Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Ethnomusicology
Volume 9/ii 2000
Editors
Martin Clayton Suzel Ana Reily
Reviews Editor
Carole Pegg
Editorial Board
John Baily Stephen Blum David Hughes
Richard Middleton Mícheál Ó Súilleabháin
Jonathan Stock Janet Topp Fargion
Richard Widdess Udo Will
ISSN 0968-1221
Contents
________________________________________
ARTICLES
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
1 The use of the term “classical music” here is somewhat problematic. In the body of this
article I have tried to restrict my use of the term to references to acknowledged
“classical”genres such as dhrupad (i.e., music which conforms to an authoritative body of
music theory and is patronized by social elites). In the abstract I am using the term in a looser
sense, denoting music representative of centres of political and economic power such as
royal courts, which may conform to theoretical norms more or less closely.
2 See Porter 1993, Teltscher 1997, Introduction and Chapter One and Surendranath Sen’s
Introduction (Thevenot 1949) for a more in-depth discussion of the challenges involved in
interpreting travel literature.
3 See for example Bor 1988:52–3 and Woodfield 1995:267, 275, 280. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
4 Despite his considerably more dynamic and complex approach (see 1973:2), even Harrison
is not immune from regarding neutral, positive or “scientific” language as less biased than
supposedly negative description (1971:15–16). He also seems to subscribe to the fallacy that
the world of travel-writing divides neatly into Christian and secular halves, and hence that
religious conviction is the single most important factor in evaluating whether a traveller has
made an “adequate” record of the music described (1973:2). A closer comparison of the
travels of Manrique and Navarette, for example, would serve to dispel this myth (see also
note 3, paragraph 2).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 3
French, Portuguese and Spanish. The authors include East India Company
servants, noble ambassadors, intellectuals, Catholic missionaries, a self-educated
Venetian adventurer, and a French spy. Their positions between the poles of any
of these issues cannot necessarily be inferred from a superficial glance at their
background or position; for example, some missionaries produced surprisingly
perspicacious and sympathetic accounts (Lach and van Kley 1993: xlii). I think
one needs firstly to compare the travel literature and determine which issues were
current at the time, and then decide on the basis of the writer’s observations,
which of those were instrumental in his perception of Indian music.
The travellers’ use of language that appears to signify truthfulness or
objectivity can also be misleading. Claims to be telling a true story, for example,
were commonly held to enhance the entertainment value of a narrative (Davis
1987:112). One of the major conventions used to signify the reliability of a text,
especially in the first quarter of the seventeenth century, was the repetition of
observations made by earlier travellers. This did not necessarily mean that they
had actually seen the same things; Teltscher points out that many published
journals drew quite blatantly on the work of previous writers for both the form
and content of their narratives (1997:15–16). 5 Moreover, the use of “objective”
descriptive language did not signify neutrality; on the contrary, in the latter half
of the century it was used to distance the European observer from the Indian
observed in order to buttress the concept of European distinctiveness and
superiority.
Finally, the decontextualization of this paradigm allows a traveller’s
interpretations of a musical event to be cited as “fact”, because his journal has
been deemed to be reliable. The practice of bestowing authoritative status on
those whose language seems “objective” to us can lead to poor or partial
understanding of the evidence, and even occasionally false conclusions. 6 Not
even the most educated and sympathetic observers were able to avoid the
influence of European concepts on the conclusions they drew about Indian
music. One major obsession of the travel writers, for example, was the sexuality
5 While this practice decreased as the century progressed, it is still evident in the work of such
writers as the self-educated Niccolao Manucci, who copied extensively from the earlier journal
of François Bernier, despite the fact that he was himself an eyewitness (Maiello 1984:625–7).
6 Wade, for example, is particularly uncritical when it comes to Niccolao Manucci’s Storia
do Mogor. Written from memory several decades after the events it describes (Manucci
1907:lxxii), not only does Manucci’s life story read like a Boys’ Own adventure, but his
hatred for Aurangzeb verges on the irrational, and his reliance on “bazaar gossip” is
proverbial (Maiello 1984:625). Wade’s reliance on his evidence of Aurangzeb’s opposition to
music (apparently on the basis of his lengthy stay in the Mughal Empire, and the agreement
of his sentiments with those of one particular anti-Aurangzeb faction of Indo-Persian writers)
leads her to make a most basic mistake with the contradictory evidence of another European
traveller, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier. He describes the performance in the divan of “sweet and
pleasant” music when he was presented to Aurangzeb at Shahjahanabad on 12 September
1665 (1925:xxi). Wade ascribes Tavernier’s description to the reign of Shah Jahan twice
(1998:135, 165). As Shah Jahan had been ousted by Aurangzeb seven years previously, her
subsequent conclusions (165) must be erroneous.
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 5
musical description during the seventeenth century. In this paper, I have chosen
to concentrate primarily on what I think are the two most important issues
influencing the construction of musical stories in this period: the development
of a scientific worldview, and the increasing strength of the European powers in
India. These are both reflected to a greater or lesser extent mainly in the choice
of material for inclusion in the narrative, and the type of language used.
I will first demonstrate how the rising power of the scientific worldview
influenced a change in descriptive language over the century. Although the
genesis of modern science occurred earlier, it was in the seventeenth century
that the decisive battle was played out between a literal Biblical understanding
of the world and its origins, and a new approach to these issues based on
scepticism, rationalism, and the observation of evidence. The picture is in fact
more complicated than this, as almost all subscribers to the new scientific
position were also Christians (Munck 1990:290–9). On the other hand,
proponents of both sides had already succumbed to the philosophical necessity
of arguing on the basis of evidence. This evidence was largely supplied, and
often interpreted, by the travel writers.9
I will then show how the rising tension between Europe and India due to
increased contact, and the ambivalence this created in the European mind
between fascination and fear, was reflected in the choice of musical subject
matter. Interestingly, a comparison of European and Mughal sources provides
an insight into the way music was used by both cultures to convey specific
messages to each other. In the case of military and ceremonial bands, I argue
that on the whole their symbolic meaning was mutually understood. However,
with respect to women musicians, I contend that the message being conveyed
by the Mughals was consciously or unconsciously misinterpreted by the
Europeans. It is therefore important to note that while the musical world
described by the travellers intersects with the world described in Indian sources,
it is not the same.10 Nevertheless, they have an interesting, if partial, story to
tell about music in seventeenth-century India, valuable in itself, which must be
incorporated into any reconstruction of Indian music history.
9 See Hodgen 1964 and Rubiés 1995 for comprehensive discussions of this development. xx
10 It is important to note that with one exception, there are no incontrovertible descriptions
of the most prestigious genres of Indian classical music in the journals published in the
seventeenth century, despite the fact that some of the travellers, Manucci for example, must
have been exposed to it at the Mughal court, or at least known about it.
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 7
sing most melodiously, with such elevated and shrill voices, strained
unto the highest, yet sweet and tuneable, rising and falling according to
their art and skill, (for every country hath his own, and more or less
excelling) … [they] sing aloud to God our strength, make a joyful
noise unto the God of Jacob, take a psalm and bring hither the timbrel,
the pleasant harp with the psaltery, blow up the trumpet in the new
moon, in the time appointed on our solemn feast day …
(Farewell 1971:41–2; my spelling)
It would be unwise to interpret this passage, with its flowery rhetoric and
Biblical overtones, as an accurate description of performance practice inside the
zanana (“women’s quarters”). However, it does tell us something about the
original event. In context, although Farewell states that the participants
“constantly thus celebrate” the change of lunar month, this particular new moon
festival seems to have been no ordinary celebration (41–2). References to a
“feast day”, the putting on of costly perfumes at the first sight of the new moon,
and joyous acclamations of its appearance – “a reward for our watchfulness or
good tidings” (42–3), seem to indicate that this event occurred at the end of
Ramazan. Hence women’s music may have played a distinctive part in the
family celebration of this important festival. This passage also demonstrates
that Farewell appreciated this music, and understood that it required skill.
However, these were arguably not the points Farewell wanted to make with
this anecdote. His use of Old Testament language to identify this music
suggests he thought that European and Indian Muslim culture had a common
Biblical origin. One of the main consequences of contact with non-Christian
cultures was to enhance European awareness of the huge amount of diversity
between human societies (Rubiés 1995:38–9). The Church’s traditional
understanding of diversity was based on a literal interpretation of Genesis, an
understanding which was challenged during the Renaissance by a growing
number of sceptics, who questioned the logic and inerrancy of the Genesis
account. Differences and similarities between various cultures were used by
proponents of both positions to challenge or defend the traditional view that all
societies had originated in Eden, and subsequently degenerated. It was therefore
common to compare newly discovered cultures with the Old Testament
(Hodgen 1964:230–68). Farewell, a devout Christian, might have been
implying that because the Islamic music he heard was similar (in his mind) to
the music described by David in the Psalms, this was definitive musical
evidence for the literal truth of the Biblical view of human diversity.
John Fryer (1672–81), on the other hand, although also a Christian
(1909–15:xxxii), was representative of the new scientific community. 11 This
extract, written more than seventy years later, comes from a section of his
journal which attempted to arrange the various sciences of the Indians, and
describe them objectively using straightforward language:
11 John Fryer became a member of the Royal Society in 1697 (first established in 1662). xxx
8 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Figure 1 The genus of Man divided into two species by Linnaeus, the father of botany,
in the System of nature, 1735. Linnaeus’ system of classification builds on the
foundation of late seventeenth-century systems, such as Dr Petty’s Scale of creatures
(1670s), and the observations of travel writers (Hodgen 1964:422–5).
12 The word “waytes [waits]” in this context most likely refers to the bands of shawms and
sackbuts (and possibly other instruments such as viols and recorders) employed by civic
corporations such as the East India Companies, mainly for processional/heraldic purposes. It
may also refer to the distinctive “signature tunes” played by these bands (Sadie 1980:154–5).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 9
Indian music as an abstract object of scientific enquiry, with its own internal
logic that he was able to recognize, but not understand. He had therefore
progressed from Farewell’s recognition of its uniqueness, to being able to put
Indian music on a seemingly equal footing with European music by admitting
their mutual incomprehensibility.
However, in context this also served to stress Indian inferiority, by
emphasizing their absolute otherness to the European observer, who
simultaneously claimed omniscience concerning Indian likes and dislikes.
Fryer’s journal generally displays utter contempt for the Indian people, despite
his appreciation of their scientific achievements. He regarded the Indian
merchants of Surat, for example, as “the absolute Map of Sordidness … Lying,
Dissembling, Cheating, are their Masterpiece”, and equated them with fleas
(1909–15:212). Hodgen argues that some supporters of the scientific
worldview, lacking the belief in a common human descent from Adam, were
increasingly willing to classify non-Europeans as superior animals rather than
humans (1964:408; also Rubiés 1995:37) (see Figure 1 for an early eighteenth
century example of this). John Ovington, for example, travelling in India and
Africa from 1689, regarded the Hottentots as “the very Reverse of Human
Kind, Cousin German to the Helachors [Indian untouchables] … so that if there
is any medium between a Rational Animal and a Beaste, the Hotantot lays
fairest claim to the Species” (in Hodgen 1964:422). 13 While it was probably
coincidental, it is interesting that this attitude became more prevalent at the
same time as the travel literature began to reflect a growing fear of a Mughal
threat to the increasing power of Europe in India, and a desire to strengthen ties
with European interests (see Figure 2 for an example of a classificatory system
tailored for an imperialistic mindset). The main way in which the latter was
demonstrated, however, was in the travellers’ choice of subject matter.
13 Classifications of humankind into more than one species were being published, using
travellers’ tales as evidence, from at least the 1670s (Hodgen 1964:422).
10 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
14 According to the A’in-i-Akbari, ‘Abul Fazl’s chronicle of Akbar’s reign (1556–1605), the
naubat ensemble consisted of 18 pairs of large kettle-drums (kuwarga or damâma), 20 pairs
of small kettle-drums (naqqâra), 4 barrel-shaped drums (duhul), 3 pairs of cymbals (sânj), 4
metal trumpets (karnâ), an unspecified number of Persian, European and Indian trumpets
(nafir), 2 curved trumpets (sing), and 9 reed instruments (surnâ) (Wade 1995:98).
15 See Wade (1995) and (1998), Chapters One and Six.
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 11
Musical rivalry
Judging by the frequency with which the Indo-Persian authors mentioned the
naubat as a symbol of imperial might and victory in battle, the Mughals were
fully aware of the implications of power contained in this particular use of
music. Taken with the Emperor wherever he went, the naubat was allocated its
own room situated prominently at the entrance to the imperial fortress or camp
(Wade 1998:5). In addition, as representatives of the Emperor, regional
governors were provided with their own set of instruments as a sign of delegated
authority (Bruton 1812:262), which were used in maintaining law and order
(Fryer 1909–15:246). The granting of the kettle-drum (naqqâra) represented the
particular favour of the Emperor, and was bestowed only by his express
command (for example Khafi Khan 1977:57; Nagar 1978:94). In a letter to one
of his sons, Aurangzeb demonstrated an almost superstitious belief in the link
between the naqqâra and the inheritance of imperial qualities: “Issue an order
that the drum of victory will be beaten in your own name. You may remember
the words uttered by you in your childhood ‘Babaji, dhun, dhun’” (1972:45).
The Mughal general Mirza Nathan, 17 himself a recipient of the imperial kettle-
drum, described at length a struggle for precedence between himself and
Mukarram Khan, the commander-in-chief of the army. While Mukarram Khan
was legally entitled to sound drums and trumpets to announce the start of the
march, he had not himself been personally favoured by the Emperor. Mirza
Nathan therefore demanded that honour. It appears from Nathan’s account that
all parties involved in the dispute were aware that this battle was a metaphorical
power struggle between the protagonists (1936:224–8).
In the first part of the century, the travel writers were certainly impressed
by the grandeur and symbolic might of the naubat:
16 Although Shah Jahan expelled the Portuguese from Hughli in 1631, the Dutch, English
and French quickly replaced them (Richards 1993:202).
17 Mainly during the reign of Jahangir, but also under Shah Jahan.
12 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
18 In this context, Bernier is referring to the karnâ, a large brass trumpet (1891:260).
Hautboy in descriptions of the naubat often refers not to the wooden shawm (shenai or
surnâ) as would be expected, but to the karnâ, mainly because of its similar shape to the
European hautboy (Brown, 1999:16–17).
19 “Our three nations [English, Dutch and French] resolved not to send him any more
presents, nor to visit him, nor show him any courtesy” (Carré 1947:149).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 13
be permitted to display and sound English military symbols in his state visit to
the Grand Wazir, Asad Khan. In correspondence conducted via the Wazir’s
Secretary, Norris stipulated that he must be attended by his own kettle-drums
and trumpets. This request was refused. Furious, Norris replied that the
Mughals were ignorant of the honour and respect due to him, as he was subject
only to the King of England. Asad Khan pointed out that even the Emperor’s
sons were not permitted to sound the drums. This matter was never resolved,
and Norris left without visiting Asad Khan, instead going directly to the
Emperor’s camp (Das 1959:270–4). An astute and culturally sensitive diplomat,
it is difficult to believe that Norris was not aware of the potential offence of his
stand. There are numerous descriptions of Norris adopting Mughal customs in
order to please his host country (136), even celebrating the birthday of King
William III in Mughal style (174). Moreover, in an earlier incident Norris
showed that he was fully aware that he had been accorded a higher status than
the Dutch Chief when he cunningly negotiated permission for his military band
to attend him on a visit to Nawab Mahdi Khan (150–1). These battles over
musical symbols can be construed as being symptomatic of the growing power
of Europe in India and the consequent rise in tension.
Musical rapprochement
Musical encounter between Europeans and Indians was not always conflictual,
especially in the first half of the century. It must be remembered that the
number of Europeans in India was still relatively small throughout the century.
However, their numerical strength was arguably outweighed by their influence
as a comparatively wealthy and potentially powerful elite. There are numerous
appreciative descriptions of musicians and instruments in the context of
wedding processions, religious festivals, funerals, temples and especially court
entertainments. Skilled courtesans and accompanists in particular appear
frequently in the travel literature, suggesting that the Indian elites used them as
well as the naubat to impress their guests. Even a traveller as ill-disposed
towards the Indians as Abbé Carré (1672–4) was able to appreciate this music:
[After supper] a troop of instrument-players then entered, and sat down
in a corner of the room, while at the same time came a dozen of
courtesans … Their agility and charm, the rhythm of their voices, and
their skill in showing their passions by their gestures, were all absolutely
perfect. They were really wonderful, and were much applauded by the
guests and praised by the Governor [of Hukeri, Bijapur].
(Carré 1947:232)
The European ambassadors often returned the musical compliment of their
Muslim hosts. To entertain the Persian Governor of “Schamachie” in 1637,
Adam Olearius (1636–8) provided a violinist, a bass viol player, and a singer.
The Governor was apparently “so taken therewith, that he importuned the
Ambassadors to go & sup with him at the castle, and to bring their Musick
14 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
This passage demonstrates that some of the European residents of India, with
their wealth and perceived status, were fulfilling a social role in India approaching
in importance that of a noted connoisseur of music such as ‘Adil Shah of
Bijapur. Furthermore, by mentioning the musician’s skilfulness “according to
the mode of the country” and comparing the music of a royal employee with
that of the “common Indians”, 21 it indicates that they were clearly capable of
discriminating between different genres and statuses of Indian music.
This appreciation of foreign music extended further to the patronage of
European musicians by the Indian elites (for example Woodfield 1990:48, 56).
In Norris’s dealings with Aurangzeb, the English ambassador used as a
20 Della Valle also records being entertained by Indian musicians, specifically women
dancers, in Persia (1989:206). It is important to note that out of a population of 500,000 in
Esfahan in the 1630s, 12,000 or 2.5% were Indians, according to Olearius (1669:200). This
would have been a substantial community, and given that they were mostly traders (della
Valle 1989:128), they would certainly have had the means to maintain a number of
musicians. Given also that there was still a large and influential Persian community in India,
especially in the Deccan, I would suggest that some sort of dynamic musical rapprochement
between the Persian and Indian communities continued well into the seventeenth century. It
is likely that contact between Persian and Indian musicians was reduced from the 1640s
when relations between India and Persia soured (Ahmad 1964:40).
21 This comment about the “strident music” of the “common Indians” refers to an earlier
incident: “after nightfall that evening, we heard music at home, provided by some
Mohammedan women singers and dancers … their music, being so loud, was distasteful
rather than delightful” (della Valle 1989:224).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 15
22 It is a little difficult to determine in context whether these musicians were in fact Indian,
as the passage follows on from a description of the Christians in Golconda, who were
apparently “mostly Portuguese”. However, Carré seems to have regarded Goa as part of
Portugal, and therefore all Goans as Portuguese; hence the musicians “finding nothing to
attract them in their own country [i.e. Goa/Europe], they visit the oriental courts [i.e.
Golconda/India]” (350). Moreover, he pointed out that the musicians were originally from
Kanara, not Goa, and he certainly did not refer to the musicians as being European. On the
contrary, he refused to “grant them a favour for one of their own countrymen … the
miserable Canarin, who had occasioned such a turmoil by abandoning my baggage” (351).
Lach and van Kley argue that Hindus who converted to Christianity through the Portuguese
were regarded by other Indians as Parangis – foreigners – and especially as Portuguese
(1993:150). I have thus surmised that the musicians were Indian.
16 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Whether or not the music performed by the “poor Christians from Kanara”
was recognizably European in style, the import of Carré’s musical anecdote
seems clear. In his eyes, it was unacceptable for Indians to attempt to perform
European music. Presumably many Europeans disagreed with this – the Dutch
patrons of the musicians, for example. However, Carré’s antagonism towards
this music and its performers suggests that musical interaction between Indians
and Europeans in the last quarter of the seventeenth century was at the very
least controversial. I would further suggest that his jeering indicated a fear of
blurring the distinction between the two communities. This tension between
curiosity about and enthusiasm for Indian culture, and the need to bolster a
sense of identification with European interests, became a more strident theme in
the portrayal of Indian women musicians.
seem to treat them as little more than metaphors for wealth or celebration. It is
perhaps surprising therefore that they should be so prominent, compared with
male musicians, in the European travel literature. From the travellers’
observations, it seems that female dancers and musicians performed extensively
in public throughout the seventeenth century. In fact, it may be that for
Europeans, women performers formed the main point of close encounter with
Indian culture. However, we need to be very careful that we do not place too
much importance on the role of women musicians in Mughal society on the
basis of the frequency of their appearance in the travel literature. Suleri argues
that the European “will to cultural description” was in fact an attempt to control
the threat of India to European identity (1992:7). This can be seen in the
ambivalent portrayal of the woman musician or dancer in travel-writing. On
one hand, she was the subject of detailed, often admiring, observation. On the
other, the writers were often repelled by her, regarding her almost invariably as
a whore from whom they needed aggressively to distance themselves. This
extreme reaction to the female Indian musician may partially have been caused
by a fear of her symbolic power to subvert the dominant position of the
observer and to threaten his identity (Suleri 1992:2–6) – firstly as a woman, and
secondly as a symbol of India.
There are a number of stories about forbidden love for dancing girls in the Indo-
Persian chronicles (Wade 1998:84–6) which corroborate the suggestion here
that the Mughals perceived it to be scandalous to actually marry a practising
courtesan.
The dancing girl’s controversial status may have led Aurangzeb to decree
that all “dancing-women” must give up music and marry, according to the
account of Niccolao Manucci (1653–1708). This story forms part of perhaps the
most famous musical anecdote of the seventeenth century. According to
Manucci’s version, Aurangzeb, being a sternly devout Muslim, ordered that all
music be banned throughout the Empire. In protest, “one thousand” musicians
organized a funeral procession for Music. “Report was made to the king, who
quite calmly remarked that they should pray for the soul of Music, and see that
she was thoroughly well buried” (1907: vol. ii, 8). According to Khafi Khan in
the Muntakhab-al-Lubab, the banning of music was decreed in the tenth regnal
year, i.e. c. 1668, while others (e.g. Wade 1998:187) suggest the ban occurred
some time after this. The usual interpretation – that “the prohibition against
music applied to all” for the duration of Aurangzeb’s reign (Wade 1998:187) – is
naïve according to Delvoye (1994:117–18). Manucci and Khafi Khan were both
23 I will use the term “courtesan” in this paper to refer to women who provided both musical
and sexual entertainment; all other terms, such as “women musicians” I will use inclusively
to cover both those who were courtesans and those who were not. The term “prostitute” I
would usually construe as referring to women who derive their main income from sexual
entertainment – in the minds of the travellers, a woman’s musicianship alone might warrant
her such a (pejorative) label.
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 19
fiercely antagonistic towards Aurangzeb. That some sort of ban occurred seems
the most reasonable explanation of the number of times this anecdote is
repeated. However, according to Khafi Khan’s own account, the ban was very
inefficiently policed, and does not seem to have lasted long (Lari “Azad”
1990:210). Although I do not have space to present a full rebuttal, my contention
is that Aurangzeb withdrew only his personal patronage of music for religious
reasons (although this would have had important symbolic significance).24
Confusingly, Manucci himself later described in great detail the role of
women musicians and dancers in the imperial court after the supposed ban
(1907: vol. ii, 336). The most likely explanation of this apparent contradiction is
that the women who performed inside Aurangzeb’s harem and outside it were
functionally distinct, maintaining the separation of domestic/female and public /
male spheres. Despite Wade’s assertion that female dancers customarily “crossed
the gender boundaries” (1998:84), there is considerable evidence to suggest that
this role was ordinarily confined to a particular caste of female musician, the
domni, who was not a sexual entertainer, who entered the public, male sphere
from the female sphere and not vice versa, and even then only at specific times
of celebration involving both sexes, such as weddings and birth festivities.
François Bernier (1656–68) suggested that:
Shah Jahan … transgressed the bounds of decency in admitting at those
times [birthday weighing] into the seraglio singing and dancing girls
called Kenchens … Aurang-Zebe is more serious than his father; he
forbids the Kenchens to enter the seraglio; but complying with long
established usage, does not object to their coming every Wednesday to
the Am-Kas [throne room].
(Bernier 1891:273–4)
24 This is the interpretation offered by the Mughal historian Bakhta’war Khan in the Mir-A’t-i
’Alam (Elliott and Dowson 1877:157–8); it is interesting also that one of Aurangzeb’s own
sons, Mohammed ‘Azam Shah, was famous for his musicianship (KBOPL 1977: vol. xiii,
no. 690), and that his long-standing Grand Wazir, Asad Khan, was also a noted music-lover
(Khan 1911:279). I intend to argue this subject at length in forthcoming work.
25 Courtesans from Delhi and the Panjab. Kanchani are still active in the Panjab as
courtesans today (Manuel 1989:48).
20 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
26 These would appear to be the musicians referred to by Jahangir above, and their name
(Persian meaning “public singer”) suggests they performed music primarily in the public
(masculine) sphere, and almost certainly provided sexual entertainment as well. It is less likely
that they were in fact incumbents of the harem, with Jahangir ignoring the conventions.
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 21
himself with wine, which he drank at the insistence of the said dancing
girl. The dancer died, and Aurangzeb made a vow never to drink wine
again nor to listen to music. 27
(1907: vol. iii, 231)
Manucci in fact used his description of the women musicians in the zanana
deliberately to make the point that “their only occupation, outside the duties of
their office, [is] lewdness” (1907: vol. ii, 336). Many other observations were
unreservedly prurient:
[In Shahjahanabad there] is a Maumetan College for whores, with four
hundred Prostitutes as professors, who carry on the infamous practices
enjoined by their obscene Alcoran [Qur’ân!], also performing as
singers and dancers for the recreation and enjoyment of that Maumetan
barbarity [the Mughal court].
(Manrique 1926–7:161)
This seems explicitly designed not just to denounce the weakness of the
Mughal rulers, but in addition to associate Muslim government and law with
lasciviousness and decadence. Thus, by the first half of the seventeenth century
the figure of the woman musician began to represent the essence of Muslim
India in European thought.28
27 This anecdote most probably refers to the courtesan Hira Bai “Zainabadi”, with whom
Aurangzeb fell in love when they met in Burhanpur in 1653. It seems she died nine months
later (Sarkar 1912:170–1). Manucci’s inclusion of this piece of gossip – to explain Aurangzeb’s
supposed antipathy towards music – is clearly misleading, as there is independent evidence of
Aurangzeb listening to music long after this event took place (see notes 5 and 20).
28 See also Farrell (1997).
22 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
obvious target for an attempt to contain the Oriental threat by describing her
and dismissing her via the medium of travel literature.
The female musician was clearly an enticing character for the European
traveller. In a number of journals, the frustration caused by the lack of access to
the forbidden pleasures of the harem is evident in the language used to refer to
the music of other men’s wives:
I have been ravished in those silent seasons with the sweet echo, or
reflection thereof from a fair distance, and kept waking hours together,
listening to them, anticipating (in my desires) the new moons, which
they constantly thus celebrate [see p.12 of this article].
(Farewell 1971:41)
The public courtesan, on the other hand, resident “in every Town”
(Navarette 1960–2:319), and patronized by Europeans, Indian merchants (Das
Jain 1981:12), independent rulers (Carré 1947:232), and lesser servants of the
Mughal Empire (Nathan 1936:626), must have provided much more blatant
proof of “Maumetan sensuality and wickedness” (Manrique 1926–7:219). The
fact that she was fully on display meant that the writers could describe her and
“possess” her (Teltscher 1997:38) in obsessive detail. However, many accounts
demonstrated a degree of awkwardness about the encounter. In some cases, this
appears to have been due to a particular traveller’s professional status:
As an agreeable and cheering form of dessert to this feast, twelve
dancing girls now came in, whose lascivious and suggestive dress,
immodest behaviour and posturing, were suited to Maumetan
sensuality and wickedness … [A] pretext served to excuse me from
joining those Maumetan feasts where, in some of them one witnesses
sights little suited to Christians, and still less to priests.
(Manrique 1926–7:219, 222)
contradicts her conclusion, observing that Indian dancers in Persia used both
ankle-bells and castanets at the same time. While this may have been a specific
response to the exigencies of having to earn a living in a foreign country, it is
conceivable that these musicians would have transported this synthesized form
of dance back to India. Another example of the increasing synthesis of
Persianate and Indian culture was in the decreasing popularity at Muslim
celebrations of the Persian songs of the “Lolonies” described by Pelsaert in the
1620s, and the heightened desirability of the Hindustani songs of the domni.
From the European travellers we learn something about the social customs
and status of courtesans. A number of journals observed that certain castes,
rather than being paid by the local ruler, were obliged to “pay him a yearly tax,
which they extract from others who wish to employ them” (Carré 1947:232).
Courtesans were clearly important to the local economy on a wider scale. Jean-
Baptiste Tavernier (1641–67) observed that the Shah of Golconda allowed
courtesans to remain in the city at least partially because the popular drink
associated with their entertainments, târî, was subject to a large tax from which
the Shah derived considerable revenue (1925:128). Certain castes of courtesans,
in particular kanchani, also received payment from the Emperor (Aurangzeb)
for their performances (Manucci 1907: vol. i, 189), and did not necessarily
engage in extra-musical activities (Navarette 1960–2:319).
There are a number of invaluable detailed descriptions of women musicians
during celebratory events, including instruments, dance movements, costume,
and setting. Tavernier, for example, wrote that the courtesans in the service of
the Shah of Golconda:
have so much suppleness and are so agile that when the King who
reigns at present wished to visit Masulipatam, nine of them very
cleverly represented the form of an elephant, four making the four feet,
four others the body, and one the trunk, and the King, mounted above
on a kind of throne, in that way made his entry into the town.
(Tavernier 1925:128)
31 It is important to note that this sketch may not have been taken from life (Mundy
1909–36: vol. i, 4)
32 This is being played standing up, hanging around the neck of the drummer. It is most
likely that the barrel-shaped drum mentioned so frequently in the travel accounts is the
pakhâwaj; for example “The Indian Timbrels are two foot long, but broader in the middle
than at the extremities, much after the fashion of our Barrels. They hang them around their
Necks, and play on them with their fingers” (Olearius 1669:206).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 25
from the Diapason, the musicians and dancers sing in unison. According to the
Concise Oxford Dictionary, the secondary definition of diapason is “a fixed
standard of musical pitch”. In other words, it is probable that the Diapason is a
drone instrument. While Wade extrapolates from Mughal miniatures the
widespread use of a pitch referent by the reign of Shah Jahan, she offers no
documentary evidence to support her conclusions (1998:195–8). If I have
interpreted Mundy correctly, this is one of the earliest known pieces of written
evidence for the use of the drone in Indian music. 33
Conclusions
In this study of Indian music seen through European eyes in the seventeenth
century, I have argued that stories were constructed around Indian music as part
of a European attempt to understand their place in the world. Because of this, it
is necessary to question the ethnographic assumptions of the travellers in order
for our own (re)constructions of Indian music history to relate meaningfully to
the musical reality of the period. Attracted by the country he encountered, and
afraid of the threat it represented, the traveller chose to describe the naubat and
the female musician in his musical stories, both public musical representatives
of Mughal wealth and power. Stories about music could be used to assert the
cultural and political superiority of Europeans, and the vast distance that lay
between them and the Indians. On the other hand, both the Indians and
Europeans used music to impress one another, and thus music could be a
metaphor for mutual appreciation and the mingling of cultures. Eventually,
India would itself become symbolized by music, as the exotic figure of the
Oriental dancing girl.
Taken as a whole, the travel literature also tells us a great deal about the
instruments used in the naubat ensemble and to accompany women musicians,
including construction, sound, the context and content of performance, and
their reception. They also reveal valuable information about the social status
and economic importance of courtesans, and especially the existence,
popularity and functions of different castes of female musicians and dancers. It
would seem that the patronage of Indian musicians by Europeans and vice versa
was widespread, and that Indian musicians at least began to play European
instruments, possibly even developing hybrid styles. On the other hand, Indian
instruments were adopted into the military bands of the Europeans, which were
used in Mughal style. The travel literature also provides documentary evidence
of the continuing contact between Indian and Persian musicians, especially in
Esfahan. Moreover, it also confirms that music continued to be important in the
33 It may be the earliest known so far from any source, Sanskrit, Persian or European.
According to John Greig in his study of Sanskrit and Persian treatises from the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, “At no time is a drone mentioned anywhere in theoretical treatises on
music, and, in fact, there is no indigenous word to describe the phenomenon” (1987:16–17).
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 27
The travellers
Unless otherwise stated, the information presented here is taken from editors’
introductions to the travel journals, and the travellers’ own writings. Dates in
round brackets indicate the duration of their travels in India; those in square
brackets indicate the date of first publication.
François Bernier (1656–68) [1670–1] was a French physician, intellectual,
and independent traveller, and a disciple of the philosopher Pierre Gassendi. In
India he was employed by Dara Shikoh as his private physician, and then by
Aurangzeb’s secretary of state for foreign affairs, Danishmand Khan, to instruct
him on philosophical and political developments in Europe. Bernier’s journal,
almost certainly written up on his return from India, is one of the most
important of the entire century, but is of marginal relevance to musicological
study. According to Teltscher, many of his observations were designed to
influence the internal policies of Louis XIV. She argues that his mistaken ideas
about Mughal land policies influenced the theories of oriental despotism
propounded by Karl Marx and others. He was also largely responsible for
turning Aurangzeb and Dara Shikoh into “villain” and “hero” stereotypes in the
European imagination (1997:28–34).
William Bruton (1630–7/8) [1638] was a quartermaster with the English East
India Company in Bengal. His sole claim to musicological fame was his statement
that the Indians “play most delicately out of Tune, Time and Measure” (1812:261)!
Abbé Carré (1672–4) [1699], the son of a French nobleman, was sent to India
not in his professional capacity as a priest, but as a spy on the new French East
India Company. He spoke Latin, Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Arabic,
Persian and Urdu fluently, and probably Dutch and English as well. His factual
28 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
was greatly respected by the Chinese for his understanding of their culture and
his humble and humane nature. Although he was dogmatic in his religious
beliefs, he was rarely patronizing, and had a great deal of respect for the Indians
he met on his brief visit. His travels were written up as part of a longer
polemical work in Madrid, based on notes made previously. There is apparently
a constant undercurrent of censure towards what Navarette saw as royal
anarchy in Spain, which is often unfavourably compared with Asia.
Sir William Norris (1699–1702) [1959] was an English aristocrat, a classicist
who, as a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge from 1681, was the envoy
between the University and the King. He became MP for Liverpool in 1695 and
was sent by King William III as ambassador to Aurangzeb in order to secure
more favourable trading conditions for English merchants, a task in which he
failed. The 1959 publication is in fact a twentieth-century analysis of William
Norris’s letters and journal by Harihara Das, with extensive quotations from the
original sources. Norris’s writing is complex; although he is sometimes
contemptuous of aspects of Mughal life and policy, he is culturally sensitive
and often appreciative of Mughal culture.
Adam Olearius (1636–7) [1645] was the librarian and mathematician of
Frederick, Duke of Holstein, and was the secretary of the Duke’s embassy to the
King of Persia. He never went to India, but his excellent descriptions of Indian
musicians in Persia, and the Persian musical context, are important.
John Ovington (1689–92/3) [1696] was ordained as a priest in the Church of
England after completing his education at Dublin and Cambridge, and took up a
casual post as chaplain to the English East India Company. He seems also to
have been a proponent of the new natural sciences. Ovington’s travels in India
were confined to Bombay and Surat, and his writings on things he had not
experienced were heavily criticized by more experienced travellers. His
account, which was paid for and approved by the Company, was compiled and
published on his return.
Francisco Pelsaert (1620–7) [1627?] was a low-grade merchant in the Dutch
East India Company who rose to become senior factor in Agra. His journal was
compiled as a commercial report towards the end of his stay, possibly going
through two versions, and was not intended for a popular audience. However, the
cultural information it contains, based on extensive travel and personal contact
with Indians, is substantial. Two thirds of the report were published by the uncle
of Jean de Thevenot, and extensively quoted by other travellers at the time.
Sir Thomas Roe (1615–19) [1625] was a courtier of Elizabeth I, and MP for
Tamworth, becoming the ambassador of James I and the English East India
Company to Jahangir. As Indian music is almost entirely absent from his
narrative, this journal is of only marginal relevance to this article.
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1640–67) [1676–7] was a Franco-Belgian jewel
merchant whose uncle and brother were distinguished cartographers. Although
he was widely travelled and spoke many European languages, he is not known
to have spoken any Indian languages, and he was not as well educated as some
of the other independent travellers such as Bernier, who was at one stage his
BROWN Reading Indian music: 17th-century European travel-writing and the (re)construction of Indian music 31
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34 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Introduction
From the very beginning of the Islamic Revolution of 1979 up to the present
time, music has been the subject of fierce political and religious debate in Iran.
Its legal and social status has constantly been changing and continues to do so,
and it is still the object of various restrictions and threats because of its alleged
powers of seduction and corruption (see below).
Twenty years after the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Iran remains
the location of struggles between various socio-religious tendencies, even
among the highest authorities of the country. These conflicts naturally affect
music, and the organizations in charge of representing and supervising it. Thus,
even a powerful government organization such as the Vezârat-e farhang va
1 The article is a result of investigations made in Tehran and northern Khorasan from 1987 to
1997, within the framework of my research on the bards (bakhshi) of Iranian Khorasan
(Youssefzadeh 1997; see Figure 3). It is also based on conversations with musicians and
members of the official organizations concerned with music during field-trips to Tehran in
1999 and 2000.
2 For example, in 1995 a poetry evening (Shab-e she’r) was organized in Qûchân, a city in
north Khorasan, where Kurdish poets and musicians from Khorasan were to appear. The
Qûchân Ershâd had supported the event, yet the performance was interrupted by the Friday
imâm (imâm-e jom’e – the priest in charge of the Friday prayer), who remarked: “I don’t see
such a crowd during the prayer”.
3 Ali Naqi Vaziri (1266/1874 – 1358/1979) established a conservatory to train musicians in
Persian music as well as Western music and adapted Western staff notation to Persian music.
He wrote countless compositions using Iranian melodies harmonized in a Western style. For
further information on Vaziri, see Mir ‘Alinaqi 1998.
4 “Radio and Television” is used in this article as a translation of “Sedâ va simâ-ye jomhuri-
ye eslâmi” (literally, Sound and Image of the Islamic Republic), the Iranian national
broadcasting organization.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 37
considered as one of the many reasons for the violent reaction of the 1979
revolution and its “back to our roots” movement.
Ayatollah Khomeini himself had already criticized this Westernization back
in 1964 (prior to his exile). He had indeed denounced the Radio and Television
programmes as issuing “from a colonized culture” (este’mâri) and producing “a
colonized youth” (“Enqelâb-e eslâmi va eshâ’e-ye farhang-e isâr va shahâdat”
in the daily newspaper Ettelâ’ât, 3 February 2000/1378). 5 Virulently
condemning the influence of “the culture of foreigners” (farhang-e bigânegân)
in Iran, he insisted on the need for a “cultural reconstruction” (nowsâzi-ye
farhangi), pointing out, for example, that “the road to reform in a country goes
through its culture, so one has to start out with a cultural reform.”
At the same time, both traditional and regional music aroused fresh interest.
Thus the year 1971 marked the creation of the Markaz-e hefz o eshâ’ye musiqi-e
sonnati (Centre for the Preservation and Propagation of Traditional Music),
which to a great extent relied on Iranian National Television, itself a leading
vehicle for the propogation of traditional Iranian music in the 1970s. 6 This
same institution followed the initiative of Fozieh Majd, a composer and
musicologist, in financing various expeditions throughout the country to make
recordings of regional music. This led to the founding, in 1972, of a group
entitled Collection and Knowledge of Regional Music (Gerdâvari va shenâkht-e
musiqi-e mahali). The group carried out 13 trips into various regions, until the
revolution put an end to their activities. More than 500 tapes were thus recorded
– all of them of excellent quality. These recordings are at present kept under
close watch in the Radio and Television building, and nobody has access to
them. Although they are still among the archives, they are inaccessible to
researchers and amateurs alike.
It should also be added that the music of various regions of Iran continued
to be played in numerous festivals, such as those of Shiraz and Tus. Festivals
were organized in Shiraz and Tus before the Islamic Revolution by the Ministry
of Culture and Arts and the Ministry of Information, with the technical co-
operation of the National Television, under the patronage of the Empress of
Iran. The Shiraz Festival presented not only invited traditional and regional
Iranian musicians, but also great world masters of traditional music (such as the
Indian musicians Bismillah Khan and Ali Akbar Khan), as well as Western
composers (John Cage, Karlheinz Stockhausen, etc.), and famous European
conductors (H. von Karajan, etc.).
5 Although Iran was never actually colonized, Russian and English influences made
themselves felt in the nineteenth century, to be replaced in the twentieth century, under the
Pahlavis, by a strong American influence. See Avery 1967; Digard, Hourcade and Richard
1996.
6 It still depends on the Radio and Television. After the departure, in 1980, of its director D.
Safvat, it went through several hands and is now headed by D. Ganji (a former pupil of Markaz).
38 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
The Revolution
From the very outset of the Islamic Revolution, the situation of music went
through a radical change. Indeed, the official position of the regime, following
Ayatollah Khomeini as its major authority, was unmistakable:
… music is like a drug, whoever acquires the habit can no longer
devote himself to important activities. It changes people to the point of
yielding to vice or to preoccupations pertaining to the world of music
alone. We must eliminate music because it means betraying our
country and our youth. We must completely eliminate it.
(“Radio and Television must strengthen the young”, Keyhân, 1 mordad 1358/1979)
7 Personal communication, 1994. The reason he gives for having stopped playing is as
follows: “Twenty years ago, I returned from a wedding, and having made a pilgrimage to
Mecca, a sheikh [mollâ] told me that my instrument was cursed, that I myself was cursed. So
I threw my instrument into a corner and didn’t touch it for ten years. Then two other seyyed
assured me that my music was a gift from heaven and that they were convinced that my
instrument was to be found in the home of the prophets. They themselves placed my dotâr
[lute with a long neck and two strings], which was hanging on the wall, into my hands and
ordered me to play.”
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 39
imported from Los Angeles to the words of classical poets such as Hafiz, Saadi
and Rumi.
This market is flourishing to such an extent that some of its products are
being exported. According to Morâdkhâni, the Director of Ershâd,
This kind of music nowadays exists in Iran. It caters to the needs of
young people, but does not require our financial or economic aid
(hemâyat). We have to let it exist, while at the same time preventing it
from becoming too repetitive. Some people indeed believe that the
repetition of tunes is liable to discourage the young and plunge them
into a melancholy mood. That is why we have to watch this production.
As for what people do in private, we are not responsible for it; it’s for
them to decide what they want to hear.
(Personal interview, February 2000)
Such speeches are a great novelty. In terms of the new and more liberal
policy of Dr Mohâjerâni, the Minister of Culture, they certainly reflect the
preoccupations of the leaders, confronted as they are with a country in which
more than 60% of the population are under the age of 20.
In a different field – namely the official teaching of Western classical music
in the universities – knowledge of traditional Iranian music is no longer
required, as it used to be, for the entrance exam in the musical department in
Tehran. Since 1999, Western classical music is again included in the syllabus,
and forms the subject of a separate exam. The third year of studies today
includes courses in Western composition (personal conversation with M. Kiâni,
director of musical studies at Tehran University, February 2000).
Guide of the Revolution, has declared: “Music has to serve mankind to attain
supreme objectives and lead to a pure and humane life. It is an art, a divine
creation that has to be used in the interest of humanity. When applying it, we
must make sure that we are on the right track” (Ahang 9, 1374/1996. This
publication is the official brochure for the Fajr Festival).
Khoshru (former Assistant Director of Arts at the Ershâd) states:
Music exercises an undeniable influence on people. It can provide the
deepest emotions and, as a result, strengthen each person’s moral
beliefs. But by its very power, it can also become dangerous and
exercise an evil influence by changing its original nature. So among all
art forms, music is the one to which most attention must be paid and
which has to be most closely watched and controlled. The only kind of
music that can lead to transcendence is the one that is based both on
science and lofty ideas and on the virtuous feelings of mankind.
Ennobling music must be endowed with musical technique and high
ideals. It must strive to attain a lofty aim and be the product of a
cultural and artistic community scrupulously attached to morality. It
must kindle the deepest human emotions and stimulate men to respect
and honour their moral principles. In short, it must be connected with
the noblest of human cultures.
(Khoshru 1996)
As we have seen, the country’s cultural policy has evolved and is now
determined “to preserve the heritage and culture of the various regions of Iran”.
Therefore, organizers and overseers of cultural events purport to legitimize
music by reinforcing its moral and national character. Thus musical festivals,
which I shall discuss below, were placed under the following directives:
“Development of spiritual culture” (E’telâ-ye farhang-e ma’navi) and
“Recognition of national identity” (Shenâsâ’i-e hoviyat-e melli). Others are
described by the slogan “Preservation of [these musical cultures] to support and
uphold the national culture”.
42 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
10 Persian-speaking people occupy the centre of the Iranian plateau, while the others
generally live on the circumference (see map, Figure 3). Most Iranians speak Iranian
languages. This is true of the Kurds, the Baluchis, the Lors and the Caspian populations
(Gilaki and Mâzandarani), and of course of the Persians. Nevertheless, Turkic-speaking
people (Turkomans, Qashqâ’is and especially Azeris – at least 25% of the population)
occupy a very important place in Iranian history, since for many centuries Iran was ruled by
sovereigns of Turkic origin. See Digard, Hourcade and Richard 1996:13.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 43
11 These musicians include the Khorassani bard Hâj Qorban Soleymâni, and also Shir
Mohammad Espandâr from Baluchistan, a famous player of the doneli (a double duct flute).
This practice actually dates back to the years prior to the revolution. For example, the Centre
for the Preservation and Propagation of Traditional Music paid a salary to old musicians of
various regions (interviews with the musicians themselves and with F. Majd).
44 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
12 This name was originally used during the last years of the former regime by the Radio and
Television.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 45
J jadid (new)
M mellal (nations); meaning in this case world music (essentially Muslim)
K kelâsik-e gharb (classical Western music)
P pop
This classifying system is in fact the responsibility of Kiâni.13 He
explained that Morâdkhâni had asked him, five years earlier, to describe the
types of recordings, the volume of which continued growing (interview,
February 2000). The Ershâd wanted “the buyers to know what they were
acquiring”. He added that category J (for jadid) was a later addition to the list,
and that T (standing for taghyir karde, i.e. modified music) was sometimes
understood by certain editors as an an abbreviation of tejârati (commercial).
For instance, the recordings of Alizadeh,14 who is considered both as a follower
and as an innovator of traditional music, used to be labelled T, but had now
acquired the letter J.
Numbers 1 to 4 serve to describe the quality (keyfiyat) of the product
(recording, presentation, etc.), with 1 ranking highest. Morâdkhâni explained:
“It may happen that a master is ranked no. 2: his work is of high quality, but the
recording on the whole is poor. We would have preferred not to make such
judgements, but they are unfortunately necessary” (interviews, 1996, 1999).
This classification is the responsibility of the Council of Evaluation of
Music (Shorâ-ye karshenâsi-ye musiqi), dependent on the Ershâd and
consisting of professional musicians such as Davud Ganje’i,15 Abdol-Majid
Kiâni, Razavi Sarvestâni16 and Roshanravân.17 The members of this council
are elected every two years. However, some of them, such as Ganje’i and Kiâni,
have been members for five years. They sometimes ask the opinion of other
musicians on subjects in which they do not specialize. Such decisions used to
be taken during meetings. Currently, however, the cassettes are sent to the
musicians, who give their opinion in writing.
On this subject, Kiâni told me:
The situation of music was better in the early 90s. There were not as
many modifications [tahrif] in music. There were a lot of good
recordings that we graded with the letter N because the authenticity
was respected. Today, most of the cassettes we examine only receive a
T, because they are arrangements. For instance, you hear a dotâr [two-
13 A virtuoso of the santur, born in 1320/1941. He is the director of the Music Department of
Tehran University and is considered to be a musician of pure tradition.
14 Born in 1330/1951, considered by many as one of the most important figures in
contemporary Persian music.
15 A virtuoso of the kamânche, born in 1321/1942. Before the Revolution he taught this
instrument at the Markaz-e hefz o eshâ’ye-e musiqi-e sonnati (Centre for the Preservation
and Propagation of Traditional Music) of which he is presently the director.
16 A singer of traditional music.
17 A composer who often writes newspaper articles about the situation of music and the
debates around it.
46 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
(some of which already existed under the former regime), the teaching of music
is carried out in innumerable undeclared private courses, sometimes attended
by dozens of students under one professor. Most of the recognized masters of
traditional music (M. Kiâni, D. Talâ’i, H. Alizâdeh, etc.) offer such courses. In
their case, however, a twofold aim is pursued. Talâ’i, for example, tries to
transmit the practice (amali) of music by teaching the Radif, following an oral
method,21 but also a knowledge of music (shenâkht-e musiqi) as far as theory is
concerned. The fees are adapted to the students’ financial capacities. The
majority of students are between 20 and 25 years old. Kiâni, for example, has
students who come from the provinces and continue studying with him for five
or six years; after they go home, they occasionally return to see their master.
Kiâni has between 40 and 60 students whom he teaches three times a week, in
classes consisting of 15 to 20 students.
The cultural centres (farhangestân) which were for the most part set up
after the Revolution on the initiative of Tehran’s Municipal Council, started
organizing unauthorized instrumental classes at the beginning of their
activities.22 The most important of these is Farhangsarâ-ye Bahman, situated in
southern Tehran (a rather poor quarter of the city, where the old slaughterhouses
used to be). Kiâni told me in 1996 that since they were not subject to control,
“music was taught by non-specialists; hence this bad music we are hearing
today; these tunes suiting current tastes (âhanghâ-ye ruz) and dubbed ‘Los-
Angelesi’ were played on instruments like electric organs.” (Today, as we have
seen, “Iranian pop music” is competing with the genre called “Los-Angelesi” –
in other words, music made by Los Angeles-based Iranian pop musicians living
in exile.)
It appears that the absence of official authorization for the musical
activities of such centres led to the sudden ban of all music classes for young
people, as announced by Ayatollah Khâmene’i, in 1995. Since this decree
applied to all such institutions, including the Conservatory of Music
(Honarestân-e musiqi) and the University of Tehran, the situation of music
became uncertain for a few months. It was not until the deputy of the Ershâd
wrote to the Guide, asking him to grant his organization the power to issue
authorizations, that things became normalized again (inteview with Kiâni,
1996). The Ershâd itself has in the meantime taken the initiative, since 1994–5,
to organize free music courses in the Vahdat Hall, exclusively devoted to
traditional instruments.
No concerts may take place without the authorization of this organization,
except those having an aspect (janbe) of research (pazhuheshi) or scholarship
(‘elmi). As a result, the concerts given at the University are often called
pazhuheshi, indicating that there will be an explanation of the music to be played,
even if this is only rarely the case, the term mainly serving to obtain a permit.
21 This is the traditional method, although today most musicians often refer to scores. xxxxx
22 I might also mention Eshrâq, Ebn Sinâ, Arasbârân, Khâvarân, Andishe, Shafaq and
Farhangsarâ-ye Niyâvarân (the only one situated in northern Tehran, which already existed
before the Revolution).
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 49
23 When, at the age of 40, Mohammad had the revelation of his prophecy. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
24 These slogans reflect the political situation in Iran. They date from the early 1990s. Today
the slogan has changed to “Dialogue between civilizations” – see below.
50 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Figure 1 Ranjbar, a bard from northern Khorasan, performing at the 15th Fajr Festival,
Tehran, January/February 2000
25 During (1994:43) says: “In response to the term sonnati, which exclusively belongs to the
music of urban art, the professional adherents of regional music increasingly tend to define
their art as maqâm (musiqi-e maqâmi)”. This term hence aims at stressing the legitimacy and
validity of this form of musical expression.
26 The orchestra consisted of four male and four female musicians, all of them very young
(16–20 years old), who played both traditional Jewish melodies and pieces by Brahms
(Ahang 1, brochure of the 15th Fajr festival, February 2000).
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 51
Figure 2 A group of Iranian Turkmen musicians from Gonbad at the 15th Fajr Festival,
Tehran, January/February 2000
Markaz-e musiqi and organizer of the festival, “the main slogan of these latter
festivals was peace [solh] and dialogue [goftegu], following the policy of the
President of the Republic” (“Conversation with Morâdkhâni” in Ahang 1,
brochure of the 15th Fajr Festival). The brochure of the 14th festival of Fajr
(1999) featured a quotation by the Minister of Culture, Dr Mohâjerâni: “Music
is the best language for a dialogue between men” (Ahang 4, 14–19 February
1999).27
The competitive section has also acquired a different organization this year.
The section for the music of the various regions of Iran (maqâmi) took place in
Kermân (see Figure 3 at the end of this article), at a different date from that of
the other activities (from 28 November to 3 December 1999), and under a
different title: First Festival of Regional Music of Iran (Nakhostine jashnvâre-ye
musiqi-ye navâhi-ye Irân). Another section has become the First Festival of
Music of the Young, and took place in Tehran for a week in January. The
participants (boys and girls) were between 4 and 18 years old. This section is
itself divided into three parts: traditional instruments (târ, setâr, santur, ney),
regional instruments (târ and kamânche Azari from Tabriz, dotâr from Khorasan
and kamanche from Lorestân), and Western instruments (violin, piano, flute and
clarinet). The winners subsequently performed at the Fajr festival, at which they
received prizes from the Minister of Culture, Dr Mohâjerâni.28
In Tehran, Ershâd’s concerts are performed in the two Vahdat halls and in
various cultural centres (farhangestân) belonging to the municipality. The
budget for these festivals proceeds from the Hefze mirâs-e farhangi
(Organization for the Protection and Conservation of Cultural Heritage) 29 and
from the Tehran municipality.
As stated earlier, these festivals usually assume the form of competitions.
The winners receive prizes, which in 1989 consisted of either a gold coin and a
certificate of recognition (lôh-e taqdir); a TV set; a pilgrimage to Mecca (haj),
or a camera and a Koran. The value of these prizes has risen since then. For
example, in February 2000, it rose to five gold coins, together with a certificate
of recognition and an honour diploma.
In the beginning participants were simply housed and fed, without any
financial compensation – a situation about which musicians have often
complained. At times they had to even leave their work and pay someone to
replace them in order to participate in these events. Ali Almâjoqi (a shepherd
bard from Khorasan) told me he had had to hire someone to take care of his
flocks in his absence. Although the musicians now receive a subsidy, it is
inadequate to cover their expenses.
A specialized jury normally judges each section of the competitions. For
example, for traditional (sonnati) music, the jury often consists of Majid
Kiâni, Dâvud Genje’i and Nâser Farhangfar. For the music of various regions
of Iran, there would be, in addition, specialists such as the late
ethnomusicologist Mohammad Taqi Mas’udieh30 or Mohammad Rezâ
28 The award winners for regional music that year were: from northern Khorasan two bards
and a group of âsheq (the term in northern Khorasan refers to professional musicians playing in
ensembles composed of the sornâ – a type of oboe – and dohol – a barrel drum with two skins
– or the qoshme – double clarinet – and dohol; see Blum 1972b); from eastern Khorasan two
musicians from Torbat-e-Jam; from Azerbaijan, a group of âsheq (in Azerbaijan and Turkey the
term denotes a bard) from Urumieh; and a group of three young musicians from Tabriz.
29 The Mirâs-e farhangi agency itself organized a festival in Tehran in 1996, devoted to the
music of various regions of Iran (Khorasan, Kurdistan, Lorestân, etc.). The music of various
regions of Iran is, according to this organization, “a rich cultural heritage for the protection
and conservation of which we feel responsible”.
30 This well-known figure of Iranian music, a composer and ethnomusicologist, was born in
Mashhad in 1306/1927. He obtained a master’s degree as a violonist from the Conservatoire
National, Paris, and, under the supervision of Marius Schneider, a doctor’s degree in
ethnomusicology from Köln (Cologne), Germany. In 1347/1968, he returned to Iran to teach
Iranian music and ethnomusicology at the University of Tehran. He died in Tehran in
1377/1998. He wrote several books, some of which deal with music of various regions of
Iran (e.g. Mas’udieh 1980 and 1985). For a detailed bibliography, see Safarzâdeh
1999:153–6.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 53
Darvishi.31 They are now assisted by expert advisers, chosen from among
regional masters such as Hâj-Qorbân Soleymâni and Abdollâh Sarvar Ahmadi
(one of the most famous dotâr players of the Torbat-e Jâm region). Thus the
jury of the first festival of regional Iranian music (a section of the competition
of the 15th Fajr music festival) consisted of Hâj-Qorbân Soleymâni, Razavi
Shahrestâni, Dariush Pirniyâkân,32 Hamid Rezâ Ardalân33 and Mohammad
Rezâ Darvish, the first secretary of the first festival of Iranian regional music.
The following is a list of the criteria (established by the main judges)
applied in judging the music of various regions of Iran:
1 attention paid to the authentic (asil) manner of interpreting the music of
each region, as it appears in its form and improvisation, as well as in the
way it is played or sung solo;
2 respect for the original manner of each region without the introduction of
alien elements which do not stem from that particular region;
3 the use of typical and authentic instruments of the region without resorting
to non-native instruments;
4 the use of poems from the oral or written literature belonging to the region,
with emphasis on religious or epic themes;
5 respect for the tradition set by the old masters, and abstaining, for example,
from playing in an ensemble if this was not regional practice;
6 proper apprenticeship and oral instruction of music with a master.
I cannot confirm that all the points of this list are actually respected in practice
(as pointed out several times above, there is a great difference in Iran between
what is officially decreed and what is actually done). Thus, in spite of the
criteria I have just mentioned, it is not seldom that we hear a dotâr from Torbat-
e Jâm accompanied by the daf, although according to Sarvar Ahmadi, “that is
not the way to play the music of Torbat-e Jâm. It is based on solo interpretation.
In these current ensembles, some theatrical element has intruded, where the
musician has to content himself with playing with others” (conversation quoted
in Ahang 8, February 1996).
Hâj Qorbân Soleymâni confirms this idea, saying:
In the past, ensembles were unknown. Today you see groups of 10 or
15 dotâr players performing together side by side with string
instruments like the dotâr, or the daf and the dohol [two-headed drum].
Such percussion instruments do not belong together with string
instruments, because they smother the sound of the strings. In the old
31 A musician himself, he has spent several years studying and doing research on the music
of various regions of Iran. Today he is considered a specialist on the music of different
regions of Iran.
32 A târ player who worked for a number of years with the classical singer Shajariân.
33 Working with Ershâd as “expert of the music of various regions”, although he specializes
in dramatic arts rather than in music.
54 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
days, dohol and sorna were used at wedding ceremonies, for dancing
or for wrestling (koshti). They were also used to inform the population
of an event. They are not indoor instruments.
(Interview, 1995)
34 I was able to consult this manifesto courtesy of Mr Darvishi in February 2000. xxxxxxxx
35 Mâhur Publication started work in 1987. It presents traditional Iranian music as well as
the works of contemporary Iranian composers, players and singers. This company has also
published some music from different regions of Iran. Moreover, Mâhur Publication has
produced a number of instructional books and cassettes on playing Iranian musical
instruments and fundamental theories of Iranian music for learners and enthusiasts.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 55
36 All these sets bear the inscription “Local Iranian Music” (musiqi-ye navâhi-ye Irân)
followed by the name of the region and the name of the edition “Iranian Music Association”
(Anjoman-e musiqi-ye Irân). The set for each region is also accompanied by a booklet.
37 I have this information from Morâdkhâni, 1996. In the year 2000, he informed me that for
financial reasons the project had not yet been carried out.
38 This term is deceptive, because fees are very high when compared with those of the
universities. Perhaps it is called “free” because the students who enroll there are exempt from
the normal university entrance examination and, as it were, “buy” their admission.
56 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
and elder players of epic music: out of 2,000 candidates, 380 were selected for
the performance”. All these concerts were recorded and filmed on video.39
Unlike those organized by the Ershâd, these festivals do not celebrate any
specific occasion. According to Jalilpûr, “they assume an aspect of research
[pazhuheshi] and investigation [tahqiqi]”.
This organization has set up a research group in charge of collecting the
music of various regions, as well as identifying and selecting those that will be
presented at concerts. It includes Darvishi (who organizes the festival), a local
guide, a photographer and a sound technician. Their aim consists of
“identifying native [bumi] artists whose art has remained genuine and original
without being influenced by other types of music”. As I have noticed myself,
each trip leads to the building up of archive collections.
Following the festivals organized by the Hôze, three sets of audio-cassettes
have been published.
1 Haft owrang. This is a set of four cassettes devoted to regional music
(Darvishi 1991). The first contains a live recording of the last concert by
Mohammad Hoseyn Yegâneh (a famous bard from northern Khorasan) and
his son Mohammad. It marks the last public appearance of the great master.
The cassettes also feature music from Bushehr, Lorestân, Torkaman-sahrâ,
Kermanshâh and Baluchestân.
2 Musiqi-e shomâl-e Khorâsân (music of northern Khorasan) is a box of
three cassettes, recorded on location in Khorasan (Darvishi and Tavahodi
1992)
3 Ayene-o âvâz (Ceremony and Song), a set of 28 cassettes of music from
various regions of Iran (Darvishi 1997), recorded during the third festival.
The Haft owrang set has, like most recordings destined for sale, received
the authorization (mojavez) of the Ershâd, and the back of each cassette bears
an authorization number (shomâre-ye mojavez). It obtained the codification
“N/2” (Navâhi = regional; 2 indicates its poor recording quality). For reasons
unknown and unascertainable, the second set is not marked with a number.
The budget for these festivals stems from several sources. In addition to the
Hôze agency itself and the municipality of Tehran, there are contributions from
private sources. The director has always complained about the inadequate
budget: “We find it difficult to organize a festival each year. The first festival
cost 2 million tumân, the second 8 million, and the festival titled ‘Ayne-o âvâz’
cost 20 million. The last one, Hemâsi, rose to an expense of 50 million tumân”,
said Jalilpûr.40 This seemingly exorbitant cost is partly explained by the high
rate of inflation in Iran: the price of a Mashhad–Tehran flight, for instance,
which used to be 2,000 tumân in 1994 has risen to 10,000 tumân at the time of
writing.
39 These video-cassettes are kept in the archives of the Hoze. They have unfortunately not
been published, nor can they be consulted by researchers.
40 Because of inflation, it is difficult to provide US dollar equivalents for the tumân. For
example, before the Revolution one dollar was worth 7 tumân, while at the time of writing it
is worth about 800 tumân.
YOUSSEFZADEH The situation of music in Iran since the Revolution: the role of official organizations 57
For its first festival, Hôze paid each musician 10,000 tumâns, along with
transport fees and accommodation. Jalilpûr has told me, however, that for the
last festival, the musicians received between 20,000 and 30,000 tumâns. This
sum is inadequate – as we have seen above in connection with the festivals
organized by Ershâd – and the musicians complain of the considerable expense
their participation incurs.
show only the faces of the performers). Other genres such as marches and
hymns (sorud) continue to be broadcast on special occasions.
As we have seen, access to foreign programmes (mostly Western ones,
such as CNN, BBC World and TV5, as well some Arabic channels) is also
provided by satellite, for those who have the financial means.41
Radio and Television is also endowed with its own Musical Sound and
Image Unit (Vâhed-e musiqi-ye sedâ va simâ-ye jomhuri eslâmi), as well as a
council for the evaluation of music, which decides what kind of music is
authorized (mojâz) and what kind is not (gheyr-e mojaz).
Conclusion
The status of music in Iran is still the object of controversy and its role is still
ambiguous, partly because the political and economic situation itself is
constantly evolving. The degree to which music will be accepted will depend
on whether those who hold the reins of power in the country happen to be
“reformers” or “conservatives”. For instance, an institution such as the Radio
and Television, though making massive use of music, only rarely broadcasts
concerts; and when it does, it will not show the instruments, since their public
display still poses problems.
It should be noted that every point I have tried to establish here deserves an
article of its own. For example, the attitudes and practices of the Iranian Radio
and Television would justify publication of a far greater depth. A more detailed
enquiry into the phenomenon of “pop” music is also called for. It would equally
be interesting to analyze the debate which is beginning to come to the fore
within the ranks of the traditional musicians themselves: worried about the
upsurge of “popular” music, they fear that, having survived the rigours of the
Islamic Revolution, they might now be doomed to marginalization.
However, certain encouraging signs must not be forgotten. In late 1999, for
example, a House of Iranian Music was established in Tehran, which aims at
playing the role of a syndicate for musicians. It is the first time that a musical
organization of this type (senfi = guild) has been founded in Iran. Its statutes
state: “This is a professional foundation, independent from the state, non-profit-
making, and composed of the country’s professional musicians. It is established
for a non-specified period, within the framework of the laws and decrees in
force in the Republic, under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture and
Islamic Propaganda.”42 Several points of the mission this guild has adopted are
similar to the present attributes of the Ershâd, such as the protection of the
musicians. It will be interesting to see how it will go about assuming its tasks.
Currently we can only be pleased about the fresh interest and respect shown
for regional music. However, we may also have reason to worry about the
swing of the pendulum by which the tradition upheld by the bards is set up by
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Introduction
The issue of rhythm perception is mentioned in the first major study of Andean
music, La Musique des Incas et ses survivances (“The music of the Incas and
their survivors”), published by Raoul and Marguerite d’Harcourt in 1925. Their
chapter devoted to rhythm begins by recounting the pride of the inhabitants of
Arequipa at the inability of a famous Spanish pianist to reproduce the rhythmic
particularities of Peruvian music. According to the d’Harcourts:
This demonstrates how these particularities differ from those which
characterise Spanish songs and those of Europe in general. The
illiterate Indians and cholos of the country, most of whom sing, dance
and play the flute, carry these rhythms in the blood and their instincts,
more securely than the musical culture of the pianist, permitting them
to reproduce them with precision.1
(1925:155)
1 It is interesting to note the parallels between the d’Harcourts’ attribution of rhythmic skill
to their “illiterate Indians” and Myers’ (1905) claim in respect of the “Sarawak Malays” that
their music had “rhythmical characteristics … [such as] … change and opposition in rhythm
… carried [to such lengths] … that their aesthetic effect may neither be appreciated nor
reproducible by more advanced peoples”. It seems quite feasible that both views are
coloured by the notion, prevalent in much late nineteenth-century anthropological thinking,
that “primitive” peoples could be capable of finer grades of “sensory” distinction than could
“more advanced” (on the whole, Western) peoples, and that this reflected fundamental racial
differences, a notion that can be traced to the prolific Darwinian popularizer Herbert Spencer
(see Shore, 1996, Chapter 1).
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 65
6 Although it should be noted that the identification of music with movement can itself be
conceived of as the product of a specifically situated point of view. As Waterman puts it
those arguments concerning a critical importance for movement in African music tend to
“flow from the same intellectual wellspring, a German psychological tradition linking the
Berlin School and Boasian cultural anthropology” (1991:175).
7 This is contrasted with an association of the colonial music of the East coast of the
continent with binary feet (Aretz and Ramón 1976:13).
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 67
Leichtman also notes that what she finds “interesting about the mestizo
huayño is that there is no Western metre that can be used which is able
to distinguish between triplet and duplet subpulses within each
measure. This means that there must always be the addition of triplet
(or duplet) markings over each group of notes in addition to the metre”.
She suggests that the mestizo huayño is thus “a blending of Indian and
European rhythmic understanding” (1987:170)
• typical rhythmic gestures, for example:
(Turino 1998:216)
Dale Olsen has contrasted the articulation of Andean rhythms
with those of African music, suggesting that the rhythmic articulation in
Andean music may be derived from the breath attack required in panpipe
performance (1980:410).8
African:
Andean:
Figures 1a and 1b Part of song “Cholita Chapareñita” – sung and played on the
guitarilla by Alesandro Mamani (Quichi Vilki, province Charka, northern Potosí), recorded
in Sacaca 4 February 1987 (Tape 21a:26)
making it necessary to abandon the previous version and start all over again.12
Similarly, it was only years later – by listening very carefully for the dance steps
– that we realized that many songs which had sounded and been transcribed as
strongly anacrustic, actually began on the beat (Recording I, Figures 1a and 1b).
In order to appreciate the problems in perception addressed in this paper, the
reader is strongly advised to read this essay in combination with listening to the
sound examples that may be accessed via the Worldwide Web.
Text on recording
Sawsillurunchu kasqani? Kumuykuspa waqanaypaq
Am I a weeping willow to weep with my head bowed down?
Chaypaq kani Margaritay, asikuspa qhawanaypaq
For this I am Margarita to watch laughing
The immediate aural impression of “Cholita Chapareñita” for most readers
of this paper is likely to be of an initial anacrusis followed by an on-beat accent
by the guitarilla and voice (1a). 13 However, it is clear from the footfalls, audible
at the end of the recording, that the voice begins on the beat and that most of the
notes of the melody and strums of the guitarilla occur off the beat (1b).
This raises the question: have other transcribers of Quechua songs from this
part of Bolivia suffered similar rhythmic misperceptions or confusions? And,
are similar kinds of problems of rhythmic perception (by outsiders) more
widely relevant to Quechua or Aymara songs from other parts of the Andes?
One of the few sets of published transcriptions to include songs from northern
Potosí is Max Peter Baumann’s “Sixty-six Quechua songs from Bolivia”
(“Sojta chunka qheshwa takis bolivia llajtamanta”, 1983). In the explanatory
notes of this attractive and, in many ways, exemplary volume, Baumann does
not mention any problems of rhythmic perception encountered in the
transcription process. However, judging from our experience of a large number
of songs collected in the region, it seems likely that the metric organization of at
least five of these transcriptions would be at variance with the pulse perceived
(and expressed as footfalls) by the performers themselves. For example, the
transcription of “Lari wayñu 2” (Baumann 1983:6), which has also been
published in Europe with the recording (Baumann 1982:19, 35 and track C8),
presents the rhythm of the voice as: 14
12 As one of the authors is fluent in Quechua, we will focus on this language rather than
Aymara. However, some of the songs we shall consider incorporate both Quechua and
Aymara words. Also, the stress rules, which will be discussed later, apply for both Quechua
and Aymara.
13 We would be pleased to receive feedback from readers concerning their perceptions of
these recordings.
14 According to the documentation this transcription was made by Bözene Muszlalska,
rather than Baumann himself.
70 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Easter songs
The genre which, more than any other, alerted us to the problems of rhythmic
perception in the music of northern Potosí, was a form of courtship song
accompanied by the charango which is often locally known as pascuas or
“Easter” (referred to hereafter as “Easter songs”). This seasonal genre, in which
young women’s voices are accompanied by a young man strumming a metal-
string (mandolin-like) charango, was commonly performed informally in bars
or in the streets during feasts in such towns as Chayanta, Sacaca, Toracari and
San Pedro de Buenavista during the late 1980s.15 Easter songs were performed
by Quechua or Aymara-speaking campesinos (“peasants”) from the surrounding
countryside, rather than the cholo (or mestizo) populations of these rural towns.
Figure 2 Dancing to Easter songs through the streets of Toracari (Charka province,
northern Potosí) October 1986. Dance steps are often the only clue for outsiders to the
participants’ perceptions of the pulse.
15 For descriptions of Andean dance-song genres accompanied by the charango see Martinez
1992:30–31 (although the Easter music to which she refers is quite different from that
discussed in this paper), Solomon 1994:59–68 (for the case of ayllu Chayantaqa, including an
example of the genre discussed in this paper), and, for the case of Southern Peru, Turino 1983.
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 71
Figures 3a and 3b Takiririllasun wiritay – from “Sakista Jilatay” (excerpt from Recording
II; see Figure 7 for full transcription)
Our analysis will suggest that, alongside our own problems as outsiders in
perceiving the rhythmic structure of these songs, Easter songs appear to
highlight rhythmic ambiguity as an important aspect of tension creation and
aesthetics for the performers themselves.
To our ears, the acoustic accents in recordings of many Easter songs often
suggest a compound anacrustic 6/8 rhythm. Similarly, the European subjects to
whom examples of these recordings were played have tended to perceive and
tap the metre as 6/8 (Figure 3a). However, the footfalls of the dancers imply an
on-beat 2/4 rhythm (Figure 3b). As the reader will note, the relative durations of
these two likely ways of transcribing these alternate perceptions of the rhythm
do not match up.
When the rhythmic values of individual notes were measured in
milliseconds16 it was discovered that relationships between the durations of
individual notes were often asymmetrical and variable, but that the pulse and
durations of rhythmic groups (e.g. of two or three notes) were highly regular.
The notation of Figure 3c comes closer to the true durational values (the use of
a time signature and bar lines is to aid analysis and should not be taken as
implying metrical strong and weak beats). 17
An iambic (short–long) relationship between paired shorter value notes,
both in the strummed charango accompaniment and voices, was found in many
examples of this style.18 In the case of bars 1 and 3 (Figure 3c) this is in close
approximation to the ratio 3:5, although in other songs this variable ratio was
nearer 2:3, and occasionally nearly equal. However, European listeners tended
to hear this pattern as the ratio 1:2 (quaver–crotchet), leading them to perceive
the second note of the pair as a marker of pulse. Thus, small differences in
durational values were “misperceived” by the European listeners who
assimilated them into metrically conformant categories or “conventional”
proportions (see Clarke 1985), these “categorical perceptions” (see Harnad,
1987) occurring without any conscious effort (or indeed awareness) on the part
of the listeners.
17 The durational values of these measurements are, for practical reasons, only
approximate. Defining the start of a rhythmic event using computer-generated imaging of the
sound envelope is often somewhat subjective and arbitrary, especially in the case of the human
voice. For example, the onset of phonemes initiated by stops may be measured quite precisely
whereas those initiated by sibilants and nasals are more gradual and difficult to define.
18 Ellen Leichtman has transcribed charango rhythms from Sacaca, northern Potosí
(probably for Easter songs) with the consistent rhythm e qe q (1986:153), which comes quite
close to the 3:5 ratios of our measurements.
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 73
Figures 4a and 4b “Viacha Puntapi” (see Recordings IIIa and IIIb). Charango player:
Alonzo Vilka; singers from Cairuma community province, Alonzo de Ibanez, northern
Potosí, recorded in Sacaca 19 April 1987 (Easter Day) (Tape 29b:1-79)
19 The verb stem tuna- implies dancing, singing, drinking and other ingredients which
enliven a ceremonial occasion. The words hiyaway wirita appear in numerous dry season
song texts. Wirita is derived from the Spanish vida (life), but to date performers have been
unable to supply an explanation of the meaning of hiyaway.
20 The word rosas implies both the colour rose (pink) and the flower itself.
74 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Figure 6
76 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Listening exercises
The first Easter song excerpts (Figure 3a, b and c) were taken from “Sakista
Jilatay”, the vocal part of which is transcribed in full in Figure 7. Readers may
achieve a crustic or “on-beat” perception of this song (Recording II) fairly
easily by tapping along with the charango introduction and maintaining this
rhythm through the rest of the song. At the ends of phrases the reader may well
find himself or herself slipping into an anacrustic (6/8) hearing of the song
(Figure 3a), a phenomenon which we shall consider later. Also, like the authors,
the reader may well find it difficult to consciously switch between an on-beat
(crustic) and an anacrustic perception of the rhythm.
In our transcriptions we have avoided using complex note values to
represent precise durations (besides sometimes showing an approximate 2:3
ratio as a group of 5). Such complex notation would be both difficult to read and
probably fail to convey the flexibility of the iambic rhythmic relations. To give a
sense of this variability, in Figure 7 we have included the durations of individual
notes and groups measured in milliseconds. A fair degree of variation in
individual durations may be seen through the course of the piece, but there is
considerable consistency on repeats suggesting that this rhythmic inequality may
have an expressive function. Such potential expressivity operates within
remarkably consistent values at the level of three-bar isorhythmic phrases
(2643–2750ms), one-bar trisyllabic units (855–927ms), and individual “long”
events, shown as crotchets (426–484ms) – even when “syncopated”. The value
of these “long” events (which is the same as the pulse and inter-footfall
durations) also closely approximates the sum of the “short” and “medium”
events, which appear to be negatively correlated (the longer the first, the shorter
the second). Thus, the variable and potentially expressive iambic nature of
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 77
21 See Gabrielsson 1999 for comparable studies of expressive timing in the performance of
Western tonal music.
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 79
and the paired notes of the charango accompaniment are of almost equal
duration (Recording IV, Figure 9a and b).
Western European listeners have tended to perceive “Suwamay sakista” as
anacrustic or offbeat,22 like the other Easter songs discussed, but the relative
equality of paired events, especially in the charango accompaniment, leads to a
1:1 or 2/4 perception of the rhythm (Figure 9a) rather than the 2:1 (6/8)
categorization found in, forexample, “Viacha Puntapi” (Figure 4a, Recording III).
Once again, in the charango accompaniment of the song “Suwamay
sakista” a higher intensity second event (upstroke) and relatively weaker first
event (downstroke) is maintained. This is shown in Figure 10, alongside a
simultaneous stress on the second event in the vocal melody, marked by
capitalised syllables. These various aspects of performance practice push
towards an offbeat (anacrustic) perception of the rhythm – where the final three
notes of the vocal melody in each section are likely to be misinterpreted as
coinciding with the pulse, rather than as “offbeats”.
Production or perception?
The strong tendency for Western European listeners to hear Easter songs as
anacrustic led us to wonder whether Bolivian peasant musicians presented with
these recordings, outside the performance context, would also perceive them as
anacrustic. Was such anacrustic interpretation of the rhythm a by-product of the
production process and likely to be shared by listeners from different cultural
backgrounds? Or alternatively, were the Western Europeans and Bolivians in
question perceiving these rhythms in different ways?
To investigate these questions we carried out some informal explorations of
how listening strategies might relate to the experience of rhythmic patterning.
These involved playing a tape that included a number of Bolivian recordings, a
synthesized melody (imitating an Easter song but with equal stress on every
duration), and several European melodies that were either anacrustic or non-
anacrustic, to Bolivian and Western European participants. Each subject was
asked to clap (or tap) along with the music as though they were dancing to it
and the result was recorded on a second tape recorder. Although the informal
nature of the tests limits the extent to which the results may be generalized, a
number of standard types of response appears evident.
For the Easter song recordings of Northern Potosí, without exception the
Bolivian subjects, who all spoke Quechua or Aymara as their mother tongue,
clapped in time with the performers’ footfalls, even though many of them were
unfamiliar with this genre. Furthermore, for the examples of anacrustic
European melodies, the Bolivian subjects tended to treat the anacrusis or
“upbeat” as synchronic with the pulse, thus functionally as a “downbeat”.
22 This perception of the rhythm should perhaps be described as “offbeat” rather than strictly
anacrustic as we have transcribed it with three notes (rather than just one) before the barline.
.
82 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
This tendency for the Bolivians to include the first note of a melody as a
clapped or “pulse” note was especially evident in an unaccompanied recorder
melody that was composed and played especially for the experiment. The
melody was composed so that it might be performed to emphasize either an
on-beat, duple (2/4) or anacrustic, compound (6/8) interpretation. It was
recorded twice, the two versions separated by another piece. The first version
was performed so as to favour an anacrustic, compound (6/8) metre (see Figure
11a) whilst the second was played so as to favour an on-beat, duple (2/4)
interpretation (see Figure 11b). 23
For both versions, the tapping of the Bolivian subjects implied an on-
beat/duple (2/4) or on-beat/ternary (3/8) perception of the rhythm (Recording
V). In contrast, the responses of many of the Western Europeans implied that
they perceived both melodies as anacrustic and compound (6/8) (see Figures
11a, b and c opposite).24
These initial results remain at present inconclusive. However, it would
seem that Western European subjects have a tendency to perceive the second
and longer duration of short–long rhythmic events as determinants of metrical
stress (see Lee, 1991) whereas Bolivians appear to ascribe that stress to the first
and shorter duration.25
Bolivian subjects Western European subjects
(short–long) (short–long)
first-note stress second-note stress
The fact that this shorter duration is the first sound that is heard is also
significant. For the Bolivian subjects this first sound within a phrase appears to
initiate and mark the pulse of the piece. 26 Thus, for them, the hierarchy of
rhythmic events would appear to be organized according to the order in which
these rhythmic events are heard rather than on the basis of their durational
relationship to one another. It appears that for the Bolivian subjects the first note
of a melody tends to be perceived as hierarchically dominant (as a marker of
pulse) in respect of the second, even when the first pair of notes is in the relation
short–long, an interpretation that would run counter to rules that have been
adduced as being universally applicable to all musics (Metrical Preference Rule
23 This metrical distinction was made using Western performance conventions. For the
anacrustic (6/8) interpretation this involved a short, light anacrustic quaver, leading to a
lengthened crotchet, and for the on-beat (2/4) interpretation a stressed first quaver followed
by an unstressed and shortened crotchet.
24 John Blacking (1995 [1967]:164) has noted a similar tendency among the Venda to treat
short-long durations as iambic (as in Figures 11b and c) rather than as anacrustic (as in Figure
11a). However, the context and performance strategies he describes to explain this
phenomenon appear rather different from the Bolivian case discussed here.
25 Significantly, many Quechua songs feature iambic (short-long) rhythmic relations. For
example, the majority of the Carnival songs from Ayacucho, Peru, transcribed in Vásquez
and Vergara 1988 follow the pattern: e qe q.
26 This is also the case for the many Bolivian melodies which begin with the rhythmic
durations long–short.
84 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
5a, Lerdahl and Jackendoff 1983:348). It also accords with David Hughes’
suggestion (1991:330) that metre, as construed within Western music-theoretic
tradition, may not have the universal applicability that is generally assumed for it.
Cognitive perspectives
The contrasted perceptions of the rhythmic structure of Easter songs by
Bolivian and Western European subjects suggested the possibility of differing
cognitive processes at work. We hypothesized a number of cognitive
explanations to account for the iambic (short–long) pairs of durations present in
many Easter songs, such as the possibility that Bolivian musicians were
perceiving rhythmic structure in some figural way, independent of regular time
hierarchies (see Hargreaves, 1996:160), or that they were employing different
rhythmic categories from Western listeners. This led us to design an experiment
which aimed to compare how small time differences in durational proportions
were perceived by subjects from rural Bolivia and Europe. However, there were
several methodological flaws in this experiment, which seemed to demonstrate
(although inconclusively) no significant differences between the patterns of
judgements of the European and Bolivian listeners (except a greater tendency
for Europeans to be able to distinguish between regular equal patterns and
irregular patterns).
Neither the figural nor the categorical hypotheses appeared helpful here,
but the iambic nature of the pairs of durations did suggest the possibility that
the rhythmic structure of Easter songs might be constrained or shaped by the
phenomenon of “time-shrinking”. This process, first proposed by Nakajima et
al. (1991), suggests that when two short time intervals are experienced
consecutively and comparatively, the second must be significantly longer than
the first for both of them to be experienced as equal in duration. It has been
suggested that time-shrinking, which occurs most strongly when durations of
less than 200–300 milliseconds are involved, “probably reflects a universal
perceptual mechanism operating at a level before linguistic idiosyncrasies
determine listening behaviour” (1991:18).
The durations in Easter songs lie close to the upper threshold (c. 200ms) of
those employed in the experiments demonstrating time shrinking. Nakajima et
al. suggest that below this threshold time shrinking is more-or-less unavoidable
in perception, becoming less so as the threshold is approached, which might
help explain the rhythmic ambiguity encountered by many listeners to Easter
songs – especially those aiming to make symbolic and consistent judgements
about the durational relations between paired notes, such as an
ethnomusicologist attempting to transcribe this music. But, whilst time
shrinking may help us to understand how paired iambic durations might be
employed to produce a subjective equality of duration in Easter song
performance, it does not explain the differences in rhythmic perceptions
encountered between Bolivian and European listeners. One area which does,
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 85
however, offer a possible explanation for this complex situation, is the prosodic
structure of the Quechua (or Aymara) language of these songs.
Language
The stress rules of the languages Quechua and Aymara, in which these songs
are sung, work in a rather different way from most European languages. 27 The
primary stress in Quechua (on which we shall now focus) appears on the
penultimate syllable of a word, and the secondary stress comes on the first
syllable (Cerrón-Palomino 1987). As a suffix-based language, this means that
the position of the primary stress in Quechua is highly variable. For example:
Ta-ki-ku-ni Ta-ki-ri-ku-sha-ni Ta-ki-ri-ku-sha-lla-ni28
I sing I’m singing I’m just singing
It is significant that the secondary stress always occurs on the first syllable
of a word, and as such is the only “fixed” stress feature. Thus, in terms of stress,
the initial sound or syllable of a word is usually privileged as a referential
feature in respect of, for example, the second syllable. This may help to explain
why the Bolivian subjects tended to perceive the first note they heard as
marking the pulse.
However, an exception to this pattern for Quechua stress would appear to
occur in the case of words with three syllables where the primary stress comes
on the second syllable, thus favouring it over and above the first syllable. Might
we then expect mother tongue Quechua speakers to treat songs that started with
such words as anacrustic?
Trisyllabic stress: Wi-ri-ta [“Life”: Spanish loan word]
Bruce Mannheim (1986) has noted that such tri-syllabic words, where the
primary and secondary stress are placed consecutively, are rare in Quechua and
form an exceptional category. These exceptional tri-syllabic words are also
found in adolescents’ riddle games in Peru, and have been interpreted as a
means of achieving verbal competence (Isbell and Roncalla 1977).
Significantly, this exceptional class of tri-syllabic words is particularly common
in Easter songs and even appears to form the rhythmic basis of this genre,
where three-syllable words (or six-syllable words treated as two tri-syllabic
words) are incorporated into isorhythmic figures.
27 Both Quechua and Aymara are widely spoken in the areas where these songs are sung and
many of the performers from our recorded examples spoke both these languages (and
sometimes Spanish).
28 Primary stress in bold, secondary stress underlined. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
86 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
The exceptions to this essentially trisyllabic rule and structure come only at
the ends of phrases when words of even syllable number (e.g. two or four) are
introduced. This has the effect of skewing the isorhythmic pattern set up by the
repeated tri-syllabic combinations of words. From the authors’ perceptions, the
skewing of the tri-syllabic isorhythmic figures by the introduction of words
with even syllable number also seems to have the effect of emphasizing an
anacrustic (6/8) interpretation. It seems likely that Bolivian performers of these
songs might also experience some form of rhythmic tension at these points,
perhaps adding to the aesthetic pleasure of the song.
Despite the prosodic tri-syllabic rhythmic configurations of Easter songs,
which Western listeners usually seemed to perceive as anacrustic, the Bolivian
performers and subjects all treated the first syllable as a “downbeat” or dance
step. It would seem that Quechua stress rules, which might imply an anacrustic
interpretation in the trisyllabic case, are not followed in this genre.
Alternatively, it may be necessary to reconsider these stress rules and question
Bruce Mannheim’s classification of the first syllable in tri-syllabic Quechua
words as “extra-metrical” (1986:58). Perhaps, for the poetry of Easter songs at
least, it may be appropriate to identify two distinct forms and functions of
Quechua stress: (a) “primary” stress, marked by intensity, pitch or duration (as
commonly used in English), which signals the termination of a word;29 and (b)
“secondary” stress, which may be perceived in other ways and serve a
qualitatively different function.30
The perception of “secondary” stress in Quechua might be compared to
modern Welsh, in which intensity and pitch give no indication of stress. Indeed,
the regular stress that occurs on the penultimate syllable is often wrongly
perceived by English people to occur on the final syllable, due to the increased
duration of the post-stress consonant (Williams 1983). It seems possible that the
“secondary” stress at the start of a Quechua word may act as some kind of
perceptual anchor, as the onset of a delimited stream of sonic linguistic
information, which is marked in song by a dance step.31 In the case of the tri-
syllabic words of Easter songs, where exceptionally “secondary” and “primary”
stress occur adjacently, this unusual juxtaposition would seem to heighten
rhythmic interest for the performers.
29 Where a Quechua word consists of a variable length cluster of suffixes added to a stem.
30 This also suggests that the classification “primary” or “secondary” is somewhat arbitrary
– reflecting the Western history of linguistics and its categories rather the reality of how
stress might actually function in Quechua.
31 This is in part prepared for by the “primary stress” which marks the end of a preceding word.
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 87
Figure 12 Young charango players about to accompany Easter songs. The charango is
closely associated with courtship. (Sacaca, Alonso de Ibañez province, northern Potosí,
Easter 1997)
32 A few instrumental pieces from Yura, to the south of Potosí, were however undoubtedly
anacrustic. These may have been based on Spanish rather than Quechua songs.
33 Incidentally, none of the Carnival melodies transcribed by Vásquez and Vergara include
an anacrusis and many begin with iambic (short–long) rhythmic pairs.
88 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
rhythm of the Quechua words, and because of this when the melody is presented
with Spanish, sometimes, it seems to contradict the accentuation of this
language” (1988:196 our translation).33 This linguistic basis for difference in
the rhythmic structure of Andean songs seems to be significant. For example,
an anacrustic rhythmic structure is common in predominantly Spanish language
genres, such as the Peruvian Yaravís and Marineras transcribed by Rodolfo
Holzmann (1966:25, 29, 70 etc.). In the few examples from this collection
where Quechua songs have been transcribed as anacrustic, it seems likely that
Holzmann has been subject to rhythmic misperceptions similar to those that we
encountered (1966: 40, 62, 67).
Whilst language seems to be of considerable significance for understanding
the rhythmic structure in Andean music, it is important not to present Spanish
and Quechua/Aymara musics as neatly isolated spheres of musical activity. The
juxtaposition of Spanish and Quechua (or Aymara) stress patterns in the Andes
needs to be understood in the historical context of these languages’ close
proximity, interactions and mutual borrowings since the sixteenth century, as
well as widespread bilingualism. Indeed, like many other essentially Quechua
(or Aymara) genres, Easter songs incorporate a number of Spanish loan words,
such as wirita, from the Spanish vida (“life”). Also, Quechua (or Aymara)
words have often been set to melodies derived from Spanish prosody, and vice
versa. For example, Carlos Vega has observed how singers unconsciously apply
their own “rhythmic system” to renditions of a “foreign song” (canción
extraña) – thereby creating a hybrid (1941:495–6) and Ellen Leichtman has
described the mestizo huayño in terms of “a blending of Indian and European
rhythmic understanding” (1987:170)
This leads us to wonder how often Spanish melodies have been
reinterpreted by mother tongue Quechua or Aymara speakers without anacruses
(as we discovered in their tapping to anacrustic European melodies), or how
often speakers of European languages have added anacruses to Quechua or
Aymara melodies. For example, one of the authors played and sang the song
“Cholita Chapareñita” as anacrustic (Figure 1a) for several years before
becoming aware of the placing of the footfalls on the original recording (Figure
1b). It seems likely that similar forms of rhythmic misperception, or
reinterpretation, may underscore the development of many Andean musical
genres through the course of the region’s complex history of mestisaje (cultural
mixing) and Westernization.
Conclusions
We have seen how the interplay between features of language (in the form of
rules of prosody), motoric patterns and other aspects of performance acts to
shape Easter songs, enabling the charango players and singers to sustain the
“unevenness” of rhythmic relations. These act together in opposition to the
referential function implied by the fixed – perhaps even default – status of the
initial syllable stress to create and sustain tension, affording a dynamic
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 89
These natural kinds constitute things like pitches and durations, which,
according to Lerdahl and Jackendoff, constitute the musical surface, a level of
description that (in Jackendoff’s 1987 account) mediates between auditory
input and conceptual representations of musical structure in cognition. The idea
of a musical surface that is comprised of pitches and durations as constituting
the substrate for natural kinds in music cognition may simply reflect
specificities of much Western musical usage and may accurately reflect
elements in and of Western musical cognition. But the close ties between
language, movement and rhythmic structure evident in Easter songs would
suggest that an appropriate mechanism for mediating between sensory (not just
auditory) input and conceptual structure can be described only by taking into
account all these contributory and interacting factors.
This view is similar to that of Kofi Agawu, who has characterized Ewe
conceptions of rhythm as “not a single unified or coherent field, but rather one
that is widely and asymmetrically distributed, permanently entangled, if you
like, with other dimensions” (1995:388). Similarly, Agawu’s aim to “develop a
view of African rhythm in which its mechanical aspects are shown to reside in
broader patterns of temporal signification (movement, language and gesture)”
(1995:395), has many resonances with our own approach for the case of the
Andes. However, for us, the focus is less on the “broader patterns” but rather on
the factors that motivate them, locating these in the domain of embodied and
encultured cognition.
Easter songs comprise just one of the countless and extraordinarily varied
genres of rural musics of the Andes. Their performance and specific type of
rhythmic interplay are appropriate to a specific time of year and limited to a
small geographical area. However, we may have an important lesson to learn
from the rhythmic structuring of these songs in our approaches to Andean
music in general as well as in our understanding of the relation between music
and cognition. It is significant that while many English songs – indeed, poetic
metres, such as iambic or anapaestic – are anacrustic, very few (if any) songs in
the Andean languages Quechua or Aymara can truly be classified as such.
Those which have been transcribed or claimed as anacrustic, necessarily by
(ethno)musicologists schooled in the European classical tradition, might tell us
more about the perceptions of the researcher than about the Andean music or
musicians in question.
STOBART & CROSS The Andean anacrusis? Rhythmic structure and perception in Easter songs, Potosí, Bolivia 91
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92 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
1 Introduction
In the New Grove dictionary of music (Sadie, 1980), solmization is defined as
the “use of syllables in association with pitches as a mnemonic device for
indicating melodic intervals.” The paragraph goes on to claim: “Such syllables
are, musically speaking, arbitrary in their selection…” (in Sadie 1980:458;
unsigned).
The present article demonstrates that many systems of syllables for
transmitting melodic intervals are far from being “musically speaking,
arbitrary”: on the contrary, in such cases the particular choice of vowels to
represent melodic flow is acoustically well motivated, highly regular and shows
consistency across numerous music cultures. In addition, there are syllabic
systems that transmit information other than or in addition to intervals, such as
duration, loudness, resonance, timbre, attack and decay; most of these similarly
use vowels and consonants in non-arbitrary ways. Since the latter are not,
strictly speaking, solmization systems, a broader term is needed to embrace all
systems where there is a close and highly regular connection between sonic
aspects of the mnemonic syllables and of the corresponding musical
phenomena. I propose the admittedly awkward term acoustic-iconic mnemonic
systems. This reflects the fact that certain phonetic features of the syllables –
both vowels and consonants – are in an iconic relation to the musical sounds
they represent; that is, they mimic or resemble them closely acoustically, as
onomatopoeic words imitate sounds. But the connection between an
onomatopoeic word and its referent is often far from obvious to someone who
does not already know, whereas the principles behind acoustic-iconic systems
(though not their precise application) are universally accessible to human
experience. Thus we shall see that musicians from Japan and Uganda might
well be expected to find each others’ mnemonic systems mutually intelligible.
The term “nonsense syllables” is often used to describe such mnemonics.
This article, however, endeavours to show that, although lexically meaningless,
such syllables make eminent sense once their logic is understood.
Such systems depend for their effectiveness upon their orality: to fully
experience the impact of the syllables, one must sing or recite them, preferably
aloud but at least in one’s head. Such systems have often come to be written
down as well, as we shall see, but even in these cases their oral use is likely to
continue in parallel.
The basic logic underlying acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems allows them
to function successfully and with impressive consistency even though the users
are generally unaware of the full details of this logic. Consciousness is not
necessary for these systems to function, because they are based on perceptions
that are universally available, even if subliminally. It is a major aim of this
article to demonstrate that these perceptions do exist, and then to explain why.
This discussion may have some practical relevance. In Japan, for example,
there is some resistance among younger students to the use of such mnemonics.
As I believe in their utility, I would like to have the evidence to convince such
learners that the traditional method is still useful.1
1 I have dealt with aspects of these matters in two previous articles. Hughes 1989 introduced
the basic features of what I then called “vowel-pitch solfège”, while Hughes 1991 traced the
phenomenon through five centuries in Korea. Some of their main points are summarized
briefly here, without full details and sources. This article both presents new data and
interpretations and reports on an attempt to test the universal accessibility of the relevant
perceptions. (Two misprints in Hughes 1991: the formula in footnote 5 needs a slash mark
after 100 and should read 100/(2n)%; the “n” in footnote 9 should be “ni”.)
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 97
Figure 1 Noh flute solmization for “Ch3 no mai” repeated section. Pitches are notional:
both pitches and intervals can vary each time they are sung.
session singing the syllables in Figure 1. This is the melody of the four-line
repeated flute motif central to the “Ch3 no mai” dance. The flute was not used.2
At our next lesson, once he was satisfied that I had memorized these lines,
he handed me a folded Japanese fan and had me imitate his finger movements
on a similar fan while I sang the mnemonics. The fan was held more or less as
the flute would be, but not against the mouth.
Finally in the third lesson he allowed me to pick up my flute. We then
practised as we had with the fan, singing the mnemonics over and over yet
again, only this time with me fingering on the flute. It was not until the fourth
week, however, that I was at last allowed to actually blow into the flute. At no
time during these four weeks did my teacher ever pick up his own flute.
Playing the flute for that first time, “thinking” the mnemonics as I did so,
the melody seemed to come out naturally (although not with the subtle
ornamental detail of a mature version). The fingers knew where to go, and the
syllables continued to course through my mind. The pitches and intervals were
doubtless different, since we had never sung at any specific pitch, and as I
already knew, there was no standard pitch or tuning pattern for Noh flutes
anyhow, as they never need to accompany another melodic instrument or singer.
2 In this article, vowels in square brackets indicate a loose usage of the International
Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), sufficient to our needs but with some typographical substitutions
for a non-specialist readership. The symbols [i I e a à ¿ o u] are to be pronounced
approximately as in American English “beat, bit, bait/bet, bah, but, bought, boat, boot”
respectively, though never as diphthongs; [¹] is as in “book” but with the tongue somewhat
farther forward and less lip-rounding; [ü] is like [i] but with lips rounded; [y] represents its
normal English value as in “yet”, and [ng] is as in “sing”.
98 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
But I felt a very close identity between what we had sung and what I was now
playing. Eventually I learned the entire “Ch3 no mai” by the same method. No
written notation was offered by my teacher at any time.
Mnemonics of this type in Japan are most commonly called sh<ga (or
kuchi-sh<ga by modern scholars). They exist for many instruments, both
melodic and rhythmic. Singing of sh<ga is standard in learning not only the
Noh flute but also, for example, the wind instruments of gagaku (court music).
And it is equally valued in the latter case, as the following example shows.
In the late 1980s a group of London-based musicians had been striving to
perform gagaku, using five-line staff notations and recordings, with some
guidance from myself. When an ensemble of gagaku musicians conducted
workshops at my university, we performed our two pieces for them. Their
leader charitably claimed to be impressed with how close we had come to the
sound, considering that our instruments were mostly Chinese rather than
Japanese. But he remarked that it was obvious that we had not learned in the
traditional way, namely by first singing the sh<ga: had we done so, he said, the
entire flow of the music would have been different – more natural and correct.
Even today, beginning court musicians may spend not weeks but years learning
pieces via sh<ga before playing the relevant instrument.
Why is sh<ga considered – and indeed why is it – so valuable in learning
Japanese music? On one level it could be merely that singing the melody in
advance, with much of its ornamental detail, implants it firmly in your mind.
But then, why not just sing “la la la” (or “ra ra ra”)? It is clearly because the
acoustic-iconic nature of the vowels and consonants adds an important
dimension to the memorization process, one that (from my own experience)
seems to translate easily into direct performative action on the instrument. Let
us now consider the elements that make such mnemonic systems effective.
indicates a relatively smooth onset rather than an abrupt tongued attack. (An [h]
begins many breath phrases whose first note falls on a downbeat, and is
similarly non-abrupt.) The following [hy-] does not interrupt the air flow, and
nor does the flautist do so, but the two-element sound reflects the fact that there
is usually a grace-note ornamentation at this point linking the first two main
notes. The ensuing [r] between identical vowels, which is pronounced as what
acousticians call a “flap”, indeed marks a simple finger-flap to articulate the
beat, with no breath pulse. The sh<ga for the superficially similar flute (ry3teki)
of gagaku has some differences: thus the attack at the start of a phrase is
similarly gradual, yet unlike the Noh flute it is marked in sh<ga by a [t], with its
inevitable abrupt onset as the tongue tip is pulled away from the roof of the
mouth: [taa-fa’a-roru ta…]. The [t] may not mimic the attack with precision,
but it does mark a cutting of the air stream that distinguishes this note’s attack
from those of the subsequent notes of the phrase ([fa, ro …]).
Looking at other cultures as well, we find that “stop” consonants such as [p,
t, k, b, d, g] generally mark the sharp attack of a plucked string or struck
membranophone or idiophone. The deeper pitches are more commonly marked
by the voiced consonants [b, d, g]; thus the open bass string of Japan’s shamisen
lute is sung as [don] vs. the [ton] of the higher-pitched open middle string, and
[d] represents a deeper, more resonant sound than [t] or other voiceless sounds in
mnemonics for Javanese drums ([tak dung dhah]), many Middle Eastern drums
([dum tek]), Brazilian musical bow berimbau ([chin don]) and so forth. There
are acoustic-phonetic reasons underpinning this which cannot concern us here.
To reflect a two-element sound, a consonant cluster may be used: a rapid
two-hand sequence on the Javanese ciblon drum is called [dlang]; the octave
chord on a Javanese gambang xylophone is expressed as [klèng] or [klong] in a
nineteenth-century poem (Poerbatjaraka 1987:267). Or a chord on a string
instrument can be marked by a more complex fricative or affricate [sh] or [ch]
rather than a simple stop consonant, as in shamisen double-stop [chan, shan] vs.
single-string [ten, ton].
Final consonants often help show decay. In many drum mnemonics, a final
[k] (or other stopped sound) represents a damped stroke, while a final nasal or
vowel shows that the sound is left to resonate and decay naturally. Since a wind
or bowed instrument generally can sustain a note with little or no decay or
timbral change, their solmization tends simply to prolong the vowel. But a
longer note on a plucked string or a struck instrument is often distinguished
from a shorter one by adding a nasal consonant [n, m, ng]. 3
In sum, consider then finally a shamisen passage such as [tereren don]: [t]
for normal pluck, [r] for gentler left-hand pizzicato or up-pluck, [d] for deeper
pitch, [n] to indicate that the last two sounds are prolonged but decay
noticeably. Thus every consonant has an acoustic-iconic role to play. But what
about the vowels?
3 Thomas Porcello’s paper at the 1999 Society for Ethnomusicology meeting, “Metaphors of
sound”, explored consonant symbolism with reference to music in natural-language words such
as “hiss”, “thump”, “rumble” and “clack”. There are obvious points of contact between this
widespread linguistic phenomenon and acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems.
100 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Figure 2 Shape of vocal tract for vowel [i], showing the F2 and F1 resonating chambers
(a = lips; b = palate; c = tongue; d = to the larynx; e = point of maximum constriction)
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 101
i e a o u
Spanish F2 2300 1900 1300 900 800
F1 275 450 725 450 275
Japanese F2 2200 1900 950 750 900
F1 250 450 600 450 300
Korean F2 2031 1834 1292 840 920
(Å = 1155, í = 999)
Figure 3 Frequencies in Hz of first formant (F1) and second formant (F2) of Spanish,
Japanese and Korean vowels (from Delattre 1965:49, Han 1963:56 and Onishi
1981:672). Spanish and Japanese figures = average male voice; Korean figures = one
male speaker. Absolute pitch will vary, but relative pitch patterns persist.
Of course, the vowels are not quite the same in each language, but you will
notice a similarity in ordering. In any language, a vowel close to [i] will have an
F2 value higher than a vowel close to [e], and both will be considerably higher
than for [a], and so on. For F1 a different pattern obtains. The reasons for these
patterns, though too complex to explain here, make good physiological sense.
The values shown in Figure 3 will also vary somewhat with the individual
speaker, and under influence of neighbouring sounds, and of course with the
specific dialect. For example, Japanese [u], which in the standard language is
pronounced with minimal lip-rounding, has an F2 value closer to 750Hz when
more rounded, as often in sh<ga, in most dialects, and when adjacent to the
more rounded [o].
Now let us return to the sh<ga of the Noh flute. It turns out that there is a
remarkably regular correlation between the ordering [i a o u] of the four vowels
used and the relative pitches of their associated notes. To demonstrate this, I
made a matrix as shown in Figure 4, with the four vowels used listed on both
axes. Next I compared the sh<ga and the melody: for each successive pair of
syllables, I made an entry in the matrix showing whether the associated melody
pitches ascended (+), descended (-) or stayed the same (=). For example, the
first two syllables [o hya] in Figure 2 are linked to a rise in pitch, so I add one
point after the plus sign in row [o], column [a]. An examination of five
representative Noh flute compositions yielded the data in Figure 4.4
4 The pieces are four diverse dances (“Ch3 no mai”, “Ha no mai”, “Hayamai”, “Gaku”) and
a free-rhythm mood-setting piece (ashirai), “Deha hataraki”. I relied on Western
transcriptions by Gam< Satoaki in Otani 1973, and those in Berger 1965, checking them
against recording D3 for accuracy of melodic direction. (Precise pitch is not important for
our purposes, nor would it be the same on different flutes.) Sh<ga was drawn from these
same two sources, from Ejima 1936 and from Morikawa 1940.
102 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
2nd vowel i a o u
1st vowel
i +1 +0 +1 +0
-0 -28 -34 -23
=7 =1 =0 =1
a +30 +4 +0 +4
-4 -0 -13 -17
=0 =17 =1 =1
o +17 +31 +0 +11
-0 -1 -0 -8
=0 =0 =4 =0
u +28 +8 +5 +2
-0 -9 -6 -4
=0 =8 =0 =2
This table shows, for example, that when a syllable containing [i] was
followed by one with [o], the melody at that point descended in 34 of 35 cases
in our sample. It can be seen from Figure 4 that [i] represents the highest
position in this hierarchy: in pairs involving [i] and another vowel, the former’s
corresponding pitch is higher in 160 of 167 cases (96%). (Let us ignore the
repeated pitches for now.) The vowel [a] ranks second: it is lower than [i] in 58
of 62 cases, and higher than [o] in 44 of 45 pairs (the exception falling across a
phrase boundary). The vowels [o] and [u] are not clearly ranked in relation to
each other: they seem to share the bottom rung. Notice that the sequence [a u]
represents a falling interval in 17 of 22 cases, whereas the reverse sequence [u
a] is equally often rising or falling. Intrinsic Intensity or Duration may be the
reason in the latter case; these will be discussed shortly. Overall, then, we can
say that the four vowels of this system are ranked in pitch from high to low as
follows: [i], then [a], then [o/u] together, with some exceptions.
Is this an arbitrary ordering? Could we switch, say, [i] and [a] throughout
Noh flute sh<ga with no disruption to the learning process? No: the vowels
must be correlated with melodic direction in close correspondence to their F2
ordering. I base this claim on a number of similar examples, mostly reported in
Hughes 1989 and 1991, where relative pitch is indicated by syllables whose
vowels are in approximate F2 order. Figure 5 is a summary chart of several of
these, but others could also be cited.
What all of these systems have in common is that there is no extrinsic
reason why the vowels in each case should be in this order, unlike the origins of
Western solmization with Guido of Arezzo and a certain poem text. The
systems in Figure 5 owe their existence, structure and utility precisely to their
close adherence to F2 ordering. I say only “close adherence” because in both
Japanese and Korean, as Figure 3 shows, [u] generally has a higher F2 value
than [o], yet [u] overwhelmingly represents a lower pitch. A possible
explanation was offered above and is developed in the discussion of the natural
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 103
5 I used the piece “Etenraku” in three different modes, to ensure that modal differences would
not go unremarked, and “Ringa”, a piece of a somewhat different character and origin.
104 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
hichiriki ry3teki
d'' - 5i
c'' - 2i
b' - 18i, 5a
a' 13i 10i, 23a
g' 5i, 4e 19i, 7a, 10o, 3u
f(#)' 1i, 31e, 20a 6i, 15a, 17o, 11u
e' 41a, 2o, 2u 35a, 9u
d(#)' 17i, 1a, 3u 4i, 4a, 29o, 2u
c(#)' 16i, 1a, 8o, 5u 6o, 8u
b(b) 43o, 2u 32o
a 1i, 11o, 10u 13o, 4u
g - 2i, 1o
f(#) 6u 1i, 4u
e - 1u
Figure 6 Relation between vowels and absolute pitches for hichiriki and ry3teki.
Hichiriki sounds one octave higher than shown; ry3teki sounds two octaves higher.
6 A repeated pitch is sung with [r] 23 times, [t] 24 times; a pitch change uses [r] only 9 times
but [t] (or rarely [d]) 216 times.
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 105
Note first of all that, exactly as in Figure 6 for Japan, there is no regular
correlation between particular vowels and pitches. Figure 8 shows that each of
the five pitches in this example co-occurs with from three to five different
vowels. Likewise, seven of the eight vowels occur with more than one pitch; [u]
occurs with all five pitches.
vowel i ü I ¹ Ã ¿ o u
pitch
g 39 2 2
e 66 1 2 2 24
d 9 6 12 5 23
c 2 2 7 38
A 3 2 9 15
It follows, then, that vowel succession does not indicate interval size,
unlike the syllables of tonic sol-fa: movement between [i] and [u], for example,
can represent several different intervals. Instead, as in the East Asian examples,
we are dealing with the relative pitch of successive notes. Figure 9 shows the
direction of melodic movement between the vowels of this example. (Here I
have written the vowels in the descending order of their F2 frequencies as I
perceive them through whispering or tapping the cheek; this is explained below.
Repeated vowels and pitches are disregarded.)
2nd vowel i ü I ¹ Ã ¿ o u
1st vowel
i -3 -3 -3 -1 -1 -40
ü -3
I +1 -1 -1 -1
¹ +2 -2 -5
à +3 +1
¿ +1
o +3 +5
u +41/-1 +3 +6 -5
7 A hypothesis for why [o] and [u] are out of F2 order: seeing that [o] is restricted to the
lower pitches – played on thicker strings and thus sounding somewhat louder to my ears –
Intrinsic Intensity may be a more important factor than F2 order (see below).
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 107
8 Details in Ladefoged 1982, Lehiste 1970 and other standard studies in acoustic phonetics.
108 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
notes or those in weak metric positions in oral mnemonic systems, while [a]
tends toward the opposite.
Thus the Ugandan harpist above, who must sing more than 300 syllables of
solmization per minute, relies overwhelmingly on a simple two-way pitch
distinction between [i] and [u] (79% of all syllables), since these are the
quickest vowels to pronounce, the ones with the lowest Intrinsic Duration;
conversely, [a] is avoided totally because there is insufficient time to move the
tongue and jaw so far at this tempo. Still, considerations of ID do not lead in
this case to violations of IP. They do so, however, in many other systems. In
mnemonics for the Korean oboe p’iri (reported in Hughes 1991: Figures 2, 3), a
pitch associated with the vowel [i] is, as expected, higher than its neighbours in
96% of 178 cases. The seven exceptions are all on grace notes, where extreme
brevity favours, indeed requires, a vowel of low ID despite the demands of IP. 9
Meanwhile, in Japanese shamisen mnemonics [a] is used to represent
double-stops regardless of pitch: [shan, chan]. This is a matter of Intrinsic
Intensity overriding IP: the much greater loudness of plucking two strings
rather than one – a technique used sparingly and thus strikingly – calls for a
vowel of significantly higher II. There is also a tendency in both Korean
mnemonics and those of Japanese court music to prefer the more intense vowels
[a, o] for strong modal degrees; however, this never seems to override the
requirements of Intrinsic Pitch (see next section).
7 Conscious or unconscious?
Many acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems are highly regular, adhering to the
pattern of Intrinsic Pitch well over 90% of the time, with the bulk of exceptions
often explained by reference to Intrinsic Duration or Intensity. Among the most
consistent are the various systems of Japan and Korea, but a glimpse at Uganda
suggests that the same principles can operate anywhere.
And yet the Japanese and Korean systems seem to have developed and
continued to operate successfully without conscious awareness on the part of
the musicians of the principles underlying them. Given the diversity of detail in
such systems within and between these two countries, it seems unlikely that
some single personage, fully cognizant of the details of vowel acoustics,
consciously devised a single system, originally 100% consistent, that then
diversified over the centuries even as later musicians forgot the original
principles. Already by 1470 in Korea, the Annals of King Sejo state: “As for
musical notation, formerly there was only yukpo [one name for written notation
derived from acoustic-iconic mnemonics] … Its complexities are difficult to
comprehend” (translation revised from Lee 1981:31). That seems like a gentle
way of admitting that nobody could explain how the system worked; yet it
worked then and it works now to make Koreans into competent musicians.
9 Some of the Korean tendencies were noted by Kaufmann (1967), but he did not explore the
matter systematically or in detail and also made numerous errors in romanization.
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 109
Indeed, the Japanese and Korean systems seem not to have merited much
conscious thought until the twentieth century, when scholars in both countries,
possibly due to their encounters with Western music and its vastly different
approach, began to focus on their countries’ unique systems. In Japan, this led
first to the record set D4 (see Discography, below), which in the 1970s
surveyed, described but notably did not attempt to explain the mnemonics for a
wide range of instruments, and then to several papers in Tokumaru and
Yamaguti 1986 which began to reveal at least the patterning if not quite the
explanation. Musicians, meanwhile, carried on unaffected.
In Korea, a different response occurred. (See Hughes 1991: section 7 for
details of the following discussion.) As scholars and musicians began to pay
conscious analytical attention to mnemonics (kuÅm, yukpo), they apparently
came to see their traditional systems as inferior by comparison with the more
rigorous rules of Western solfège. Chang Sahun (1984:137) reported that the
variability of traditional kuÅm was eliminated “after 1930 at the National
Classical Music Institute [a new Western-style conservatoire for traditional
music] and similar institutions”, which attempted a rationalization for teaching
purposes by standardizing the correspondence between particular syllables
(N.B. not vowels)10 and scale degrees. The syllables were selected from among
the many used in traditional mnemonics. If we ignore the consonants, the one-
to-one correlations adopted at that time equated the pentatonic scale Eb, F, Ab,
Bb, c with the vowels [a, u, í, o, Å]. In another publication Chang equated the
upper octave eb with [i] instead, and other scholars and musicians have also
given slightly different matchings, yet agreement with the conservatoire model
is generally close. (These schemata seem intended primarily for p’iri and the
haegÅm fiddle.)
The problem is, these new theoretical models do not accord with practice.
Korean scholars have written down on occasion the mnemonics associated with
particular extant pieces of p’iri music (in the manner of figures 1 and 7 above).
Using two such pieces as data (see Hughes 1991:318), we find that indeed there
is a tendency for one specific vowel to be associated with each of the five scale
degrees. Taking the best matches, however, the vowels are [a, Å, i, o, e]: only
two of these five agree with the conservatoire model! Moreover, they only
match their favourite scale degrees 76% of the time (206/271), which is far less
than the near-perfect 97% correlation between vowel timbre and successive
relative melodic pitch for the same passages. It is clear that the new, conscious,
explicit system linking vowels with absolute pitches has not yet overcome the
subliminal application of the principles of relative-pitch mnemonics. A further
survey of several sources for oboe, zither and flute since the sixteenth century
reveals the same pattern, despite quite different details in each case (Hughes
1991:319ff.).
Still, there does seem to be a tendency in Korea for the vowels [a] and [o]
to be associated with strong modal degrees. Something similar was noted by
10 The tendency to think in terms of syllables rather than vowels (seen also in Japan) derives
perhaps from two factors: the syllabic nature of the writing systems and the influence of
Western sol-fa.
110 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Garfias for Japanese t<gaku court music, where [a] and [o] are “usually
ascribed” to the “uninflected” degrees of each mode (1975:69). Indeed, the data
in Figure 6 above confirm that the pitches b and e', which “are not inflected in
any of the choshi [modes]”, are linked 91% of the time (151/166) with [o] and
[a] respectively. (On the other hand, both of these vowels occur often on other
pitches as well.) A likely explanation lies in the realm of Intrinsic Intensity and
Intrinsic Duration: these two vowels rate high in both qualities, which perhaps
makes them suitable for representing strong, stable, often sustained pitches.
Once again we find that a mnemonic system based primarily on the
unconscious representation of relative pitch also leaves room for the workings
of rhythm, accent and duration.
Still, many readers will have been begging to point out that an awareness of
a link between vowel colour and pitch is widely recognized in the world of
Western classical music at least. Singing teachers in particular are aware of the
relative ease of singing higher notes on [i] as opposed to [u]. Other cultures may
also have observed this connection from time to time. Cyril Birch (1998) writes
that Chinese poet-composer Tang Xianzu (1550–1616), creator of the Kun
opera The Peony Pavilion, “paid too little attention to the singability of his
lyrics. He [protested] at the revisions of his arias made by lesser men overly
concerned with such matters as pitching front vowels [e.g. [i, e]] at high points
of the melody and back vowels [e.g. [o, u]] at low: Tang wanted his poetry sung
as he wrote it, [even if] it cracked the throat of every singer in the empire.”
These two examples pertain to singing, but of course they could lead one by
analogy to impose a similar vowel ordering on instrumental solmization.
It appears, though, that very few traditional musicians in Japan at least are
consciously aware of the principles of vowel acoustics underlying the
mnemonics they use. In August 1999, following the experiments reported in
section 11 below, I discussed my observations with several senior musicians
who had just taken part, each individually. 11 All of them expressed surprise at
the patterns I had found, particularly the highly regular association of the vowel
ordering [i e a o u] with descending pitch. A typical reaction to my explanation
was the word naruhodo – perhaps best translated here as “I see, I get it” – often
repeated with some surprise, as if suddenly they now understood the basis of
their own musical behaviour. None of them said anything like, “Yes, we’ve
know that all along; that’s how my teacher explained it to me” and so forth. And
yet, whatever their momentary intellectual excitement, I doubt if the knowledge
gained could make these superb musicians still better; it must be reiterated that
consciousness is not necessary for the operation of these systems.12
.
11 They included Imafuji Masatar< (nagauta shamisen), Isso Yukimasa and Matsuda
Hiroyuki (Noh flute), Takahashi Y3jir< (folk shamisen), and Ueno Mitsumasa and
Wakayama Taneo (flutes of matsuribayashi and sato-kagura). All had had some experience
of sh<ga for other instruments as well; none were well versed in Western music or its theory.
12 For Korea, passing conversations with several musicians visiting England suggests that
the conservatoire explanation – one vowel (syllable) for one scale degree – dominates
consciousness. For discussion of one Korean performer with a partial awareness of the true
patterning, see Hughes 1991:323, footnote 24.
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 111
But even given that there is a logical physical explanation for the elements
of acoustic-iconic systems, how could the latter have developed so
systematically, and continued to work so well, with minimal consciousness?
Many people feel that different vowels resonate in different parts of the body. A
highly systematized case is Kundalini yoga, where the bodily energy centres
called cakras are linked with specific vowels: in one school at least, [i e a o u]
equate respectively with head, throat, chest, stomach and lower abdomen. The
exact same pattern was demonstrated by the dhrupad singer Fariduddin Dagar
around 1982 (Gert-Matthias Wegner, personal communication). Given the
common metaphoric link, surely in a majority of music cultures, between
spatial height and musical pitch height (frequency), one can posit that even an
unconscious perception of these bodily resonances could lead to an association
between vowels and relative musical pitch. Not having heard an acoustic
explanation for this somatic pattern, my tentative introspective hypothesis is
that as the point of articulation of the vowels (the point where the tongue is
nearest the roof of the mouth) proceeds backward in the mouth, towards the
descent into the throat, so too is the mouth cavity extended back and down, and
so we might well perceive this as a lowering of the resonant region. In any case,
this perception of bodily resonance is mutually reinforcing with the F2
sequence perception derived from whispering and so forth.
Figure 11
13 I do not know whether traditional teachers of such styles ever refer to the correlation of
vowels and pitch.
114 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
14 Madden 1989, not yet seen, is reported to be a good introduction to this topic. XXXXXX
15 The pseudo-yodel in “The Lonely Goatherd” from The Sound of Music (“lay-dee yodel
lay-dee yodel lay-hee-hoo”), although it bears little resemblance to yodelling as actually
practised in the Alps, is nonetheless a good example in its own right.
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 115
11 Testing “naturalness”
Concluding my 1991 article, I suggested that we could test musicians’ living
performative knowledge – their generally unconscious yet functional usage – of
such systems by asking them to provide solmization for a melody that previously
had none, such as a well-known melody from a different genre. Recently, I
instead took a somewhat different approach. The aim was to explore whether not
only musicians but other people might instinctively recognize certain vowel
sequences as more or less appropriate for particular melodies depending on the
matching of the vowels’ Intrinsic Pitch, Duration and Intensity with the same
features in the melody. To this end, I concocted an experiment in which people
were asked to choose which of two or three vowel sequences better matched a
particular melody. Intending first to conduct this experiment in Japan and
England, I chose three melodies, two of Western origin and one Japanese, that
were potentially familiar to most people in both cultures: “Mary Had a Little
Lamb”, “Auld Lang Syne” (“Hotaru no Hikari” in Japanese) and – with some
coaching for non-Japanese – “Sakura Sakura” (“Cherry Blossoms”).
The English-language version of this test is reproduced in the Appendix.
Since the experiment focused primarily on pitch, for each melody I created one
vowel sequence that corresponded 100% to the F2 theory (choices 1b, 2a, 3c),
and another that opposed it 100% (1a, 2c, 3b). The “naturalness” hypothesis
expected that the former would be perceived as far more suitable by most
people. In Choice 2b, all metrically strong/long notes were marked with [a] and
weak/short ones with [i] or [u], without regard to pitch; this example should
have found favour with those more sensitive to Intrinsic Duration or Intensity.
Finally, Choice 3a was a vowel sequence not correlating with any of the
intrinsic parameters; I expected this to be firmly rejected.
Testing was then conducted on several types of subject: Japanese with
significant experience of F2-based sh<ga; Japanese with only Western music
experience; Japanese with little or no music training; non-Japanese university
music students (with little or no exposure to F2-based solmization systems);
non-Japanese with little or no music training; and my audiences at three
conferences in Japan, including the 1999 ICTM World Conference:
musicologists, about half of them Japanese, some having significant exposure
to F2-based sh<ga. Figure 12 gives the raw results.
Each of the “correct” choices indeed won out, though to different degrees
(Figure 12a). Overall, the correct choice was made on average 62% of the time,
and for tunes 2 and 3 it trounced the nearest opposition (60% to 20% and 69% to
25%). Still, many people did not “instinctively” choose the F2 examples as I had
116 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
predicted, and for tune 1 a sizeable minority preferred the “anti-F2” example.
Detailed analysis of respondents’ comments and backgrounds turned out to be
necessary. In this short paper I can only hint at the factors that came to light.
First, those subjects who are known to have had significant exposure to
traditional Japanese sh<ga (mostly students and/or teachers of Noh flute or
gagaku) very strongly preferred the F2-compliant choices (average 78%
overall; Figure 12b). One could hypothesize either that they perceived an
analogy with the very strict F2 ordering of the sh<ga of those genres (despite
claiming to have been unaware of this patterning), or that as active musicians
they were unusually musically sensitive and thus attuned to pitch in the first
place. The latter hypothesis fails since other Japanese who were highly trained
Western musicians preferred F2 only 57% of the time, and music students in
England (Figure 12c) preferred F2 only 53%. It does seem, then, that exposure
to an F2-based mnemonic system enhances one’s preference for such settings.
However, only one respondent expressed an awareness of such a connection; as
noted in section 7 above, the F2 patterning of sh<ga operates subliminally.
Still, even for those with no experience of F2-based solmization, for tunes 2
and 3 the F2 choice was far ahead of the nearest competitor. It was tune 1, “Mary
Had a Little Lamb”, that sorted the sheep from the goats: musicians with known
experience of sh<ga preferred the F2 choice by 88%, whereas all other respondents
(some surely having sh<ga experience) preferred it by only 55%. Why?
Respondents’ comments show the complexity of designing and interpreting
such an experiment. Five people (three Japanese) agreed that 1a was better than
1b because it was “soft and feminine”, “bright and sunny” (akarui), starting
with “light” vowels ([na ne ni ne] vs. [na no nu no]) which better suited a song
about a little girl and her little lamb. (Similarly, two Japanese chose 3b because
it was “soft and pliant” (yawarakai) like the cherry blossoms of the song.) One
Japanese student of Western music said that “1b looked better but 1a sang
better” in that it suited the song’s mood. Three others rejected 1b because it
began “like a tongue-twister”, with vowels that were “too close in sound” ([na
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 117
no nu no na …]), thus hardly singable. (Indeed, these three vowels are much
closer in F2 values than the opening three of 1a; see Hughes 1991:325, 311, 313
concerning the problems this poses for F2 systems.)
This discussion, alas, shows the inadvisability of choosing texted melodies,
or perhaps any programmatic melodies, for such an experiment: the role of F2
in representing pitch may conflict with emotive or other aspects of vowel
colour. It seems that the lyrics had even more impact on those lacking formal
musical training of any significance, but with only seven such respondents such
a claim is premature.
Another problem needs mentioning. In Japanese and in English I tried
various ways to explain to subjects what the criterion should be for choosing an
answer. Obviously I could hardly ask, “Which of these sets of syllables most
closely reflects the pitch of the melody through vowel colour?” or some such.
In preliminary testing I tried such phrases as “closest to the melody”, “most
natural”, “easiest to sing”, “easiest to remember”, “most suited” and “matching
most closely”. One Japanese found 2a “closest to the melody” (as I had hoped)
but 2b “easiest to remember” (for obvious reasons).
Notice finally that for all types of respondent, for tune 2 the F2 example
(2a) was by far favoured over the Intrinsic Intensity example (2b), which in turn
beat out the anti-F2 example (2c). This corresponds with the general nature of
mnemonic systems for melodic instruments (as opposed to rhythmic ones).
Taking all this into account, on balance I would claim that the results
indicate that most people sense a correlation between F2 values and relative
musical pitch, and that this is heightened by formal musical experience and
even more so by previous exposure to F2 solmization systems. Further testing
on musically “naïve” subjects, using purely instrumental melodies, is needed.
It is worth noting that several Japanese students of shamisen actually
claimed to find their teacher’s use of sh<ga a hindrance to learning. All of them
were students at a (Western) music conservatoire and had mastered tonic sol-fa;
they thus instinctively thought of those syllables when learning a shamisen
melody, and thus their teacher’s singing sequences such as [totechiririn] was
confusing to them. He was pleased that my testing revealed to them that even
they tended to follow F2 and thus could benefit from learning sh<ga.
12 Summing up
The strengths and weaknesses of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems have been
noted at various points above (e.g. the beginning of section 3). In most cases
they add a useful redundancy to the oral learning process: one sings the correct
melody, rhythmic pattern etc., but memorization and recall are made easier by
associating the sequence with specific syllables which are acoustically iconic to
the desired sonic output. (Again, this is why singing merely “la la la” is less
effective.)
Indeed, there are certain cases where this redundancy is crucial, namely
when the melody sung while learning deviates from the performed one. In such
118 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
cases, it may be only the vowel sequence that indicates the correct pitch
sequence. Thus the ry3teki flute player of gagaku may sing the two notes of the
sh<ga sequence [to ri] on the same pitch, whereas they are played as an octave
leap from [to] to [ri]. In this case, it is precisely the vowels of the sh<ga that
remind the performer of the true melodic contour: because of the information
they provide, there is no need for the flautist to strain to sing the actual melodic
jump.16 A similar situation occurs when a teacher wishes to direct a student’s
attention to a particular passage: this can be done by saying, “Start again from
[chichitetsuton]”, without actually singing the pitches.
This redundancy is also apparent in the various written notations of Japan
and Korea. In Japan, there is no standard notation system: the principles are
different for each instrument and genre (see Malm 1959: Appendix; Malm and
Hughes, 2000). Let us consider the Noh flute. The earliest notations were
nothing but the syllables of sh<ga written down (for a 1776 example, see
Hirano and Fukushima 1978:152). The twentieth century saw two refinements.
One system (see ibid.:154, from Morikawa 1940) added a fingering diagram to
the left of each mnemonic syllable but did not indicate the correct octave or
actual pitches: the sh<ga was necessary to deduce these. The other (Ejima
1936) simply placed the syllables over an eight-beat grid, thus showing the
rhythm but with no indication of fingering, nor of octave or pitch: again, only
the sh<ga conveys pitch information. The (written) notation for the ry3teki flute
of gagaku has a column of symbols representing specific fingerings – thus a
tablature – alongside a column of acoustic-iconic mnemonics, with other
devices to show rhythm. Even Western-influenced twentieth-century notations
for shamisen, which use Arabic, Japanese and Roman numerals in a version of
the Galin-Paris-Chevé system to show pitch and fingering quite precisely, still
include the sh<ga. Many Korean systems are similar in these respects.
I hope to have made it clear that acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems are
useful precisely because they are “natural”. However, the reader might fairly
ask whether I have introduced only those examples that fit my model: might
there not be mnemonic systems that work well on other principles, or without
any particular principles at all? Certainly it is true that I have not described any
systems that work in direct opposition to IP, II and ID. But this is because there
are no such systems.
There are at least two common sorts of mnemonic systems, already
encountered above, that work on principles other than intrinsicality, but neither
of these oppose intrinsicality, they simply ignore it; thus they are pseudo-
exceptions. One is represented by the solfège of Guidonian origin: do re mi etc.:
these syllables originate in a poetic text whose lines just happened to begin with
the syllables ut re mi etc., with ut being changed to do later for reasons having
nothing to do with intrinsicality and everything to do with theology. (English
naming of pitches as a, b, c etc. is a similar phenomenon: logical but arbitrary in
origin.)
16 An example of this, from “Konju no ha”, was provided by Gam< Mitsuko during her
paper “On the oral tradition of shoga for training in the wind instruments of gagaku”, 35th
ICTM World Conference, Hiroshima, August 1999.
HUGHES No nonsense: the logic and power of acoustic-iconic mnemonic systems 119
Acknowledgements
This article is a revision and extension of a paper “Common elements in East
Asian oral mnemonic systems”, presented at the 35th ICTM World Conference,
Hiroshima, August 1999. Research and conference attendance in Japan was made
possible by a grant from the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee. I am
grateful to all those in Japan and England who took part in my testing and shared
their opinions during August–November 1999; particular thanks to Imafuji
Masatar<, Isso Yukimasa, Matsuda Hiroyuki, Oshio Satomi, Shiba Sukeyasu,
Takahashi Y3jir<, Ueno Mitsumasa, Wakayama Taneo, Rick Emmert and Linda
Fujie. Interpretations of data and of others’ comments are my own responsibility.
References
Aksenov, A.N. (1967) “Die Stile des tuvinischen zweistimmigen
Sologesanges”. In E. Stockmann et al. (eds) Sowjetische Volkslied- und
Volksmusikforschung, 293-307. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.
Bent, Ian (1980) “Notation”. In S. Sadie (ed.) New Grove dictionary of music
and musicians, 1st edn. London: Macmillan.
Berger, Donald (1965) “The nohkan: its construction and music”.
Ethnomusicology 9.3:221-39.
Birch, Cyril (1998) “Tang Xianzu: scholar, official, poet”. In programme
booklet for The Peony Pavilion, The Barbican, London, September 1998.
Chang Sahun (1984) Kugak taesajín [Encyclopedia of Korean music]. Seoul:
Segwang Åmak Ch’ulp’ansa.
120 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Discography
D1: Pesni i instrumentalnye melodii tuvy [Songs and instrumental melodies of
the Tuvins] (LP, Melodiya D 030773, n.d.)
D2: Royal court music from Uganda (CD, Sharp Wood Productions
SWP008/HT02, Utrecht, 1998) (www.swp-records.com)
D3: N<gaku hayashi taikei [Compendium of Noh instrumental music] (6 LPs,
Japan Victor SJL 64-69, 1973)
D4: Kuchi-sh<ga taikei [Survey of Japanese oral mnemonics] (5 LPs,
CBS/Sony AG457-61, 1978)
D5: Sénégal: The Saoruba from Casamance (CD, VDE-Gallo CD-926, 1999).
1 Which of the following two examples seems to you to match most closely (or
be most suited to) the melody of “Mary Had a Little Lamb”? Please circle either
(a) or (b).
(a)
| na ne ni ne | na na na - | ne ne ne - | na nu nu - |
| na ne ni ne | na na na - | ne ne na ne | ni
(b)
| na no nu no | na na na - | no no no - | na ni ni - |
| na no nu no | na na na - | no no na no | nu
2 Which of the following three examples seems to you to match most closely
(or be most suited to) the melody of “Auld Lang Syne”? Please mark the closest
with a circled number 1, and the second closest with a circled number 2.
(a)
nu | na • na na ni | ne • no ne ni | na • na ne ni | ni - - ni |
| ne • na na no | ne • na ne ni | na • no no nu | na
(b)
nu | na • ni na ni | na • ni na ni | na • ni na ni | na - - ni |
| na • ni na ni | na • ni na ni | na • ni na ni | na
(c)
no | ni • ni ni no | ne • ni ne no | ni • ni ne no | nu - - nu |
| no • na na ne | no • ne no nu | no • ne ne ni | ne
122 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
3 Which of the following three examples seems to you to match most closely
(or be most suited to) the melody of “Sakura Sakura (Cherry Blossoms)”?
Please mark the closest with a circled number 1, and the second closest with a
circled number 2.
(a)
| ne no ni - | ne no ni - | ne no na ni | ne noni na - | ni no na ni | no nani no …
(b)
| na na no - | na na no - | na no nu no | na nona ne - | ne ni ne na | ne neni ni …
(c)
| na na ne - | na na ne - | na ne ni ne | na nena no - | na no na ne | na nano nu …
5 Did you learn any of these with the aid of oral mnemonic syllables (such as
bols for tabla)? If so, which ones?
This article examines the relationships between listening patterns and the
construction of identities amongst the Korean diaspora in the former Soviet
Union. This examination uses both quantitative and qualitative methods in an
attempt to analyse the ways in which musics are consumed by these
communities, and to understand better how a variety of self, social and ethnic
identities are constructed and contested through music consumption.
Introduction
Although diaspora is not a uniquely modern or postmodern condition, the
number of diasporas and minorities appears to have increased dramatically since
the breakup of the former Soviet Union and the subsequent realignment of power
relations in both international and inter-ethnic politics. For example, in some
states Russians have become diasporas themselves 2 and some former minorities
1 This is an extended version of a paper presented at the annual conference of the British
Forum for Ethnomusicology at King Alfred’s College, Winchester, in 1996. My research on
the Korean diaspora in the former Soviet Union was funded from 1993 to 1996 by the
Leverhulme Trust and the Economic and Social Research Council in the United Kingdom.
From 1998 to 2000 the continuation of this work has been supported by a fellowship from the
International Institute for Asian Studies in the Netherlands.
2 According to the 1989 Soviet Census, the Russian population in the Soviet Union reached
over 145 millions making them the largest nationality (50.78%) in this superstate (total
population 285,600,000). At the time of the collapse of the USSR, more than 25 million
Russians found themselves outside Russian territory, facing an uncertain future in the
independent post-Soviet states. In addition to their new citizenship status, their previous
position as the dominant “Big Brother” also changed to that of a Russian minority and a
diaspora in the new states. See Shlapentokh et al. 1994, Aasland 1996 and Tishkov 1997 for
the changing political roles and social positions of Russians in various former Soviet
republics.
1994, Sugarman 1997). The interface between music and the construction of
identity may occur in all sites, media and agents that are engaged in both the
production and consumption of music. In this sense, music consumption is also
a social performance and “practice” (Bourdieu 1977, de Certeau 1984) in which
individual users (audiences or listeners in the case of music) choose,
appropriate and reappropriate the properties and meanings of music.
The term “listening” in this paper is used in the same sense that Barthes
(1991:245) and van Zanten (1997:44) use it when they refer to listening as a
“psychological” and “conscious” act respectively. 4 In this paper I will explore
the various issues associated with music listening as social performance and
“practice” amongst the Korean diaspora in the former Soviet Union.5 This will
be done by first providing a brief history of the events that led to the
establishment of this diaspora. Secondly I will describe how political and social
changes in the former Soviet Union shape the musics of Soviet Koreans and the
contexts in which these musics are consumed. Then I will describe and analyse
the various listening habits and preferences of these peoples illustrated with
both quantitative and ethnographic data collected from the Korean communities
in Russia, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan between 1993 and 1995. Finally I will
discuss how the analysis of these listening patterns and how they are to be
understood in terms of the construction of their self, social and ethnic identity.
4 A number of studies have been made on a variety of ways in which musics are heard or
listened to by different individuals and in various cultural and social contexts (Shimeda 1986,
Baumann 1992, 1993, 1997, Chernoff, 1997, Chopyak 1997, During 1997, Elsner 1997,
Howard 1997, van Zanten 1997). For audience analysis, see McQuail (1997) and
Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998).
5 A number of studies have been made on the issues of music and identity amongst the Asian
diasporas, for example, Chinese in the USA (Riddle 1983; Zheng 1990, 1994), South Asians
in the UK (Baily 1995, Gopinath 1995), Japanese in Brazil (Hosokawa 1999) to name a few.
For the studies of music in diaspora Slobin (1994) also offers a general framework that
includes “the activity of the superculture,” “the idea of a subculture,” “the networks of
interculture,” “the flexibility of music-cultural definition,” “activists” and “oppositionality.”
It is interesting to note that in many ways these six principles are comparable to the author’s
theoretical model associated with the processes of music-making in a diaspora (Um 1996).
6 The result of the 1999 census was not available when this paper was written.
126 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
when the Soviet authorities reversed this policy in an effort to accelerate the
process of sovietization of the Sakhalin Koreans.
During the Stalinist period voluntary internal migration of Soviet Koreans
was permitted only within the region of Soviet Central Asia. However, after the
island of Sakhalin became a Soviet territory at the end of the Second World
War, several hundred Central Asian Koreans were sent to Sakhalin as teachers
and civil servants. The Soviet authorities did this to facilitate the education and
administration of the Korean population on the island who had no knowledge of
the Russian language and Soviet system. When the official 1937 restrictions on
the movement of Koreans and establishment of residence was lifted shortly
after Stalin’s death in 1953 several thousand Central Asian Koreans moved
back to the Russian Far East, which they considered “home”. Since the 1960s a
number of the Sakhalin Koreans have also moved in the opposite direction, to
the Russian mainland and Soviet Central Asia, in an effort to gain access to
higher education and improve their job prospects (Um 1996).
10 For example, according to Han Ch’ôl-chu (b. 1921) and Yang Lora (b. 1923), “The Song
of Lenin” and “The Song of the Tractor” were widely sung amongst Soviet Koreans in the
Russian Far East (fieldwork 1994).
11 The most well-known new Soviet Korean song is “Let’s Vigorously Sow Fields with
Seeds” (Ssirûl Hwalhwal Ppuryôra), which was written and composed in 1931 by Soviet
Korean artist Yôn Sông-yong (born in 1909 in Vladivostok and died in 1998 in Almaty).
This song describes the joyful rural life of a socialist state and employs a Korean folksong
style with a pentatonic scale. For other works by Yôn Sông-yong see Um (1996).
12 Since 1917 a variety of revolutionary and socialist music “for the people by the people”
was composed and arranged to create forms of proletarian popular culture in the former
Soviet Union. See Stites (1992) for changes in official policies and popular culture in Russia
and the former Soviet Union since 1900.
128 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Methodology
The description and analysis of the listening patterns of the Soviet Korean
diaspora are drawn from both my quantitative and qualitative data collected in
various Korean communities in Russia, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan between
1993 and 1995.15 This research began in 1992 when a draft questionnaire was
developed and pre-tested in Seoul, South Korea.16 The questionnaire was then
13 For Yulduz Usmanova, who is best known outside Uzbekistan as the Uzbek pop queen,
see Levin (1996:80–84).
14 i.e. (ethnic) Korean missionaries from the USA.
15 For data collection methods see Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias (1996:203–333).
UM Listening patterns and identity of the Korean diaspora in the former USSR 129
16 On the issue of the perceptions of traditional Korean music and Western music in South
Korea see Howard 1997.
17 The total number of questionnaires completed and entered into the database was 450. Care
was taken to ensure an even distribution in terms of geographical region, age, gender and
education. All those interviewed had Korean ancestry.
18 The criteria used were made after extensive interviews with Soviet Koreans from different
backgrounds and several tests in the field. The question attempts to avoid the researcher’s
bias as much as possible, and also to include all of the various types of music available to
different Soviet Korean communities.
130 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
0 = No education
1 = Korean traditional education only
2 = Primary school
3 = Secondary school
4 = College
5 = University
6 = Graduate school
19 Some Korean migrants who had not received a school education had studied classical
Chinese readings in the pre-modern and pre-Soviet education systems. The distinction
between “college” and “university” was made because the former is associated with
technically oriented trainings whereas the latter is associated with a higher level of academic
studies as defined in the education system of the former Soviet Union.
UM Listening patterns and identity of the Korean diaspora in the former USSR 131
These relationships between musical preference and age group can be further
divided according the musical genres as illustrated in Figure 4.
Soviet Koreans in their 10s (48% of the age group 10 to 19) and 20s (44%) have
a strong preference for Western popular music while those who are in their 30s
(40%) and 40s (27%) most strongly favour Russian popular music. Korean
modern pop music is the second most popular genre for Soviet Koreans in their
10s (17%) and 20s (16%). Notably these age groups had an opportunity to study
the Korean language in university or visit Korea on an exchange programme.
Through this exposure to contemporary Korean culture they seem to have
acquired a preference for Korean modern pop just as young South Koreans do
in their home country. Soviet Koreans in their 40s appear to have a wide range
of musical tastes, from Russian popular (27%) to Western popular (15%) to
Korean traditional (15%) to Western classical (13%) and Korean modern
popular (13%). It is from the 50s age group and older that preferences switch to
Korean music, especially to what they consider to be traditional Korean music.
These correlations between listening habits and age groups were also
illustrated by the ways in which Soviet Koreans perceive the various musical
preferences of different age groups. For example, a Soviet Korean woman in
132 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Almaty suggested to me that she could fill out the questionnaire on behalf of her
teenage son. When I asked her how she could possibly answer all the questions,
especially his musical preferences, for him, she relied, “Of course, I know what
he likes. At home I can hear that he listens to Michael Jackson all the time. But
I much prefer our own singers like Song Georgy from here and Mun Kongja
from Sakhalin who can sing much better.”20
The activity of music listening amongst Soviet Koreans was sometimes
extended to social practice through networking and the exchange of musical
resources within the age group. For example, when the daughter of my host
family in Almaty found out that her friend had brought back some of the latest
South Korean pop music on tapes and CDs from Seoul, she immediately
contacted other friends and organized a gathering to listen to these new albums
together. She told me that it is their own social event, implying that I was not
invited. When a close friend of my host family came to borrow some Korean
folksong cassette tapes for her mother’s birthday party she brought her own
video tapes of South Korean TV shows as a token of exchange. 21
Again the relationships between musical preference and education levels can be
further divided according the music types as illustrated in Figure 6.
22 In Ush-tobe, I met other nationalities such as Russioans and Kazakhs who had acquired
the Korean language from their Korean-speaking neighbours.
134 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Conclusion
Political and social influences from the wider society of the former USSR and
Korea have shaped both the content of music and the contexts in which music is
consumed by the Korean diaspora in the former Soviet Union. The practice of
music consumption among this diaspora varies depending on the age,
immigration generation and education of individuals and the regional context of
the different migrant communities. For example, the older generations
appreciate Korean traditional music and Korean old popular music. Younger
and more educated Soviet Koreans in all regions tend to have a preference for
modern popular songs of various origins including those from the West, Russia
and South Korea.
It should be noted that the ways in which Soviet Koreans perceive different
types of music are both personal and social constructions. The definition of
Korean traditional music varies depending on the place of origin, age, migration
generation and community. For example, Central Asian Koreans who were born
in the Russian Far East would consider folksongs from northern regions of the
Korean peninsular to be Korean traditional music while the first generation
Sakhalin Koreans from the southern regions of the Korean peninsular would
23 See Olcott 1993, 1995 and Svanberg 1996 for the processes of nation-building and
political leadership in Kazakhstan.
24 See Gleason 1993, Carlisle 1995 and Akiner 1996 for the processes of nation-building
and political leadership in Uzbekistan.
138 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
regard folk songs from their place of origin as Korean traditional music. On the
other hand, older Soviet Koreans in all regions would consider the Korean
songs created in the Russian Far East and Central Asia to be “Soviet Korean
music”.25 For younger generations, these Soviet Korean songs are “traditional”
because of their association with the past.
If music plays a critical role in both the construction and articulation of
personal, social and ethnic identity, how does music contribute to this process?
Musical symbols and emblems can be effective in rallying entire populations, as
national anthems and revolutionary songs often do. However, it is clear from
the evidence of the Korean migrant communities studied here that the same
musical symbols and emblems can have different meanings depending on the
listeners’ age, education, generation of migration and geographical location.
De Vos (1995:24) suggests that ethnic identity consists of the “subjective,
symbolic or emblematic use of any aspect of culture, or a perceived separate
origin and continuity in order to differentiate themselves from other groups”.
He also considers that ethnic identity is past-oriented whereas social identity
such as citizenship, occupation and ideological affiliation is present- or future-
oriented (1995:27).
Ethnic identity in the former Soviet Union and post-Soviet republics is not
simply a “subjective feeling of belonging” (De Vos 1995). It can also be a set of
political and social criteria which is officially defined by a government as a
“nationality” to be indicated on the passport under the category of
“citizenship”. 26 The loyalty of ethnic Koreans toward the Soviet Union was
questioned by the Soviet government, although Koreans in the Russian Far East
had voluntarily joined the Bolsheviks during the October Revolution,27 and
consequently they were transferred to Central Asia as traitors to the Soviet
Union by Stalin in 1937. Their honour was not restored until 1991 by the new
Russian Federation. At the same time, ethnic identity for the Korean diaspora in
the former Soviet Union also faces the challenge of geo-political changes in
their home country. They now have to reassess their past in relation to a Korea
their forebears left a century ago, and construct their present and future identity
in relation to the two home counties of South Korea and North Korea. For the
25 Representative of the new types of Soviet Korean music are the “longing for home songs”
(manghyangga), which are to be found in all Korean communities in the former Soviet
Union. These songs have different musical styles depending on their region. The Central
Asian Korean songs employ the melodies of a hybrid of Christian hymns and Japanese
marching songs (ch’angga), which were popular in Korea and the Russian Far East at the
turn of the twentieth century. On the other hand, the Sakhalin Korean versions are in the style
of Japanese and Korean popular songs of the 1930s and 1940s. Older Soviet Koreans in
Central Asia and Sakhalin usually consider these Soviet Korean songs to belong to the broad
category of “Korean old popular music” used in this survey.
26 See Bremmer (1993), Smith (1996) and Wilson (1996).
27 Koreans fought against Russian and Japanese imperialism, feeling that Bolshevik socialist
ideology could provide them with a better status and quality of life in the Russian Far East
(Kim 1989).
UM Listening patterns and identity of the Korean diaspora in the former USSR 139
Korean diaspora in the former Soviet Union, both their social identity and
ethnic identity are past-, present- and future-oriented.
These complexities in the social and ethnic identity of Soviet Koreans are
also reflected in the ways in which different musics are perceived by this
diaspora. Barthes considers that hearing is essentially linked to evaluation of
the spatio-temporal situation. According to him, based on hearing, listening is
the very sense of space and of time (Barthes 1991:247). In this way, Korean
traditional music is linked to the real or “imagined” homeland and past which,
in turn, is associated with Korean ethnic identity. However, as different
individuals and migrant communities have their own definition of Korean
traditional music, their semantic associations of the homeland and past with
ethnic identity may be different.
According to Frith (1996:109), music creates and constructs an experience.
It is also a “key to identity because it offers a sense of both self and others, of
the subjective in the collective” (1996:110). In this sense, for the Korean
diaspora, the practice of listening to a variety of modern popular music is a way
of constructing and redefining their self, social and ethnic identity. For
example, Korean modern popular music may be associated with an imagined
homeland and past because of its assumed linguistic and cultural connection. At
the same time, this music also represents the “otherness” of contemporary
South Korea, which exists in the present as a foreign country. 28 Another
example is Russian rock music of the late Victor Tzoi,29 which has a significant
importance to many Soviet Koreans, including older generations who rarely
listen to this type of music. For the Korean diaspora, Victor Tzoi and his music
represent both “self” and “others”. They consider that Tzoi’s half-Korean and
half-Ukrainian ethnic background and his songs, which predominantly relate to
alienation and marginalization, reflect their diasporic existence.30
With regard to self-identity Giddens (1991:5) suggests that:
In the post-traditional order of modernity, and against the backdrop of
new forms of mediated experience, self-identity becomes a reflexively
28 In fact, many Soviet Koreans, especially elderly Soviet Koreans who speak an older
northern dialect, find it difficult to understand the lyrics of modern South Korean popular
songs in the contemporary standard South Korean language. For example, when the author
was speaking Korean with a Kazakh Korean historian, who studied the Korean language in
Seoul, his mother, who was born in the Russian Far East, said to us, “What are you two
talking about? It sounds nice, but I cannot understand a word of it” (fieldwork 1994).
29 See Ramet et al. 1994 and Cushman 1995 for more details about Victor Tzoi in the Soviet
rock scene.
30 For example, a young Kazakh Korean in Almaty, Nam Tatyana (b. 1971), said to me: “I
feel that Victor Tzoi and his music belong to us. Soviet Koreans, are ‘in between’ just like
Victor Tzoi himself. We are not ‘completely’ Korean because we were not born there and did
not know much about Korea until a few years ago. But we are always seen as being Korean
here, by Russians, Kazakhs, Uzbeks and others. Because we are displaced we are also
‘power-less’ like what Victor Tzoi’s songs are all about” (fieldwork 1993).
140 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
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Barthes, Roland (1991) The responsibility of forms: critical essays on music,
UM Listening patterns and identity of the Korean diaspora in the former USSR 141
Stites, Richard (1992) Russian popular culture: entertainment and society since
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was funded by the Leverhulme Trust and the Economic and Social Research
Council, UK. She is presently a research fellow of the PAATI (Performing Arts
in Asia: Tradition and Innovation) programme at the International Institute for
Asian Studies in Leiden, the Netherlands. Her current research focuses on the
performing arts of Korea and of the Korean diaspora in the former Soviet Union
and China. Address: International Institute for Asian Studies, Nonnensteeg 1–3,
2311 VJ Leiden, The Netherlands; tel: +31–71–527–4126; Fax: +31–71–
527–4162; e-mail: haekyungum@rullet.leidenuniv.nl.
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 145
________________________________________
Reviews
________________________________________
we go much further than Fleischer into even a century ago. One could as easily
what At’ayan calls the “essences” of argue that church music had influenced
these notations? the subsequent development of folk
To indicate how much the European music. Elsewhere he claims that khazes
scholars before him had erred, At’ayan were “affiliated with the monodic
cites their unfamiliarity with the national style of music” (104) yet is also
Armenian musical tradition: unable to give evidence of the existence
The majority of scholars have of a “national” style a thousand years
ascribed khazes with unprovable ago. The insistence on a distinctive
definitions and concluded the “Armenian musical tradition” that may
question as being exhausted have evolved independently of external
without even making attempts to influences over a thousand years
verify their conclusions by becomes even more problematical given
transcribing any melody. Those that Armenia has been under Arab,
who did transcribe the odd melody Mongolian, Russian, Persian and
(Schroeder, Peterman) were never Ottoman rule since the days of the origins
aware that the melodies they of khaz notation.
selected were never in their At’ayan’s argument for a cultural
essence (modal intonation) close to tradition that has survived intact
Armenian musical tradition. throughout centuries of foreign rule and
(43) that lies at the root of the Armenian
In an age with a heightened awareness nation and national identity is speculative
of the significance of invented traditions, and a good example of how an imagined
such faith in what is loosely called history of the nation relates to the
“Armenian musical tradition” cannot be prevailing ideology. However, his use of
accepted so readily. Comparisons are material from the Institute of Ancient
unhesitatingly implied (and considered Manuscripts in Yerevan, is meticulous
legitimate) between music of the eighth and careful. A lucid and penetrating
to twelfth centuries and an Armenian analysis of many previously unexplored
musical tradition that we know only from manuscripts makes this book, despite its
the late nineteenth century. Written when faults, a must for anyone interested in the
Armenia was under Soviet control, music of this period, whether or not some
At’ayan’s concerns with folk music and idea of the actual sound of this Armenian
with an “Armenian” music are deeply system is attainable. Though the
rooted in politically-imposed ideology. translation is not always smooth, and
The equation of “Armenian musical there are a number of typing errors, it is a
tradition” with the Armenian folk very readable text even to those without a
tradition forms the basis of the author’s direct interest in the areas covered.
theoretical perspective and refutation of The two books are in many ways
earlier scholarship. In attempting to trace paradigmatic of the ways in which
the origins of the khaz system, he claims national attitudes or ideologies, if you
that “the link that exists between the prefer, have imposed themselves on the
modal basis of Armenian folk and sacred way music is perceived and in due time
music is evidence that the church made “transformed” in Armenia. If the study of
extensive use of folk music” (76), yet ideological factors influencing
there is, of course, no evidence that the ethnomusicological scholarship (as
modal system of folk music a millennium opposed to the object of this scholarship)
or so ago was the same that it is today, or is still in its infancy, these two books are
148 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
among Syrian Jews, particularly in the This book with its accompanying CD
New World. The “multiplex identity” is a valuable contribution to
(74) of this Judeo-Arab community ethnomusicological literature, both in its
(Sephardic–Levantine–Arabic) prompts theoretical framework addressing the
Shelemay, following Clifford (1994), to subject of memory, and as a specific
present a “decentered view of a modern study of an aspect of religious music in
diaspora” (68). Chapter 3 provides the Syrian Jewish community. It secures
diachronic evidence of the strong a place for Syrian Jewish music traditions
identification of Syrian Jews with Arab on the “Jewish music” map, and helps to
music, confirming the centrality of the redress the east-west imbalance in this
maqâm system in worship and discussing corpus. It also creates resonances with
a number of fundamental and familiar other areas of research. For instance, the
issues regarding the latter, such as collaboration of Iraqi and Syrian experts
referring to vocal recitation of the Qur’ân in New York outlined in Chapter 1 forms
as “reading” (rather than “singing”). (In an interesting parallel to contemporary
Jewish practice, chanting from the Bible practice in Israel, where Iraqi
is also described as “reading”.) In instrumentalists and hazzanim (cantors)
Chapter 4, “Lived musical genres”, are featured in communal and
Shelemay discusses social and musical professional performances of Syrian
attributes of the pizmon, stressing the baqqashoth (Habusha, 1989). Nostalgia
importance of defining a genre by its (Chapter 6) was seen to be a strong factor
context and describing pizmonim as for the maintenance of religious and
“compound aural memories … secular musical traditions in my own
connecting moments in the present to research with Iraqi-Israelis (Manasseh
broader themes and historical memory” 1999:194–6) and, by extension, the
(171). Chapter 5, “Individual creativity, sustenance of music tradition is of
collective memory”, reviews the role of therapeutic value to transnational
the individual in commissioning, communities (Baily, 1999).
composing and performing pizmonim and Within the main subject of enquiry –
notes the importance of improvisation in that of song and the evocation of
performance. The sixth and final chapter compound memories – the book
summarizes the role of the pizmon as an addresses issues such as diaspora, identity
agent for individual and collective and gender, and the theory and practice of
memory and explores broader Arab music, particularly as experienced in
implications regarding processes of the performance of the Syrian Jewish
memory. Shelemay points to a “close and pizmon. While pizmonim are performed
symbiotic relationship” (214) between by all Jewish communities, who share a
“popular” and “traditional” musics and number of song texts, the Syrian practice
notes that the pizmonim are “particularly of memorializing numerous individuals
powerful venues” in arousing an “affect for specific events within pizmonim is of
of nostalgia” (215; Feder, 1981). special interest, as is the convention of
Shelemay views the pizmon as a source borrowing melodies of Egyptian “classic”
for social history: “an anthology of the song – today, the latter custom is
Syrian Jewish sound world since at least increasingly practised by other Eastern
the late nineteenth century” (220), Jewish communities in Israel (for
enabling “an individual in the present to instance, some Iraqi communities),
re-sing, re-hear, and re-experience the perhaps influenced by the Syrian
past” (223). example. In today’s political climate, with
150 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
efforts for peace between Israel and her California.” Forced migration review
Arab neighbours, this book expresses the 6 (December):10–13 (“Music of Iraqi
shared heritage of all those from Arab Jews in Israel”, p.13).
lands, regardless of religion: the strong Clifford, James (1994) “Diasporas.”
identification by the Syrian Jewish Cultural anthropology 9:302–38.
community with the “classical” Egyptian
Feder, Stuart (1981) “The nostalgia of
repertoire of such artists as the singers
Charles Ives: an essay in affects and
Umm Kulthûm and Asmahân, and the
music.” Journal of psychoanalysis
composer-performer ´Abd al-Wahhâb,
10:302–32.
echoes the esteem in which these artists
continue to be held in the transnational Foucault, Michel (1986) “Of other
Arab world – my own work among Iraqi spaces,” translated by Jay Miskowlec.
Jews in Israel confirms their continued, Diacritics 16:22–7.
strong attachment to this “golden age” of Habusha, Moshe (musical director)
Egyptian music. (1989) Mizmor shir leyom hashabat –
My only criticism of the book is that bakashot songs of Shabat (“Sing a
the great attention to detail is marred by song for the Sabbath day –
some inconsistencies in the transliteration baqqashoth songs of the Sabbath”).
of the Hebrew song texts. The main Jerusalem: Yeshivat HaHayim
weakness occurs regarding the letter VeHashalom. (Set of 18 cassettes,
‘ayin, clearly pronounced by the singers: with accompanying booklet of song
in the text it is sometimes indicated texts.)
correctly, as in “ra‘yonai” (18, ex.1, bar Manasseh, Sara (1999) Women in music
3), but omitted in numerous words in the performance: the Iraqi Jewish
same example (18–20); other letters are experience in Israel. PhD thesis,
very occasionally inconsistent – “h” and London University.
“s” shown as “kh” and “z”, respectively
Soja, Edward W. (1995)
(19, bars 41 and 45); there are also
instances of incorrect vowel “Heterotopologies: a remembrance of
other spaces in the citadel-LA.” In S.
transliteration (“rov” and “yassed” shown
Watson and K. Gibson (eds)
as “rav” and “yossed”, bars 40, 59–60,
respectively), although these may be Postmodern cities and spaces, pp.
13–34. Oxford: Blackwell.
typographical errors. The pizmon
transliterations would benefit from Someck, Ronny (1989) Panther. Tel
correction. Furthermore, as a general Aviv: Zmora Bitan [in Hebrew].
background, a brief historical review of
SARA MANASSEH
Jewish religious song – the piyyut and
Kingston University
associated genres, such as baqqashoth
sara@manasseh.co.uk
(“supplications”), pizmonim and zemiroth
– would have been helpful.
This perceptive and attractively
presented book, together with the MICHAEL B. BAKAN, Music of death and
energetic performances on CD, is greatly new creation: experiences in the
welcomed, and invites a wide audience. world of Balinese gamelan
beleganjur. The University of
References Chicago Press, 1999. xxiii +
Baily, John (1999) “Music and refugee 384pp., 17 halftones, 8 tables,
lives: Afghans in eastern Iran and notes, index, glossary,
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 151
Sukarata devised in the course of their recording session that he and his teacher,
interaction and the way it compared with Sukarata, had agreed would mark the end
traditional Balinese musical pedagogy of his initial research project.
(maguru panggul, literally, “teaching with Some may object to the way in which
the mallet”). Bravely, he charts the the author inevitably becomes the centre
development of his lessons, including his of the discussion here, or the extent of
failures with his successes: “In our efforts some of his claims (which sometimes
to understand each other and make music exceed the amount of evidence
together, we improvised, compromised, available). However, the focus on the
and often struggled through conflicting ethnomusicologist’s role as musician
personal agendas and frustrating (rather than researcher) in the
misconceptions, musical and otherwise” construction of ethnography was
(292). Even more bravely, perhaps, he refreshing and thought-provoking rather
exposes his own ways of learning, than conclusive.
identifies their inherent Western-ness, and One additional small point: as Suharto
describes his own motivations for was officially toppled by the time this
adopting them. It is a sensitive account of book went to press, it would have been
the development of a working useful to recognize this in the text (which
relationship between teacher and foreign refers to the regime as if it were still in
student/researcher that raises many operation). This aside, the book is an
questions. As he points out, this type of informative, multi-perspective account of
encounter is usually pushed to the fringes a previously unmapped Balinese genre,
of musical ethnography, and his argument well illustrated with audio examples. The
here focuses on its centrality to any such final chapters, dealing with reflexivity,
work. He questions whether an outsider fieldwork and the notion of musical
“can understand a music ‘from within’ at understanding, should provoke some
all” (294), following on from Brinner interesting discussion.
(1995), Berliner (1994) and Rice (1997).
References
Drawing on Blacking (1992), Bauman
(1978) and Bruner (1986), he rather Bauman, Zygmunt (1978) Hermeneutics
controversially suggests that and social science. Columbia:
“…‘understanding’ need not occur within Columbia University Press.
a context of shared conception of Berliner, Paul (1994) Thinking in jazz:
meaning in performative action. As long the infinite art of improvisation.
as multiple participants in a performance Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
all believe themselves and each other to
Blacking, John [1977] (1990) “Some
be functioning effectively, and as long as
they are collectively meeting the problems of theory and method in the
study of musical change.” In K.
objectives demanded of the performance,
Kaufman Shelemay (ed.) Garland
those participants are all operating, on
some level at least, from a position of readings in ethnomusicology: musical
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‘understanding’, even if such
technologies, 6, pp. 259–84. New
understanding lacks language-like criteria
of mutual intelligibility” (297). Citing York and London: Garland
Publishing.
Blacking’s 1977 notion of “tuning in to an
alien musical expression” (316), the final ______ (1992) “The biology of music-
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301–14. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. questions. As with many volumes of
Brinner, Benjamin (1995) Knowing collected essays that result from
music, making music. Chicago: conferences, there is little sense of
University of Chicago Press. coherence in the approaches of the
contributors to Hearing the past.
Bruner, Edward (1986) “Experience and
However, there is much food for thought
its expressions.” In V. Turner and E.
for ethnomusicologists, not least in terms
Bruner (eds) The anthropology of
of helping us reflect on the status and
experience, pp. 3–10. Urbana and
objectives of our discipline, and
Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
sometimes to feel fortunate that we can
Rice, Timothy (1997) “Toward a hear, see and interact with living
mediation of field methods and field musicians – even then still struggling to
experience in ethnomusicology.” In understand what on earth is going on!
Greg Barz and Timothy Cooley (eds) Issues of status and objectives of the
Shadows in the field: new perspectives discipline are initially brought out in a
for fieldwork in ethnomusicology. short paper entitled “What is wrong with
New York: Oxford University Press. music archaeology?” by Cajsa Lund, who
identifies the low value ascribed to the
MARIA MENDONÇA
work of music archaeologists by
St David’s Hall, Cardiff
mainstream Scandinavian archaeology.
mem1@nildram.co.uk
She concludes that a “broader social
perspective” should be applied to the
study of sound tools (though sadly
ANN BUCKLEY (ed.) Hearing the past:
without giving any practical examples
essays in historical herself). The focus of some branches of
ethnomusicology and the music archaeology often seems to
archaeology of sound. E.R.A.U.L. concern questions of whether or not an
86 (Études et Recherches archaeological find is a potential sound
Archéologiques de l’Université de tool, and thereby whether it may be
Liège) 1988. 251pp, illustrations, appropriated to specifically musical
plates, musical transcriptions. concerns, from which other
Dépôt légal: D/1998/0480/25 archaeologists – as non-specialists – are
“The people that come together at tacitly excluded. A somewhat analogous
conferences to discuss early music relationship has sometimes emerged
cultures are a pretty motley group,” between ethnomusicologists and
observes Kenneth DeWoskin in his anthropologists, where specialization in
chapter about interpreting early Chinese “music” has led to a sense of
instruments from this volume. This is exclusiveness with the consequence that
reminiscent of meetings of ethnomusicological insights have
ethnomusicologists, where the frequently failed to feed into broader
participants tend to hail from a variety of anthropological discourse. It is no
different backgrounds and disciplines and coincidence that some of the most
to approach their areas of study with respected figures in ethnomusicology
varying degrees of adventurousness – refuse to be dubbed with the title
some scarcely peeking outside their “ethnomusicologist”, asserting instead
immediate areas of studies and others that they are anthropologists. Similarly a
using their material as launch pads to number of the other contributors to this
ponder broader or even universal volume present music as a privileged
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 155
source of knowledge about past cultures. Many other chapters in this volume
Rather than taking the view that the are excellently illustrated, however,
archeological study of musical making this an attractive and valuable
instruments is a dry and dusty side-show book for its iconographic impact alone.
that is largely irrelevant to the main The visual aspect is particularly evident
business of archaeology, Kenneth in Reis Flora’s chapter, which considers
DeWoskin asserts that musical objects music culture contact between the Sumer
and representations recovered from early and Indus regions. I’m afraid I found the
Chinese graves “have voices which tell text excessively descriptive and dry,
about themselves in ways that other ritual although such a style is probably
objects cannot”. For DeWoskin, music is welcome to hard-core archaeo-
the realm of human behaviour in which organologists and those used to wading
significance is most fully encoded in through archaeological reports. However,
structural relationships, handily linking the illustrations and their evidence for the
the conceptual and empirical. Through it, extraordinary antiquity of, for example,
the purely abstract can be rendered harps and long-necked lutes in the
concrete (visibly and audibly), as for Persian Gulf and Indus regions (some
example in the number of strings or pipes dating back almost five millennia) are
of instruments. While one has to be fascinating.
careful not to over interpret such aspects, The final three chapters of the book,
as is evident from working with living in a section entitled “Representations and
musicians, this sort of approach is Reflections”, are dedicated to Ancient
interesting and gives music the initiative, Greek and Roman material. The first two
rather than assigning it a marginal role. (I essays are richly illustrated. Jane Snyder
strongly recommend Joseph Needham’s focuses on representations of women
fascinating chapter on Sound, in his study musicians in Attic vase-painting, and
of Ancient Chinese Physics, argues that Greek literary sources give
1962:126–228, as background to the false impression that women’s music-
DeWoskin’s essay.) making was confined to essentially two
DeWoskin bases his argument on the models: (a) the activities of a few noted
analysis of paired Jiahu flutes and the aristocratic individuals, such as the
tuning systems and inscriptions of an famous poet-musician Sappho of Lesbos,
extraordinary hoard of 65 bronze bells who composed wedding and love songs,
and 32 stone lithophones from the and (b) performances of low status
Marquis Yi of Zeng’s tomb, located close professionals, who played the harp or
to Wuhan in China, dated (from a bell aulos at men’s drinking parties. From an
inscription) to around 300 BCE . He analysis of vase-painting she suggests
interprets the different languages used for that upper-class women principally
the inscriptions on these bells and the played for their own pleasure and the
varied forms of tuning nomenclatures as a pleasure of other women in the
means by which the Marquis manipulated household, who lived in separate quarters
his affiliations with competing from those of the men. Music appears to
genealogical and political groups. This is have served as an important medium for
fascinating material, although not always the transmission of female ideas and
easy to follow for the non-specialist, culture in Athenian society, where
partly due to the failure of the figures to women were severely restricted from
materialize, despite tantalizing references participation in public life – a situation
to them in the text. reminiscent of that described by Veronica
156 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
ERLMANN, VEIT, Music, modernity, and (front flap) as well as the group Ladysmith
the global imagination: South Black Mambazo. Analysing history
Africa and the West. New York and through such texts, Erlmann describes an
Oxford: Oxford University Press, “imagined totality – a totality united not so
1999. 312pp., notes, index. ISBN much by things such as international trade,
0-19-512367-0 (£50). multilateral agreements, or the institutions
of modern society as by a regime of signs
Erlmann’s work on South Africa has
and texts” (4). The signs and texts allow us
taken a logical course. African stars:
to explore the ways in which people see
studies in Black South African
and express the world, and the ways in
performance (1991) was a broad
which they see themselves within it. This
overview of many performance genres in
“ethnography of the global imagination”
South Africa; Nightsong: performance,
(4) thus explores the processes involved in
power and practice in South Africa
the creation of personal and cultural
(1996) examined one genre,
identities.
isicathamiya, in detail, while referencing
Rather than the narrative presenting a
the role of the West in terms of
continuous stream of events from one
performance practice theory. Music,
point in time to another – as is usual in the
modernity, and the global imagination:
presentation of history – here a period of
South Africa and the West completes the
100 years separates the two episodes
“trilogy” by providing insight into the
described. These are moments in history
relationship between Africa and the West,
and political thought – late nineteenth
not only by describing actual events, but
century colonialism and late twentieth
also by exploring the social contexts in
century postcolonialism – that Erlmann
which the events occurred. The book
sees as “orders [that] are at heart societies
examines how music genres emerged by
of the spectacle” (5). In the late 1900s
asking what are or were the social
new technologies for representing the
conditions that facilitate(d) the
world with narrative came into being. The
emergence, formulation, change and
panorama (the earliest form of mass
perpetration of such genres. Thus Music,
media, followed some time later by film)
modernity, and the global imagination is
facilitated the portrayal of images without
not a book about “world music” (6).
interruption; it created a “total space …
Rather, it is a history of political ideas
that enabled the viewer to become …
articulated within a musical context.
someone who enters an image rather than
Erlmann describes two episodes in the
someone who contemplates it from
history of Black South African music:
outside” (5–6). Erlmann views the
tours made by the African Choir and the
(colonial) panorama as a “proto-
Zulu Choir between 1890–4 to the UK and
cyberspace” (5–6), cyberspace being a
USA; and the emergence of Paul Simon’s
sphere we now take as real. It is within
Grammy Award-winning album
this total space that Erlmann examines the
Graceland in 1986. He invokes a wide
tours of the South African choirs, and the
range of “texts” including the music, press
Graceland album and subsequent
releases, travel accounts, and a host of
Ladysmith Black Mambazo collaborations.
“players [including] African National
The book is divided into two parts.
Congress co-founder Saul Msane, Queen
Part I, “Heartless swindle”: the African
Victoria, African-American musician and
Choir and the Zulu Choir in England and
impresario Orpheus McAdoo, Xhosa
America, consists of seven chapters
Christian prophet Ntsikana, W.E.B. du
examining songs, texts and narratives
Bois, Michael Jackson, and Spike Lee”
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 159
of narrative and “shamanic” songs, the circle dance osvokhai and other rituals.
themes of which are innately sad: songs Yet the notes are confusing since
of farewell or possible farewells, the khlysakh, the head voice that uses glottal
search for lost family members, enduring stops and guttural sounds and is
an arranged loveless marriage. There is a explained as being typical of dieretii, is
serious suicide problem among young also used to perform a lament in the
Nganasans, as among many Siberian degeren style (track 17). A wide range of
peoples, and their songs are deeply vocal sounds is deployed, including
troubled: Korore Khententeeviè Kokore, gravelly textures during epic
a former wild reindeer hunter, performance, rapid-fire delivery during
impressively and expressively growls “hurried speech” (èabyrgakh), and
extracts from traditional narratives; the throbbing glottal stops during long
dressmaker Valentina Bintalaevna laments. Impressive also are the guttural
Kosterkina’s more melodic narratives sounds and harmonics used by Ivan
express traditional struggles between Egoroviè Alexeev during improvisations
men and women as well as between male on the khomus (jew’s harp); and
shamans; and former hunter and demonstrations of different playing styles
fisherman Numore Bojanteviè’s long on the indigenous kyrympa fiddle. Some
decorated monotone is part of “The basic details about this fiddle would have
Orphan”, a tragic tale of young orphan been appreciated, for instance that it has
girls. There is an intriguing change from four horsehair strings and is made from a
lyrical to hoarse vocal timbre by single piece of wood (Voyage en URSS;
seamstress Nina Demnimeevna Vertkov, Blagodatov and Yazovitskaya
Lorvinova when she moves from “song” 1975).
to “shamanic song”; and a Bear cult Sibérie 3. Kolyma: chants de nature et
shamanic session (kamlanye) d’animaux. Èukè, Even, Jukaghir. MCM,
reconstructed by the brother and nephew rec. 1992.
of the “last real” Nganasan shaman (d. The Kolyma region (from the name of
1989) provides a rare opportunity to the river that flows through it) lies north
appreciate the complex of sounds created of Yakutia. Most of these recordings were
by vocals and drum patterns made north of the Arctic Circle, an area
accompanied by rattling metal inhabited for many centuries by the
attatchments (bells, pendants, animal Èukès (Chukchis), Evens and Jukaghirs.
figures etc.) to the shaman’s costume and All of these peoples perform “throat-
inside of the drum. singing” (Chukchi piè eynen; Jukaghir
Sibérie 2. Sakha. Yakoutie: épopées et tumun khontol; and the basis of the Even
improvisations. MCM 92565-2, rec. seedie dances), a vocal “panting style”,
1992. which may be incorporated into drum-
The Sakha (Yakhut) population dances or sung autonomously, performed
numbers 382,000 (1989 census); they are also by the Siberian Evenks and Koryaks.
one of the largest indigenous Siberian Similar to that used during throat-games
groups. According to the notes, the vocal by the Inuit of Canada (katajjaq) and the
music of these sedentary breeders falls Kraft Ainu of Hokkaido island, northern
into two styles: dieretii used for both Japan (rekutkar), it is not to be confused
traditional songs (of which the main with Tuvan or Mongolian overtone-
genre is tojuk) and epics (olonkho); and singing, also sometimes called “throat-
degeren, used for the shamanic session singing”. (“Throat-singing” is used in
(kamlanje) as well as to accompany the this review to refer only to the technique
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 163
used in Arctic and Siberian musics.) the process of being re-established and
Listen to the remarkable sounds produced musical ensembles have been formed
by Slava Egoroviè Kemlil of the Èukès, with the aim of reviving Koryak culture.
whose improvisations include animal and Examples on this CD range from stylized
bird imitations and throat-singing expressions of traditional music and
accompanied by the single-headed frame dances (e.g. the Mengo ensemble) to
drum jarakh (tracks 11,12), to Anna those that remain much closer to the
Dimitrievna Neostroeva of the Even traditional forms and transmission
(track 26), and to Ekaterina Ivanova processes (e.g. the Lauten or Numun
Tymkil of the Jukhagir (track 39). ensembles). There are impressive
Also typical of these Siberian peoples examples of throat-singing (tracks
are “personal songs”, often but not 11–13) and “personal songs” (tracks
always executed during drum-dances. 18–20). Many of the songs are linked to
Èukès, for instance, offer unaccompanied dances, often imitating animals, sea
personal songs to their grandchildren or mammals, geese, seagulls or ravens. The
parents (tracks 1–15). Even and Jukaghir single-headed frame drum, jajar or
songs, many of which are performed zjazjaj, with its metallic percussive
using more lyrical vocal textures, devices, features throughout and,
celebrate their horses and reindeer, the together with the wide variety of vocal
sea and their homeland. There are several sounds, often produces an electrifying
moving examples of the personal songs atmosphere. Listen, for instance, to
from Even women, whose love of the Ev’zin singing of her recently deceased
homeland shines through despite their husband (track 29) and the calls, whistles
extremely hard lives. (For more details and other vocal sounds of Ejgili singing
about different types and social contexts about the tundra and her children
of throat-singing and personal songs, see working there (track 30).
Bours 1991; Nattiez, 1999). Sibérie 5. Chants chamaniques et
Sibérie 4. Korjak. Kamtchatka: quotidiens du Bassin de l’Amour
tambours de danse de l’extrême-orient (Shamanic and daily songs from the
sibérien (Kamtchatka: dance drums from Amur basin). MCM 92671-2, rec. 1996.
the Siberian Far East). Korjak. MCM The Amur Basin is traditionally
92598-2, rec. 1994. inhabited by peoples belonging to the
The Koryak (Korjak) live in the north Tungus-Manchu linguistic group and this
of the Kamtchatka peninsula and fall into CD represents four of those: the Nanaj
two groups: those who speak Èavèuven, (12000, 1989 census), Oroè (900), Udìgì
who traditionally breed nomadic (1469) and Ulè (3200). The Nanaj, once
reindeer, and those who speak Nimlane, called “fish-skin” Tatars, live by fishing
live along the sea coast and hunt sea and retained shamanism throughout the
mammals. Their exact number is debated, communist period. There are two Nanaj
possibly in the region of 7500–7900 vocal genres: jajaori, an improvised,
(1970 figures). As with other Siberian recitative chant, and the dzariory, a
peoples, these groups suffered melodic chant based on repetition. The
persecution and violence as traditional former is described as “traditional” since
villages were closed, people were it is used to address the spirits, the latter
regrouped and resettled (sometimes is used when contemporary folk groups
several times) and shamans and imitate shamanic rituals. The sweet vocal
traditional leaders purged. Many fled to tones of the young female singers, who
the tundra. Traditional villages are now in improvise a cappella or accompanied by
164 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
a light drum stroke (tracks 1–5) contrast the notes. Nevertheless, it is a convincing
greatly with those used by older singer, performance in which she accompanies
Marija Vasil’evna Bel’dy (tracks 10-11), herself with the un-shruh frame drum and
and the two older female shamans, one of percussive sounds of her shamanic rattle
whom impressively sings of her former belt. Interesting illustrations are given of
strength and current weakness (track 7), the shaman’s drum, rattle belt
and the other who divines using a range (comprising thick strips of metal attached
of vocal sounds during a shamanic to a band and worn around the waist).
session (tracks 8, 9). Other instruments played in this
The Oroè, who live in the region collection are the metal jew’s harp
bordering the gulf of Tatar (which (Nanaj, Udìgì) and the ja or buzz-disk
separates the continent from Sakhalin aerophone (Udìgì, 24).
Island), are represented by three lyrical a Musiques de la toundra et de la taiga.
cappella songs sung by women. The URSS: Bouriates, Yacoutes, Toungouses,
Udìgì, from a small village, Gujasugi, in Nenets et Nganasan. Inédit, Maison des
the midst of a tiger-inhabited forest, are Cultures du Monde.
hunters and fishermen who traditionally This Inédit CD features five of the
engage in Bear and Tiger cults. They are same Siberian groups whose music
also notable for their birchbark bunjuku appears on the Buda collection – Yakut,
or kuinkui horns, played by inhalation, Nganasan, and three Tungus groups from
which are used to produce a complex the Amur Basin: the Üdegeï (Udegì),
heterophony of sounds when played in Oultch (Ulè) and Nanai (Nanaj). As a
ensemble (Udìgì, tracks 18, 23), Their bonus, however, it also includes the
one-string julanku fiddle, with birch-bark music of the Nenets, who live along the
sound-box, cedar neck and salmon-skin Russian coast of the Arctic Ocean in
sounding-board, has a rough and edgy adjacent European and Asian parts of the
tone (track 21), as does the one-string taiga and tundra. It is a mystery why two
sirpakta fiddle of the Ulè (track 30). The tracks from the Buryats are included,
Ulè also have traditions related to the since they are Mongols, who see
cults of the Bear and Tiger. Two Ulè themselves as neither of the tundra or
women, Tiké and Eïki, perform taiga but rather of the steppes or
shamanic songs accompanied by the untu mountain. As this CD was recorded in
drum (tracks 27, 28). Eïki, whose studio conditions in Paris, the
performance is particularly powerful, performances are smoother, more
uses a vocal tremolo that evokes for me arranged and cleaner than those in the
the hororuse falsetto voice of the Aïnu of Buda collection. The notes give basic
Sakhalin. By contrast, the song musical and contextual details.
performed by apparently the only Some of the most astonishing sounds
remaining male Ulè shaman, Mikhail are those of Yakut khomus (jew’s harp)
Semenoviè Duvan, is sung with a lyrical playing (track 1): 16 minutes 27 seconds
vocal tone (track 31). of spellbinding textures by solo
Unlike the Buda collection, which performers, a duo and a quintet. Although
devotes 14 tracks to the Nanai, here they the jew’s harp playing of the Tuvans has
are represented by a single track “song of become well known on the world music
a Tungus-Nanay shaman”. It is unclear scene, this remarkable track takes some
whether the singer, Maria Salkazanova, is beating. The tayuk singing style of the
also the shaman whose song she is Yakuts also features here. The notes tell
singing, referred to as “an old woman” in us that the tayuk singer uses kolerach
BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY VOL.9/ ii 2000 165
(presumably the same as the word listener (tracks 14–16) but it also
transcribed as khlysakh on Sibérie 2) here illustrates the extraordinary Nenet
described as the “rapid passage of the technique of “expanding melodies”. Not
chest to falsetto accompanied by glottal referred to in the accompanying notes,
jerking” and that tayuk may be sung in this comprises a gradual widening of the
popular degaran mode or in djebo interval size of melodic intonations that
solemn mode. may eventually exceed an octave (see
Five Nganasan propitiatory kamlaniye Abromovich-Gomon, 1999).
incantations are performed: an invocation These two sets of recordings
of the sun and sky; an invocation of complement each other in that they
thunder; the (pivotal) healing song; an enable us to compare sounds recorded in
invocation of the wind; and a call to the different fields: the home environments
spirits during the Bear dance. In contrast from which the music has sprung (Buda)
to those on the Buda collection, these are and recording studios in the West
performed by two women, Yevdokia (Inédit). The kaleidoscopic sounds
Porbina and Nina Loguinova, who produced during shamanic ritual
exchange interleaving musical motifs. performances (reminiscent in some
Two tracks (8, 10) feature Udìgì respects of the mbira music used to
birchbark-horn playing, neither of which communicate with spirits among the
summon up the tension of Sibérie 5, track Shona of Zimbabwe, as described in
23, where horns appear to play Berliner 1978); the lyrical “secular”
simultaneously in different keys sounds introduced by the Russians; and
accompanied by the whirring ja buzz- the sounds produced by newly-formed
disk. Perhaps not surprisingly, the only ensembles attempting to recreate their
remaining Oulch shaman, Duvan, also traditional cultures or to fuse traditional
puts in an appearance (track 7). The with “modern” sounds. They provide an
recitation of the genealogical poetry of introduction to small groups who have
his clan, during which he accompanies endured hardship under the Soviet
himself with the um-tu-hu (frame drum) regime, and who continue to do so,
and yanpah (rattle belt), is faster, more giving them a well-deserved higher
intense and dramatic, and uses a different profile on the world music map. Not only
melody from his performance on Sibérie do they provide a leaping off point for
5. Although a photograph shows Duvan debates on the relationships between
in concert accompanied by a jew’s harp sound-ideals and contexts as outlined
player, the jew’s harp does not feature on above, but also on music and colonialism
this track. In the group song that follows (the effects of Soviet cultural policies on
(track 8), an operatic-sounding female indigenous peoples) and
voice predominates; and the sounds of ethnomusicology and ethics (are there
the Isir-pak-taki (single-string fiddle) any ways in which the people who
produced by Ivan Rossough-Bou on the benefit from these recordings can help
final Oultch track (track 9) are much these peoples?).
smoother than those heard on Sibérie 5 of As an introduction to the musics of
traditional players in their home different peoples, projects undertaken by
environments. recording companies should, however, be
It’s a real treat to hear the recognized for what they are. They
unaccompanied singing of Yelizaveta cannot be expected to give the same
Ardieva of the Nenets. Not only does her insights that would be gained from
introverted singing gently draw in the extended periods of fieldwork in an area.
166 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY V O L . 9 /i i 2000
Caution must be exercised when faced Peer, René van (1999) “Taking the world
with accompanying booklets in which for a son in Europe: an insider’s look
concepts are often broadly applied at the World Music recording
without any hint of the debates that rage business,” Ethnomusicology
within the specialized literature (for more 43.2:374–87
detailed ethnographic information on Pegg, Carole (2001) Mongolian music,
“shamanism” among the Nenets, dance and oral narrative: performing
Nganasans, Yugagirs, Koryaks, Chukchis diverse identities. Seattle: University
and Yakuts, see Diószegi, Vilmos and of Washington Press.
Mihály Hoppál, 1978, and Kim and
Thomas, Nicholas and Humphrey,
Hoppál, 1995; and on different types of
Caroline (1994) Shamanism, history
“shamanism” see Pegg, 2001, Thomas
and the State. Ann Arbor: University
and Humphrey, 1994). Translations may
of Michigan Press.
be inaccurate (here we have translations
first into French from indigenous Vertkov, K.G. Blagodatov, and
languages and then into English) and Yazovitskaya, E. ([1963] 1975)
confusion may arise, for instance, that “Musical instruments of the peoples
surrounding the different vocal styles inhabiting the USSR.” Atlas
used by the Yakuts (Sibérie 2). That muzikal’nikh instrumentov naradov
being said, these introductions to SSSR (Atlas of the musical
Siberian musics are both tantalizingly instruments of the peoples of the
rich. USSR). Four floppy disks and English
summary. Moscow: State Publishers
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