tire Culture Facade, 289. 49 Warman , " Todos santos , todos difuntos," 37.
12. PROVINCIAL INTELLECTUALS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE SO-CALLED DEEP MEXICO

1 In Chis respect , this ehapter is a prolongation o che Work that I initiated in Exitsfrom che Labyrintb, 221-412 Geoff Eley , "Nations , Publies and Pohrical Cultures- Plaeing Habermas in che 19ch Century," 289. 3 Max Weber, From Max Weber, 176. 4 Gramsei's definition of intelleceuals is more habitually used by anthropologists today ( lee Secano s from che Prison Notrbooks . 5). It is, in many ways , a useful definition, espeeially because it forces analysts co search for conneetions between processes o elass formation and political discourse, 1 relied no Gramsd' s definition in my earlier work on provincial intellectuals . However, Gramsci's fantous definition says little about the nature o the work of intellectuals and, probably because o chis, his followers can all roo casily end up labeling anyone who makes an utterance that fomento class awareness an "intellectual ," thereby diminishing the utility o the category - For a more recent example of chis, see Stephen Feierman , Peasant Intellectuals, Anthropology and History in Tanzania- 1 use Gramsci implicitly here as a useful supplement co Weber. 5 This description is based on a smdy o the documencation rhat is available en Tepoztln in the Archivo General de la Nacin (AGN), ramos de Tributos, Tierras, General de Parte , Hospital de Jess, Indios and Criminal, as well as on local parish Notes

42 The differenee between [hese two approaches veas felc co be so sharp at che time that, in che 1917 constitutional conven tino Porlirian eientfees were seco as dubious Mexicans , as can be witnessed from ti,, tollom9ng speech by congressman Jos Natividad Matas ov the proposed law oi narionolity. "Would any o you admit Mr. Jos Yves Limanrour [Daz's finance lninister borra in Mexico o French descent] as a Mexican tatuen by birch- Answer h'ankly and with your hand o0 your heart (Voices, No! No!) Would you rake as a Mexican hv batch Oscar Braniff , Alterco Nolrs loCbtp1e 312

1o Chapter i2 313 =

record,, and on ethnogmphle rescards dono bv niysell in 1977-78 and 1992-93. and hy othcrs. Horacio Crespo and I.nntlw Vega published time 1909 Public Property Register o1 che whole ul Morelos ut Tierra y propiedad en el Jin del porfiriato, vols. 2 and 3 from tima[ censos me can aseenain that in time hamlet of Santo Domingo w hich svdl conecrr us 1, . cspei 1 .111 . che largest landowner owned a mere eight hectares and 93 perccnl i , l che village, regisrered prvate agricultura plots were smaller timan one heetnre 1 he villal;es largest holding was 5 9 hectares There is no reason ti, suppose chal thc Iand-mnure sutuation of Santo Domingo was any difterent in che colonial period.

conlirms time con tinueel valcnce of these trends, and Sara Verazaluce, a'Tepoxteca o physical anthropologist working on [his subject. has orally conlirtned that there is still a very high leve) o1 villagc and municipal endogamy today (personal eommunication, tMarch 1993). 1 I In 1992. a Cuernavaca real-esiaie urmpany manad to parchase a sizable amount ol Iand hora peasants from San Andrs and Santa Catarina It ,cut ahout Chis in a secretive way, hiring invders to parchase lands individual ly Irom farmers whom they knew The ame tactie had beca taken earlier, in 1962, by che Montecastillo golf club developnient company [Claudio Lomnitz, Evolucin de una sociedad rural, 201-4)When villagers woke up to [hese [odies, they rebelled and stopped the companys effons In 1995. attempts to resuscitare che golf-eourse prolect led to intense amfrontatiuna becween che villagc and rimes tate government, te factional strife within the village, and even to assassination12 Ethnographic inlormation on canto Domingo derives to a large degree from Pedro Antonio Velzquez Jurez, "Etnozoologa y cosmogona en los Altos de Morelos." 13 Ibid., 209. 14 See Roberto Vareta, Expansin de sistemas y relaciones de poder, 1 11-54. The debates on Mexican democracy would do well to take such examples o local democracy into account. Authoritarianism must be understood as a regional system, and not simply as a mentaliry. 15 Records o Spaniards in che village extend back to tire mid-sixteenth century. Martn Corts built himself a house there (Silvio Zavala, ed., El servicio personal de los indios in Nueva Espaa, vol. 2, 377-78), and there are other documented cases o Spaniards in che village even in Chis early period. 16 There were some periods in which there were mulattos in Tepoztln. However, che parish records almost exclusively break the population down into Indian and Spanish, with a few mestizos and castizos. The 1909 property records show that whereas 93 percent o landholdings in Santo Domingo were plots of less [han one hectare (and 78 percent were smaller than half a hectare), the corresponding figures for che cabecera are 62 percent and 37 percent. Whereas the three largest landowners in Santo Domingo owned between six and eight hectares, Tepoztln had a number o proprietors who owned becween twenty and forty hectares, 17 This was che case even roto che porfiriato. One elderly Tepoztecan acquaintance who had worked on a hacienda before che revolution described the bad working conditions and culminated his story by saying, "And they called -as Tepoztecan Indiansl" 18 Lewis righdy criticized Redficld's reification o chis distinction, and bis identification of [hese categories with social elass, but he was wrong in eschewing Redfield's observation altogether 19 Translators for Spanish ofucials in the colonial period were also regularly from [hese principales. 20 AGN, Criminal, vol. 203, exp. 4, f. 159-66. 21 For che use o corridos in regional communication, see Robert Redfield, Tepoztln. A Mexican Village, 180-93, and Catherine Heau, "Trova popular e identidad cultural en Morelos" For peasant common lavo in Zapata's camps, see Salvador Rueda, "La dinmica interna del zapatismo consideracin para el estudio de la cotidianeidad campesina en el rea zapatista' 22 Lomnitz, Evolucin de una sociedad rural. 299-307 James B. Greenberg, "Capital,

6 AGN Criminal, vol. 302, cxp. 4. I 20rv-205 7 In 1775, th aieolde ol San ;Anchs etc la Cal ssas selected by twenty-one elector,. See AGN, I'lospical de Jess, vol. y b 1728. 8 The vast majoriry ni time rnunieipio' lantls remained coinmunal even to che end o the porfirato- During that time, conununal lantls were classitied finto three rypes- forests, terral (lava helds), and agostadero (grazing lands) Al] arable land was registered as private property. Texcal lands were used in a system o rorating, slash-and-burn agriculture that has beca described in the detall by Oscar Lewis (Ltfe in a Mexican Village, 148-54). Crespo and Vega (Tierra y propiedad en el fin del porfiriato, vol. 2, 212) reproduce tire legal registration of [hese lantls in 1909- Tepoztln's retention of communal lands makes the village unusual in che Morelos region9 Womack's view was that most of che appropriauon of pueblo lands by haciendas occurred aher 1857 and, especially, during time early years of the sugar boom in che 1880s (Z(jpa[. and tire Mexican RevoluGmt). This position was hrst eonrested by Horacio Crespo and Herbert Frey ("La diferenciacin social del campesinado como problema en la teora de la historia"), who argoed that Morelos's haciendas had expanded to thcur fui] extent as early as time seventeenth century. Crespo and Vega (Tierra y propiedad en el fin del porfiriato) reproduce time raw data from che 1909 property registrar that fostered these concluso.,- Unlortunately, volume 1 o [his work, which was to provide a full interpretation o chis history, has not come to light. Florencia Millon (Peasant and Nation Tbe Making of Post-Colonial Mexico and Peru, 137-41) shows that rhe ttulos primordiales o severa Morelos communities, including both Tepoztln and Anenecuilco, were stolen during or immediately after che Wars of Independence, and that haciendas profited from this by invading village lands during che whole first hall o the nineteench century. A full synthesis o the relative importante of these three waves of Iand concentraoon has yet to be written. In addition, se need to know more about che history o changes in other forms o access co land, such as renting and sharecropping, although Womack's thesis regarding the pernicious role timar capitalist intensification o sirgar production had for traditional renting arrangeme nts is still helpful in chis regard l0 Regarding endogamy, a few samples from the parochial archives are illustrative, o the 133 marriages that were celebrated in time church o Tepoztln becween 1684 and 1686, ony one was hetween a Tepoztecan and someone from outside time municipio. Between 1792 and 1807, there were 694 marriages in che parish. O these ony 3.5 percent were becween a Tepoztecan andan outsider, usually someone from a neighboring hacienda or village- Endogamy in che hamlets and che cabecera was also high, although che smaller hamers cifren tended co marry villagers from another hamlet widun the municipio Oscar Lewis carried out a census in 1943 in which he

Notes lo Cbapti e 12 314 =

Notes

ro

Cbapter12 315 =

Ritual , and BoundaAes of thc Closed ( orporale Communlty," san inreresting discussion o the way contemporary Mixes huyo developed mechanisms for distingti ishing hetween " good " and 'evil " nicrchams on the oasis ol the sature of the,r tics tu local communitarian uersrorks This parallcls good and evil politicians in Topoztn_
23 See Loro"itz , Evolucin de una socicdnJ rural. chapter 3, for an account of these con fre'nratIOni

Referentes

Archives AGN Archivo Central de la Nacin AHC Archivo Histrico Condumex AHT Archivo Histrico de Tepoztln Claf Coleccin Lafragua, Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City Registro de la Propiedad del Estado de Morelos, 1909 (published by Crespo and Vega) NABA National Archives, Washington

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1
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Index
Abad Y Quiepo, Manuel, 84-85 Acapulco, 148 Agravian reform, 268 Aguascalientes Convention, 98 Aguilar Camn, Hctor, xi; and Carlos Salinas, 219; use o state patronage, 226 Aguirre Beltran , Gonzalo, 254, 260 Alcalde, 267 Alemn, Miguel, 104, 223, 227, 255, 256; construction o National University's modernist campus, 104, 133; development o Acapulco, 104, 133 Alhndiga de Granaditas, 89 Altamirano, Ignacio Manuel, xi, 100 Altepetl, 41 Altos de Jalisco, 159 Alvarado, Pedro de, 241 Alzate, FatherJ. Antonio, 8 Amatln, 226, 272-73 American Civil War, 239 Ancien Rgime , 82, 164, 198, description o, 82; persistente o, 82 Anderson, Benedict. amendment to theory, 12; analysis o "empty time;' 22; birth o nationalism , 3, 5; critical appraisal of, xi, 9; critique o nationalism, 7; culturalist reading o nationalism , 30; "deep horizontal comradery;' 11; definition of community, 7, definition o nation, 11, definition o nationalism , 5-7, 9, 11, 33; definition of nationhood, 9; 'Eden;' 15, 21, 32; European expansion and creation o nations, 4; fraternity and nationalism, 12 ; Imagned Communities, 3; and language, S i and Latin Americanists, 4; modification o Anderson' s definition, 33, national identity exploration, 11; nationalism as kinship , or religion, 11; "nation ' as imaginary , 6-7; objection to definitions , 11, and print capitalism, 5-6, prohlem with conceptualization, 32; rise o nationalism , 6; sacrifice, 7, 10, 12, secularization, 14-15, 18; theory of nationalism , 3, 4, 200; view o American independence, 4 Anthropology, 254; connection with imperialism, 228 ; crisis o, 233 , critique o, 228; formation of national teleology, 233; historical role of, xxiii ; history of, xxii; national anthropologies, 228, 229; and national image, 233 , national modernization project , 254;1968 generation, 254; peripheral anthropologies, 229; Porfirian, 250; role in shaping

= 335 =

narionabsm, xxiii; reaction ro Benedict Anderson, 4; revol uti o nary, 250 252 ,hapi ng of colonial discourses, 228 rasks ol, 261 Anti-Spanish senriment, 29, 87 131, 133; emergente of afrer independence, 87, expulsion o Spaniards, 131; sacking of Parin Murker, 131
Antrello y Bermdez ngel de, 201 Apatzingn Constitution, 64 Appadurai, Arjun, xvii, 136, 262; detini-

137; as suhversive and feminized, Backwardness, 203, 207, growing concern ol '04 Bancruft, Hubert desedption of Mexico, 240-47249
Barba ,e, Alexico 255 Baroquc era, 154, 157 163; and ole f rito,. 156 Barrio,, 166, 173, 174, 185, 186; and animal nick,lan,es, 188, barrio symbolism, 18'9, during colonial period, 41; fiestas, 188 pero istente of communi tarjan spirlt, 4b: i twal plano of, 40; sane as calpullin, 40 Ha roa. Roger, 110 Betdc of C_elaya, 104 13attle of Puebla, 1 55 Beavi, and Butthcad, 131-32 Benjamn, Walter, 22 Vernal Ignacio, 232 Besen Mario Ramn, 255 B,oymJus del poder- eompositions of, 215-16

hvin cities, 138, and U.S economic mterests, 139 Bourbon reforms, 21, 23, 82; administrative ideas, 21; and Alexander von Humboldt, 8; decentralization, 25, as enlightened despotism, Si and independence, 25, as modernizing, 82; as refearmist movement, 25; asa response te backwardness, 25, threat to American Revolution, 25, threat to British Navy, 25 Bozales, 44
Brading, David, 16 Bribes, 61, 62 Brujos, 270

Carnival, 188, 189, 190, 192 Carranza, Venustiano, 98 Carrasco, Pedro, 73 Carrillo, Alejandro, 255 Caso, Alfonso, founding director of INAH, 260, founding director of ENAH, 260 Casrells, Manuel, 152 Caste wars, 49, 199; Chan Santa Cruz, 50; Chiapas Highlands, 50; Huasteca o San Luis, Potos, 50; Mixteca region, 50, as nacional movements, 49, Yaquis o Sonora, 50; o Yucatn, 50 Casnlle, 8 Castizo, 50 Carholicism, 23, 47, 63, 85, 86, 133 Catrines, 180 Caupolicn, xiii Censos, 3; o 1895, 205; and Viceroy Juan Gemes Pacheco, 198-99; in Tepozrln, 172, 173 Center-periphery, 177, change to che dialectic , 185; eoexistence of, 165, conflation of scheme , 167; decline in the dialectic, 190, discourses of, 165-66, paradox of, 166; and political language, 165, problems with, 191-93; shifts in, 186, and Tepozrln, 165; transformation of, 187-88 Central power, 88, 105 Centralization, 165 CEPES (Centro de Estudios Polticos y Sociales), 76 Certificares o blood purity, 16, 42 Charles 111, 9, 24, 25; subject eategory of, 9

cion of ethnographic orate, 130, hobsm 228-29, self-images of che Wesr, xvil Are of Trlunrph Ern-led in Honor of Por/lelo Utaz 108 Archa no, Jess. civic oration uf, 68-69; critique of Mexican vices, 69-70 Arte, 103 Arielioro' eosn,opolitanism of, 103-9, i, ,a defense against US. society, 103; delinition of, 103; ma nl testations of, 103
Ario revuelto, ganancia de pescadores, 170 Aristotlc. definiGOn of natural lave, 172 Art under protecti onisc 'tate, 115 "Artificial flowers" technique, 281 Asociaciones de padres de Jamilia, 149 Asuncin, Fray Domingo de la, 173 Arenco, 173

Bullfighting, 66, 71, 147, 162; as cause o inciviliry, 66, as spectacle that dulls reason, 66-67 Bulnes , Francisco, 95, 96; portrayal of Benito Jurez, 95 Bulstos, Hermenegildo, 101 Bureaucratic procedure, as mechanism o exclusion, 61 Bustamante , Carlos Mara, xi, 114 Caballero guila' sculpture of, 102 Caballero Espaol: sculpture of, 102 Cabecita de Teotihuacn, 249 Cabeza gigantesca de Hueyapan, 247 Cabrera, Luis, 53, critique o the centenary of independence, 86, "Los dos patriotismos ," 138; as pro-mestizo nationalist, 53 Caldern de la Barca , Fanny, 233 Calles, Plutarco Ellas, 94, 104; building of che state , 74; development o Cuernava-

Biogr,phy and political znalysis, 223 llieapov el definition of, 14 Block, 16, 42, 44, 46, 147, 246, commumtirs of, 45; comparison with Indians, 45, maroon societies, 45; women, 17; restrictions against associations, 45, in Veracruz, 245 Pliso, Kathcrine, 137
Blood basic for Spanish idea of nation, 43, genealogical concept o the nation, 42 and honor, 43, 1deo1ogical role of, 42

Avila Camacho, Manuel, 223 Azcapotzalco, 37 Azcrraga, Emilio. 224

Aztecs, 21, 32; afhliation with Toltec I,neagc, 37; Azcapotzalco, 37, battlctield, 39; calpulli, 37, 38, 39 40, 41; calpullin37, 38, 39, 40; cnpulteod, 37, 38; chico r4, 37, communitarlan ideology of, 36, 37, expansion of empire, 39; ideology of sacrifice, 38; ideology o sIavery, 38; ini. portante ol kinship networks, 37, 39; marriage between nobles, 39, mecha nisms o assimilation, 39; and modero nacional ist thought, 37, priesrs, 38,

Boas, 1ranz, 230, 257, 258; and 1 nterna tional School of American Archeology and Ethnology, 238 Bock Philip, 188, 189 Boleliv .le la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografa y Eslmi ls tica, 242, 258 Pon ti] Guillermo critique of, xxiii; definition of Mxico profundo, 263, expulsion from Nacional School o Anrhropology, 232 n000n of "deep Mexico," xxiii Borda cities "border zone," 138; asa cultural impurity, 138; prosperiny of, 138;

ca, 104; residente in Cuernavaca, 137 Charles V, 15

Calpulli, 38, 40, 51, 173, 174, calpulteotl, Chavero, Alfredo, 230, 252; creation o 37; communitarlan ideology of, 37; as racial narrative, 245-50; Mxico a travs cornerstone o communiry, 37, and kin- de los siglos, 245; Otomis, 245, 246; porship relations, 37, and lineage, 37; pri- trayal o Negro, Otomi, and Nahoa mordial unir of, 39 rases, 246; similariry with foreign deCancian, Frank, 161-62 scriptions, 246 Cantina, 149 Chiapas: neo-Zapatistas, 158 Crdenas, Lzaro, 104, 105, 133, 137, 219; Chicago School o Eeonomics, 140 construction o Pan American Highway, Chinelas, 188, 190 104; formula for modernization, 114; Christiam. patriarchs, 68, Tepoztln cennafionalization o oil industry, 74, 104 sus, 173

sense of human life, 38, slaves, 37, Tenochtitln, 37, Texcoco, 37 "Backsrage,' 136; border ci ties, 138.; den' nition of, 157, maintenance ot public

lndex 336 =

= 337 =

Christianrty. 131 Christy. I lunry 5

C^hurch, 15o, Ion, 172. 17 authnn nos. 147 153: and i urru ptum 101: and haeobo de lc rera. 153 loas o1 ritual funaio m. 151, and preso nta uon it; and Tepoztln, 173 (_irnlf, , 1-14, 21(1, 241, 246 Citi zenship 11.27, 60. 61 62. G0. 163, 204 censornhgt nl che pres. debates durmg Indepeadencc. 62: dvcGning importante al, s8, dclinunon

muno ot, 36; In torntation of national n!clopy. 35 h>mis, xvi-xx; identificacor. ut 35. i ndigenous , 40, mestizo, 40. ,11,d mtdupartisanship, 119; relations, xv, psnlsh 40 C.omnntorl. Ignacio. 241 1, .... rt.l,lendozn. El, 113 o,anr 1) 161, 188, 189 (.nnur Augusto, 230, 241 ( npres 150,1553

C 0rreclos, 192 Corrido. 279 Corruption, 120-22.145213.214 appropnation ofstate machinery. 160 asa "cargo systen;.' 161: and cho church, 160-61, and liesra 162-63 function of, 1 19, as a market mccho nism, 60; and politieal control, 119, and public opinion, xxir asid public ritual, 146, 155, 162, and redislnbut,on, 119;sas indivldualistic 1211. ,,Ti

Curandero . 270, 273, 275, and politieal power, 270-7 1, professional healers and witches 271 ; Yautepec, 270

DaMatta Roberto xx 58, 59, 61, 67, 80: application for Mexico, 59; "discourse ot the honre," 58; "discourse ot the street," 58, usefulness of analysis, 78 Darwin, Charles. and Mexican education, 1,10

(1 1rrolistadores. 21 Com. rvauves. 10 , 133, 268, 269, 280; pragmal e accord w,th 1iberals, 72 Consf,tutional Assembly o the Department ol Quretaro, 243 Constitution of Cdiz, 27, 63, 64, 88; artiele 25, 64, definition o "Spaniards," 27 Constitution o Mexico ( 1811), 62-63 Constitution o Mexico ( 1824), 48, 62, 63, 64; abolition o slavery , 204; article 9,63, and eitizenship, 62
Constituir n o Mexico ( 1857), 48, 51, 66 70, 71, 98, 164, citizenship and nationality, 71, and denationalization of religion , 48, female suffrage, 71; Madero s use of , 96, 98, requirements for citizenship, 71 Constitution o Mexico (1917), 54, 71, 73, 89, 98; description of, 54; land rights , 74; protection against foreign capitallsts , 74; workers rights, 74

Deht crisis (1982`. 105, 116, 215, effect sin educational sv,tem, 219; elfeets on national devclopment, 111, reise o1 nongovernmental organizations , 77-78, reise o opposition parties, 77-78 Deep Mexico, 122, 286, versus invented, 264, nationalism of, 264 De eso que llaman antropologa mexicana, 231, 232, 261 Democracy, xiv, 156, costs of, 78 ; history of, xx; lack of, 156, representation of, 203-4 Department of Anthropology o the Secretara de Agricultura y Fomento, 250, 251, 252; mission of, 252; as national symbol , 251; promotion o civilization, 251 Department o Soconusco in Chiapas: races of , 244, statistics, 244 Desmadre, 110 Daz, Por6rio , xii, 51, 223, 241 ; birthday en Mexican Independence Day, 104; centralization o che state , 205-6, concessions to foreign capital , 52; consolidatren o political representation , 206, correspondence of, 146; creation o rurales, 205; embodiment o three presidencial personas , 104; interpretation o Frantiois Xavier Guerra, 221; labor repression, 206, legacy o regime, 206 , portrait of, 106; rehabilirarion of, 220; trains, 133 Daz Cadena, Ismael , 172-73 Daz Ordaz, Gustavo, 104, 135, 138, 223, attempt to censor hippies , 131; construction o Mexico City subway, 104, 133, diary of, 220; and foreign influences, 138, maintenance o national

in Tepoztln. 267; three leve;; 160 Corts, Hernn, 15, 153, 167 birthday shared with Martn Luther, 15, Martn Corts, 218; Moctezuma , 218, and Tepoztln, 169 Corts, Martn, 218 Coso Villegas , Daniel , 218, 219, 221; criticism o Luis Echeverra , 222, "factory o Mexican history , " 218, 220, as "intelleetual caudillo ," 224; mentor to Enrique Krauze, 222 Cosmopolitanism , 103, and Enlightenment thinkers, 23 Counter- Reformation, 154 Creole, 5, 6, 9, 17, 44, 275, discrimination of, 17 , 45, emergente o term, 9, national identity of, 5, and nationalism, 45, patriotism and philosophy , 28, 45, 47; as propios , Si in Quretaro , 243-44, from the word criar, 43 Critique of tbe Pyramid, The, 226 CROM (Confederacin Regional de Obreros Mexicanos), 151, 179, 180, and Zapatistas, 179 CTM (Confederacin de Trabajadores Mexicanos ), 119, 151 Cuahtmoc , xiii, 239 Cuautla, 266 Cuernavaca , 167, 175, 178, 184 , 187, as a tourist destination, 137 Cuerpo unido de nacin, 25 Cult o the Virgin o Guadalupe, 47 Cultural modernity , 82; challenge to state institutions , 82, and corruption, 214 Cultural production, 215; production of image, 136

of, 70-71, as degraded haseline 58-62. discourscs of, xx; dynamlcs of, 59; and carly constitutions, 63, carly legal code,, 62, 70, historieal diseusslon of, 59, ideal o citizenship rights, 72; importante o political discourse, 79; Indians under Benito Jurez, 51; invoked after indcpendence, 79,- and nationalism, I1, 48 politics in modero Mexico, 79; rejection o corporate forms, 78, social critics ol. 80; social pact, 60; tied so weakness o the state, 74; transformatton of, xx under postrevolutionary governments, 80 Civilizing horizon, 139 Civil society, 57 Clio, 220 Coatsworth, John, 220 Cockfights, 71, 162 Cofradas, 147, 149, 150 Colegio de Mxico, FI, xii; and Daniel Coso Villegas, 218; inspired by Collge de France, 197 Collective actors and cofradas, 147: definition of, 147, discussion of agrarian. 149, historical overview, 147-53, proletarian , 151, in rural arcas, 147 Colonia Tepozteca, 179, 181 Colonization, xx, 14, 15, 184, 185, 186. blamed for economic backwardness, 114; Catholic fanatieism blamed for lack of colonists, 69 Communitarian ideologies, xx, 35, 36, 56, and Aztecs, 36-37; considerations for che future, 56; construction uf, 36 tacll,

Consumptiore fashion industry and "dumping ," 118; piracy, 118

Contact trames. concept of , 129, and seientitic study, 134, 139-40; and tourism, 134

Contact zones, 125, 132, 136, 143; definition of , 130; emergente o national identity , xxii , first type, 140; fourth type, 141; history o anthropology, 135; and nationalism, 1411 second type , 141, third rype, 141; and transnational process , 142, types of, 130 Corporate forms of property . as obstarles to citizenship, 75

In 3 ex 338

1r,dex = 339 =

image , 138; Olympics , 133, 135 138, ugliness of, 226 Discourse of the homo , 58, 59 , 61, according to DaMatta , 58; applied lo the good pueblo , 67; familial idioms, 59 Discourse of the street , 58, according tu DaMatta , 58, as discourse of liberal en; zenship. 58
Dismodernity , 110 122 Dolcefar mente ( 1880), 239 Dumont , Louis, 166 Durazo, Arturo, 1 12

Lsrrada, Agustn, 97 I-strasia luan, 242

30-31, as secret societies, 31-32; Scottish rite, 30, 31 French intervention, 133, 241, increased polarization, 72 Freud, Sigmund. and Mexican education, 140 Friedlander, Judith, 192-93 Front state: maintenance o public image, 137 Fuentes, Carlos, xi, 56, 218, 227, description o nacos counterpart, 1 11 Fueras, 8, 9 Gage , Thomas, 239 Gallo, Joaqun, 169, 171 Gamboa , Manuel, 276 Gamio , Manuel , 53, 253 , 254, 257, 258, 262; art o governing , 252, and Franz Boas, 53 , 250, building o facilities, 252, and Chavero, 252, construction o revolutionary narionalism , 53; development o indigenismo , 53; differences with Porfirians, 252 , 254; director o INI, 260, doctoral work at Columbia University, 250, and eugenics movement , 252, as "father" o Mexican anthropology, 53, 250, founder o Departamento de Asuntos Indgenas , 260; Indigenismo , 53; indigenous aesthetic , 250; instructions to researchers, 251-52, and ISAAE, 238, land distribution lo peasants , 252; L. poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn , 251, and Pimentel , 252, as pro - mestizo nationalist, 53 ; and pseudoscientific racism, 52-53, role in local society , 25; role o anrhropology, 251, shaping uf national image , 252; support from Venustiano Carranza , 250; undersecre t ary o educaron , 260, vision of anthropology, 251 Garca , General Alejandro, 94 GATT ( General Agreement en Tariffs and Trade), xxi Gazeta de Lima, 200 Gazeta de Mxico , La, 7, 8 , 23, 25, 148, 200, 206, discussion o "rhe public ," 201, and the'scientifically marvelous ," 201-2

Globalization. effects on "metropolitari' anthropology, 229, and nacional anthropology, 229 Goffman, Erving, 136, 157 Gmez, Juan Jos, 279 Gonzlez Casanova, Pablo, 232 Governmental institutions, 197 Governmental intervention: dependence on, 75 Governmentality, xxii, 198, 202, 203; importance of idea, 210-11; instrumenta of, 211; and nongovernmental intellectuals, 211; state culture of, 204 Gran Espaa, 25, 27, 33 Grano de Arena, El, 282 Great Nacional Problems, xvi, xviii, xix, and civilizational horizon, xviii, definition of, xviii, fetishism of, xvi, for public interese, xix Grounded theory, xix, definition of, 127 Gruzinski, Serge. attack on Indian learning, 154 Guamn Poma de Ayala, Felipe, 16 Guardino, Peter, 29 Gemes Pacheco y Padilla, Viceroy don Juan Vicente, 91, 198-99 Guerra, Fran4ois Xavier, 64, 82, 221, argument o Porhrio Daz, 221; description o "collective actora," 147, description o postindependence Mexico, 146; discussion o che Mexican Revolution, 82 Guerrero, Vicente, 29; murdered by fractious Mexicans, 69 Haber, Stephen, 221
Habennas, Jrgen, 10; definition o representativa publicity, 148

Ethnographic state definition of, 136 Eugen,cs: and postrevolutionary government, 139 Eurnpeans, 50 Evans, Colonel Albert, 234 Exansi&, al puente de Mrtlac, 105 Exposicin Iberoamericana de Sevilla, 102 Expropr,at,on: failurc lo create propertied cinzcnry, 75 Ex-,rola giving thank, lo che Virgen of Guadalupe Jora a,essful med,cal operador, 26 FamiLal idioms, 59 Felipe Don, 272, 273, 285, Fiesta de Querzaleoatl, 273, and national Mexican anthem, 273 Fernando VIL portrait of, 92
Fieras 150, 156, 161, 190, and campaign cuero, 162, and conuption, 162; Fiesta de Quetzaleoatl, 273, 285; and patriotisni, !Si, and use of sports, 155 Filipinas, 15

Earthquake of1985, xi Echeverra, Luis, 104, 222, 227; and Coso Villegas, 222; electr,hcat,on of thc counrryside, 104; highways, 133 Education, 60, 205 Ejidos; failurc to create propertied citizenry, 75 Election of July 2, 2000, xxi Electiori, as souices of revenue 78 Eley, Geoff. definition o public sphere, 265-66
Elites, 143, 200, construction of public opinion, 147 , corruption of, 213, Creolc 30, discourse o messianism , 70; forros ot discussion, 148, lack o public torum, 148; Masonie lodge membership, 30, portrayed as foreign , 144; and public opinion , 147, Tepoztecan, 174; v;rtuous and vieious, 70

Film,. 118, 126, dismbution of, 1 18 Flore, Joachim de, 15 Five Fe rr,il;es. reviews of, 258 Flores Magn, Ricardo, 151 Fondo de Cultura Economica, 219, 259 Foucault, Michel, xxii, 202, 210; definition ol hiopower, 14; definition o governmentaliry, 198, governmentality, xxii, history from rhe presenta' 2 13
Foreigncrs, 16, 134, 140-41, attraction to indigenous peoples, 135; business, 1 31 -32, 140, challenge to nationalists, 140-42, destabilization of, 135, European.134,- investments, 140, 252; nadowlisr reactions to, 135; North A mcrica n. 134 Francl,can,nissionaries, 15 Freemasonry, 29, 30, 31, 146, masons,

El pueblo, 155
El que se enoja , pierde. 60, 78, meaning ,l, 60

ENAH (Naconal School o Anthropology and History), 231, 254, expulsien o G. Bonhl, 232
Encomendar, 16 England, 15. 21 Enlightenment, 4, 154

Hacendados, 146, 147, 155 Heifetz, Hank, 222 Hernndez, Deputy Chico, 68 Hidalgo, Miguel, 29, 47, 48, 62, 84, 241; accusations against Spaniards, 29, appropriation of the Virgen de Guadalupe, 48, Catholic faith as national sovereignty 85, counterexcommunication o European imperialists, 85-86; counterexcommunication o Spanish

Escalante, Fernando, 84, 249; arguments on cidzensh,p, 71-72^ hctitious charcoter of che ci lizcn, 84; oppositiun lo Daniel Cavo Villegas, 72 Espaol, 17 18, 33, 44, 50, 154; dominan[ Gaste , 21,-as "Old Christians," 18

31; Masonic lodges as networks, 30, Masonic organizations, 31; and Mexican narionalism 31, Joel Poinsett, 31; as pulitical parties, 31, rite o York, 30, 31, 32; role following independence,

1,, ,rx

dex 340

= 341

clcrgy. 86; destruciiun ol towns. .84, emancipador ul claves, 62; end u, tribute, 62 ess,q' by VIUVr Ttll nar, 104 cxcommunaUOn endotscd h3 Archbishop ul A1cx,co. 8S. crcornmm1s canon ol. Ievel dltfcrenres he tween Gastes . 62, martyred bs Spaniards, 69. tASexico: Biogrnhby ol Pmi, 224; response u, rxeommumeaaan n as scicntihcalh ;ndincd. 202

nd musu_o. 50 , monarch,sts, 87; naII,,,u' comauusncss, xiv: national,za56,n,t thu chuteh. 47 notions si caste, +a p ar 1 1 nmcerns ol nationalism, 41, tv,u e.. ol. 62. and public sphcre. 1Su. endica! ,nsurge nts, 87, rehance on Spanlsh legal thought, 87, role of eomnumwcs, 10, role ot Frcemasonry, 30; Spnln a4a,nsr French nvaders. 27; tr

political organizaton of, 40, purpose o 40, subordination ro Baste, 41, trbute, 40

]SI (Impon Substitution Industrializacion 1, 103, 264; Arirlismo as an ideology, 103, corn;pti on, 120; crisis of national ism, 1 14, cultural rcgions durtng, 1 17, exbaustion of, 105, and nationalism, 121, period of urban growth, 115, teachings of the revolution, 121

Indio, 192; as"forcedidennty, 192-93 Individual rights, 146 Informal eeonomy ethnoglaphies ol, 75, negotiation with state institunons, 75 INI (Instituto Nacional 1r,,i vista', 231. 232, 254 Inquisition, 241, and census. 198 as svnibol o state vigilance, 115 Intellectuals, xii, 146, 158, 199, 206, 218, 272, 281, and autonomy, 199-200; as beneficiarles o decentralization, 117, curanderos, 275; debates in the Gazeta de Mxico, 202, dependence en corporate investors, 116; differences with U.S., 197; and European model, 197, Ricardo Flores Magn, 151, geography o muteness, 284; and governmentality, 202; government subsidies, 208-9, and interpassivity, 208-9; interpreters of national sentiment, 114, Enrique Krauze, 215, language o respect, 285, and Oscar Lewis, 259, list o, xi; local level, 266, 275; and Mexican Americans, xii, and national space, 266; as nation builders, xxii; and patronage, 116; Porfirian intellectuals, 249; Jos Guadalupe Posada, 151; postcolonial critics, 126; priests, 276; and public sphere, 283; representation o national sentiment, 197-98, 269, sources o legitimation, 197; as spiritualisto, 207; and state formation, 198; o Tepoztln, 277, 280, 282, Max Webers definition of, 266 Interna) colonialism, 128, 140, 191-92, 232, 264 International system, 128 Interpassivity, definition of, 208; and intellectual production, 208 Intimate cultures: definition o, 116 Intruder, The: asan allegory, 168-71, story o, 169-71 ISAAE (International School of American Archeology and Ethnology), 250

Isla Juana, 15 Imrbide Agustn, 29, 47, 68, 241, 284, adoption of Aztec eagle, 47, creation o Order ol Guadalupe, 47, murdered hy fractious Mexicano, 69, Plan de Iguala, 29, 64 Jaguaribe, Beatriz, 213 Jalisco, secessionist movements in, 68 James, Edward, 214 Jefes Politices , 147, 155 Jordn, Fernando : Miguel Alemn, 256; explanation o Robert Redfield, 255-56; Nacional School o Anthropology, 256 Joseph, Gilbert, 220 Journalists : as middle daos, 59 Juan, Jorge, 7, 8 Jurez, Benito , 5 1, 52, 55, 56, 95, 129, 206, 241, biblical imagery, 96; Bulnes, description o, 95, as civil servant, 225, consolidation o national econoeny, 79; construction o presidential persona, 95; embodiment between nation and law, 95-96; with green eyes, 101, identification with che )and , 96, image o the presidency, 95, impact tan national history, 55, and Indian citizenship , 51, Indianness o, 95; liberalism o, 51; mestizaje o, 101, Mexico: Biography of Power, 222; military campaign against Hapsburg imperialists, 67, mythology o Aztec past, 95; portrait o, 99, 101, presidency as an institution o power, 95 , railroads, 72; religiosity and purity o , 226; suspension o individual guarantees in Yucatn, 67; triumph over Maximilian , 72, universalist liberalism of, 55 Junta Instituyente : and citizenship, 62 Juntas de mejoras, 149

ippie muvcnuu Ii4--75, CI. 16 H ispanicized, 171 1 storians Latir Amcrica visto, 4, reaction to Bencdiet Anderson, 4 Holisen: definition nf, 228-29 ]la,, - William Setvard Traveling in Adexlco, 238 1 forre and Ibe Zapilotes, Tbe, 234 huerta, Victoriano, 98 Huitzilopochdi, 39 Human rights , 56 57; recodification ot, 56 Iberians, 46 Identity producron, 128 TEPES (Instituto de Estudios Polticas y JocinlrsJ. 76 Illegal immigrants, 139 Imagen de Jura con retrato de Fernando VII, 92 Imagined Communities and Anderson, 3; critique of, 3. Ser also Benedict Anderson IMF (Internacional Monetary Fund ), 129 immigratiom. as critica) perspectiva xni INAH (Instituto Nacional de Antropologa Historia), 231, 254 Inca, 16,21
Independence, xiv, 5, 1 3 , 1 4 , 2 9 , 33, 86 149, 202; and American War of Independence, 27; and Bourbon refonns. 25: and Cathol,cism, 47, and citizenship. 62, Constitution ol Cdiz, 27, Creole symbols, 47, cuerpo unido de nacin, 25; European influences of, 4, 83-84, failure to centralize, 87; and governmentality, 198, 203, and governmental state, 198, 199, hlsroriography of, 4, and indigenous communities, 48, lack of Creole bourgeoi sic, 30, lack oi stability, 233-3-1

tate

parriot-

ism56 vicw ol Anderson 4 Indian 5 16 33,36.37,44,46.48,50, 52. 55, 63. 153, 191, 263, 267; and citizenship,5l;collectiveidentity of, 42, communities, 267, conversion of, 153; descrihed as rencos, 11 I-112, 114; dislocation of, 42; governors, 274-75; ladinolzation, 45, 275; legal category ol. 41; as les, likely m commit crimes, 244; and niarriage, 42, massacres of, 52, mortalty o1, 40, population movements, 40; in Quertaro, 243; racial category of, 41, republics, 8, rulers, 168; and thcft. 244; tribute, 85; women, 17- See also Aztees, Inca, Mazabuas, Otomt

Indianness, 112, 170, 172, 192 b;digeni;nm, 49, 51, 53, 103, 109, 231, 232, anos of, 232; as atomizing, 262; a defense against U.S society, 103; deseription uf, 231, distinct from liberalism, 51; against foreign aggression, 54; incorporation o the Indian, 232; maintenance o indigenous communities, 49; against neocolonial exploitation, 54; and Tepoztn, 170, 179 7ndigerazta, 97, 134, art, 97, expon o national anthropology, 254; Rodrguez Puebla, 48, 51
Indigenous communities, 40, 146, adop' non uf saints, 41, Christian worship, 40; as corporate structures, 204, dislocated Indiano, 41-42; and Benito Jurez, 51; links with lamily, 40, links with gods, 40, link, wirh land, 40, loso o legal protection, 150; organization of labor groups. 40; organized by race, 41;

1 n d rx

342 =

343 -

Kahlo, Frida, 55 Kaiser, Wilhelm - compared with Porfina Daz, 104

Laves oi Castille, 18 I.aves of che Indies encomendar, 16, justihcaiion of Spanish expansion, 16 I-egal code of 1836 and citizenship, 64 Leonard, Irving, 154 Lerda de Tejada, Sebastin, 129 1e1 05e11 , 166, 175, 180, 257, 258, 260 270, 275; Cbildrea ofSnchez, 258, 259 260 critique of Sociedad Mexicana de Groy,, fa y Estadstica, 258; descri ption of barrios, 180, as FBI spy, 259, Five Families, 25s 259, letter tu Vera Rubn, 258-59; and Mexican intelligentsia, 259; Ricardo Pozas, 259 Liberal,sm, 4, 10, 49, 50, 133, 150, pragnRic accord w,th conservatives, 72, and tacist ideas, 50
Libro kajo El- history o civil violente, 239, as shared history of suffering, 241 Limn Jos, xii Lion's Club, 149 1.ockharr James, 4 1

constitution, 96-97, messianic image of, Mexican anthropology: challenges to 98; as a spiritualist, 207, toppling o foreigners, 255, eontemporary crisis Daz, 206-7 o, 230; final phase of, 262; and Great Madrid, Miguel de la , 55, 223, and educaNational Problems, 260; historical detional system , 215; election of, 222, velopment of, 230, 233, indigenismo, 231; Mexico: Btograpby of Power, 222, nationalinstitucional infrastructure, 230; modern ist reaction to, 55; refornis of , 55; subsiaesrhetics, 231, and nationalism, 231; dies to inrellectual groups , 219; as welland 1968 student movement, 231, 261, meaning democrat, xxi process uf, 230-31; romanticization o Magnficos ("Magnificent Severa "), 231, Indians, 259, Bernardino de Sahagn, 232, 261 238; stabilization of national image, 242, Mallon, Florencia, 65 220-21 state absorption of, 232, 260, strategies Maps, 3, 199 of government, 242 Maquiladoras, 139 Mexican democrats critique o corporate Maroons, 45 state, 77, rise of democracy Martyrdom, 89, 95, 109, degradation of Mexican history: and public sphere, 157; insurgent priests, 89, images used by astheories of, 81 piring presidents, 109, linked te ideal of sovereignty, 94, marryred national leaders, 89, martyrs o independence, 89, Alvaro Obregn, 94, and presidencial persona, 94, proof o cleanliness, 280, Guadalupe Victoria, 94, Pancho Villa, 94 Marx, Karl: and Mexican education, 140 Masses: as obstacles to progress, 65; insufficiently civilized, 65 Ms vale cabeza de ratn que cola de len, 1 18 Maximilian, 87, 241, boulevards of, 133, killing of, 87-88, and Tepoztln, 176 Mayas: sold as claves, 235 Mazabuas, 37 Media, 117, 152, 157, 158, 284, and social persona, 159 Medical doctora' movement, 151-52, 214 Mendieta, Gernimo, 15
Merchants, 146, 147, 168, 200 Mestizaje, 51

Knight, Alan, 220

Krauze , E nrique , xi, 215; career of 21 a and cha risma tic power , 225; com panson with Coso Villegas and Oetavio Paz 219, co - awnerul Cho , 220; critique of, xxii , critique o p-esidenrialum 213; "democracy without adjectives' 222. exceptionallsn ; of Mexico , 217-I8, "factory of h;stmy ' 220and Fran4ois Xavier Guerra , 22 1, as a historian ot nation building , xxii; and histoncal soap operas , 220, 223 ; interpretarion ol Mexican history , 216, 223 ; Jurez as authenric , 226,- Krauzometcr , 222-23 and Miguel de la Madrid, 219; mcnrors of, 222 , and national history , 217; as nationalist i niel lectual , xxii; and 1968 5tudent movement, 212-1 3, 218-19, and presidencial biograph i es , 2 17, Antonio Lpez de Santa Atina , 226; and lclevisa, 219-20 ; and Tlateloleo massacre 216, and use o sources, 221 ; use of state patronage, 226 ; and Vuelta, 218

Mexican nationalism, 53, 86, 87; Luis Cabrera, 53, contemporary discourse of, 55, under current regime, 55, formulacien of, 53; foundational strain, 86; Manuel Gamio, 53, and mestizo, 54, as modernizing, 53-54; Andrs Molina Enrquez, 53, principal ideologists, 53, as protectionist, 53-54; as revolutionary nationalism, 53
Mexican nationality, and communitarian ideologies, 35, historical product o Mexican peoples, 35, importante of mestizaje, 51, after independence, 46; and liberals, 51; and Mexican Revolution, 52, during pre-Hispanic period, 35 Mexicanness, 224

Lpez, Jess. proposal to ban bullkghting, 66-u7

Lpez de Santa Arma, Antonio, 89, 93, 95, amputated leg, 90; illustration of, 93 iVlexieo Biograpby ofPawer, 226, in Pastrv Wat, 90, as preserver of order, 90. pmblems with political parties, 90, as scrvant of the nation, 225, signihcanc( of eg, 90; Teatro Santa Atina, 90, 1 33: n Texas, 90, theatrieality of, 226, uses of sacrl fiee, 89-90

Krugman , Paul, xxi

Labor Day parado, 1 19 Ladino , 43, 44, 275; Jews, 44; Muslim,, 44, as pardy civilized, 44; Spanishspeaking Africans, 44

1afaye, Jacques, 16 La .Malinche, 218

Land- importante of for i dentiry, 43 La Paz , Bolivia, 113, 129

Lpez Marcos, Adolfo, National Museum of Anthropology, 133 Lpez Portillo, Jos inauguration of research facility, 213
1_pcz Rayn, Ignacio, 62, 63; constitution o l 181 1, 62

Mexican proverbs, 60, 78, 118, 176 Mexican Revolution, xi, xxi, 52, 75, 86, 139,178,183,199,205,216,218; degradation o citizenship, 79, and democracy, 216, goals of, 216, ideologues o, 86, indigenista anthropology, 231, indigenistas, 231; and indigenous world, 134, "intellectual caudillos," 218,, Mexico: l3iograpby of Power, 223-24, and peasant organizations, 151, popular public spheres, 279-80; projectfornationality and modernity, 114, and proletarian organizations, 151, rapid modernization, 79; and role o intellectuals,

Lara, Agustn, 206

Latn America , xviii, amhiguiry off status, 127; and antipolitical discourse, 210, clama ru Europe , xvii, Latin American left and imperialism , 129, as "nonWestern ," xvii; polities and an tipo B tics, 210, portrayed as backward , 127 sovereignty and citizenship , 10, tradition ol anthropology, 229

Luther Martn, 15 Lynch John, 90 Mecebu.;les, 173, 174 Macfi iavellianism, 154 Madero, Francisco 1., 96, 216, 224, as "aposde ol democracy," 98; and 1857

Mestizo, 16, 50, 53, 263, feminine arguments for, 53-54, as fortified version o che indigenous yace, 53, and independence, 51, masculine arguments for, 53-54; nationalization of, 54, as national yace, 52, protagonist o national history, 53, revaluation of, 52 Mexican Americana, x 1

Lavall, Bernard, 17 1aw o 1608, 17

tia

344

Index = 345 =

114 and role. intellcctuals, 210; teachings nl 121 and Tepuztld .o spherc . 52 14: seat ut viceroyalty , 46, and 178, watershed lor natinnal,ty :Alexicoo-. ambigwty ol smms , 127: um- frpu,: tln 167. 186 , 241, 243, 244, sciousness ol backward coodiuun. xc,i AI.x!:o It, b adal Evolut," desrc ol nanunahry , .XIS Imellectual 24 ;Vlfxim i'rofio;do. 263 and artistic production . 210, labe1cd "developing narco." xvl , narrat;ves ul Meycr Lorenzo, 213 Mezican pcrople . xv;i; nationalism ol 4. ,Abur.... .,', 129 ALgants. 9,. 142, 143 , 188, 190, 192, source of nat;o nalnv . xlv: serte paN17 I fl. ,O ( anuda . 187, irom Guerrero, 75 usage of s mb Is , xii; nationalist Mx co a Irave , .ir pos , 245 50 cuino. 1811, migiatory proeess

Morelos (atare), 167, 266. 267 271. 273 279, constmction, 18 industr,al,zavon 183, migration to the United Stales 183 postrevoluti onary eco nom ic organization 183; regional space 182 siate governor, 182, tourism, 183

National culture as dismodernity, 1 14 National history 81. 139 failure to deliver, 81

National identiry, xx, xxi, 14, 128, 132, adoption of foreign techniques, 130; changing aspecrs of, 1 I I, formation ol. 141, formed in transnational networks, 126- Trames of contact, 130, interna[ business 132, narratives o identity,

Morenos, 45 t`lorrow, Dwight. 1 37 Mularros, 16 17 Nacin, 7, 9 13, and lienedict Anderson. 8, distinguished from puma, 9; extension of national identity , 8, and panimperial identiry , 8, and sovereignty , 8; usage of, 7, 8 Naco, 120, Art-Naqueau , 11 3; categorical transformation of, 114, changing connotaGOns of, 111, closet nacos , 113; as colonial imagery, 112; definition o nacos kitsch , 112, description of, 1 1f, foreign-sounding names, 1 12-13; as lack o distinction , 113, lumpenpolitics of, 113; as mark o Indian , 114; and modernization , 113; Nac -Art, 113, naquismo, 112 , 113; as sigo o provincial backwardness , 111, similar process in Latin America , 112; threat to tradicional political forms , 113; as urban aesthetic, 112 NAFTA ( North American Free Trade Agreement), xxi, 108; backlash of, 121

125; and neo),beral ism. 129, production of, 125, production o "Mexico," 126; sociology o, 127, topography of, 130, women and children, 10

121; to Tepoztln, tionary scheme of, 245, interpretation hacklash against , 186; to the United States, 187 of pre Columbian past , 245, Nahoa , 246, Otomis , 245-46 Milenio. 212, 213 146, 147 Mexico at tbe World', Falo , 241 Mllitary leaders , Biograpby of Powee absence of cita- Minera , 146, 147, 149 Mexico . Moctezuma , 218, 241 tions, 221 ; Alemn , 223; vila Camacho , ;\4odemidad indiana . Nacin y mediacin en 223; Emilio Azcrraga , 224; comparison Mxico, xix, xx to National Museum o Anthropology , 214, 215, and 226; composition of, 215-16 ; Coso Modernist ruins, 213 , 223, Tlatelolco massacre, 214 Villegas , 221, 224 ; Porfirio Daz , , 82, 111, 122, Daz Ordaz , 222, 223 , election ol de Modernization , xv, xx, 57 , 131; critila Madrid, 222- 23; Hidalgo , 224; and 163 , and corruption of morals 222, intellectual cal m national state, 136 ; indigenized, historical evidence , , 138, and production , 215; Krauzometer , 222, xxi, and nationalist reactions postrevolutionary government, 214; of Solilude , 222; de la Madrid , Labyrinth 223; metaphors for power, 224 , Mexi- principies o, 128; relationship with the brote, 82, reproduction o social dasses, can history as a ztruggle for democracy , 118-19; threats tu nation states , 82, use 216-17, Mezican Revolubon , 223-24 ; asa mirror o presidencial power , 220, of nationality, 114 Andres, xvi, 53, 54, acnationalist myth , 226, O' Gorman , 221, Molina Enrquez , argument opinions stated as historical facts . 222, [ion ' and "resstante ;' 53-54 , 53, mestizo ideology of, 223, Paz , 221, readings of, 218; sources for mestizos , 53; as pro mestizo nationalist, 53 of, 220, Spanish versus English transla treatment of 1968 student Monsivis , Carlos , xi, 55, 205 nion, 222 ; , 49, 83 , 84, crimovement , 221, Jos Vasconcelos , 224, Mora , Jos Mara Luis, 48 223. Se, als,, tique o Rodrguez Puebla , 49, and indiZapata , 224, Zedillo , Enrique Krauze ger;ismo, 49, interpretation o the constiMexico Ciry , xii, 158, 171 , 175, 178 ; as tution, 83 85, 227; "baicony of the republic ,' xii; crowds , ,Morelos, Jos Mara , 29, 47 , , 184; abolshment o slavery , 85; accusations 60; drivers , 60; earthquake of 1985 29, Apatzingn confreeway to Tepozdn , 184; growth of, against Spaniards , stitution , 64, edict o 1810, 85-86; mar152; lack o services , 60; mediated move 69, national ideal ments , 59, and national sat'atics , 205, tyred by Spaniards , uf, 8o; persistente o poltica) spirit, 86, , periodicals , 200, politeness of, 59-60 ;' 158, 227; during Che Porfiriato , 206, prosti ruti un , " senuments o the nation 137, and public opinion , xii; and pubis servant, of thc nation, 225

National image , 143, implementation of, 126, management of, 141 Nationalism, xxiii , xv, 5, 10, 11, 13, 54, 55, 120, 122, 191 , alternatives for Mezican, 56, 83 ; and Benedict Anderson, xx, 3, 30, 200, bonds o dependence, 12; citizenship, 10 , 11; and communitarianism, xvi, xx, 3, 33, 34; connected to consumption , 121, connected to work, 121; contradictory claims of, 126; Creole nationalism, 6 , crisis of, xxi, 114; definition of , 6-7, 33, development of, 27; discourse of, 13i evolution of, 27, exclusion o Spaniards, 29; failure to reformulate, 122 ; formation of, 30; and fraternity, 12, freemasonry , 31, ideological construction , 132, as invented nature, 4, 7, under ISI, 121, and language, 14, 229, and linguistic identification, 5; and Mezican anthropology, xxiii, mythology, 151, 279; myths of, xi, origins (anthropolog.cal stories), 233, polemical nature o che national question, 47; politics of, 122, power of , 12-13, and racism, 14 ; and religion , 14; revolutionary nationalism , 56, sacrifice , 7, 11; as a sigo o modernity , 128; and sovereignty, xiv; standardization of, 125; and subjectformation, 3; substitute for religious community, 7; successor to religion, 3, thick description, 32, and transnational relations , 125; uniry and the intelligentsia , 209; violente of, 30; o weak nations, 126

Nahoa, 246
Nahuad, 37 , 172, 173, 192 , 272, 273, 274, 278 , 285, national anthem, 177; speakers, 174 Nation, xiii; 48; appeals to nationhood, 11, as Christian utopia , 86, and citizenship, 48 , as community, 13, 35, 146, identification with homeland , 47; iniportance o blood, 43 ; importante of land, 43 , intellectuals and nation building, 212 ; local proeess o state formacien, xv, myths of, xiii; nationalization o the church, 47; and race , 27, redefini[ion of, 46; and sacrifice , 1 1, symbols of, xiii, transformation o semantics, 7

l r, :l e x 1 e d ex = 346 = ea 347 =

Narionalist ideology, 48, alternatives ol, 56, social hierarchies, 48 Narionalist movenients: adoption o ancient political forros, 36; caste wars, 49 Nationalists, 13, adoption o ancient political forros, 36; bardes of, l0, discoursc of, 12, and nationalistic scienGsts, 202, and ven Humboldt, 199 Narionality, xiv-xv, 286 National Museum o Anthropology 226. 231,242,254 National Polytechnlc Instituto, 214 National Preparalory School, The, 243 Nacional sentimenr, 197, 207, census 198; concentrated in Mexico City, xii and Agustn Iturbide, 284; and opinions, 158; and ritual, 156, 158, and starislin, 198, techniques for interpreting,208; use o quesrion naires, 198 National sovereignty, 83, 88, secular process of, 83 National space, xv, xxi, 265, conceptual challenge of, 264; cultural gcography of, xxi, developmenr of, xv; histodcal sociology of, xix Neocolonial exploitation, 54 Neoliberalism, foreignization of, 129; intplementau,an of, 129 Nerherlands, 15, 21 New Lawsof 1542, 174 New Spain, 8; as cante society, 40, hierarchical relationships, 40, as a kingdoni ot Spain, 8
Newspapers, 5, 6, 156; and "empry time," 22-23, limits of public discussion, 148, as pdvileged inedia, 159. Seealso Print capitalisno

74; Ioss ol arm, 94; monument built co honor lost arm, 94, martyrdom of, 94; overlap ol presidential personas, 104-5, and Zapatistas, 179 Ocampo, Melchor 214
O'Corman Edmundo, xviii, disapproval of K;auze's biographies o power, 221, dem ahout che invention o America, xvui

Phelan, John Leddy, 15 Pietschmann, Horst, 21, 22, 23, 25 Pimentel, Francisco, 53, 252; high official in Maximilian's court, 260 Plan de Ayala, 278 Plan de Iguala, 29, 64 poblacin del valle de Teotihuacn, La, 253, national dimensinns of, 251 Pocho, 139 Poinsett, Joel, 31, 88, effort to build proAmerican parry, 31, establishment of Masonie lodges, 88, organizarion of Masonic lodges, 31 Political elites, developmenr o distinct forms, 118; parasitism, 120-22, portrayed as out o touch, 120; as predators, 120 Political rallies, 177, as expression of public sentiment, 160; theatrical element, 159
Political ritual, 146, 159; appropriarion of corruption, 146, and corruption 162, substitution for discussion, 164

Postmodernity, 110 Pozas Horcasitas, Ricardo, 151; medical students strike, 214 Pratt, Mary Louise, 141 PRD (Partido de la Revolucin Democrtica) use o celebrities, 117
Prefectura del Ceniro 242 Prensa Graffca, La, 255

Oil indusery, 104, nationalization under Crdenas, 104 Olympie Carnes in 1968, 108, 259 Opposition parties. PRD, 117 Ortega Y Gasset, Jos, 209
Ortiz, Luis 2 I, 22 Oswald, Felix L, 239 Otnm,, 245, 246 Oteoman Empire, 15 Ouweneel, Arij, 275

Presidency, 84, 96, construction o nacional image , 88, identification with modernization, 104; Jurez as strong image , 95, messianic imagery, 89, during the nineteenth century, 104, presidenttalism, 213; sacrifice as ideology, 89, 225, statistics, 104 President, 83, 99; development o image, xxi; figure of, 106, 108, 115; inaugurations of, 213, Mexico.. Biography of Power, 216; since 1982, 105; as servant, 225, shaping of public persona, 83 Presidential authority, 98: nationalization o the law, 98 Presidential candidate: relationship with che suit, 77, use of costumes, 77 Presidential persona, 81, 96; importante o technological innovations, 104, shaped by 83, 98-99, uses o martyrdom, 94
Presidential power, 88; and poltica) parties, 88

Pagden, Anthony, 28, 172, 220 Parda 45 Parin Market, 131 Pars World's Fair o 1889, 250 Paseo de la Reforma, 206 Pastrv War, 90 Patience, 61 Patria, 5, 9, 43 Pa triotic deaths, 3 Parriotic sacrifice, 13 Payno, Manuel, 239 Paz, ( ctavio, xi, 53, 55, 218, 219, 221, 222 227, critique of National Museum of Authropology, 226; The Critique of tbe Pyruruid, 226, mentor to Krauze, 222, en xlesican nacional culture, xiv, Mexico: Riogiphy of Pou,er, 222 Pcasant communiti es, 152; forums for discisson, 149, gendered forms for discussion 149; and public sphere, 149 Peasants,52,151,191,232,266,281; claims of citizenship, 76, exchange o votes 76; parfieipation in national discoune, 76 Pea Guillermo de la, xix, 161 Poimseln res, 5, 8, 17, 45, 199 Peoles Cuide to Mexico, 134

Politics: connections with ritual, 145 Polis, 204 Poniatowska, Elena, xi, 55 Population, o 1950, 54, of 1990, 54 Porfirian elite: and European immigration, 140 Porfirians: and internacional arena, 252
Porfiriato, xx, 180, 206, 218, 250; consolidation o nacional economy, 79, elite, 140, 180, 210; evolution o citizenship,

Presidential repertoires, 89 Press, 59, 146, 150; censorship of, 59,

during colonial period, 115; eritieism o the government , 78; and government

Neu, York Times, xxi Nexos, 219, 226 Nolahles, Los 276, 277, 278, 279 Novo, Salvador, xi Nuestra seora de Guadalupe, palro,w dr la Nueva Espaa, 19 O, Genovevo de la, 179 Obregn, Alvaro, 94, 104, Barde ol Celaya, 104-5; building o the state,

72, economic growth, 72, futuros for subsidies, 209, and narcotice trade, 131; discussion, 149, government institutons, and self-clnsorship, 59 197; "order" and "progress" superseded PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), 82, citizenship, 72, and Political ritual, 73, 111, asan Ancien Rgime, 82; and de and positive seienee, 210,, progress as la Madrid, 222; and democracy , 216 ; fetish, 73; and public education, 73, and idiom o village uniry, 1 19; institutionalpublic opinion, 147; schools and festi- ized heir of che revolution, 98; and vals, 155, 156; state theater, 205, and local villages, 119, monument for Alvaro Tepoztln, 170, 178 Obregn, 94, 1988 campaign, 76, poPosada, Jos Guadalupe, 151 litical campaigns, 222; as a refashioning Posrcolonial, 142; challenges ro nacional- of colonial system, 115, use o public ism, 128, elements of postcolonial theo- rallies, 76, use of relevision stars, 114 ry, 125, identity production 128 Pues,, 168, 241, as inrellectuals, 275-76

IuJr^ 348 =

Indrx 349 =

Prieto . Gmllern;u,. xi 25U-51 Prlmordiahst nacional lsm. 265 Primordial loy albas, 36. 49 Primordial tules. ti
Pr ; pales. 174 I'nnc capitalism 3.5.6, 14.22..43

Ra;ln,ads . en;raliza tion of thc goverm roen; 72. under Jurez 72; and public ,pi,', 295
Kan;o, Samuel . 53. 74 78; on ^tilexiean pan==nal charactcr , 73; pelado as enemy .n good Guy. 73; pelado as massihed

Riva Palacio, Vicente, 53, 239 Rivera, Diego, 53. 55

Santo Domingo 15, 173, 174, 266, 270, change of carnival signs, 189, and intellectuals, 269, political factions, 260; symbolism of names, 189-90, tecolotes, 269 ertunes, 269 Secretary of Agravian Reform, 232 Seed, Patricia, 42 Schools, 155, 156. 177; festivals, 155; following che Mexican Revolution, 155; and i nstitution o discipline, 155, and ritual, 155; schoolteachers, 155. 168 Science, under protectionist state, 1 15 Scientifically marvclous, 201, 202; exaniples of, 201-2, as propaganda, 201 Scientific socialism, 140 Scott, James, 178 Scottish rite, 88. See also Freemasonry Serdn, Aquiles, 206 Seven Laws (1835); and Catholic religion, 48 Sierra, Justo, 243, 244, vision o national evolution, 245 Sigenza y Gngora, Carlos de, 16 Slavery, 38-45, 50, 63, 64, 85, 147, 218; abolition of, 62, 85, African, 45, 241 ; Aztec ideology of, 38; captives o "just wats," 45; constitution o 1824, 204; indigenous, 52, as liberation o human energy, 38; prohibition against odian nobles, 174; prohibition of, 204 Social Darwinism, 52, 53, Mexican view o Indians, 52 Social democracy, 56 Socialization: o children, 59-60; as mechanism o courtesy, 60; and personal relations, 61 Social movements, 27, 50, 80, 149, 171, 199, 208, challenge to nacional image, 143, and conditions o reproduction, 152, and fiscal crisis o 1982, 77; as gestures o revolt, 159, incorporation of the state, 77, and national media, 159; and public opinion, 158-59; violente against, 143 Social sciences, xvi, xv; part o international horizon, xvi; tied to national development, xvi

Rod, Enrique. Ariel. 103, ideology ol 103 Rojas, Jos Guadalupe, 277. 279 289, dlaries of, 278; and Nahuad, 278, and nationalist mythology, 278-79 Rojas, Mariano, 277-78 Rojas, Simn, 278 Rojas, Vicente, 277 Rojas (family), 174. 274. 280 Rumor, 157, 159, as chisme de viejas, 157, as cowardly, 157; as feminized, 157; and public opinion, xxii; and public sphcre, 155, 158; and ritual, 155 Sacrifice , 5, 10, 1 I, 12, 42, association with nationalism , 7; Aztec ideology of, 38, 39, coercive pressures of, 11, ideological appeals te, 1 I, and misconstrued, 13; and nationalism, 7, 12 Sahagn, Bernardino de, 38, 238 Sahlins, Marshall, 166 Salinas , Carlos, 223 , 227; and Hctor Aguilar Camn , 219, campaign of, 206; subsidies to intellectual groups, 219; use o television stars during campaign, 117; and Anuro Warman, 232 , 233; as a wellmeaning democrat, xxi Salve Reina de la Amrica (atina, 28 San Andrs , 173, 266 San Jos, 189 ; change o carnival signs, 189; symbolism o names, 189-90 San Juan Teotihuacn , 250; description of, 250 San juanico, 173 San Martn, 9 San Miguel, 173 San Salvador, 15 San Sebastin , 189; change o carnival signs, 189; symbolism o names, 189-90

Private sphere 268 Progrerisfw , 268. 169. 280 Progress, 54

,,trzen , 70; use of thc pelado, 73 Ranchos 155

14, 15, importance af blood. 1 r;pi )e ni;;re , 16, nationalization oi ;ha church, 42 Rccyclmg. detinuion ol, I I8 Rcdticld Robert 166, 175 , 182, 270; correcto,, 192 , 275; and orientalize, 166; radio interview , 255-56; tontos, 275
Regional cultures composed of, 116, culture of , 115; dependence en commodities, 117; and telephone , 117; and tele1 Religious fesrivittes : and collective actors, 147, 150 ; slave and black, 147 Represertlante de bienes communales, 268 Republica de indios, 44

Praletar;an ; zanun. 1 Pranundam ;m;tm 299 Protochronisnt xix; definition of nx Puebla , Rodrguez, 48, 51

Puebla (state), 155

Pueblo , El, 78, 79, 80, bad pueblo as todder for politicians , 71, discourse o good and bad pueblo , 70; portrayals of, 65 ituted positive and negative , 65; substi by progress, 79 Public opinion , xxii, 146 , 156, 157, 159, 206, 208 , 210, 266; concentrated in Mexico Ciry, x; and intel lectuals, 197; lack of, 284, mechantsms of, xxii; and social movements , 152, subsidized hy Che state, 233 Public rallies as corporate organisin, 76; divided by sectors , 76; increase in participation , 78; 1988 PRI campaign, 76; use o dress , 76, 77, use o television stars, 117 Public sphere , xv, xxii , 10, 25, 82, 102, 145, 147 , 149, 153, 159, 233 ; and collective actors , 150; definition of, 265; development of, 149; geography of, 146, and independence , 150; and local imelleetuals , 283; media of , 266, obstarles for creation ol, 163, and popular will 156; preferente for gossip , 158; and proletariat , 151; scgmented quality of, 83 Quetzalcoatl , 47, 272 Race , 27, 33, 48, 55; 'Old Christians 32 Racial identity ; manipulation of, 51 Racial ideolugies - during colonial pe; i ;d. 50, and Indians , 50, and procreauon 50; Spanish forros ol, 50

Respeta 270-71, when doing ethnographie work , 270-71 Restorcd Republie, xx Reto del Tepozteeo , El, 281, 282 Revolutionary nationalism , 55-57; model o, 55; reanimation of, 56 Revolutionary state : and the church, 156; creation o corporate groups , 74-75; differences between Porfirian state, 74; forros of cltizenship, 80 Revol utions , 207, 208 Reyes Los, 189 Ritual. 151 , 153, 159 ; appropriation
ot corruption , 146; and common culture , 155, connection with politics, 145; constitution o polity, 159-60 ; and corruption , 155; domination and subordination , 153; expansion o state institution. 157 ; importance during colonial period , 153; and political discourse, 154; production of, 146; and public opinion , xxii, 160 ; and public sphere, 145. 160 ; and ruptor , 154-55; and ,ehools , 155-56

Santa Catalina, 173

Santa Cruz Teypaca ; change o carnival signs, 189 , symbolism o names , 189-90 Santa Mara, 173 Santsima Trinidad , La, 173

In dex 351 =

Sonora, 52 Sovereignry, xiv, 81, dynamic of cultural produerion, 81; and fueros, 9, as paler potestas. 9; as poini of referente, xv Spain, 14, 1 5 , Bourbon reforms, 21, 23. 82 8 pan i ards, i ntellcctua l represen tati ,,n, 27[ Spanish cOncept ot, 17, legal category of, 16, legal notion of, 17 Spanish America, 5 administrativo colonial practicas, 5 enlightened munarchs, 200; following independence, 199,- ,larle ,ensota, 200, 202 and nauonalism, xx 4, nacional symbols ol, xiii; presidencial power, 225; revolutions, 27; upper cIases, 200; and Alexander van Hwnholdt. 199
Spanish eonquesr, 250; as origin of national race 53, as a "war of imagos," s3 Spanish Cortes, 64

254 and Mexican anthropology, 231, 232 Supc;hnrrio, 158

Tacuhaya, 179 laxco, 266 Tatro S.tnla Anua, 90 lecoloto 269

groups, 269, 274, 282; principales, 277; and progress , 184, pseudonym of El Tepoztectl, 181; rebellion, 276-80; Robert Redfield, 175; Relacin de Tepoztldn, 173; road to Cuernavaca, 184; Rojas Family, 174, 277, El Tepozteco, 181, 282; Tepoztizos, 185; tourism , 170-72, 281, tribute, 167; Unin de Campesinos Tepoztecos (UCT) 179, 180, 182; Valley of Arongo, 184; Villa de Tepoztln,
173, 267; Che vulgar class , 276, Zapatismo, 280, Zapatistas, 178, 179 Tertulias, 146

pology, 238-39; and French occupation o Mexico, 239; and Mexican intellectuals, 238; types o Mexican lndians, 245 UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mxico), xviii, 210, 214, 215, 231; preColumbian urban design, xviii; scientific output, 115 Universal Catholic Monarchy, 15 United States of America, 87, 131, 138, 171; alliance with Jurez, 96, fetishism with "Rationality," xvi; fetishism with "Western tradition," xvi, immigration control, 122, migration from Morelos, 183; opposition to Mexican monarchy, 87; Tepoztecan migrants, 190; and universal rationality, xvii; universities, xvi-xvii, 198; and U.S-Mexico border, 122 University system, xvi, architecture of, xvi, xviii; based on French models, 197-98 based en U.S . models , 197-98; under Echeverra, 214-15; emulation o English universities , xvi, expansion of, 214-15 Untitled photograpb of a Maya Woman, 257 Urbanity. equated with civilization, 172, signs of, 172 Urban rabble, 74-75 U,S.-Mexican War: and backwardness, 204
Usos y costumbres, 150

41

l elephone, 116 117 Televisa and high culture, 1161 and Enrique Krauze, 200, Iinks to intellectual groups, 1 16, and ' transition to democracv' 220 TclevIsion 116, 117 122 156, 219 Te ancho ti ln, 37 Tenorio= Trillo, Mauricio, 241, 249 Tcpoztccan mythology, 168;centerpcripltery ntythology, 168-69, story of El Fepoztectl, 168-69
Tepozrecd El, 168-69.181 Rpozteco. 6l, 181, 282; pseudonym o El Tepo'ztect1, 181 lepoztln, xxii, 159, 161, 188, 189, 265, 266. 279, 285; antiprogressive disconOC . 184, artificial flowers st,ategy, 170, 181, 192; brujos, 270 ; calpuflis of, 173 ampesinos, 280; carnival , 188-91; and (th,he church, 169; and cidzem 286; Colonio Tepozteca, 179; and colonization , 184, consdmtion of, 167; cunsuuacd as peri pheral , xx; construuion uf che center, 169, and corrupin,n 207; and cultural mediation, 283; uva n,ieros , 270-71; education, 186, elites. 174, 180; employment, 186, fiestas 148 -90;1540 censos ,173;foreigners 185; as " I ndian ," 170; intellectuals, 169, 272, 277, 280, 282, The intruder, 169-71, lack ol cominunal voice, 276; land ;,,cc, 184, 185; location of, 167, mokanp o jurisd iction, 173, Mexican Ihevaluriun, 178; migrants , 171-72, 1 85 186, 187, 190, 192-93; rnulticol rural 1511' 186; los notables , 276, 277;

Testera Jacobo, 153, conversion o lndians , 153; use o icons, 153 Texcocans, 16 Texcoco, 37 Textile workers, 149 Tlahuica Nahua, 173 Tlabuieole, 97 Tlanepanda, 173 Tlatelolco massacre, 214; and Enrique Krauze, 216 Tlaxcalans, 16 Tonalli, 38, 39 Tourism,142,183,184,185, 186,188,
252, 273, 281; excursionistas, 184; and land prices, 186; patterns of urbanization, 186

Spanish Enlightenmenc. and patrcotism. 23 Spanish invason of 1829, 70 Spanish language, 21, 32, 172, language of, 18; as modero fono of Latn, 32 notionalizabon of the church, 18
Spanish lasr names, 174, 274 Spanish nationalism, 18, 21; built un religious militancy, 21; developmeni of, 27 Spanishness, 9, 18; and civil izarion. 18 and connection with church, 18-19; and language, 18, nacional consrruction of, 18-and eelig;on, 18; and territory, 18 Spencei, Herbert, 50, 52

Trade unions, 152; and public sphcre, 151 Transition to democracy, xxi. 152, 164 Transnational capital impact of xxi Tpac Amaru, ton Tornee, John Kenneth, 255 Turner, Vctor, 11, 108, 224; essay en Hidalgos revolt, 108 Tutino, John, 220 Tylor, E. B . , 234-35, 236, 239, 241, 242, 254; Juan Alvarez, 245, Anahuac, orMexrco and tbe Mexicans, Ancient and Modere, 235, classihcation of Mexican races , 244-45, contrast w,th Justo Sierra, 242; description of Mexico, 235, 237-39, description of Mexico' s national museum, 237-38; description of Yucatn, 235, development o Mexican anthro-

Sports; and fiestas, 156

State formatiom. and,ntellectuals 198, and population information , 198,- ro[, in crcating nacional ci tizcnry, 1 17 Sratistics, 136, 204; in Chiapas, 244, as a mcasu,, of common good, 198, and mystique of modernity 205, in Yucatn, 244

Valley o Teotihuacn, 250 Van Young, Eric, 220 Vasconcelos, Jos; building o schools, 74; and contact zone, 135; as "intellectual caudillo," 224 Vsquez, Genaro, 140 Vaughan, Mary K., 73, 155, 156 Velsquez, Fidel, 119 Velsquez de Len, Don Joaqun; debate with FatherJ. Antonio Alzate, 8 Veracruz, 15, 147, 200, 206; 1915 renters' strike, 152 Verdery, Kathleen, xix Viceroys, 198

Slatue of Ibe ;blrxtsan Goddess of War or of dealh] Teoyaomiqui, 240

Stavenhagen, Rodolfo, 232 Stern, Alexandra, 139.252

Ccnovevo de la O, 179; Orne Tochdi, 173; and orientalizatfon, 166; peasants, 167, perlpheral status of, 167; politieal

St ident movenient ( 1968), x1, 77, 214. 216, 221, 226, 259; and indlgcnistas, 232,

nde x 352 =

353 =

Victoria, Guadalupe, 31, 94, rem.nns placed in Merco C nv. e4: violauon ot tomb hy Panrrican s:ddiers c,+

\V'snrack, lohn 267 \Fndd Bank. 129 Sc.... hubia. xl

Vilar, Manuel. 97 Villa, Pancho 9.1 98 descc ratlon

tomb 94; as ol,cct ot scient,hc'utcres 94

Xc 11ol1h'111ic

; n1Velrlents:

ante-Chinese

n roa u m Sonora

131, anti-Spanish

nti n;ent 131 : Arabs 131; identificaflor, w ,t1, Ioreign businessmen, 131; us.. 131
X eu te ncatl. 239 Xo:1[In. 26'i

Violente < ,f 1-13 Virgen de C,undalule and Miguel Hidalgo 47, 48, and los Mara Morelos -47 painting ot . 19. 20 217, 28 Virgen de Guadalupe escudo dr sah;d em:nn la epidemia de M,lllam6unti de vie-1735. 20 Virgin o the Nativiry, 168, 169 Von Humboldt, Alexander, 26, 30, 234; and Bourbon rcforms, 26; portrayal of Spanish America , 199, publications of, 26; roya) mmmission of, 26 Vuelta, 218 , 219, 226 Waire, C. B 105 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 191 Ward, George, 30 Warman, Arturo, 183; director o INI, 232; minister o Agravian Reforni, 232, 260; and Carlos Salinas, 232-33; and Ernesto Zedillo, 233 Weber, Max, 35, 266 Weiner, Annette: discussion of exchange, 36; focus un inalienable goods, 36

Yautepec. 178,271 Yucatn, 52, 67, 244 Zapata, Emiliano, 98, 178, 280, 283, Mrxieo: Biograpby of Pomo, 224; Zapatismo, 180, 280 Zrate, Julio, description of conditions o Indians, 66, prohibition of jails in haciendas, 66 Zavaln, Lorenzo de- chronicle of voyage to America, 65, comparisons between the United States and Mexico, 65-66 Zedillo, Ernesto, 223; as well-meaning democrat, xxi
Zineantn, 161 Zizek. Slavoj, 208 Zolov, Frie, 134; description o the hippie movement, 134

CLAUDIO LOMNITZ is professor o history and anthropology at the University o Chicago. His arcas o interest include politics, culture, and history. He is author o Exits from tbe Labyrintb, Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National Space, Evolucin de una sociedad rural, and Modernidad indiana: nueve ensayos sobre nacin y mediacin en Mxico.

Ziga, ngel, 285

edex 354 =