Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages
Proceedings of the International Federation of Social Science Organizations (IFSSO) 19th General Conference. 21-23 of November 2009. Pornping Hotel, Chiang Mai, Thailand. Nestor T. Castro, PhD Editor

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Internationa Federation of Social Science Organizations (IFSSO) Room 209, Palma Hall, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Telephone/Fax number 63-2-9262511 Website: http://www.ifsso.net Email address: ifsso_secretariat@yahoo.com

GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION: Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages Conference Proceedings IFSSO 19TH General Conference 21-23 November 2009. Pornping Hotel, Chiang Mai, Thailand.

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Foreword by Nestor T. Castro Global and International Migration: Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages by Komatsu Teruyuki International Migration of Filipino Seafarers and Its Impact to National Development by Leon R. Ramos Jr. Bugis Diaspora in Tawau District of Sabah, East Malaysia: Challenges and Trends in the Context of Managing a Multicultural Society by I Ketut Ardhana and Yekti Maunati Current Issues of Migration and Multiculturalism in Europe by Hidasi Judit Filipino Diaspora in Azerbaijan: Case Study in Migration, Adaptation, and Acculturation in an Increasing Globalized Context by Ruben Z. Martinez The Phenomenon of Filipino-Japanese Marriages by Leslie Bauzon Bumbay, Kulambo and Five-Six: Narratives on the Formation of a Sikh Community in the Philippines by Darlene Machell de Leon Espeña Loei Elderly Library by Rattana Sangsawang Singapore Experience of the HRM and Tourism Students of Lyceum of Philippines University in the Context of Cross-Cultural Orientation Initiatives by Mark Irvin C. Celis and Sevilla Felicen Nurses on the Move: Singapore’s Policy on Foreign Nurses and Its Implications for Japan by Keiko T. Tamura Overseas Workers and the Formation of Multi-ethnic Mining Communities in New Caledonia by Nestor T. Castro













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The Effect of Trust toward Koreans and Social Support on Acculturative Stress: A Case Study of Eastern Asian International Students by Hyein Park, Eunjeong Namgung, and Yoonjung Jeong The Philippine Overseas Contract Workers Migration: A Continuing Phenomenon by Joseph P. Lalo Migrant Workers in Thailand: Current Situations and The Impact of the Economic Crisis in 2009 by Supang Chantavanich Nursing Migration in Singapore: The Filipino Experiences by Norma L. Menez and Cecilia Pring Situating Multiculturalism and the Politics of Identity in Contemporary South Korea Through Discourse Analysis of Main Intellectual Views by Jihoon Choi, Ziyeon Chae, and Sook Young Kwon






CONFERENCE DETAILS Conference Program List of Conference Participants IFSSO Executive Board 146 148 151

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This publication contains the papers presented during the 19th General Conference of the International Federation of Social Science Organizations (IFSSO), which was held in Chiang Mai, Thailand in November 2123, 2009. IFSSO has been holding biennial conferences since 1975 with each conference focusing on particular social science themes. The theme of the 2009 Conference was “Global and International Migration: Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages.” The conference was undertaken in the light of increased human trans-border mobility during the 21st century. Transnational mobility can be analyzed at three levels, namely: 1) by looking at the push and pull factors that bring about mobility; 2) by discerning transactional considerations; and 3) by understanding the adjustments that people make to respond to other forces at play. The push and pull factors include the economic, social, political, religious, and cultural reasons for human migration, such as, but not limited to studying abroad, working in foreign lands, and searching for spouses from other countries. Transactional factors take into consideration the policies, rules and regulations imposed by certain power holders that may encourage or discourage mobility, such as in the case of migration laws of various nation-states. The third level of analysis looks into the role of agency in adjusting to or defying the rules of the game. Humans are not just meek followers but exert their own efforts in perpetuation their own individual or social group (e.g. family, ethnic group, religious group) agenda. Sixteen papers are presented in these Proceedings, coming from authors from Hungary, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand. However, the range of topics of these papers is broader, covering issues that are being experienced in Azerbaijan, East Asia, Europe, India, the Middle East, Malaysia, New Caledonia, Singapore, and elsewhere in the world. Komatsu Teruyuki provides us with an overall framework in understanding the phenomenon of human mobility, from early Hominin migrations out of Africa to the present. Using a historical approach, Komatsu stresses that the issue of social identity still plays an important role in motives for and outcomes of human mobility. Four conference papers focused on issues pertaining to multiculturalism. Hidasi discussed about the current problems faced by European Union in dealing with migrants, especially those coming from Africa and Eastern Europe. She deconstructed the current understanding of the concept of multiculturalism, mainly based on the European experience. I Ketut and Yekti looked into Bugis diaspora into East Malaysia. The Bugis are originally from South Sulawesi in Indonesia but are now spread out in both Indonesia and Malaysia. The two authors investigated on the nature of Bugis identity and how it has been negotiated and re-negotiated in new political landscapes. Castro discussed the cultural conflicts that take place in multi-ethnic settings, such as those in mining communities in New Caledonia. Such type of communities will continue to arise because of more and more transnational development projects and the increasing demand for overseas labor. However, alongside the formation of multi-ethnic settings are the growing tensions between various ethnic groups. Choi, Chae, and Kwon wrote about multiculturalism in South Korea using the methods of discourse analysis. They particularly looked into South Korean and Japanese perceptions of one another in situations such as the work place and in accounts portrayed in the mass media. On the other hand, four conference papers focused on overseas employment. Lalo, in particular, dealt on the general phenomenon of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) since the export of labor is the number one contributor to the Philippine economy. He discussed the early beginnings of this phenomenon and how it has grown into a lucrative, although non-sustainable, industry for the Philippines. Ramos discussed a particular subset of OFWs, that of Filipino seamen. Filipinos also make up the biggest chunk of seamen all over the world. Many of them are hired by ships that are registered in various countries. Meanwhile, Martinez explored the situation of Filipino contract workers in Azerbaijan, a country that is a melting pot of Central Asian, East Asian, and Eastern European cultures.

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In contrast, Supang tackles the situation of foreign workers within Thailand. Many of these workers come from the neighboring countries of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. They come into Thailand because of both tenuous economic and political situations in their respective countries. Interestingly, two papers covered on the situation of foreign nurses in Singapore. Tamura looked into the policies imposed by the Singaporean government in regulating the entry of foreign nurses into the country while Menez and Pring looked at the issue from the standpoint of Filipino nurses in Singapore. Two papers were devoted to the problems brought about by studying abroad: Celis and Pring’s paper sharing about the experiences of Filipino students while doing on on-the-job training in Singapore and Park, Namgung, and Jeong’s paper on foreign students in South Korea. The former tackled the cultural interface between Filipino and Singaporean students in an academic setting. Of course, this setting is also situated in the context of a multicultural Singaporean society, made up of Chinese, Malay, and Tamil cultures. The second paper looked into the complex relationships between South Korean students with those of other East Asian students, especially those coming from China and Japan. One paper, authored by Bauzon, probed into the phenomenon of international marriages. He particularly focused on the situation of Japanese households composed of Japanese husbands and their Filipino wives. The paper offers an important insight into the identity of children who are products of mixed ancestries. Espeña offers an historical account into the emergence of Sikh communities in the Philippines. She examines the economic position of Sikh Indians in Philippine society while at the same time pointing out how the Sikh are stereotyped and discriminated against by the mainstream Filipino society. Rattana’s paper describes the situation of the elderly in a particular Thai community. In that paper, she assesses the support systems that are available to the elderly. All of the aforementioned papers are products of original research by IFSSO members and scholars. Admittedly, however, many of these papers are preliminary outputs and need to be enhanced by further research. It is hoped that IFSSO continues to undertake cross-cultural studies in the future. IFSSO encourages researches that are collaborative and inter-disciplinary.

Nestor T. Castro, PhD Editor

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Global and International Migration: Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages
KOMATSU TERUYUKI IFSSO President Today, we are all concerned about domestic and international social problems, namely: the issue of unbalanced and ill-distributed wealth. By engaging ourselves for the education of young people, we have high hopes to carry out our mission for the betterment of human security in the 21th century. As an individual member of society, we can contribute only a small portion of our social mission. However, we see that many people are genuinly concerned about this issue, and bravely engage themselves for the betterment of human security around the world. The core of our task lies in the issue of the “Human Heart” or Kokoro in Japanese, and the issue of “Human Prejudice” which evetually leads to a behavior of “Discrimination” against others. To alleviate this situation, we need concerted efforts to understand each other through “Grassroots Educational and Cultural Exchanges” and Social Science research must contribute to this framework. Now let me briefly review the history of human migration in order to understand the meaning and sense of “Historical Time” and grasp the core issues of the present and future of humankind that is currently witnessing high-speed development under the name of Globalization. Research Objective Entering into 21st century, the global influx of human mobility has dramatically increased. Accordingly, the old paradigm has become obsolete in explaining broader issues in terms of multiple identities in individual, family, group, national, cultural, religious, ethnic, and racial terms. The new paradigm must present insights into the emerging realities of domestic, international, and transnational boundaries in such complicated factors and forces behind these dynamic movements. The scheme of transnational mobility can be analyzed by three major factors. They are: (1) the push and pull factors; (2) transaction; and (3) adjustment factors. The first issue relates to rules and regulations set by States and agents who provide services for the diverse needs for mobilizing people. Their services are extended for humanistic learning, labor migration, human trafficking, refugees, and emigration. Although the separation of national borders is a severe reality, the emergence of increased and heightened mobility is penetrating unilateral responses, thus pushing this reality to bring about diverse cooperation by the multinational corporations and non-state actors, such as humanitarian and environmental NGOs. In this context, the purpose of our research is to create a better visibility of this dynamic human mobility by bringing the findings from macroscopic views and microscopic views on the issue. The macro analyses focus on country profiles which give a detailed overview of the national-scale observation on the issue. Specifically, these profiles include statistical figures on mobility, State rules and regulations, political and economic agenda, and the socio-cultural background. The micro analyses explore the psycho-social, socio-cultural, and cross-cultural phases of the issue, such as ideology, cultural change and adaptation, and the quality of life caused by the diverse interaction to the phenomenon of migration. History of Migration To refresh our memory and to confirm the historical time-dimension, allow me to review briefly the origin and history of human migration. 1. Origin of Mankind (2.5 million BC ~ 10,000 BC) The history of mankind reflects a continuous mobility and migration. The first appearance of human ancestors called “Anthropoids” appeared about 7 million BC in the savannah of eastern Africa. This is approximately 5 million years earlier than the appearance of Homo erectus that walked with two legs and eventually spread throughout the African continent. The earliest human ancestors are evidenced by the archeological discovery in Olduvai Gorge (valley) in the eastern part of Tanzania approximately more than 2

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million years ago. Later, in 600,000 BC, these people began to migrate towards the Asian continent under the warm climatic conditions. By 1 million BC, the Homo erectus in Asia, e.g., the Java Man, Peking Man, and Heidelberg Man, presumably began to utilize fire as a tool, and Homo Rhodesians who are regarded as the ancestor of the modern human race appeared in Africa over 400 thousand BC. The Neanderthals marked the first appearance of human ancestors in the European continent. The Homo sapiens, meaning “man of wisdom” and who were the ancestors of modern mankind, lived in the eastern part of Africa at around 170 thousand BC and slowly spread over to South and West Africa. The climatic changes in African continent provided new habitable green environments and maintained that type of environment for over 120,000 years. From Homo erectus to Homo sapiens, our human ancestors began to move towards the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea. Another group of Homo sapiens traveled all the way through the shorelines to Java Island in Asia by 10,000 BC. On the other hand, other groups traveled northbound towards the European continent passing through the region of the Middle East. The oldest evidence of European ancestors was the Cro-Magnon people, who were discovered in the southwestern part of France and dating to 50,000 BC. Looking at the Australian continent, humankind reached there at about 40,000 BC. After the final Glacial Period, ending by 18,000 BC, the first humans reached North America, and by 10,000 BC, European ancestors advanced to Northern Europe for the climatic warming and started agricultural farming in the history of mankind. 2. Origin of Language (3000 BC~) Evidence of ancient human activities heavily relied on the recorded history by means of “Language”. The Indo-Europeans were the people who inhabited the European continent and spread to northern India from around 4000 BC. Although its origin is still unclear, the original Indo-European language is regarded as the first sophisticated human means of communication, and their tribes started to move westward during 3000 BC, and the southbound movement reached all the way to India through Persia at around 2000 BC. The renowned Indian “Rig Veda”, the Bible of Brahmanism in Sanskrit, was the oldest record of the IndoEuropean language. The original form of the Latin language was used in the Italian peninsula based on evidences dating 700 BC, and the original form of Germanic languages was used in Europe. Modern-day world languages are the result of global migration, and the root of these languages rest could be tracted to the earliest Indo-European language. 3. History of the Empire When we look into world history by region, there have been numerous changes with regards to Empires. Human history is basically the history of wars and migration. In Europe, the Romans founded the Empire sometime between the 1st and 2nd Century, while the Frank Empire took over at about the 8th to 9th Century, followed by the Crusades from 1096 to 1099. The 15th Century was the time for Reconquista, and in the 19th Century, the Napoleonic Wars occurred. The First World War took place from the latter part of 19th Century to 1914. In East Asia, nearly 2,000 years of history was centered on China. The 3rd Century BC was the period of the Three Waring States, and the 12th Century was the Southern Song Dynasty followed by the Ming Dynasty in the 15th Century. The 18th Century was the last Dynasty of Qing, which was ended by the British invasion. In Southwest Asia, Assyria expanded over the area in the 13th Century BC and became the first recorded Empire in human history. It covered Mesopotamia, Egypt, and brought about the unification of the Orient. In the 6th to the 5th Century BC, the Akemenes Persian Dynasty reigned in the region and this was later taken over by the Umaiya Dynasty, becoming the Arabian Empire and evolving into the birth of Hinduism and Islam. During the 16th to the 17th Century, the three most powerful Islamic nations occupied the area. They were the Osman Empire, the Safabee Dynasty, and the Mogul Empire. Entering into the 20 century, the entire region was divided by European colonization. In Southeast Asia, the Ankhor Dynasty reigned in the present-day Cambodia and Thailand, and the entire region was colonized by Western powers during the 19th to the 20th Century, except that of the Kingdom of Siam (now Thailand). In the American continent, the Aztec Empire prevailed in Mesoamerica while the Inca Empire reigned in South America during the 15th to the 16th Century. In the 18th Century and before the American Declaration of Independence, North America became under British control by defeating France. On the other hand, Spain

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and Portugal kept Central and South America as colonies. By the early 19th Century, however, many Central and South American countries eventually became independent. 4. Migration and Jewish Diaspora Another remarkable and astonishing fact of human migration is the history of Jewish people. Let me briefly follow their movements. The history of the Jewish people reflects the longest record of human migration caused by the religious persecution. In 1500 BC, the Israelites – the ancestors of the Jewish people – fled from Egypt and settled in Canaan. This is the area of the Middle East that form the lands mentioned in the Bible and the ancient Kingdom of Israel. They believed in only one God, Yahweh, and had the great lasting influence on both Christianity and Islam. Around 1000 BC, Saul became the first king of Israel, which later split into two kingdoms, namely Israel and Judah. After 1,000 years of internal warfare against the Assyrian conquest and their banishment to Babylon, the Jewish kingdom of Judea was founded, but later on became under the Roman Empire. Thousands of Jews were enslaved and exiled after the Romans put down the Zealot uprising at Fort Masada in 73 AD. The beginning of Jewish Diaspora takes place in 135 AD under the Roman emperor Hadrianus. His persecution of Jews caused Jewish diaspora and global migration. During the 6th Century and onto the 17th Century, the Jewish people were under continuous persecusion and had to flee to different parts of Europe and later to America during the late 19th Century. In 1897, the first Zionist Conference was held in Bazel, Switerland which resulted to the establishment of the nation of Israel in 1948. 5. Jewish Diaspora and Multi-culturalism During mid 15th Century to the end of the 18th Century, Jewish people in Frankfurt, Germany were confined within the so-called “Ghetto” area in a self-autonomous way and under strict Jewish religious laws using the Yiddish language, the Jewish German language. This situation resembled to the existence of a small nation within a nation. The question, then, is how these two independent cultures and nations were merged in a premodern period? The original stimulus came from French Revolution which gave ways for the separation of State and religion, and provided freedom of belief and equality in citizenship. Under the new law, the liberalization movement against the discrimination of Jews meant that drastic changes were necessary to be taken by themselves on the following issues: (1) the Jewish people need to change their names into German names; (2) use German language; (3) obey German laws instead of Jewish Religious laws; and (4) to become Germans. The Jewish efforts for this assimilation came from within themselves, yet it meant the loss of Jewish ethnicity. Because of these reforms, ethnic conflicts were somehow managed on the surface and yet the deep-seated prejudices were inerasable during the early part of the 20th Century. As Einstein puts it, the Jewish people are interchangeably labeled by the convenience of German people, “Calling Jews as Germans on happy occasions, and Jews on unhappy occasions”. German Nazis made irreplaceable damage in the human history through the Holocaust, and German Jews lost their identity and belief “as good German citizen”. Immigrants in Modern Germany In 2005, about 19% of Germans are the descendants of immigrants, i.e., one out of five people. Moreover, one out of three is a child of immigrants. The cultural and ethnic differences created socio-cultural tensions based on differences in cultural, linguistic, and religious traditions. In modern Germany and in Europe in general, multi-culturalism is an important ideology, and yet ethnic assimilation or acculturation is not an easy task to accomplish. The core issues for mutual co-habitation rest in the balance between the macro-phase of the democratic social system and the micro-phase of harmonious everyday-life culture. 6. Japan and Migration Japan’s patterns of migration are synchronized with its economic ups and downs. In early part of the 20th Century, the first large immigration policy took place through government initiatives, i.e. by sending a large number of people first to North America and later to South America. It was 80 years of history of “Catching Up the West” from the Meiji Restoration in 1867 all the way onto the end of World War II in 1945.

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In the postwar, Economic Reconstruction took over 20 years to recover, and by the 1970s, Japan was transformed from a “Debtor Country” to a “Creditor Country”. Similar to that of a present-day China, the economic expansion indicated a two-digit growth for almost over 20 years until hitting the “Bubble Economy” in the 1990s. For the social changes that are happening in modern Japan, it is expected that in the coming 20 years, 1/3 of the population will belong to the senior members of the society, i.e. over 80 years of age. Consequentially, there will be an expected shortage of manpower, combined with a low fertility rate. We are faced with a situation without good examples or texts to follow to meet the first-time social challenges in the coming years. In 2008, there are 2.2 million foreigners in Japan: 655,000 from China, 589,000 from Korea, 312,000 from Brazil, 210,000 from the Philippines, and 59,000 from Peru. The total number of “Registered Aliens” is 433,000. Based on their residence status, there are: 100,000 Permanent Residents; 63,000 Spouses (of Japanese citizens); 44,000 Long-Term Residents; 33,000 College Students; 80,000 Qualfied Laborers; and, 111,000 belonging to the “Others” Category. 7. Japan and International Marriages The current ratio of international marriages is estimated at 1:17, which shows phenomenal changes in recent years. Of this number, 70% are Japanese husbands to foreign wives. According to rank, the foreign wives come from the Philippines, South Korea, North Korea and China. However, this country ranking is rapidly changing due to the global economic conditions. Under ongoing multi-cultural movements, Japan must find new ways to cope with inter- and intra-cultural changes. Conclusion The most recent summary report prepared by the Science Council of Japan’s Task Force on the Role of Social Sciences, one important mention was on the issue of “Identity” in three phases for the 21st century. First, is “Self Identity,” i.e., who I am. The second is “Social/National Identity” while the third is “International Identity,” i.e. to live together by crossing boundaries for “Our Mutual Survival”. Finally, I would like to conclude my Opening Remarks with a deep appreciation for your participation in this important Conference!

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International Migration of Filipino Seafarers and Its Impact to National Development
LEON R. RAMOS, JR. Lyceum of the Philippines University

This paper is about the migration of Filipino seafarers and its vital role to the national development. It is within these parameters that this study framed its objective. That is, to asses the current status of permanent, temporary, and irregular migration of Filipino seamen. This study employed a qualitative method of research, focused interview, and library research as primary sources of data. A self-made questionnaire was developed and administered by the researcher by means of several roundtable discussions and tripartite meetings with the administrators of the different maritime schools in the Philippines. The research participants included selected Presidents, Crew Captains, Chiefmates, Chief Engineers, 2nd Mates, 3rd Mates, 2nd and 3rd Engineers, and faculty members of the leading maritime institutions in the country. The results of the Study revealed that: 1. The international migration of the Filipino seafarers was brought about by both social and economic reasons. This happened because they seek for salaries that they couldn’t find through domestic employment. Annually, enrollees for seafarer-related courses are drastically increasing, such as BS Marine Transportation (BSMT), BS Marine Engineering (BSMarE), BS Naval Architecture (BSNME), and Diploma in Maritime Superintendents (CHED memo draft 2009). a) b) c) d) Shipping Business Administration (SBA); Marine Education and Training Administration; Port Administration, Safety and Environmental Protection (PortAd); and Shipboard Administration Deck and Engine Streams (ShipAd).

2. The international migration of the Filipino seafarers was because they must learn to adapt to the nature of their job, because once they lose positions on board, it is very difficult to get them back into the maritime industry. 3. The international migration of the Filipino seafarers was because of the trend of Globalization. “People live in a global society, which is supported by a global economy and that economy simply could not function if it was not for ships and the maritime industry, which is the backbone of the global economy. Hence, without shipping, intercontinental trade, the bulk transport of raw materials, and the import or export of affordable and manufacturing goods would simply not be passed.” (Bautista: Governor, Lyceum International Maritime Academy). 4. The international migration of the Filipino seafarers was because of the reality that migration itself is a very fluid phenomenon. There is an estimated 8.2 million Filipino seafarers. 5. Filipinos abroad (U.N. Commission on Population, 2006). In the case of the Philippines, the fluidity of these cross-border population movements covers 193 countries and territories, as well as oceanplying vessels. This overseas migration movement by Filipinos are also economic in nature.

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Figure 1. International Migration Framework (PSNA)

Deployment of Sea-Based Filipino Workers, 1984-2004
250,000 Deployment Growth Rate D 200,000 e p l o 150,000 y m e 100,000 n t 50,000 A 25.0 n n u 20.0 a l G 15.0 r o w 10.0 t h R a 5.0 t 30.0

1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Year


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Source of DOLE 2006

Trend in Remittances, Filiino Seafarers, 1997-2004 (Atual Values in Thousands of US Dollars, Soure: BSP)
1,600,000.00 1,400,000.00 1,200,000.00

1,000,000.00 800,000.00 600,000.00 400,000.00 200,000.00 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004


Migration of Filipino Seafarers vis-a-vis National Development 1. From the results of the interviews, a President of a leading maritime school in the Philippines told to the Researcher that the National government, especially the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), should review the curriculum in order to strengthen Maritime Education following international standards, such as ISO, IMO, UNCTAD, ICS, MOL, and DWT, so that the increasing international migration of the Filipino seafarers will continue to help our national economy. In terns of tax and investments, one of the questions asked during interview session focused on how maritime institutions could help Filipino seafarers improve their performance in the international market to become partners in national development. Hence, a careful examination of responses revealed that global trend is pointing to the stiffer employment of seafarers abroad. This is why the CHED and its Technical Panel for Maritime Education, is planning to revise the curriculum for BSMT and BSMarE. They are proposing for the inclusion of a management-level course. A local maritime figure warned that the priority for the maritime industry now is on the quality of seafarers that we are producing. According to him, as per the National Congress on Maritime Education and training with the standardization in the global shipping field, ship owners are now given wider choices among seafarer producing nations. This could prove that competitive Filipino seafarers must demonstrate that they have the potential to take charge and be real global seafarers. Today, Filipino seamen remain the top choice of the leading shipping companies in the world, such in the case of Mitsui O.S.K Liner LxL (MOL), the world’s largest shipping company and Japan’s first ocean-going passenger and cargo liner.

2. A Chiefmate who has an established experience on board for many years and who was able to visit many countries, made an outstanding assessment on seafarers’ migration. According to him, it is not only about economic reasons but it has something to do on the real status of maritime education in Philippines that serves as a challenge for Internationalization. If we really wanted to speak about

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national development and the impact of migration of Filipinos Seafarers on it, it is important that the national government, through the CHED, should focus on how to invest in terms of giving enough budget to Maritime Education. 3. One of the questions asked to the informants during the interview sessions focused on how Filipino seafarers handle their jobs effectively and what are the motivating factors on why they keep on going to other countries considering that they will be apart from their respective families. Another question is with regards to the social and ecomic impacts on them and to the national development. In the maritime profession, you have to choose between your individual happiness and the future of your family. Although we Filipinos are basically family-oriented – one common basic autonomous social Iinstitution that develops the initial character foundation of an individual Filipino trait (Agoncillo) – and we give importance on family, it is also important that you could provide a good life for your family that could be inputted to national development. The obvious contribution of the Filipino seafarers to the vision of the national government “to become a First World nation in 2020” is highly observable during the administration of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (News Asia). 4. A Chief Mate and a 2nd Mate from the Magsaysay Institute of Shipping (MIS) mentioned that migration for Filipinos is also a way of building excellence and professionalism. The MIS wanted seafarers from the Philippines to be globally competitive by producing well-motivated and technologically-advanced officers and crew who are capable of operating sophisticated ships. Filipino seafarers have the potential to gain an international reputation that they are properly trained, willing to work long hours and endure loneliness, and are loyal and efficient workers.

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References Abuid-Paderangga, Arlene Interview by Author (2008) Asian Institute for Maritime Studies (AIMS). Academic/Programs. Electronic data: http://www.tulane.edu/uc/paralegal Adanza, E.G. (1995). Research Methods: Principles and Applications, Rex Bookstore, Manila, Philippines. Arcelo, A.A. (1993). The Edcom Report: Thrust on Human Capital, Makati City, Philippines. Borja, A. “AHOY! The Seafarer’s Magazine”. Bringing them home safe. The official Publication of the Apostleship of the Sea. March 2006. Chavez, G. “Maritime Inquirer Volume III,” Philippines, September 2002. Cordero Marlon (3/E) Interview by Author (2009) Phil. Merchant Marine Academy. Dacanay D. “AHOY! The Seafarer’s Magazine Vol. XI No. 72”. The official Publication of the Apostleship of the Sea. September to November, 2008. De la guete Chito (PhD) Interview by Author (2009) Philippine Association of Maritime Institution (PAMI) (2000). Diokno, J. (1990). Nation For Our Children Quezon City, Philippines. Dolor Geronimo (Capt.) Interview by Author (2009) Lyceum International Maritime Academy Garcia G. “Access maritime technology Vol. 1 No. 1”. Improving Maritime Education. June 2005. Laurel, Peter P. (President) Interview by Author (2009) Lyceum of the Philippines University. Lyceum of the Philippine University Batangas school catalogue (2009). Maritime Academy of Asia and the Pacific (MAAP) (2009) school catalogue . Medina, Fe R. (Vice President) Interview by Author (2009) Lyceum of the Philippines University. Navarro, E. “The Navigator” An official Publication of the master of mates association of the Philippines, Inc. July 2007. Ramos, Leon Jr. R. (Academic Director Participant observation Lyceum International Maritime Academy 2009). Salzano, C. “Worldwide Shipping Vol. 1 No. 1”. The leading authority for International Shippers, Carriers, ports and service Providers. April 2007. Wood, J. “AHOY! The Seafarer’s Magazine Vol. XI”. Philippines Official Publication of the Apostleship of the Sea. July- 2008. Zalazar, Louisito (2/M) Interview by Author (2009) Philippine Marine Institute (PMI).

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Bugis Diaspora in Tawau District of Sabah, East Malaysia: Challenges and Trends in the Context of Managing a Multicultural Society
I KETUT ARDHANA Udayana University, Indonesia YEKTI MAUNATI Indonesian Institute of Sciences

Sabah, East Malaysia has been the location for a range of diasporic communities including the Bugis, the Bajau, the Chinese, and Indians to name but a few. The Bugis in particular hold an important position there, especially in the cities of Kota Kinabalu and Tawau. The international migration of the Bugis, especially to Malaysia, has taken place over three main phases: during the 17th century, around 1965, and from 1980 to the present day. The early migration was due to the fall of the kingdom of Sumba Opu in South Sulawesi to Dutch colonial power. At that time, it was not only commoners who migrated all over the archipelago and to other parts of Indonesia and Malaysia but also nobles. The second wave was partly due to the Islamic rebellion in South Sulawesi while the last wave was economically motivated. Slowly, the Bugis took up significant roles in both economic and political arenas. In the new country, the Bugis also practiced their traditions and established networks amongst themselves. The Bugis believe that “wherever they step on land, they will follow their practices/customs” and they usually stay permanently. This paper is based on a study of the Bugis in the Tawau district of Sabah. It is widely understood that in the early establishment of Tawau, the Bugis played an important role, including being the early penghulu of Tawau and were given land as a kind of payment. Up to now the descendants of the penghulu remain the owners of land in downtown Tawau. The Bugis have also joined many organizations linked with the Malay or Bugis Indonesia. Indeed, in terms of ethnic identity, the group has contested identities: being Bugis Malay, Bugis Sabah, and Bugis Indonesia. This paper will also discuss the way in which the Bugis have slowly come to dominate economically and become a leading group in Tawau. In addition, we will touch upon the formation of majority and minority groups in a multicultural society, such as Tawau, and discuss the position of the Bugis in this society. Introduction The Bugis people, who originally came from South Sulawesi in Indonesia, have a high mobility. There are many other ethnic groups, apart from the Bugis, who reside in South Sulawesi, including the Makassarese, the Mandar, and the Toraja. When people refer to the Bugis in Tawau, this in fact also covers other groups like the Makassarese and the Mandar. Like the Minangkabau who come from West Sumatra, the Bugis in Indonesia are also well-known for migration outside their own region and even further to other places beyond Indonesia, such as Sabah, Sarawak, and Tanah Semenanjung in Malaysia. They have been successful in adapting to local traditions and cultures (budaya tempatan) to the extent that they can exist successfully in social, cultural, economic, and even political arenas. In Malaysia as in Singapore, their existence is marked by the establishment of kampong Bugis in several urban locations where there are Bugis communities. For example, kampong Bugis have been found in many cities in Malaysia, like Kuala Lumpur and Kuching, to mention a few, but they are conspicuously absent in Tawau. However, this does not mean that there is no Bugis community there. The absence of such kampongs is surprising since Tawau has a popular place in the Bugis diaspora. Bugis informants explain that this absence of kampongs in Tawau is due to the fact that the Bugis are the dominant ethnic group in both the economic and political arenas in Tawau. However, they play in two positions: 1) when they do not struggle in terms of ethno-nationalism by supporting the national identity (nation-state) of the state in which they reside, they therefore stand for Malaysian citizenship; while 2) some of them continue to have Indonesian citizenship though they reside in Tawau. For those who have resided in Malaysia for a long time, in terms of the nation-state, they no longer hold strong ethnic-nationalist views and they began to be considered as Malays (the Malayness), which are the dominant group in the context of Malaysia in general . In this situation, the ethnic Bugis began to bolster their position

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in the context of both Malaysian and Indonesian nationalism. This can be understood because the ethnic Bugis is not amongst the dominant ethnic groups in Sabah, but they are indeed an ethnic minority in the political map of Malaysia in general. This can be understood by the fact that in the local context, they are commonly known as the Bugis Sabah who play up their Bugis identity, and on the macro level in the Malay Peninsula, they are well known as the Bugis-Melayu (Bugis Malay). The aim of their strategy is to negotiate their identity-position in terms of economic and trade opportunities since, if they refer themselves as the Malays, they will get more opportunities with regard to trade, economics, and political positions, such as participation in political parties, bureaucratic jobs, etc. The Bugis people are not only religious and economic leaders, but they are also political figures on both local and national levels. Essentially, they are active not only in social and cultural arenas but also in politics in Malaysia. The pertinent question for this paper is how do they negotiate their identities in the context of the “Bugis-ness of the Bugis” in Malaysia? In order to understand this question, the main focus of analysis will be on two topics. First, how do the Bugis determine their ethnicity, identity, and diasporic community in Malaysia? Second, what kind of strategy has been used in the process and how do they obtain economic and political positions in a multicultural society? In this context, it is interesting to know how they conceptualize the notion of motherland or home in their lived experiences and also how they formulate the concept of nation-state in the region. Indeed, the Bugis have contested identities depending on the context and situation in order to survive. Contesting Identity It is widely argued that cultural identity is socially constructed (King 1982; Vickers 1989; Hall 1992; Eriksen 1993; Kipp 1993; Kahn 1993; Kahn 1995; Picard 1997; Wood, 1998; and King and Wilder, 2003). As King and Wilder argue:
Ethnicity is obviously expressed as a product of the past, evoking common origins, social linkages and shared cultural values and traits like language and religion. However, the historical dimension of identity also demonstrates that rather than identities being fixed, constant and immutable, they frequently change and can be acquired (2003:198).

For this reason, the more recent academic emphasis is to view identity and identity construction as the result of a dynamic interplay between context (and history) and construct. Eriksen (1993) has demonstrated some of the processes involved in the historical construction of ethnic identity in the case of Indians who migrated to Mauritius and Trinidad. In each case, the subsequent identity was different, thus working against the notion of an ‘essential’ form of Indian-ness.
(I)t would be misleading to start from an assumption of ‘primordial characteristics’ of groups or categories. The formation of different categories of ‘Indians’ in Mauritius and Trinidad, respectively, clearly shows this. Not only are the ethnic subdivisions within the ‘Indian’ category different in the two societies, but so are the stereotypical assumptions about ‘Indian culture’. Indians in Mauritius, where they are in a majority and dominate the state bureaucracy, often complain that they are good politicians but ‘have no talent for business’. In Trinidad, Indians have a smaller stake in the state bureaucracy and many Indians have gone into business (Eriksen 1993:84-85).

Another example of how cultural identities need to be viewed as constructions lies in the way identities may be strengthened when a group is under threat (Eriksen 1993). Hall (1992) concurs with this argument in his discussion of the processes of globalization. He notes the rise of particular or local cultures as a response to processes of globalization that, paradoxically, are seen to usher in cultural homogenization. The interest in larger global or national processes has seen a large number of studies directed at ‘minorities’ or otherwise ‘threatened’ or ‘weak’ groups or ‘in situations of rapid social change’ (Eriksen 1993:113). King, for instance, notes that the Kajang tend to identify themselves in opposition to the Kayan as a ‘defence mechanism against the politically dominant and aggressive Kayan’ (1982: 35). This, however, does not mean that dominant groups do not also have problems in ‘identity processes and the maintenance of identity’ (Eriksen 1993:113). Globalization has widely affected various ethnic groups, including the dominant groups in some countries. Where scholars tend to differ is on the degree to which the construction of cultural identity is linked to particular processes (for example, economic, political, nation-state-building, etc.) and different historical experiences (such as migration, conflict, civil war, etc.). In reality, such distinctions are not easily separated as in the example of the Hmong from Southeast Asia who have created transnational networks to further Hmong socio-economic, political, and cultural advancement (see Culas, Christian and Michaud, 2004). The Bugis have had some similar experiences in that they have been migrating nationally and transnationally in order to improve their socio-economic and political position. In Tawau, the Bugis have adjusted and been able to

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attain certain positions, especially those who hold Identity Cards (IC) of Malaysia. However, their experiences are not identical. In this paper we will discuss the contested identity of the Bugis, which is dependent on their context and situation. Identity construction is highly dynamic in the region and to illustrate this point, we consider the different identities amongst the Bugis and how they survive in a multicultural society. Eller defines ethnicity as the symbolic use of any aspect of culture in order to differentiate one group from other groups. For Eller (1999:9) then, ‘ethnicity is consciousness of difference and the subjective salience of that difference’. Eller further notes that even when ethnicity is associated with, refers to, or evokes ‘objectives’ or shared cultural or historical markers, it is nonetheless a subjective category (Ibid.). Ethnic groups usually do not utilise all aspects of their culture or history as markers of their identities. Besides, some elements of their culture may be found amongst other groups which can make it difficult to distinguish them from others (Ibid.). A case in point is that of Malay identity in Kalimantan. Many so-called Malays share a culture similar to that of Dayak groups because Dayaks who convert to Islam are often thereafter considered as Malay (Coomans, 1987). This is one example of how the criteria by which individuals are nominated either as Dayak or Malay may shift over time (see also Maunati, 2000). The use of certain cultural markers as the basis of group identity is itself subject to change. Eller notes how a group, which earlier chose religion as the marker of identity, may at a later stage choose to emphasise class relations or other parts of its culture (1999:9). An important feature of this discussion of ethnicity is therefore the extent to which the labeling of what constitutes a specific ethnicity is made and remade (Eller 1999:10). Eller provides an example of the shifting of identity from Black to African American in the United States. For Eller, this shift does not change the membership as much as transforms the marker of ethnicity from that of ‘skin colour to ancestral origin in the broadest sense’ (1999:10-11). Likewise, King and Wilder (2003:196-197) argue that to study ethnicity is to deal with the social and cultural processes and aspects that affect similarity and difference and to understand the construction and transformation of social and cultural identities by groupings of people. Central to this construction and transformation of social and cultural identity is the terms by which boundaries between groupings are constructed. Barth (1969) argues that the formation of ethnic groups involves social processes of exclusion and incorporation and the selection of social and cultural aspects which are considered relevant for the construction of identity and boundaries. The apparently arbitrary way in which cultural markers are selected and the importance of context in determining which elements are selected is further evidence of the constructedness of cultural identities. Eriksen stresses that:
(F)rom the Barthian emphasis on boundary processes and later studies of identity boundaries, we also know that the selection of boundary markers is arbitrary in the sense that only some features of culture are singled out and defined as crucial in boundary processes (1993:117).

He goes on to argue that ‘ideologists always select and reinterpret aspects of culture and history which fit into the legitimation of a particular power constellation’ (1993:118). Similarly, Winzeler (1997) noted that governments often manipulate cultural identity to lessen the unity of powerless groups. Eriksen (1993), Kahn (1995), as well as Picard (1997) similarly argue that ethnic identity is constructed according to the situation. Likewise, Eriksen points out that ‘identities are negotiable and situational’ (1993:117). This negotiable and situational quality of identity markers is clear in the way religious differences have been incorporated into identity formation. Picard (1997:186) points out the way in which Balinese define themselves with reference to a religious identity in opposition to Islam. Dayakness similarly is linked to Christianity and opposed to Islam, the dominant religion in Indonesia. If a Dayak converts to Islam, he is no longer considered Dayak, becoming instead ‘Malay’ (Coomans 1987). In similar vein, Winzeler (1997:219) finds that among the Bidayuh Dayak ‘usually to become a Muslim is to cease to be a Bidayuh’. Correspondingly, King (1982:27) pointed out that pagans that convert to Islam become ‘Malay’. Furthermore, this process of shifting identity/ethnicity has a long historical pedigree. As King(1982:38) found, as early as the 1890s European observers noted that many of the approximately 400 ‘Malays’ in the Putus Sibau and Mandai areas were ethnic Taman (Maloh) who had converted to Islam. To pinpoint the boundary between the Malay and the Dayak in certain areas of Kalimantan is not surprisingly somewhat problematic due to this means of shifting from Dayak to Malay. Therefore, the Dayak are not necessarily distinctively different from neighbouring ‘ethnic’ groups, although they are constructed as such. This intermingling of cultures is perhaps the order of the day rather than the exception. For as Said (1993:xxix) has argued:
Partly because of empire, all cultures are involved in one another; none is single and pure, all are hybrid, heterogeneous, extraordinarily differentiated, and unmonolithic.

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The markers of cultural identity may originate in a presumed distinctiveness of religion, language, and custom. However, overlapping may occur among different ethnic groups. In the grey areas where markers of identities overlap, the existence of cultural difference is particularly problematic (Kahn 1995). Such grey areas and difficulties in delimiting distinct ethnic groups often colour the process of identity formation. There is the possibility of the mixture or change of ethnic groups over time. Barth (1969:22) illustrates identity changes, for instance, with reference to the Yao of northern Thailand, Laos, and Burma. The incorporation of non Yao to become Yao also took place individually. King (1982:25) also provides an example of the process of delimiting distinct ethnic groups by exploring the concept of ethnicity in Borneo, pointing out that it is complicated and needs to be considered in relation to longstanding processes of assimilation that have occurred between neighbouring ethnic groups. As he found:
(M)any people who had been classified as ‘Maloh’ in the past had, over time, become something else, and the forbears of some people categorized as ’Maloh’ in 1972-3 had come from other ethnic groupings (King1982:25).

The above discussion of ethnicity and cultural identity is obviously connected to a related set of ideas that hinge on the concept of culture itself. As Kahn (1995) and others argue, culture is less organic and bounded than has often been claimed. In discussing the anthropological discussion of cultural difference and the image of a culturally diverse world, Kahn argues that both concepts need also to be recognised as cultural constructions. While Western sources remain important in the shape and formation of identity constructions – whether on the basis of Western-trained scholarship or the influence of ideas promoted by Western missionaries, for example – the power of Western representations is not the only force in the formation of identity in the contemporary world. There are also a number of powerful constructions and representations that derive from the local elite groups. In particular state agencies, intellectuals, and ruling and elite groups, have added to the complexity of representation and identity formation. Indeed, anthropologists and other observers have noted the role played by the nation-state (Eriksen 1993) and a complex array of ‘authorities’ (Barth 1989) in the representation of ethnic groups across Southeast Asia. For this reason, culture is best seen as the product of earlier processes and as open to reinterpretation and new ideas as well as the shedding of old components. In the case of the Bugis, it seems that Bugis people are categorised under many different categories, including Bugis Malay, Bugis Sabah, Bugis Indonesian, and Malaysian citizen. These classifications can be fluid. For instance, they refer to themselves as Bugis Sabah when they deal with the local government in Sabah, but they claim to be Bugis Indonesian when they discuss the conflict between Indonesia and Malaysia in the border area. The construction of cultural identity is complex in part because it is a product of history. Cultural identity itself is changeable depending on the context and on the power and vested interests at play. It is in relation to such issues that the construction of Bugis identity is contested depending on the context and particular situation. In Tawau, Bugis who have Malaysian ICs refer to themselves as being Bugis Sabah, but those who are descendants of early migration usually refer to themselves as Bugis Malay. It is important to understand the situation of the Bugis in Sabah and especially in Tawau before moving to the discussion of their contemporary life. The Bugis in Tawau: A Historical Perspective If we look at the development of Tawau and in relation to the coming of the Bugis to Tawau, it can be traced back to the early 1890s. At that time, around 200 people resided in Tawau, consisting of Tidong people from Bulungan and Suluk people from Tawi-Tawi who left Kesultanan Sulu (including Kudat, Sandakan, and Sebatik) around Borneo Island. They had resided in the Old Tawau from a long time ago, working as fishermen and hill rice farmers and trading with the Dutch (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau). Based on the North Borneo Annual Volume 1966-1965 report, the establishment of Tawau was around 1898. With potential in the agricultural sector, Tawau had developed quickly. There were several plantations, including the Kuhara Rubber and Manila Hemp Estates and the Kubota Coconut Estates. In addition, coal mining was located in Silimpopon, 80 miles from Tawau, run by the Cowie Harbour Coal Company from 1905 to 1930 mostly with Cantonese workers. It was also reported that there were about 60 shophouses, all timberbuilt, lining the two main streets of Tawau – Dunlop Street and Man Cheong Street – around the end of 1930s. The owners were chiefly Chinese and they sold food and groceries. Tawau has become a developed city that continues to attract more people (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau).

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The majority group of Indonesian citizens in Sabah are the Bugis who mostly inhabit the east coast and the districts of Tawau, Semporna, Kunak, and Lahad Datu. Recently, more than hundreds of thousands Indonesian citizens live in Sabah, especially Tawau; the majority are Bugis, while Timorese and Torajans represent a minority. They maintain strong relationships with their relatives in Indonesia, though many actually become Malaysian citizens. During British colonial times, the number of Bugis in Tawau was small and they resided side by side with local Tawau Malay people, including Malay Tidung, Malay Suluk, and Malay Arabs. Historically, Daing Mapata, a Bugis Chieftain from South-eastern Sulawesi, migrated to Tawau and brought with him 85 fellow Bugis to reside in Tawau Lama (Old Tawau). They started to establish small-scale trading as well as open up a jungle area to plant coconuts. Many Bugis married the locals and lived in harmony with the native Malays in Tawau. Due to these mixed marriages and other things, they came to be viewed as local Malay people. Similar to other Malays, they spoke the same language, Malay, and their lifestyles were equivalent to other Malays in Tawau. They also considered themselves to be local Malays rather than Bugis. These events were happening prior to the establishment of modern nation-states such as Malaysia or the Republic of Indonesia. In old Tawau, Ahmad (Linat) Mapata (Malay Bugis-Suluk) and Zainal Kerahu (Malay Bugis-Suluk) are two well-known people of the Bugis descendants in Tawau (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bugis_of_Sabah). Another important feature is that a large number of Indonesian Bugis migrated to Tawau (between 1960 and 1970) and worked as Indonesian contract workers for the North British Timber (NBT) Company and the British Rubber and Abaka (BAL) Plantation. At the beginning, they worked in Sabah temporarily, but then they settled in Malaysia and became Malaysian citizens. They sought to blend into the broader society of Malay people in Tawau. Another wave of Indonesian Bugis to Tawau was between 1980 and 1990, when Sabah was developing. They sought employment, especially as construction workers, plantation workers, transportation workers, and market sellers. Their numbers were massive, i.e. around hundreds of thousands. Recently, a large number of the Bugis from South Sulawesi have migrated to Tawau, however, these were nonregistered migrants and therefore considered as illegals (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bugis_of_Sabah). Since the 20th century, the Bugis influence in Sabah could be seen, especially when the Bugis migrated to Borneo and elsewhere, such as Peninsular Malaysia. The significant Bugis movement to Tawau, however, had been noted only since 1980 when they settled at Ranggu. This place was founded by the village chief K.K. Salim's grandmother, Bombalai, of Sungai Imam village. At the beginning, the Bugis were limited to trading. It was only later that other Bugis with different occupations, such as plantation workers, moved there. The Bugis had explored new places, including Tawau. In social terms, the Bugis often married close relatives, discouraging divorce which could jeopardize family linkages as well as jarring against their religious beliefs. It is also noted that the Bugis in Sabah are Bugis Indonesians. They migrated to Sabah after the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia as a modern state. They have maintained their culture and lifestyle; they migrated to Malaysia for economic reasons (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bugis_of_Sabah). The Bugis have kept their language, which is different from Malay. They also enjoy Indonesian films, songs, and dangdut music or Indonesian singers. This could be observed during wedding ceremonies across Tawau. The Bugis who migrated recently are scattered in their own community and tend to marry within their group. “They live as the Indonesian people in Malaysian country”. Nevertheless, now their sons or daughters do not follow the parents’ lifestyles, as they want to be similar to the Tawau Malay people (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bugis_of_Sabah). Based on the 1991 data, the population of Tawau was around 345,000. In Sabah, the non-Malaysian population represented around a quarter of the whole population. In 2006, the population was 2.997,000. The ethnic composition of the population in Sabah is: Kadazan-dusun 17.8%, Bajau 13.4%, Malay 11.5%, Murut, 3.3%, Bumiputra 14.6%, Chinese 9.6%, other non-Bumiputra 4.8%, other non-Malaysians 25%. The majority group is the Chinese who are concentrated in Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan, and Tawau. The majority amongst the indigenous people are the Kadazan-Dusun, Bajau, Murut, and a few Indians from South Asia. The collective peoples of Sabah are known as Sabahans, and identify themselves as such. In Tawau, in terms of ethnic composition, it is mostly local Malay people consisting of Malay Tidong, Malay Suluk, Malay Arab, Malay Jawa, Malay Banjar (Melayu Tawau), and also immigrants from Indonesia such as Bugis (20% citizen/ 80% non-citizen), Torajans, Butons, and Timorese; and the local Chinese represent about 12% of the population, 8% are Bajau, and with significant minorities being Iban and Murut. Nevertheless, a very large non-registered and illegal immigrant population from the Philippines and Indonesia could not be counted (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau). Tawau is indeed a multi-ethnic society.

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Table 1 Population Statistics of Tawau, 2007
Total Female Male Malay Dusun Kadazan Bajau Murut Other Bumiputra Chinese Indonesian Other Non-Bumiputra Total Malaysian citizen Non-Malaysian citizen Population distribution Population density 374,728 184,416 190,312 11,516 921 76 17,094 1,529 24,946 35,097 55,057 3,727 152,695 244.728 14.1% 40/km²

Source: (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau). Towards a Multicultural Society in Tawau: the Bugis position Bulmer and Solomons (2001:890) note that issues surrounding multi-ethnic societies will be the composition of such societies, the economic, political and social integration, and the exclusion of any group. Indeed, there have been some conceptualisations of such societies, including the plural society, the relations between majority and minority, the fractured society, and so forth. They further argue that multi-ethnic societies encounter problems of representation and political integration. Kivisto (2001:550) notes that the remaking of ethnic mixes is partly due to the arrival of new labour migrants not only in Canada and Australia but also in other receiving countries. Labour movements have been from less developed to the more developed nations. This migration is not necessarily to the most developed nations; this could happen to neighbouring countries that offer more job opportunities, such as from Indonesia to Malaysia. The contemporary movement of Bugis to Malaysia is a case in point. Previously the concepts used for explaining immigration and ethnicity are the concepts of assimilation and cultural pluralism but recently, to explain contemporary movements, the concepts of multiculturalism and globalization have been considered though there are some limitations to them (see Kivisto, 2001:550). Citing Steven Vervovec 1, Kivisto (2001:550) notes the possibility of overlapping and intertwining of the term of multiethnic society as:
(1) as a social morphology focused on a new border spanning social formation; (2) as diasporic consciousness; (3) as a mode of cultural reproduction variously identified as syncretism, creolization, bricolage, cultural translation, and hybridity; (4) as an avenue of capital for transnational corporations [TNCs], and in a smaller but significant way in the form of remittances sent by immigrants to family and friends in their homelands; (5) as a site of political engagement, both in terms of homeland politics and the politics of homeland government vis-avis their émigré communities, and in terms of the expanded role of international non-governmental organizations [NGOs]; and (6) as a reconfiguration of the notion of place from an emphasis on the local to the translocal.

Kivisto (2001:551) states that there are several perspectives on transnationalism, including those from anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, and geographers. From a cultural anthropological

Vervovec, Steven (1999) ‘Conceiving and researching transnationalism’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol 22, no 2, pp 447-62.

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perspective, for example, Glick Schiller et al 2 noted that there are differences between contemporary immigration and late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The early immigration has been argued to feature broken connections with migrants’ home countries while in contemporary immigration, migrants’ networks, activities, and patterns of life cover both home and host countries. In term of identities, migrant identities are multiple and fluid (Kivisto, 2001:554). If we look at the experiences of the Bugis in Tawau, it can be illustrated that the descendants of early migrants to Malaysia, considered themselves and were considered by others as Bugis Malay but the contemporary Bugis migrants are considered to be Indonesian since they moved to Malaysia for economic reasons and they do not necessarily change their citizenship. Indeed, in the latter case, the Bugis maintain close connections to Indonesia, as their homeland and also because that they have the opportunity to return to Indonesia if they do not get Malaysian citizenship. Nevertheless, there is another pattern in which some people who migrated during the 1960s got their Malaysia ICs and often refer to themselves as Bugis Sabah. This group has a different perspective to both the early migrants and the contemporary ones since they are located in the middle of those two groups. The Bugis are not alone in Tawau, Sabah. Tawau is a multicultural society with many migrants. Therefore, to understand the position of Bugis we need to understand the society as a whole. Genre Ammarell (2002:51) argues that over centuries, “Bugis migrants and settlers has developed a reputation for their ability to insinuate themselves into and eventually dominate local economies and social orders”. This has been the case in Indonesia. This seems to be relevant in Tawau as well since Bugis has also dominated many economic sectors together with the Chinese community. There are many studies on multiculturalism in relation with the emergence of a diasporic society. Indeed, the transnational movement of people have affected the mixing of ethnic groups in the receiving countries which in turn affect a multicultural society. Parekh (1997) states that today, multicultural societies can be found everywhere, where each group wants to preserve their culture while living in harmony with others. Managing multicultural society is therefore not easy. This is evident through the many conflicts which have emerged due to social, cultural, economic, and political interests. Therefore, analysing the emergence of a multicultural society by tracing it back to the history and migration process will assist us to understand the patterns and the origins of the people, their culture, and traditions. In Malaysia, aside from the Indian ethnic group, there are also the Chinese and the Malays, including the Bugis, who create diaspora in the region. Indian migration to Sri Lanka and other parts of Southeast Asia, particularly to Malaysia through Buddhist missionaries (which later became the well-known Hindu kingdoms of Southeast Asia), was followed by the migration of workers to the region. The development of the Mediterranean in the modern period was followed by a trade system in Indian Ocean and this was facilitated by Indian migration to the eastern coasts of Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East. In the 19th century, this situation was dominated by the British much as they controlled the sugar trade and oversaw rubber plantations. This also happened for the Indians in Fiji, Surinam, Guyana, Mauritius, Malaysia, Trinidad, South Africa, and other regions. Most of them created a diasporic community in the new region in the 20th century, while some of the professional groups found their own way to the United States, Australia, and other countries in the 'developed' West. In relation to this, we can see the role of the former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad whose ancestors were from Indians in Malaysia and who played a major role in terms of Malaysian Indians. Most of these Indian workers were invited to come and work in restaurants. The same patterns have been followed by the Bugis in Malaysia. They worked their way up from the low-level to highlevel jobs and in fact, the present Prime Minister Sri Majid Tun Rasak is a Bugis descendant. The Indian, the Malays, Bugis, and the Chinese play a major role in the creation of multicultural society in Malaysia. One might ask then what is meant by an Indian diaspora, a Bugis diaspora, and other diaspora? This term is connected to the Jewish community, in which the word 'diaspora' is used regarding the notions of both distribution and fragmentation of communities. In general, it is usually related to the existence of diasporic communities. In other words, being the diasporic community or having links with the land which they left and to which they might return is a state of being which always subsists, namely a connection between 'motherland' or 'home' (see: Vinay Lal, Reflections on the Indian Diaspora in the Caribbean and Elsewhere).

Glick Schiller, Nina, Linda Green Basch, and Cristina Szanton Blanc (1922), ‘Transnationalism: a new analytic framework for understanding migration’ In Glick Schiller, Nina, Linda Green Basch, and Cristina Szanton Blanc (eds.), Towards a Transnational Perspeective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered, New York: New York Academy of Sciences, pp. 1-24.


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If there is an Indian diaspora and a Bugis diaspora, the question is what kind of the process is engaged in constituting these people as Indians and as Buginese? This can be understood in terms of the social dynamics of the foreign country in which they stay. In the foreign country, both the Indian and the Bugis have their own regional identity and their own linguistic and ethnic identity which differs from the general national identity as an Indian. It is argued that it is easier to be an Indian overseas rather than in India itself. The category of India is not as contested in a foreign country as it is in India. (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/reflect.html). This may be a similar dynamic to that experienced by the Bugis. The characteristics of the population in Malaysia at the present day are a mix of several ethnic groups, which has later been interpreted as multiculturalism. The notion of a multiethnic society has actually been in existence for more than 150 years. For example, the early migration of the Bugis in Malaysia, now called the Bugis Melayu, happened in the 19th century. As fishermen, they moved from one place to another to get food for subsistence. In Malaysia, the Bugis often refer to their identity as Malay which differs from other ethnic groups, such as the Indian and the Chinese. Meanwhile, the Bugis from Indonesia who migrated to Sabah Malaysia around 1960s and the contemporary movement of Bugis are popularly referred to as Bugis Sabah or Bugis Indonesia. Although politically there are differences between the Bugis, i.e. the Bugis Malay, Bugis Sabah, or Bugis Indonesia, according to interviews, they have similarities in terms of their cultural traditions and practices such as weddings, traditional clothing, and so forth. The original ethnic groups in Sabah are from Bulungan and known as the Tidung or Tidong people. These people are different from the Bugis who are living in the Bandar or Bandarraya or the town/city; the Tidung people usually reside in the remote areas. In addition to this, there are also other ethnic groups such as the Bajau or Bajau Sabah who live by the sea and there are also the Bajau Filipinos who live in Kudat and Johor and other ethnic groups from Brunei. As mentioned previously, the migrations have occurred in several waves, especially to Malaysia in general. In Malaysia itself, people could move from the Malay Peninsula to Sabah and vice versa. The migration of Bugis in Sabah, especially Tawau, have also occurred since the 1950s and in the 1960s when there was a political resurgence in South Sulawesi, when the army under the name of Darul Islam (DI) rebelled and Tentara Islam Indonesia (TII) moved to East Kalimantan but had not yet entered Tawau, Malaysia. At that time, there were not many Bugis migrants in Tawau, but there were already some Bugis who had migrated to East Kalimantan, such as in Samarinda and Tarakan. This can be understood since the region not yet developed as it has at the present time. At that time, Tawau was colonized by the British and the region was still undeveloped. The migration of the Bugis to East Kalimantan was due to the economic crisis and poverty in the region of South Sulawesi. The Bugis traded copra with other traders in Eastern Indonesia. However, the situation changed in the 1970s when the Bugis migrated to take up economic opportunities in terms of labour in the new region in Tawau Sabah. This is because the 1970s was the initial period of Malaysian independence from the British occupation, in which many sectors needed labour resources to support the development of Tawau. There are two categories of the Malaysian population, firstly, the indigenous people or Orang Asli and the Bumiputra; secondly, the other groups, namely the Chinese and the Indians. Malaysia is a multicultural society and the population is approximately 22 million people. The population in the Malaysia Peninsula is around 14.6 million, while the population in Sabah and Sarawak is approximately 3.3 million. The maintenance of harmony in everyday life represents the pride of the nation. The national language is the Bahasa Melayu, while the second language is English. The other languages are Tamil and Mandarin Chinese, and other Chinese languages, such as Hokkien, Hakka, Teow Chew, and Cantonese. Though Islam is the national religion, the Malaysian constitution guarantees the freedom of people to practise different religions. Islam, Christian, Hindu, Buddhist, Taoism, and Sikhism are the dominant religions in Malaysia. There are many mosques, temples, churches in Malaysia. Due to its strategic location between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, Malaysia becomes a melting pot for traders and visitors from western and eastern of the regions. However, its history is a continuation of the foreign powers, particularly from Europe. The Bugis people of Tawau have close relationships with other Bugis in East Kalimantan, Indonesia, especially those in Nunukan and Tarakan. They depend on each other and maintain social relations. They practice similar cultural traditions and maintain their culture as marker of their identities. However, the Bugis of Tawau must choose whether they want to keep Indonesian or Malaysian citizenship. Historical evidences show us the manner in which they finally determined their identities, particularly through the period of confrontation in the 1960s. The confrontation period illustrates how, although they are from the same ethnic group, after the emergence of modern states like Indonesia and Malaysia, they finally chose their own citizenship as Malaysian or Indonesians. They were part of other ethnic groups such as ethnic Bajau, ethnic

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Kadazan-Dusun, and ethnic Malay who supported the idea of nationalism. That happened in Indonesia, where the Bugis chose to be Indonesian citizens. Therefore, after the independence, they have different orientations, one group being Indonesian and other group being Malaysian in the context of strengthening the Indonesian and Malaysian nationalism. The concept of ethnicity and identity is manipulated in accordance with social, cultural, economic, and political contexts. The Bugis are both in Indonesia and Malaysia and they still practice their local traditions as we can see in the context of marriage ceremony, sunatan ritual 3, and other cultural traditions where they invite their family to attend such rituals. In Tawau, Bugis people have not only continued to practice their own cultural traditions similar to that in their home country, but also they have improved their position through a modern education through which they enter bureaucratic jobs as welleducated people. They also play a major role in integrating the other minor ethnic groups in an attempt to strengthen the existence of ‘the Malay’ as a coherent Malaysian nation. Their mode of adaptation to a new life has been acknowledged by other groups. For example, based on interviews with informants, it is said that the Bugis settle down in a new region and try to develop the new area rather than returning to South Sulawesi. Indeed, they moved for good. In the past when Malaysia was under the leadership of Mahathir Mohammad, not only did the Malays emerge as leaders on the social and cultural stages, but also in the political arena, particularly in terms of the political stability in Malaysia. However, when Malaysia was under the new Prime Minister, there emerged some conflicts relating to other ethnic groups, for instance the ethnic Indians felt that they were being marginalized. Some protests emerged and Prime Minister Tun Sri Majid Abdul Rasak tried to solve the problem. Majid introduced the concept of “integrated Malaysia” (Satu Malaysia) with the intention that the policy strengthens the interest of the common people by prioritizing the output of government programs (“Rakyat didahulukan, pencapaian diutamakan”). This policy was to work alongside the notion of prioritizing prosperity, implementing a just society, and strengthening national integration. This also aimed to strengthen the totality of ethnic groups in Malaysia and not to separate one from the other, which would jeopardize national harmony. However, some argue that the idea of One Malaysia is a bit too late, as there is not only one state or government school system where various ethnic groups can learn together, but in fact there are already in existence certain ethnically-based schools, such as Chinese schools, Arab schools, and Indian schools. The introduction of the concept of “One Malaysia” by the Kuala Lumpur government was expected to integrate the social and cultural aspects of Malaysian society, but it is also necessary to consider the economic and political aspects with regard to the political bureaucracy. The argument of being too late to establish the concept of “One Malaysia” is due to the establishment of the Chinese schools, the Indian schools, and the Malay schools that are considered to separate from the idea of unity if they are later on to join the bureaucracy system. There is an argument that this move might disrupt the idea of national identity in Malaysia. The Bugis in Indonesia do not have such a problem since the schools in Indonesia are not based on such ethnic lines; everone can enter any school that they want to. Therefore, when a leader from the ethnic Bugis becomes a political leader in Tawau Sabah, it is expected that he cannot fight only for his party in the context of “keSabahannya” (Bugis Sabah) but he must also prioritize the interests of the central government in Kuala Lumpur. In this case, the ethnic groups such as the Bugis and the Kadazan-Dusun are part of a dominant ethnic group in Tawau Sabah and they are also grouped in with the ethnic Malays who in turn are the dominant ethnic group in the Malay Peninsula. In this region there are many ethnic Bugis as well, known as the Malay Bugis (Bugis Melayu), and this ethnic group is grouped together with the Malays. This is the main reason why the Bugis in Tawau often fight for the Malay interests rather than just for the interests of their own ethnic Bugis-Sabah. Since the ethnic Bugis are dominant in the region, the Bugis also play a dominant role in the bureaucracy in terms of national interests. As they represent the dominant groups at the government level, which is under the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) political party, they of course will prioritize the interests of the dominant group. For instance, although there are many regulations, the dominant group will still get the benefits in the context of land ownership. This is as a result of their position in local government and also due to the large number of Bugis in the legislative body in Tawau. Based on interviews with Bugis informants, they told us that a Bugis officer is in charge of land affairs in Tawau. In Tawau, winning the election, or the “pilihan raya”, is very important because the Bugis constitute the major groups in the trade sector and therefore must have a good and strong position in the government offices. Political decisions have been made in order to strengthen their position in the economic sector. The position of the Bugis in the government bureaucracy which represents Malay-ness (kemelayuan) as a dominant group seems to be successful not only in terms of the economic arena but also in the political sector.

Sunatan, or the circumcision for young boys, is part of Islamic tradition.

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The dominant position of ethnic Bugis in Tawau allows the opportunity for them to establish good economic cooperation networks with the Bugis of East Kalimantan. Most of the Bugis in Tawau have their own lands in East Kalimantan, such as in Nunukan and Sebatik, Indonesia. This can be seen in the cooperation at the oil palm plantations amongst the Bugis who have common ancestors. Social and economic networking seems to be strong amongst the Bugis, both in Malaysia and in Indonesia. Kivisto’s (2001) argument seems to be relevant in this case since contemporary migration has brought a special relationship between the host and the home countries. In this case, the Bugis keep their close relationship with fellow Bugis in Indonesia, the home country. They also maintain a voice in their home country due to keeping close networks with fellow Bugis of South Sulawesi and other parts of Indonesia. For example, when a Bugis family has a wedding party, we found that many Bugis from Indonesia, including from South Sulawesi and East Kalimantan, attended such ceremony. We were told that with this kind of ritual, it is usual to invite other Bugis from Indonesia. Keeping the traditional wedding is also equally important for the Bugis people of Tawau. The issue of Malay-ness is considered significant since the Bugis’ trade activities can benefit from the government’s policies and have a good reputation as well as being economically competent. In Tawau itself, the economic sector was initially dominated by the Chinese but in several economic sectors (such as the fish market and transportation), the Bugis people came to dominate. This situation is different from that in the Malay Peninsula and Sarawak where the Indian and the Chinese continue to play a major role in the economic sector. Indeed, economic domination by the Bugis can be clearly seen in the field of transportation, including the ships connecting Tawau-Nunukan and Tawau-Tarakan. Based on interviews with the ship owner, it was learned that they moved to Tawau sometime in the 1960s-70s and they now hold Malaysia ICs. They mostly started work at the bottom rungs, such as laboring for the logging company, trading, and working in transportation, but because of their diligence, they slowly were able to buy ships themselves. They got loans from the bank at the beginning and repaid them regularly. Apart from sea-transport, the taxi transportation sector is also dominated by the Bugis. A Bugis family also owns the buses connecting Tawau to other cities in Sabah, especially Kota Kinabalu. He is well-known Hajji (someone who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca) in Tawau. He also owns a big restaurant. Many Bugis indeed run restaurants. There is also a Bugis who owns a downtown mini-market. Meanwhile, the Indians work in the food restaurant sector while the Chinese work at banks, hotels, and food restaurants at the seaports. This indicates a strong degree of competitiveness in the economic sectors in Tawau. However, it is not only competitiveness amongst the Malay, the Chinese, and the Indians, but also there was a strong sense of competitiveness at the macro level between the Indonesian and the Malaysian people on Pulau Sipadan and Pulau Ligitan during the 2000s, a struggle which was ultimately won by Malaysia. This problem became a threat to the relationship between the Bugis in Indonesia and those in Malaysia who have the same ethnicity in the border areas between the two countries. This also occurred in the context of Ambalat block issues. The Indonesian media often showed Malaysian ships entering Indonesian territories on television. This caused some conflict between Indonesia and Malaysia in relation to the matter of the sovereignty of each country. The people who are mostly the Bugis in Tawau were contacted by their families in South Sulawesi about the border problems and asked them to return to Makassar in South Sulawesi. However, the issues only touched the national elite level both in Malaysia and in Indonesia. The everyday life of the fishermen remained as normal and was not disturbed by political issues and it is said that there are many Bugis from both sides who catch fish in the region of Ambalat (Ambang Batas Laut). The everyday life of the people both in Nunukan, Sebatik and Tawau in Malaysia and the Bugis in East Kalimantan, such as Nunukan and Sebatik, seem not to be strongly influenced by political border issues at that time. Meanwhile, in the region of Tawau itself, it seems that the conflict was not widely broadcasted by the Malaysian media. The macro-government Malaysian policies did not want to publicize this issue to the Malaysian public as it might disturb popular harmony at the Malaysian and Indonesian borders. It is clear that nobody wants to wage a war, or as it is called “Ganyang Malaysia”. They do not want wage a war since most people at the border between Malaysia and Indonesia are Bugis who share ethnic identities. The people in the border region prefer to talk about the increasing economic development rather than talking about border conflict. Both the Bugis in Tawau and the Bugis in East Kalimantan consider that the border problem is a problem between the Jakarta and Kuala Lumpur governments. The perception of a harmonious life should be built by the Bugis themselves, who play a major role in legislative body in Sabah, particularly in terms of the independence of the Bugis in Malaysia and Indonesia. In economic terms, this could represent a contribution for both governments of Indonesia and in Malaysia.

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Conclusion The Bugis in Tawau, Sabah indeed live in the border area between Malaysia and Indonesia. The people in the border areas have the same ethnicity. They are still independent in terms of social, cultural, economic, and political dependencies, since the two groups have economic relations for a long time in their history. They still recall and practice the same cultural traditions handed down from their ancestors. After independence, each group developed separate national identities, either as Indonesians or as Malaysians. Historical evidence shows that confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia contributed to individual consciousness regarding the emergence of the Malaysian nationalism and Indonesian nationalism. Although they have the same ethnicity as Bugis, if national conflict emerges, they must choose a side either as Indonesian or Malaysian. The confrontation period represents a positive experience for the Bugis. The dominant group, which is represented by the Bugis, work together with other ethnic groups such as the Bajau, the Kadazandusun, and the Malays to support the Malaysian nationalism in contrast to the Bugis in Indonesia who have supported the idea of Indonesian nationalism. It can be said that notions of ethnicity has been manipulated in social, cultural, and economic terms. However, if there is a political conflict, both of them will support their own national identity either as an Indonesian or Malaysian. The issues of ethnicity will be negotiated in terms of their own social, cultural, and economic interests. In addition to this, the Bugis in Malaysia will construct a concept of kaum in order to adopt small ethnic groups as Malays in the context of being Malaysian. By introducing the concept of “One Malaysia”, Prime Minister Tun Sri Majid Abdul Rasak hopes that the Malaysian state becomes a united state despite diversity of religion, ethnicity, and language. The condition in the home country becomes a push factor for the Bugis to attain a better life in a foreign country which, they believe, will become their home. There is a saying that “telah terjadi hujan emas di negeri orang.”

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Selected bibliography Ammarell, Genre (2002) ‘Bugis Migration and Modes of Adaptation to Local Situations’, Ethnology, Wenter 2002, 41,1, Academy Research Library, p51-67. Appel, Amity C. P. (1986) The Belusu of East Kalimantan: Ethnographic profile and basic word list, NRB 18-2: 166—175. Appel, G. N. (1972) Rungus Dusun, in Lebar, F.M. (ed.). Ethnic Groups of Insular Southeast Asia (Vol. I). Indonesia, Andaman Islands, and Madagascar: 150-153. Ardhana, I Ketut. Jayl Langub and Daniel Chew (2004) “Borders of Kinship and Ethnicity: CrossBorder Relations between the Kelalan Valley, Sarawak and the Bawan Valley, East Kalimantan”, in Borneo Research Bulletin, Vol. 35. Finland: University of Helsinki. Ardhana, I Ketut, Yekti Maunati, Dundin Zaenuddin, and Sri Sunarti Purwaningsih (2007) Dinamika Etnisitas dan Hubungan Ekonomi Pada Wilayah Perbatasan di Kalimantan Timur Sabah: Studi Kasus di Wilayah Krayan dan Long Pasia. Jakarta: Pusat Penelitian Sumberdaya Regional-Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (Research Center for Regional Resources-the Indonesian Institute of Sceinces). Abu Bakar, Muhd Yusuf (2005) “Dua negara berkongsi sebuah pulau”, in Berita Harian, 17 Agustus 2005. Al-Ahmadi, Abdul Rahman (2004) Tamadhun Rumpun Budaya Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Kementerian Kebudayaan Kesenian dan Warisan Malaysia. Ali, Sulhi Mohd (2005) “Bekalan Listrik dari Indonesia”, in Berita Harian, 11 April 2005. Bulmer, Martin and Solomons, John (2001) “Conceptualizing multi-ethnic societies”, Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol 24 No 6 November 2001, pp. 889-891. Dahlan, H. M. (1989) “Birokrasi dan Kepemimpinan pada Peringkatan Tempatan”, in Hairi Abdullah, Zulkifly Hj. Mustapha dan Fatimah Kari, Integrasi Sabah. Bangi: Penerbit University Kebangsaan Malaysia. “65 hektar tanah di Pulau Sebatik dimajukan”, in Berita Harian, 17 April 2005. http://dicky.wahyupurnomo.com/detik/?id=20235 http://www.untuksemua.com/lounge/perbatasanyangmencekam-4289/; http://www.kuis.ac.jp Hilsdon, Anne-Marie (2008) Migration, Motherhood and Sexuality: The Case of Filipinas in Sabah. (Seminar Paper Series Number 2). Kota Kinabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography and Development Universiti Malaysia Sabah. “Imigresen cadang perbanyak pintu masuk sah warga Filipina, Indonesia”, in New Sabah Times, 29 Maret 2008. Imang, Ubong (2008) Pembangunan Luar Bandar di Sabah. (Seminar Paper Series Number 7). Kota Kinabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography and Development Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Ishak bin Saat (2005) Sejarah Sosial Masyarakat Malaysia. Shah Alam: Karisma Publications SDN BHD. Ishak, Zulhisham (2008) “Agenda Pembangunan diteruskan di Pulau Sebatik”, in Utusan Malaysia, 31 March 2008. Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia Negeri Sabah (Department of Statistics Malaysia, Sabah). Siaran Perangkaan Bulanan (Monthly Statistical Bulletin) Sabah, October 2003. Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia, Negeri Sabah (Department of Statistics Malaysia, Sabah) Bulletin Perangkaan Bulanan (Monthly Statistical Bulletin) Sabah, December 2004.

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Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia, Negeri Sabah (Department of Statistics Malaysia, Sabah) Bulletin Perangkaan Bulanan (Monthly Statistical Bulletin) Sabah, April 2009. Kassim, Azizah dan Fazli Abdul Hamid (2004) “Public Responses to the Presence and Employement of Foreign Nationals in Sabah: Preliminary Notes”, in Azizah Kassim (ed.). Proceedings of Seminar on Public Responses to Foreign Workers in Sabah. Kota Kibabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography & Development. Kassim, Azizah, ed. (2004) Proceedings of Seminar on Public Responses to Foreign Workers in Sabah. Kota Kinabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography and Development Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Kivisto, Peter (2001) Theorizing transnational immigration: a critical review of current efforts. Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol 24 No 4 July 2001, pp. 549-577. Laporan Tahunan Kantor Penghubung KJRI Kota Kinabalu di Tawau, Tawau, 2006. Leong, Yap Pak (2004) “Foreign Workers in Sabah: Views from East Malaysian Planters’ Association (EMPA)”, in Azizah Kassim (ed.). Proceedings of Seminar on Public Responses to Foreign Workers in Sabah. Kota Kibabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography & Development. Mintzel, Alf (1997) Multikulturelle Gesellschaften in Europa und Nordamerika: Konzepte, Streitfragen, Analysen, Befunde. Passau: Richard Rothe. Mulia, Dayang Suria (2008) Illegal Immigrants in Sabah, Social Networks and Gender Differences. (Seminar Paper Series Number 6). Kota Kinabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography and Development Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Majid, Fadzilah Cooke (2008) The Bajau of Mengkabong: Potential Partners in Wetlands Conservation? (Seminar Paper Series Number 5). Kota Kinabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography and Development Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Nordin, Mohd. Zafrin (2007) “Penduduk Pulau Sebatik bakal nikmati kemudahan jalan raya”, in New Sabah Times, 11 December 2007. Nordin, Mohd. Zafrin (2007) “Penduduk Pulau Sebatik bakal nikmati kemudahan jalan raya”, in New Sabah Times, 11 December 2007. Ongkili, James P. (1985) Nation-building in Malaysia 1946-1974. Singapore-Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press. Osman, Mohd. (1983) Taib dan Wan Kadir Yusoff, Kajian Budaya dan Masyarakat di Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka-Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia. Parekh Bhikhu (1997) ‘Managing Multicultural Society’ Round Table, Oct 1997, 344, Academy Research Library, p 523-532. ”Pembangunan bandar sempadan Pulau Sebatik mampu jana ekonomi”, in Berita Harian, 26 Juni 2006. Pg. Rambang Pg. Abdul Halim (2004) “Pengambilan Tenaga Kerja Asing: Pengalaman Agensi Pekerjaan Negeri Sabah”, in Azizah Kassim (ed.). Proceedings of Seminar on Public Responses to Foreign Workers in Sabah. Kota Kibabalu: Research Unit for Ethnography & Development. Shim, P. S. (2000) “Origin of the Kadazandusuns, Paitanics, Idahans”, in Sabah Society Journal, Vol. 17. “Tanjung Arang sesuai bandar sempadan”, in Berita Harian, 13 Januari 2006.

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Current Issues of Migration and Multiculturalism in Europe
HIDASI JUDIT Budapest Business School, Hungary

Cultural diversity has traditionally been part of daily experiences in Europe, but due to increased mobility and migration Europe is facing new challenges in the way of experiencing and handling multiculturalism. We are dealing with a growing culturalist approach to migration: many claim culture to be the core factor in explaining the problems of multicultural societies. Mobility, migration and intercultural marriages trigger new challenges of intercultural interactions and communication. The paper aims at exploring the migration processes affecting Europe, at pointing out the main motivations of migration, the results of migration and the issues that pose problems on the level of the individual, of the community and of the society. As a local example Chinese presence in Hungary is briefly mentioned.

Interculturalism in the global age One of the key concepts of the 21st century is globalization (Berger-Huntington 2003). The word has diverse readings and interpretations depending on the context in which it is applied. It can be used in the sense of internationalization, in the sense of market-liberalization, in the sense of homogenization, and also in the sense of “americanization” (Hidasi 2008). These interpretations often overlap and are interconnected. In this paper, we mainly focus on the first meaning and impact of globalization, that is, on internationalization. “The world has gotten smaller,” people are fond of saying, since every single day, we are deluged with information from the most diverse fields from the most diverse parts of the world – sometimes more than we seem to be able to handle. It has come to the point when in the more developed and industrialized countries of the world, the problem is not how we can acquire information, but how we can access the information relevant for us in the most economic and time-saving manner, skipping over, as it were, data and knowledge of no immediate use to us. In other words we are struggling with efficiently managing information selection – whether that information comes to us through television, the internet, or other telecommunication sources. But the world has also gotten smaller in the physical sense – at least that is the way it seems to people involved in global networks requiring physical mobility: a businessman who has breakfast in Bangkok, a noontime meeting in Zurich and a dinner with a business partner in London is no longer a rare specimen. It hardly needs pointing out that while such jet-setting places enormous physical burden on the individual, the psychological pressure may be even more difficult to bear. A significant part of this increased stress and pressure is due to the fact that a good portion of our interactions have moved into the multicultural sphere. This is true not just for those people whose occupation has traditionally required international relations, such as businessmen, diplomats or tourism professionals, but also for an ever expanding circle of other activities as well. Everyday labor and learning are becoming internationalized with the appearance of multinational corporations, of international cooperation projects, international students, lecturers, researchers and last but not least of immigrants. By stepping out of the domain of tourism and travel and entering the sphere of everyday labor activities, multicultural relations in the life of the ordinary individual have become the order of the day, which make intercultural knowledge acquire a whole new dimension. It is the bread-and-butter of not just a narrow circle of occupations and activities any more, but an immediate existential requirement which all of us should meet in order to be able to realize our interests. The stakes are high, because intercultural competence or the lack thereof might be the difference between success and failure when it comes to multicultural relations in business, in politics or in administration. Consequently, it is very useful to become familiar with some of the basic concepts of intercultural relations and communication (Bennett 1998) as well as the potential and pitfalls inherent in them as this familiarity might enable us to move, think and work more efficiently in both the leisure and work spheres. These concepts help to develop our intercultural sensitivity, whose successful application is a key to fruitful intercultural communication. The terminology intercultural is understood in this paper as interaction between different cultures. Multicultural is understood as a concept describing the coexistence, cohabitation, collaboration of different cultures within a certain community or entity.

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Internationalization on the rise Internationalisation is definitely on the rise in the developed world: this phenomenon is attributable mainly to two factors: mobility and migration. Mobility – that we are witnessing on an evergrowing scale - is usuallly a two-way motion. Migration – in contrast – implies mobility with a permanent stay away from the home community or country. Students, academia, sportsmen, business-men are getting increasingly mobile: coming and going from one country to the other, from one academic or research institution to another one has become quite the norm – but this movement is on one hand often reciprocal, mutual and on the other it normally does not involve an everlasting separation from the home-country. The return to the home base is only a question of time or convenience and hence much less legal, social or psychological burden is put on the receiving side. Migration for the matter is a much more serious enterprise: this is a decision that deprives the migrant from his usual setting, from his familiar environment, from his home-country, and means a relocation with farreaching consequences both for the person who moves and the society that gives him asylum. Motivations for mobility Motivations for mobility can be manyfold, but a very significant factor is the desire to improve quality in different senses on the word. The demand to create and offer enhanced quality drives orchestras, footballteams, research groups and project-managers to attract the best players, the most outstanding scholars and most talented artists from all over the world for a certain performance, for a particular project or for a given research area. One would not find any more a leading orchestra, a world champion football-team or an important university faculty which is monocultural. The imperative of innovation in our age of knowledge society also requires joint efforts (of mostly multicultural teams) to create and produce new quality, resulting again in the need to be mobile – physically or virtually – for the members involved. It is not by chance that Nobel prize winners are awarded recently not so much for individual achievements but rather for team-work as a result of collaborative efforts. By mobility – apart from cognitive knowledge – students, professors and employees of companies gain international and intercultural experience, not speaking about the great opportunity to improve their foreign language skills. Hence mobility has become one of the key-concepts in developing the European educational domain. Motivations for migration Motivations of migration are of a different nature: political refugees constitute a great portion of migrants in many parts of the world often due to local and regional wars. In Europe political and economical motives are often interconnected in certain groups of migrants – mostly form the Middle East or Africa. This is often labeled as „forced migration” – that is people are forced to leave their country because of extreme poverty, of war or of violence.

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The migration of the labor force in Europe – traditionally from the south to the north, and from the east to the west – has also been much affected by the liberalization of the labour market – particularly within the boundaries of the European Union.

If we look at Figure 2, two peaks of asylum-seekers appear between the period of 1985 to 2007. One is in 1992, when following the collapse of the Berlin wall, hundreds of thousands have moved from East-Germany to the then West-Germany. Another peak can be seen between 2001 to 2003 – the period preceeding the accession of post-soviet countries to the European Union in May 2004. After the 2004 accession namely workers heading from Eastern-Europe towards Western Europe are not considered as asylum seekers any more – since they are also European Union citizens – consequently they are labeled not as asylum seekers, but as job-seekers. Demographic motives also interplay in migration tendencies: in spite of the falling fertility rate and decreasing child-birth tendencies in Europe, European nations are still far from the need to import “wives” for the young male generation as it happens in certain Asian countries. 41% of Korean farmers bring in their spouses from overseas (Shin 2008:62) and as a result the number of multicultural families is approaching two hundred thousand in South Korea. In a great many countries of Europe the ageing of the population requires measures to be taken to replace or at least to fill in younger generations partly for demographic reasons and partly for ensuring the labour resources in certain sectors. The situation is though very different across countries– some goverments (France) are successful in implementing effective family-support schemes – and as a result birthrate is relatively high (2,3%), while others (Germany) are lagging behind in terms of demographic data: 30% of Germain women do not bear any children in their lifetime. Common challenges of mobility and migration Mobility and migration might be different in many aspects (duration of stay; intention of stay: temporary or permanent stay; psychological attitude, etc.) but the challenges that are triggered by them can be of a very similar nature. • Societal and administrative issues (immigration procedures, health care, education, housing, employment for same-culture families) of incoming foreigners are to be solved in order to pave the way for them to operate effectively in the new country.

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• • •

Intercultural (mixed) marriages pose as a rule additional difficulties both administratively and psychologically. Identity issues – both for the host-society (national and societal level) and the immigrant/foreign communities (national and individual level) might come up – in different forms and in different ways depending on the context. Cultural issues that are rooted in differences of life-styles and in conflicting values might lead to human rights considerations and to debates not only on the level of the individual but also on the level of the whole community and society.

Recent migration trends in Europe Net immigration in Europe in 2001 stood at 3.0 per 1,000 inhabitants, compared to 3.1 in the United States. Europe (overall population 500 million) now hosts a population well over 60 million migrants, compared to 46 million in North America. There is statistical evidence that Europe’s importance as a region of destination will increase, as many opting for Europe want to have a better and safer life than what they had in their country of origin. These migrants who choose Europe as a destination of asylum arrive on their own will. At the same time however certain European countries recruit migrants to fill the labor and skills shortages that are predicted to rise in the coming decades. Germany for instance was intaking millions of guest workers (mostly untrained workers with low education levels) between 1956 and 1973. But many have decided to stay and settle and as a result from guest-workers then turned to be permanent migrants. Yet European governments and the communities – in different scales and with diverse intensity – continue to display a profound ambivalence about immigration. (Avramov 2008) While similarities between these countries should not be overstated, in almost all cases issues of labor migration, illegal migration, asylum and integration have become highly politically biased. All Member States of the European Union (27 member states as of 2009) are affected by the flow of international migration and they have agreed to develop a common immigration policy at EU level. The main objective is to better manage migration flows by a coordinated approach which takes into account the economic and demographic situation of the EU. The EU's common immigration policy foresees a wide range of common actions to manage migration flow, preventing and fighting illegal immigration at EU level and promoting return of illegal immigrants. The EU´s "comprehensive approach" towards effective migration management aims at taking measures, at all stages of the illegal immigration process, finding a balance between security and basic rights of individuals, in particular: • • • • • • • Cooperation with third countries Further strengthening the external borders Fight against human trafficking Tackling illegal employment Legal measures against illegal immigrants Return policy (of illegal immigrants) Improved information exchange

At the same time, it is widely recognised that the Eureopan Union needs migrants in certain sectors and regions in order to deal with its economic and demographic needs. In December 2005, the European Commission adopted a 'Policy Plan on Legal Migration' (http://ec.europa.eu/commission_barroso/wallstrom/pdf/communication_planD_en.pdf) which lists the actions and legislative initiatives that the Commission intends to take to pursue the consistent development of the EU legal migration policy. The European Commission has also adopted "A Common Agenda for Integration - Framework for the Integration of Third-Country Nationals in the European Union" (http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/communication/grants/index_en.htm), in which it provided new suggestions for action both at EU and national level. It is though clear form the outcome of these initiatives that in the first place measures against illegal immigration have been agreed upon – and so far much less has been achieved in the field of harmonization of a unified European action scheme for the handling and effective control of migration itself. The Stockholm Program (adopted towards the end of Swedish EU presidency in 2009) with its several compromises might not fully solve this issue either. The Spanish Presidency (January – June 2010) “will encourage a common immigration and asylum policy, developing the agenda for the Global approach on Immigration and for the

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European Pact on Immigration and Asylum… achieving an organized legal migration….controlling the Union’s foreign borders, furthering cooperation with countries of origin and transit…..will also encourage immigrants’ integration policies, based on Union values, education, intercultural dialogue and access and promotion of job diversity” (The Programme for the Spanish Presidency 2010: 16). The change of the nature of Europe’s cultural and linguistic diversity Cultural diversity has traditionally been part of daily experiences in Europe (Hill 1997), but due to increased mobility and migration (S.Kriszt-Hidasi 2008) Europe is facing new challenges in the way of experiencing and handling multiculturalism. Diversity (ethnic, linguistic, religional, cultural, etc.) and coexistence with diversity, furthermore cooperation between culturally diferring groups has had a long history in Europe not only on the level of communities but also on the level of nation-states: suffice to think of the AustroHungarian empire that had been successfully operating for a good many decades preceeding military defeat of the First World War. The empire spanned from present-day Italy to present-day Poland and to the Balkans. The multi-national makeup of the empire is illustrated by the fact that its population included Germans, Czechs, Poles, Romanians, Hungarians, Italians, Ukrainians, Croats, Slovaks, Serbs, Slovenes and numerous smaller nationalities. Hence the multiculturalism itself is not new to Europe: the handling and successful managing of multicultural communities is not a novum either. What is new, however, is the new make-up of multiculturalism. Whereas for hundreds of years multiculturalism was made up of peoples of “European origin”, the recent decades saw an influx of people of “non-European background”. This kind of multiculturalism is much more difficult to handle – because differences in terms of religion, in terms of values and in terms of world-view are significantly greater than before. In 2006 only, of a total of 3.5 million immigrants to the 27 EU member-states, more than 1,8 millions were not citizens of any EU member state (Herm 2008: 2-3). Europe has to learn to live together by now with people not from 30 or 35 nations (as earlier) but from 100. And this makes a significant difference in terms of tolerance, human rights and cultural awareness. The Swiss vote on the minaret ban (November 2009) was followed by opening a new phase of debate in France on “French Identity”. In a newspaper article President Sarkozy is quoted to ask the 6 million Muslims living in France for patience and discretion (The Journal of Turkish Weekly, 2009/Dec/25). We are dealing with a growing culturalist approach to migration: many claim culture to be the core factor in explaining the problems of multicultural societies. Over 60 languages are spoken in the European Union. Language diversity is very visible in Europe, but not unique in the world. Most of these languages have acquired the status of a cultural language that can be used in all domains of discourse in a modern society. At least half of the European languages are used in the scientific and technical domains and called ‘scientific languages’. They are used in communicating and transferring knowledge, e.g. in higher education. The EU expression Unity in Diversity refers to this mix of modern cultural languages, complemented by the capability of many Europeans to speak two, three or more languages. The founders of the EU proclaimed in 1957 that: The EU shall contribute to the flowering of the cultures of the Member States, while respecting their national and regional diversity and at the same time bringing the common cultural heritage to the fore. The European language system functioned well throughout the 20th century and still functions smoothly in most EU countries. Towards the end of the 20th century however a movement started to reform higher education in Europe. Internationalisation and globalisation were keywords of this reform wave. Some powerful groups rode the tidal wave to promote English as the international language of science and higher education, eventually duplicating and replacing national languages. In 2009, the number of English-taught higher education programmes in Europe is still only around 8% of the total, but the trend is upward and the distribution is uneven: in the North some countries show percentages of 25%, in the South and East percentages are small, all countries report a mild to serious pressure of English however. It is the ambition of social scholars to analyse these developments and their impact: culturally, linguistically, socially, legally and politically. Researchers (Breisky 2009) point out that the people of Europe are willing to accept and contribute to integration processes only if they are able to maintain and keep their cultural and linguistic identity. This requires the respect of the European heritage from the immigrants’ side. At the same time immigrants also insist to keep and practice their own heritage culture – which in many cases leads to conflicts in local communities. The need to discuss what should be and could be done is an imperative in order to prevent that Unity strangles Diversity.

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A local example: Chinese migrants and community-building in Hungary Although the number of foreigners living in Hungary (total population: 10 million) is relatively low (184 thousand as of 2009), the largest “non-European community” is that of the Chinese (Kováts 2009). The first attempt to establish a settlement of Chinese nationals in Hungary was attributed to the idea of creating a possible escape route for Hongkong leavers following the handover of the city in 1997 to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Discussions to this end however failed due to a number of unpublished reasons and the plan was never realised. Instead, as a result of the 1988 Consular Treaty between Hungary and the PRC that granted a mutual non-visa entry for tourists, and of the Economic Agreement in 1990 that opened up the market for free trade between the two countries, Hungary became an attractive country to thousands of Chinese. Apart from a number of Chinese political refugees in 1989, tens of thousands left their homeland for economic reasons. Initially, many of them saw Hungary only as a stepping-stone to farther destinations, but they decided to stay when they saw the demand for Chinese goods and commodities. The political situation of Hungary at that time also favoured this development. While the change of the regime fully caught the attention of the authorities, the submissive regulations regarding company registration encouraged the ever-growing flow of Chinese merchants. In just a couple of years, Hungary became the distribution centre of Chinese commodities in Central Europe in the early nineties practically in front of the eyes, yet out of the control of the local authorities. This was partly due to the linguistic incompetence of the Hungarian authorities-- they were unable to handle heaps of incoming Chinese documents. The majority of Chinese nationals entered the country by migrating directly from the PRC between 1989 and 1992. According to the official statistics, there arrived 11,621, 27,330, and 10,128 Chinese immigrants in 1990, 1991 and 1992 respectively. The sudden and uncontrollable expansion of the Chinese community led to the restoration of the visa system in 1992. The number of Chinese nationals residing in Hungary, legally or illegally, has since been an issue of debate and speculation. With strengthened regulations and immigration control, thousands of Chinese have left Hungary for other more promising destinations in Europe or have gone back to China. Recent official registrations have recorded some nine thousand residents, though the real number, even by modest estimation, probably exceeds twenty to twenty five thousand. While the majority of the Chinese residing in Hungary are huaqiao: who live abroad but keep their Chinese citizenship (enjoying the support of the Chinese government, with strong political, economical, cultural and emotional ties to the homeland), a great number of them belong to the qiaoxiang group merchantenterpreneurs: typically a very mobile group. Besides, over the last two decades, Chinese restaurants and shops have mushroomed all over Hungary. Although most Chinese nationals (some 80%) prefer to live in Budapest, one cannot find a local town or village that does not have a Chinese restaurant or a Chinese tailor shop. In Budapest alone there are more than a hundred restaurants, ranging from the exclusive ones to fast-food bars. Local Hungarians are fond of wearing Chinese-made tennis shoes, T-shirts, silk blouses, down jackets, etc., because Chinese merchandise is more affordable for them than luxury brands. Some believe that they have ruined the Hungarian textile industry, but others say that they simply satisfy the need of a certain customer niche. What is unique about the Chinese community in Hungary is that they came here from China within a short period of time and from all walks of life. While there are doctors and Chinese medicine practitioners, many are intellectuals such as writers, artists, teachers and scholars. Some husbands came here to work, leaving their families at home, and some brought their familes. Those who can afford let their children study in expensive English or American schools. Other familes arrive here and choose to stay. The idea and desire to establish a Chinatown in Budapest has been on the agenda for some years. An area with a semblance of Chinatown was developed in the Józsefváros neighbourhood of Budapest. Many immigrants active in the area came from the coastal provinces of Fujian (福建) and Zhejiang (浙江). The “Four Dragons” Chinese market in Józsefváros is not only an area for the trade and sale of commodities, but also a zone of full services for the Chinese community: salon, the tailor’s, medical services, gasoline station, karaoke bar, casino and the like. Still, the standard and the range of services would not qualify the place to be a “Chinatown”. More should be done to create a proper Chinatown not only by the Chinese side but also by the local authorities. This would definitely bring a qualitative change in the integration process of the Chinese colony in Hungary.

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Although the Chinese residing in Hungary have maintained their strong ties with the home country, a new generation who were born, have studied and grown up in Hungary have emerged. They describe themselves as “banana” – yellow outside but white inside. The generation gap between the parents and the bananateenagers is striking -- the former generation are extrovert and monocultural, the younger generation are introvert and much more international. Efforts to improve Hungarian-Chinese ties: the establishment of the first Confucius Institute (ECI) in the whole region of Eastern Europe (匈牙利罗罗大学孔子学院 www.konfuciuszintezet.hu) in 2007; and a Bilingual Chinese-Hungarian elementary school in Budapest in 2004 (中匈双罗学校 www.magyarkinai.sulinet.hu) are telling proofs to boost relationships and to promote integration for the benefit of both sides involved (S. Kriszt and Hidasi 2008). Trends, implications and tasks International migration and immigration brings both benefits and challenges to the host countries. It is an opportunity as well as a responsibility. Migrants must be helped to become useful members of the receiving society by helping them to live a dignified and safe life. It must be made clear however for immigrants what demands are made on them, they must be made aware of the risks and stress involved. Costs and benefits of migration have to be taken into consideration on both sides. If the discrepency between expectations and demands is too great then conflicts are unavoidable. Both sides involved have to realize that integration is a two-way process: it is different in this sense from assimilation which is more a one-way process. In order to make integration successful, sacrafices and efforts are necessary not only from the migrants but also from the receiving community. This process can be enhanced by effective communication including the relevant intercultural aspects. Mutual accomodation can greatly contribute to successfully overcome the psychological and socio-cultural burden that is a side-effect of the adaptation process. Questions that are most debated recently include issues like: • • • How to best manage diversity? How to maintain identity? How to profit from diversity? As a prerequisite for these dilemmas, there is a general agreement in the cultural policy of Europe that multiculturalism should not be seen as a source of conflict, but as a source of synergy. In order to achieve this goal there are several objectives defined in order to promote the process: To raise awareness of the importance of diversity To identify and find common interests To make people work together = cooperate The significance of intercultural awareness and of intercultural knowledge acquisition cannot be underestimated in this process. Towards this end it is essential to teach intercultural studies to professionals involved in diverse areas. With growing mobility world-wide, societies in most countries are becoming increasingly multicultural – which brings about severe communication problems between people of a different cultural background in quite diverse settings: police-stations, hospitals, social counseling, etc. Techniques and methods should be worked out to help institutions and administration become more sensitive towards the different needs of people of diverse cultural backgrounds to increase the intercultural literacy of the host-society and its members to enhance local and international community involvement in collaborative projects and comunity activities.

• • •

• • •

Governments and businesses benefit significantly from globally aware citizens and in developing this literacy education can play a prominent role. The impact of international education is felt at local, national and international levels. Recently “intercultural studies” or “intercultural communication” as subjects have been included in the study-programs of universities of a wide range of orientation in Europe – medical, legal sciences, urban planning, etc. International academia can greatly contribute to the success of solving challenges of international migration.

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References Avramov, Dragana (ed.) (2008) Acceptance of immigrants in Europe? Viewpoints about immigration and expectations towards foreignres in the Czech Republic, Germany, Estonia, Hungary, Austria, Poland, Slovenia and Finland. Berlin: Pro BUSINESS. Bennett, Milton J. (ed.) (1998) Basic Concepts of Intercultural Communication. Yarmouth, Maine: Intercultural Press. Berger, P. L. and S. P. Huntington (2003) Many Globalizations: Cultural Diversity in the Contemporary World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Breisky, Michael (2009) Welcome To Post-Globalization: The Politics of Second Enlightment, Human Scale and the Economy of the Mind. London: New European Publications. Herm, Anne (2008) Recent migration trends: citizens of EU-27 Member states become ever more mobile while EU remains attractive to non-EU citizens. Statistics in Focus. Eurostat, 98/2008. Hidasi, Judit (2008 2nd ) Intercultural Communication: An outline. Tokyo: Sangensha. Hill, Richard (1997) We Europeans. Brussels: Europublications. Kováts, András (2009) ed. Bevándorló Budapest. (Immigrant Budapest) Budapest: Menedék. Shin Hyeon-ung (2008): Why We’re Getting into Multicultural Broadcasting, Korea Forum, Vol.16. No 2. 6263. S. Kriszt É. – Hidasi, J. (2009): Chinese Presence in Hungary. Chinatown and Beyond: Conference Proceedings, 2009 May. Vancouver: Simon Fraser University. The Programme for the Spanish Presidency of the Council of the European Union: Innovating Europe. (2010) Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación. Secretaria de Estado para la Unión Europea. http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/immigration/fsj_immigration_intro_en.htm http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/immigration/illegal/fsj_immigration_illegal_en.htm http://www.daedalos-institute.com/downloads/Migration_and_Migration_Narratives.pdf

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Filipino Diaspora in Azerbaijan: Case Study in Migration, Adaptation, and Acculturation in an Increasing Globalized Context
RUBEN Z. MARTINEZ Philippine Facilitating Team, Charter for Human Responsibilities

This paper presents a case study of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) in Azerbaijan and the development of Filipino Diaspora. The case study was based on a six months field work in Baku, Azerbaijan. It utilized anthropological field study approach of participants-observation, and keyinformant interviews. The paper discusses the context of migration, the ways by which OFW have adapted to a predominantly Muslim sociocultural milieu. The post-soviet Azeri Society is in itself in the process of adjustment and normalization. In the past, it has been under the Russian political, economic and cultural influence. The strong aversion for Russian culture and their new found fondness for British and American culture within the limitation of their Muslim culture have profoundly impacted on the adaptation and acculturation process of the OFW community in Baku. The resulting interaction of OFW with the rapidly changing and westernizing society of the Muslim Azeri has significant impact on the Filipino Diaspora and the host society. Azerbaijan is not the typical destination for migration. OFW mostly migrate to US, Canada, Europe, Australia and other western society. In most of these setting, OFW easily become acculturated to the host communities. OFW in Azerbaijan has adapted differently, they have developed cultural literacy in Russian and Azeri culture which enable them to meaningfully interact with the host culture. However, the harsh and increasingly hostile environment provides an impetus for the OFW community to close their ranks and in the process retain their culture and identity. Introduction The emerging Filipino Diaspora in Baku, Azerbaijan, as part of an imagined global community, is the main concern of this paper. Specifically, the paper provides an ethnographic account of the transnational social and cultural processes that contributed to the emergence of the globalized Filipino Diaspora. This paper redefined the concept earlier proposed by Jonathan Okamura and Benedict Anderson. The redefined concept of Diaspora took it one step further where the Filipino community is not limited to an imagined community. It can also be virtual, where each member are conscious and ascribe to themselves membership to a global Filipino community but they may never come to know or meet the great majority of their counterparts. Nevertheless, members of this community are aware of the presence of members in other parts of the world and of the bonds of culture, national identity, custom and tradition they share. The development of widely accessible information communication technology such as global cell phones, internet, and Filipino Television Channels, enable members of the Filipino Global Diaspora to maintain close link with the community of origin. The concept of Diaspora has long been associated with Jewish, Indian and Chinese migration and creation of pockets of ethnic communities that are removed from their community of origin. The traditional concept of Diaspora is linked to the village community concept where meaningful interaction is located within a defined physical boundary of the host community. The development of global village and expansion of the social space to include cyber space and other venues for transnational social processes necessitate the need to review and update the traditional sociological and anthropological concepts of communities and ethnic societies. The creation of awareness among OFW with its accompanying cultural icons and symbols, such as Pinoy, Kababayan and even OFW as label for Filipino overseas, has strengthen the development of the Diaspora as the global social construct that defines their cultural identity as Filipino. The promotion of OFW as Bagong

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Bayani (new hero) is one example of the development of heightened awareness and self identification as OFW and Bagong Bayani. The paper hopes to increase our understanding and insights on how, the Filipino Diaspora, as a socially and culturally constructed and reproduced community, impacts on and is impacted by the global movement and transnational circulation. This global movement and transnational circulation in turn may have significant impacts on the labour movement and international marriages. The social construction and reproduction processes is also an adaptive and culture change process, where Filipino households overseas or individual OFW becomes acculturated and is assimilated into the host society even as they maintains their cultural identity and cohesion as a Filipino Diaspora. Field Work in Baku and Cyberworld Interaction The paper presents vignettes of OFW life in Baku, Azerbaijan, a predominantly Muslim society in West Asia. Their individual life stories represent separate strands that are intertwined into an ethnographic tapestry. The life stories and ethnographic accounts were drawn from six months of intermittent field work in Baku, Azerbaijan. During the fieldwork, I utilized the traditional anthropological field study approach of participants-observation, and key-informant interviews to unravel the social construction of the space of the global Filipino Diaspora. The participant-observation was unobtrusive and the face-to-face interviews were mostly informal, as the respondents were not briefed. In 2007, an essay about the OFW in Baku, Azerbaijan, was circulated among some of the key informants. This was used as sounding board to continue the conversation with the key informant. I also created a yahoo groups which serve as a venue for interaction with friends from Azerbaijan. Email exchange, social network portal such as Facebook and Friendster, and occasionally meeting with returning Filipinos from Baku, kept me updated about this Filipino Diaspora. Even, after I am long gone from Baku, I still regularly interact with members of this Filipino Diaspora. Whether they are in Baku or travelling in Dubai or Nueva Viscaya, the current telecommunication facilities enables me to communicate with them on real time. They can also send me short messaging service through the internet, call me through the VOIP facilities, or send pictures or streaming video. Baku, Azerbaijan as the Setting of Social Construction Baku, Azerbaijan is virtually unheard in the Philippines until recently. In 2005, DFA estimates about 2,000 Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) in Baku. Most of these OFW are working in oil exploration and related industries. These OFW are mostly professional and middle manager level, these includes engineers, doctors, accountant, and middle level managers. A sizeable group work as sea-based workers and are employed in tender ships and oil rigs doing exploration work at the Caspian Sea. Baku has undergone rapid transition, from a Soviet controlled city to become the capital of the newly independent Republic of Azerbaijan and official dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic in December 1991. Baku is endowed with rich oil resources. This is one of the reasons, why the Russians and Germans invaded the Territory. In the pre-soviet era, the oil industry in Baku flourished. The process of normalization into a democratic society in the post-soviet era was rites of passage which saw civil and political strife. With the established confidence in the leadership of Heydar Aliyev and his successor, Direct Foreign Investments started coming in. This includes the development of partnership with Multinational Corporations for the offshore exploration of oil resources. Most of the pioneer OFW in Baku came with the London or Dubai based multinational corporation that immediately set-up their operation in the city upon its opening to foreign investment. They were allowed to be accompanied by their spouse and families as incentive for moving in to the city. They were provided housing facilities and company vehicle. They are also given annual paid leave that enable them to occasionally go back to the Philippines as Balikbayan. However, their growing number and influence has alarmed the Azerbaijan Government. As a result, the government included Overseas Filipino Workers in their watch list. Baku is unlike other destination such as the United States or Canada, where you can find several generation of OFW assimilated in the mainstream society of the host country. They have adopted the culture of the host community and have assumed ethnic identity as FilAms. OFW migrating into the American Society can

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rapidly adjust to language. However, in Baku, one has to be literate in Cyrillic or Azeri Latin Alphabet to be able to read. Language is also a barrier and learning the language takes time and a lot of patience. Except for the children of Filipino Families who are learning the language systematically through their attendance in school, most of the OFW takes language for granted. In the process of their day-to-day interaction with the Storekeeper at the corner grocery, the taxi driver, the security guard in their office or the secretary in their office, they learn a few words that can pass off as meaningful interaction. For OFW with Azeri spouse, they learn the language intuitively and rely on pocket dictionary to understand their partners, who also assist them learn the language. Some of the couples learn Russian, which they find useful in their workplace. Some of the OFWs have to communicate to other nationalities from Georgia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and other West Asian Countries. Russia is still the lingua franca of the region. I have one friend in Baku, who has learned Russian for the past ten years and can speak fluent Russian with no formal training. He can argue with her girlfriend in Russian and sometimes dream in Russian language. Investment Climate The economic boom which Baku experience in 2004 was an offshoot of the improvement on the investment climate. In this period, there was an increase in the Direct Foreign Investment. These came about as a result of the political stabilization. The liberal economic policies adopted by the government encourage trade and investment agreement with the United States and other countries. The investment boom, in turn, created more jobs as Multinational Corporation begun opening their local office and construction projects begun in earnest. This triggered the influx of OFW from countries such as United Arab Emirate, London, United States, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey to name a few. On October 18, 2000, the U.S. Senate ratified the Treaty between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Azerbaijan Concerning the Encouragement and Reciprocal Protection of Investment (commonly known as a "Bilateral Investment Treaty" (BIT). Azerbaijan and the U.S. exchanged instruments of ratification on July 3, 2001, and the treaty entered into force on August 2, 2001. In addition to the above agreement, Azerbaijan has bilateral investment protection agreements with the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Egypt, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Iran, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Libya, Moldova, Pakistan, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Switzerland, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Ukraine, and the United Kingdom. Azerbaijan Labor Policy Azerbaijan's labor market is relatively free, with flexible employment regulations as a result of recent reform measures. The non-salary cost of employing a worker is moderate, and dismissing a redundant employee is not burdensome. Multinational Corporation taking advantage of this liberal policy has imported cheaper but higher quality labor from the Philippines via their European or Dubai Office of the Multinational Corporations. However, even with the liberal and flexible employment regulation, Azerbaijan Government has taken notice of the Filipinos strategically positioned among the Multinational Corporation and competing for positions that should be given to Azeri Nationals. I have learned this first hand when I was detained in the departure area of the Heydar Aliyev International Airport. Henry, my friend from Batangas has been staying in the Caspian Region for the last ten years. He has been in and out of various jobs because of retrenchment. He was confident that He can get another job. He refused to go back to the Philippines. Through the support of the Filipino Community he was able to survive. He has found employment after a few months of searching. However, not all Filipinos are as bold and daring as Henry. Most of them chose to go back to the Philippines and reintegrate back to the society or look for other opportunities in other countries such as Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, and United Arab Emirates. Cost of Living and doing Business The construction boom, rapid trade and investment liberalization, and the influx of foreign investment, expatriate workers and even tourist, bloated public spending, are all contributing to inflation. These affected the cost of living in Baku. This has significantly eroded the take home pay of Filipino Workers, especially the rank and file workers, who regularly remit part of their income for their dependents in the Philippines. The

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increase in the cost of doing business in Azerbaijan, indirectly affects the Managers and Professionals. The cost of doing business includes the cost of corruption. I have observed this first hand, when one house of an OFW was raided by the police on the suspicion of prostitution. The police went away when the OFW paid them some money. World Bank assessment indicated that the Inflation is accelerating, averaging 14.0 percent between 2005 and 2007. The government continues to control prices on most energy products and operates several state-owned enterprises. Moreover, Corruption is perceived as pervasive. Azerbaijan ranks 150th out of 179 countries in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2007, a sharp drop from 2006. Judicial and police corruption are widespread. Ongoing problems include arbitrary tax and customs administration that creates opportunities for graft, regulatory practices that favor monopolies, and corruption at all levels. Migration and Refugee Problem The Urban-Rural imbalance and uneven rate of development has exerted pressure to Baku as a result of rural to urban migration. This affected the economic development in the city. It also affected the delivery of social service, labor, peace and order and investment. One needs to look at the fountain square to see the refugee problem. I have observed children with their parents begging in the fountain square area and streets of Baku, where foreigners and tourist congregate. I observed in my sojourn in the area that some of them may be into drugs and other dangerous substance. The rise in prostitution and criminality in the fountain square especially during winter, with the reported mugging incidence may be attributed to the social disorganization/dysfunction related to the problem of internally displace person and refugees. The major migration challenges for Azerbaijan are high migration flows from rural regions to cities and abroad in search of employment opportunities; escalating labour migration flows to Azerbaijan; transit migration through Azerbaijan originating from Central Asia and the Middle East; the return and integration of internally displaced ethnic Azeris from Nagorno-Karabakh; development and alignment of national migration policies and practices, including border management, to international standards in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy; capacity building for government officials dealing with migration management; and combating trafficking in persons. (International Migration Organization – Azerbaijan Website - http://www.iom.int/) Information Communication Technology (ICT) Baku as a society in transition has rapidly developed its ICT backbone during the economic boom. Prior to the boom telecommunication system is a combination of the outdated system installed during the soviet era, the medium-scale commercial cellular communication system. This was later upgraded to GSM and 3G technology. At present there are 5 mobile phone providers, these are Azercell, Bakcell, Nar Mobile, Aztrank, and Catel. The current technologies include the dual band cellular communication, and the CDMA technology for wireless landlines. High speed internet and data transmission through DSL and wireless technology is also available. However, internet penetration and ratio of phones to population is still low. Current tele-density is about 15 main lines per 100 persons and the mobile-cellular penetration, even if it is rapidly increasing is currently about 50 telephones per 100 persons 4. Internet penetration as of 2005 is about 8.47%. All of the professional level OFW has access to internet, cellular phone and landline. Unskilled and Skilled workers usually have cellular phones which they use to communicate to the Philippines. Most of them access the internet through the internet café and in their work place. OFWs in Baku I felt the ubiquitous presence of Filipinos when I first arrived in Heydar Aliyev International Airport in July 2006. Upon my arrival, I was unable to clear the immigration because I did not have the proper documentation. I learned that Azerbaijan has just adopted a policy that requires official invitation for Filipinos entering the country.


In 2007, Azerbaijan has about 1,254,000 main lines in use and about 4,300,000 mobile cellular phones.

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“The Azerbaijan Government has been increasingly alarmed with this growing presence of OFW that they included Filipino Nationals in their watch list. It is also the reason, why I have to stay in the airport for 12 hours upon my arrival. Ordinarily, foreigners can secure a one month tourist visa at the airport consular office upon arrival. However, the local consultant tasked to provide me with an official invitation failed to deliver and as a result, I was held in the departure area for 12 hours and have to wait for them to rescue me. I learned that this policy, requiring Philippine Nationals to secure an official invitation, has been recently imposed by the Azerbaijan Government to Philippines Nationals seeking entry to the country. OFW presence has affected the employment of Azeri in multinational companies to technical and managerial post. Employers from Dubai and Turkey prefers the more skilled and industrious OFW. Aside from good command of the English language, OFW perform well in multi-tasked roles (Martinez, 2009).”

During my 12-hour detention at the departure area, I talked to some of the airport crew. They are very hospitable. One of the crew mentioned the word kabayan, when she learned that I am a Filipino. She even lent me her phone which enabled me to text the people who were supposed to fetch me at the airport. 8 July 2006, Haydar Aliyev International Airport
I arrived about 2:00 am. I was unable to clear the immigration. I expected the local consultants to have my visa waiting for me at the airport. They inform me that visa is available upon arrival. I tried calling them through the payphone but I could not get past the Russian instruction of the local exchange. Luckily, one of the ladies at the duty free shop lent me her phone and I was able to send a text message. They worked on my invitation the whole morning and I was able to get out of the airport at 2:00 pm, tired and hungry.

During the succeeding weeks of my stay in Baku, I chanced upon, Ulysses, while doing the canvass for supplies needed in the office that we were setting up. He had a hunch that I am a Filipino; by the way I signed my name. He observed that most people do not include their middle name in their signature. I visited his office where I met Memak, his Area Manager, who is also a OFW. Prior to his deployment in Baku, Memak was based in Dubai, as the Areas Manager for their Regional Operation. Ulyssses and Memak introduced me to the other OFWs in Baku. The chance meeting with Ulysses and Memak has introduced me to the different social space and venues for social interaction. These social space include the Couples for Christ, the church, the two OFW managed restaurants, and some of the places where OFWs congregate after the Sunday mass and fellowship. These enabled me to participate and observe the different social interaction. The Couples for Christ as a formal organization has defined membership with well defined status and roles. The other social space is mostly informal, ad hoc in nature and mostly short term and contractual in nature. They nevertheless reinforce the social interaction, which contributes to the development of the Filipino Diaspora. I also observed the other telltale sign of OFW presence, during a visit to a wet market in Baku. One of the vendors overheard me talking in Filipino and asking Dante and Ulysses that we need to buy “pata” (the front or hind leg of pig) for the dish that I want to prepare for my friends. The vendor led us to the stall where they sell “pata”. There are two or three stalls that sell pata. I learned later that the OFW managed restaurant also get their supply of pata, for their crispy pata dish from this place.
“OFW working in Azerbaijan are mostly professionals and occupy middle level and supervisory position. This includes medical doctors in company health care service, mechanical and safety engineers, sales and procurement managers and accountant. OFW are are also employed as chef in five-star hotels and restaurants and also waiters/waitresses. Not to be missed are the Filipino singers. As a result of the growing number of Filipinos, enterprising Filipinos cashed in on this presence and OFW’s penchant for spending for good time, and established karaoke restaurant, Reysha and Ichiban. These restaurants serve rice with your favorite “ulam” or “pulutan”. Unfortunately, they don’t have “San Miguel Beer”. The local Xirdalan Beer is not as bad. You can even request the cook for a red snapper “paksiw”. Unfortunately, fresh fish for your favorite “kinilaw” is very expensive as it is imported from Dubai. You can order it in 5-star restaurants such as Hyatt, served as sashimi and sushi, prepared by Nestor, my favorite Kapangpangan cook. Through this karaoke-restaurant, OFW can belt out their favorite, which includes the latest Filipino pop songs, American favorites including the often requested “my way”. One can hear Ilongo or Visayan version of “my wee”. OFW in Baku come from different regions of the country, from Mindanao, Iloilo, Bacolod, Antique, Cavite and Nueva Viscaya. Aside from karaoke-restaurants, OFW congregate at the Catholic Church during Sunday. Almost half of the attendees are Filipinos. The church choir led by husband and wife team is predominantly a Filipino singing group, the gospel reading done mostly by Filipino volunteer, and so is the offering, through the

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efficient coordination of Tina, the church offering coordinator. Most of the active lay people are member of Couples for Christ (CFC), an organization founded in the Philippines. The fellowship after the mass provides a venue for interaction among the OFWs and their families. Coffee, tea, pansit and cake is served during the fellowship. Interaction is lively and intense, as if they have not met for a long time. Church fellowship is a weekend feast one looks forward to. Through this church fellowship, I met a chinoy (filipino-chinese) from Manila, an engineer from Cavite, a singer from Bacolod and Ilocos, a sales managers from Bayombong and Davao, and a Kapangpangan Chef working in japanese restaurant in Hyatt (Martinez, 2009).”

The most revealing tell-tale sign of OFW Presence in the city is the growing non-Filipino crowd, mostly Azeri youth, hanging-out in an OFW managed karaoke restaurant, belting out their favorite American pop songs and even venturing in Filipino pop songs. Some of them hang-out in Reysha because their friends work there as waitress. Some of them hang-out in Reysha to pick up costumer or to befriend an OFW, whose reputation for over indulgence is becoming known. In some occasion, I observed an Azeri lady, who frequents the joint. She would always ask Filipinos for free drink, cigarette or even steal from their cell phone a few minutes of airtime. I suspect that these girls are thrill seekers and/or prostitute. I was informed that you can take them out if the price is right. Couple for Christ in Baku One of the social spaces of the Filipino Diaspora in Baku is the Couples for Christ (CFC). This organization was founded in the Philippines and registered with the Security and Exchange Commission as a non-stock and not-for-profit organization. It is currently operating in 40 dioceses in the Philippines and about 60 countries worldwide, which include Baku Azerbaijan. CFC - Baku is actively supported by CFC in Dubai, United Arab Emirate and Qatar. In November 200, I attended the Christian Life Program, the pre-membership seminar for Couples for Christ applicants, held at the Chapel of Christ the Redeemer Parish. Through the pre-membership seminar, I learned about the organization, and met some of the members, including the facilitator from Dubai. CFC as a religious organization is focused on family ministry and family life. Aside from the regular church activities such as assisting in the celebration of Masses, CFC regularly holds household prayer meetings and fellowship in homes of their members, bible studies and catechism and fellowship for the entire church membership. The CFC as a Roman Catholic Organization in Baku closely coordinates all its activities with the Parish Priest. They also interact with the other local church organizations and local catholic group. Baku has very high religious tolerance. Even if Baku is a Muslim country, their culture is unlike Saudi Arabia or Iran, where the fundamentalist Muslim law is strictly observed. I was surprised to see nudity in electronic billboard in downtown Baku. Azeri women are not prohibited to wear clothing that would be banned in fundamentalist Muslim countries. Wearing of veil is not required. Reysha and Ichiban: Filipino Managed Restaurants There are two OFW-managed restaurants that were operating during the time, when I was in Baku. These restaurants also represent the space, where Filipinos congregate to socialize and meet other OFWs. I usually go to these restaurants for lunch, dinner and for drink. In Reysha, I could order Filipino dish such as crispy pata, pancit, escabeche, sisig, and rice. The ulam can include those on the menu or even special off the menu request such as my favorite paksiw (fish stew). In a predominatly Muslim society such as Baku, pork dish is hard to find item. Aside from the food, OFWs go to these restaurants to socialize and entertain their friends. Other nationalities also patronize the place. One would suspect that some of the OFWs go there to socialize with the waitress, either Filipina or Azeri, or show off their Russian-Azeri girl friend. Some of the OFW, I talked to are attracted

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to blond and European looking women, and has become their fantasy to lay these women. During my stay in Baku, two of my friends were dating the Russian-Azeri ladies they met from Reysha. These restaurants have karaoke that include a rich repertoire of Filipino and English songs. Reysha also has a billiard table. Aside from the regular Filipino customer who hangs out in these restaurant to sing, play billiard, play tong-its (card game), or drink beer. Occasions such as birthday or Christmas parties are also held in the restaurant. Aside from Reysha and Ichiban, there are other restaurants in Baku that Filipinos also frequents because the chef is an OFW. This includes the Japanese restaurant in Hyatt Hotel, a Thai, and a Japanese Restaurant. These chefs have attracted considerable following because of their skill in cooking and entertaining customers. One restaurant in Baku also features Filipina Singers that has also attracted OFW customers. Ichiban and Reysha closed shop in 2007. The combined impact of inflation, downsizing of work force of Multinational Corporation involved in oil and gas exploration, and completion of construction projects, also took its toll on these establishment. Only half of the 2,000 plus OFW have remained in Baku. At least five of my friends returned to the Philippines as a result of the completion of their project. After its closure, most of the OFW continued meeting in the church and the homes of OFW, mostly unmarried bachelor. Kainan, Inuman and Friendly Gambling Sessions One of the favorite past time among OFW males is tong-its. Tong-its (a kind of card game similar to mah-jong and gin ramie) sessions are normally held in a bachelor pad, where they can freely gamble. Session can last up to the evening. Kainan (literally eating) or the food being served to the guest, and inuman (drinking) or the alcoholic drink that accompanies the food, is the usual fare together with tong-its. Except for the beer that the players pay as they order, the bill for the food is computed as a group and cost is divided equally amongst them. Not everybody attending the tong-its session need to participate in the gambling. Since, a game can only accommodate three or four players at a time, some of the participants can become co-financier or just plain observer. Through the tong-its sessions, I met Greg, Dante, and Nestor, among others. I heard the different stories about their life in Azerbaijan and neighboring countries of Central and West Asia. In some cases, the Barkada, will watch international sports event from cable television together, these include the world cup series, and Manny Pacquio boxing matches. Win or lose, the Kababayan take pride of Manny Pacquio as a Kabayan. Some of the tong-its sessions are held in private rooms in the Reysha Restaurant. This has attracted the attention and curiosity of non-Filipino customers. They generally ignore the group and pass it off as some parlor card games, as most of the betting is recorded on paper or uses plastic chips in lieu of money. The group playing tong-its is cautious of attracting attention to them, even as police sometimes visit the place to ask for some money for protection. In 2009, the effect of inflation and downsizing of the labor force, where most of the project-based OFW returned to the Philippines, affected the gambling habits of the OFW. The male dominated work force is now shifting to female with the shift from oil industry to telecommunication and increase in the entertainment and domestic helpers. OFW still meet during weekend, for friendly game of Bingo, for picnic and dining, socializing and fellowship 5. Family Life One important aspect of adaption and development of the Filipino Diaspora is family life. Family is part of the primary social network of the OFW. Family includes members living with them in Baku and those in the Philippines. OFW keep constant communication with their family members. There are at least three variants in Family life of OFW households in Baku, the migrant OFW Family, the mixed Filipino and expatriate family, and the Filipino-Azeri households.


Based on the email exchange with Ulysses, 26 October 2009.

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OFW Households in Baku Some of the OFWs in Baku are staying with their own families. There are about 10 all OFW households in Baku, which include the families of Memak Lu, Doy Pasa, and Aries. All of them got married in the Philippines and were accompanied by their spouse and children as part of their employment benefits. These OFW households have been residing in Baku for more than a year. Most of them have children that are studying in an Azeri school. Most of these OFW children are multilingual and can speak fluent Russian, Azeri, English and Filipino. They are also talented and have excelled in their studies, outranking the Azeri children. Their language literacy in Russian and Azeri is high, thus they can carry conversation in Azeri or Russian language. The physical features of these Filipino children, brown skin, black hair and eyes, and other Asian features, made them stand out in comparison with the Russian and European features of the Azeri children. However, because their parents occupy managerial positions, there are treated as part of the higher social status. International Marriage There are however, a few OFWs who got married or currently are living as couples with non-Filipina wife (from Azerbaijan, Georgia or Turkmenistan). A few couples consist of Filipina wife and non-Filipino spouse (mostly European) is also residing in Baku. These include the Country Manager of the Asian Development Bank, who has a Filipina wife. Family life for our OFWs who are married or living with Azeri spouse is very much different. Most of the Kababayan spouse are also married or have spouse in the Philippines or in other countries. Therefore, they have to support two households. In some case, the non-Filipina spouse is aware of the other family of their spouse in the Philippines. At least in one occassion, the non-Filipina spouse confiscated and hid the passport of her Filipino spouse to prevent him from returning to the Philippines. The OFW spouses on the other hand, most of them were also once married and have been separated or widowed. Most of their non-Filipina wives have one or two children by their first marriage. Some of them have already bear a child with their OFW Spouse. Most of these couples have already taken permanent residency in Baku. Adaptation and Acculturation Most of the OFW can adapt to the culture of the host society. I have observed that most of the old timers, those who arrived before the start of the economic boom, are well adjusted and have adapted to the life in Baku. Most of them have been in the region, thus, they are familiar with the regional culture. There are several aspects of adaptation and acculturation that are important to mention in this paper. These include physical adaptation and acclimatization. Baku is located in a temperate zone. It has four seasons, which include, winter, spring, summer and autumn. During winter, temperature could go down to minus zero and in some occasion, 2-3 days of snow which can disrupt the normal lives of the people of Baku. OFWs accustomed to taking showers in the morning and in the evening have to adjust their habits. Also the open fire, heating can have adverse impact on one’s health. Spring is usually cold but summer is warm and autumn can be very wet with occasional rains as the weather turns cold. Annual rainfall range from 200 to 350 in the Baku and the rest of Absheron Peninsula compared to the subtropics climate of Lenkaran, south of Baku (towards the Iran Border), where the average annual rainfall is from 1,600 to 1,800 mm. The changing season can cause problem to most OFW who is accustomed to warm and humid temperature. The cold, dark and depressing winter also pose a challenge to OFWs who are used to sunny and warm environment. In winter, OFW communities are being warned of incidence of mugging in the dark public place such as the Boulevard, Fountain Square and even the vicinity of the Government Center. The increase incidence of mugging against non-Azeri nationals during winter has been documented in various websites. This has caused alarm to the expatriate communities, which include the other Asians. During my first few weeks in Baku, navigating the city and finding my way around is very hard. Firstly most of the taxi driver does not speak English and even if they do, describing the destination is also very hard. This is part of the adaptation and acculturation process.

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The transition from the old manat currency to the new manat currency is also causing confusion to newcomers like me. The old manat denomination is by 1,000. The new manat is equivalent to 4,000 old manat. Unscrupulous Azeri storekeepers taking advantage on the confusion, sometimes short change the unsuspecting customer. I was a victim to one of this Azeri Storekeeper, a young lad, who though he could get a few manat at my expense. Most of the stores managed by the old Azeri men or women are honest enough not to take advantage of the lack of knowledge of their customer. Shared Social Space: From Fountain Square to the Walled City OFWs in Baku also share the social space of the Azeri Society. This social space is best represented by the fountain square and the walled city and the immediate vicinity of these social spaces. These space best represent the description found in the lonely planet travel guide. Neither Europe nor Asia, Azerbaijan is an incredible tangle of contradictions and contrasts. It’s a fascinating nexus of ancient historical empires. Yet it’s also a new nation finding its feet as it emerges from a war-torn post-Soviet chrysalis on a petroleumfunded gust of optimism. Surrounded by semi-desert on the oilrich Caspian Sea, the nation’s cosmopolitan capital Baku is a dynamic boomtown, where flashy limousines and mushrooming skyscrapers sweep around a picturesque Unesco-listed ancient core. Yet barely three hours’ drive away lies an entirely different world: timeless villages clad in lush orchards from which shepherd tracks lead into the soaring high Caucasus mountains. Where Baku is multilingual and go-ahead, the provinces shuffle to the gently paced click of nard (backgammon) on tree-shaded teahouse terraces: women stay home, herds of cattle wander aimlessly across highways, and potbellied bureaucrats scratch their heads in confusion on finding that an outsider has wandered into their territory. (Description of Azerbaijan in Lonely Planet Website - http://www.lonelyplanet.com) The Fountain Square is the hub of trade and commerce in Baku in the post-soviet era. It is within this area that Reysha and Ichiban are located. It is said that the Fountain square is Baku's most fashionable area, where you go to see and be seen. The square is surrounded by sophisticated restaurants and shops. The long and often dry fountain serves as an endless bench for lazy afternoons and evenings. From the Fountain Square, the important social space, which can be reached include the walled city, the government house and the boulevard. Each of these public spaces has its own political, historical and cultural significance. The boulevard is the broad and shady pedestrian walkway that runs downtown along the edge of the Caspian Sea. Its promenade and neat gardens are popular with people of all ages and favored by young couples. At its centre, just across Neftchilar avenue is the government house and the largest Soviet-style hotels. A large oil derrick style tower dominates the horizon, showing the time and the weather. Along the water there are numerous rides and amusements for children - including a Ferris wheel that can provide some nice views. For the rest of the visitors there are outdoor billiards, chess tables, tea houses, and cafés. During the summer small boat cruises in the bay are available. The popular Terrace Disco and the Garden bar are located on the boulevard. The Walled City on the other hand includes the 20th Century houses and other public spaces. These spaces were refurbished and transformed into star class tourist haven. In December 2000, the walled city became the first site in Azerbaijan to be classified as world heritage by UNESCO. During my stay in Azerbaijan from July to December 2006, I have observed groups of OFW, chatting in most of these places 6. A group of OFW usually attracts attention to themselves because of their different demeanor, language and physical features.They can be seen eating in American and European restaurants such as McDonald, or the Pizza Hat (named after Pizza Hut). Alongside the American and European restaurants are the Turkish and Middle Eastern restaurants with their beef and chicken shawarma. Some of them even venture in local restaurants. In these restaurants, they serve Turkish, Azeri, and Georgian food which are

This ncludes our team of international consultants, constituting the social landscape. Our team consists of French Canadian currently residing in Malaysia, A Portuguese born in Mozambique, An American from Alaska, and an American from Chicago, who stayed in the Philippines during the Vietnam War.

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heavy on meat (lamb, beef, mutton and poultry) and richly spiced. Common items include pilaff /plov (rice fried with meat, fish, vegetables or even fruit) and fish; Dolma (minced lamb meat with rice is wrapped into grape leaves); Kebabs; Bosartma, dogva (pea with yoghourt soup, served with meatballs and herbs (served both cold and hot); kiufta-bosbash soup (a clear soup with meat balls, rice peas and potatoes); dooshbere soup with local ravioli; khamrachi (a noodle soup); and kutabi pastries to name a few. The staple food of most Azeri is Bread, which is served with most meals, the most common are the round loaves called 'chorek'. Try also the wafer style 'lavash'. The traditional white wheat flour bread baked in a tandoori oven is usually still found in the countryside. Crises Situation The threat of social unrest, invasion from Armenia, Georgia, Russia and Iran, and the national and regional political stability is a constant that OFWs in Baku have to deal on a daily basis. The presence of Internally Displaced Persons as a result of conflict in the Nagorno Karabakh region and Refugees from the conflict zone in other areas of the region is a grim reminder of these threats. Most OFWs are unmindful of these threats. However, there are occasions when personal crises such as sickness of one of the family members can mobilize the entire OFW in Baku in aid of the family of the afflicted person. In September 2006, I observed how friends of Memak came together to assist the family, to bring Memak to the hospital for diagnosis and treatment. Because the incident happened on a weekend, the banks were closed, and the family did not have enough cash to pay the required deposit for admission in the Hospital. Friends chip-in to raise the needed amount, which was promptly paid back the next Monday, when they were able to encash the cheque release for the purpose. OFWs living overseas dread the idea of getting sick or dying in a foreign country such as Azerbaijan. This is especially true for the unskilled and semi-skilled workers, who do not have adequate medical insurance coverage. Firstly, the cost of medical care is very high. Secondly, the language and cultural barrier made OFW hesitant to consult foreign or non-Filipino doctors. Some of them even doubt the capacity of the Azerbaijan Medical Personnel to assist them or cure their sickness. Most the health professionals of Azerbaijan were trained locally and/or in Russia. Most of them do not speak English nor has inadequate English language skills. Anecdotes of an OFW Doctor who got sick in Azerbaijan and how he disagreed with the diagnosis of the Azeri Doctors were not assuring. This OFW Doctor has to be airlifted to Dubai where he was given treatment. This medical doctor is the company physician of one of the multinational corporation working in oil exploration in Caspian Sea. Since this Doctor is also a member of Couples for Christ, they can be seen regularly during the Sunday Mass and Fellowship. Friends would seek their medical advice on such occasion. Knowing that an OFW doctor is within your reach makes one confident that he (or she) has somebody to help him (or her) in times of personal crises. A Website about Health Situation in Azerbaijan (www.azerb.com) indicated that the public medical facilities in Azerbaijan are still below European standards, in fact Azerbaijan's health care system was one of the least effective in the Soviet republics, and it deteriorated further after independence. There is a lack of some medical supplies and modern equipment. Private medical services are available but these are limited to small clinics, general practice and emergency treatment. Baku is a healthy place for those who take simple precautions. Stomach upsets are the most common complaints. Migration and Globalization Most of the OFWs in Baku, views their stay in Baku as a temporary arrangement. Some of them plan to come back to the Philippines and set-up their own business or retire in the Philippines. There are some professionals who plan to return to Saudi Arabia, Oman, Dubai and other Middle East countries, where they can work as contract worker and retire in the Philippines when they have enough savings to start their own business. Some of them plan to migrate to western countries such as the United States of America, Canada or European Countries (France, Germany and Italy are some of the destinations they identified). The conflict in the Nagorno Karabakh Region, where ethnic Armenians with the support of the Republic of Armenia have been trying to secede from the Republic of Azerbaijan is one concern among the expatriate in Baku. The threat of invasion from the Azeri in Iran also worries some of the OFW professionals. The recent crises in Georgia also worried OFWs in Baku, as the threat from Russian invasion to Azerbaijan is becoming a possibility.

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OFW professionals also speculate that Azerbaijan will be reaching an investment plateau and construction and other development activities will diminish. This will result in the reduction of Filipino Workers hired to manage the construction and maintenance operation. There will be increased hiring of returning Azeri professionals trained in Europe and American that are better English literate and equipped to take on the roles that OFW expatriates have assumed during the construction boom.
“Unprecedented economic growth marked 2005, with momentum set to build further in 2006, driven by oil and gas production and exports. Foreign investment is expected to drop off in the immediate future as the major investment projects in the hydrocarbon sector move toward a less intensive development stage, but this fall will be partially offset by domestic investment. As in previous years, the budget calls for a very large increase in spending, but the Government will need to carefully manage expenditure to avoid stoking inflationary pressures. Accelerated structural reform is imperative in order to foster greater investment and productive capacity in the non-oil economy. Other key challenges are controlling inflation, preventing excessive appreciation of the exchange rate, and diversifying the economic base (Asian Development Bank, Outlook for Azerbaijan).”

Remittance, Balikbayan Package and Diapora Philanthropy OFW maintains very close link with their community of origin. Their family rely on them for their remittances for their extra-ordinary expenditure, such as Christmas and New Year’s Eve in December, and enrollment in June and November. Returning OFW from Baku, usually travel from Baku to Dubai, UAE and bring home pasalubong from Dubai. Pasalubong can include electronic products and food items such as fruit preserve and chocolate. They bring food seasoning and spices from the Philippine on their return to Baku. The proliferation of duty free shops in the Philippines, where one can buy imported items at almost the same price as the shops in Dubai have discouraged returning OFW from bringing in the balik bayan boxes. Aside from the money they send to the Philippines to support their relatives, OFW also support organizations that provides relief and rehabilitation services to communities affected by natural disasters. One example is the Gawad Kalinga. The support is coursed through the Couples for Christ – Baku 7. Cyber Diaspora The social space where OFW can interact includes the cyberworld. The development of information and telecommunication technology that is accessible to OFW enabled them to communicate with fellow OFW in Baku and outside the boundaries of Azerbaijan. Huge amount of personal and public information is transmitted among the OFW in Baku, between OFW in Baku and the Philippines and the rest of the world. There are several telecommunication and internet providers in Baku.8 The telecommunication gateway in Baku is operated by an Azeri-Turkish Company with branch in Turkey. Through the gateway, Baku can connect to 200 other countries all over the world. Philippine based telecommunication can interconnect with their Baku counterpart through the international roaming facility. OFW also maintains their Philippine based prepaid SIM cards on international roaming maintains. Through the roaming feature, friends and relatives in the Philippines can send text messages to their Philippine Phone. Other telecommunication facilities that OFW uses are their office internet or internet café where they can access their email accounts. They can send email message, short message through the Yahoo or MSN messenger, voice over IP features of Skype or Yahoo. OFW also use the group mailing service such as the yahoo groups where you can send email to a large number of recipients. During my stay in Baku, I frequently communicate with my spouse and children using the video conferencing feature of the Yahoo Messenger. Cell phone and Internet enabled OFW in Baku to regularly communicate with other OFW in other part of the world. This has transformed part of the imagined community to virtual and real community. The global television channels such as The Filipino Channel (TFC) of the ABS-CBN Network, GMA Television, Netvision, Old Path and UNTV are the major television network providing OFW with television service. Their service connects the Filipino Diaspora around the world. Most of these televisions are available worldwide
7 8

This was prior to the split within the CFC organization. At present, the GK has focused on social development, while CFC focused on family ministry. In 2009, Baku has upgraded to 3g Technology. There are six telecommunication companies operating in Baku and the rest of Absheron peninsula, these are Azercell, Bakcell, Nar Mobile, Aztrank and Catel. Both Azercell and Bakcell have been operating since 1996, the rest are new entrants.

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through the internet, directTV, satellite feed, or local cable. The different shows provide the OFW with entertainment and information about the current events in the Philippines. Some of the shows specifically addresses the OFW and bring their Families to connect with their OFW family members abroad. At present, only one Filipino Channel is available in Baku. The network owned and operated by the evangelist organization. The other networks nevertheless are available through the internet. The major networks also operate radio stations that are accessible through the internet radio. These Internet radio stations include the national and selected regional radio stations (http://www.surfmusic.de/country/philippines.html). Aside from internet television and radio, OFW also access internet edition of the local and national newspaper. Two popular sites are often visited, the Philippine Daily Inquirer and the Star Online. There are other OFW web portals that are accessed occasionally by the OFW in Baku. OFW Influence in Business and Governance OFW presence and influence is felt is other aspect of social, cultural life of Azerbaijan. During my fieldwork in Baku, I observed this influence in some of the government and corporate life. The oil industry being the leading business sector is dominated by multi-national companies. OFW as part of the supervisory and middle management segment of these corporations have influenced the development of business and corporate practices. As the contract manager for the ADB funded Technical Assistance for the Southern Road Corridor Improvement Project, I helped managed the Technical Assistance Process. There are two OFW professional in this team, myself as the Contract Manager, and a Bridge Engineer. ADB Professional and National Staff occasionally come to Baku to provide technical advice and assistance to the local staff on the different aspect of ADB operation. A Filipino Social Development Specialist was also involved in the World Bank finance segment of the Southern Corridor Improvement Project. As part of the German Consulting Group, the Filipino Social Development Specialist provided advice to his Azeri counterpart from the Ministry of Transport in charge of the Resettlement and Social Development. Filipinos crews are part of the team that is laying the foundation for the upgraded telecommunication facilities in Azerbaijan. Having worked in the two telecommunication giants in the Philippines, the Filipino crew are knowledgeable in the technology and can perform multi-tasked roles. They can also perform trouble shooting and maintenance operation better than the other nationals who have limited exposure and experience in cellular telecommunication technology. Logistics management and provision of logistical support to the offshore oil exploration is one of the sectors where Filipino Managers have significant impact. Most of the companies providing support to the multinational oil companies are base in Dubai and Saudi Arabia. They are well known among the Executives of the multinational corporation and are identified as Filipino. Food and entertainment sector is also one area where Filipinos exerts significant impact. Some of the Dubai based food and entertainment outfit rely on Filipino to manage their operation. This includes the OFW Chef who manages the Japanese restaurant at the Hyatt Hotel, the OFW Manager of Reysha and Ichiban, whose principal partners also comes from Dubai. Filipina entertainers have been making impact on the entertainment circuits. Recently, Filipina domestic helpers are becoming popular among the executives of multinational corporations, most of whom may have employed Filipina domestic helpers in the home countries such as London, Germany, France, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, and Turkey, to name a few. Some of these executive have Filipina wives and may have some experience in employing domestic helpers from the Philippines. Aside from their reputation as hard working and talented, Filipina domestic helpers are fluent in English and can perform a variety of tasks including babysitting. Global Diaspora The term “Overseas Filipino” refers to a person of Philippine origin who lives outside of the Philippines. They include people of Filipino ancestry who maybe citizens or residents of a different country and to those Filipino citizens abroad on a more temporary status. Most overseas Filipinos migrate to other nations to find

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employment or support their families in the Philippines. As a result of this migration, many countries have a substantial Filipino community or Diaspora. The term is often used interchangeably with "Overseas Filipino Workers" or "OFWs". Recently, the term "Global Filipino" is used to refer to overseas Filipino. The term "Overseas Filipino Investor" or "OFI" was coined by the government to refer to Filipino expatriates who contribute to the economy through remittances, and investments. Numerous studies have been done on the phenomenon of OFW migration, including the paper of Joseph Lalo, about the OFW phenomenon. His paper provides a macroscopic view of the phenomenon. This paper on the other hand offers a microscopic view of the global phenomenon of Filipino Diaspora. Both papers subscribe to the view that there are push and pull factors that motives OFW to seek employment in other countries. The push factors include lack of employment opportunities and frustration and perception of lack of progress. The perception of corruption and lack of opportunities for professional growth also serve as pull to professionals seeking greener pasture in other countries. At present, there are more than 8 million Overseas Filipinos in different parts of the world. These constitute the Global Diaspora. Filipinos in Azerbaijan compared with United States or Saudi Arabia which numbers to more than 2 million and 1 million, respectively, seems very insignificant. Even Switzerland has a population of about 12 thousand Filipinos. The Azerbaijan experience nevertheless is as important. As pioneering migrants the Filipinos did not have establish support system enjoyed by countries such as the United States, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirate, Canada and Australia, Malaysia, United Kingdom, Japan, Qatar and Singapore. These are the top ten destinations of Overseas Filipinos. It is also in these countries where companies in the Philippines have directed their marketing of products and services such as door to door deliveries, money transfer, cable television and many more. These products and services offered to Overseas Filipino constantly remind them of their identity and the shared culture and tradition. The table below provides a estimates of the Filipino population in each country. Also the discussion below provides country specific information about the Filipino Diaspora in the said country.
Total population 8,726,520 estimates Regions with significant populations United States Saudi Arabia UAE Canada Australia Malaysia United Kingdom Japan Qatar Singapore Kuwait Hong Kong Italy South Korea Taiwan Germany France Bahrain Spain Israel Greece 2,802,586 1,066,401 529,114 462,935 250,347 244,967 203,035 202,557 195,558 156,466 139,802 130,537 120,192 80,715 74,010 54,336 47,075 44,703 41,780 36,880 29,344

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Lebanon Macau New Zealand Guam Norway Netherlands Sweden Ireland Papua New Guinea Switzerland

25,818 23,348 23,023 22,567 20,035 19,163 18,435 16,832 12,932 12,042

Source: Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main_Page) downloaded October 10, 2009 Economic Impact The result of the OFW contribution to the Philippine economy is the proclamation of the OFW as the Bagong Bayani or the new heroes. The Money sent by OFWs back to the Philippines has become a major factor in the country's economy, amounting to more than US$10 billion in 2005. This makes the country the fourth largest recipient of foreign remittances behind India, China, and Mexico. The amount represents 13.5% of the Philippines' GDP, the largest in proportion to the domestic economy among the four countries mentioned. Overseas Filipinos sent $15.9 billion worth of remittances to the Philippines in 2008, up from the $14.4 billion in 2007, and $13 billion in 2006. Major Filipino Diaspora Discussion below provides some details on the top Filipino Diaspora around the world. The experience below also illustrates the push and pull factors that motives migration and creation of Diaspora in the host country. Most of the information below were taken from the internet sources and therefore may not be conclusive and validated. However, the discussion aims only in providing contrast and comparison to the focus of this case study which is Baku, Azerbaijan. United States. Even with the problem on race relations during the late 19th and early 20th centuries in the American Northwest, many Filipino Americans or “FilAms” of today find it easier to integrate into American society. Most of these Filipinos belong to the upper middle class. Compared with the other Asians from the East and Southeast Asian-American groups, the FilAms have the second highest median of household income, even exceeding that of the general population of U.S., surpassed only by Asian Indians. Table below provides comparison on the household income of different ethnic groups in the United States. United States Median Household Income: 2004. Ethnicity Asian Indians Filipinos Chinese Japanese Koreans Total US Population Household Income $68,771 $65,700 $57,433 $53,763 $43,195 $44,684

Next to the Asian Indian, Filipinos are as the second-largest Asian American group in the country; Filipino (Tagalog is the based national language) is the fifth most spoken language in the U.S. The recent phenomenon of mail order brides, internet courtship, and/or direct contact has introduced feminization of the overseas Filipino composition with Filipinas comprising a significant portion of the roughly 4,000-6,000 women who

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annually enter the U.S. The US State Department estimated that there are 4 million Filipinos in the US as of 2007. US is also host to many Filipino American organization, which include geographic based associations such as the Ilocos Association of Filipino or school based groups such as the University of the Philippines Alumni Association in California, and many more, including the sectarian and religious based organization. These groups strengthen the development of Filipino Diaspora. As a formal expression of Filipino Diaspora, these organization have fixed membership, constitution and by-laws and are often tapped to assist the country of origin in times of calamity. They are also host to visiting Filipinos and entertainers from the Philippines. United Kingdom (UK). A significant number of nurses and caregivers have begun flocking to the United Kingdom in recent years. UK has welcomes about 20,000 nurses and other Filipinos professionals during the past 5 years. At present, reports indicate that there are around 200,000 OFWs in the UK. Mexico. Mexicans of Filipino ancestry living in Mexico number to about 200,000. Some of them come all the way back to the time of Spanish colonization of the Philippines, where some of the Filipinos have settled in Mexico from 1565 to 1821. The descendants of these Filipino settlers have integrated in the Mexican Society. Some of them can still identify with their Filipino origin. In the past, there are also migrants who sought refugee status in order to escape the persecution during the martial law days of Ferdinand Marcos. Their communities are found in Guerrero, Michoacán, and Colima. Iraq. The Philippine Government ban on the deployment of OFW in this country has not discouraged Filipinos to seek employment in Iraq. There are about 1,000 to 3,000 OFWs working in this country. Most of them work on US military bases around the country as cooks and laundry service, sometimes as third-country national security guards. This is the only country where the male OFW outnumbers the women OFW. Most of the OFW here are recruited and deployed from a third country such as Jordan and other Middle East Countries. Most the OFW here view their stay in the country as temporary and would want to migrate to other countries that is more hospitable and friendly or go back to the country and start their own business. Canada. There was only a small population of Filipinos residing in Canada until the late 20th century. In 2006, The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) has estimated that there were more than 400,000 Filipino-Canadians. This was due to Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Western Canada and the Philippines; the large number of contracts workers hired in Atlantic Canada, Central Canada, and Northern Canada. The Canadian government estimates that there would be more than 500,000 Filipinos in Canada comes 2010. As of December 2008, Filipinos overtook China as Canada's leading source of immigrants. There is a Filipino Canadians Association in Canada which helped develop closer interaction and solidarity amongst them. This helps strengthen and consolidate the Filipino Community from an imagined community to a real community, even in cycberspace (virtual community without physical boundaries). Spain. In 2008, OFW in Spain numbers to about 300,000. As a result, OFW become the second largest East Asian community in Spain behind the Chinese. There were many Filipinos who migrated out of Spain after the Spanish-American War, where the United States took over the Philippine islands in 1898. Those who choose to stay resulted in the group of Spaniards with Filipino origins, most of whom are 3rd and 4th generations from the migranting ancestors. Famous personalities with Filipino roots include Isabel Preysler, mother of famous singer Enrique Iglesias, Between 1960s and 1970s, there was a wave of migration to Spain, seeking jobs, which in many cases were related to housekeeping, healthcare or industrial activities. This migration wave is estimated to have brought in 250,000 people. Hong Kong. There are about 140,000 Filipinos in Hong Kong; most of these OFW are domestic helpers (30,000 of them being members of the Filipino Migrant Workers Union). Filipino maids are known by the locals as amahs, or more often feiyungs (less politely bun mui or bun bun). A Hong Kong work visa requires some amount of higher education; and in some cases Filipino women with college degrees and perfect command of English are willing to work as maids and nannies for a salary higher than they could make at home in professions. OFW can be seen at the park socializing with other OFW during the weekend break. Through this person-to-person interaction, the Global Diaspora is strengthened. Singapore. According to POEA, there are more than 150,000 OFW residing in Singapore in 2004. There are also about 240,000 Filipinos that annually visit the country as tourist, making them one of the biggest foreign tourists of Singapore.

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Taiwan. The Philippine Overseas Employment Agency (POEA) data shows that there about 96,000 Filipinos living in Taiwan as of 2004. Of these, 58,704 are in manufacturing industries and 34,602 are in social or personal services (e.g. maids). Moreover, the 2004 data also shows that there are 2,037 Filipinos living in Taiwan permanently, 154,135 are in Taiwan for work contracts, and 4,500 go to Taiwan irregularly, which make a total of 160,672. Middle East. Many Filipinos work in the Middle East (mostly Saudi Arabia and UAE) as engineers, nurses or hospital workers, accountants, office workers, construction workers, restaurant workers and maids. It is estimated that more than 2 million Filipinos have made the Middle East their home. Japan. Some 250,000 Filipinos are listed to be living within Japan's geographic confines. However, this number is speculated to be larger, surpassing the one million mark due to many unlisted and illegal Filipino nationals. South Korea. According to the Commission on Filipinos Overseas, as of December 2006, some 70,000 Filipinos work and live in Korea. Of this number, some 6,000 are permanent residents, some 50,000 work legally, and some 14,000 are "irregular" or do not have the proper documents. Illegal migrants often rely on other Filipinos for their survival, especially during the times when they are looking for other jobs. However, these can also be a threat to them, iof they are turned over to the authorities in exchange for monetary reward. However, being a Filipino or Kabayan is enough to help other Filipinos in dire need of assistance. Lebanon. As many as 30,000 OFWs are working in the nation of Lebanon. Due to the recent turmoil between Lebanon and Israel, however, many have been repatriated back to the Philippines, while others have been relocated to Cyprus, a part of the Philippine evacuation plan. Lebanon is not considered as a country of destination and most of the OFW views their stay as temporary. The volatile and hostile environment is a significant in influencing the creation of Filipino Diaspora, where membership and consciousness of being a Filipino is important for ones survival. Filipinos recognize the importance of helping one another in times of crises. Malaysia. As Sabah is very close to the Philippines, there are many Filipino residents, as well as illegal immigrants there. Filipinos make up about 30% of the entire population of Sabah and they enumerate up to 900,000. Many Filipinos in Malaysia residents come to work in construction industries, fisheries, and other labor intensive sectors in hopes of a better living. Most live in stilt slums scattered behind cities or on offshore islands. The Philippine government also has promised to establish a consulate provide any necessary help to its nationals. Historically, The Philippines has a dormant claim on the territory. Native Sabahans themselves are closely related to southern Filipinos. Sabah is a special case, because of historical and cultural factors. They may not even be considered Diaspora because, they claim for ancestral domain remains and the political boundaries which were created as a result of colonization is beyond their control. New Zealand. There are about 17,000 Filipino residents and citizens in New Zealand called KiwiPinoy's, Filipino-New Zealanders. New Zealand, as in the past, is currently recruiting Filipino qualified nurses. Filipinos in New Zealand, as well as prospective immigrants, often lean towards information technology, nursing and, more recently, telecommunications for careers. Nigeria. Filipinos in Nigeria consist largely of migrant workers in the oil industry, though those in the capital city Abuja also work in the education and medical sectors. By mid-2008, their numbers had grown to an estimated 4,500, up from 3,790 in December 2005. They commonly hold skilled construction positions, among them pipe layers, welders, and engineers, and may earn as much as US$10,000 per month; however, those working in oil areas in Southeast Nigeria often find themselves the target of violence by local militants. Majority of the OFWs are working/residing in Lagos and Abuja. Filipino workers are actively petitioning the Philippine government to lift the travel and work ban in Nigeria. The racial difference is marked in Nigeria. Even as the Nigerians are generally hospitable, the marked difference in culture poses a problem of acculturation and assimilation. Most of the Filipinos there would transfer to western country if given a choice. Most of them would also choose to go back to the Philippines if opportunity is present. Norway. The number of people with Filipino background in Norway is estimated to be about 9,000, most of them living in the Oslo urban area. Most of the Filipino immigrants to Norway are females, representing 76 % of the total of 9,000. A significant number has intermarried with Norway nationals and have been acculturated and adapted to the culture of the host country. However, most of the OFW there have retained

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their identity and culture as Filipinos. According to my Filipino friend in Norway, the Filipinos in Norway is therefore very much part of the Global Filipino Diaspora. Issues and Challenge to Global Filipino Diaspora OFW, both blue collar and white collar, can face significant obstacles, these includes illegal recruitment, mysterious deaths, racial profiling and discrimination, and kidnapping, to name a few. In some countries, such as Hong Kong, China and Singapore, and in other Middle Eastern countries, including Iraq and Saudi Arabia OFWs have reported that their pay was withheld, while others have had their documents confiscated or hidden. Furthermore, some, mostly domestic helpers were physically and sexually abused, even murdered. Well-known cases include those of Flor Contemplacion and Sarah Balabagan. The Philippine government has responded by having local Philippine consulates and embassies assist with the OFW's needs. NGOs, such as Migrante and Gabriela are also present. Action by the government on these cases have had mixed results with some OFWs returning to the country happ while others return either injured or dead. Other problems faced by OFWs include the risk of being part of the collateral damage in the armed conflict in the area, and the risk of being kidnapped, such as those in Lebanon, Iraq, and Nigeria, where terrorist have been including expatriate in their targets. Another issue is Filipino women becoming sex slaves in countries such as Japan or other countries. Thousands of women travel abroad for domestic work only to be tricked into sex work. Sex traffickers take their passports, withhold wages, or physically abuse them. A major issue which keeps Overseas Filipinos from staying for good in the Philippines is the lack of a comprehensive reintegration policy. Remittances have not been transformed into productive use so the economy still cannot provide better opportunities for those who are returning home. The Philippine government has put up a plan to provide livelihood and skills training programs to Overseas Filipino Workers to help them reintegrate, ease the impact of their transition of working back home and increase their chances of gaining work again. Concluding Remarks The global Filipino Diaspora is not only an imagined community of OFW, it is an emerging virtual community that is linked through the social network of kinship, and various social institutions and organizations, and the cyber world. The shared identity as Filipino throughout the world is reinforced as a result of the triumphs of the Filipinos, the likes of Manny Pacquiao. Even as most of these OFW will remain as anonymous as one will never meet the great majority of them, nevertheless, OFW all over the world are aware of one another's presence and of the bonds of culture, national identity, custom and tradition that they share. However the development of accessible information communication technology has bridged the digital divide which narrowed the social distance between the Diaspora around the world and the country of origin, the Philippines. There is trend of the creation of more Diaspora in different countries all over the world, from the least known countries in Central and West Asia, such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Georgia and Armenia to the more popular destinations such as the Middle East countries of Kindom of Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Qatar, Yemen, Oman, and Kuwait, to the East Asian Countries of Japan, Taiwan, Korea, and China. Other Asian countries have been attracting migrant workers, such as Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, Thailand, Vietnam, and Cambodia. Traditional areas for migrant workers such as the United States of America, Canada and Europe remain the top destination. One can find OFWs in Somalia, Nigeria, and other countries in Africa. The push-pull factor is the main factor that influences transnational movements. The economic boom that Baku has enjoyed required high level of human resources, the OFW based in Dubai, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and London to name a few can provide that expertise. This high level expertise is readily available and comparatively lower in cost and maintenance. OFW are highly adaptive to different working environment, are known to be multi-skilled and professional. Unlike the traditional communities of the Jewish, Indian and Chinese, which are usually referred as Diaspora, the Filipino Global Diaspora is not necessarily a community in an identifiable territory, such as the Chinatown

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found in Asian Countries outside China. The development of accessible and affordable telecommunication facilities, global organizations, and other social space, provides the OFWs with the space where they can assert their identity, and culture. This has profoundly impacted on the transnational social processes, which include labour movement and even international marriages. The glorification of the Overseas Filipino Workers as Bagong Bayani or the new heroes, legitimize and institutionalize the sending of workers overseas as a national strategy for survival and development. This has its own attendant social and cultural cost, to the family and community of origin of the OFW. It contributed to the creation of broken families, social dysfunction, and disintegration of the family as the basic foundation of the society’s social fabric. Global Filipino Diaspora also contributes to the host society. The level of skills that Overseas Filipino Workers bring has somehow impacted on the manpower hiring of multinational and transnational corporation operating in the Azerbaijan.

References Asian Development Bank (2005) Azerbaijan Country Environmental Analysis. November Avila Bobit S. (2009) Who started the Filipino diaspora? In SHOOTING STRAIGHT. The Philippine Star. Updated July 11, 2009 12:00 AM Martinez, Ruben Z. (2009) Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) in Baku, Azerbaijan. WV Magazine Blog. http://wvmags.blogspot.com/2009_05_03_archive.html Okamura, Jonathan Y. The Global Filipino Diaspora as an Imagined Community , University of Hawaii at Manoa. http://www.usc.edu/dept/LAS/CMTS/MonoPaper3-6.html Sid, Mark Diaspora. Giving: An Agent of Change in Asia Pacific Communities? Overview, A Decade of Research and Practice of Diaspora Philanthropy in the Asia Pacifi c Region: The State of the Field. http://www.asiapacificphilanthropy.org/files/APPC%20Diaspora%20Giving%202008_Overview.pdf

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The Phenomenon of Filipino-Japanese Marriages
LESLIE BAUZON University of Tsukuba, Japan

Over the past several years, there has been a steady outward movement of Filipinos to foreign lands, either on a permanent basis, as in migration, or on a temporary basis, as in overseas employment. The majority of these egresses are done for the intention of finding greener pastures, of searching for the proverbial gold mine. The persistent long queues at the United States Embassy and at recruitment centers for Middle East employment attest to this. Many of these people have little hope of finding gainful employment in their native land and believe that working abroad is the shortcut to earn good money no matter what the cost may be. For there have been so many cases of misfortunes, accidents, deaths, and very frequently, broken homes. People from the highest strata down to the lowest classes join the exodus to foreign lands. Doctors and nurses train abroad, and then eventually settle there. Architects and engineers leave their jobs here to join foreign firms. Skilled and unskilled construction workers augment the labor force in the Middle East. Teachers and housewives take jobs as domestic helpers and take care of other people's children while leaving the care of their own children to relatives. Job opportunities in the Philippines, although available to those qualified, pay very little and will not enable them to afford big color televisions, cassette players, or video cassette recorders ubiquitously seen in homes of overseas contract workers. While professionals will not be able to build their dream homes, ride in luxurious vans or automobiles, or send their children to exclusive schools, if they worked locally. The recent years have seen the exit of Filipino women to Japan to work as entertainers, who come back and go on 3-6 month-contracts. Those who are fortunate to land more permanent jobs stay longer, or find Japanese husbands and bear their children. A few go to the extent of becoming mail-order brides, or are recruited to marry Japanese farmers in rural Japan. This latter phenomenon of Filipino village women opting to leave their families and homeland to get married to Japanese farmers led to this study. This article seeks to make an in-depth analysis of the historical, cultural, social and economic context of the phenomenon of cross-cultural marriages between Japanese farmers and Filipino village women, the recruitment process, their expectations, and how they reconcile their respective expectations and differences. To accomplish these objectives, it is imperative to do a comparative analysis of the background of the Japanese and Filipinos in general, and of the Japanese farmers and Filipino village women in particular. This is followed by a study of actual cases of marriage between Japanese farmers and Filipino women in rural villages in Japan, carried out by informal unstructured interviews wherein the interviewees casually narrated their stories. The Philippines The Philippines is located about 700 miles from the mainland of Asia, forming the northern part of the Malay Archipelago. To its north is Taiwan, to its west, Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Vietnam, and to its northwest, Hong Kong and Communist China. Its total area is 115, 707 square miles, compared to Japan's 142, 726. It has three big island groups, Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao, altogether consisting of more than 7,000 large and small islands. It is a tropical country with a warm climate, although the months of November, December, and January are relatively mild with cool winds. It is very rich in natural resources: fertile soil, seas, lakes and streams with abundant fish species, pearl-bearing oysters, hills and mountains with rich deposits of gold, silver, iron, chromite and other valuable minerals. Millions of hectares of forests are rich in commercial timber - mahogany, dao, kamagong, tindalo, narra, and molave, ranking among the finest hardwoods in the world (Zafra 1966). Filipino culture is a blend of different cultures, mainly influenced by Spain during its more than 300-year rule, and the United States for almost fifty years, while retaining some pre-colonial beliefs and practices of Malay, Chinese, and Indian cultures. Spain introduced Catholicism and Spanish culture which became the basis of many social institutions and ideologies. It was responsible for uneven wealth distribution, giving rise to the wealthy landed minority, and the poor majority. While Spanish culture was conservative, the Americans

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brought liberalism and emphasized social equality and democracy. Today, Filipinos are a largelywesternized people, enjoying American food, music, and adopting westernized values. The Filipino family is known for its solidarity, and in the community, almost all activities are centered on the family. It is one of the major sources of security in society. The family is not only supportive but also protective of its members. Thus, an erring child is not considered at fault, but was just probably influenced by bad company. A disgraced child is accepted as an integral part of the family. Likewise, institutions for the aged and the orphanages are very few because it is characteristic of Filipino culture to take care of its old members and orphaned children (Mendez et al. 1984). The pervasiveness of familial influence over decision-making is explicit in choices of careers, marriage partners, and place of residence still dominant in some rural areas. The primary function of a family is to prepare each member for his role in the community and in the society by transmitting to the child the proper values. Values refer to the standards of evaluation people use to view objects, ideas or actions as desirable or undesirable, right or wrong, appropriate or inappropriate. Values are guides to human behavior (Mendez et al. 1983). Among the important Filipino values is respect for elders, e.g. the practice of the child kissing the hand of his parents and older relatives; the use of "Aling" or "Mang" before the first names of men and women; calling of "Ate" or "kuya" to an elder sister or brother, and using "po" or "opo" in answering yes in obedience to elders. There are also harmonious relationships: friendly relations between children; the virtues of generosity and reciprocity, as in food-sharing, and responsibility. The boy helps the father in the field; the girl helps the mother in household work, and attends to younger siblings. In modesty they behave properly, maintaining a discreet distance of a young lady from boys, not speaking loudly, or not giggling in public. In a "double standard of morality:" the male adolescent is not as restricted; double standard extends to the "querida system," which tolerates a married man to have extramarital affairs; society condones a man doing this, but condemns a woman. (This contradicts egalitarian status between husband and wife.) There is also human concern and interaction with others (pakikisama): close fraternization among neighbors; neighborliness is best exemplified in times of crisis, e.g. emotional and moral support: material assistance like loans or protection; socializing by exchanging food and visiting, reciprocal relationship in which an individual anticipates material assistance from kinsmen, emotional support from friends, and social response from neighbours, and close kinship ties when all members of the family, young and old, are expected to attend and participate in family-sponsored activities. Children learn the values of the culture in this context and these occasions enhance close ties among kindsmen and a friend approximates another person's background and personality and can provide emotional, moral, physical, and even economic support. Relationships between close friends may approximate or even surpass sibling relationships. Filipino values include commitment and conviction (paninindigan): maybe equated to principles: a man earns the respect of his peers because he has a firm conviction about certain matters, and becomes worthy of respect. Another value is Filipino hospitality. Filipinos are well-known for their hospitality. Sometimes they go overboard, like in sacrificing one's bed or room to a visiting relative or friend, cooking more and better food for guests. Sometimes hospitality is carried too far by those who can least afford it. Food is given to guests even if members of the family would not have anything left for them. Other values include dependency, interest in overseas employment, the desire for education and colonial mentality. Dependency is a trait developed in a child but sometimes carried into adulthood. It is more frequent among well-to-do families with maids who do everything for them. Married people sometimes still depend on their old parents for financial assistance. Interest in overseas employment is particularly among those in the lower income group who do not have money for material goods and their children's education. In the desire for education, the younger generation do not see farming as a lucrative endeavor, and they consider education as a springboard for socioeconomic mobility and a means for alleviating their poverty. Colonial mentality is the Filipino attitude fo having a preference for foreign, rather than Filipino, things and ideas, such as preference for foreign consumer goods, preference to use English rather than Filipino in daily conversation. Jocano (1988) lists three other prevalent Filipino norms: shyness or hiya which may also connote shame, losing face, embarrassment or self-esteem: hiya is not wholly an individualized feeling; it is the community which defines it. The sense of gratitude (utang na loob) is an extremely important norm (Kaut 1961). It implies a sense of gratitude, a reciprocal feeling of obligation between two persons. It involves voluntary giving of a gift or favor; the repayment of assistance, gift or favor on the basis of an individual's evaluation of the degree of the indebtedness he has incurred.

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There is also the concept of honor and self-esteem (amor propio). This is introspective estimation of an individual's worth and image in the community and accounting for much of the hypersensitivity of the people, especially the young males, to proper social relations. Amor propio encompasses a radical, vindictive reaction to any attempt at casting doubt upon or questioning an individual's action, integrity and honor. These different values constitute the framework of beliefs, symbols and meanings associated with behavior. It is through them that actions are organized and emphasized for the individual members and the community. Changing Values Urbanization has attracted the rural folk to the city for better-paying job opportunities, way above the meager farm income in the Philippines. The absence of the father from the home contributes to the disintegration of the family since the mother becomes the only adult member of the nuclear family. There have also been changes in the formation of new families. The previous practices of parents arranging marriages among the young children aged between fourteen and twenty, associated with many beliefs and rituals, has changed. Mate selection since the Spanish era has been based on the freedom of an individual to choose his/her partner, although parental influence is still strong. Important traits considered in mate selection were beauty, charm, industry and diligence for a female, and dependability, resourcefulness and manliness in a male. That love is in important prelude to marriage was an American influence. The tradition of payment for the bride in which relatives of both bride and groom try to outdo each other in the giving of material gifts is no longer done. Nowadays, couples marry at an age when they feel economically independent from their parents. The marrying age has been pushed back to twenty-five to twenty-eight when both parties are considered mature and able to spend for their own weddings. Couples divide the cost of wedding expenses between them and limit the guests to close families and friends. The "pamanhikan" which is still being practiced, is less pompous and without the usual elder go-between. Usually, it is the family, the father particularly, who asks the hand of the bride in marriage. As to residence after marriage, the newly-married couple opt to live by themselves independently in rented apartments and subsist on a strict budget. Sometimes, they may initially stay with either parents until they have enough money to pay rent (Medina 1991). The role of the wife has undergone considerable changess because she now usually participates as breadwinner, and she becomes overburdened with domestic and office work. The husband is still the main provider but has a lighter burden because of his wife's employment. Japan Nearly 85 percent of Japan is covered by mountains and hills, and scientists believe that the mountain range which makes up Japan has not stopped growing. They think the eastern shores of the islands along the Pacific are slowly rising, while the western coast along the Sea of Japan is sinking. Many earthquakes occur in Japan because of this gradual and continuing movement of the earth's crust. Japan has about 1, 500 earthquakes every year. Regional climates in Japan can be compared to the east coast of the United States. Kyushu and Shikoku have a mild climate like that of Florida, with long hot summers and mild winters. Winters are mild in the south and cold and snowy in the north. Japan gets plenty of rainfall, heaviest between June and July, and from September to October. Unlike the Philippines, Japan has few natural resources. Only about 15 percent of the land can be farmed. Japan's most valuable resource is its people. With their skills, Japan has overcome the handicap of limited natural resources and has become one of the chief industrial countries in the world. Because of limited natural resources, Japan has to import food and raw materials, and in turn, it exports chemicals, electronic equipment, iron and steel, motor vehicles, ships and textiles. About one-sixth of Japan's workers are farmers, and one-half of Japanese farmland is planted with rice, mostly in paddies built in terrace on the hillsides. They also grow barley, cabbages, fruits, onions, potatoes, radishes, soybeans and wheat, and tea.

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The traditional Japanese rural society established during the Tokugawa period, concentrated on agriculture, particularly farming. The "mura" or village served as administrative unit, as well as a social and economic unit. A village was formed from a distinct residential area surrounded by fields which were cultivated by the villagers. The farmland each household owned or leased averaged nine hectares. During harvest time, it was common for the households to help one another, forging close ties among villagers (Fukutake 1967). A household includes a nuclear family, some relatives and even non-relatives such as servants registered under the household. It also included the family, the house, family properties -- the fields, animals and farming tools, and even the family graveyard where their ancestors were buried. The household head is the male who established the household, or his direct male descendant. In the absence of a man to succeed the family line, the husband of the eldest daughter or a male relative is adopted, who relinquished rights in his natal family, takes the name of his new family, and fulfills his duties and responsibilities. The duties of the household head are to ensure the continuity and standing of his household in the village society by taking care of his aged parents, by managing the properties of the household and each member's participation in the work required, and by producing a successor. Other family members submit to his authority. Marriage is between two households of more or less equal standing, rather than two individuals, who will then have certain mutual obligations dictated by custom. A go-between, usually a relative or family friend, arranges the marriages. Love and personal wishes are not considered very important. The woman is considered less important than the man because she does not contribute to the family line, uses family resources for dowry, and ceases to be part of the natal household as soon as she is legally married. The parent-child relationship is considered more important than the husband-wife relationship. The new bride has a duty to obey more the head of the household than her husband, so she has to adapt to the ways of the family as a daughter-in-law rather than as a wife. Inability to adapt could lead to divorce if her parents-in-law order it. Within the household, the househead controls the farming operations and income. He also enjoys many privileges like being served first, and has a special seat. The successor of the household is the eldest son. Daughters are low in status and they may become servants, factory-workers, or sold to prostituion as in the past. The dauighter-in-law serves the mother-in-law, and as she gets olders, she takes over the duties that the mother-in-law becomes unable to fulfil. It is not easy for a daughter-in-law to fit into her new family. She is expected to adapt to the ways of the family, serve her parents-in-law and other members, work in the farm and in the house, and bear children. The husband defers to the wishes of his parents rather than to his wife's. If the wife does not fulfill her duties, she can easily be divorced and changed. The grandparents, particularly the grandmother who stays home most of the time, take care of the grandchildren, and are usually indulgent to them, at times conflicting with the mother. As the children grow older, the headship transfers from the grandfather to the eldest, the father who is stricter. The traditional Japanese family system has undergone extreme changes. There was a rapid growth in the Japanese economy but the number of persons engaged in agriculture decreased. Manufacturing and service sectors caused the movement of more people from rural to urban areas, lured by higher wages. Farming was no longer as productive and lucrative so that the men went away to work in the cities and became weekend farmers only. Sometimes farmwork was left to the grandparents and the daughter-in-law. Modern farming utilizing scientific methods weakened the authority of the father or househead. He also had difficulty learning the new modern methods, and he had to rely on his son to do the job. The household mistress assumed many responsibilities of the househead in his absence and increased her authority. The oldest son ro successor is given incentives to stay at home and manage the household, but marriage partners are now becoming increasingly difficult to find. Japanese women now enjoy more social and economic independence. For husbands, they prefer white-collar employees, who live in urban centers and are not eldest sons, so that they are not bound to take care of the parents-in-law, can control the household finances, and raise their children the way they want. They also want enough time for leisure on a part-time job. These are some of the main reasons why only very few Japanese women would marry Japanese farmers. The men who would have much difficulty finding marriage partners are successors of family households, are living with parents, and are aged thirty years and above. Mothers themselves do not want their daughters to marry successors of households, not wanting them to experience hardships and difficulties. Young men and women who are not bound to stay and manage their family properties migrate to urban centers like Tokyo and Osaka, leaving only the older people to live in rural areas. The situation then is that

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men cannot find marriage partners within their district or even from other areas, which experience the same conditions. The lack of wives for successors in rural areas has become a critical problem. The sons are growing older, and their search for brides has now extended far beyond to other Asian countries, notably Korea, China and the Philippines. According to a study done by Hiroyuki Watanabe, et. al. (1993), there are four patterns associated with the formation of cross-cultural marriages in rural areas of Japan. The local government establishes a connecting route with a particular country, and arranges meetings in Japan or in foreign countries between Japanese men and foreign women. Connections are made through sister city or sister municipality relations and/or the acceptance of trainees in the manufacturing or agricultural sectors. The intermediary, usually a marriage introduction service or a marriage broker, acts as a go-between. The local government hires him to search for suitable candidates; then men from the municipality visit the foreign country to meet the women. The broker arranges for the men's airline tickets, hotel accommodations, meetings, and other expenses. If a couple decides to marry, he pays for all the expenses for all the preparations and the wedding itself, which may be preferred to take place in the foreign country. The broker also usually asks for a commission. In this pattern, even if it is the intermediary who establishes a connecting route and searches for the bride candidates, it is still the local government that is nominally considered the "intermediary" in the cross-cultural marriages. While the first and second patterns of Watanabe et. al. involves the direct or indirect intermediation of the local government, and in the second pattern, the intermediary receives wages from the local government, this pattern involves the direct application to the marriage service or broker by the Japanese man who wishes to search for a wife abroad. However, there are many corrupt practices here by intermediation agencies or marriage brokers, and this pattern may often lead to failure. In the personal pattern, the man and the woman meet in a "natural" manner, and there is no third party involved. They have time to get to know one another before the marriage. Within the past decade, there has been a steady influx of Asian women to Japan working as entertainers. A big number of Filipino entertainers met their fiances or spouses through this pattern. Cross-Cultural Marriages Between Filipinos and other nationals, cross-cultural marriages occur through various methods: marry through the natural methods such as in meetings through community activities, church, school, place of work, seminars, or through introduction by mutual friends or relatives. Other means, such as through pen pals, mail-order bride services, and occasionally through marriage brokers, also succeed in bringing about crosscultural marriages, especially between Filipino women and foreign men. Arranged marriages are made mainly for economic reasons to improve their present state of life, and to go abroad, or live abroad. Moreover, stories of successful and happy marriages between Filipinos and foreign nationals, and the actual observation of Filipinos having come into fortune with their jewelry, electrical appliances, cars, nice clothes and other things, are strong motivating factors. The top foreign nationals married by Filipino women are from the United States at 45 percent and Japan at 29 percent, followed by Australia, Germany, United Kingdom, and Canada. These countries are industrialized and rich. In the recent years, Japan has been a top destination of Filipino entertainers. It is near the Philippines and would be affordable for the women to come home and visit relatives frequently. In the 5-year period from 1989 to 1993, there were a large number of Filipino-Japanese marriages – 20,264, mostly the result of contact with Filipino entertainers (Philippine Statistics 1994). As to the manner of introduction between the spouses, 32-43 percent was in the place of work, 26-41 percent through personal introduction, 21-30 percent through pen pals referred by relatives, 0.2-1 percent through pen pals seen in columns or ads, 0.5-2 percent through Pen Pal club, and 0.2-4 percent through the marriage bureau. It can be seen from this figures that Filipinos still prefer personal referrals or referrals through relatives whom they can trust, rather than virtual unknowns, in their search for Japanese partners. Filipino women are preferred by many foreign nationsla to be their marriage partners because of their reputation as good wives. They are generally known for their modesty, industriousness, friendliness, and good values. Moreover, they understand and speak English. Filipino-Japanese Marriages For the purpose of actual studies of Filipino-Japanese marriages in rural Japan, a farming village, Yamagata in

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Northern Japan, was chosen to be the site of our investigation. It is a place where there is a big number of cross-cultural marriages. Since 1980, many women have been coming to the prefecture as foreign brides. In 1994, the Yamagata Prefectural Office's Summary of the Survey on Foreign Workers and Foreign Brides, there were foreign wives living in Yamagata, mostly coming from Korea, China, and the Philippines (Yamagata Statistics 1994). Yamagata prefecture is located in the Tohoku area of Japan, the northeastern portion of Honshu Island. Because it is located away from the centers of commerce and industry in Japan, its development has been slow. Hence, traditional values, attitudes and practices are still much in use. Yamagata is extremely mountainous, with mountains occupying 70 percent of the total prefectural area. The climate shows extremes of temperature, with extreme heat in summer, and severe cold during winter, with snowfall of 30-50 cms. in the plains. In 1993, Yamagata had 184 cloudy days, 82 snowy days, 137 rainy days, and only 14 sunny days. This weather situation is typical in any given year. Total population in Yamagata is 1, 258, 410, with senior citizens or persons aged 65 and over accounting for 16 percent of the population. The population density is 135 persons per square kilometer, compared to 327.4 and 326 for Tokyo and Japan, respectively. Yamagata has always been an agricultural place, with rice as the main agricultural product. Flowers and fruits are also produced, and it is famous for a variety of fruits such as cherries, pears, grapes, peaches, persimmons, and apples. Livestock is 15 percent of agricultural production, famous for its Yamagata beef. Main industries include manufacturing of machines, food processing, and textiles. In the 1980s, foreign brides started coming in large numbers in Yamagata. According to officials from the International Affairs Division of the Yamagata Prefectural Government, the past several years have shown a great increase in the number of Korean and Chinese wives, in contrast to the very slight increase in the number of Filipino women. This may be a reflection of the tightening of the law in the Philippines regarding marriage to foreign men through various types of marriage services. Local people also believe that Korean and Chinese women tend to blend physically better, and that they will adjust better to Japanese culture because of many similarities with their cultures. Support services are provided to foreign brides by the prefectural government, but actual marriage policies and agreements are left to the decision of each local government. The Prefectural government offers counselling services in the foreign brides' native languages or in English, and a guidebook for daily living written in English, Chinese, Korean, and Spanish. The International Affairs Division of the prefectural government branches in several locations offers seminars on cross-cultural issues, and get-togethers that serve to encourage cross-cultural understanding. A study of the municipalities in rural Japan would lead to a better understanding of the situation of the foreign brides. The town of Asahi typifies the general situation in rural areas, being the first municipality in Japan to actively intermediate in cross-cultural marriages of Japanese men and foreign women. Asahi is located in the Murayama area, about one hour away by car from the prefectural capital, separated from Yamagata City by mountains. The main industry is agriculture. Rice was the main product until the 1970s, but since then, there has been a shift to fruits such as apples, pears, and grapes. Other major industries are textile fiber industries, food processing, and woodcraft (Profile 1993). The current population in Asahi town is 10,156. Its population indicates three trends, most important of which is depopulation, followed by aging of the population, and an imbalance of the male to female ration, wherein there are more males in the marriageable age. As in the national and prefectural population, Asahi has a big population of older persons. Almost half of the population, 45 percent are fifty or older, 27-32 percent are aged twenty to forty-nine, while 22 percent are nineteen years and below. There is therefore a large number of single men aged thirty and above. To ensure the continuance of rural households and the towns's preservation, the local government had to act to help look for marriage partners for the single old men. A marriage consultation service was set up in 1976, 981, and in 1986. This service provided consultations regarding marriage, regular exchange of information, publication of a manual promoting marriage, arrangement of meetings or parties for single men and women, among others. Since then, sixty-two marriages were reported. Measures to attract young people to settle permanently were also made. The local government also made a policy of assistance on the matter. Local government officials decided that the choice of countries was made on the basis of the availability of connecting routes, or availability of contacts in the local countries who would act as intermediaries. Asahi is a

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pioneer town for cross-cultural marriages arranged through the intermediation of the local government. In 1985, there were four marriages between Japanese men and Filipino women. To date, there are nine Filipinos, five Chinese, and two Korean wives. Filipinos are preferred as wives because being Catholics, they are presumed to be moral, and they are perceived as kind and compassionate. After marriage, there is a contination of the support by the local government in the form of seminars and symposia, with topics on Japanese cooking, husband and wife relations, raising of children, and other practical and ordinary topics to help the wives adjust. Private groups and local organizations also help in the form of organizing community activities which encourage sharing of cultural practices and counseling. Instruction in Nihonggo os provided to the foreign brides. Japanese-Filipino Marriages in Yamagata The investigation in Yamagata was done on two occasions, 25-28 October 1994 and 22-28 November 1994. Because the Filipino wives did not live in a single place but were scattered over a large area, preliminary arrangements with the local government officials to gather them in places like the hotel, local government offices, or in homes of some wives, were made. A total of sixteen Filipino wives were available for the interviews. A socio-demographic profile of the Filipino wives and their husbands was made, while another study focused on marital satisfaction. The following tables give socio-demographic pictures of Filipino wives and Japanese husbands. Table 1. Filipino Wives A. Age Range 22-38 years 22-25 26-30 31-38 B. Province of Origin National Capital Region Bataan Bicol Cavite Leyte C. Educational Attainment College graduate Some college education Vocational school Some vocational training High school graduate D. Occupation Before Marriage Factory work Office/sales Baby-sitter (part-time) None Students E. Length of Stay in Japan Range: 8 months - 7 years Less than 3 years 3-7 years 7 or more

7 3 6 2 4 2 7 1 2 3 6 1 4 6 5 1 2 2

6 5 5

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F. Manner of Meeting their Partners Intermediation of local government Marriage broker Direct local government intermediation (local study groups) Natural way (while working as entertainer) Through an entertainer friend G. Present Occupation Factory work Non-family agricultural work Housewives H. Children With young children in elementary school One child only Two children Three children I. Living with In-Laws Table 2. Japanese Husbands A. Age Range:30-50 years 35 and below 36-40 41-45 46-50 Average age: 41 years B. Occupation Full-time farmers Service industry Part-time farmers Construction industry Analysis

11 3 1 1 10 1 5

12 7 3 2 14

1 8 4 3

4 3 8 1

It can be seen from their profile that Filipino women who entered into marriage with Japanese men were mature, of legal age, twenty-two being the youngest and six out of sixteen were more than thirty years old. The latter might have been afraid to become spinsters, or tagged as "old maids," and latched on to the "last trip" -- a common joke among Filipino women getting to be desperate to find someone to marry once they reach the age of thirty and are unattached. They were all literate, so they knew what they were getting involved in, with the lowest education being high school graduates. Their types of employment show that although ten had jobs before marriage, they were low-paying in nature. Both of these factors – advancing age and low or no employment, plus the fact that they agreed to go go to rural areas are evidences of the economic reason for these marriages. This is further proved by the fact that the intermediation was mostly the manner of meeting their partners. The women were not choosy of their partners, who were definitely much older, all of them above thirty years, seven of them forty one to fifty years old, and mostly farmers. They were not also particular about their partners’ physical appearance, whom they had not even seen. The expectations of the Filipino women respondents were typically similar: a relatively easy life, their own comfortable home, and enough money so they could send home to their folks in the Philippines. They expected to do household work, and not have to work outside their homes. They also expected to reign

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supreme in their homes, which is the usual custom in their country. They were therefore unprepared for what their situation would be like, that they would stay with their in-laws, that they were expected to work either in the farm or outside, that it was the mother-in-law who was the powerful figure in the household, that whatever earnings they would make should be given to the mother-in-law who controlled the purse, and that it would also be the parents-in-law who would take care of their children while they were away at work, and bring them up largely in the Japanese way. As to the expectations of the Japanese husband and her in-laws, the foreign wife is expected to produce an heir to succeed the father, provide labor inside and outside the house, and render service to her husband's family. She is also supposed to be under the authority of her mother-in-law, and this is where the greatest conflict is. There is a very close interdependency relationship between the mother-in-law and her son, often leading to jealousies on the part of the wife. The Filipino wife was not prepared for the set-up in the Japanese household, and the obedience expected of her by her in-laws. The Japanese family was also unprepared for the independent spirit of the foreigner wife. According to a psychiatrist, Norihiko Kuwayama (1993), who has treated Filipino wives in Yamagata, it was the stress associated with characteristics peculiar to the Japanese family that was the most heavily felt stress among foreign wives. Likewise, there were adjustment problems regarding the new environment, a totally different climate, and a communication barrier. There was not time for the partners to know much about each other, much less about their cultural differences, leading to misunderstandings and conflicts. These conflicts however decreased and were eventually somehow resolved with the passing of time which allowed them all more understanding of each other's culture. The Filipino wife's values of obedience, respect for elders, desire for harmonious relationships, responsibility, and friendliness helped her adjust to a new life, and paved the way to mutual understanding. With the lines of communication open, they discovered more about each other's cultures and learned to resolve their differences. In a study done by Angelica C. Escalona for her thesis among the same Filipino wives in Yamagata, which focused on marital satisfaction, she noted that moderate satisfaction was felt in general. Around 13 percent professed strong feelings of love for their husbands, 85 percent had some feelings, while the rest had not much love for their partners. However, they trusted their husbands, and have not had serious thought of separation or divorce, inasmuch as the latter is not allowed in the Philippines. Their disagreements center on in-law relations. Money is also a major source of conflict, especially in the early years of marriage. Filipino wives are bound by the value of "utang na loob" to their parents -- a sense of responsibility to repay the hardships and sacrifices of their parents for the children's sake. In Yamagata, all members of the household, including the Filipino wife, are expected to turn in their incomes to the mother-in-law, the sole person who holds the purse, and who just gives them their allowances. The Filipino women view their income as their own property, and it is their right on how to dispose of it. They do manage to send money to their folks from their own earnings, and give about half to their mothers-in-law. The Filipino wives were also willing for their children to be brought up by the Japanese way because they are Japanese citizens and will live in Japan. However, they intend to teach them about Filipino customs and values, too. Most of the women belong to the Catholic faith but are unable to go to church regularly because of the remote location of the churches. They do not object to participating in the rituals of their own Japanese family's religion in their desire to please them for a harmonious relationship. To resolve the conflicts, positive attitudes on the part of the Filipino wife, the Japanese husband, and the Japanese family are necessary. A willingness to respect each other's culture and adaptation over a period of time is needed. A give-and-take relationship, compromise, open communication on all sides, and love and respect for one another will make them accept each other's differences. Filipino wives should show them the Filipino culture -- the Filipino way of thinking and doing things. Because, while the situation and their respective reasons for marrying remain the same, these Filipino wives and their Japanese husbands still need each other.

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References Fukutake, Tadashi (1967) Japanese Rural Society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Important Yamagata Statistics (1994) Yamagata City: Yamagata Prefectural Office, Planning and Coordination Department, International Affairs Division. Jocano, F. Landa (1988) Slum as a Way of Life. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Kaut, Charles (1961) “Utang na Loob: A System of Contractual Obligations Among Tagalogs’” In Filipino Heritage. Manila: Philippine Women's University. Kuwayama, Norihiko (1993) “Anguished Foreign Brides: Afflictions Occurring in the Japanese Family,” Imago 5, no. 1 Mendez, Paz Policarpio, et al. (1984) The Filipino Family in Transition. CEU Research and Development Center: Sison Printing Press. ________. The Filipino Family in Urban and Rural Development. CEU Research and Development Center: Sison Printing Press. Medina, Belen T. G. (1991) The Filipino Family. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. Philippine Statistics (1994) Embassy of the Philippines. Tokyo. Profile of Yamagata Prefecture (1993) Yamagata City: Yamagata Prefectural Office, Planning and Coordination Department, International Affairs Division. Watanabe, Hiroyuki, et al. (1993) The State of Internationalization and the Increase of International Marriages in Rural Areas. Meiji University Sociology Department Research Institute Yearly Publication, vol. 23. Worldbook Encyclopedia (1980) Vol. 11. Worldbook-Childcraft International, Inc. Zafra, Nicolas (1966) A Short History of the Philippines. Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House.

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Bumbay, Kulambo and Five-Six: Narratives on the Formation of a Sikh Community in the Philippines
DARLENE MACHELL DE LEON ESPEÑA Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines

Should one walk along the streets of Manila, it is not unusual to catch sight of one or two Sikhs mounted on a scooter or motorcycle. Known to most of the locals as Bumbay, Sikhs are among the major migrant communities in the Philippines. Although commonly identified as either peddlers or money lenders, some Sikhs, in fact, have established various businesses in the country, are employed in local companies and even married to Filipinas. They have their own exclusive organizations, established their relations with local businessmen and politicians, studied in local colleges and universities and most significantly, they already constructed several Sikh Temples around the country. As a migrant community, it is essential to take a closer look at Sikhs’ experiences, narratives of living in a territory outside the boundaries of India. It is important to trace and examine their saga as their narratives also form a fraction of Philippine history. The history of migrants in the Philippines is also a history of their interaction and relation with the Filipinos. This study focuses on the history of the Sikh migration to the Philippines from India’s Independence in 1947 up to the turn of the century. There are two distinct groups of Indian migrants in the Philippines, the Sindhis and the Punjabis. The Sindhis are mostly Hindus from the province of Sindh while Punjabis are predominantly Sikhs from Punjab. The two groups are not only divergent in religion. Each of them has a distinct language, tradition and culture. Each of them has their own ways of adapting to the local culture. The author chose to concentrate on the Sikhs because of their closer interaction with the locals as money lenders and retail store owners. They managed to learn how to speak Filipino more fluently and are more exposed to local culture and yet they managed to preserve their distinct “Indian-ness”. The present study explores and assesses the various factors that motivated the Sikhs to move out of the land of their birth particularly when the province of Punjab was divided between India and Pakistan. Furthermore, it evaluates how Indians respond to the local culture and traditions and how they deal with the impediments of migrant life in the country. It delves into the processes of how the Sikhs transmit as well as maintain their culture and how modernity and globalization affect their decisions to stay and their adaptations to life in a land far from the country they might still call home. The author asserts that the social and economic conditions in Punjab after the partition of India and Pakistan were the push factors that motivated the Sikhs to migrate and try their luck in strange lands. Upon reaching the Philippines, the Sikhs had to cope with the local culture and produce a simulation of life in their home country albeit with perceptible deviations. They utilized the benefits of globalization and modernity to modify the limited space they occupy to transplant “India” within the Philippines. From the Indian specialty stores to the Sikh Temple they built, the food they eat, songs they patronize and clothes they wear, the Sikhs reinforce Indian culture and re-created Indian life in the country. India, or the concept by which the Sikhs view India, can now be easier to imagine, visualize and experience despite geographic dislocations. Throughout their long history of residing in the Philippines, the Sikhs managed to uphold the most vital aspects/necessities of life back in India (perhaps even better) and, for this reason, they opted to remain in a country far beyond the boundaries of their own home. The phenomenon of migration is neither a novel nor a hypothetical concept for most Filipinos. Almost automatically, they attach migration with the outflow of Filipinos to other countries. They visualize the Philippines more vividly as source than as target destination of migrants. 9 It is typical for an ordinary Filipino to express desire to look for better opportunities in another country so he can escape the country’s perennial economic problems – chronic unemployment and poverty in the Philippines. It is also easier for Filipinos to understand such sentiment. This notion about migration is certainly not without its basis given the fact that traditionally the outflow of emigration far exceeds the influx of foreign immigrants coming to the


Virginia Miralao, “Exploring Transnational Communities in the Philippines: An Introduction,” in Marilao and Makil (eds.) Exploring Transnational Communities in the Philippines (Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council, 2007), 5.

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country.10 What is often overlooked, however, is the fact that despite the persistent pattern of Filipino migration, the Philippines also serves as a destination of foreign migration. The practicality of out-migration juxtaposed with the inexorable economic predicaments of the Philippines prompts Filipinos to be more cognizant of the exodus of Filipino laborers and all the more oblivious to the image of the Philippines as a destination of foreign migration. They are seemingly more enthused about the narratives of Filipinos about their experiences far beyond the territory of the Philippines compared to the chronicles of foreign migrants in their midst. Even in academic research, foreign migration to the Philippines has not been subjected to meticulous and comprehensive studies, except perhaps the migration of the ethnic Chinese community to the country. 11 Furthermore, the limited studies regarding foreign migration to the Philippines are viewed within the framework of sociology, cultural studies, or political economy, whereas there is some paucity in terms of the historical research on the subject. 12 This is the main thrust of the current study, to underscore the often relegated subject of foreign migration to the Philippines at the foreground of historical investigation. The author maintains that the narrative of foreign migrants in the Philippines is also part and parcel of Philippine history. They constitute less than one percent of the country’s total population but the Sikhs are highly noticeable because of their distinctive Indian physical appearance and attire. 13 The image of a Sikh male is usually a dark-skinned, bearded, and turban-wearing man while a female Sikh is typically conceived of as a woman bearing the same Indian features, with bindis on her forehead and wearing a colorful sari. Known to most Filipinos as Bumbay,14 the Sikhs are traditionally and generally identified as either money lenders or peddlers. As money lenders, they provide small credit to common people like market vendors, street peddlers and farmers without any collateral but on exorbitant interest amounting to twenty percent (thus the term fivesix).15 As peddlers, the Sikhs usually go from house to house carrying their merchandise, such as mosquito nets, clothes and umbrellas, on their heads, which they would sell on installment basis. 16 Although all Indians in the Philippines are collectively known as Bumbay, the surrogate name directs aptly to the Sikhs – their money lending business, their long beards and the turbans they wear. During several interviews, Filipinos were questioned regarding their familiarity with the Indians. Their answers reveal that they imagine an Indian, the Bumbay, based on the image of a Sikh. 17 The tag, though, is not always used as a term of endearment. For as long as one can remember, Filipino elders have been using the term Bumbay to frighten their children to behave well by being told that if they did not behave or do what they were supposed to do, “the Bumbay will get you”. That depiction of the Bumbay as some sort of an ogre that kidnaps children is still partly to blame for even today, the image of a Sikh on a motorcycle infuse fear and alarm for some locals, particularly to children. Despite the preconceived notions of the locals, the Sikhs have managed to establish their own separate community and cultivated cordial relationship with Filipinos, speaking fluent Filipino and other local languages, eating Filipino foods and watching local telenovelas and movies. Sikhs were able to establish
Ibid. Perhaps the earliest significant work on the history of Chinese settlers in the Philippines is Edgard Wickerbrg’s “The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History” published in 1964. See Bernardita Churchill, “History and the Current Situation of the Discipline of History in the Philippines”, in Philippine Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol 2 (Quezon City: PSSC, 1993), 14; Jorge V. Tigno, “A Preliminary Study of Foreign Nationals in the Philippines: Strangers in our Midst?”, in Asis (ed.) The Philippines as Home: Settlers and Sojourners in the Country (Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council, 2001), 2 and ;Ajit Singh Rye, “The Indian Community in the Philippines,” in Sandhu and Mani (eds.) Indian Communities in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993), 708. 12 The Philippine Migration Research Network has compiled a number of academic researches on the dynamics of national and international migration trends. See Miralao and Makil (eds.) Exploring Transnational Communities in the Philippines; and Asis (ed.) The Philippines as Home: Settlers and Sojourners in the Country. 13 In 2000, there were only 34, 955 Indians in the Philippines based on the statistical data of the National Statistics Office. 14 The term Bumbay has a derogatory allusion and it refers not only to all Indians but also to Pakistanis, Turks and even Arabs. See Ofelia Angangco, “The Indian Community in the Philippines” (M.A. thesis, University of the Philippines Diliman, 1956). 15 Five-six is also used sometimes by Filipinos to refer directly to Indians regardless if they are money lenders or not. In other words, the label, like the term Bumbay, has been used to stereotype Indians. 16 The view that Sikhs are peddlers has been traditionally preserved in the memory of Filipinos. It was in the 1950s, that Indians were vigorously and patiently peddling various products along the streets of major cities in the Philippines. To date though, peddling is not anymore a major livelihood among the Sikhs. 17 Although Indian Hindus and Sikhs have the same facial and physical features, the Sikhs (not the Hindus) are the ones who are engaged in money lending and peddling, they wore long beards and turbans and rode motorcycles.
11 10

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various businesses, garment factories and retail stores of Indian goods and products. Others found employment in local companies and are even married to Filipinas, their children studied in local colleges and universities maintaining Indian culture and traditions and most notably, they have founded Sikh Temples in various parts of the predominantly Catholic country. On the whole, the Sikhs were able to adapt to the local culture, maintain their customs, language and religion, and endure the strains of living in a land far from the country they might still call home. The present study is a forthright attempt to give an overview of Sikh migration to the Philippines from 1947, when the province of Punjab, the homeland of the Sikhs, was divided between India and Pakistan, up to 2000. It explores the factors that motivated the Sikhs to move out of India and settle in the Philippines. Furthermore, it evaluates how the Sikhs respond to the local culture and traditions and how they deal with the impediments of migrant life in the country, particularly their economic and religious life. It delves into the processes of how the Sikhs transmit as well as maintain their culture and how modernity and globalization affect not only their decisions to stay but the dynamics of their adaptations to migrant life as well. The author asserts that the social and economic conditions in Punjab after the partition of India and Pakistan motivated the Sikhs to transcend borders. The moment migrants reached Philippines, the survival instincts of the Sikhs triggered them to cope with the indigenous Filipino culture, producing a simulation of life in their native soil notwithstanding visible inevitable digressions. They utilized the benefits of globalization and modernity to modify the limited space they occupy to transplant “India” within the Philippines. From the Indian specialty stores to the Sikh Temple they built, the food they eat, songs they patronize and clothes they wear, the Sikhs reinforce Indian culture and re-created Indian life in the country. Throughout their long history of residing in the Philippines, the Sikh community managed to uphold the most vital aspects/necessities of life back in India, acquired economic stability and restructured their new life notwithstanding physical and geographic dislocations, and, for this reason, they opted to remain in a country far away from the peripheries of their own home. As the author intended the research design to be mainly exploratory, the paper is segmented into the following parts: a) survey of the pre-colonial to colonial link between India and the Philippines, b) nature and causes of Sikh migration to the Philippines, c) economic life of the Sikhs in the country, d) perpetuation of their religious life, and e) social and cultural adaptations of the Sikhs as well as their strategies to transmit their distinctive culture among younger generations and their relationships with the Filipinos. By Means of a Prologue: Indo-Philippine Historical Background Indian migration is a fairly new phenomenon but India’s cultural influences permeated the Philippines long before the advent of Spanish colonization of the country. Juan R. Francisco asserts that Indian customs possibly penetrated the country between the 9th to 11th centuries up until the coming of the Spaniards.18 He further argues that there was no direct contact between the natives of the two countries however Indian culture was brought to the country by the Hinduized and Islamized Malays and Indonesians. 19 Although there is evidence of pre-colonial drift of Indian culture to the Philippines, Indian migration to the country before Spanish colonial period was rather insignificant if not non-existent at all. Since the Spanish conquistadores led by Fernando Magellan reached the Las Islas Phelipinas in 1521, to the formalization of the colonial framework in 1572 by Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi in 1572, up until the early part of the 18th century, there was no known Indian community in Manila. 20 While the country was under Spanish colonial government, trade and contact with other European countries was restricted by the Spaniards to thwart any potential threat to their rule. The only external trade and commercial connection of the Philippine was with Spain and Mexico. 21 Moreover, at about the same period of the Spanish colonization of the country, India already harbored various European merchants and traders within its ports. Among them, the British eventually gained hegemony and as the longstanding enmity between Spain and Britain prevailed in the 1700s, the economic and diplomatic barrier between the Spanish Philippines and British India seemed even more impregnable – an obstruction that the British East India Company attempted to break down incessantly.
18 19

Juan R. Francisco is a leading Filipino Indologist who surveyed pre-colonial contact between India and the Philippines. Juan R. Francisco. The Philippines and India: Essays in Ancient Cultural Relations (Manila: National Bookstore, Inc., 1971), 7-8. 20 Preliminary survey of archival sources and Spanish accounts shows no data on the number of foreign settlers of Indian descent. 21 Before 1834, the Philippines was close to international trade. The Spanish Crown only allowed the Galleon Trade, or the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade to facilitate the transportation of goods while direct trade with Spain was vested with the Royal Philippine Company.

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The advent of the earliest Indians in Manila during the colonial period was in actuality a result of British merchants and traders’ series of attempts to forge formal commercial activities in Manila. In 1644, the British East India Company dispatched the Seahorse, a cargo ship carrying cotton piece-goods amounting to 110, 000 mahmudis to the Philippines. 22 When the ship arrived in Manila, British merchants were received with great suspicion. Their request for the landing and sale of their merchandise was rejected by Governor General Sebastian Hurtado several times, to the dismay of the British who traveled all the way from Madras. 23 Hurtados reasoned that his decision was due to the fact that the British had not brought iron or saltpeter for the Spanish government in Manila. After three appeals to the Spanish Governor General, the British were finally given the permission to unload their ship’s cargo. 24 This encounter, though exhausting and risky on the part of the British have in fact, paved the way for the beginning of a clandestine trade between the British free merchants in Madras and East India Company and the Spanish colonial government in Manila, which subsequently came to be known as the “Manilha Trade”. 25 In January, 1647, the English ambassador in Madrid petitioned to the Spanish Council of State to extend trading rights to the British in Manila but the proposal was never given a positive response. 26 Indomitable with their commercial interests in the Philippines, British merchants were forced to utilize several strategies in their subsequent shipments to Manila. One of their tactics was to load their cargoes on ships and vessels owned by Hindus, Muslims, Armenians, and Parsis since trade in Manila was only open for Asians. Other times, they simply relegate their goods to wealthy Indian merchants who acted as dummies or “middle man”. 27 Despite the fact that the Indians were relegated to the background of the “Manilha Trade”, it still served as short break for Indians to reach the Philippines. However, during this period, there was little stimulus for the influx as well as settling of Indians to the country. In 1762, when Manila was captured under the ephemeral British rule, some 600 Indian soldiers or sepoys reached the Philippines. 28 They formed a contingent of the British military forces under Admiral Samuel Cornish and General William Draper that led the attack against the Spanish-ruled Philippines. 29 Upon the surrender of the Spanish colonial government in Manila, British soldiers and Indian sepoys conducted military expeditions to the fringes of Manila like the Southern Luzon and the Visayan region. 30 It was a short lived encounter between the Indians and the Filipinos, for by 1764, the war was ended and the British colonial forces retreated and left the Philippines to the hands of the Spaniards. Some of the Indian sepoys managed to break away from the British and settled in a barangay (village) named Dayap in Cainta. 31 They married local women and were eventually baptized as Christians. Their descendants were said to have retained the physical distinctiveness of their Indian ancestry and remained living close to one another and for that reason, Cainta was acknowledged as “Little India” as early as the 1950s. 32 At this juncture, it should be noted that, it is rather difficult to ascertain the religious background of the Indians who settled in the islands during that period. The sepoys were simply listed as “morenos” in the old church records, not as Sikh or Hindu. 33 One author supposed that those were in fact Tamils from Southern India. 34 Furthermore, such movement of Indian sepoys to the Philippines can be considered more of a brief and coincidental encounter than premeditated migration. It was not even the advent of Indian migration since it caused no subsequent influx of either Sikh or Hindu Indians to the Philippines. At the turn of the century, Indian migration still remained slow. In fact, there were only 241 Indians in the Philippines in 1903.35 Nonetheless during this period, the earliest Sikhs arrived to the Philippines. They were
Serafin Quiasion. English Country Trade in the Philippines 1644-1764. .(Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1966) 6-7. Ibid. 24 Ibid., 8-10. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid., 17. 27 Ibid., 41-43. 28 Tarlochan Kaur Pabla, The Punjabi Indian Family in Manila (Manila: Centro Escolar University Research and Development Center, 1986), 6 and Rye, “The Indian Community”, 712-713; Angangco, “Indian Community in the Philippines”, 8-9. 29 Pabla, The Punjabi Indian Family in Manila, 6. 30 Ibid. 31 Some sepoys were said to have reached even some parts of Souther Luzon and the Visayas. 32 Ibid.; Rye, “The Indian Community”, 715-716; “Little India” in Sunday Times Magazine (7 June 1953), 10. 33 Angangco, 8. 34 Ibid. 35 U.S. Bureau of Census, Census of the Philippine Islands Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commission in the Year 1903 (Washington: United States Bureau of Census, 1905).
23 22

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indentured soldiers by the British to help them fight an armed conflict against the Chinese but some of them opted to move to the Philippines and work as night watchmen. 36 They usually supplemented their meager income by selling goods such as textiles, household appliances, umbrellas and mosquito nets. 37 In 1932, the construction of the gurudwara along Isaac Peral Street in Paco, Manila was finished. This event marked a decisive moment in the history of the Indian community in the Philippines because the Sikh Temple itself finally institutionalized or legitimized, symbolically the Indian community in the Philippines. Although the foundation of the temple was initiated by the Sikhs, it eventually became an arena not only for religious activities and the perpetuation of their traditions and practices but also for social interaction among the Indians. For both the Hindus and the Sikhs, the temple serves as a unifying force for all Indians in the Philippines. Nonetheless, despite the establishment of the Sikh temple in Manila, Sikh migration to the Philippines remained low and insignificant. In the 1930s, there were only about 250 Sikh migrants in the Philippines and in 1939, their number increased to approximately 457. 38 Sikh migration to the Philippines eventually gained ephemeral force after the partition of India and Pakistan. It was the year 1947 that sealed the fate of the Sikhs and their homeland. When news about the partition spread, the Sikhs in Punjab clamored for the establishment of a separate state but their demand was simply denied. Lying along the Radcliffe Line 39, Punjab was divided into two: East Punjab, which became a part of India; and West Punjab, which was annexed by Pakistan. 40 Though confused and terrified of the consequences of the partition of Punjab and of what might happen to them in India or Pakistan, the Sikhs had to make a decision. The partition line was fixed, their homeland was divided and they had to choose whether they would go to the Muslim-controlled Pakistan or the Hindudominated India.41 In due course, the Sikhs decided to go with India despite the fact that it was to Pakistan that a larger fraction of the Sikh homeland was given. 42 Many Sikhs were compelled to leave their homes and businesses and relocate in other parts of India. They were distressed and uncertain of their future as refugees. In some cases, those displaced were simply forced to move to other countries where they could escape the adversities of life in Punjab. As they look for better opportunities abroad, the Sikhs found their way to the Philippines and confronted their new life as migrants in the country’s capital – Manila. In 1952, Indian migrants rose to 1,535, approximately three-fifths of which were Sikhs. 43. In 1967, the number Indians barely increased to 1, 640, in 1982 it increased to 2, 033 and in 1990 it rose to 4,129. At the turn of the century, the strength of the Indian community in the Philippines mounted to 34,955. 44 From the data presented it is apparent that the Indian community rose slowly but steadily after India's independence in 1947. From 1990 to 2000, it is also interesting to point out that Indian population escalated rapidly. As aforementioned, statistical data on Indian migrants does not distinguish the Sikhs from the Hindus, but based on the accounts of the Sikhs themselves, they outnumber the Hindus in the country – 60% are Sikhs from Punjab and 40% are Hindus from Sindh. From this estimate, we can assume that in 2000, there were about 23,300 Sikhs all around the country and about half this number resides in Manila and its surrounding areas. 45 Interestingly, more than the immediate impacts of the partition, the lingering consequences of the subjugation of Punjab to two distinct governments further intensified the impetus for out-migration. During the course of the author’s interviews with more than fifty Sikh migrants in the Philippines, the perennial economic crisis in Punjab forced many of them to move to other countries. Contrary to the nature of Hindu or Sindhi migration,

36 37

Pabla, “The Punjabi Family in Manila”, 6 and 8. Rye, “The Indian Community in the Philippines”, 716. 38 Ibid., 717. 39 The Radcliffe Line determined the boundaries between India and the newly created state of Pakistan. 40 Singh, A History of Sikhs, 259; and Thapan, “Tradition, Change and Identity”, 101. 41 Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 105-109; and Vimal Athi, interview by author, notes, Manila, 23 February 2008. 42 Singh, A History of Sikhs, 259-260. 43 Census of the Philippine Islands. 44 Census of the Philippine Islands. 45 Rye, 719; interview by the author and Census of the Philippine Islands.

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composed of merchants and shopkeepers, the Sikhs are commonly farmers and brick-makers back in their homeland. Many of them could not even support their families with their meager income.
“I was a farmer in India. Life [there] was very hard…. I was told to move by my friends and relatives. My brothers and cousins live here [in the Philippines].” 46

Harwinder Singh relates that had no other choice but to find a more profitable livelihood abroad. His story is shared by many other Sikhs who had families in the Philippines and were encouraged to work in the country. They believe that though life was uncertain in a new land, with prudence and hard work, they will be able to live a more decent life here. According to them, there are more opportunities in the Philippines compared to India. Some of them, despite acquiring college degree found it very difficult to look for a stable job in Punjab. With their families to support, Sikhs, usually males, decided to try their luck in the Philippines. Kulambo, Payong, at Pautang: The Economic Life of Sikh Migrants in the Philippines47 In the light of the economic motivations for Sikh migration to the Philippines, it is rather central to our understanding of them to look into struggles of Sikhs to attain financial stability in the country. As aforementioned, there are two major Indian migrant groups in Manila, the Hindus and the Sikhs. While the Hindus are mostly merchants from the province of the Sindh, in Pakistan, the Sikhs were traditionally farmers, brick layers and pottery makers from the fertile agricultural region of Punjab in northern India. Furthermore, it is difficult to identify the precise date of arrival of the earliest Sikh migrants in the Manila subsequent to the British Occupation in 1762. The earliest Sikh migrants who came to the Philippines were in fact soldiers of the British Army stationed in Hong Kong. They sailed to Manila to escape their grueling tasks under the British forces in the early 1920s. 48 In the country’s capital, the Sikhs were able to find work as security guards in American military facilities. 49 Known to the natives as serenos, the Sikh watchmen were highly regarded for being efficient and hardworking. During this time almost all Sikh migrants in Manila were males. They usually rented houses with in Paco, Sta. Cruz and Malate, Binondo, Sampaloc and Quiapo and lived disjointedly since they had no opportunity to gather around as a distinct community. 50 They had no organization and there was no Sikh temple within Manila where they could have at least maintained close contact with other Sikhs. The Sikh watchmen usually supplemented their meager income by peddling goods. 51 By the early 1950s, peddling became one of the main means of livelihood of the Sikhs in Manila. The peddlers go from house to house within the margins of Manila, sometimes on a motorcycle, carrying his merchandise which includes clothes, appliances, umbrellas and mosquito nets. For the locals, it was very convenient to purchase from the Sikhs not only because they were able to get their orders promptly but more importantly because they could pay on installment basis.52 Furthermore, the Sikh peddler formed amiable relations with his customers since he doesn’t force his clients to pay if they don’t have money. The natives could simply ask the Sikh to come back in another day and the latter would not mind going back and forth to his clients’ houses as long as he recovers his investments plus the interest. At this point, it is also necessary to point out that when the Sikhs ventured into peddling, it was not at all easy for them. Foremost of all, they forced themselves to learn the local language since it is the medium of their business transaction. Determined to make a living in the country, the Sikhs slowly learned to speak Tagalog through rigorous efforts. They constantly and politely asked the locals to repeat and explain the meaning of words that they don’t understand. One interviewee recalled how his Filipino friends would laugh at him at any mispronounced or misused word. Nevertheless, he did not mind the humiliation. According to him, a good grasp of the language is vital to their livelihood; hence, he should learn it no matter what. Some Sikhs learned the language through reading Tagalog comic books and watching Filipino films. 53

46 47

Interview with Harwinder Singh, supervised by author. Literally, Mosquito net, Umbrella and Micro-Financing: The Economic Life of Sikhs in the Philippines. 48 Pabla, 6. 49 About this time, the Philippines was under the tutelage of the United States of America. 50 Rye, “The Indian Community in the Philippines”, 725. 51 Ibid, 716. 52 Interview by the author. 53 Surinder Jit Singh, interview by the author, notes, 13 July 2008, Manila.

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Another interviewee, a “first-timer” Sikh migrant, related to the author that he had to learn the language by reading and studying rigorously for two months, secluded in his cousin’s room. He did not leave the house, he continued, and just focused on preparing himself with facing his new job and new clients. Other Sikhs who had previous connections in the country, for example, their fathers, uncles or brothers were already settled there, found it easier to break the language barrier as they were assisted by their relatives to almost everywhere they go. Moreover, the Sikhs also had to overcome his feeling of isolation in a foreign land and endure pranks and jokes of the people. The Sikh’s image as a tall, dark-skinned man, with long beard and a turban coupled with the “bizarre” way he speaks the local language sets him apart from the natives, hence, he was looked upon as odd and a “weirdo”. Simply, a Sikh had to bear not only the disparity between Indian culture and Philippine culture, he also had to suffer and survive traumatic encounters he had with the natives just so he can establish commercial relations with the natives and make a living in the Philippines for his family in India. 54
“Mababait naman ang mga Pilipino. May iba lang na makitid ang pananaw. Tinatawag nila kaming Bumbay at pinagtatawanan. Minsan, pag may mga bata, yung anak nga mga suki ko, o yung mga batang naglalaro lang sa kalsada, na sumisigaw ng Bumbay, talagang pinapaliwanag ko sa kanila na okay lang na tawagin akong Bumbay, pero kailangan may paggalang, Kuya Bumbay o Mamang Bumbay na lang sabi ko.” 55

While the Sindhis maintained their own shops and offices in Escolta and Quiapo and had little interaction with the natives, the Sikhs permeated the social stratum in Manila as they attempt to forge social as well as economic relations with people from grassroots level. Between the two main groups of Indians in the Philippines, the Sikhs appear to have closer relation and interaction with the natives owing to their economic activity in the country not only as peddlers, but more importantly as money lenders. Along with peddling the Sikhs also ventured into money lending business which came to be known as “five-six”. At some point in peddling their products, the Sikhs encountered various problems from their clientele, who were mostly market vendors, side-walk or street peddlers, store owners, and farmers. Some of their clients came up to them to ask for loans, for example, to pay their suppliers of fish. To maintain cordial relation with the locals and at the same to take advantage of the opportunity to earn a little extra money, Sikh peddlers provided the natives with small credit with an interest of twenty percent. In spite of the excessive interest demanded by the Sikh, the locals still choose to borrow money from “five-six” because no collateral is needed, no contract or written agreement is required, they can borrow money from the Sikh anytime they need it, and most importantly because the Sikh is very lenient when it comes to the terms of payment.56 The locals can pay once or twice every week and the Sikh money lender makes paying very convenient for them since he visits them right at their houses. Furthermore, the locals also find the Sikhs very affable and easy to deal with. They don’t coerce people who failed to pay their debts immediately, they don’t intimidate the locals who borrow money from them and they don’t even mind going back and forth to their clientele’s house as long as they recuperate their money. From the interviews conducted among the locals, many of them responded that they opted to borrow from the Sikhs because they were very kind, nothing like some Filipinos, who, according to them, were unsympathetic and indifferent. This culture of five-six is not altogether perceived of as upright. Some Filipinos compare the act of borrowing and lending at a lofty interest to a sinful act as it is apparently immoral that one gains money from the neediness or penury of another. Nonetheless, beyond the moral framework attached to five-six, it is still a principal and essential source of capital or credit among the locals. In the course of the Sikhs’ relations with their local clientele, the culture of five-six became an inherent part of their life as migrants in the Philippines as well as formidable avenue for the interface and communication between the Sikhs and Filipinos. In the 1950s, Sikh money lenders were able to accumulate substantial amount of money and were able to establish their own retail stores in Manila, particularly in Escolta and Quiapo area. In 1954, the Philippine Government issued the Nationalization of Retail Trade Act which prohibited foreign nationals to engage in retail trading. 57 Although the law, which was passed by President Ramon Magsaysay, was not directed to the
54 55

Rye, 732. “Filipinos are generally very kind. Naturally, there are some who are narrow-minded. They sometimes call us Bumbay and they laugh at us. Sometimes, the children of my clients of those who play in the streets, calls us out, shouting “Bumbay!”, I see to it that I explain to them that I don’t mind being called bumbay as long as they show some respect, so I ask them to call me Brother Bumbay or Sir Bumbay.” 56 Interview by author. 57 Rye, 721.

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Sikhs, some of them were still affected. Some Sikh retail store owners were forced to move out of Manila and go to the provinces where the implementation of the law is more relaxed and where there was less competition in business. This process indirectly pushed Sikhs to move from the congested urban centers to rural areas, further dispersing and expanding their presence throughout the country. Other Sikhs even managed to avoid the law by marrying Filipinas and consigning their properties under the name of their wives. 58 From the 1950s onwards, some Sikhs in Manila continued their money lending business while some also ventured into other occupations. Some have already established restaurants specializing in Indian cuisine like the New Delhi Restaurant along Quirino Avenue corner Osmeña Boulevard. Others are employed in local and multi-national companies located in and out of Manila. At the turn of the century, some members of the Sikh community have established various Indian specialty stores along United Nations Avenue in Ermita. Assad, the earliest Indian specialty store near the Sikh Temple in Manila, was established by a Muslim in 1990. It was subsequently followed by several other Indian specialty stores and outlets owned by Sikh merchants such as Uncle Ed’s and Little India. From being serenos, they ventured to peddle and then to money lending and slowly they fortified their economic standing in Manila. From being transient drifters who had practically nothing to lose as they simply wanted to try their luck, the Sikhs, have relied on hard work, determination and perseverance and have eventually sowed firm economic grounding in the Philippines. Perpetuating Sikhism: Gurudwara, Rituals and Religious Life Central to the formation of Sikh community in the country is the perpetuation of their religion. At the onset of their arrival in the country, the Sikhs faced uncertainty as they found themselves in predominantly Catholic country. Prior to the establishment of the Sikh Temple in Manila, the Sikhs had very minimal interaction among themselves. They had no social organization and there was no Indian temple in Manila where they could have at least maintained close contact with other Sikhs. There were accounts, however, of rented apartments in Manila that were utilized by the early Sikh migrants as places of worship. They would gather together once in awhile to pray, celebrate important festivities and of course, to preserve communication intact among them. It was difficult though, since religious meetings were not held regularly. However, in 1929, a copy of the Guru Granth was brought to the Philippines – an event that marked a turning point in the history of Sikh as well as Hindu migrants in the country as it serve as the impetus for the Sikh community in Manila to finally concert their efforts to establish a temple, where regular religious services would be conducted, and to organize the Khalsa Diwan, the religious organization of Sikhs. 59 The planning, construction and the supervision of the Gurudwara was a united endeavor by the Sikhs and Hindus who both mobilized their resources and avidly supported the construction of the first Sikh temple in the Philippines. In 1932, the construction of the Gurudwara along Isaac Peral Street in Paco, Manila was finished.60 This event marked a decisive moment in the history of the Indian community in the Philippines because the Sikh Temple finally institutionalized or legitimized the Indian community in the Philippines. Although the foundation of the temple was initiated by the Sikhs, it eventually became an arena not only for religious activities and the perpetuation of their traditions and practices but also for social interaction among the Indians. For both the Hindus and the Sikhs, the temple serves as a unifying force for all Indians in Manila. The Sikh Temple in Manila is a two-story building with a huge hall, kitchen, guest rooms and a stage at the ground floor. Before going up the second floor, one should leave his shoes and wash his hands in a faucet located near the gate of the temple. The second floor is a large prayer room where the Guru Granth is placed on an elevated platform adorned with flowers and curtains. Also at the second floor is a small conference room where the board of directors of the Khalsa Diwan conducts their meetings and conferences. As a venue for upholding the principles of Sikhism, the Gurudwara serves as a place where a Sikh can seek shelter, food and comfort. As aforementioned, the temple has several guest rooms. These rooms are prepared for the sick and needy members of the community.61 Furthermore, the temple also serves as a place for the langar or free kitchen, where free food is served not only to the members of the Sikh community but also to
58 59

Interview by author. Ibid., 733-735. 60 Isaac Peral Street is currently named United Nations Avenue. 61 Vimal Athi, interview by author, notes, 23 February 2008, Manila.

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their non-Sikh visitors. The food consists of Indian food such as Indian tea, chapati and curry which are prepared by the wives of the board of directors of the Khalsa Diwan together with some volunteers. 62 The langar is an opportune occasion for the members of the community to gather and discuss their concerns both personal and social. Aside from the langar, Sikh weddings and baptisms are also held in the Sikh Temple. A priest is usually the permanent resident of the temple. He performs weddings following the same process as Sikh weddings are conducted back in Punjab. No different from their usual practices in India, Sikh marriages among wealthy families are arranged by the parents. Some Sikhs were asked to go back to India and marry the one whom their parents chose for them before finally settling in the Philippines permanently. Others who married Filipinas found it more practical to marry in the Philippines, which have been made possible subsequent to the erection of the Gurudwara. Although, presence of the priest makes a marriage done in the Philippine legitimate, not all the processes in Punjab are followed. As mentioned, an important deviation would be the selection of a non-Indian or a non-Sikh as a wife. Strictly speaking, a Sikh wedding must follow the a process from finding a match, which is usually arranged by the woman’s family as early as birth or upon she finishes secondary or tertiary school. This is followed by the kurmai or an engagement – a manner of “reserving” a man for a girl, which includes a ceremonial gift giving to the boy and his family. When the boy’s family accepts the gifts, the parents can now arrange for the exact date of the wedding. Two days before marriage, the bride is tasked to undergo a process of purification called as manya. These rituals and intricacies are often discarded in the Philippines more significantly when weddings are done between a Sikh and a Filipina. Another important ritual done inside the Gurudwara, that is continued in the Philippines is the naming of babies based on the Guru Granth. To choose a name for a new-born baby, the Sikh father goes to the temple and consults the Guru Granth while in front of the priest. The granthi or the priest opens the holy book and the first letter on the page opened will be received by the father as a revelation of Guru Baba Nanak from which the first letter of the name of baby must be based. Festivities and celebrations are also done frequently in the Gurudwara, though they are less often than those performed in Punjab. One Sikh interviewee reasoned that the Sikhs in the country, particularly in Manila are very busy that they hardly have sufficient time to facilitate all the rituals, processions and celebrations practiced in India. This is not to say though, that the Sikhs in the Philippines altered their belief system to suit their context. It is a key principle in Sikhism that one needs not to attend or perform all rituals done in the temple, they need not to regularly attend religious services, what is important is their everyday relationship with God. It is therefore not uncommon, to see a Sikh money lender collecting dues from his clientele even on a day of worship. In spite of this, certain rituals are still done in the Philippines such as the dorhi or the celebration for a baby boy. Celebrated every 13th of January, every family who had a new baby boy gathers together for thanksgiving. They assume responsibility for the langar and they distribute sweets, candies and other delicacies to everyone invited in the temple. The birthdays of the gurus are also commemorated in the Sikh Temple with a service. Diwali, baisakhi, among others are also observed in the Philippines. To date, more than twenty Sikh temples are scattered all around the Philippines, which further attests to the growing number of Sikh migrants in the country. Transplanting Sikh Lifestyle in Manila: Formation of Sites of Imagining, Visualizing India Despite some similarities between the culture of the Philippines and India (which resulted from the precolonial cultural drift of Indian practices to the country), early Sikh migrants faced uncertainty as they had to adjust to the local customs and distinctive lifestyle in the country. However, with the recent trends globalization and modernity, it has been easier for the Indians to transmit the aspects of their Indian way of life within the spaces in occupy in the country. From the food they eat, songs they patronize and clothes they wear, Indian migrants reinforce Indian culture and re-created Indian life in the Philippines. The early Sikh migrants in Manila inevitably encountered minor setbacks as they tried to survive migrant life in Manila. For example, when the Indians arrived in the country, they saw the disparity between their diet and the Filipinos'. Rice is the staple for the Filipinos while the Indian diet typically consists of chapati (unleavened bread made out of wheat flour) and vegetables stir fried in spices. Based on the accounts of the



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community members, the early migrants did not only find it difficult to obtain wheat flour, they also had to make their own chapati since there it was not a commonly found local markets and stores. Sikhs are also used to include Indian spices in almost every dish such as haldi (curry) and masala (ground black pepper). Some Indian spices are found in stores in Divisoria and Binondo while those which are not found in the country had to be imported from India. 63 Apparently, Sikhs preferred to eat their own traditional dishes even after they have settled in the country but because of the inconveniences in finding some of the ingredients they typically use, they also had to try other alternatives. They also had to try the country’s local dishes and in due course, Filipinos dishes such as sinigang, adobo, menudo, and pinakbet became common on the table of Sikhs. They also encountered problems as they secure economic stability in the country. Between the two groups, the Sikhs had more difficulty adjusting. Peddling was not at all easy for the Sikhs, who were traditionally farmers, potters and bricklayers in India. Foremost of all, they forced themselves to learn the local language since it is the medium of their business transaction. Resolute to make a living in the country, they slowly learned to speak Tagalog through rigorous efforts. Through their business transactions, the both Sindhis and Sikhs strived to learn more about the language by chatting with their clients and once they have established rapport, sometimes they would engage in long conversations with them. They also talked and discussed among themselves the words or expressions in the local language which they were not familiar with. 64 Moreover, the Sikhs also had to overcome his feeling of isolation in a foreign land and endure pranks and jokes of the people. The Sikh’s image as a tall, dark-skinned man, with long beard and a turban coupled with the “bizarre” way he speaks the local language sets him apart from the locals, hence, he was looked upon as odd and a “weirdo”. For as long as one can remember, Filipino elders have been using the term Bumbay to frighten their children to behave well by being told that if they did not behave or do what they were supposed to do, “the Bumbay will get you”. Simply, the Sikh migrant had to bear not only the disparity between Indian culture and Philippine culture, he also had to suffer and survive traumatic encounters he had with the locals just so he can establish commercial relations with the locals and make a living in the Philippines for his family in India.65 Nevertheless, with the recent trends in globalization and modernity, the Sikh community was able to resolve some of their problems as migrants. Indian spices and ready to eat chapati and Indian sweets and delicacies are easily accessible to them now unlike before, Indian songs and movies and are also available at Indian specialty stores. Beside the Sikh Temple, a makeshift store was established to cater to the needs of Indians that are not easily accessible to local shops. They have a wide collection of Bollywood films, Hindi songs and other Indian delicacies and products. With the emergence of Internet and the introduction of new communication devices such as mobile phones, Indians in the Philippines appear to be “nearer” to their homeland in India. Different from their context before 1990s, the Sikh migrants today have various opportunities and options to “imagine” India better. That is to say, globalization and modernity make it even more possible for them to transplant India within the Philippines. It is now easier to “feel” and “experience” India without actually returning back to India. Due to the advances in technology, the chasm of time and space seems to be superseded. The latest fashion trend in New Delhi is not unknown even to the Sikhs in the country. News in India reaches Manila in no time at all through the cyberworld; Indians in any province in the Philippines can easily communicate with their relatives in Punjab, Sindh, Bombay, or any other city in India, for that matter through the Internet. Some Indians living in the Philippines occasionally fly back to India for various purposes ranging from the most personal motivations to business raison d'être. Again, it is evident that modernity and globalization, to some degree, breach borders and frontiers, paving the way for a thread of transnational continuity to exist. At this juncture, it is necessary to point out that globalization and modernity make it possible for the Indian community in the Philippines to assert, maintain and transmit their own culture in a landscape far from their own homeland. The Indian community in the Philippines consciously strives to transform or re-create the space they occupy to a replica of their homeland. As Appadurai suggests,
“(T)hose who wish to move, those who have moved, those who wish to return, and those who choose to stay rarely formulate their plans outside the sphere of radio and television, cassettes and videos, newsprint and telephone.”
63 64 65

Pabla, 26. Surinder Jit Singh, interview by the author, notes, 13 July 2008, Manila. Rye, 732.

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Shifting to the context in the Philippines, it is of the essence to highlight that modernity, in the form of print media, movies, internet and television, among others, affects not only the survival of Indian community, it also infiltrates their actions, visualizations and more importantly their decision making – their decision to stay in the Philippines. In the streets of Manila, it is common to see Indians mounted on a scooter or motorcycle. From being transient drifters who merely tried their luck in the country, Sikh migrants proved to be resilient enough. Throughout their long history of survival as migrants, Sikhs have managed to establish their own separate community in the Philippines and cultivated cordial relationship with the locals. They were able to adapt to the local culture, maintain their customs and tradition, and endure the strains of living remote and disjointed from the country they call home. The presence of Indian grocery stores along United Nations Avenue in Manila, just a stone’s throw away from the Sikh Temple and relatively in close proximity to the Sikh community in Paco, proves to be a very clear indication of the politics of adaptation of Sikhs to the local setting. These stores foster their visualization and experience of India outside India, of a home that is geographically beyond the boundaries of home. Owing to the relatively speedy transfer of merchandise from all points of the world, Indian products are not only obtainable in India but are present in markets and stores in China, United States or Great Britain. Similarly, in the Philippines, the mere accessibility and availability of Indian food and condiments supply stores, for example, reinforces the collective imagination of Indians of their “nation” perhaps or the bond that weaves their lives together as migrants. It is even probable that India has been easier to imagine for some of the migrants because of the seemingly effective conduits of trade globalization. From Sojourners to an Established Migrant Community In a frenziedly interactive, interconnected and dynamic world, shifting perspectives and shifting paradigms are, more than ever, becoming more and more apparent and momentous. As the world appears to be smaller, more accessible to those who has the means, and people’s imagination of other places is driven, impelled or compelled by various media and products of modernity, knowledge and knowing need new trajectories and new subject. With the manifest waves of globalization enveloping the world, penetrating even the most “isolated” communities, it is inevitable and thought-provoking to investigate mass migration in an increasingly “boundless” world, from the driving force or motives of moving up to the ways of adapting to the local conditions of a “foreign” country and explore the dynamics of cultural flow ad well as the workings of social imagination as an impetus for action. From the case of the Sikh migrants in the Philippines, it appears that the Sikh migrant community produces continuity, a simulation of their homeland but with perceptible deviations. Nevertheless, taken in a certain light, the invention or creation of their idea of homeland is basically an imagination. It is an imagination fostered, spurred and sensationalized by means of transporting goods, services, structures and ideas from India to the Philippines or from India and all over the world to the Philippines. The globalization of commodities, consumption, and ideas provide the Indian community a distinctive way of imagining not only their natal place but also other worlds. We see how modernity and globalization permeates localities and change cultural landscapes from the evolution of Sikh migrants from sojourners to an established community. At the onset of their arrival, they had to cope with the various uncertainties of life as migrants. To survive, they had to adjust to the local culture, he had to learn the local language, adjust his diet, endure the stereotype attached to him, and shave his beard, among others. As Sikh migrants in the country grew in number, the force to establish a separate and distinct Sikh community also intensified. From being transient drifters, migrants attempt to assert their unique culture and traditions in a land far from the boundaries of their homeland. In the course of the evolution of the Sikh community, they were able produce a simulation of life in their home country albeit with perceptible deviations. The creation of a separate community of Sikhs in the Philippines could not have ensued without the construction of several Sikh temples all around the country. The temple served as the glue that holds Sikhs

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together. Its role goes beyond the religious function for it also ensured the retention of Indian religious practices and beliefs as well the transmission of Indian culture to the younger generations of Indians. In a strange land, the temple became the loci for the social interaction among the Indians themselves while it ensured the perpetuation of the community’s distinct culture and identity. One can construe that the temples built by the Indians themselves is an embodiment of their collective imagination. The temple can be viewed both as a product of the Indian’s imagination as well as a structure that reinforces their imagination of their homeland. The author argues that the clearer, more vivid the idea of home beyond the parameters of the host society, the harder it is for the migrant community to take off their traditional clad and the easier it is to imagine home. However, it does not necessarily imply that the less interaction and exchanges between India and Sikh migrants, the easier it is for migrants to deviate from the distinctiveness of their traditions and the harder to imagine home. It merely emphasizes that the Sikh migrants’ effort to re-assert their Indianess, distinct and separate from the ethos of the local community, is influenced by modernity and globalization and their capacity to imagine their home – even this imagination transcends space and time. Today, more than ever, Indian migrant community in the country finds it even easier to modify the limited space they occupy to transplant “India” within Manila. From the Indian specialty stores to the food they eat, songs they patronize and clothes they wear, they reinforce their distinct culture and re-created Indian life in Manila, fostering the Sikhs community’s visualization and experience of India outside India, of a home that is geographically beyond the boundaries of home. Even their senses - of taste, smell, hearing, sight and even touch – are directed towards simulating their desiring, appealing and gratifying experiences of India. From these stores, Sikh migrants can easily access or avail of commodities that are considered typical in India but rare or absent in the nearby sari-sari store or grocery store. Ostensibly, it is now easier for them to “visualize”, “imagine” and “experience” India albeit some disparities. Throughout their long history of residing in the country, the Sikh community managed to uphold the most vital aspects/necessities of life back in India (perhaps even better) and, for this reason, they opted to remain in a country far beyond the boundaries of their own home.

References Primary Sources Published Bureau of Census and Statistics. Yearbook of Philippine Statistics. Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1946. De la Rosa, Francisco. Philippine Immigration Laws of 1940. Manila: Benito Gonzales Publishing, 1948. National Census and Statistics. Philippine Yearbook 1983. Manila: National Census and Statistics, 1982. Presidential Decree 836. “Granting Citizenship to Deserving Aliens and for other Official Gazette 79, 19 (9 May 1983): 2702-2731. purposes”.

U.S. Bureau of Census. Census of the Philippine Islands Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commission in the Year 1930. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1905. Unpublished Bureau of Immigration. Number of Indian I-Card Holders 2005-2008. ACR I-Card Database. __________________. Statistics of Indian Nationals by Immigration Status CY 1993-2008. Computer Section Database. __________________. Statistics of Arriving and Departing Indian Nationals to the Philippines from CY 1993-2008. Computer Section Database.

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Filipino - Indian Chamber of Commerce. By Laws. Manila, 1972. Government of India. White Paper on the Punjabi Agitation. New Delhi, 1984. Interviews Athi, Vimal Kumar. Interview by the author, notes, Manila, 23 February 2008. Bola, Sukhdev. Interview by the author, notes, Manila, 23 February 2008. Portugaleto, Rodolfo. Interview by the author, notes, Manila, 21 February 2008. Singh, Surinder Jit. Interview by the author, notes, Manila, 13 July 2008. Singh, Surjit. Interview by the author, notes, Manila, 13 July 2008. Secondary Sources Books Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. Brass, Paul. The New Cambridge History of India: The Politics of India since Independence. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Castles, Stephen and Miller, Mark. The Age of Migration: International Population Movement in the Modern World. London: Macmillan, 1993. Cohen, Robin (ed.). Theories of Migration. Brookfield, US: Elgar Reference Collection, 1996. Khan, Yasmin. The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007. Francisco, Juan. Indian Influences in the Philippines. Quezon City: Benipayo Printing Co., Inc., 1964. _____________. The Philippines and India: Essays in Ancient Cultural Relations. Manila: National Bookstore, 1971. Macraild, Donald and Avram Taylor. Social Theory and Social History. New York, USA: Palgrave Macmillan. McLeod, W.H. Exploring Sikhism: Aspects of Sikh Identity, Culture and Thought. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001 Miralao, Virginia and Makil, Lorna, eds. Exploring Transnational Communities in the Philippines. Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council, 2007. Pabla, Tarlochan Kaur. The Punjabi Indian Family in Manila. Manila: CEU Research and Development Center, 1986. Quiason, Serafin. English “Country Trade” with the Philippines 1644-1765. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1966. Singh, Khushwant. A History of the Sikhs Volume 2 1839-1974. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1966. Thapan, Anita Raina. Sindhi Diaspora in Manila, Hong Kong and Jakarta. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2002. Walsh, Judith. A Brief History of India. New York: Checkmark Books, 2007.

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Journal Articles Chu, Richard. “Catholic, Sangley, Mestizo, Spaniard, Filipino: Negotiating “Chinese” Identities at the Turn-of-the-Twentieth-Century Manila”. In M. Asis (ed.) The Philippines as Home: Settlers and Sojourners in the Country. Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Sciences Council (2001): 41-87. Fabella, Gabriel. “The Contemporary Indian Community in the Philippines.” Philippine Social Science and Humanities Review XIX, 1 (March 1954): 15-24. Rye, Ajit Singh. “The Indian Community in the Philippines”. In K.S. Sandhu and A. Mani.(eds.) Indian Communities in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (1993): 709-773. Thapan, Anita Raina. “Tradition, Change and Identity: Sindhi Immigrants in Manila.” In M. Asis (ed.) The Philippines as Home: Sojourners in the Country. Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Sciences Council ( 2001): 101-134. Tigno, Jorge. “A Preliminary Study of Foreign Nationals in the Philippines: Strangers in our Midst?” In M. Asis (ed.) The Philippines as Home: Settlers and Sojourners in the Country. Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Sciences Council (2001): 1- 40. Periodicals “Indian Club.” Sunday Times Magazine, (25 September 1949): 38-39. “Indians in the Philippines.” This Week Vol. V No. 10 (5 March 1950): 11-22. “Little India.” Sunday Time Magazine Vol. VIII No. 294 (7 June 1953): 10-12. “India and the Philippines.” Philippines Herald Vol. 40 No. 172 (27 January 1960): 1-2. “Stricter policy on entry of Indians here expected.” Manila Chronicle Vol. 14. No. 74 (3 July 22. “To re-assess P.I. policy on Indian entry here.” Philippines Herald Vol. 38 No. 329 (3 July 1-2. “Indian traders posing problem?” Daily Mirror Vol. 23 No. 8 (10 May 1972) : 4. Thesis Angangco Ofelia. “The Indian Community in the Philippines”. Master’s thesis, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, 1965. 1958) : 1958):

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Loei Elderly Library
RATTANA SANGSAWANG Loei Rajabhat University, Thailand

The purposes of this participatory action research were 1) to study service administration on how to retrieve information for elder people, and 2) to find out service administration of retrieving information for elder people to serve their needs. Document analysis, interviews, observations, and group interviews were conducted to collect data. The data were compared and returned to the community; analyzed and synthesized for summarizing including publicizing. The findings and procedures were as follows: The Baan Dern Cultural Center’s administration in Dansai, Loei Province, Thailand was administrated by nominated committees. There was a separate building and with some budget; however, there was no direct responsible person for providing services. Technical services and general services were not provided. Loei elderly people needed the access to Baandern Cultural Center’s services in the ways that they could put their hands on and in a manner that is easy to understand in order to gain knowledge precisely and correctly. Therefore, the Cultural Center could transfer the knowledge to the elderly people as follows: 1. Service administration on how to retrieve information for elderly:

The Cultural Center could provide activities on creating visual aids to tell stories according to the Boonluang ritual ceremony and festival which would be an informative resource. This could be done through wood carving, miniature models, pictures, and videos. The miniature models were used for telling stories and illustrating ritual ceremonies together with lots of small sticks used in fortune telling. 2. Forms of information retrieving service for elder people to serve their needs: The forms of service that were provided are: providing answers for the inquiries, search helping, reading service, and up-to-date news service. Exhibitions, folklore arts corners – for example, oil paintings corner, wood carvings, miniature models, and videos – could be applied to tell the ritual ceremonies and traditions. Therefore, the elderly people in Baan Dern could have access to the sources and have ability to retrieve the information on their needs in a manner that is precise, correct, and quick. In conclusion, the Loei Elderly Library had to provide services according to the groups of people who preserved Dansai’s cultural and ritual ceremonies, interested persons, as well as ways of service administration that followed the special library’s standard service for local communities. Background of the study Elderly people are those at the age of 60 or more. In the next three to four years, more than 10 percent of the Thai population will be composed of the elderly. They are the brains of the country with all the wisdom and experience that can be transferred to the next generation. According to the Thai government’s 2nd National Elder People Plan (2002-2021), the first strategy is to prepare elderly citizens through the measurement of life-long education and learning of quality elder citizens. Moreover, Section 7 of the Rajabhat University Act of 2004 defined Rajabhat universities as the higher education institutions for rural development and empowering the country’s wisdom and linking learning resources so that people can efficiently access knowledge and information. These universities provide services for the learning of the network of lecturers, students, and communities. One of the services of life-long learning that allows elderly to access the information is the “Elderly Library”

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Objectives The objectives of this paper are the following: 1. To study the Service administration on how to retrieve information for elderly; and 2. To study forms of information-retrieving services for elder people in order to serve their needs. Scope of the Study This study covers the service simulation at the Loei Elderly Library of the Baan Dern Cultural Center, Dansai, Loei Province in Thailand focusing on those who participated in Boonluang and Phi Ta Khon Festival in Dansai District. Research Methods This qualitative study used Participatory Action Research with a population of 58, including culture bearers, Guan God, Tiam Godess, Poh Saen, Nang Taeng, local scholars, and elderly people from ten districts in Loei Province. A sample of 50 individuals was selected purposively. The research instruments used were observations, in-depth interviews, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), and documents review. The information that was gathered was returned to the community through the Boon Luang and Phi Ta Khon festival media, simulating the service of Loei Elderly Library that tells the stories of Boon Luan and Phi Ta Khon festival. A content analysis and synthesis of the data was then performed. Descriptive analysis was employed to summarize and publish the report. The research procedure is as follows: 1. Study the context of elderly people in Loei. The sample of elderly people was purposively selected from three sources.

2. Qualitative data collection was done through observation and in-depth interview of culture bearers, local scholars, and elderly people in Loei. The total sample was 50 individuals, who were selected according to the type of research topic. 3. A Focus Group Discussion based on the research topic was held to better understand the informationretrieving service of the Loei Elderly Library. 4. The data that were gathered from steps 1, 2, and 3 were analyzed and synthesized as follows: a. Data analysis and synthesis was sorted through Microsoft Excel. b. Data was interpreted and induced to find similarities and differences. These were then coded, the frequencies tallied, and summarized in narrative form. c. The content was synthesized and a descriptive report was made. d. Gathered information were innovatively shared during the Boon Luang festival to culture bearers. The services based on the research topics were simulated based on the standards of the special library. e. Information was synthesized into a research paper and then published. f. A complete research report was submitted. Findings and Procedures The Baan Dern Cultural Center’s administration in Dansai was administrated by nominated committees. There was a separate building and it had some budget. However, there was no person who was directly responsible for providing services. Technical services and general services were not provided. Loei elderly people needed the access to Baan Dern Cultural Center’s services in ways where they could put their hands on and in a manner that is easy to understand in order to gain knowledge precisely and correctly. The Cultural Center transferred knowledge to elderly people by providing service administration on how to retrieve information for the elderly. The Cultural Center provided activities on creating visual aids on stories related to the Boonluang ritual ceremony and festival. These information resources were in the form of wood carvings, miniature models,

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pictures, and videos. Miniature models were used to tell stories and illustrate ritual ceremonies together with lots of small sticks that were traditionally used in fortune telling. The 16 steps of story-telling of the Boon Luang and Phi Ta Khon Festival in the form of wood carving, miniature models, pictures, and videos are the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Ordain of the Brahma to invite Pra Uppakut; Parade from Wat Phon Chai to the bank of Mun river to invite Pra Uppakut; The ritual of diving to find, and invite Pra Uppakut to place on the Uppakut Hall at Wat Phon Chai; Invoke Pra Uppakut and shoot the gun in four directions; Worship ceremony for Guan God and Tiam Goddess; then, lead the parade to the Wat Phon Chai and turning around the Ubosot for three times; Worship ceremony for Pra Wes and invite Pra Wes to the town; Four parades to bring Pra Wes into town, namely: the Buddha Image Parade; the Four Monks Parade; the Guan God-on-the-bamboo-rocket Parade, including Phi Ta Khon Noi, Phi Ta Khon Yai, and Jungle tribes; and the Symbols of Fertility Parade, displaying buffaloes, man with a fishing net, man with bamboo plate, raising silkworm, etc.; The Guan God is paraded to the Wat Pon Chai and goes around the Ubosot for three times; The Guan God is launched on a bamboo rocket to beg for rain; The Merit Participants throw the masks of Phi Ta Khon into the Mun River while the Jungle tribes throw the wooden bar; The ritual of Malai Muen Malai Saen followed by the Mahachart sermon; The Samha Prayer is made to apologize and to bring luck; Food is placed in a banana-leaf bowl to get rid of bad luck, the Sutra Krathong, and to extend the city’s fate; Poh Saen performs the ritual of Jam Nam Jam King to bring good luck; Accessories identified with bad luck are thrown into Mun River to symbolize getting rid of bad things in life; and Guan God and the people worship the Great God to mark the end of the ritual.

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

The Boon Luang and Phi Ta Khon Festival The Boon Luang and Phi Ta Khon Festival is an old tradition of the Wat Pon Chai that has long been practiced by merging the Boon Pra Wes festival and Boon Bang Fai festival into one activity. The keepers of the Sri Song Rak Stupa and local cultures and traditions of Dansai District have been practiced for generations. The couple of spiritual leaders – Guan God and Tiam Goddess – and the culture bearers maintain the cultural heritage of Dansai District. They guide the rules of practice in the Boon Luang festival to conserve the authenticity of four traditions, namely: the Boon Pra Wes; the Phi Ta Khon; the Boon Bung Fai; and the Tasna Mahachati and Sam-ha Prayers festivals. All of these four are called the Boon Luang festival. Boon Luang festival is its means to exhibit local arts and cultures of the community. It’s a 3-day festival, and the dates are chosen by the past ruler of the town via Guan God. On the first day, the ritual to invoke Pra Uppakutra is held during 3am – 5am by the followers of the Guan God. They take Poh Saen Kaew Oon Muang to ordain at Wat Pon Chai. Then, they lead the parade and carry their ceremonial accessories from Wat Pon Chai to the bank of Mun River to invoke Pra Uppakutra and Mun River to stay at the Hall of Pra Uppakutra in Wat Pon Chai, so he fights evils and protect the people in the festival from perils. By 8:30, the worship ceremony to Guan God and Tiam Goddess is held at the Guan God’s house. Then a group of Poh Saen’s tender an apology, and ask for permission bring down and wear their attires. By 9am, the Guan God, Tiam Goddess and their followers, local people, Phi Ta Khon Yai, Phi Ta Khon Noi, and Phi Ta Khon Lek parade to and go around Wat Pon Chai for three laps. This sets the beginning of the festival. By eight o’clock of the second day, the parade of Guan God, Poh Saen’s, Naang Taeng, Phi Ta Khon’s , and local people bring the sermon from Guan God’s house to circle the Ubosot of Wat Poh Chai and offer to the monks before. After that, the celebration and traditional dancing are held all day. Around 3pm, Guan God, Tiam Goddess and others invite 4 monks and the Buddha’s image to the Guan God’s house on Kok-ngam-Dansai road to worship Pra Wes and invite Pra Wes into the town. The parade is formed;

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first led by Poh Saen Dan with his ceremonial tray; followed by the second Poh Saen who holds the Buddha’s image; then the group of Poh Saen’s and the people carrying four monks. The Guan God is invited to ride the Bung Fai carried by people. The Guan God scatters gifts along the way. Meanwhile, the fun-loving Phi Ta Khon’s mingle among the crowd. The parade moves around the Ubosot of Wat Pon Chai for three rounds. They place the accessories at certain places in the temple. Then the Guan God lit the Bung Fai (bamboo rocket) behind the temple and beg for rains. In the past, people throw all Phi Ta Khon’s costumes down the Mun River at Wang Wern pier after the ceremony. They believe this represents throwing away bad things and not to keep the mess at home. Nowadays they, however, keep some of the costumes. In the evening, the monks gather at the Ubosot by 7pm to pray their blessing and Malai Muen Malai Saen prayer. They finish their prayers by 10pm. By 1am of the third day, the monks are invited to sermon the Vessandara prayer. People gather in the Ubosot to listen since early morning for their own blessing. Then the Sam-ha prayers are said in order to apologize the spirits and get rid of bad luck. They throw all the worship accessories down the Mun River after the ritual. Then the Guan God go to his house to set Gan Lohn and give it to the people to parade around the city, and go to Wat Pon Chai to listen to all 13 Mahachart sermons. The Guan God and Tiam Goddess offer money to the monks at the end of each sermon. They pay obeisance to the principal Buddha’s image to express their apology for their disturbance to the place by holding the festival. Then the monks say amen to their giving. Poh Saen Kaew Oon Muang then invites Pra Uppakutra back to Mun River as the final act for the Boon Luang festival. The beginnings of the Phi Ta Khon festival. It’s a part of the great Boon Pra Wes festival. Along with the parade that brings Wessandara to the town, there is a procession of Phi Ta Kon’s. Phi Ta Kon’s mask is made of bamboo kettle and a dried coconut spathe, decorated with colorful painting. They are called Phi Ta Khon Noi. The town-dwellers participate in the ceremony, and parade from their villages under a co-operation of the Municipality of Dansai District, Local Administration of Dansai District, Tambon Administration Offices and other government offices. The festival helps promote tourism in the District. The parade includes Phi Ta Khon Noi, Phi Ta Khon Yai, Jungle tribes, Buffaloes, Traditional Dancers. The parade serves as the essence of the festival. New styles and improvement of making Phi Ta Khon are introduced each year. The group of mask-makers plans how the mask would look like and how many should be made for the year. Each group member is assigned what to do till the end. They teach, tell, train, and demonstrate to the new ones. The new ones may ask questions, and practice to make sure they are ready to do the job. Most groups make their masks in secret places, so other group wouldn’t see their masks before the festival days. Although making the masks takes a long time, they continue their work with perseverance. Skillful mask-makers can finish their work faster. The group leader’s mask differs from the group member’s masks. Phi Ta Khon mask-making is considered a local wisdom of household industry and handicraft. It’s also deemed a local philosophy, religion, and tradition. There are eight forms of media that currently used for advertising the festival: television, radio, magazine, internet, satellite, exhibition, folk songs and cultures. Phi Ta Khon is also served as a mascot for the festival. There are different forms of Phi Ta Khon products: ornaments such as necklaces, rings, golden earrings; household appliances such as wine bottle holders, lamps, thermometers; kitchen appliances such as mortars, earthen jars, pots, jugs, etc.; aromatherapeutic oil bottles, gum Benjamin bottles; home decorating jars; souvenirs such as Phi Ta Khon dolls made of handmade cotton, masks, keychains, magnets, prize bowls, bells, and coffee cups. Since 1988, Pi Ta Khon masks are made in similar ways with few variations. They use bamboo kettles that are made for a specific use. They may use acrylic or enamel paints. After painting the prime coat, they draft the eyes, beard, moustache, and mouth first. The makers have their own unique style. Some coconut spathes are brought from other places. Some use different materials like resin, glass fiber. There are also changes in the shapes of eyes, teeth, noses, horns, as well as the decorations, and the costumes. The transfer of knowledge of Phi Ta Khon mask-making is based on these three features:

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Painting. Some makers draft on the mask with pencil or pen before they paint. The skillful makers can brush on the mask without a draft. For those who make a lot of masks at the same time may draft a model on the paper and let the group members to use it for several times Jigsawing. The materials used for making Phi Ta Khon include plywood and softwood. They use red cotton wood for the noses, plywood or resin for the teeth. The latex glue mixed with sawdust is used to paste the pieces together. Carving. The pattern is first drawn on the coconut spathe, then carve with carving knives to make the piece of bas relief ornaments and attach the piece to the mask. Summary Boon Luang and Phi Ta Khon festival consists of several ceremonies and activities: Boon Pra Wes, Phi Ta Khon gathering, Boon Bung Fai, Mahachart Sermons, and Sam-ha Prayer. Boon Luang festival is sometimes called Heed Sib Song Klong Sib See. The festival ends when Guan God and the followers worship the Buddha image called Jao Poh Yai, the principal figure of the temple, with flowers. The local wisdoms is the tacit knowledge inherited from the ancestors and life-experiences gained from observations and analytical thinking. This process of knowledge creation forms what we call “wisdom”. It can be implemented in everyday life in creative ways. The transfer of local wisdom to ones’ relatives can be done in different ways, and can be expressed in local cultures. The local people may improve their living conditions with Self-sufficient Economy Philosophy. The keepers of the local cultures realize that the respect to the seniors is the heart of all cultures. Preserving one’s culture is serving one’s nation. Forms of information retrieving service for elder people to serve their needs: The formats of service were providing answers for the inquiries, search helping, reading service, and up-todate news service. Exhibitions, folklore arts corners –for example, oil paintings corner, wood carvings, miniature models, and videos – could be applied to tell the ritual ceremonies and traditions. Therefore, the elderly people in Baandern, Dansai, Loei Province could have access to the sources, and have ability to retrieve the information in needs precisely, correctly, and quickly. Recommendation for the use of research findings In conclusion, the development of Loei Elderly Library on services had to provide services according to the groups of people who preserved Dansai’s cultural and ritual ceremonies, and interested persons as well as ways of service administration that followed special library’s standard service for local communities. Recommendation for further studies 1. The study on the service of providing cultural information resources should be done. 2. The study of elderly library of Mekong Sub-region. 3. The study to commercialize the findings creatively.

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References Alavi, Maryam (2000). Knowledge Management and http://www.mbs.umd.edu/Is/malavi/icis-97-kms/sld011.htm Knowledge Systems ICIS’97 [Online]. In

Nonaka, I and Konno, N. (1999). “The Concept of ‘Ba’: Building a Foundation for Knowledge The Knowledge Management Yearbook 1999-2000. Boston, MA: Butterworth-Heinemann.


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Singapore Experience of the HRM and Tourism Students of Lyceum of Philippines University in the Context of Cross-Cultural Orientation Initiatives
MARK IRVIN C. CELIS and SEVILLA FELICEN Lyceum of the Philippines University, the Philippines

Today's global cross-cultural orientation is imperative in our global environment. With the new realities of global interconnectedness comes a greater awareness of cultural diversity from place to place. Besides differences in food and fashion, we face significant contrasts of cultural orientation and patterns of thinking. Lyceum of the Philippines University, in its desire to provide holistic education to its students specifically to HRM and Tourism students opens the doors of opportunity to a cross-cultural orientation in Singapore and other countries it had networked with. With this premise the researchers were urged to conduct this study. Various learning and realization from this study will be a good source of input in strengthening the Student Internship Abroad Program (SIAP) of the university. The study also aimed to determine the students’ experiences and challenges met by the HRM and Tourism student in Singapore because this will be helpful for the college in developing various programs and interventions for the students’ preparation in the program. The study aimed to determine the “Cross-Cultural Awareness of Hotel and Restaurant Management and Tourism students in Singapore”. Specifically, it sought answers to the following: 1) Profile of the respondents; 2) level of cross-cultural orientation of the SIAP participants in terms of customs and tradition, language and tourism and hospitality industry practices; 3) the significant relationship between the profile of the respondents and their level of cross-cultural orientation and 4) the programs that may be implemented to increase the level of cross-cultural orientation among future SIAP participants. The descriptive method of research was used in the study. Instruments like questionnaires and interviews were further utilized in gathering the primary data. The data gathered were statistically treated using the percentage, weighted mean and the eta-squared. Based on the data gathered the following results were obtained: There is almost an equal opportunity for BSHRM (56%) and BS Tourism (44%) to undergo the International Training Program. There are 66 females and 34 males who are presently placed in Singapore. This explains that regardless of gender, there is a chance for the students to have their International Training in Asian countries. The age brackets of student - practicumers are 16 or 42%, 17 or 35% and 18 for 23% regardless of age both HRM and Tourism are qualified provided that they finish the academic subjects and passed the requirements to be placed in the On-the-Job Training abroad. In terms of family income, the practicumers mostly belong to the 10,00029,999/month bracket with 34%. Student respondents are mostly average family earners; this somehow helps them in their desire to support the expenses of an international practicum. Although, the host country provides travel expenses, allowances, housing and other related fees, student practicumers have to spend personal expenses during their international practicum. In terms of customs and tradition it was found out that the respondents are willing to adapt to the customs and traditions in Singapore (WM=2.75) and are aware of the attitude and values of other countries. The student’s awareness is an important issue for the institution to discuss in order to be successful in international relocation and cross cultural orientation. Besides in today’s global interconnectedness, a cultural orientation of other countries will be of help to make the most out of the opportunities in building cross cultural relationships. However, the level of awareness shows that student practicumers are less aware on attitude and value in Singapore (WM=2.38), customs and traditions of Singapore (WM=2.34) and less aware also on the way of life in this nation state (WM=2.24).

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In terms of Language -English was used among the population after the implementation of the language as a first medium of instruction in the Singapore education system in 1980; this was shown by the WM of 3.69. The local colloquial dialect of English is known formally as Singapore Colloquial English, though it is more commonly called “Singlish” with the WM of 3.67 verbally interpreted as very aware. Singlish is basically identical to Manglish (the English dialect of Malaysia), and is the usual language on the streets with a WM of 3.58. This is verbally interpreted as “very aware”. It is followed by the Singaporean also speaks a diverse and mixed language that can involve English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil, depending on the circle one is associated with, the age group, the race and the location indicated by the weighted mean of 2.98; and Mandarin Chinese is the second most commonly-spoken language among the Singaporean Chinese population with the weighted mean of 2.61, both are verbally interpreted as aware. On-the-job-training (OJT) in Singapore is an advantage in the hospitality industry as indicated by the WM of 3.92; the Singapore government has been supportive of its academic program by sponsoring its students for a free training in their establishments with the WM of 3.78 which had a verbal interpretation of highly agree. The data revealed clearly that all profile variables such as gender, age, course and family income are highly significant to the Level of Cross-Cultural Awareness of HRM and Tourism respondents. Thus, the null hypothesis of no significant relationship is rejected. The programs identified were noted on areas such as cross cultural training, Singapore tour, seminar and convention, foreign language studies and hands on training experience. The researchers concluded that most of the respondents have equal chances of being placed in an International OJT exposure regardless of the selected profile variables. They have adequate level of cross cultural awareness to the customs and traditions and values however, they are willing to adjust specifically in their ability to use English language in speaking and communicating with Singaporeans. The programs proposed to increase the level of cross-cultural awareness of the respondents are for round table discussion. Introduction With the increasing pressures and opportunities of globalization, the incorporation of international networking linkages has become an essential mechanism for the internationalization of higher education institutions. Many universities have taken great strides to increase intercultural understanding through processes of organizational change and innovations. In general, university processes revolve around four major dimensions such as organizational change, curriculum innovation, staff development, and student mobility. Further, internationalization process, may include college leadership; faculty members' international involvement in activities with colleagues, research sites, and institutions worldwide; the availability, affordability, accessibility, and transferability of study abroad programs and internships for students; the presence and integration of international students, scholars, and visiting faculty into campus life; and international co-curricular units (residence halls, conference planning centers, student unions, career centers, cultural immersion and language houses, student activities, and student organizations). Above all, universities need to make sure that they are open and responsive to changes in the outside environment. In order for internationalization to be fully effective, the university (including all staff, students, curriculum, and activities) needs to be current with cultural changes, and willing to adapt to these changes. Internationalization therefore account for future-oriented, multidimensional, interdisciplinary, leadershipdriven vision that involves many academic managers in working to change the internal dynamics of an institution to respond and adapt appropriately to an increasingly diverse, globally focused, ever-changing external environment. With these new realities of global interconnectedness comes a greater awareness of cultural diversity from place to place. Lyceum of the Philippines University as its vision to be a premier university in the Asia Pacific Region desires to provide globally competitive education to its students specifically to College of International Hospitality Management. This therefore, opens the door of opportunity for students exchange and internship in Singapore and other countries it had networked with.

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With this premise the researchers are urged to conduct this study. Various learnings and realization from this study will be a good source of input in strengthening the Student Internship Abroad Program (SIAP) of the university. The study also aimed to determine the students’ experiences and challenges met in Singapore in order for the college in developing various realignment and interventions for the students’ preparation in their local and international practicum program. Methodology The researchers utilized the descriptive design that describes the nature of the phenomenon under investigation after a survey of current trend, practices and conditions that relate to that phenomenon. The results are composed of comprehensive presentation and interpretation of statistical tabulations of data yielded by questionnaires and interviews. Respondents of the Study The respondents of the study are the 50% of the presently enrolled students and graduates of HRM and Tourism students of Lyceum of the Philippines University who had undergone the SIAP (Student Internship Abroad Program) in Singapore from School Year 2004-2008.
Frequency Distribution of Respondents No. of Students School Year Undergone IPTP 2004-2005 12 2005-2006 23 2006-2007 2007-2008 Total 31 35 101

Sample 6 12 15 18 51

Research Instruments A questionnaire was used as the basic tool of investigation. This is the most applicable instrument since it is structured with questions and indicators for the mutual convenience of both respondents and researchers. The questionnaire is composed of three parts. The first part contains the general profile of respondents in terms of gender, age family income and secondary school attended. The second part shows the level of cross-cultural orientation of the student in terms of customs and traditions, languages and hospitality industry practices. Data Gathering Procedure Pertinent information about the respondents was obtained from the Lyceum of the Philippines University College of International Tourism and Hospitality Management. The researchers prepared a letter addressed to the dean asking permission to allow the researchers in conducting their study. Afterwards, the researchers produced the copies and distributed it randomly to the respondents. For respondents who already graduated, the questionnaire is sent through mail. On the agreed deadline, the questionnaires were collected. After the retrieval, the gathered data was tabulated and interpreted in order to arrive with the findings and conclusions of the study. Percentage was used to determine the profile variables in terms of course, gender, age, family income and secondary school attended. Weighted mean was used to discuss the level of cross-cultural orientation of the respondents in terms of customs and tradition, languages, and hospitality practices and Eta-squared was used to analyze the relationship between the respondents’ profile variable and their cross-cultural orientation in terms of customs and tradition, languages, and hospitality practices.

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Results and Discussion 1. Profile of the Respondents There is almost an equal opportunity for BSHRM (56%) and BS Tourism (44%) to undergo the International Training Program. There are 66 females and 44 males who are presently placed in Singapore. It explains that regardless of gender, there is a chance for the students to have their International Training in Asian countries. The age bracket of student - practicumers is 16 or 42%, 17 or 35% and 18 for 23% which reflect that a two-year degree course both in HRM and Tourism and provided that they finish the academic subjects and passed the requirements qualifies the students to the On Job Training abroad. In terms of family Income, majority of the practicumers belong to 10,000-29,999 with 34%, followed by above 40,000, 27%, 30,000-39,999, 24% and Below 10,000 with 15%. The distribution of income group explains that student respondents are mostly average family income earners; this will somehow help them in their desire to support the expenses of an International Practicum. Although, the host country provides travel expenses, allowances, housing and other related fees, student practicumers have to spend personal expenses during their international practicum. 2. Level of cross-cultural awareness of the respondents was taken in terms of customs and traditions, language, and the hospitality industry practices. Customs and Traditions It was found out that the respondents are willing to adapt to the customs and traditions in Singapore (WM=2.75) and are aware on the attitude and values of other countries. This result on student’s awareness is an important issue for the institution to discuss in order to be successful in international relocation and cross cultural orientation. Besides in today’s global interconnectedness, a cultural orientation of other countries will be of help to make the most of opportunities in building cross cultural relationships. However, the level of awareness shows that student practicumers are less aware on attitude and value in Singapore (WM=2.38), customs and traditions of Singapore (WM=2.34) and less aware also on the way of life in this nation state (WM=2.24). Language English was used among the population after the implementation of English as a first language medium in the Singapore education system in 1980; this was shown by the weighted mean of 3.69. The local colloquial dialect of English is known formally as Singapore Colloquial English, though it is more commonly called “Singlish” with the weighted mean of 3.67 verbally interpreted as very aware. Singlish is basically identical to Manglish (the English dialect of Malaysia), and is the usual language on the streets with the weighted mean of 3.58. This is verbally interpreted as “very aware”. It is followed by the Singaporean also speaks a diverse and mixed language that can involve English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil, depending on the circle one associated with, the age group, the race and the location indicated by the weighted mean of 2.98; and Mandarin Chinese is the second most commonly-spoken language among the Singaporean Chinese population with the weighted mean of 2.61, both are verbally interpreted as aware.
Respondents’ Level of Cross-Cultural Orientation in terms of Language Language – Knowledge 1. There are four official languages in Singapore: English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil. 2. English tends to be the language spoken widely in the business, education and government sectors of Singapore. 3. The Singaporean also speaks a diverse and mixed language that can involve English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil, depending on the circle one is associated with the group, the race and the location. 4. The local colloquial dialect of English is known formally as Singapore Colloquial English ( though it is more commonly called “Singlish”) WM 1.24 1.35 1.24 2.98 VI NA NA A VA

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5. English became widespread in Singapore after it was implemented as a first language medium in the education system, and English is the most common language in Singapore Literature. 6. Singlish is basically identical to Manglish (the English dialect of Malaysia) and is the usual language on the streets. 7. English used among the among the population became more widespread after the implementation of English as the first language medium in the Singapore education system in 1980. 8. Mandarin Chinese is the second most commonly-spoken language among the Singaporean Chinese population

3.67 1.30 3.58 3.69


The other items include the following four official languages in Singapore: English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil as shown by the weighted mean of 1.35. English became widespread in Singapore after it was implemented as a first language medium in the education system with the weighted mean of 1.30 and English tends to be the widely spoken language in the business, education and government sector of Singapore with the weighted mean of 1.34 all of which had a verbal interpretation of not aware. Hospitality and Tourism Industry Practices On-the-job-training (OJT) in Singapore is an advantage in the hospitality industry as indicated by the weighted mean of 3.92; the Singapore government has been supportive of its academic program by sponsoring its students for a free training in their establishments WM of 3.78 which had a verbal interpretation of highly agree.
Respondents’ Level of Cross-Cultural Orientation in Hospitality and Tourism Practices Hospitality Practices 1. On-the-job-training (OJT) in other countries is much advantageous than here in the Philippines 2. On-the-job-training (OJT) in Singapore is an advantage in the Hospitality Industry 3. Choosing the location for the on-the-job-training (Batangas, Manila, Singapore ) 4. Choosing what Hospitality Industry for the on-the-job-training (OJT) they would prefer (airlines, hotel, travel agency, restaurant, cruise ship) 5. On-the-job-training (OJT) in Singapore for six (6) months. 6. Seminars, training, and conventions are necessary for the OJT 7. Singaporean cuisine is also a prime example of diversity and cultural diffusion in Singapore 8. Enjoying Singaporean cuisine is a national pastime 9. Singaporeans also enjoy a wide variety of seafood (crab,clams, squid, etc.) 10. One favorite dish in Singapore is the stingray barbecued and served on banana leaf and with sambal (chili). 11. Singaporeans participate in a wide variety of sports and recreational activities 12. Living on an island, the people also enjoy many water activities 13. Singapore is the only country in Asia which offers free Practicum program to graduating Filipino students of Tourism Management 14. Singapore is heavily enjoying its flock of tourists and needs more Tourism Managers and Staff Workers for its increasing number of tour destinations 15. Singaporean employers prefer Filipinos over other Asian counter parts because of their proficiency and skills in the English language. 16. The Singapore government has been supporting its academic program by sponsoring the students for free training in their establishments. 17. The reputation of Filipinos as the world’s finest chefs has attracted Singapore’s Hospitality Industry for employment in hotels and restaurants. 18. Scarlet Hotel Singapore’s latest boutique hotel opened in December 2004 after a 45 USD million acquisitions and refurbishment. WM 3.5 3.92 2.38 2.82 3.78 3.24 3.46 2.89 2.89 3.58 3.58 3.37 3.39 3.38 3.51 3.78 3.21 3.58 VI HA HA A MA HA A A A A HA HA MA MA MA HA HA MA HA

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3. Relationship between the Respondents’ Profile Variables and the Level of Cross Cultural Awareness. The data revealed clearly that all profile variables such as gender, age, course and family income are highly significant to the Level of Cross-Cultural Awareness of HRM and Tourism respondents. Thus, the null hypothesis of no significant relationship is rejected. 4. Programs to be implemented to increase the level of cross-cultural orientation of the students Cross Cultural Training This can help develop a prominent application of the cross cultural awareness of the students in response to the pressures of globalization and visualize the realities of global interconnectedness for greater awareness of culture diversity. This enables students to develop and understand the concept of culture and intercultural communication, the rational differences and values orientations and the differences in organizational culture and the country’s specific knowledge. Singapore Tour This enables the students to become familiar with the customs and traditions, differences on food, fashion and their patterns of thinking. Singapore is a small and relatively different modern country hence; students should be properly trained in communication and social interaction with people of mixed cultural diversities. Seminars and Conventions These provide the students additional information and experience for them to enhance their skills and ability in leadership and to enable incoming business people an understanding of the beliefs, values and attitudes as well as acquire the skills to successful work or business. Foreign Language The teaching of foreign language will enable students to communicate effectively thereby making them globally competitive. Furthermore, it also fosters good public relations that cross cultural barriers. Hands-on Training Experience This will prepare the students in any circumstances to help improve relationship between management and supervisor, to improve the skills of the trainee to solve problems and make decisions regarding the field work.
Profile variables Gender Age Course Family income Eta 0.712 0.892 0.753 1.936 Eta2 0.507 0.796 0.568 0.876 P-value 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 VI HS HS HS HS

Conclusion After the significant results of the study, the following conclusions were drawn: 1. Most of the respondents’ BSHRM and BS Tourism respondents have given equal chances of being placed in an International OJT exposure regardless of age, sex and family income. 2. The respondents have adequate level of cross cultural awareness to the customs and traditions and values however, they are willing to adjust specifically in their ability to use English language in speaking and communicating with Singaporeans. 3. The HRM and Tourism students’ level of cross-cultural awareness is influenced by their profile variables. 4. The programs proposed to increase the level of cross-cultural awareness of the respondents are for round table discussion with the school administrators and other pertinent persons concerned.

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References Braid, Florangel, et.al. (1994). Culture Communication Development. The Asian Institute of Journalism. Dahl, S. (2001). Communication and Culture Transformation. European University, Canada. Eszter Pethő. Differences of Language from a Cross-Cultural Perspective. University of Miskolc Institute of Economic Theories. University of Miskolc. W. J. Lonner, D. L. Dinnel, S. A. Hayes, and D. N. Sattler Hills, M. D. Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (2002). Values Orientation Theory. Lummis, M., & Stevenson, H. W. (1999). “Gender Differences in Beliefs and Achievement: A CrossCultural Study,” Developmental Psychology. “Lycean HRM Practicumers Exposure to Actual Learning Situations in Selected Hospitality Establishments.” Lyceum of Batangas, March 2000. “Perception of the Crew of Selected Fast-food Outlets on Work Environment and Motivational Factors Affecting the Job Performance. Lyceum of Batangas, March 2000. “Pre-employment Concerns Encountered by Women Applying for Working Abroad”. Lyceum of Batangas, March 2006.

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Nurses on the Move: Singapore’s Policy on Foreign Nurses and Its Implication for Japan
KEIKO T. TAMURA University of Kitakyushu, Japan

Singapore is a small city-state with population of 4,485,000 but her national income per capita got ahead of that of Japan in 2007. Not only for this economic development and immense affluence, but also Singapore is very famous for its comprehensive policy on foreign workers. She must be the first country in Asia that has recognized the importance of receiving foreign workers and has been most successful in managing and making use of them. As a small country, devoid of natural resources, the government views that its human resources policies must be very important driving force for economic success. The strong authoritarian rule by the ruling People’s Action Party and Singapore’s smallness have made her policy on foreign workers successful. With 670,000 foreign workers constituting 29% of total workforce in the year 2006, Singapore now has the highest proportion of foreign workers in the labor force in Asia. This figure includes 3,078 foreign nurses constituting 18% of total numbers of nurses. 66 Foreign nurses have become an every day feature in public hospitals as well as private hospitals. This paper describes, first, Singapore’s policy framework and issues on receiving foreign workers in general and foreign nurses in particular. Second, it analyzes some implications of the Singapore’s experience for Japan’s policy on receiving nurses and caregivers from Indonesia and the Philippines under the Economic Partnership Agreement with each of these two countries. Policy Framework and Issues of Foreign Workers in Singapore Since the late 1970s Singapore has turned into one of the major receiving countries of foreign workers in Asia due to the success of export oriented industrialization mainly depended on foreign capitals. Malaysia has historically represented a “traditional source country” for migrant labor in Singapore, but since the late 1970s the flows have diminished due to Malaysia’s own economic development. As a result, the so-called “nontraditional sources countries,” such as Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, began to be replaced in order to meet persistent labor shortage. To manage the fairly large number of foreign workers, the Singapore government has implemented strict immigration policy with several visa categories according to skill level. Unlike many other migrant receiving countries, Singapore provides legal employment opportunities not only for skilled, but also for unskilled workers. As shown in Table 1, its labor management policy is open to migrant workers with professional skills (Employment Pass holders and S Pass holders). Employment Pass holders are again divided into three kinds of categories according to monthly wages. Foreign nurses are categorized as S Pass holders. Today, 670,000 foreign workers are legally employed in Singapore, constituting nearly 65,000 with employment pass holders and 25,000 with S pass holders and 580,000 with work permit holders.67 This means that the bulk is comprised of low skilled workers whose monthly wages are about 14% of the average Singaporean wage. Singapore’s management policy is rather strict with semi-skilled and unskilled workers (Work Permit holders) in the construction, shipbuilding and ship-repair, and other labor-intensive industries as well as in domestic services. Work Permit holders enjoy fewer entitlements than Employment Pass holders. Semi-skilled and unskilled workers are regarded as temporary labor force and controlled by a series of measures. These measures include the dependency polices, which regulates the proportion of foreign to local workers, and

66 67

Singapore Nursing Board, Annual Report 2006, pp.19-20. The Straits Times, 20 February 2005.

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foreign worker levy 68. For domestic workers, there is also a “security bond” imposed upon employers to ensure the ‘maid’ 69 does not run away and leaves the country when her contract expires. Table 1: Visa Categories and Conditions of Foreign Workers (August, 2008)
Employment Pass P1 Fixed Salary Monthly >S$7,000 S Pass P2 >S$3,500 Q >S$2,500 >S$1,800 Below S$1,800 Semi-skilled, Unskilled Every 2 years Yes Yes S$5,000 person No per

Work Permit

Skill Level Duration/ Renewal Tax Dependency Ceiling Levy Dependent’s Pass

High(Professional, Managerial, Executive, Mid-level Specialist jobs) 2 years (first time), Every 3 yeas (after first renewal) No No No Yes Yes for Monthly salary>S$2,500 Yes Yes

Source: Ministry of Manpower http://www.mom/gov.sg (12 August, 2009). S$=Singapore Dollar Dependency on Foreign Nurses Severe Shortage of Local Nurses Apart from domestic work, the health sector is becoming another significant employer of foreign women. The fairly number of nurses and caregivers are now needed in Singapore firstly because a shift in population structure towards the old age groups over the decades is regarded as a very serious issue. It was estimated that the elderly population (60 years over) who need care and comfort would constitute from 7.8% in 1985 to 28.5% on 2020. 70 Secondly is Singapore’s policy to be a regional medical hub in Asia for a whole spectrum of healthcare services. There are 29 hospitals in Singapore with a total of 11,830 beds (in 2005). Every major public and private hospital in Singapore has attained Joint Commission International (JCI) accreditation, a widely-recognized mark of quality healthcare. This accreditation examines the safety and quality of clinical practices, in addition to general areas, such as facility management and safety. As such, the patient pool in Singapore is diverse. In 2005, 374,000 foreign patients came to Singapore to seek medical treatment. More than half of the patients that go to Singapore for major medical treatments are from Indonesia and Malaysia, the US, Britain, Japan. The Ministry of Health expects more foreign patients to arrive and sees the total reaching one million a year by 2012 with the economic effect of S$260 million (1% of GDP). 71 However, nursing has not been an attractive career for young people. For a long time, fresh nursing diploma graduates could not expect a high starting salary despite they were expected to work harder and longer hours than other ordinary jobs. And nurses had few opportunities to upgrade their skills and further their education in order to get university degree. Without university degree, Singaporeans cannot expect higher salary and highly respected social status. Compared with the 2005 statistics that an average monthly starting salary of administrative and managerial occupation was S$6,852 and that of professional occupation was S$4,228, registered nurses could only expect S$2,000 in the year of 2000 and between S$2,100 and S$3,498 in 2006.72 This starting salary for registered nurses is not enough to make ends meet in Singapore where consumer and estate prices go up every year. In addition to this low salary, nurses are almost looked down as same as “maids” who are supposed to provide care and comforts to the aged and patients. The estimated foreign domestic workers’ monthly salary in Singapore in 2005 was between S$300 and S$350, while the number of foreign domestic workers is 160, 000. They are mainly from Indonesia and the Philippines.

Tamura, Keiko T.(2008), “International Labor Migration and Gender in Southeast Asia (Tounan Asia no Kokusai Iju Roudou to Jendah),” Takahara, Akio and Yukihito Sato, Tamura eds, Border Crossing in Asia(Ekkyo), Keio University Press, p.253. 69 The local population and media in Singapore still call them maids although the Ministry of Manpower has recently started to refer to as foreign domestic workers. 70 Ibids, 24 July 1985. 71 Asahi Shinbun Web Page, http://www.asahi.com/health/news/SEB20080310002.html (13 August 2008). 72 Ibids, 14 August 2008.

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Receiving foreign nurses Table 2 shows the selected characteristics of registered nurses/midwives and enrolled nurses in 2001 and 2006. Table 2: The Number and Citizenship of Registered Nurses/Midwives and Enrolled Nurses
Registered Nurses/Midwives Citizenship Singaporean/Permanent Resident Malaysian Chinese (PRC) Filipino Indian Myanmar Others Total Enrolled Nurses Citizenship Singaporean/Permanent Resident Malaysian Chinese (PRC) Filipino Indian Myanmar Others Total 2001 10,806 274 566 1,308 289 13,243 2001 2,718 74 62 939 362 4,155 2006 13,744 341 539 746 136 82 176 15,764 2006 4,105 43 78 194 203 42 5,163


Source: Calculated by the author from Singapore Nursing Board, Annual Report 2004, 2006. The number of foreign nurses has increased from almost 1,000 from the early 1990s to 2006. But “real number” is considered higher than this official number. The Singapore government decided to loosen the condition to give permanent resident status to foreigners with a certain level of qualification after the year of 2000. The number of permanent residents increased from 112,132 in 1990 to 290,118 in 2000, 449,200 in 2007.73 After the year of 2001, the government has granted the permanent resident status from 30,000 to 50,000 foreigners every year. 57,310 foreigners were granted this status in 2006. 74 Many foreign nurses who granted permanent resident status are now considered as locals. Foreigners who hope to work in Singapore can take the nursing programs well established and recognized in many developed countries. The traditional nursing education pathway is based on a 3-year full-time diploma in nursing program at Nanyang Polytechinic and Ngee Ann Polytechinic, Institute of Technical Education and more recently, a 3-year full-time Bachelor of Nursing degree (four years for honor students) at National University of Singapore. The working language is English and all courses are conducted in English. There is no board or national examination. All nurses regardless of locals and foreigners must be registered on Singapore Nursing Board list. However, there is a route for registered nurses in countries outside of Singapore. If they finish their courses at schools or colleges accredited by Singapore Nursing Board, they can work in Singapore at their own will. For those whose licenses are not accredited, they must pass the examination conducted by the Board. Singapore hospitals and other healthcare institutions are supposed to offer a certain kind of acculturation program for new nurses. For example, Singapore General Hospital, largest hospital in Asia and second largest hospital in the world to receive JCI accreditation, offers multicultural training programs including English and Malay language courses.

Singapore Department of Statistics, Key Demographic Indicators, 1970-2007, p.v. Census of Population 2000: Advanced Data Release, p.4. A government officer’s answer to a question of nominated member of parliament Siew Kum Hong. http://siewkumhong.blogspot.com/ (5 September, 2008. Nationalities and occupations of newly granted permanent residents are not announced officially.


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Some agents also offer program to enable foreigners to gain a Singapore registered nurse license. Health Management International Ltd (HMI), a regional healthcare and education provider with presence in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and China, has its training centre launched in 2002 in Singapore. This centre has trained and placed over 1,000 locals and Chinese nurses to enable them to work at Singapore hospitals and other healthcare institutions. 75 HMI has signed a Memorandum of Agreement with Linyi People’s Hospital in Shandong, PRC. This Memorandum “targets to train at least 300 nurses per year to cater to the robust demand for qualified nurses in developed regions such as Singapore, Australia, Middle East and other Commonwealth countries.”76 Training of Local Nurses As mentioned earlier, the percentage of foreign nurses in public health-care institutions has decreased from 22.3% in 2001 to 18% in 2006. This attributed to the fact the government recently has been willing to grant the permanent resident status to foreign nurses. In addition, other two key reasons must be added to this; they are increase in the number of graduates of nursing from local institutions and a high turn over rate among foreign nurses. The government encourages local institutions to increase the intake of the students and has established new institutions such as Institute of Technical Education. Nanyang Polytechinic produced 728 graduates in 2005, up from 651 in 2004 and 557 in 2003. Institute of Technical Education had more than doubled nursing graduates from about 200 in 2002 to 550 in 2005. The National University of Singapore has started to offers a nursing degree in 206. And graduates can now expect between S$2,100 and S$3,498 as their monthly starting salary. This rising salary encourages nurses who are not in active practice to work again. Statistics from the Ministry of Health show that nurses not in active practice decreased from 4,031 in 2002 to 3,244 in 2006. 77 However, the starting salary of nursing profession in Singapore is still lower than that of European and American counterparts. Thus, Singaporean nurse who are conscious of their professional career tend to choose to work in these countries. 78 The attrition rate for foreign nurses in public health-care institutions was 23%, compared to 8% for local nurses in 2005. 79 Many of foreign nurses come to Singapore to work for a few years and then go to other countries such as Britain, Australia, and the US. Another factor contributed to raise Singaporeans’ interest in nurse was an explosive epidemic of SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in 2003. More than 30 Singaporeans were killed by SARS. Newspapers reported almost every day how nurses devoted their energies to the care of patients. These touching repots gave Singaporeans a good image of nurses. 80 After the SARS epidemic the Ministry of Health has aggressively targeted to train at least 2,000 local nurses every year. But still there is a great demand for foreign nurses in Singapore because of the increasing in aging population and government’s policy to become a regional medical hub in Asia. Implications for Japan’s Policy Japan’s EPA with the Philippines and Indonesia The Japan-Indonesia Economic Partnership Agreement and the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement allow no more than 1,000 Indonesian and no more than Filipino nurses and caregivers to come to Japan.

75 76

HMI Media release, 20 September 2007. Ibid., 24 April 2007. 77 Ministry of Health web page http://www.moh.gov.sg/mohcorp/statistics.aspx?id=5966 (4 September 2008). 78 The author’s interview with Dr. David Arthur(Head) and Associate Professor Jillian Brammer of Alice Lee Centre of Nursing Studies, Yong Loo Lin Scholl of Medicine, National University of Singapore, 21 August 2008. 79 Singhealth Newsroom, 2 October 2006. http://www.singhealth.com.sg/Newsroon/NewsReports/2006/ (17 August 2008). 80 The author’s interview with some senior staff of Singapore Nursing Board (14 August 2008).

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Special Activity VISA for nurse “candidate”: 3 years for caregiver ”candidate” 4 years ↓ Six-month Japanese language course ↓ ↓ Nurse course Caregiver course Work at hospitals as trainee Work at care centers as trainee (3 years) 81 ↓ ↓ National license exam(3 times) National license exam(only once) ↓ ↓ Fail=Go home Fail=Go home Pass=Work as regular staff

Filipino nurses need 3 years’ experience in order to apply for the job in Japan while Indonesian nurses need two years experience because according to the Ministry of Health, labor and Welfare, Filipino nurses obtain 10 years’ education from primary to high school and four years of nursing education but Indonesian counterparts obtain 12 years’ education from primary to high school and 3 years’ nursing education. As shown in the Flow of Foreign Nurses and Caregiver “Candidates”, all the foreign nurses and caregivers are supposed to undergo a six-month Japanese language course soon after coming to Japan. And they are classified as trainees or “candidates” even if they had already passed similar examinations in their home countries. A nurse “candidate” can try the national licensure examination 3 times while a caregiver “candidate” can try only once because three years’ experience of care-giving is required to take a license exam. The initial batch of 208 Indonesian and 273 Filipino “candidates” came to Japan. Indonesians are now working in healthcare institutions such as hospitals and nursing homes as trainees, and Filipinos are now taking the Japanese language course. All Indonesian nurse “candidates” tried the national licensure examination in 2009 but no one passed. Many people and NGOs in the Philippines criticize the framework as unrealistic. 82 First concern is the language barrier. Passing the national licensure examination in Japanese exactly same to Japanese people is so high as to and almost impregnable barrier for foreigners. Many worry that Indonesian and Filipino nurse and caregiver “candidates” will most likely end up only being exploited as cheap laborer and high quality care trainees in Japanese healthcare facilities for three or four years. Second is the cheap allowance and lower status as trainees who have not yet passed the national exam, Indonesian and Filipino nurse and caregiver “candidates” will risk receiving a mere trainee allowance of US$400 a month, free board and lodging. This amount might not be enough to make ends meet in Japan, particular in Tokyo. Many also worry if Indonesian nurses and Filipino nurses can endure their low status as trainees for a couple of years. They may lose their integrity, credibility and professionalism. Third is the high educational degree required for caregiver “candidates”. The educational level that caregiver “candidates” should be graduates of a 4-year university or 3-year technical college is quite high if we consider the realities. On the other hand, Japanese who only finished junior high school can work as caregivers if they pass the national exam. Fourth, many worry that Muslims may not find a suitable place within Japanese health-care institutions to pray and have some trouble with food because many Japanese people are still not familiar with Islam. Understanding and knowledge about Muslim are needed among not only medical staff but also Japanese nationals generally. Lastly, Japanese people still have a deep-rooted way of thinking against woman’s job; nurses and caregivers should be women because women are good at providing comfort and taking care of others. Because of this prejudice, some hospitals and nursing homes refused to receive Indonesian male nurses/caregiver candidates simply because of their sex.

For Filipino caregiver candidates there is another course called “school course”. Those who take this “school course” are supposed to study at caregiver training institutions for 2-4 years and try the national exam. But they have to pay institution fee for their own. The first batch of applicants for this course was only 38 in 2009 though the Japanese government set a limit of number 50 for this course. 82 “Nurses wary of deal with Japan,” Manila Standard, 5 October 2007. Dr. Leah Primitive G. Samaco-Paquiz, Position Statement on the Japan Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement: Why our nurses are against JPEPA. The author’s interview with Ms. Ellene A. Sara, Executive Director of Center for Migrant Advocacy, 20 February 2009.

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These worries and traditional thinking of thinking about woman’s job could be the reasons that the number of the initial batch of Indonesian and Filipino nurse/caregiver “candidates” was smaller than expected. Learning from Singapore’s Experience Can Japan learn from Singapore’s experiences? The answer could be Yes and No. The big differences between two countries are the history and ethnic diversity. Singapore has started to receive foreign nurses since the early 1990s while Japan has just started. And working language in Singapore is English. Besides, being a multi-ethnic country of Chinese, Malays, Indians, and Eurasians, Singaporeans get used to various traditional practices and religions. They may be ready to receive new ones. In spite of the differences, still, Japan can learn from Singapore. First, the Japanese government should admit that Japan is in short of nurses and caregivers as the Singapore government officially did. The Singapore government acknowledged the acute shortage of nurse and has been successful in fighting with this isuue. So far, the Japanese government officially states that Japan never lacks of nurses and caregivers, but hospitals and healthcare institutions demand more nurses and caregivers. According to statistics, the shortage of nurses in Japan is not so acute; there are nine nurses per patient in Japan while 4.8 nurses per patient in Singapore, According to the Ministry of Health, the gap between the number of nurses and that of needed was 4,200 in 2006 and will be 16,000 in 2010. 83 However, considering the high percentage of the aged population 21% which is higher than other OECD countries, and high quality of medical service in Japan, the number of nurses actually needed is estimated more than that number. As for caregivers, the demand of them can be augmented to around 70,000. And the attrition rate within one year is very high; 21.6% in 2006. There is no doubt that Japanese society lacks the labor force to care for the aged people. Second, to cope with this acute shortage of human resources, the Japanese government should plan to have a comprehensive scheme to receive foreign nurses and caregivers such as a bilateral labor agreement not making it a part of broad economic/free trade agreement. The present agreement on nurses/caregivers should be reviewed anyway. A bilateral labor agreement like receiving foreign nurses /caregivers for up to ten years under a new flexible visa category must be better idea than the present “trainee status”. Third, it is necessary to improve the working conditions of domestic nurses and caregivers in Japan. Japanese care workers are forced to work long hours with minimal wage. The Singapore government tried to make nursing profession attractive for young people by raising the basic salary and establishing higher educational institutions. Forth, it is better that the Japanese government considers granting permanent resident status to foreign nurses/caregivers if they pass the national exam. Many Filipino nurses hope to go to USA or Canada after working in Singapore for a few years not only because they can expect higher salary but also because they can expect to get permanent resident status very easily in these countries. The fact that foreigners occupy 1.69% of Japan’s total population in 2007, 84 the highest percentage after the WWII, means Japan is becoming a multi-ethnic country year after year. More than half of foreigners living in Japan are Chinese and Koreans but the number of Brazilians, Filipinos, and Peruvians is also increasing. Healthcare staff is now exposed to many cultures and languages, religions. Accepting foreign nurses/caregivers and working with them, learning from them must contribute to “internationalization” of the medical scene in Japan.

83 84

http://www.mhlw.go.jp/shingi/2005/12/s1226-5.html (7 October 2008). Immigration Bureau of Japan, http://www.immi-moj.go.jp/toukei/index.html (9 September 2008).

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Overseas Workers and the Formation of Multi-ethnic Mining Communities in New Caledonia
NESTOR T. CASTRO University of the Philippines Diliman

The establishment of mining projects has lured migrants to settle in areas adjacent to these mine sites. These migrants come from different parts of the host country and usually, their demographic profile shows diverse ethnic, linguistic, and religious backgrounds. Because of this, multi-ethnic mining communities were formed and, in many cases, continue to thrive despite the eventual closure of these mines. In a globalized world, large-scale mining projects have attracted employees and workers not only from the host country but from various countries and nationalities as well. In the process, new types of multicultural communities have emerged, the members of which come from diverse racial and ethnic groups. This paper looks into the processes involved in the formation of multi-ethnic mining communities and the accompanying socio-cultural issues and problems brought about by these processes. The specific experience of the Goro Nickel Project will be examined as a case in point. The data for the paper are based on the author’s fieldwork in Goro, New Caledonia in August-September 2007. Participant observation was employed by the author by living in the mine camp while observing the daily life of the camp residents. This was supplemented by semi-structured interviews with the mining company’s officials, staff, workers, and contractors. Background The Goro Nickel Project is a large-scale nickel extraction and processing project in New Caledonia. Project construction started in 2005 and was accomplished in 2008. The project started its mining operation in early 2009. The expected annual capacity of the Goro Project is 60,000 metric tons of nickel and 4,300 to 5,000 metric tons of cobalt. The Foreign Workforce in Goro The workforce in Goro is multi-national in character. There are two general categories of the workforce, namely the locals and the expats. The local workforce refers to the following groups: • Native Melanesians (also called Kanak); • Caledonians (referring to those of European descent living in New Caledonia for three to five generations now or more); • Local residents who are of foreign descent, e.g. Oceanians (Wallisians, Fijians, Vanuatuans, etc.), Polynesians (e.g. Tahitians, Samoans), and a few Asians (e.g. Vietnamese). On the other hand, the foreign workforce is made up of the following groups: • Filipino • Australians • Quebecois Canadians • Europeans, mostly French but including a few Spanish, Czech, etc. Filipino workers comprise the biggest foreign workforce in Goro. There are approximately 1,500 Filipinos working in the Goro Nickel Project. The first batch of these workers arrived in December 2005 although they were pulled out of the site in March 2006 due to protest activities initiated by local residents and workers under the leadership of the movement known as Reebu Nuu. It was only in 29 June 2006 when construction activities resumed and Filipino workers were brought back to the camp. Since the Goro Nickel Project is only approximately 40 percent complete, more foreign workers are expected to arrive in the site by the end of 2007. The number of Filipino workers is expected to reach 3,000 at its peak. Definitely, the presence of a very big foreign workforce in Goro created several impacts in the area.

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The Filipino workers belong to several subcontractor agencies, namely: • • • • • • • • EEI Corporation AG&P Vinci CIP CPI Sodexho Direct hire by Goro Sarens 623 Filipinos Approximately 500 Approximately 120 Approximately 100 Approximately 100 Approximately 25 Approximately 10 Approximately 5 engineers

The housing of the Filipino workers in the man camp is based on the subcontractor agency where they belong. Thus, there is a section of the man camp that is for EEI workers and another section for those of AG&P. Thus, the main organization of the Filipino workforce, both at the workplace and in the man camp, is along subcontractor agency lines. Secondary forms of self-organization are along religious and ethnic lines. There are different church services for the dominantly Roman Catholics from those of other Christian denominations. Visayan Filipinos are also organizing themselves along ethnic lines through church-related activities as the Catholic chaplain of Goro is a Visayan Filipino. Key Impacts: Environmental Because of the presence of a large foreign workforce, it was necessary to provide housing for these workers. Thus, a large tract of land has been allotted for the establishment of the man camp, including those occupied by foreign workers. This required the cutting of hundreds of trees in the area in order to set up the camp. Moreover, the presence of the large workforce exerted more pressure on the environment, especially in terms of heightened demand for water, food, power, and other basic necessities for the man camp. One environmental concern raised by Kanaks against Filipinos is that the latter resort to intensive fishing activities as opposed to subsistence fishing by the former. There were cases were a few Filipino workers engaged in net fishing. Filipino workers were also observed as catching fish that were still juvenile. Some enterprising Filipino workers processed dried fish from their catch to sell them to their co-workers. If these fishing aggressive activities continue, there is a fear that fish stock in the area can be depleted. Key Impacts: Economic For the foreign workforce, the main reason why they are in New Caledonia is because of economic opportunities. The export of manpower is the number one export of the Philippines. Many Filipinos work abroad because compensation is definitely higher than in the Philippines. Because of the relatively high minimum wage as provided by French laws, Filipino workers in New Caledonia receive the highest salaries compared to any other Overseas Filipino Workers found anywhere else in the world. These high salaries have concretely been translated into economic mobility for the families of these Filipino workers. Those workers who have already finished their contract and returned to the Philippines reported that they have bought new houses after a year of work in Goro. For the Philippines, the Goro Project is an important source of foreign revenue. Other workers in Goro also benefited economically from the project. However, because the Filipino workforce is composed basically of highly-skilled workers, their salaries are definitely higher than their Kanak counterparts. This has lead to envy from the latter towards the Filipinos. This envy stems from the egalitarian characteristic of Melanesian societies. In the man camp, this envy has led to cases of petty theft not only on personal belongings of Filipinos but of other nationalities as well. New Caledonian labor unions have taken advantage of this envy towards foreign workers. During an antiGoro Project rally in Noumea in August-September 2006, labor leaders alleged that prices of commodities in New Caledonia have increased because of the presence of the foreign workforce. Allegedly, the foreign workers have a higher buying power thus causing the increase in the prices of commodities.

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Key Impacts: Employment The Goro Nickel Project has provided employment for many workers, both local and foreign. The number of Filipinos who have been employed in the project could reach up to 3,000 individuals. This is because of the New Caledonian labor policy of limiting the work visa of foreign skilled workers to 18 months at most. Thus, many from the first batch of workers have already been replaced by a new batch of workers. However, for the local workers – both Kanak and Caledonian – they perceived the hiring of foreign workers as taking the jobs away from those of the locals. This is the main reason for the protests against the Filipino workers in March and again in August-September 2006. Some Filipino workers experienced being cursed at by their Kanak co-workers. There were also cases where rocks have been thrown towards Filipino bunkhouses. Key Impacts: Cultural/Social and Health The multi-national nature of the man camp caused difficult relationships between and among different groups of people. From among the foreign workforce, local workers had more difficulty in relating with Australians. There are actually formal complaints about the “racist” behavior of Australians. They are perceived by the locals as arrogant and boisterous. They do not show any attempt to learn French. Australians were always drinking beer and during these drinking sprees, they were very noisy and rowdy. They were also perceived to look down on people of color, thinking that the latter are unintelligent. Australians are found mainly in staff and supervisory positions. In contrast, the Quebecois French are known to be friendly. However, they were perceived to have a big ego. They allegedly have a negative bias against the French and the locals, believing that these people do not work well. They also complain that New Caledonia is ugly because the level of services is very poor. The relationship between and among locals is also not always on friendly terms. There is jealousy between Melanesians and Oceanians and there is rivalry between the different Melanesian tribes. From the point of view of those belonging to the nearby tribes (Goro, Touaorou, and Yate), why are outsiders (those belonging to other tribes) benefiting from our ancestral lands. In the man camp, New Caledonians and French citizens thought that Filipinos are snubs because they don’t greet other people with terms such as “Bonjour” or “Bonsoir” once they meet along pathways or corridors. Filipinos, however, are unaware of the practice. In Filipino etiquette, it is impolite to greet someone that you don’t know because you are interfering in their own private affairs. Thus, Filipinos just bow their heads so as not to look at another person into the eyes, as a sign of Filipino respect. On the other hand, one of the biases of Filipinos against Melanesians is that they are generally lazy. This is because the latter only prefer to work for four days without any ambition at all for overtime pay. Cases of theft in the camp have also reinforced a stereotype image against Melanesians. People are warned not to leave their valuables behind and always to lock their doors when they are away. Of course, Melanesians are always the suspects. The inability to communicate in French remains as a major barrier in greater interrelationship between Filipinos and local workers. Only one subcontractor agency gave their workers lessons in French prior to coming to New Caledonia. Most Filipino workers learn the language through individual self-initiative, e.g. using the dictionary and asking co-workers to teach them the language. There was a plan by Sodexho to undertake Tuesday French language lessons but this did not push through for still unknown reasons. The lack of comprehension of the French language has led some of the foreign workers to disregard signs that they could not understand. While in Dumbea, for example, Filipino workers visiting a local supermarket used a toilet even if there is a sign that says that the said toilet is out of service. More than the language, Filipino workers did not have a basic orientation about the culture of New Caledonia prior to their coming to Noumea. The seeming similarity of the New Caledonian terrain with that of rural Philippines causes some Filipino workers to think that Filipino habits are also applicable while in New Caledonia. For example, while travelling by bus from Noumea to Goro, some Filipino workers wanted to get

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off the bus in order to urinate by the road. They were told by the driver that they could not just pee anywhere they like. The lack of prior knowledge is true as well for New Caledonians. Although the GCT management informed them that they will be hiring Filipino workers, they have never been oriented as to what Filipinos are like and as to where can the Philippines is located. Among the social impacts, there have been cases of sexual harassment against female workers by their male co-workers. This is exacerbated by the fact that there are very few female workers in the dominantly male man camp. Among Filipino workers, there were five reported cases of sexual harassment. One of the places where Filipino workers go to during Sundays is along the beaches of Noumea. While having a picnic along the beach, some Filipino workers position themselves near local girls who swim in the area. Some of them would even take pictures of the topless girls using their camera phones. In some instances, the girls would notice the intrusion to their privacy and would transfer to another location. Within the man camp, many local women observed that Filipino men stare at them. In one particular case, a Tahitian female worker did not want to go to the mess hall anymore for fear that Filipino men would pry their eyes on her. Prostitution activities allegedly occur secretly within the man camp. The prostitutes are believed to be local women who may also be workers in the camp. Their clients mostly come from the foreign, although nonFilipino, workforce. There were some cases of alcohol abuse by foreign workers within the man camp. In one situation, this contributed to the case of sexual harassment as the alleged harasser was reportedly drunk. There were some instances where workers had petty accidents within the man camp, such as falling into a ditch, because of intoxication from alcohol. During Sundays, many foreign workers go to Noumea or its vicinities to drink liquor. In Dumbea, Filipinos buy cans of beer or bottles of liquor from the Carrefour supermarket and engage in a drinking spree along the sidewalks. They just sit in the corridors and enjoy their drink. So far, it has not caused any trouble with locals since Filipinos are always accompanied by company security while outside the man camp. The picture of Filipinos drinking along the streets, however, is unsightly and may lead to an impression that Filipinos are alcoholics. Cannabis abuse is prevalent among the Melanesian workers. If the practice is not discouraged within the man camp, there is a danger that foreign workers will also engage in smoking cannabis. With regards to health impacts, the presence of a large migrant workforce brought about an increase in health and medical cases to be handled by New Caledonian medical facilities. There were five cases of cardiac arrest among Filipino workers, with one case leading to death. Other causes of morbidity among Filipino workers were stomachache, dizziness, and homesickness. Because of the amount and quality of food being served in the canteens, many of the workers – both local and foreign – claimed that they have grown fat. One contributory factor for this is because the workers are unfamiliar with the cuisine and thus tend to eat whatever is served. For example, many Filipino workers are unfamiliar with the buffet system and feel obliged to eat everything that is served at the mess hall. If unmanaged, the large food intake of the workers may be a health risk in the future. Key Impacts: Camp Facilities Among the facilities in the camp are the following: • • • • • • Gym, open 24 hours a day. Eight television rooms, open 24 hours a day, with French, English, and Filipino channels. Two recreation rooms, open 24 hours a day, with table tennis and billiards facilities. One music practice room. Dja Bwi bar, open 6:30 to 8:30 p.m. every Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, and from 2:00 to 6:00 p.m. every Sundays. One mini market, open at 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. from Mondays to Sundays.

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• •

One laundry room, available 5:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. from Mondays to Sundays. Four canteens that serve breakfast, lunch, and dinner daily; one of these canteens serves Filipino and other Asian food.

Other Filipinos who stay in the camp on Sundays spend their day washing clothes. Most Filipinos prefer to wash their own clothes for two reasons. First, there have been several cases where their clothes have been robbed by Melanesian workers manning the laundry machines. Secondly, Filipinos are very sentimental about their private belongings especially if these have been given to them by their loved ones and thus, prefer to wash the clothes given to them by their spouses. At 5:00 p.m. every Sundays, there is a Roman Catholic mass officiated by the Filipino resident chaplain, Fr. Demetrio Degaya, Jr. Approximately 200 Filipino workers attend the Sunday mass. Members of two other Christian denominations have their own prayer services at 9:00 in the morning. There is, however, no designated place for worship within the camp. The venue of the mass is transferred from place to place every Sunday. Although there are ten computers that may be used by all camp workers for Internet purposes, these facilities are not enough. Moreover, Internet use (mainly to communicate with their family members at home) is limited to 18 minutes only per individual. Thus, there is always a long queue for those who want to send e-mail to their loved ones. Those working in offices have an advantage because they could use their office computers to chat or send e-mail. One thing that Filipinos complain about is the absence of an SMS facility for their mobile phones. In the Philippines, most people use their mobile phones not to make phone calls but to send text messages to their friends and relatives. One reason for the popularity of this medium is because it is relatively cheap. They were surprised to find out that in New Caledonia, their phones (served by only one phone company – Mobilus) are able to receive SMS messages from the Philippines but could not send SMS messages. Moreover, there is no roaming facility for anyone using a Filipino mobile phone company. Another complaint by Filipinos is that the local Sodexho kitchen staff is not trained in providing quality service. There was a case this almost led to a fistfight between a Filipino worker and a Melanesian kitchen staff. The Filipino worker did not want the particular dish that was served on his plate and asked that it be replaced. The kitchen staff, however, did not want to replace the food and insisted that the Filipino just take it. Probably, from the server’s point of view, it is possible to throw the dish in the bin, anyway. From the Filipino’s point of view, however, it reflects a lack of sensitivity towards the customer and inflexibility. The fistfight was prevented by co-workers of the Filipino. A similar incident happened involving the same staff. In a multicultural setting, there is a problem that individual behavior of workers may be interpreted as general behavior of a particular culture. Key Potential Benefits: Economic The huge foreign workforce adds to the pool of consumers in New Caledonia. As such, the needs of these foreign workers for food, transportation, and communication, among other necessities, will surely contribute to the New Caledonian economy. One area that still needs to be maximized is in the realm of SMS communication. Filipinos love to send SMS messages to friends and loved ones and for this reason, the Philippines has become the texting capital of the world. Unfortunately, the SMS feature is not available in the New Caledonian mobile phone company Mobilus. If this is made available, thousands of Filipino workers in New Caledonia will definitely send SMS messages to their relatives and friends in the Philippines as a regular means of communication mechanism. This can be a source of huge income for Mobilus or other interested phone companies. Key Potential Benefits: Employment Local workers said that they learned a lot from Filipino workers as the latter teach them about new methods of work, especially those that include safety considerations. This type of training is very much appreciated by the locals as they said that the knowledge and skills that Filipinos have is not locally available. Even technical schools in Noumea do not teach the types of methods that are known to the Filipinos. Through on-the-job training the local workers not only learn new skills but gain confidence in their work. Eventually they will be

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able to take over the jobs to be left behind by the Filipinos once they pull out of the country. In the end, it is the local workforce that will benefit from the training imparted to them by Filipino workers. Mitigation Measures Several mitigation measures have been undertaken in Goro to address the negative impacts that have been identified. Communication The Goro Construction Team (GCT) management translated several of its information-education materials into Tagalog, the main language of the Philippines. These materials include the following: • • • Health, Safety and Environment (HSE) Manual for Construction Activities Staying in Goro: A Practical Guide Job Site Policies: A Practical Guide

The aforementioned materials aim at delivering important messages to the Filipino workforce. For example, Staying in Goro provides the Filipino worker with a general orientation about New Caledonian society and culture. On the other hand, the HSE Manual reminds the foreign workforce about environmental and safety concerns that need to be adopted in the workplace and the man camp. Job Site Policies include a discussion about rules and regulations in the camp in order to prevent negative social impacts, such as alcohol and drug abuse. Avoidance of saturation visits to communities by foreign workers The mobility of foreign workers in Goro is limited. Foreign workers could not just go out of the camp anytime they want to. They have to secure a permit from the management in case they want to leave the camp and go to Noumea or other places. The use of electronic identification cards by all employees and workers when entering and leaving the man camp acts as a control in this regard. During Sundays – the only free day of Filipino workers, since all of them work overtime on Fridays and Saturdays – a ferry brings a maximum of 200 workers to Noumea. Because not all workers can be accommodated, those who want to visit Noumea need to add their names to a list until their turn is available. There is no marketplace outside of the man camp that the foreign workers can utilize. Instead, there is a mini market inside the camp where daily necessities are available. Every second Wednesday of the month, a local flea market is set up inside the man camp. Here, local products are sold by residents of the outlying Kanak communities. This is the opportunity where foreign workers are able to buy local products. Curtailment of fishing encroachment Net fishing has been prohibited by the GCT management along its pier facilities. The Filipino supervisors have discouraged their employees and workers from engaging in the processing of daing (sun-dried fish). Reaching out to local communities The Filipino workforce knew that there was resistance from New Caledonians about their presence. In order to overcome this problem, they made conscious attempts in reaching out to the local populace. One means that they employed is to highlight their similarities with the natives. Both Filipinos and New Caledonians are dominantly Roman Catholic. To show to the Melanesians that Filipinos are not a threat, the Filipino workers asked the Tongan parish priest of Yate to come to the mancamp at least once a month to say mass. This was a deliberate message to inform the Melanesians that like them, Filipinos are Roman Catholics, too. Through the priest, a 19-member Filipino delegation was sent to the village of the Touaorou tribe every first Sunday of the month to celebrate the Catholic mass together with the local residents. This effort proved effective and became a regular Cultural

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Exchange Program. Filipinos would sing Catholic songs during the mass, which the Melanesians appreciated, considering the talent of Filipinos in singing. Sports activities were also organized in the village and the partaking of Kanak and Filipino food by the local residents and their Filipino guests. The Filipino community at the Goro camp has what it calls a “cultural exchange program” with the village of Touaorou. Every first Sunday of the month, one van with a maximum capacity of 19 persons, bring Filipinos to Touaorou. Touaorou was chosen because it has its own Roman Catholic church where Filipinos can attend mass. Moreover, it was willing to accept the Filipinos unlike the nearer village of Goro which is still hesitant in accepting the Filipinos as visitors. The Filipinos are very much appreciated in Touaorou because they sing well during the Sunday mass. Because only one van has been allotted for the monthly visit, only 19 persons at a time are able to visit Touaorou. Filipino workers thus have to take turns in joining the trip. There are more individuals who also want to go to Touaorou but they have to wait for their turn. They are always accompanied by one Filipino interpreter who is able to communicate in French. The Filipino visitors adopted the local custom in formally relating with the tribal chief of Touaorou. The local church leader formally introduced the Filipinos to their chieftain. The first batch of Filipinos who went there gave the chieftain the coutoume (customary gifts), consisting of rolled up cloth, tobacco, and money. The formal acceptance of the coutoume meant that the Filipinos were formally accepted by the community. The Filipinos bring Filipino dishes and additional food items, such as noodles and sardines, every time they visit Touaorou. They also pay for the pork meat that is cooked the Melanesian way by Touaorou women. These dishes are eaten after mass by local residents and their Filipino guests. The afternoon in the village is spent for playing games, such as bingo, basketball, volleyball, and football. Filipinos are fond of playing basketball which Melanesians are not too interested in. On the other hand, they are not good in playing football. One Filipino employee even had a fracture because of game. The cultural exchange is appreciated by Touaorou residents because they believe it is good for their children. Their children learn music and sports from their Filipino visitors. The cultural exchange program has proved to be effective in breaking down the cultural barrier between Filipinos and Melanesians. As a matter of fact, Touaorou residents suggest that the same type of program should be adopted in other villages, such as Goro and Unia. Some residents from the latter villages go to the mancamp every second Wednesday of the month in order to sell local products at the flea market. These Melanesians were able to observe how Filipinos behave and saw their good relationship with those of Touaorou. They are now more open to the possibility of eventually opening up their villages to potential Filipino visitors. One time, visitors from Kone went to Touaorou to attend a local wedding. They saw the presence of Filipino visitors and were informed that they are friends of Touaorou residents. This created a positive image of Filipinos by the Kone guests. It is hoped that this impression is shared to other residents of Kone. When asked how they perceived Filipinos, Ms. Vandegou replied, “They are just like us. They just don’t speak French and don’t know football.” In the mancamp, New Caledonians and French citizens thought that Filipinos are snubs because they don’t greet other people with terms such as “Bonjour” or “Bonsoir” once they meet along pathways or corridors. Filipinos, however, are unaware of the practice. In Filipino etiquette, it is impolite to greet someone that you don’t know because you are interfering in their own private affairs. Thus, Filipinos just bow their heads so as not to look at another person into the eyes, as a sign of Filipino respect. When Filipino supervisors have been told about the criticism by non-Filipinos, they asked their employees and workers to greet other people once they meet them. Now, Filipinos say ”Bonjour” to everyone, even at night time. Obviously, this is a case of the Filipinos not being briefed about the local culture prior to their coming to New Caledonia. Conclusion: Developing Cultural Competence Cultural conflicts occur in situations when different cultures interact with one another. To be able to mitigate and manage these conflicts, there is a need to develop cultural competence among the various parties,

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Overseas Filipino Workers, included. Cultural competence refers to the process by which individuals and systems respond effectively and efficiently to people of all cultures, languages, classes, races, sexes, ethnic backgrounds, religions, sexual orientations, abilities, and other diversity factors in a manner that recognizes, affirms, and values the worth of individuals, families, and communities, and protects and preserves the dignity of each (NASW 2001). Culturally competent organizations should be able to integrate and transform knowledge about diverse groups of people into specific standards, policies, practices, and attributes used in appropriate cultural settings to increase the quality of services, thereby producing better outcomes (Davis and Donald 1997). The elements of basic cultural competence are the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Accept, appreciate, and accommodate cultural differences. Value diversity and accept and respect differences. Accept the influence of one’s own culture in relation to other cultures. Understand and manage the dynamics of difference when cultures intersect. Willingness to examine components of cross-cultural interactions (e.g. communication, problem solving, etc.).

On the other hand, the elements of advanced cultural competence are the following: 1. Move beyond accepting, appreciating and accommodating cultural difference and begin actively to educate less informed individuals about cultural differences. 2. Seek out knowledge about diverse cultures, develop skills to interact in diverse environments, and become allies with and feel comfortable with others in multicultural settings.

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The Effect of Trust toward Koreans and Social Support on Acculturative Stress: A Case Study of Eastern Asian International Students
EUNJEONG NANGUNG Kyung Hee University, South Korea HYEIN PARK Kyung Hee University, South Korea YOONJUNG JEONG Kyung Hee University, South Korea

Introduction The number of foreign residents in Korea is now exceeding one million. Due to rapid advances in transportation and telecommunication, the opportunity of articulating different cultures has highly been increased, and Korea is not an exception. Now, it isn’t hard to meet foreigners in our daily lives. In this situation, a great number of researchers pay attention to multi-cultural or acculturation issues. Among those issues, the notion of adaptation has been dealt in many articles as a point of departure for exploring multi-cultural topics, regarding as a first step for foreigners to contact with other culture. Nowadays, because of a variety of reasons such as Study in Korea Project supported by Korean government, Hanliu (Korean Wave) phenomenon, rapid economic growth, and so on; international students from Eastern Asian region are increasingly immigrating in Korea. We can find evidences from statistics of the international students’ immigration. The number of international students was only 11,646 in 2001 but exceeded 20,000 in 2005 (Na 2006). Eventually, it has increased about 50,000 in 2007 (statistics from Korean Ministry of Justice, 2007). International students play an important role in exchanging cultures between their own country and Korea, forming a certain images of Koreans in international society. For these reasons, the focus on international students is inevitable and will be more strengthened in the future. For international students, academic activities are the most stressful things (Na 2006). Despite of getting such a burden, they also have to face cultural problems in order to adapt in strange circumstances. Such acculturative stress often accompanies depression, anxiety, perceived alienation and discrimination, marginality, and confusion of identity (Berry, Kim, and Mok 1987) Acculturative stress is a kind of stress caused by overwhelming and abrupt changes by being away from familiar environment, sense of losing own beliefs, and overload on personal capacity to adapt (Berry, Kim and Mok 1987). The difference between acculturative stress and general stress is that the psychological problem is caused by adapting new culture. Acculturative stress is influenced by many factors like social support, verbal difficulties, a deficiency of social support, features of acculturation groups, earlier experiences in other cultures, and substantial relations with new society (Hovey and Magana 2000; Berry, Kim, and Mok 1987). In this paper, we will especially focus on trust and social support as factors related with interpersonal interactions. Trust positively works on acculturative stress, because it makes international students feel more secure. Especially, societies in Asian culture emphasize strongly on trust among people, highlighting virtues like ‘Jeong (精)’ or ‘we-ness’. Moreover, it helps international students overcome differences in other cultures. Social support is also significant factor for overcoming cultural barriers. Social support is not only positive resource resulted in interacting with meaningful others (Cohen and Hoberman 1983) but also a vehicle to prevent a person suffering from stressful situations (Vaux 1988; López 2002 re-cited). This article explores how the trust toward Koreans and social support link to acculturative stress. In doing so, we examined images about Korean in eyes of Asian international students in Korea, and discussed implications on how the factors are useful in coping with acculturative stress for them.

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Literature Review Acculturative Stress Acculturation is defined as a cultural change that occurs when two different cultures meet (Berry, Kim, Minde and Mok 1987). Acculturation is a very important factor for international students. Because their self-esteem and satisfaction of life rise, the more that they acculturate to the new environment, and conversely, loneliness and depression become less. The concept of acculturation originally started as group phenomena, but its meaning has been extended to a psychological change that individual experiences within a group. Acculturative stress is a kind of stress that can be obtained during acculturative period (Kim, Minde, and Mok 1987; Hovey and Magana 2002). There had been a similar concept of acculturative stress, such as cultural exhaustion, language shock, but Berry used the term called ‘acculturative stress’. He generally defined acculturative stress as phenomena that an individual or a group experiences when adapting to a new culture. Acculturative stress occurs by a change that can be experienced in new environment. A change by transferring to different culture not only brings a discomfort such as conversations skills and life style habits; it also causes uncertainty, anxiety, and depression (Berry 2006). And even worse, it affects physical health (Finch, 2003). By and large, it also decreases satisfaction towards life (Kim 2007; Choi 2007). However, it doesn’t mean that all people go through the same range of stress even though they experienced same situation, their stress degrees differ by which sources they have. Therefore, trust and social support toward others can work as an important factor that can protect individual from potential effect within stressful environment (Hong, Eum, and Bae 2003). Trust toward Koreans Mayer, Davis and Shoorman (2006) defined the term ‘trust’, others expecting to make significant action to him/her, as one willingly accepting others’ behavior. Trust has been considered as major social-psychological theme in various fields. The range of study lies on Psychology, Economics, Sociology, Politics (Park 1999). Mellinger (1956) had defined the term as a conviction on others’ intention or motives and a respect on others’ words and behavior. Mayer, Davis, and Schoorman(1995) said that trust is when others are expected to affect yourself (Rotter 1967) considered trust as a personal concept, for that reason he used ‘interpersonal trust’ instead. Interpersonal trust refers to the individual’s general belief that they can trust others or groups’ words, promises, verbal or written statement, a tendency of generalized trust experiences remained to individuals (Rotter 1971). Mishra explored trust subjects’ behavior characteristic which expected to influence trust. Mishra (1996) defined ability, openness, caring, consistency in behavior as trust subject. Ability means a possibility that can realize purpose of exchange or trade. Caring for others means, from others’ side, not showing timeserving actions that hurt others. Consistency in words means acting with predictability and openness means showing true information without hiding. Park supposed that either collective or value-ideological homogeneity can be added to these aspects. Good intentions or diligence influence trust, too (Shin, Kim, and Jung 2008). For international students, characteristic of trust toward Koreans is related to risk declining or stability, and these characteristics can affect to stress within acculturation period. Therefore, we will conduct our study on Koreans’ general characteristics: how trust toward Koreans is related to acculturative stresses. Social support Social support means all sources stems from interaction between people. Cohen and Hober categorized this concept of social support into emotional support, physical support, informational support and appraisal support. First, emotional support is a provision of empathy, caring, love, trust, and interests. Physical support includes direct helps such as aids, effort, time and etc. Informational support provides advice, suggestion,

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order, and problem-solving information. Lastly, appraisal support provides self-evaluation, social comparison and reaction. In other words, social support includes all sources obtained by interaction with others, helps individuals’ psychological adaptation, helps to overcome the frustration, and strengthens ability to accept challenges (Cohen and Hoberman 1983). High social support leads to less stress (Hong, Eum, and Bae 2003), influences physical health and class work. Natives’ helps are essential for immigrants who need to adapt to a new culture. Native friends reduce immigrants’ psychological problems (Furnham and Li 1993). If they’re satisfied with the relationship, it even increases psychological comfort (Ward and Kennedy 1993). Migrant workers in Korea tend to understand more about Korean culture, participate more in social activities when they frequently communicated with Koreans (Kim, Jun, and Lee 1997) Research questions and methods Research questions The purpose of this study lies on how Asian international students’ trust and social support toward Koreans affect to acculturative stress. To achieve this purpose, we set our research questions in this way. RQ 1: How does Asian students’ trust toward Koreans affect acculturative stress? RQ 2: How does Asian students’ social support affect acculturative stress? Samples To conduct this study, we surveyed Asian international students who were participating in language course at K University’s international education institute from November 10th to November 14th, 2008. We distributed 200 questionnaires and collected 160 of them. Besides incomplete answers, we analyzed 148 questionnaires. Followings are socio-demographic characteristics used in this research. 56 males (37.8%), 92 females (62.2%) responded. 120 Chinese students (81.1%) were the largest group in survey, next, 27 Japanese (18.3%), and a Thai student. They have stayed in Korean one to fourteen month, which tells they haven’t stayed that long in Korea. In language skill, the average of talking ability was 2.11, listening was 2.29, writing average was 2.22. Measurement Acculturative Stress To analyze acculturative stress, we used Acculturation stress scale for international students developed by Sandhu and Asraba (1994) which has been translated into Korean by Lee (1995). Acculturative stress is a psychological culture stress that appears at the period of adapting to new environment. The sub-factors for acculturative stresses are perceived discrimination (M=2.61, SD=.735), nostalgia (M=2.37, SD=889), perceived hostility (M=2.36, SD=.715), interpersonal relationship (M=2.24, SD=.690), culture shock (2.24, SD=.714), college life (M=2.05, SD=.646). Alpha values were .79 for discrimination, .87 for nostalgia, .83 for cognitive hostility, .82 for stress from interpersonal relationship, .76 for culture shock, .72 for stress from college life. Trust We used trust scale by Lee, Sook Jung (2005) interpersonal trust scale developed by Eum, Soo Young. Trust toward Koreans are constructed with five factors – Diligence M=3.46, SD=.594), openness (M=3.18, SD=.705), caring (3.46, SD=.697), intimacy (M=3.26, SD=.677), trustworthiness (M=3.25, SD=.740), we used 3 factors for each part total 15 factors. As we see each factor’s reliability values, α = .70 for diligence, α = .77 for openness, α = .83 for caring, α = .77 for intimacy, α = .85 for trustworthiness.

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Social support We used social support scale developed by Ji-Won Park(1985). The sub-factors for this scales are emotional support (M=3.39, SD=.583), informational support (M=3.23, SD=.609), physical support (M=3.26, SD=.649), appraisal support (M=3.51, SD=.582). Alpha values were .65 for emotional support, .76 for informational support, .73 for physical support, .63 for appraisal support. Analysis Method To analyze this research, we used the statistics package program SPSS 15.0. We used descriptive statistics, reliability analysis, and correlation analysis. All statistical significance were tested at p<.05 level. Results Trust toward Koreans and Acculturative stress The research question 1 was that “how trust toward Koreans affect the acculturative stress”. To solve this research question, first of all, correlation analysis between trust toward Korean and acculturative stress had been conducted. The trust toward Korean consists of ‘diligence’, ‘openness’, ‘caring’, ‘intimacy’, and ‘trustworthiness’. The acculturative stress consists of ‘perceived distinction’, ‘homesickness’, ‘perceived hostility’, ‘interpersonal relationship stress’, ‘cultural shock’, and ‘campus life stress’. As a result, there is a correlation between trust toward Koreans and acculturative stress. It means if the international students feel trust toward Koreans higher and higher, they get less acculturative stress. Concretely, perceived distinction has negative correlations with openness (r=-.57, p<.01), intimacy (r=-.46, p<.01), caring (r=-.45, p<.01), trustworthiness (r=-.30, p<.01), diligence (r=-.29, p<.01). Specially, the perceived distinction has high correlations with openness, intimacy, and caring. It says the international students who feel that Koreans listen to their opinions carefully, make rapport to share their feelings and emotions with Koreans, and feel Koreans help them well and kindly, they feel less distinction by bias or inequitable treatment because they are international students. Next, there are low or non-significant correlation between homesickness, a factor of acculturative stress, and trust toward Koreans. Concretely, homesickness has low negative correlations with caring (r=-.20, p<.05), intimacy(r=-.18, p<.05), openness (r=-.17, p<.05), but non-significant correlation with diligence and trustworthiness. Therefore, as perceived distinction, if the international students evaluate Koreans’ openness, caring, and intimacy highly, they feel less sadness of living in strange circumstances or nostalgia about hometown and family. The perceived hostility, a factor of acculturative stress, has correlations with all 5 factors of trust toward Koreans. The most negative correlation is with openness (r=-.46, p<.01), and there are negative correlation with caring (r=-.41, p<.01), intimacy (r=-.40, p<.01), diligence (r=-.29, p<.01), trustworthiness (r=-.27, p<.01). It means the international students feel Korean is open, generous, and attentive more and more, they feel less Koreans ignore their cultural values, express the hostility verbally and nonverbally. Interpersonal relationship stress means the stress in procedure of making relationships with friends, teachers, younger and older students. The international students, who evaluate trust toward Koreans high, get less stress in interpersonal relationship. Concretely, the interpersonal relationship stress has the most negative relationship with openness (r=-.30, p<.01), also has negative relation with intimacy (r=-.26, p<.01), trustworthiness (r=-.24, p<.01), caring (r=-.24, p<.01), and diligence (r=-.22, p<.01). Table 1. Correlation between Trust toward Koreans and Acculturative Stress Diligence Openness Caring Intimacy Perceived distinction -.29** -.57** -.45** -46** homesickness -.13 -.17* -.20* -.18* Perceived hostility -.29** -.46** -.41** -.40** Interpersonal -.22** -.30** -.24** -.26** relationship stress Cultural shock -.26** -.24** -25** -.26** Campus life stress -.24** -.28** -.30** -.30** ** p<.01 , * p<.05 (2-tailed). Trustworthiness -.30** -.05 -.27** -.24** -.23** -.19*

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Cultural shock also has a negative correlation with trust toward Koreans. This means the international students, who evaluate Koreans’ diligence (r=-.26, p<.01), intimacy (r=-.26, p<.01), caring (r=-.25, p<.01), openness (r=-.24, p<.01), and trustworthiness (r=-.23, p<.01) high, feel easy to be relatively adapted to Koreans’ new food culture or etiquette. Cultural shock from lifestyle has high correlation with diligence, in contrast with other factors of acculturative stress relatively. That is, the international students, who feel that Koreans have high responsibilities and treat them sincerely, get less cultural shock from Korean lifestyle. Finally, campus life stress has correlations with all factors of trust toward Koreans. Concretely, caring (r=-.30, p<.01) and intimacy (r=-.30, p<.01) have the most negative correlations, and openness (r=-.28, p<.01), diligence (r=-.24, p<.01), and trustworthiness (r=-.19, p<.05) have negative correlations with campus life stress. That is, the international students, who feel that Koreans help them well and treat attentively, get less stress in campus life. Koreans’ social support and acculturative stress The research question 2 was “how Koreans’ social support, which is the international students feel affects acculturative stress”. To solve this research question, first of all, it was conducted correlation analysis between social support and acculturative stress. The social support consists of ‘emotional support’, ‘informational support’, ‘physical support’, and ‘appraisal support’. The acculturative stress consists of ‘perceived distinction’, ‘homesickness’, ‘perceived hostility’, ‘interpersonal relationship stress’, ‘cultural shock’, and ‘campus life stress’. As a result of the analysis, it shows a correlation between trust toward Korean and acculturative stress. This means the international students, who feel more social support (emotional, informational, physical, and appraisal support), get less acculturative stress. Concretely, they feel less perceived distinction when they think they get much informational (r=-.40, p<.01), physical (r=-.39, p<.01), emotional (r=-.35, p<.01), and appraisal (r=-.28, p<.01) support from Koreans. Specially, informational and physical support has high correlation with acculturative stress. It says the international students who think they get advice or information enough, and get some help in time, effort, and physical from Korean, evaluate they get less unfair treatment. Next, homesickness, which is yearning toward hometown or sadness during living in strange circumstances, has no correlation with social support, same as trust toward Korean. But the international students, who feel to get much of emotional support (r=-.19, p<.05) and physical support (r=-.16, p<.05), feel less homesickness, as opposed to the non-significant correlation with informational and appraisal support. Therefore, it is more useful for soothing their homesickness to support in sharing time and caring than rational, informational help. Perceived hostility also has a negative correlation with social support, as similar with perceived distinction. It has the most negative correlation with physical support (r=-.42, p<.01), and have negative correlations with informational support (r=-.40, p<.01), emotional support (r=-.35, p<.01), and appraisal support (r=-.25, p<.01). This means the international students, who get much of physical help or help in time and get much information they need for living in Korea, evaluate Koreans don’t ignore their cultural values, don’t express hostility to them verbally and nonverbally. After all, the international students’ perceived distinction and hostility is decreased when they get essential help they need to live in Korea. Interpersonal relationship stress also has a negative relation with social support. Informational support (r=.29, p<.01) has the most negative correlation, emotional support (r=-.23, p<.01), appraisal support (r=-.22, p<.01), and physical support (r=-.21, p<.05) has negative correlations. This shows when the international students get much of social support, they get less stress of relationships with younger and older Korean students, friends, and professors. Cultural shock of Korean lifestyle also has the most negative correlation with informational support (r=-.28, p<.01), as interpersonal relationship stress, emotional, appraisal (r=-.22, p<.01), and physical support (r=.20, p<.01) is ranked in order. Therefore, interpersonal relationship stress and cultural shock from Korean lifestyle are much affected relatively by informational and emotional support, less affected by physical support, in contrast with other factors of acculturative stress. Campus life stress has the highest correlation with physical and informational support (r=-.28, p<.01), has negative correlations with emotional support (r=-.24, p<.01) and appraisal support (r=-.20, p<.05). This

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means the international students, who feel to get much of social support, get less stress in campus life. Specially, it affects more strongly that the help concerned with information and time, which is essential in campus life. Table 2. The Correlation between Trust toward Koreans and Social Support Emotional support Informational support -.40** -.13 -.40** -.29** -.28** -.28** Physical support -.39** -.16* -.42** -.21* -20* -.28** Appraisal support -28** -.02 -.25** -.22** -.22** -.20*

Perceived -.35** distinction Homesickness -.19* Perceived -.35** hostility Interpersonal -.23** relationship stress Cultural shock -.22** Campus life stress -.24** ** p<.01 , * p<.05 (2-tailed) Discussion

The purpose of this article was to examine the effect of trust and social support on acculturation stress. In order to deal with this topic, this paper set two research questions, namely: 1) how the trust toward Koreans of Asian international students has an effect on their acculturation stress; and 2) how Korean’s social supports to Asian international students influence on their acculturation stress. By conducting our survey, we could get some findings. First, trust which Asian international students perceived has an influence on their acculturation stress. The more they perceive trust toward Koreans, such as diligence, openness, caring, intimacy, trustworthiness, the less they experience acculturative stress. Furthermore, students who highly scored on openness, intimacy, and caring among trust factors are likely to be under less acculturation stress. As we mentioned above, it is important for Asian international students to positively perceive Koreans, because trust is strongly related with their acculturation stress. On the other hand, Koreans also need to be open, caring, intimate, trustful, diligent (faithful), interacting with Asian international students. Secondly, social supports perceived by Asian students have an effect on their acculturation stress. The students who think that Koreans provide much social supports including emotional support, informative support, physical support, appraisal support are likely to be experience more less acculturation stress than the others. Informative support responding to advices, suggestions, problems, and physical support providing direct and tangible support, such as effort, time, and physical support, have strong effects on their acculturation stress. So, Asian international students can adapt well, when they receive substantive support from their school. This article is to explore the characteristics of Asian international students, examining the linkage of trust toward Koreans and Social support by Koreans to their acculturative stress. In doing so, we could widely understand them. Furthermore, we could have another insight on the way of reducing Asian international students’ acculturative stress.

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References Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Minde, T., & Mok. D. (1987). “Comparative studies of acculturative stress,” International Migration Review, 21(3), 491–511. Berry, J. W. (1997). “Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation,” Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46(1), 5-68. ____________ (2006). “Acculturative stress,” In Wong, P & Wong, L. & Scott, C. (eds.). Handbook of Multicultural Perspectives on Stress and Coping. New York: Springer, 287-298. Cohen, S., & Hoberman, H. M. (1983). “Positive events and social supports as buffers of life change stress,” Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 13(2), 99-125. Choi, H. (2007). A study on the Life Satisfaction and Acculturative Stress of the Korean-Chinese in their Adaptation to the Korean Life with focus on Social Support. Unpublished dissertation, University of Seoul. Finch, B. K. (2003). “Acculturation Stress, social support, and self-rated health among Latinos in California,” Journal of Immigrant Health, 5(3), 109-117. Furnham, A., & Li, Y. H. (1993). “The psychological adjustment of the Chinese community in Britain: A study of two generations,” British Journal of Psychology, 162, 109-113. Hong, S. O., Eum, K. S, Bae, O.H. (2003) “A Study on Social Support and Stress of Adolescent,” Journal of Korean Association of Family Relations, 8(1), 139-155. Hovey, J. D., & Magana, C. G. (2000). “Acculturative stress, anxiety, and depression among Mexican immigrant farmworkers in the Midwest United States,” Journal of Immigrant Health, 2(3), 119-131. Hovey, J. D., & Magana, C. G. (2002). “Cognitive, affective, and physiological expressions of anxiety symptomatology among Mexican migrant farmworkers: Predictors and generational differences,” Community Mental Health Journal, 38(3), 223-237. Jung, H.Y. (2006) “Trust in organization: focused on the concepts of trust and interpersonal trust in East Asia,” Korea Journal of Public Administration, 44(1), 55-90 Kim, B.M. (2007). Life satisfaction among children of immigrant workers in Korea: With focus on acculturative stress, discrimination, and social support. Unpublished dissertation, SNU. Kim, H. J, Jun, K. H., Lee, H. K.(1997). Assimilation of foreigners in Korea : focusing on intercultural communication and social networks. Korean Journal of Journalism & Communications Studies, 40, 105-139. López, E. J. (2002). Acculturation, social support and academic achievement of Mexican and Mexican American high school students: An exploratory study. Psychology in the Schools, 39(3), 245-257. Na, I. S.(2006). A study on the effects of acculturative stress and life stress among foreign students. Korean NPO review, 5(2), 159-197. Mayer, R. C., Davis, J. H., & Schoorman, F. D. (1995) “An integrative Model of Organizational Trust,” Academy of Management Review, 20(3), 709-734. Mellinger, G. D. (1956). “Interpersonal trust as a factor in communication,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 52(3), 304-309. Mishra, A. K. (1996). “Organizational responses to crisis: The centrality of trust,” In Kramer, R. M. & Tyler, T. R. (ed.). Trust in Organizations: frontiers of theory and research, 261-187. CA: Sage. Lee, S(1995). The relationship between acculturative stress and international students’ belief system and social support. Unpublished dissertation Graduate School of Yonsei Univ.

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Park, T.H.(1999). “A Critical Analysis of Trust Conceptualization for Reconstruction,” Korean Public Administration Review, 33(2), 1-17. Rotter, J. B. (1967). “A new scale for the measurement of interpersonal trust,” Journal of Personality, 35(4), 651-655. _____________(1971). “Generalized expectancies for interpersonal trust,” American Psychologist, 26(5), 443-452. Shin, E., Lee, J․, Nam, K., Moon, Y., Kim, Y., Ko, J., & Kang, S.(2005). Introduction of Psychology. Seoul: Parkyoungsa. Shen, G. Z, Kim, K. J., Chung, B.K. (2008) “A Study on the antecedents of interpersonal trust and the trust’s effect of the attitudes of organizational members – focused on the organizational members of Yanbian region,” China- Review of Human Resources, 15(1), 131-152. Ward, C. & Kennedy, A. (1993). “Psychological and sociocultural adjustment during cross cultural transitons: A comparison of secondary students at home and abroad,” Intercultural Journal of Psychology, 28(2), 129147.

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The Philippine Overseas Contract Workers Migration: A Continuing Phenomenon
JOSEPH P. LALO Anthropological Studies Inc., Philippines According to the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), the Philippines deploys, on contract migration, some 900,000 workers yearly to 109 countries and 20 percent of the world’s ocean-going vessels, all falling within a legal framework that has evolved between and among nations--these are just the recorded ones, and maybe there is another million “undocumented migrant workers” who leaves the country annually. Unfortunately, about five to seven percent of Filipino workers have left the country under an irregular status, meaning that they had no regular contracts. This study employed anthropological field study approach such as participants-observation, key-informant interviews, and secondary data gathering of statistical information from data producing agencies in the Philippines. The paper discusses the context of migration and its physical global movement. The OFW phenomenon and the emigration of millions of Filipinos abroad were in search of greener pastures. When did the recent OFW migration start? It simply started when the Government could not provide better opportunities for its people. People, especially OFWs, migrated to other countries to provide a better life for their families. The OFWs and the civil society made a difference and provided better opportunities in our homeland but not to mention the negative social psyche of their families left behind. Making that emigration decision is a rational and moral individual choice. If there is a million of those individually rational decisions confronting the nation, what could there be a Philippine society stored for us? These are teachers, nurses, doctors-turned-nurses, housekeepers, maids, nannies, and caregivers. Most people would simply say that survival is the reason behind these moral decisions. What is the future with more “super maids?” With seeing yourself abroad and reaping economic benefits? With more brain drain that hits are critical economic sectors? With more profit opportunities for banking, property, pre-need, and telecommunications sectors? We call them “ang mga bagong bayani” (the new heroes/martyrs), as they sacrifice for their family. But the word martyr has a subjective bittersweet taste to it, while martyrdom since they literally sacrifice their lives for others to live. For instance, there were some 50,000 OFWs caught in the war between the Israel and Palestine, and not to mention the Iraq War. While migration has raised the need for a legal framework inherent to globalization and the freer movement of goods and services across countries, the issue has also opened questions on existing barriers on the movement of peoples. Statement of the Problem and Limitation of the of the Study 1. What are the positive impacts on the continuing rise of the OFWs’ out-migration? 2. What are the negative hindrances which are detrimental to the life-way and security of OFWs? 3. Amidst all the encumbrances in OFWs working abroad, what move them to continue staying abroad and migrate later? 4. This paper attempts and limits to understand migration based from documented data of OFWs in the world. Conceptual Definition By the term “Overseas Filipino Workers” or OFW, we refer to Filipinos who goes out from one’s country in order to work abroad in temporary status that is, by contractual basis and/or those who are employed and has acquired a permanent residence after obtaining a required year of residence while working thereby obtaining their citizenship status. Eventually, they can migrate to that specific country. On the other hand, overseas contract workers would refer to Filipinos who work with limited period of years according to employment contract. Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo recently applied the term "Overseas Filipino Investor" or "OFI" for Filipino expatriates who contribute to the economy through remittances, buying property, and creating businesses back to their place of origin.

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According to the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), the Philippines deploys, on contract migration, some 900,000 workers yearly to 109 countries and 20% of the world’s ocean going vessels, all falling within a legal framework that has evolved between and among nations – these are just the recorded ones, and maybe there is another million “undocumented migrant workers” who leaves the country annually. Unfortunately about 5 to 7% of Filipino workers have left the country under an irregular status, meaning that they risk despite they had no regular contracts. [Refer to OFW Significant Populations to Different Countries or Nations with Large Filipino Constituencies]. Table 1: Large Filipino Distribution in key Countries as of 2004 (Wikipedia 2009):
United States Saudi Arabia UAE Canada Australia Malaysia United Kingdom Japan Qatar Singapore Kuwait Hong Kong Italy South Korea Taiwan Germany France Bahrain Spain Israel Greece Lebanon Macau New Zealand Guam Norway Netherlands Sweden Ireland 2,802,586 1,066,401 529,114 462,935 250,347 244,967 203,035 202,557 195,558 156,466 139,802 130,537 120,192 80,715 74,010 54,336 47,075 44,703 41,780 36,880 29,344 25,818 23,348 23,023 22,567 20,035 19,163 18,435 16,832

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Papua New Guinea Switzerland

12,932 12,042

Nations with large Filipino Constituencies United States. Compared to other East and Southeast Asian-American groups, Filipino Americans have the second highest median household income, exceeding that of the U.S. general population, surpassed only by Asian Indians. United States Median Household Income: 2004 Ethnicity Asian Indians Filipinos Chinese Japanese Koreans Total US Population Household Income $68,771 $65,700 $57,433 $53,763 $43,195 $44,684

Filipinos are as the second-largest Asian American group in the country; Tagalog is the fifth most spoken language in the U.S. Filipinas comprise a large portion of the roughly 4,000-6,000 women who annually come to the U.S. through method of mail-order bride, internet courtship, or direct contact when travel to the Philippines. The US State Department estimated that there are 4 million Filipinos in the US as of 2007. United Kingdom. Nurses and caregivers have begun flocking to the United Kingdom in recent years. The island-nation has welcomed about 20,000 nurses and other Filipinos of various employment and lifestyle during the past 5 years. The United Kingdom is home to around 200,000 OFWs. Mexico. There are about 200,000 Mexicans of Filipino ancestry living in Mexico, some of whom are of mixed blood heritage. They are descendants of Filipino settlers who settled Mexico during the Spanish period, between 1565-1821. More recently, there were Filipinos who arrived as refugees to Mexico which left during the regime of Ferdinand Marcos. Their communities are found in Guerrero, Michoacán, and Colima. Iraq. In spite of the Philippine government ban on OFWs working in Iraq, an estimated 1,000-3,000 Filipinos work there. Most work on US Military bases around the country as cooks and laundry service, sometimes as third-country national security guards. This is the only foreign nation in which Filipino men outnumber Filipino women. Canada. The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration has estimated that as of 2006 there were over 400,000 Canadians of Filipino origin. Due to a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Western Canada and the Philippines, contracts in Atlantic Canada, consistent hiring of workers in Central Canada, and increased activity in Northern Canada, it is estimated that there will be some 500,000 Filipinos in Canada as of 2010. As of December 2008, Filipinos overtook China as Canada's leading source of immigrants. Spain. There are around 40,000 Filipinos living abroad in Spain. Although many Filipinos did immigrate or ran away to Spain after the United States took over the islands in 1898, most of the Filipinos moved to the old metropolises during the 1960s and 1970s seeking jobs, which in many cases were related to housekeeping, healthcare or industrial activities. There's also a significant group of Spaniards of Filipino origins (some of whom are from 3rd and 4th generations), including some famous people like Isabel Preysler, mother of the famous singer Enrique Iglesias, which is estimated in at least up 250,000 people. Ireland. As of 2008, the Philippine embassy in London reported that there are 11,500 Filipinos in Ireland. Hong Kong. There are approximately 140,000 Filipinos in Hong Kong, most are domestic helpers (30,000 of them being members of the Filipino Migrant Workers Union). Filipino maids are known by the locals as

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amahs, or more often feiyungs (less politely bun mui or bun bun). A Hong Kong work visa requires some amount of higher education; and in some cases Filipino women with college degrees and perfect command of English are willing to work as maids and nannies for a salary higher than they could make at home in professions. Singapore. Over 150,000 Filipinos work and reside in the nation-state of Singapore (POEA 2004). Moreover, about 240,000 Filipinos visit the country annually, making them one of the biggest foreign tourists of Singapore. Taiwan. According to the 2006 data of the government of Taiwan, there are 96,000 Filipinos currently living in Taiwan. Of these, 58,704 are in manufacturing industries and 34,602 are in social or personal services (e.g. maids). However, according to 2004 data by the Philippine Government, there are 2,037 Filipinos living in Taiwan permanently, 154,135 are in Taiwan for work contracts, and 4,500 go to Taiwan irregularly, which make a total of 160,672. It is not known why there is such a big difference between these two numbers (96,000 vs. 160,672). Middle East. Many Filipinos work in the Middle East (mostly Saudi Arabia and UAE) as engineers, nurses or hospital workers, accountants, office workers, construction workers, restaurant workers and maids. It is estimated that more than 2 million Filipinos have made the Middle East their home. Japan. Some 250,000 Filipinos are listed to be living within Japan's geographic confines. However, this number is speculated to be larger, surpassing the one million mark due to many unlisted and illegal Filipino nationals. South Korea. According to the Commission on Filipinos Overseas, as of December 2006, some 70,000 Filipinos work and live in Korea Of this number, some 6,000 are permanent residents, some 50,000 work legally, and some 14,000 are "irregular" or do not have the proper documents. Lebanon. As many as 30,000 OFWs are working in the nation of Lebanon. Due to the recent turmoil between Lebanon and Israel, however, many have been repatriated back to the Philippines, while others have been relocated to Cyprus, a part of the Philippine evacuation plan. Australia. In 2000, Australia recorded about 127,000 Filipinos and/or Filipino Australians. Greece. The Philippine Embassy has reported an estimated of 40,000 Filipinos in Greece. Malaysia. As Sabah is very close to the Philippines, there are many Filipino residents, as well as illegal immigrants there. Filipinos make up about 30% of the entire population of Sabah and they enumerate up to 900,000. Many Filipinos in Malaysia residents come to work in construction industries, fisheries, and other labor intensive sectors in hopes of a better living. Most live in stilt slums scattered behind cities or on offshore islands. The Philippine government also has promised to establish a consulate provide any necessary help to its nationals. Historically, The Philippines has a dormant claim on the territory. Native Sabahans themselves are ethnically related to southern Filipinos. New Zealand. There are about 17,000 Filipino residents and citizens in New Zealand called Kiwi-Pino's, Filipino-New Zealanders. New Zealand, as in the past, is currently recruiting Filipino qualified nurses. Filipinos in New Zealand, as well as prospective immigrants, often lean towards information technology, nursing and, more recently, telecommunications for careers. Nigeria. Filipinos in Nigeria consist largely of migrant workers in the oil industry, though those in the capital city Abuja also work in the education and medical sectors. By mid-2008, their numbers had grown to an estimated 4,500, up from 3,790 in December 2005. They commonly hold skilled construction positions, among them pipe layers, welders, and engineers, and may earn as much as US$10,000 per month; however, those working in oil areas in Southeast Nigeria often find themselves the target of violence by local militants. Majority of the OFWs are working/residing in Lagos and Abuja. Filipino workers are actively petitioning the Philippine government to lift the travel and work ban in Nigeria. Norway. The number of people with Filipino background in Norway is estimated to be about 9,000, most of them living in the Oslo urban area. Most of the Filipino immigrants to Norway are females, representing 76 % of the total of 9,000.

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Realities Faced by OFWs Undeniably, OFWs who are heading towards different countries without much knowledge of the country’s culture, customs, traditions, and even their language, they are facing different issues and obstacles in their lives. Notwithstanding, they are far away home to the point that they experienced in the first few months in their stay abroad the so called homesickness. These obstacles also includes culture-shock, the possibility that they are illegally-recruited, high risk of involvement in a conflict that may end up by death, risk of being kidnapped, negative experience of racial profiling and discrimination, and even women are used as sex slaves by their employer. Nevertheless, there are still plenty of Filipinos who face courageously these risks just to get employed in order to respond the immediate needs of their families. However, the government has not been able to invite more investors so as they can avail of our very own manpower rather than the latter would leave country. This is due to the fact that there are limited and few job opportunities in the country and there are thousands of new graduates in different fields of expertise. These graduates are willing and more eager to compete and be part of the business world as the new members of the working force. Facts and Figures According to Survey on Overseas Filipinos (SOF), OFWs working abroad has reached 1.06 million in the year 2004 from 982,000 in the previous year of 2003. They are up by 8.2%. In the year 2008 specifically from April to September, they reached 2.0 million starting from 1.7 million in the year of 2007. They are definitely increasing by 14.6%. [See figure 1 (2003-2004) Survey and the Table 1 (2007-2008].

The National Capital Region (NCR) had the most number of OFWs The National Capital Region (NCR) reported the biggest number of OFWs with 194 thousand of which 184 thousand were OCWs. CALABARZON and Central Luzon followed with 191 thousand and 149 thousand OFWs, respectively. About half (50.2 percent) of the total OFWs came from these regions. Meanwhile, Caraga reported the least number of OFWs at 10 thousand. OFWs by Sex and Age

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Within the span of one year that is from 2003 to 2004, female OFWs increase by 50.7% which is 539,000 more than the male OFWs who are only 49.3% lower – 524,000 males. In the year 2007-2008, there are now more male OFWs at 51.7% than female OFWs which at only 48.3%. The age bracket of the female OFWs ranges from 25 to 29 years old is 24.3% and male OFWs are 23.9% in the age group – 45 years old above as of 2003 to 2004. Whereas in the year 2007 to 2008, female OFWs in the same age group (25-29 years old) reached 25.7% and male OFWs are evenly distributed in all ages. [See figure 3 (2003-2004) and Table 1]

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Table 3. Number of Overseas Filipino Workers, by Age Group and by Sex: October 2003 and 2004 (In Thousands) ================================================================================ 2004 | 2003 Age Group Both Male Female | Both Male Female Sexes | Sexes -------------------------------------------------------------------------------Philippines 15 25 30 35 40 45 - 24 a/ - 29 - 34 - 39 - 44 and over 1,063 123 219 209 174 146 192 524 33 88 99 88 91 125 539 90 131 110 86 55 67 982 95 209 209 166 129 174 508 28 87 107 93 77 116 475 67 122 103 73 52 58

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------Notes: Details may not add up to totals due to rounding. The estimates cover overseas Filipino whose departure occurred within the last five years and who are working or had worked abroad during the past six months (April to September) of the survey period. a/ Started in 2003 round Source: Income and Employment Statistics Division, Survey on Overseas Filipinos Household Statistics Department Philippines National Statistics Office Manila, Philippines

Female OFWs in the age group 25-29 years old are actually not anymore hired in majority of the companies in the Philippines. They only hire 18 to 23 years of age. Thus, mostly females in the earlier age group would rather look for job opportunities abroad. Meanwhile, male Filipinos in the age group 45 years and above are working abroad because overseas companies mostly are hiring males with more working experiences in skilled jobs and actually they are not already employed in the Philippines due to over age plus the scarcity of jobs in the country.

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Table 1. Number of Overseas Filipino Workers, by Sex and by Region: October 2003 and 2004 (In Thousands) ====================================================================================== | 2003 2004 Region Both Male Female | Both Male Female Sexes | Sexes -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Philippines National Capital Region Cordillera Administrative Region I - Ilocos II - Cagayan Valley III - Central Luzon IV-A - Calabarzon IV-B - Mimaropa V - Bicol VI - Western Visayas VII - Central Visayas VIII - Eastern Visayas IX - Zamboanga Peninsula X - Northern Mindanao XI - Davao XII - Soccsksargen XIII - Caraga Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao 1,063 194 24 86 57 149 191 11 32 92 49 24 22 28 34 30 10 31 524 121 6 25 12 90 110 5 16 38 33 9 6 13 10 11 3 15 539 73 18 61 45 59 80 6 16 53 16 14 17 14 25 19 6 17 982 182 20 82 63 119 170 14 32 98 52 19 18 27 32 31 10 13 508 116 7 31 13 65 113 6 18 49 29 13 6 16 9 10 5 4 475 66 13 51 50 54 57 8 14 50 23 7 11 11 23 21 6 9

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Note: Details may not add up to totals due to rounding.

Source: Income and Employment Statistics Division, Survey on Overseas Filipinos Household Statistics Department Philippines National Statistics Office Manila, Philippines

OFWs by age group: -25 to 29 years old are the largest age group who go abroad -15 to 24 years old are the least because they are definitely still in their school age and/or fresh graduates that are still needing working experiences.

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OFWs by sex: -A considerable note: Males in the age groups 30 to 34 years old and 35 to 39 years old decreased in the year 2003 to 2004. -Majority of the other age group in both males and females increase in the same year – 2003 to 2004. OFWs by Place of Work Plenty OFWs are going to ASEAN countries like Saudi Arabia because, in favor of the Filipinos, their employer likes to hire them due to their working abilities, excellent performances if not satisfactory and their field of expertise are highly commendable. Male Filipinos like to go to Saudi Arabia because it is a place of real hard jobs and as we call them “blue collar jobs”, for instance laborers and unskilled workers as stated. On the other hand, females like to go to Hongkong because they are employed easily there mostly as domestic helpers or entertainers. [See Figure 4- OFWs, by place of work]

• •

Among the 820 thousand OFWs in Asia, the largest number was found in Saudi Arabia with 29.3 percent, followed by Hongkong with 12.4 percent, Japan with 11.8 percent and Taiwan with 8.2 percent. Saudi Arabia remained to be the favorite destination of male OFWs (172 thousand) while Hongkong was for female OFWs (96 thousand).

A greater number of OFWs were laborers and unskilled workers: • About 33.4 percent or 355 thousand OFWs were laborers and unskilled workers. Trades and related workers came next with 15.4 percent (164 thousand) followed by plant and machine operators and assemblers at 15.1 percent (161 thousand).

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Stock Estimate Of Overseas Filipinos As of December 2004






318 54 0 75 18 171 91,901 26 404 83,303 4,850 56 313 152 2,037 760 2,312 64 104 108 93 19 20 13 243 405 1,243 174,387 22,017 3,583 1,098 42,882 88 4,934 10,421 16,332 922 52,500 19,610 2,689,722 369,225 2,271,933 1,288 45,968

58,369 2,620 2,569 5,440 11,750 35,990 1,005,609 21,762 194,241 238,522 33,285 17,391 52,337 64,337 154,135 229,599 1,449,031 33,154 14,051 5,885 80,196 28,318 18,941 57,345 976,134 185,562 49,445 506,997 1,956 3,484 4,866 8,346 17,058 85,527 2,920 6,960 7,025 56,341 312,514 292,892 32,766 101,249 16,753 1,800

17,141 1,420 150 485 586 14,500 443,343 1,700 2,700 31,428 9,015 1,000 300,000 72,000 4,500 21,000 112,750 3,500 23,000 7,000 11,500 6,100 1,500 1,000 18,000 20,000 21,150 143,035 2,000 5,533 26,121 4,400 8,000 48,000 2,000 2,000 6,700 7,481 30,800 549,725 2,975 350,000 1,250 500

75,828 4,094 2,719 6,000 12,354 50,661 1,540,853 23,488 197,345 353,253 47,150 18,447 352,650 136,489 160,672 251,359 1,564,093 36,718 37,155 12,993 91,789 34,437 20,461 58,358 994,377 205,967 71,838 824,419 25,973 12,600 32,085 55,628 25,146 138,461 15,341 25,292 14,647 116,322 362,924 3,532,339 404,966 2,723,182 19,291 48,268

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1,308 228,946 211,664 17,182 5 64 31

140,324 57,357 930 307 3,702 5,030 47,388 229,002

195,000 30,978 2,900 120 400 7,339 20,219

336,632 317,281 215,494 17,609 4,107 12,433 67,638 229,002

Prepared by the Commission on Filipinos Overseas from CFO, DFA, POEA and other sources covering 194 countries / territories. Permanent - Immigrants or legal permanent residents abroad whose stays do not depend on work contracts. Temporary - Persons whose stay overseas is employment related, and who are expected to return at the end of their work contracts. Irregular - Those not properly documented or without valid residence or work permits, or who are overstaying in a foreign country.

Deployed Land-Based Overseas Contract Workers by Major World Groupings 1999-2007 Year Total 1/ Africa Asia Europe Middle East Oceania The Americas Trust Territories Unspecified 2007 811,070 13,126 218,983 45,613 487,878 10,691 28,019 6,674 86 2006 788,070 9,450 222,940 59,313 462,545 5,126 21,976 6,481 2005 740,632 9,103 255,084 52,146 394,419 2,866 14,886 7,596 135 2004 704,586 8,485 266,609 55,116 352,314 3,023 11,692 7,177 1 2003 651,938 8,750 254,520 37,981 285,564 1,698 11,049 5,023 46,279 2002 682,315 6,919 288,481 45,363 306,939 1,917 11,532 6,075 10,882 2001 662,648 4,943 285,051 43,019 297,533 2,061 10,679 6,823 11,530 2000 643,304 4,298 292,067 39,296 283,291 2,386 7,624 7,421 6,921 1999 640,331 4,936 299,521 30,707 287,076 2,424 9,045 6,622 -

1/ Based on the report of POEA's Labor Assistance Center on the actual departure of OFWs at the international airports, NAIA Cabin Crews and POEA Regional Extension Units. Source: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA)

OFWs by Occupation Laborers and unskilled workers are 355,000 dated April to September 2004 and about one-third in 2007 to 2008 that is 32.4%. In these particular occupations we can see how Filipinos are really trying their best to grab such heavy and dirty jobs just to procure a much to take remuneration even though it entails risks and fatigue. [See figure 5]. These occupations are the much sought after by Filipinos because they are actually well-remunerated thereby they can afford to petition their loved ones in order to migrate and recuperate their loneliness and boredom. This migration can actually lessen the high rate tax imposed upon their remittances if they are not able to bring their family abroad for migration. Unless they migrate, they are obliged to send more remittances and pay the tax.

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• •

Of the 355 thousand laborers and unskilled workers, about 85.9 percent were sales and services elementary workers; about 13.2 percent were laborers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport and the rest (0.8 percent) were agricultural, forestry, fishery and related laborers. Male OFWs were observed to be working as drivers and mobile plant operators (124 thousand). On the other hand, female OFWs were mostly sales and service elementary workers (288 thousand) or more than half of the total female OFWs.
Employed Persons by Major Occupation Group January 2006 - October 2007 (in thousands) Major Occupation Group Oct 2007 33,672 3,817 1,503 887 1,691 3,141 6,314 2,812 2,603 10,768 134 Jul 2007 33,318 4,005 1,435 914 1,665 3,271 6,003 2,897 2,508 10,485 135 Apr 2007 33,704 3,958 1,422 911 1,606 3,298 6,046 2,826 2,592 10,905 140 Jan 2007 33,545 663 291 222 441 511 25 455 452 1,022 16 Oct 2006 33,188 3,874 1,437 914 1,565 3,177 6,265 2,689 2,534 10,589 144 Jul 2006 33,259 3,980 1,411 908 1,546 3,136 6,110 2,795 2,487 10,744 141 Apr 2006 33,024 3,954 1,442 879 1,553 3,205 6,135 2,993 2,463 10,243 157 Jan 2006 32,384 3,736 1,414 869 1,437 3,035 6,317 2,778 2,481 10,167 151

Total Officials of Government and Special Interest Organizations, Corporate Executives, Managers, Managing Proprietors and Supervisors Professionals Technicians and Associate Professionals Clerks Service Workers and Shop and Market Sales Workers Farmers, Forestry Workers and Fishermen Trades and Related Workers Plant and Machine Operators and Assemblers Laborers and Unskilled Workers Special Occupations

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Notes: 1. Data were taken from the results of the quarterly rounds of the Labor Force Survey (LFS) using past week as reference period. 2. Details may not add up to totals due to rounding. 3. The definition of unemployment was revised starting the April 2005 round of the LFS. As such, LFPRs, employment rates and unemployment rates are not comparable with those of previous survey rounds. Also starting with January 2007, estimates were based on 2000 Census-based projections. 4. Data are as of 14 October 2008. P/ - preliminary Source: National Statistics Office (NSO).

Cash Remittances As of April to September 2004, the total cash remittances reached 64.7 billion pesos. It goes down by 5.7 million pesos from the previous year which is 70.4 billion pesos. Perhaps this may be due to economic fluctuation and the instability of the investors coming to the country, notwithstanding the internal sociopolitical conflicts that has affected the economy of the land. The peso rate even fluctuates due to this scenario where the government has manipulated the economy including their hullabaloos of the funds or the so called luxurious lifestyles and the misappropriation of the budget in the different agencies. The high rate also of taxes that is collected from the OFWs cash remittances has created some relevant effects and also is affected by the latter situation. Thus, OFWs are pushed to go abroad and migrate so as to stabilize their situation in life. Male OFWs even in this case are still sending more remittances than female OFWs because they are mostly the breadwinner of the family. We cannot deny the fact that their loves ones left behind are dependent upon their remittances like dole outs. Whereas the female OFWs sent remittances only to augment the pressing needs of the family especially the other siblings who are still going to school. [See Table 8]. The safest way to send cash remittances done by the OFWs is through the bank. It is faster and easier. Those who sent more remittances are those working in ASIA which has the biggest Filipino constituents particularly in the field of labor and unskilled works. [See Figure 6 and 7].

Most OFWs sent cash remittances through banks

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OFWs in Asia sent 33.9 billion pesos of cash remittance (1) OFWs working in Asia sent the biggest cash remittance of about 33.9 billion pesos. This was followed by remittances from OFWs in Europe with 7.4 billion pesos and those in North and South America with 6.4 billion pesos. (2) Among the 663 thousand OFWs in Asia who sent cash remittance, the biggest was sent by OFWs in Saudi Arabia amounting to 11.4 billion pesos. Laborers and unskilled workers sent the biggest cash remittances Of the total cash remittances sent by OFWs, about 11 billion pesos were from laborers and unskilled workers followed closely by plant and machine operators and assemblers with 10.8 billion pesos. Coming in third were those who worked as trades and related workers with 8.5 billion pesos. Most recently, on Nov. 17, 2009 remittances from overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) increased by 4.2 percent in the first nine months of the year due to a strong demand for skilled Filipino workers and the growing access of OFWs and their beneficiaries to a broader array of financial products and services. OFWs amounted to $12.789 billion from January to September this year or $516 million higher than the $12.273 billion registered in the same period last year. The BSP is now looking at a four percent growth in OFW remittances to a record level of $17.1 billion this year from $16.4 billion last year. Due to vigorous remittances, the BSP revised upwards the projected gross international reserves (GIR) to a range between $43 billion and $44 billion as well as the balance of payments (BOP) position to a surplus of $4 billion to $5 billion this year (PDI 2009). Major sources of remittances were the US, Canada, Saudi Arabia, UK, Japan, Singapore, United Arab Emirates, Italy, and Germany. Statistics would show from the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) that the agency has processed 43.9 percent or 226,260 of the 515,438 jobs needed abroad, the bulk of which are for service, production, and transport related workers. In a Nutshell Generally, greater impacts on the rise of OFWs annually fall on sustaining the Philippine economy of the land through the taxes imposed on their cash remittances to their loved ones. A December 2001 report given by International Labor Organization (ILO) and the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) supported and said: “OFWs spend only part of their income in the host country to cover personal needs and remit most of his/her earnings to support his/her family in the home country or set aside the surplus of his/her earnings as savings which he/she can bring home or invest in some projects”. However, what stops the OFWs from coming back to their homeland is their life without the assurance to work and earn. Hence they would rather stay abroad and extend their contract if not, to look for other job opportunities even if entails difficulties and

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other obstacles. Economically speaking, if they are already stable there, then they would ask their loved ones to follow them and migrate there. Families of the OFWs left behind may not be aware of the harsh realities to many of migrant workers’ experience abroad, but they are more than willing to go and migrate together with their loved ones. This is an expression of close family ties (vs. broken families) which is more peculiar to Filipinos. This is the reason why that every year, plenty Filipinos are going abroad and migrant workers are still becoming plenty and still the continuing phenomenon until the present times and the next more years to come.

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Migrant Workers in Thailand: Current Situations and The Impact of the Economic Crisis in 2009

SUPANG CHANTAVANICH Chulalongkorn University, Thailand

The employment of migrant workers in Thailand started in 1992. Through the period of 20 years, the Thai government has developed both conservative and progressive policies towards the regulation of workers. It seeks cooperation from countries of origin of foreign workers, i.e., Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar to conduct a nationality proof program for workers who entered illegally so that they can become documented. It also initiates a formal recruitment to bring in new workers from Cambodia and Laos directly. Such cooperation increases the number of documented migrant workers to reach 1.1 million in 2009 which is exceptionally high given that it is the year of economic downturn and low employment. The high number is partly due to the proactive campaign of the government to encourage employers to bring their workers to be registered and partly because many workers are hired in the secondary labour market which is not severely hit by economic crisis. At the beginning of 2009, the government declared that it would repatriate 500,000 workers back in order to keep job for natives. However, it changed the policy in June 2009. With regard to the impact of the crisis, formal foreign workers envisaged some impacts of the crisis: laid off, lower wage, no overtime work, reduced income leading to borrowing and change of job. They had to change their life style to safe money. Some decided to go back home temporarily and come back later. Formal ones were slightly hit. They experienced reduced income and early termination of employment contract. But they were not priority of laid off compared to undocumented ones. Family who received remittances are also affected by the economic downturn since remittances decreased and became delayed. However, during the second half of 2009, the local labour market recovered in some sectors, leading to a high registration of migrant workers. Undocumented workers seem to be more disadvantaged in their employment during the economic downturn in 2008-2009. The year 2009 is a significant year for Thailand in terms of its labour migration policies due to the regional and global economic crisis and its political will to address the issue of undocumented migrant workers in the country. From 1992 to 2008, the government under various administrations has developed different policies on this issue; both conservative and progressive, to resolve the problem (See Chantavanich, et. al. 2007). Yet, with the new Abhisit administration under the Democrat-led government, the issue remains a challenge to all. This paper will examine the current policy and link it to the employment situations among migrant workers from Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar during the economic crisis started in 2008. Most of field data come from a rapid assessment conducted in early 2009. Current Situation of Migrant Workers in Thailand in 2009 At the beginning of the new millennium, Thailand receives continued flows of migrant workers from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos into its country. In 2001, when the government announced an open registration for workers, 1.2 million persons showed up. Of these numbers, about 800,000 registered as workers while the rest were dependents (MOL 2001). Those from Myanmar constituted 80% of the total number. For the rest, 10% were from Laos and another 10% from Cambodia. These numbers reflected only documented workers while there was estimation that the number of undocumented workers was as high as documented ones. However, annual registration during 2002-2007 showed decreasing numbers of those who showed up. This does not mean that there were fewer workers employed in Thailand. On the contrary, it indicated that fewer workers and employers were interested in coming for registration, but employment of undocumented workers became out number documented ones. The year 2009 sees the registration of migrant workers in Thailand at a different phase. The new policy which will be discussed in the next section allowed workers to be employed in more sectors. The period of registration was also extended over three months for workers the fishery sector in order that migrant fishermen could come back from the sea for registration. It was reported that 475,169 workers were registered

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as of July 2009. The breakdown by sectors and nationalities are show in Table 1 in the Annex. It can be seen that 24 sectors were open for registration. They were fishery, fishery related, agriculture and husbandry, land and water transportation, construction, mining, agriculture related, husbandry related, stone processing, recycling, metallic product sales, food and beverage sales, bricks product, construction material manufacturing and sales, plastic product manufacturing and sales, paper product manufacturing and sales, electronics manufacturing and sales, wholesale, retailer and vendor, garage and car cleaning, gas station service, employee in education, foundation, association and clinic, service provider and finally domestic worker. Workers from Myanmar remain to be the highest number (448,133 persons), with 15,243 from Laos and 11,793 from Cambodia. The sectors which has the highest number of workers is agriculture and husbandry (81,924), followed by construction (68,614), fishery related (66,100), domestic work (48,714), and agricultural related work 12,362). For the rest of the sectors, registered numbers were under 10,000 persons. Later in September 2009, the total registration has reached a high number of 1 million workers (MOL 2009). This number of 1 million registered workers is from 2009. There is also another registration of workers who had their nationality proof (74,378 persons) and those who are formally recruited from Laos and Cambodia (24,750 persons) (See Table 2 in Annex). Therefore, the total number of documented guest workers in Thailand is approximately 1.19 million. This number of registration in 2009 is higher than the previous year. In 2008, the number was 501,570. Considering that 2009 is the year of economic downturn for Thailand, the double rate of registration is thus unexpected. This reflects the complicate situation of employment of migrant workers. Thailand Policy on Migrant Workers and Trends of Employment in 2009 Since 1992, Thailand has started to register guest workers from Myanmar in border provinces. After this commencement year, the registration continued until present. Due to the fast economic growth in the decade 1980 and the increasing demand for labour in the market, the country experienced a labour shortage in the decade 1990 and guest workers from neighbouring countries came to fill the job vacancies. Workers were mainly hired in the secondary market, i.e., dirty jobs with lower wages. Although the wages were low, they were higher than the ones in the countries of origin where economy grew at a slower phase compared to Thailand. Past policies The policy for migrant workers can be divided into 4 periods from 1992 to 2008. (More details can be found in Supang Chantavanich, et. al. 2007, p. 44-52). The first period (1992-1998) was the area – based, non – quota system where by workers were allowed to register in the provinces where they worked and no limit for the number to be registered. The second period (1999-2000) was the period of the area and quota – based system. Workers could be registered with a fixed quota and fixed provinces (37 provinces). The sectors of employment were also reduced from 47 to 18 sectors. The third period (2001-2003) saw a progressive change in the open registration or an amnesty in which foreign workers could register in all provinces and all sectors with no quota. Thailand also initiated a transnational cooperation in labour employment through the Pagan Declaration with Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. The Declaration was trade and investment oriented but it also addressed root causes of migration, poverty and economic disparity in the region. The fourth period of the foreign work policy (2004-2005) was the second amnesty. The biggest number of workers (1,284,920) did show up at the second amnesty. Bangkok and the central Region had the highest number of registered workers. With regard to the distribution of workers by sectors of employment, agriculture and husbandry, construction and domestic work were the sectors of high employment. Fishery and fishing related work had a lower employment. However, there was a special category of employment called “others” which had the highest number of registration. This category included mainly the manufacturing, sales and service works which were unclear whether they were considered as “labourer work” or not. The latest period (2006-2008) was really a new management policy. Nationality proof for undocumented workers and direct recruitment of new workers from Laos and Cambodia were implemented. This was according to the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on Cooperation in the Employment of Workers which Thailand signed with Laos in 2002 and with Cambodia and Myanmar in 2003. The nationality proof and the direct recruitment were implemented with Cambodia and Laos but not with Myanmar. It was only in 2009 that nationality proof for workers from Myanmar could be materialized.

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Government Policy during the Economic Crisis The policy for the employment of migrant workers announced by the government in January 2009 was that the Ministry of Labour will not extend work permit of 500,000 registered migrant workers in 2008 (Post Today, 9 January 2009, p.1). The registration policy will be based on the protection for Thai workers and jobs at a time of economic uncertainty. No new workers will be registered and undocumented worker will be deported (Erika Fry, Bangkok Post, 1 January 2009, p.8). However, in June 2009, the government has revised its policy. They decided to start a new registration. Migrant workers were instructed to come with their employers to register and renew their work permit which will last for one year. Dependants could also register. Workers in fishing sector that showed up in smaller numbers than expected were allowed to register until October 31, 2009. Trends in Reduction of Employment of Migrant workers There was a forecast on the reduction of migrant workers due to the economic downturn. Among the 10 sectors of employment, the major sectors include agricultural and husbandry, domestic work, construction, fishery, fishing related work, and special sector under “the others” category which is mainly manufacturing and service work. Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI) analyzed that the trend that migrant workers will be vulnerable to be laid off are in agricultural and manufacturing works. They are those in crops, fruit and vegetable, husbandry, general factory work and food processing including fishing related work. Thai workers tend to work in manufacturing/ factories and there will be competition there. Workers in rubber plantation and fisheries will not be laid off because there is a strong continued need in the two sub sectors. On the other hand, construction and domestic workers indicate increasing needs for more workers (Chalamwong, 2008). The trends have been further analysed that if the Thai government policy decides to give priorities to Thai workers in construction, migrant workers may be partly affected (Chantavanich, 2009). However, lay off Thai workers from the manufacturing sector tends to refuse construction work. Only those in the informal sector especially daily wage labourers will compete with migrant in construction. As for fisheries, most migrant workers will have no competition at all in the labour market. (See Table 1) Table 1: Trends of Employment of Migrant Workers in Vulnerable Industries as Affected by Financial Crisis 2009
Sector 1. Agriculture - Crops, fruits and vegetables - Husbandry - Rubber - Fishery 2. Manufacturing - factory - Food processing/ fishing related 3. Construction 4. Domestic Work 5. Others Trend         

Source: Supang Chantavanich, 2009, adapted from Yongyuth Chalamwong 2008 Impact of the Crisis on Migrant Workers Migrant Workers in Informal Sectors The informal sector in Thailand is a vulnerable one because it is not covered by the Thai Labour Law 1998. Work and earnings are irregular in this sector. At present there are approximately 23.3 million workers in this sector (National Statistics Office, 2008), which includes the self-employed. According to the national datasets, most jobs that informal workers in Thailand are engaged are agricultural work (14.3 million) whole and retail sales (3.7 million), hotel and restaurant (1.7 million), production (1.2 million) and construction (0.9 million).

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As for migrant workers, it was found that the crisis has affected them in terms of job availability, declining access to work permits, reallocation of work from higher productivity to lower productivity tasks, change in consumption behaviour, and competition over work. In some places, migrant workers in the informal sector appeared particularly vulnerable. In Samutsakorn, some informal migrant workers are hired in seafood processing work that is outsourced from factories. Interviews revealed that informal workers dominated in shrimp-peeling work, but the research suggests that the nature of the employment contract was important in determining the impacts of the crisis. One worker used to be a self-employed fisherman and shifted to seafood processing as a daily wage worker, being paid 200 baht per day, no matter the shrimps are a lot or are few. Sometimes, he has work to do only for 10 days a month. Because he is a daily wage employee, his wage is not much affected by the economic downturn compared to another worker who is paid per kilo of shrimp he can peel.
“Employers use a strategy that they would keep registered workers and let undocumented ones go. This is unfavorable for workers because they are paid per products, i.e., per kilo of seafood products they can process (peeling shrimp, sorting fish, washing squid). When the load becomes light, it means their wage will reduce.” (Formal migrant worker, FGD in Samutsakorn, March 2009).

An ethnic Mon of 30 years old daily migrant worker had a different experience. He stopped sending remittances at the beginning of 2009 because he had no money left. He thinks that this crisis is serious but is optimistic about the future. He would like to secure some overtime work and to register as a formal worker so that he can have access to health care services and can change job by employer’s agreement (according to the regulations on hiring migrant workers and possibility to change job with employers’ agreement as stated by the Ministry of Labour). The crisis affects his everyday consumption patterns, particularly with regards to non-essential goods. He has to change his smoking habit from factory cigarettes to local handmade tobacco cigarettes which are cheaper. He also changes to drink lower grade alcohol and drinks less (Interview, Ethnic Mon informal worker in a shrimp factory, Samutsakorn, age 30, March 2009). Unlike the first worker, the second man, also an ethnic Mon, is an unregistered migrant worker who is paid per production. His work and his pay have been reduced by 80% making his monthly income only 2,000 baht now. He still has some work with his current employer, but he wants to quit for another factory. However, he cannot do this because he has no work permit and employers now accept only workers with a work permit. He also indicated that there is a bad feeling between migrant workers and Thai foremen. The latter sometimes scolded them and seemed to be authoritative. Thai police are unfriendly and sometimes extorted money from them or their employer. He wanted to clarify to the research team that a worker like him is not a warrior. Workers cannot fight and take over Samutsakorn province as Thai security officials are usually afraid of (Interview, an ethnic Mon informal worker, Samutsakorn, age 20, March 2009). Other research highlights the difficulties that migrant workers face when they lose their job. In Mae Sot, the laid off farm migrant workers had no place to go and nothing to eat for a month. They had to come to the local migrant self help group called “Yaung Chit Oo” for assistance. They were hired in fruit orchard, not in tapioca which makes good business. They could not go back home (to Myanmar) because they had no more money. Some prefer to look for some odd jobs in Mae Sot. In Samutsakorn, undocumented jobless workers often go back home to Myanmar for a while because they need social support from their family. Since January 2009, an unknown number of these group return home. It is also because January and February are the religious festival seasons in Myanmar. However, the return to Myanmar was not permanent and was partly driven by regular seasonal cycles and it was expected that almost all of them will come back in April. Children and families of migrant workers are affected by the economic crisis. For those who decide not to go back home, they are landless in Myanmar. Young children suffer mostly from the lack of income. Some schoolage children have to leave school in Thailand for various reasons. Some parents cannot afford to pay for transport and other school related expenses, other had to bring the whole family to flee from loan shark who offered them some loan and workers could not pay back the high interest rate. (Formal migrant worker, FGD in Samutsakorn, March 2009). Lack of registration and work permits was identified as restricting the employment options for migrant workers. Workers in Samutsakorn have not many choices for their work; they cannot change to another job without work permit. However, some meant to change to daily wage labourer in order to gain more pay than those who are paid per production. They really look forward to registering themselves in the next registration for migrant workers.

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“If the Thai government opens a next registration [for migrant workers]; I will come immediately to register myself.” Migrant worker in Samutsakorn, age 20, March 2009

The worker also describes that the previous procedure for a factory to bring workers to the registration is like this: employer will deduct an amount of 1,000 Baht from worker’s monthly salary for 5 months, then, the worker will be brought to registration. If there is no opening for registration or if worker quits, the amount will not be reimbursed. This was considered unfair by migrant workers. The net payment for a registration is 3,800 Baht and employers are expected to pay for hiring a migrant worker. But here, the employer did not pay for that and even charged from workers 1,200 Baht higher than the official rate. Competition in the informal sector depends on the type of work. There were reports of strong competition for work in the Port of Thailand from Cambodian porters who agree to take a daily wage of 100- 150 baht while Thai porter’s daily wage is 300 baht. There was evidence that this was generating bad feeling among Thai porters toward the Cambodians (Thai informal workers, FGD in Klong Toey, March 2009). In general, the daily wage in all subsectors of the informal sector decreased sharply, though the most severe decline was noted among porters in the Port Authority of Thailand. During the peak period, these workers had earned 600- 700 baht per day. The wage had reduced to 300 baht, with competition from Cambodian workers whose wage is only 100-150 baht. In other subsectors, there had been no decline in incomes for those who were working on their own farms. But there were prospects that the wage for daily farm labourers may shrink as participants observed ample supplies of migrant workers in the rural labour market. Thai construction workers can be vulnerable to competition from migrant workers too.(Thai Informal workers, FGD in Klong Toey, March 2009) A migrant worker in Samutsakorn indicated that men and women receive the same wage. However, the kinds of work vary according to gender. Like his friend, he also stops sending remittance and has no savings. There are new migrant workers who look for jobs at his work place every day. So, competition for work increased over the last two months among migrant workers in Samutsakorn but there has been no bad feeling or arguments between old and new workers. (Formal migrant worker, FGD in Samutsakorn, March 2009). Formal Migrant Worker In 2007, there were approximately 500,000 registered migrant workers from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar in Thailand (MOL, 2008). The registered migrant workers are employed in 10 sectors of employment. Migrant workers are disadvantaged to Thai workers because almost all of them cannot register in the Social Security Fund. They are not receiving the minimum wage either. Employers prefer them because they are cheap labour. Some workers have no employment contract and can be laid off at any time (Interview with NGO, Samutsakorn, March 2009). With existing vulnerability, migrant workers are considered by the government as competitors to local workers in the labour market. The policy in responding to the economic crisis indicated that the government will not renew migrant workers’ work permit in 2010 and undocumented worker will be arrested and deported. Thus, workers become more vulnerable to be laid off and premature termination of work contract. In the fishing industry of Samutsakorn province where focus group discussion and interviews were conducted, migrant workers were not directly laid off because the factories still require workers and are not affected by the crisis. The catch of seafood products in this season is low, making their working hours shorter. From 5.00 a.m., workers in fishing related work can finish their job by 8.00 a.m. This is unfavorable for workers because they are paid per products, i.e., per kilo of seafood products they can process (peeling shrimp, sorting fish, washing squid). When the load becomes light, it means their wage will reduce. Working from 5 am till 8 am could earn only about 200 Baht approximately. This occurs to both Thai and migrant workers but the majority of workers in this sector are migrants. Migrant workers from Myanmar in food processing factories in Samutsakorn who possess a work permit reported to have a better status than the undocumented ones. They can change their job if they want to. Employers also prefer to keep formal workers with work permit and let informal one leave (Interview with an NGO, Samutsakorn, February 2009).

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The assessment of workers’ own options during the economic downturn is that if they cannot change to a lighter job with regular pay, they will choose to go back to Myanmar. This will be a decision against their will. While still working, they limit their personal expenses to cope with the reduced income without overtime pay. They manage to delay the period of sending remittance from every 2 months to 3 or 5 months or until they have enough saving (Formal workers in seafood processing work, FGD in Samutsakorn, March 2009). If workers run short of cash, they can borrow it from friends. An amount of 5,000-6,000 Baht is usually borrowed for a short period of 2-3 months without interest. Some workers do not depend on their friends financially though. Family members in Myanmar and friends are the safety-nets for formal workers from Myanmar. In Samutsakorn, workers borrowed money from friends for their daily consumption or went to stay with friends to save room rental cost. Workers do not mention going back to farm work at home. They only plan to go home and come back to Thailand soon. In terms of government support, they do not expect to be protected by the Thai Labour Law for their labour rights. But they want to have safety in their living and their work including safe living place. A registered worker said that he did not want to live separately from the Thai community. As he is not harmful to Thai people, there should not be a practice of ethnic segregation for migrants and Thais by local people. For unregistered migrant workers, the situation is different. They do not have many alternatives when they are laid off. Employers usually let them have a voluntary resignation after the reduction in salary and overtime pay. Some unregistered workers would try to look for some odd jobs which are scare. Conclusion Despite the economic crisis in 2009, Thailand continues to hire a higher number of migrant workers. The registration indicates a total number of more than 1.1 million migrant workers hired in 24 sectors of employment (MOL, 2009). The major sectors are agriculture and husbandry, construction, fishery related and domestic work. Compared to the total registration of 589,646 workers (including nationality proof and formal recruitment) in 2008, a net increase of 500,000 workers can be observed. This is due to the intensive campaign of the government to urge employers to bring their migrant workers to registration. During a period of 17 years, the Thai government has developed various policies on the employment of guest workers from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos. At the beginning, the government adopted a conservative policy, restricting the number and the area to employ workers. The economic crisis in 1998 brought about the awareness of competition between local and foreign workers in the labour market. A certain number of undocumented workers were repatriated. However, when the economy recovered in 2001, a more progressive policy for the employment was introduced through an open registration of migrant workers in all sectors and all provinces in the country, leading to the highest registered number of 1.2 million persons in that year. Nonetheless, the rate of renewal of worker permits after 2001 decreased steadily, reflecting the failure in the policy of annual registration. As a result, the government initiated a new approach to seek cooperation with countries of origin of foreign workers. Three Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on Cooperation in the Employment of Workers were introduced and signed with Laos in 2002 and with Cambodia and Myanmar in 2003. The MOUs specify a new approach of nationality proof and passport provision to undocumented workers in Thailand so that they can become documented and an employment contract can be made with employers leading to a better protection of the nationality proofed workers. It was reported that 74,378 Lao and Cambodians showed up for nationality proof (MOL 2009). Another approach in the MOU is the direct recruitment of workers through the Ministries of Labour on both country of origin side and Thailand side. Up to September 2009, 24,750 Lao and Cambodian formal workers were recruited through this channel. (See Table 2 in the Annex). The process of formal recruitment is still slow and costly compared to the informal one, waiting for further improvement (Supang Chantavanich, 2008). The MOU on Cooperation in the Employment of Workers signed with Myanmar does not make a rapid progress. As of October, 2009, the nationality proof process has only 700 workers from Myanmar reporting themselves for the proof. The Myanmar government requires that the proof must be done in Myanmar border towns. This means that on the job workers have to travel to the borders to go through the process. Thus, fewer workers and employers are ready to fulfill the requirement. On the other hand, a significant number of workers originating from Myanmar are members of ethnic minorities who are fighting against the government. They comprise ethnic Mon, Shan, Karen and Karenni for example. These people are not certain or are not willing to go through the nationality proof lest the government will not proof them as Myanmar nationals. The policy to document more workers from Myanmar gets stuck because of such conditions. As

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the latter constitute up to 75-80% of current stock of foreign workers in Thailand, the delay of nationality proof affects the increase of documented workers and the attempt to regulate them more efficiently. It will take 6-12 more months to observe the trends in nationality proof in Myanmar in order to say whether the policy should continue in the same direction or should be revised. The economic crisis of 2008- 2009 affects migrant workers in Thailand in many ways. The government has developed policy and plans to cope with the crisis and to assist affected Thai people, in order to protecting jobs for Thai workers, and planning to deport 300,000 undocumented workers back to countries of origin. However, the government changed its policy in June 2009 to extend work permit to migrant workers. Nonetheless, these people still have to suffer from the economic downturn. The Rapid Assessment of the Impacts of the Economic Downturn on workers in Thailand was conducted in three provinces namely Bangkok, Samutsakorn and Khorat on March 2009. Three vulnerable groups were examined: informal worker, formal worker and household dependent on remittance. Informal migrant workers suffered from the crisis more than formal ones. Work availability has become scarce. Outsourcing work from factories is not available because factories give priority to their current formal employees. There is also a decline in the work per unit, resulting in the lower income and the need to work for longer hours. The crisis affected the consumption of workers and their family: reducing daily three meals to two, leaving rented room to stay with acquaintance, bringing belongings to pawn shop to get some cash. Informal workers have limited access to formal safety-nets. There is also a competition over work particularly from informal migrant workers in daily labour and construction work because they accept a lower wage than Thai informal workers. Informal migrant workers are more vulnerable than Thai ones because they are the first to be laid off and have no access to formal safety-nets. Their family and community is far away. Some decided to go home but this was temporarily because they would return to Thailand after 1-2 months. Their decision to repatriate seemed to be a rational choice. As for formal workers, the economic crisis affects them in the reduced work hours, lay off, voluntary leaving work, unemployment, start of second jobs, use of saving and consumption constraints. There is a reduction in the number of hours worked for factory workers in Samutsakorn. While in Khorat and Samutsakorn some formal workers are laid off or resign voluntarily because their salary was reduced. Non-Thai formal workers are especially vulnerable because they are considered by the Thai government as competitors to Thai workers who seek employment. They are expected to terminate their work contract prematurely by employers or to be laid-off. They are not included in the severance payment. With regard to households dependent on remittances, the reduction in work hours has intense impacts on workers’ income. The crisis has reduced the amount of remittances which necessitates the reduced consumption in households. Most workers who used to send regular remittance have to delay the sending too. By the end of 2009, the production in some manufacturing sectors including electronic circuit and construction started to recover from the economic downturn. Both Thai and migrant workers can enter into the labour market in some provinces again. Concurrently, some other productions like food processing, rubber and tapioca production in agriculture, fishery and the service sectors especially domestic work were not severely hit by the crisis. Migrant workers, formal and informal, are continued to be hired in such sectors. Thus, the impact of the crisis on foreign workers in Thailand becomes less severe by the end of 2009. This fact will affect the government policy towards migrant workers in the following year.

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References Abello, Manolo. The Effect of the Global Economic Crisis on Asian Migrant Workers and Government Responses. ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific Bangkok. February 2009. Asian Research Center for Migration. Summary of the Seminar to commemorate the International Migrant Day. December 17, 2008. Chulalongkorn University. Chalamwong Yongyut. Impact of Labour Market Crisis on the Employment of Migrant Workers from Neighbouring Countries. TDRI Working Paper (in Thai). December 22, 2008 Chantavanich Supang and Pairin Makcharoen. Migration Information System for Asia: “Thailand”. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal. Vol.17, Nos.3-4, 2008, p.391-411 Chantavanich Supang with Premjai Vungsiripaisal and Smarn Laodamrongchai. Thailand Policies Towards Migrant Workers from Myanmar. Asian Research Center for Migration. 2007. Chantavanich Supang. Financial Crisis and its Impact on Migrant Workers in Thailand in 20082009, Power point presentation at ILO Seminar on Responding to the Economic Crisis – Coherent Policies for Growth, Employment and Decent Work in Asia and Pacific. January, 2009. Chantavanich Supang. The Mekong Challenge: An Honest Broker- Improving cross-border recruitment practices for the benefit of Government, Workers and Employers. Mekong Sub- regional Project to Combat Trafficking in Children and Women. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. 2008. Fry, Erika “Locked outside the System”. Bangkok Post. January 11, 2009, p. 8. Janchitfah Supara. “Falling between the Cracks”. Bangkok Post. March 1, 2009, p.6-7. Japan Center for International Exchange, The Asian Crisis and Human Security, Tokyo, 1999. Lamdee Wasana. “The Valueless of Informal Workers in Klong Toey” in Labour Review Newsletter 23, 258 (January 2009), p. 3-5. Martin, Philip. “Thailand : Improving the Management of Foreign Workers”. International Labour Office and International Organization for Migration. Bangkok. 2004. Martin, Philip. “The Economic Contribution of Migrant Workers to Thailand : Towards Policy Development.” International Labour Organization (ILO) Sub regional Office for East Asia, ILO/EU Asian Program on the Governance of Labour Migration, ILO/Japan Managing Cross border Movement of Labour in Southeast Asia. Bangkok. 2007. Muntarbhorn, Vitit. “Employment and Protection of Migrant Workers in Thailand : National Laws/Practices versus International Labour Standards”. ILO Mekong Sub-regional Project to Combat Trafficking in Children and Women. Bangkok. 2005. Panam, Awatsaya. “Migrant Domestic Workers: From Burma to Thailand”. Institute for Population and Social Research. Mahidol University. 2004. Nakhonpathom.

Pearson, Elaine. “The Mekong Challenge : Underpaid, over worked and overlooked, the realities of young migrant workers in Thailand”. International Labour Office. Bangkok. 2006. Post Today. “Deporting 500,000 Migrant Workers”. January 9, 2009, p. 1. Sirivit. “Informal Workers. Those out of the System”. In Nation Weekly 17, 873 (20-26 Feb. 2009), p. 24.

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TABLE 1. NUMBER OF REGISTERED MIGRANT WORKERS BY BUSINESS SECTOR JULY 2009 Sector of Employment Total Labour work 1. Fishery 2. Fishery related 3. Agriculture and livestock 4. Land or water transport 5. Construction 6. Mining 7. Agriculture related 8. Livestock related, butchery 9. Stone processing 10.Recycling 11 Metalic product sales 12.Food and beverages sales 13.Bricks and Clay product manufacturing or sales 14.Construction Materials manufacturing or sales Employer Worker 141,460 99,444 2,120 5,428 27,674 475,169 425,455 7,812 66,100 81,924 Total 448,133 403,277 6,708 64,664 76,178 Myanmar Male 235,656 226,943 5,125 28,049 46,530 Female 212,477 176,334 1,583 36,615 29,648 Total 15,243 11,417 137 236 3,292 Lao PDR Male Female 7,152 6,452 90 148 2,102 8,091 4,965 47 88 1,190 Total 11,793 10,761 967 1,200 2,454 Cambodia Male Female 6,903 6,658 747 695 1,487 4,890 4,103 220 505 967

289 13,417 189 1,779 99 23 244 303 2,236

1,536 68,614 803 12,362 688 107 1,388 2,005 8,208

1,445 65,492 791 11,180 564 88 1,160 1,657 6,615

1,102 40,707 533 7,376 366 60 761 1,193 3,962

343 24,785 258 3,804 198 28 399 464 2,653

25 1,066 10 576 95 12 99 259 1,193

13 649 7 356 65 6 64 198 405

12 417 3 220 30 6 35 61 788

66 2,056 2 606 29 7 129 89 400

44 1,346 1 373 23 4 71 72 214

22 710 1 233 6 3 58 17 186























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Sector of Employment 16. Plastic product manufacturing or sales 17. Paper product manufacturing or sales 18. Electronics manufacturing or sales 19. Wholesaler, retailer, vendor 20. Garage, car cleaning 21. Gas station

Employer Worker Total 341 3,311 2,728

Myanmar Male 1,635 Female 1,093 Total 510

Lao PDR Male 296 Female 214 Total 73

Cambodia Male 43 Female 30























1,367 150 82

4,835 479 318

3,696 375 246

2,239 266 156

1,457 109 90

737 80 47

360 56 26

377 24 21

402 24 25

257 18 14

145 6 11

22. Employee in education, 23 101 foundation, association, clinic 23. Service 41,951 154,769 provider Domestic 42,016 49,714 Work 24. Domestic 42,016 49,714 work Source: Ministry of Labour 2009










150,544 44,856 44,856

81,596 8,713 8,713

68,948 36,143 36,143

2,132 3,826 3,826

1,108 700 700

1,024 3,126 3,126

2,093 1,032 1,032

1,158 245 245

935 787 787

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Table 2. Registration of Undocumented Migrant Workers, Nationality Proof and Formal Recruitment, 3 Sept. 2009 Documented Province Nationality Proof The Whole Kingdom Bangkok Metropolis Region Vicinity Central North North-East South Bangkok Metropolis Office of foreign workers administration Bangkok employment office Bangkok employment office area 1 Bangkok employment office area 2 Bangkok employment office area 3 Bangkok employment office area 4 Bangkok employment office area 5 Bangkok employment office area 6 Bangkok employment office area 7 Bangkok employment office area 8 Bangkok employment office area 9 Bangkok employment office area 10 Bangkok employment office area 11 Bangkok employment office area 12 74,378 27,897 46,481 18,249 17,443 1,303 6,467 3,019 27,897 27,897 Formal Recruitment 24,750 7,864 16,886 5,292 5,197 61 1,506 4,830 7,864 7,864 1,098,560 208,789 889,771 290,904 167,923 146,224 20,400 264,320 208,789 208,789 10,781 20,316 19,735 15,187 14,094 28,841 53,012 30,247 7,693 8,883 Undocumented

Source: Ministry of Labour 2009

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Nursing Migration in Singapore: The Filipino Experiences
NORMA L. MENEZ Lyceum of the Philippines University CECILIA PRING Lyceum of the Philippines University

Introduction The 2006 report from the Commission of Filipino Overseas shows that there are a total of 22,357 Filipino nurses who migrated overseas. Out of this number, 87.3% were bound for the United States of America and 7.9% went to Canada. Other destination countries for immigrant nurses are Australia, Japan, Germany, the UK and New Zealand. In the issue of Philippine Journal of Nursing (January- June, 2006), it was published that there is an urgent need for professional nurses that even government of foreign countries try to outdo each other to get qualified nurses from developing nations like the Philippines, India and Africa. This increasing demand for nurses made the Philippines the leading source of nurses for many countries. Data from the Department of Labor and Employment (2002- 2006) shows the top importing countries are Saudi Arabia (25,762), Ireland (1,830), United Arab Emirates (1,346), United States (1,254), United Kingdom (1,087) and Singapore (1,035). Of the aforementioned countries, it is noteworthy that in Asia, Singapore seems to attract Filipino nurses to get employed in its hospitals. The employability of nurses and preference of competent Filipino nurses in other countries prompted the researchers to look into the experiences of qualified Filipino nurses in Singapore. Thus, problems and migration issues that might arise in their employment researchers deemed it necessary to do this study and propose an enhancement in the nursing education program of Philippine universities specifically the Lyceum of the Philippines University in Batangas City. Review of Literature The task of higher education is to be the foundation of lifelong learning in the acquisition of basic skills that will enable the students to access, process and use the knowledge for further development of higher levels and competencies. Students must be prepared with the professional requirements by the dynamic changes in nursing education around the globe. As a response to the rapid migration of trained nurses abroad and the proliferation of nursing schools and programs, the nursing education needs to address the concerns of the global markets to safeguard the profession’s interest and continuously provide optimum nursing services not only in the Philippines but also all over the world. In the survey done on Nursing Schools in the Philippines (Roxas 2003), there are approximately 213 higher education institutions offering the nursing program. Most of them or 88% are privately owned while 11.39% are public institutions. Out of the 124 who responded from the survey done, 61 or 49.19% are accredited schools while 50.73% are not yet accredited. As to qualifications of faculty and the deans of the different nursing schools, it was found out that both the deans and the faculty members of the nursing schools are young and new in their positions, lacks the necessary experience and are educationally qualified to fulfill the task and responsibilities. Furthermore, the salary that they received is not attractive enough to retain them in their present positions. In this context, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) ensures its role to monitor the quality of nursing education through the development of policies and standards for nursing education, setting the minimum requirements on faculty, administration, curriculum, library, and laboratory to become abreast with the changing needs of the professions (CMO No.30s.2001 and CMO No.09 s.2002). Aside from CHED implementing policies and programs for the efficient operation of higher education institutions in the country, the nursing education is bounded by several Republic Acts and Code of ethics in

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order to ensure a quality nursing education competitive in the global market. The nursing education shall provide sound general and professional foundation for the practice of nursing taking into consideration the learning outcomes based on national and universal nursing core competencies (Sect.25, Rule IV) Since there is a dire need to monitor the mushrooming of nursing schools, CHED and the laws are in place relative to strengthening the nursing program and education. Thus, Dean Elizabeth Roxas, the former National President of ADPCN, Inc. pointed in her recommendation that Nursing schools in the Philippines must be encouraged into Accreditation to sustain its quality in nursing education and that policies and guidelines on affiliations in the existing government hospitals utilized for trainings of nursing students must be reviewed. The Migration of Filipino Nurses The migration of Filipino nurses has its humble beginnings through the introduction of Exchange Visitors Program in 1948 and the International Council of Nurses in 1949. Through this program, nurses who will participate must return after two years, only a handful came back. Since then up to now, the United States has been recruiting foreign nurses to fill up their shortages (Choy 2004). Since the passage of US immigration Act of 1965, Filipino nurses used the privileged given to workers with needed skills to migrate to America on a more permanent basis. It is in 1970 that US instituted temporary work visas of H-1 to employ foreign nurses (Choy 2004) The first wave of nurse’s migration occurred in 1977, which also open the door for Middle East, US, Canada and other European countries (Corcega 2000), gave birth to the POEA in 1982 which functions are to promote the Filipino labor market abroad and develop business opportunities for placement agencies as well as regulate them. This might be the reason why the Philippines is one of the world’s leading sending countries of human resources since the 1970’s. In some countries like the Philippines where a strong educational system was established during colonial times, migration of professionals preceded independence. For professionals along with the rest of the educated middle class, this migration was the result of a combination of factors: colonial mentality, economic need, professional or career development, and attraction of a better quality of life or a higher standard of living. This meant not just temporary labor migration but permanent immigration. In recent years, for many Filipinos migrating to the North America, economic need is not necessarily present. But for most Filipino migrants, economic need is the preeminent factor resulting in temporary, labor migration, not just for the less skilled sectors, but also for the highly skilled professionals in various countries where opportunities for contract work is available. Migration has increased tremendously in the past decades under globalization. The ILO estimates place migrants and their dependents at around 80 to 97 million all over the world in 1995. From 1990 to 1997, migrants increased as a percentage of the labor force in most OECD countries. However, a particular reason for the Philippines preeminence as a sending country in the past two decades can be traced also to the labor export policy of the government starting with the Marcos dictatorship which in the late 70’s consciously promoted the policy of labor export and established the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration in order to promote migrant labor, as well as develop partnerships with and regulate private placement agencies in order to expand Philippine labor market abroad. This policy has an avowed objective to earning foreign exchange and easing the unemployment situation. Additionally, the government earns billions of pesos in various fees and insurance premiums required of contract workers. As deployment of contract workers increases steadily so do the remittances which have since erased the worrisome BOP deficits of the 70’s and 80’s. On the other hand, services for migrant workers in host countries and at home are meager resulting in increased organizing and activism among migrants. Migrant workers are renowned for being serious and disciplined workers because not only must they raise money to pay the loan sharks and send money home, they cannot afford to lose such opportunity that they sacrificed for in the first place. Further sacrifices, therefore, are easily borne, such as separation from family and community, difficult working conditions, lack of legal support and protection, and lower wages than the standard. For many professionals, one predominant aspect of sacrifice is the deskilling that occurs in migrant work. As previously mentioned, the costs of placement for professional positions, the costs and difficulty in obtaining licenses in receiving countries and the availability of professional positions mean that many

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professionals are deployed in positions much lower than their training and experience would allow. Many teachers and nursing graduates end up as domestic helpers while many nurses end up are caregivers. Deskilling is not just the sacrifice in terms of professional integrity and pride of the migrant worker or the professional challenge and development that work should provide. De-skilling becomes more obscene in the context of the brain drain where professionals are lost from developing countries in dire need of their precious services only to be lost forever as they end up working as aides and domestics in the affluent countries. This increase in migrant labor is only a by-product of contractualization of labor and services in many sectors of the economy as a result of globalization. On one hand, it reduces the relative cost of labor for the affected enterprises, while on the other hand it creates new wealth for the service contractors and labor contractors which take a share of the savings in labor costs through their fees.

The Issues of Migrant Filipino Nurses The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration or POEA is the government agency, which is responsible for optimizing the benefits of the country’s overseas employment program. This agency was created in 1982 through Executive Order 797 to promote and to monitor the overseas employment of Filipino workers. In 1987, through Executive Order 247, POEA was reorganized to include the expanded functions in order to respond to changing markets and economic condition; and to strengthen the workers protection and regulatory components of the overseas employment program. POEA is also the lead government agency tasked to monitor and supervise all recruitment agencies in the Philippines. From 1982- 2005, the POEA has achieved a number of milestone. The demand for Filipino nurses in developed countries is growing. In the United States alone, demand is estimated at 600,000 between now and 2020, acting regional labor chief Romeo Cagas said during a round table discussion on the nursing profession in Davao City Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) regional director Delfina Camarillo reported that some 33,964 nurses were deployed abroad from 1995 to 2000. However, in 2001 alone, 13,536, or 39.85 percent of Filipino nurses, were deployed between 1995 and 2000. This rapid increase in the deployment of health professionals as migrant labor is not a simple result of a reduction in skilled labor to man the hospitals in many developed countries. This demand for labor in many developed countries has been exploited by labor recruitment agencies which charge fees for recruitment services to hospitals and other health institutions or earn from manning contracts. They tie up with job placement agencies that proliferate in many sending countries in Asia to exploit the demand for jobs by charging placement fees for the unemployed and underemployed in such job-starved countries as the Philippines. This partnership is a phenomenon of globalization, an internationalization of contractual hiring, exploiting even cheaper migrant labor Another form of exploiting cheaper migrant labor is the preference that health insurance companies have for cheaper home care than hospitalization. This results in the increase in the deployment of nurses for home care through manning agencies or as caregivers where their situation is no better than that of domestic help. The overall result is the rapid increase in the deployment of health professionals from developing countries which severely need health services such as the Philippines and India to man hospitals, nursing homes, and similar institutions besides working as domestic help or as caregivers in the rich countries of the North. It may be said that such contractualization provides an opportunity for workers in the developing countries to earn more while their countries also benefit from additional foreign exchange earnings through their wage remittances. But the placement agencies which subcontract the recruitment actually take advantage of high unemployment rates and demand for jobs in order to charge exorbitant placement fees. Such demand for survival forces Third World families to mortgage properties or go to loan sharks in order to cough up the large sums demanded. In effect, placement agencies take a share of the future wages of the contract workers. In today's globalized world, everybody is witnessing the increasing flows of not just capital, ideas and goods across national borders, but also workers. The Director-General of the International Organization for Migration, or IOM, also highlighted that there are an estimated 191 million people living outside their place of birth in 2005, up from 76 million in 1960. The role of migrant workers is its economic contributions to both their home and host countries. At the same time, they remit a significant proportion of their earnings back to their home countries.

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The International Labor Organization (ILO) estimates the size of such remittances to be about US$160 billion in 2005. However, there is also a complex web of intricate socio-political issues associated with migration. These issues, if not properly handled, could have serious social and economic consequences. From time to time, such issues may also strain bilateral relations between the labor-sending and labor-receiving countries. Given that migration is trans-boundary in nature, it is crucial for both the countries of origin and destination to take joint ownership of migration-related issues and put in place comprehensive polices to address them. Indeed, it will unfair and unproductive to expect that either party can implement unilateral solutions to address all these issues and ignore the special needs of labor sending and receiving countries. Many problems that migrant workers face can only be alleviated through efforts of both home and host countries. These include issues related to training in skills and safety, weeding out unscrupulous agents in their home country who either exact exorbitant deposits or make false promises for jobs overseas and adequate legislative protection and enforcement to ensure the well-being of migrant workers in the host country. In the panel discussion “Addressing the Challenges of Global Nurse Migration”, CGFNS (Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing Schools) International President Lucille Joel, speaking on the Ethical Issues in Global Migration, believed that everyone has the right to migrate; that working conditions should be such that they are favorable for quality practice; that pay equity among nurses is assured; but that self-sufficiency is the most logical solution to our migration problem. Annabelle R. Borromeo, ABMCI Senior Consultant, pointed out that migration, like flowing water, cannot be stopped when she talked about “The Filipino Nurse in Global Migration”. She ventured to say that the act of living is the act of flowing. Just as water should remain free to flow, people must always be allowed to flow freely”. Dr. Fely Marilyn Elegado-Lorenzo, Director, Institute of Health Policy & Development Studies, National Institutes of Health, Philippines and Professor of Health Policy, College of Public Health University of the Philippines, Manila, gave a very comprehensive discussion on “Recruitment and Retention of Nurses: Philippine Experience”. A key interest is to develop consensus on policies and programs on nurse recruitment and retention so that nurse migration is mutually beneficial to both source and host countries (www.seguritan.co).

The Philippine Nursing Education and its Nursing Curriculum The task of higher education is to be the foundation of lifelong learning in the acquisition of basic skills that will enable the students to access, process and use the knowledge for further development of higher levels and competencies. Students must be prepared with the professional requirements by the dynamic changes in nursing education around the globe. As a response to the rapid migration of trained nurses abroad and the proliferation of nursing schools and programs, the nursing education needs to address the concerns of the global markets to safeguard the profession’s interest and continuously provide optimum nursing services not only in the Philippines but also all over the world. In the survey done of Nursing Schools (Roxas 2003), as of 2003, there are approximately 213 higher education institutions offering the nursing program. Most of them or 88% are privately owned while 11.39% are public institutions. Out of the 124 who responded from the survey done, 61 or 49.19% are accredited schools while 50.73% are not yet accredited. As to qualifications of faculty and the deans of the different nursing schools, it was found out that both the deans and the faculty members of the nursing schools are young and new in their positions, lacks the necessary experience and are educationally qualified to fulfill the task and responsibilities. Furthermore, the salary that they received is not attractive enough to retain them in their present positions. In this context the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) ensures its role to monitor the quality of nursing education through the development of policies and standards for nursing education, setting the minimum requirements on faculty, administration, curriculum, library, and laboratory to become abreast with the changing needs of the professions (CMO No.30s.2001 and CMO No.09 s.2002).

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Aside from CHED implementing policies and programs for the efficient operation of higher education institutions in the country, the nursing education is bounded by several Republic Acts and Code of ethics in order to ensure a quality nursing education competitive in the global market. The nursing education shall provide sound general and professional foundation for the practice of nursing taking into consideration the learning outcomes based on national and universal nursing core competencies (Sect.25, Rule IV) Since there is a dire need to monitor the mushrooming of nursing schools, CHED and the laws are in place relative to strengthening the nursing program and education. Thus, Dean Elizabeth Roxas, the former National President of ADPCN, Inc. pointed in her recommendation that in her survey of the Nursing schools in the Philippines that Accreditation must be encouraged among nursing schools to sustain its quality in nursing education and that policies and guidelines on affiliations in the existing government hospitals utilized for trainings of nursing students must be reviewed. Furthermore, the Philippine Nursing Act of 2002 provides a more responsive nursing profession instituting measures that will result in relevant nursing education, humane working conditions, better career prospects and dignified existence of Filipino nurses. Virtually all developing member countries of which the Philippines is one, have put the improvement of education quality among their highest national priorities for the next decade. To some extent, plans and policies calling for higher quality schooling now supplement or even replace earlier attention given to such priorities as education expansion and school access. Translating the growing consensus on the need to improve quality into viable policies is a major challenge (The Asia Development Bank Journal, 2001). The education effectiveness regardless of programs requires redefinition of the process of initiating and sustaining education change as an interactive, participatory process that involves and may begin with critique, evaluation, analysis and feedback of higher education institutions. Reforming the institutions for the future requires much more than preparing students to meet the global trends of the international market and global economy. Such challenges offer great opportunities for personal and professional growth.

Conclusion The study generated the following conclusions: Filipino nurses working in Singapore are qualified both personally and professionally to work in Singapore as long as they pass the Singapore Board Examination and with 2 years hospital exposure in a 200 bed capacity in a Philippine hospital; Filipino nurses were satisfied to work in Singapore which provides a safe working condition and they are accorded legislative protection; however this nation state does not promise economic stability due to high cost of standard of living; Among Asian countries, Singapore can be one of the best places where Filipino nurses specifically, Lyceum of the Philippines University graduates, can hone their nursing expertise. In Singapore, Filipino nurses are attracted to work for better standard of living and as a career, enhance their professional opportunities. Hospitals in Singapore are continuously hiring Filipino nurses due to their well-known competencies, adaptability, and dedication to work, proficiency in English, and the nurses’ warm and caring attitude. The socio-cultural differences as a problem reflects the ethnic divisions of the Chinese population practices in Singapore as it is a combination of Buddhism, Taoism, and philosophical creed of Confucianism. Communication problems can be explained by the leading four official languages namely English, Mandarin, Chinese, Malay, and Tamil. Filipino nurses do not consider work values and attitudes as problems due to their positive outlook in life. The proposed program for enhancement on nursing curriculum may be done on areas of improving English competency, and additional elective foreign language subjects for nursing students such as Mandarin, Malay, Tamil and others. Furthermore, enhancing nursing competency in universities, such as the Lyceum of the Philippines University in Batangas City, may be done by focusing on continuous improvement through accreditation and ISO certification.

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The study offers the following recommendations: The Philippine Overseas and Employment Agency may tie– up with the Singapore Ministry of Manpower for direct placement and hiring of qualified Filipino nurses. The Republic of Singapore has to be strict in compliance with their Pass–Holders salary scheme and benefits. Commission on Higher Education may do ISO implementation of schools offering Health care and Nursing courses. On the other hand, tertiary level institutions may continuously do the Accreditation of their Nursing curriculum. While, universities offering nursing may embark on introducing foreign languages as elective subjects and Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) as a required subject.

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Situating Multiculturalism and the Politics of Identity in Contemporary South Korea through Discourse Analysis of Main Intellectual Views
JIHOON CHOI Kyung Hee University, South Korea ZIYEON CHAE Kyung Hee University, South Korea SOOK YOUNG KWON Kyung Hee University, South Korea

Introduction At a time when globalization is certainly a lived reality across social, economic and cultural levels, South Korean society is increasingly experiencing the influx of foreign nationals, new immigrants, and “guest” workers. According to a recent governmental survey done this year, it is estimated that there are over 1.4 million foreigners currently residing in South Korea and interracial marriage is becoming quite commonplace, especially in rural areas. 85 Also the interactions and encounters with foreigners in South Korean society have rapidly increased at an everyday level. Hence the issues surrounding multiculturalism as not only an ideal but also an important socio-cultural policy have emerged in the public domain. Put differently, the presence of ethnic/cultural others in the local scene have become an important public agenda as well as a galvanized object of academic inquiry (Oh 2007). For instance, a number of South Korean scholars in the social sciences and humanities fields are beginning to launch various types of researches which deal with the varying notions of multiculturalism, multicultural citizenship, multiethnic society, racism, ethnocentrism, as well as the life experiences and problems foreigners face - especially migrant workers and newly immigrated population – in South Korean society. In doing so, such concepts as multiculturalism, identity, cosmopolitanism, and diaspora have become new keywords in academic and social/public discourses (Park 2007). Also, in recent years South Korean media regularly produce numerous stories about the various groups of foreigners in South Korean society. Several documentaries and talk-shows that deal with the life and plight of foreigners have recently appeared and gained much public attention. In other words, popular and media culture have begun to deal with South Koreans’ encounters with foreigners and the representation of ethnic and cultural others and their lives in South Korean society are illuminated, especially in such genres as television documentaries, talk shows, and feature films. 86 Research Objects and Methods In this kind of context, we have attempted to explore the ways foreigners are represented on South Korean media and popular culture, especially in leading newspapers as well as the Internet media. This paper is a much shorter version – or “snapshot” – of an ongoing our research project. Method-wise, we have used qualitative content and textual analysis. In particular, by adopting detailed textual and discourse analysis of series of articles and views written by South Korean opinion leaders, including journalists, intellectuals, and critics, on the issue of multiculturalism and the question of identity, we aim to investigate what sort of “frames” are actively adopted, disseminated, and discussed by major South Korean newspapers on the question of foreigners and their presence in South Korea. In doing so, we have tried to analyze multiple ways the media portray, recognize, and define foreign

85 86

Kyunghyang Daily, 2009, November, 10th. <Love in Asia> is a well-known television documentary that covers the life experiences of some foreigners in South Korea. This program tends to portray foreigners as common people who endeavors to adapt themselves to new surroundings.

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“others” in South Korean society. (We have also done series of interviews with South Korean graduate students and media scholars, to gather their response on the question of multiculturalism). Furthermore, through this study, we have endeavored to explore the varying implications of multiculturalism and the changing notions of identity and citizenship in South Korean society in a self-reflective fashion. In doing so, we have also tried to map out the changing notions of cultural nationalism and “Korean-ness” at a theoretical level. Put differently, once strongly-held nationalism in South Korea has been eroded and challenged in the face of increasing globalizing trends in the local arena. In this process, multiculturalism has played a significant role. And it seems that various visible signs and images of multiculturalism as well as multiethnic others on South Korean media and in popular culture tend to generate certain effects on South Koreans, especially younger generation Koreans. We believe that these cultural effects provide significant clues in understanding the more flexible and open attitudes towards the self-other relationships. Hence we believe this research is important in the sense that South Koreans historically maintained strong nationalism and firmly believed the notion of collective identity. Yet with the increased influx of foreigners into South Korean society as well as the increased consumption of global popular culture, this once dominant and widely-held view and belief in South Korean society is now being contested and under pressure. For instance, intellectual discourses that take issue with the rigidness of cultural nationalism have appeared in South Korean academia. Call to embrace multiculturalism as socio-cultural norm has also emerged. In the field of popular culture, it seems that cultural differences do sell. To the extent that there have emerged certain conflicts and cultural misunderstandings amongst South Koreans and foreigners in recent years, we believe that this research has a social as well as cultural significance. We, as not only scholars in academia but also as intellectuals in the civil arena, have attempted to provide a nuanced study on the following issues and questions: In which ways, foreigners are represented in South Korean daily papers? What kinds of particular frames are created or adopted by journalists and opinion leaders? What kinds of alternative frames are suggested or provided by civic groups and intellectuals in South Korean society? In which ways the question of multiculturalism and identity are debated, supported, and challenged in journalistic discourses? What kinds of suggestions can be made in dealing with multicultural issues in South Korean society? In the following, we present much brief research findings and our interpretations as a way of introducing the multicultural issues in South Korean media. Findings Regarding the very question: in which ways the established media represent foreigners in contemporary South Korea, our findings are as follows: first of all, all the major newspapers in the local scene almost regularly carry stories, opinion sections, as well as special features on the growing foreign population. News stories and special features on foreign population and their lives in South Korea have become a kind of familiar daily staple. In the case of “straight” news, such issues as governmental policies on foreigners and their legal status, crimes committed by foreigners are most common and recurrent topics across the media. Secondly, special features on daily newspapers and magazines often include in-depth look into the institutional and policy-oriented issues surrounding the lives of foreign population in South Korea and cultural and educational agendas for them. Third, both special features and opinion sections contain suggestions on how to embrace foreigners and to bring in a cross-cultural dialogues between South Koreans and ethnic/cultural others. In terms of the main “frames” – central or main organizing idea or storyline adopted by the media – local media tend to adopt, we can point out the following: first, most of leading local newspapers have a tendency to portray foreign others as “weaker ones” (sahoejeok yakjadel) who needs some degree of protection, institutional aids, and humane treatment. This particular frame sets South Koreans as the very agent who need to demonstrate equality, tolerance, and protection to foreign others who are considered passive beneficiary of such acts. At the same time, this kind of frame as a widely-held interpretive prism can be criticized in that it tends to emphasize the normative dimension of multicultural reality now unfolding in South Korean society, rather than to look deep into the often conflictual and exploitative nature of self-other relations in the local arena.

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Put differently, the majority of foreign population who work as workers and helping hands in factories and construction sites in various regions in South Korea are often treated differently by South Korean employers, thereby generating various forms of discrimination, neglect, conflict, and indifference. Also the communication process between South Koreans and foreign others are often limited and not comprehensive enough to gain a meaningful level of cross-cultural understanding. Linguistic barriers do exist and yet more crucial problem is deeply embedded notions of cultural difference and different notions of customs. Against this kind of dominant frame, something like “counter-frame” has also appeared, especially in progressive newspapers and some online media. This counter-frame tends to call attention to the limits and problems of official policies towards foreign others as well as to the stances or frames the established media often adopt. In other words, this particular frame, in our opinion, is more nuanced and keener on the very lived-conflicts and situations many foreign population face in daily life. Also, this counter-frame often adopts much critical views on Korean nationalism and its (potentially) negative effects on the self-other relations. At a pragmatic level, this counter-frame presents various suggestions and alternatives on how to improve the relationships and dialogues between South Koreans and foreign others while casting series of self-reflective questions. One interesting thing is that, both mainstream media and progressive media utilize various genres or approaches in depicting the various situations through which foreign population in South Korea experience. For instance, direct interviews with some foreigner residents and migrant workers, reportages on their lived experiences, as well as interviews with South Korean experts in social service and welfare sectors are occasionally used. At the same time, progressive newspapers and online media usually go further: they would get in touch with civic and support groups and tend to accumulate much comprehensive information and views from them on the difficulties and problems foreign others would face and deal with in South Korean society. Another noticeable trend in their coverage is: various scholarly and intellectual perspectives and standpoints on multiculturalism, racism, as well as sober criticism of South Korean nationalism are consistently introduced, given and discussed, thereby presentin livelier and more productive public discussions. Discussion So far, we have provided a kind of thumbnail sketch of what we have done in our research. We admit that the above-mentioned research results are much lacking, limited, and partial in providing a fuller understanding of the question of multiculturalism in South Korea. Nevertheless, we have tried to present certain outlook on this difficult and crucial issue to our fellow Japanese scholars who, we think, face and share similar sociocultural concerns and intellectual interests. Now we want to narrow the scope and raise some suggestions on South Korean media’s representation of foreign others. First, we think that journalists and media specialists in South Korea need to rethink their stance or frames of mind when they cover stories on foreign others. In our opinion, they need to make conscious and careful efforts to go beyond the received – or entrenched – views on foreign subjects which often take foreigners as ethnic and cultural others through a dualistic thinking. Second, education and dialogues between journalists and scholars cum service workers are necessary so that multicultural understanding can be both concretized and enhanced. And this kind collaborative and cumulative effort can change the journalistic conventions towards the others in the long run. Third, more nuanced, egalitarian, rigorous, and inventive style of reporting, representing, and covering the lives of foreign others are also necessary so that new and alternative forms of investigative reporting as well as dealing with crucial socio-cultural agendas on multiculturalism can be provided by the media. Fourth, comparative approaches are needed to gain insights and to lessen South Korean media’s coverage of interracial and cross-cultural issues. For instance, European and Anglo-American cases on multicultural and multiethnic issues and problems need to be studied to gain insights.

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References Banton, M. (1987). Racial theories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barker, C. (2000). Cultural Studies: theory and practice. London: Sage. Chua Beng Huat and Koichi Iwabushi(2008). East Asian Pop Culture: analyzing the Korean Wave. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Hartley, J. (ed.) (2005), Creative Industries, Oxford: Blackwell. Iorio, S. (eds.) (2004), Qualitative Research in Journalism, London: LEA. Miller, T. and Yuddice, G. (2002), Cultural Policy, London: Sage. Willis, J. (2007), Foundations of Qualitative Research, London: Sage. Kenny, M. (2004). The Politics of Identity. Cambridge: Polity. Park, K. (2008). Minorities and South Korean Society. Seoul: Humanitas [in Korean]. Held, D. (2000). “Introduction." in David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds), The Global Transformation Reader. Cambridge: Polity Press, pp.51~120. Hall, S. (1987), 'Minimal selves', in Identity: The Real Me, ICA Documents 6, pp.44~46. . (1988). 'New ethnicities', D. Morley, K. Chen (eds), Stuart Hall: Critical Cialogues in Culture Studies. London: Routledge, pp.441~449. . (1992) 'The Question of Cultural Identity,' in S. Hall et al. (eds.), Modernity and Its Futures. Cambridge: Polity. pp.273~326. . (1993). 'Culture identity and diaspora', in P. Williams and L. Chrisman (eds), Colonial Discoures and Post-colonial Theory. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, pp.392~401. . (1997). "Old and New Identities, Old and New Ethnicities." Culture, Globalisation and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. Ed. Anthony King. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, pp.31~68. Oh, K. et al (eds.) (2007). Multiculturalism in South Korea. Seoul: Hanul [in Korean]. Park, K. (2008). Minority and Korean Society. Seoul: Humanitas[in Korean]. Lee, K. & Kim, K. et al(eds.) (2008). Gender, Migration, the Mobile play. Seoul:Hanul [in Korean]. Lee, D. & Kim, Y. et al(eds) (2006). Mobile-girls@digital.asia. Seoul: Hanul. [in Korean]

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Program: on Global and International Migration – Realities of Labor Movements and International Marriages 21-23 November 2009 Venue: Pornping Hotel, Chiang Mai, THAILAND

Saturday, 21 November 2009 A.M. – Arrival and Check- in 13:00 18.00 Registration at Pornping Hotel, Chiang Mai IFSSO Executive Board Meeting

Sunday, 22 November 2009 08:00 – 09:00 09:00 – 09:30 09:30 – 10:00 10:00 – 10:30 Registration Opening Ceremony: Welcome Address and Speech by IFSSO President Break “A Brief Prosperity Toward Poverty: Study of People Living in Coal Mining Industry Area in Pendingin, Sanga-sanga, East Kalimantan” By Ari Ganjar Herdiansah (Padjadjaran University, Indonesia) 10:30 – 11:00 “Bugis Diaspora in Tawau District of Sabah, East Malaysia: Challenge and Trend in the Context of Managing Multicultural Society” By Dr. I Ketut Ardhana (Udayana University, Indonesia) and Dr. Yekti Maunati (Indonesian Institute of Sciences) 11:00 – 11:30 11.30 – 13.00 13:00 – 13.30 “Current Issues of Migration and Multiculturalism in Europe” By Dr. Hidasi Judit (Budapest Business School, Hungary) Lunch “Filipino Diaspora in Azerbaijan: Case Study in Migration, Adaptation, and Acculturation in an Increasing Globalized Context” By Dr. Ruben Z. Martinez (the Philippines) 13:30 – 14:00 14.00 – 14.30 “Filipino-Japanese Marriages in a Rural Japanese Society” By Dr. Leslie Bauzon (Kyoto University, Japan) “Bumbay, Kulambo, and Five-Six: Narratives on the Formation of a Sikh Community in the Philippines” By Darlene Machell Espena (Ateneo de Manila University, the Philippines) 14:30 – 15:00 15:00 – 15:30 15.30 – 16.00 18:00-21:00 Break “Loei Elderly Library” By Rattana Sangsawang (Loei Rajabhat University, Thailand) “Migrants, Local Institutions and Development: The Case of Calabarzon” By Dr. Jorge V. Tigno (National Research Council of the Philippines) Socials and Reception Dinner hosted by IFSSO

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Monday, 23 November 2009 09:00 – 09:30 09.30 – 10.00 10:00 – 10:30 10:30 – 11:00 “Nurses on the Move: Singapore’s Policy on Foreign Nurses and Its Implication for Japan” By Dr. Keiko T. Tamura (University of Kitakyushu, Japan) “Overseas Workers and the Formation of Multi-ethnic Mining Communities in New Caledonia” By Dr. Nestor T. Castro (University of the Philippines) Break “Perspective from Hyper Mobile Societies in the Philippines: Towards Sustainable Humanosphere Paradigm” By Makoto Ishibashi, Yoshihiro Kobari (De La Salle University, the Philippines), Akiko Watanabe (Kyoto University, Japan), and Naomi Hosoda (Kyoto University, Japan) 11:00 – 11:30 11.30 – 12.00 12.00 – 13.00 13.00 – 13.30 13.30 – 14.00 “The Philippine Overseas Contract Workers Migration: A Continuing Phenomenon” By Joseph P. Lalo (the Philippines) “The Impact of the Economic Crisis in 2009 on Migrant Workers in Thailand” By Prof. Dr. Supang Chantavanich (Chulalongkorn University, Thailand) Lunch “Nursing Migration in Singapore: The Filipino Experiences” By Dr. Norma L. Menez (Lyceum of the Philippines University, the Philippines) “Situating Multiculturalism and the Politics of Identity in Contemporary South Korea Through Discourse Analysis of Main Intellectual Views” By Jihoon Choi (Kyung Hee University, South Korea) 14.00 – 14.15 Closing ceremony

Check out/Departure time

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Dr. Art Seeha-Umpai Bangkok, Thailand arthurtraining@yahoo.com Prof. Carmencita Aguilar National Research Council of the Philippines DOST Compound, General Santos Avenue Bicutan, Taguig City 1631 Philippines assert_inc_cta@yahoo.com Ms. Charuwan Phartsuwan National Research Council of Thailand 196 Phaholyothin Road Chatuchak, Bangkok 10900 Thailand Dr. Cecilia Pring College of Nursing Lyceum of the Philippines University Batangas City, Philippines Asst. Prof. Dr. Choetkiat Kunlabut Faculty of Humanities and Social Science Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand choetkiat.ku@lru.ac.th Dr. Choosri Keedumrongkool National Research Council of Thailand 196 Phaholyothin Road Chatuchak, Bangkok 10900 Thailand choosri_nrct@hotmail.com Ms. Darlene Machell de Leon Espeña Department of History Ateneo de Manila University Katipunan Avenue, Quezon City 1101 Philippines mudvayne_darl@yahoo.com Dr. Dhiwakorn Kaewmanee Faculty of Social Sciences, Naresuan University Muang, Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand Prof. Dr. Hidasi Judit Budapest Business School Faculty of International Management and Business Institute of Social Sciences Diosy Lajos utca 22-24 Budapest 1165 Hungary hidasi.judit@kkfk.bgf.hu

Ms. Hyein Park Kyung Hee University Seoul, South Korea hialjh@hotmail.com Prof. Dr. I Ketut Ardhana Udayana University Denpasar, Bali Indonesia phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com Mr. Jihoon Choi Kyung Hee University Seoul, South Korea joapeiper@lycos.co.kr Mr. Joseph P. Lalo Livcor Consulting Incorporated Unit 401 Pasda Mansions 77 Panay Avenue cor. Timog Avenue Quezon City 1101 Philippines joseph.lalo@livcor.com Prof. Dr. Kanchana Ngourungsi Naresuan University Muang, Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand kanchana19@yahoo.com Prof. Dr. Keiko T. Tamura Department of Policy Studies, Faculty of Law University of Kitakyushu Kitakyushu, Japan keikott@kitakyu-u.ac.jp Ms. Kloyjai Sumretwanich National Research Council of Thailand 196 Phaholyothin Road Chatuchak, Bangkok 10900 Thailand Dr. Leon R. Ramos, Jr. Local and International Linkages Office Lyceum of the Philippines University Batangas City, Philippines cbs_jplm@yahoo.com.ph Prof. Dr. Leslie Bauzon Quezon City, Philippines lbauzon@hotmail.com Dr. Mark Irvin C. Celis College of International Tourism and Hospitality Management Lyceum of the Philippines University Batangas City, Philippines

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Asst. Prof. Dr. Montri Kunphoommarl Faculty of Social Sciences, Naresuan University Muang, Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand montrinu@hotmail.com Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nestor Castro Department of Anthropology University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Philippines nestor.castro@up.edu.ph Ms. Ninnart Thanawichayakul Faculty of Pharmacy Chiang Mai University Muang 53000 Thailand Dr. Niyada Kiatying-Angsulee Chulalongkorn University Bangkok, Thailand Ms. Norma L. Menez Lyceum of the Philippines University Batangas City, Philippines Dr. Onusa Suwanpratest Faculty of Humanities, Naresuan University Muang, Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand onusas@nu.ac.th Ms. Pannee Panyawattanaporn National Research Council of Thailand 196 Phaholyothin Road, Chatuchak Bangkok 10900 Thailand Pattaya Nantawanakul Suan Sunandha Rajabhat University 1 U-Thong Nok Rd., Dusit Bangkok 10300 Thailand Dr. Piroon Jantawat Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand Dr. Pongthep Bunrueng Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand pongthep@lru.ac.th

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ranumas Ma-oon Faculty of Education Kasetsart University Bangkok 10900 Thailand ranumas_pu@hotmail.com Dr. Rattana Panriansaen Applied Thai Traditional Medicine Health Center Suan Sunandha Rajabhat University 1 U-Thong Nok Rd., Dusit Bangkok 10300 Thailand rtana@hotmail.com Dr. Rattana Sangsawang Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand Mr. Sakchai Puangchan Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand Asst. Prof. Sevilla Felicen College of International Tourism and Hospitality Management Lyceum of the Philippines University Batangas City, Philippines sevillafelicen@yahoo.com Ms. Sirinapa Kunphoommarl Naresuan University Muang, Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand skunphoom@hotmail.com Dr. Somsak Seedaguirit Faculty of Education, Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand somsaksee@hotmail.com Dr. Sudakarn Ptamadilok IFSSO Secretariat Office 245/69 Baromtrilokanart Road, Muang District Phitsanulok 65000 Thailand sudakarn_p@yahoo.com

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Prof. Dr. Supang Chantavanich Asian Research Center for Migration Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University Bangkok, Thailand Supang.C@chula.ac.th Prof. Teruyuki Komatsu Faculty of Economics Nagoya Gakuin University 1-25 Atsuta-Nishimachi, Atsuta-ku Nagoya City, Aichi Japan komatsu@ngu.ac.jp Ms. Tiwa Ngaowichit National Research Council of Thailand 196 Phaholyothin Road, Chatuchak Bangkok 10900 Thailand Ms. Urairat Thongpinit

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Loei Rajabhat University Loei 42000 Thailand nangthongpinit@hotmail.com Dr. Yekti Maunati Research Center for Regional Resources Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia Sasana Widya Sarwono Jl. Jenderal Gatot Subroto No. 10 Jakarta 12560 Indonesia yektim@yahoo.com Dr. Yumiko Moriya Kyushu Sangyo University 2-3-1 Mathukadai, Higashiku Fukuoka-shi Fukuoka 813-8503 Japan moriya@ip.kyusan-u.ac.jp

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ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS Prof. Dr. Takashi Fujii Prof. Dr. Hiromi Yokoi Prof. Dr. Carmencita Aguilar

EXECUTIVE BOARD MEMBERS Prof. Dr. Teruyuki Komatshu - President Prof. Dr. Ahnond Bunyaratvej - NRCT Secretary General and Vice-President Prof. Dr. Josef Blahoz - Vice-President Prof. Dr. Kanchana Ngorungsi - Secretary-General Dr. Yekti Maunati - Treasurer Dr. Sudakarn PAtamadilok - Executive Secretary

BOARD MEMBERS Ms. Choosri Keedumrongkool Prof. Dr. Nestor T. Castro Prof. Dr. I Ketut Ardhana Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ranumas Ma-oon Dr. Art Seeha-Umpai Dr. Pongthep Bunrueng Director, LIPI Indonesia Prof. Dr. Kazahisa Nishihara

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