Palaiologoslar Do Nemi Konstantinopolisi PDF

Engin Akyrek
Ynetimdeki hanedann adndan dolay genelde Palaiologoslar dnemi

olarak anlan son dnemi, Bizans mparatorluunun tarihinde esiz bir evreydi. Bir yandan imparatorluun snrlar dramatik bir biimde daralarak
sonuta neredeyse bir kent-devletine dnerek, hinterland bulunmayan
bir bakent haline geldi; dier yandan imparatorluk, sanat ve kltrde ou
kez Palaiologos Rnesans olarak adlandrlan nemli bir canlan yaad.
Mimarlk alannda, ina edilen yaplar nceki dnemlere kyasla daha kk lekliydi. Konstantinopoliste gerekletirilen mimari projelerin ou
mevcut yaplara apel, ambulatoryum veya narteks gibi eklentilerin yaplmas, ya da Theodoros Metokhitesin stlendii Khora Manastrnn yenilenmesi projesi gibi eski yaplarn restorasyonuydu.1 Antsal resim alannda
ise Bizans sanat zellikle yaratcyd ve imparatorluun geriledii gnlerde
tam olgunluuna ulamt. Yaplarn i mekn bezemelerinin sanatsal
zevki ve kalitesi, gnmz sanat tarihilerince beenildii kadar, adalar tarafndan da byk beeni grmekteydi. Konstantinopolisli atlyeler ve
ustalar uluslararas n kazanm ve talyadan Balkanlar ve Rusyaya kadar
birok yere sanatlarn icra etmek zere davet edilmilerdi.
Bakentte, ayrt edici sanatsal ve ikonografik zellikleriyle belirginleen, ortak bir artistik zevke iaret eden tutarl bir resim slubu gelimiti.
Gnmz stanbulunda bu dnemin sanatsal baarlar, Azize Euphemia
freskolar, Pammakaristos Kilisesinin gney apelindeki mozaikler ve
Theodoros Metokhitesin ok iyi tannan Khora manastr kilisesinin mozaik ve freskolar gibi halen ayaktaki antlarda grlebiliyor.2 Yakn za1
2
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Dnemin mimarisinin zellikleri iin bkz. R. Ousterhout, The Architecture of the Kariye
Camii in Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 25 (Washington, D.C., 1987), 91144; ayrca
elinizdeki bu kitapta 2. blme baknz.
Azize Euphemia iin bkz. R. Naumann ve H. Belting, Die Euphemia-Kirche am Hippodrome in
Istanbul und ihre Fresken, Istanbuler Forschungen 25 (Berlin, 1966); ve daha yakn tarihli bir
alma iin bkz. E. Akyrek, Khalkedon lu (Kadky) Azize Euphemia ve Sultanahmetteki
Palaiologoslar Dnemi Konstantinopolisinde Dominiken Duvar Resimleri: Galata Arap Camisi (San Domenico Kilisesi) Freskolar | Engin Akyrek
Palaiologoslar Dnemi
Konstantinopolisinde Dominiken
Duvar Resimleri: Galata Arap Camisi
(San Domenico Kilisesi) Freskolar
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302
manda, Palaiologoslar dnemine ait resim sanat rneklerinden biri daha
gn na karak ge dnem Bizans sanatnn bakentteki rnekleri arasna katld: Bugn Arap Camisi olarak bilinen, Cenevizli Dominiken tarikatna bal Galatadaki San Domenico kilisesinin duvar resimleri, slup
ve artistik zevk olarak Palaiologos, ancak resim program bakmndan talyan olarak karakterize edilebilir.3
2002 yaznda Robert Ousterhout ile birlikte her zamanki stanbul gezilerimizden biri srasnda Galatann Hali kysndaki Arap Camisini ziyaret ettik ve 1999 Austosundaki Marmara depreminde svalarn dklmesi sonucunda aa kan bema tonozunda ge Ortaa freskolarn grdk. Osmanl bezemesi ve modern badanann altndan grnen paralar
halindeki freskolar kaburgal apraz tonozun gneybat ve kuzeybat blmleri ile bemann gney duvarnn st ksmnda dou tarafnda yer almaktadr. Kabaran svalarn ibadet edenlerin zerine dmesini nlemek
amacyla Vakflar Genel Mdrl tarafndan apraz tonozun altna,
tm bemay kaplayacak biimde bir balk a gerilmitir. Hem an varl
ve tonozun ykseklii hem de klandrmann yetersiz olmas nedeniyle o
zaman sahneleri tanmlayamamtk. Fakat 2004 ilkbaharnda Beyolu
Mftlnn izniyle freskolar yakndan inceleme frsat bulduk. Grkem Kzlkayakn ektii ayrntl fotoraflarn yardmyla sahneleri tanmlamak ve izimlerini yapmak mmkn oldu.4 Fotoraflarda freskolar
net bir ekilde grmek, Osmanl dneminde zerlerinin sva tutabilmesi
iin yzeylerinin entiklenmi olmas nedeniyle zor olduundan, ikonografiyi anlayabilmek iin izimlerini yapmak gerekti.
Divan- Hmayun ktibi Hac Emin Efendinin mermer zerine hatla
yazl 19. yzyl bana ait yaztta5 Arap Camisinin 717 ylnda
4
5
kariye+ozy.indd 302
Kilisesi (stanbul, 2002); Pammakaristos iin bkz. H. Belting, C. Mango ve D. Mouriki, The
Mosaics and Frescoes of St. Mary Pammakaristos (Fethiye Camii) at Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks
Studies 15 (Washington, D.C., 1978); Kariye iin bkz. P. A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, 3
cilt (New York, 1966); R. Ousterhout, The Art of the Kariye Camii (Londra ve stanbul, 2002);
ve E. Akyrek, Bizansta Sanat ve Ritel (stanbul, 1996). Ayn dneme ait Ayasofya, Vefa
Kilise Camii, Atik Mustafa Paa Camii, Fenari sa Camii, ve baka yerlerde de dikkate deer
kalntlar bulunuyor; dnemin genel bir deerlendirmesi iin bkz O. Demus, The Style of the
Kariye Djami and Its Place in the Development of Palaeologan Art, bk: The Kariye Djami 4,
ed. P. A. Underwood (Princeton, 1975), 10760.
Arap Camisinin resimleri 14 Nisan 2007 tarihinde stanbul Pera Mzesinde yaplan
Theodoros Metokhites, Khora Manastr ve Palaiologoslar Dnemi Konstantinopolisi
sempozyumunda tarafmdan sunulan bir bildiri iersinde yer almtr. Bu makale, ad geen
sunumdan geniletilerek hazrlanmtr. Elinizdeki makale yayn iin teslim edildikten sonra,
ayn konuda bir baka makalenin yaynlanm olduu renilmitir; bkz. S. Westphalen,
Pittori greci nella chiesa dominicana dei Genovesi a Pera (Arap Camii), bk: Intorno al Sacro
Volto. Genova, bisanzio e il Mediterraneo (secoli XIXIV), ed. A. Masetti, C. Bozo, G. Wolf
(Marsilio, 2007). Bu makaledeki yorumlar da benzer yndedir.
Bu freskolara dikkatimi eken ve deerli nerileriyle katkda bulunan Robert Ousterhouta;
olduka zor koullarda fotoraf ekmeyi baaran Grkem Kzlkayaka; ve camide almama
ve fotoraf ekmeme izin veren Beyolu Mftlne teekkr ederim (E.A.).
Osmanlca olan bu uzun yazt caminin tarihesini iirsel bir ekilde anlatyor. Bu yazta gre
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6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
kariye+ozy.indd 303
cami Emevi Halifesi Sleyman bin Abdlmelikin emri Mesleme tarafndan 717 ylnda
Konstantinopolise saldran Arap ordusunun gereksinimlerini karlamak amacyla ina
ettirilmitir. Bu yaztn ne srd zere caminin Araplarla ilgili ad bu kurulutan
gelmektedir. Yazt tarihsel hatalarla doludur; bkz. B. Palazzo, LArap Djami ou glise Saint
Paul Galata (stanbul 1946), 2226. Palazzo, orijinal metnin tpkbasmn yaynna
eklemitir (lev. IV, V, VI); ayn metin Ayvansarayde de mevcuttur: Hseyin Ayvansaray,
Hadikat l Cevami (stanbul 1821) 2:31.
Palazzo, 5662.
A. M. Schneider ve M. I. Nomidis, Galata, topographisch-archologischer Plan mit erluterndem
Text (stanbul 1944), 1; S. Eyice, Galata ve Kulesi / Galata and its Tower (stanbul 1969), 45.
E. Dalleggio dAlessio, Galata et ses environs dans lantiquit, Revue des tudes byzantines 4
(1946): 231; Eyice, Galata, 46.
Schneider ve Nomidis, Galata, 2; Eyice, Galata, 47.
1261 ylndaki Nymphaion antlamasyla Cenevizlilere baz ayrcalk ve haklar tannmt;
bkz. Eyice, Galata, 47.
Y. D. Kuban, stanbul, Bir Kent Tarihi (stanbul 1996), 173. Eyice (Galata) bu semtin
tahkimat iin net bir tarih nermez.
W. Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls (Tbingen 1977), 79.
Mezhep 1215 ylnda Aziz Domenicus tarafndan kuruldu ve Douda misyonerlik etkinlikleri
Konstantinopolisi kuatan Araplar tarafndan ina edilen bir cami olduu

bilgisinin tersine yap, 14. yzylda Ceneviz Galatasnda yaayan Dominikenler tarafndan ina edilmi bir kilisedir.6 Haliin kuzeydou kesinde, Byzantionun tam karsnda yer alan Galata, Ge Antik dnemde
Sykai adyla bilinen kk bir kasabayd. Yerleim I. Constantinus dneminde (324337) bir surla evrildi ve II. Theodosius (408450) dneminde ise 13. blge olarak Konstantinopolise dhil edildi7. Altnc yzylda
buray olduka gelitiren mparator Ioustinianosun adndan dolay zamanla Iustinianae veya Iustinianopolis olarak anlmaya balad.8 Fakat
blgeye bugn hl hissedilen ayrt edici karakterini veren Cenevizlilerdi.
Konstantinopolisin 1204 ylnda Latinler tarafndan igal edilmesi sonucu ticari ayrcalklarn kaybeden Cenevizliler 13. yzylda Galatada yerlemeye balad.9 Konstantinopoliste Latin egemenliinin 1261 ylnda
sona ermesiyle, Venediklilere kar VIII. Mikhael Palaiologosu desteklemelerine karlk dl olarak Cenevizlilere Galatada bir ticaret kolonisi
kurma izni verildi.10 Galataya 1335 ylna kadar savunma duvarlar ina
etme izni verilmemesine karn, 1303 ylnda yerleim bir hendekle
evrilmitir.11 Son evresinde Bizans mparatorluu iyice zayflaynca, bamsz Ceneviz kolonisi Galata, egemen bir devlet gibi davranmaya balamtr. 1453 ylnda Bizansllar ile Osmanllar arasndaki savata tarafsz
kalan Galata, Fatih Sultan Mehmed ile 1 Haziran 1453 gn bir antlama
yapmay baararak ayrcalklarnn ounu Osmanl ynetimi altnda da
korumay bilmitir.
Galatann Hali kysna yakn bir yerde, Azize Eirene adl 6. yzyla
ait terk edilmi bir Bizans kilisesi, 13. yzylda Cenevizliler buraya yerlemeye balad srada mezarlk olarak kullanlmak zere onlara tahsis edilmiti. Bu blgede, Latin igali srasnda Aziz Paulosa ithaf edilmi kk
bir kilise ina edilmiti.12 1325 ylnda Dominikenler13 bu kilisenin yak-
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nna ina ettikleri bir manastr San Domenicoya ithaf ettiler. Manastr
1337 ylnda tamamlanmtr.14 Gnmzde grdmz yap esas olarak
14. yzylda tamamlanan ve baz kaynaklarda ad Azizler Paolo ve Domenico olarak da geen yapdr.
Ondrdnc yzyla ait yapnn plan, talyan Gotik slubunda ina
edilmi nefli bir bazilikadr (ek. 1). talyan dilenci tarikat modeline
uygun olarak iki yanda apelle evrili kare biimli bir apsisi olan kilisenin,
narteksi de yoktur. Orta nef yan neflerden mermer stun dizileriyle ayrlmtr. Ancak gnmze salam olarak ulaabilen tek mermer stun, bugnk yapnn kuzeydou kesindeki hnkr mahfilini tamaktadr.
Orta nef, bemaya kadar ahap atyla rtldr. Bema ksm yan neflerden
daha yksek olup 6.7x7.0 m. boyutlarnda tek ve etkileyici bir apraz tonozla rtldr. Bemann iki yannda benzer tonozlara sahip birer mekn
yer alr. Gneydouda yer alan orijinal an kulesi daha sonra minareye dntrlmtr. Orijinal pencereler sivri kemerli ve dardr ve apsisin dou
duvarnda sonradan iptal edilmi bir gl pencere bulunduu anlalmaktadr.
1475 ile 1478 yllar arasnda bilinmeyen bir tarihte San Domenico Kilisesi, Fatih Sultan Mehmed tarafndan camiye evrilerek Galata Camisi
adyla sultann vakflar arasnda yer almtr.15 1492 ylnda spanyadan
g eden Endlsl Araplar bu caminin evresine yerletirildi ve bundan
sonra cami Arab Camisi olarak anlmaya balad.16
Yap Osmanl dneminde birka kez onarld ve bunlardan ilki III.
Mehmed (15951603) tarafndan yaptrlan kk apl bir restorasyondur. Bir dier nemli onarm ise 1731 ylndaki Galata yangnnn ardndan Sultan I. Mahmudun annesi Saliha Sultan tarafndan 173435 yllarnda yaptrlan onarmdr; bu onarmda kuzey duvarda geni bir kap alm, pencereler kltlm ve zerlerine ikinci bir pencere sras eklenmitir. 1807 yangnnn hemen ardndan yeni bir onarm gerei ortaya
kmtr. 1868 ylnda II. Mahmudun kz Adile Sultann yaptrd byk apl onarmda mevcut adrvan eklendi. Nihayet 1913 ylnda gerekletirilen kapsaml restorasyonda yapnn baz ksmlar elden geirildi.17
at tamamen kaldrlarak yenisi ina edildi; yapy geniletmek amacyla
kuzey cephe yeniden ina edildi; bat cepheye (bugn kullanlmayan) bir
son cemaat yeri eklendi; galeri kat ahap stunlar zerine yeniden ina
edildi. Bu restorasyon srasnda zeminin altnda yaztl ve armal Ceneviz
14
15
16
17
kariye+ozy.indd 304
gerekletirdi. Dominikenler, kentin Latin igali dneminde 1228 ylnda Konstantinopliste

rgtlendiler. Daha fazla bilgi iin bkz. F. Kianka, Dominicans, bkz. Oxford Dictionary of
Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan (New York, 1991), 1:648.
Palazzo, Arap Djami, 5657, 6263; Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 79.
Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 80.
Eyice, Arap Camii, Dnden Bugne stanbul Ansiklopedisi (stanbul 1994), 1:29495;
Restorasyonlar iin bkz. Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 80.
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18
19
20
21
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kariye+ozy.indd 305
Arap Camiindeki 191319 restorasyonlar srasnda zemin altnda Cenoval, Venedikli ve

Pisallara ait toplam 106 mezar ta bulunmu ve stanbul Arkeoloji Mzelerine nakledilmitir.
Bunlardan birka rnek alar Boyu stanbul galerisinde sergilenmektedir. Bu mezar talar
urada yaynlanmtr: E. Dalleggio dAlessio, Le pietre sepolcrali di Arab Giami (Genoa, 1942);
ay., Inscriptions latines funraires de Constantinople au Moyen ge, chos dOrient 32
(1933): 34047. Daha yakn tarihli bir yayn iin bkz. S. Dll, Unbekannte Denkmler der
Genuesen aus Galata, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 33 (1983): 22538; 36 (1986), 24556.
J. Ebersolt, Arab djami et ses sculptures Byzantines, Mission archologique de Constantinople
1920 (Paris, 1921), 3854, lev. 3539.
Age., 40, lev. 34.
Age., 40, dn. 2.
Age., 44; ek. 3 ile Odalar Camisindeki azizleri karlatrn: S. Westphalen, Die Odalar Camii
in Istanbul, Architektur und Malerei einer mittelbyzantinischen Kirche, Istanbuler Mitteilungen
Beiheft 42 (Tbingen, 1998), lev. 15 ve 17; Kariyedeki azizlerle karlatrmak iin bkz.
Underwood, Kariye Djami 3: lev. 24548, 25067.
mezar talar bulundu.18 Yine ayn alma srasnda bulunan birka adet
Bizans dnemine ait ta levha burada daha nceden bir Bizans kilisesinin
varln akla getirmektedir.19 1913 restorasyonunun nemli bulgular arasnda yapnn dou ucunda, olaslkla bemann kuzey duvarndaki fresko
kalntlar saylabilir. Eski bir fotorafta grld zere (ek. 2) bema
1913 restorasyonundan etkilenmemitir. Bemann apraz tonozlar, st
rtnn o restorasyon srasnda deitirilmeyen tek blmyd. Dolaysyla tonozdaki freskolar 1999 depremine kadar Osmanl svasnn altnda
korunagelmitir.
Arap Camisinin freskolarndan sz eden ilk modern aratrmac
Ebersolttur. Ebersolt, 1913 restorasyonunda dou duvarnn alt ksmnda
ortaya kan aziz figrnden bahsetmektedir. Ne yazk ki bu freskolar
gnmzde grlebilir deildir ve mze yetkilileri tarafndan ekilmi
olan siyah-beyaz bir fotoraf dnda, uygun bir biimde belgelenmemitir.
Ebersolt bir restorasyon srasnda (1913 restorasyonu) ok harap halde freskolarn aa karldn belirtmekten baka nerdeyse hibir bilgi vermemitir. Ebersolt fresko kalntlarn cepheden tasvir edilmi, dini giysiler
iinde, balar haleli ve birinin elinde ncil olan figr olarak tanmlamtr. Figrler yine fresko ile ilenmi drt ince stunun tad kemer
iine yerletirilmitir. Yaynlad fotorafta da grld gibi resimler,
Ebersoltun Bizans duvar olarak tanmlad sra tula ve iki sra ta almak rgl bir duvar zerinde yer alyordu (ek. 3).20
Bu fotoraf Ebersolt tarafndan deil, Arkeoloji Mzesi tarafndan ekilmitir; kendisi, restorasyon sava srasnda gerekletii iin freskolar
bizzat gremediini, fakat mparatorluk Mzesi yetkililerince ekilen fotoraf grdn belirtmekte21 ve freskolar Kariye Camisi ile Odalar
Camisinin freskolaryla karlatrmaktadr.22 Ne yazk ki Ebersolt freskonun yap iindeki yerini tam olarak saptamad gibi, elimizde freskonun
yerini daha doru saptayabilmemizi salayacak baka bir belge de bulunmamaktadr. Fakat dou duvar zerinde bir yerde veya apsis yaknlarnda
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olduunu biliyoruz.23 Fotorafta grlen mimari detaylar, yerlerini saptamamza yardmc olabilir: resmin solunda mermer bir stun grlmektedir. Bu stun bugn hnkr mahfilinin gneybat kesini tayan ve orijinal kilisenin kuzey arkadndan gnmze ulaan tek stundur. Stunun
gerisinde grlen korkuluk, daha sonraki bir tarihte kaldrld anlalan
hnkr mahfiline kan merdivene aittir.24 Dolaysyla freskolar dou duvarnn kuzey kesiminde bir yere yerletirebiliriz. Yap hakknda 1946 ylnda yaynlad kitabnn giri blmnde Palazzo da, 191319 restorasyonlarnda freskolarn ortaya karldn belirtir ama baka hibir bilgi
vermez.25
Restorasyon boyunca ve sonrasnda bema tonozundaki freskolarn hibiri aa kartlmamtr. 1913 restorasyonunda ekilen bir fotorafta,
atnn tamamen kaldrldn ve yalnzca bema tonozunun kaldn gryoruz (ek. 2). Bu fotorafta tonoz, Osmanl dnemi svas ile birlikte iyi
durumda grlmektedir. Erken tarihli aratrmaclarn hibirisi burada
fresko kalntsndan sz etmemektedir.
Bemay rten byk apraz tonozdaki freskolar ilk kez 1999 depreminde ortaya kmtr. Sahneler tonozun bat ve gney blmleri ile gney
duvarnn st ksmnda dou tarafnda yer almaktadr (ek. 4 ve 5). Tonozun bat blmnde iki ncil yazar, her biri bir kede oturmu halde tasvir edilmi, ve bat taraftaki bordr boyunca dekoratif bir bant bulunmaktadr; gney kesimde ise bir aziz, ncil yazarlarna doru bakmaktadr. Gney duvarda iki ykleyici sahne dikkati ekmektedir: bunlar sann Doumu ve sann Vaftizi olarak tanmlanabilmektedir.
ncilci Markos
Tonozun bat blmnn gney yarsnda oturur halde betimlenen figrn ba krmz bir hale ile evrelenmi olup sol omzunda krmz bir erit
bulunan koyu mavi bir tunik giymekte ve sol elinde ncil tutmaktadr (ek.
6 ve 7). Figrn yz ve sa eli tamamen tahrip olmutur. Figrn oturduu koltuk sar-kahve renklerde boyanm basit biimlidir. Figrn ayaklar altnda da yanlar ayn renklerde bezeli bir kaide yer almaktadr. Figrn
nnde kahverengi, sol tarafndan bir krs ykselen ve zerinde kda
benzer eyler bulunan bir yaz masas vardr. Figrn arkasnda ise bann
hizasna kadar ykselen bir duvar ve onun da zerinde koyu mavi bir arka
plan kompozisyonun st ksmn tamamlamaktadr. Bann zerinde, sol
tarafa doru Latince yazttan seilebilen harflere gre, ad MARCUS eklinde okunabilmektedir. Kompozisyonun ikonografik ayrntlar ve yazt,
figrn ncil yazar Markos olduunu dorulamaktadr. Sahne krmz bir
bordrle erevelenmitir. Sol tarafta Osmanl dnemine ait dekoratif bir
23
24
25
kariye+ozy.indd 306
Eyice, Arap Camii.

Age.
Palazzo, Arap Djami, XIII ve 2.
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307
ncilci Matta
ncilci Markosun sanda, apraz tonozun bat blmnn kuzey kesinde, yukarda anlatlan figre benzeyen fakat daha iyi korunmu bir baka
figr gze arpmaktadr (ek. 10 ve 11). Gen yz sakalsz, sa kvrck ve
ksadr. Halesi sar-turuncu olan bu figr, mor bir tunik giymi ve zerine
kahverengi bir pelerin sarnmtr. Bu figr de dierine benzer ekilde,
zerinde ktip aletleri bulunan bir yaz masas nnde oturmakta ve dizi
zerinde krmz renkli bir kitap tutmaktadr. Masadan ykseke bir krs ykselmektedir. Masa ve krss kahverengi olup mobilyann ahap olduu anlalmaktadr. Bann zerindeki Latince yaztn okunabilen
harflerinden ad MATTEUS olarak okunabilmekte, bylece figr ncil
yazar Matta olarak tanmlanabilmektedir. Harflerin zellikleri, zellikle
de sra d M harfi, Kalenderhane Camisindeki apelde yer alan Aziz
Francesco freskolarndaki yazlarn harf karakterini artrmaktadr.26
Mattann sa elinde tuttuu rulonun zerinde <>IBER GEN<> diye
balayan bir yaz seilmektedir. Bu yaz muhtemelen Matta ncilinin,
sann atalarnn anlatld ilk ksmn balang cmlesidir: Liber generationis Jesu Christi Bu figr de krmz bir bordrle erevelenmi olup
arka fon koyu mavidir. Her iki ncil yazar figrnn byklkleri birbirinden biraz farkl olsa da simetrik bir program sergilemektedirler. kinci
figrn hemen altnda, boyal gen alann dar kesine doru, Trk dnemine ait soluk renkli bitkisel bezemenin yer ald sva tabakas korunmu olduundan, sahnenin bu ksm grlememektedir.
Aziz Ambrosius
apraz tonozun gney geninde, tonozun kar blmndeki Aziz Markos freskosuna bakan bir baka figrn ba da aa kmtr (ek. 12 ve
13). Beyaz sa ve sakalyla yal bir adama ait bu ba betimi, beyaz ereve26
kariye+ozy.indd 307
bezeme tonoz kaburgas zerinde korunmutur.

Bu figrn altnda, tonoz blmnn darald yerde, kanatl ve haleli
bir yaratk grlmektedir. Kanatlar alm, kanat tyleri ve tyl gs
aka grlebilmektedir. Ne yazk ki, yz tannamayacak ekilde tahrip
olduundan bu figr ilk bakta kartal veya aslan olarak tanmlamak
glemektedir. Fakat yakndan dikkatle incelendiinde, ban ekli ve bir
yele olduunu gsteren ty demetleri bu yaratn kanatl bir aslan olduuna iaret etmektedir. Aslan figr penelerinde bir ncil tutmaktadr (ek.
8 ve 9 solda). Aslann kendisi kahverengi boyal, halesi ve tuttuu kitap ise
sar-kahverengi tonlarda olup, arka fon koyu mavidir. Aslan ncilci
Markosun semboldr ve bu tanmlama yukardaki figrn st ksmndaki yaztla da uyum iindedir.
C. L. Striker ve Y. D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul, The Buildings, Their History,

Architecture, and Decoration (Mainz, 1997), ek. 83.
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308
li sar bir hale ile kuatlmtr. Figrn arkasnda seilebilen kahverengi
bir ayrnt, Aziz Markosunkine benzeyen mobilya veya mimari bir mekn
artrr. Ne var ki, burada aa kan Bizans katmannn en geni ksm
mavi bir fondan ibarettir. Ban zerindeki Latince kitabedeki okunabilen
harflerden adnn AMBROSIUS olduunu renmekteyiz. Dolaysyla
bu figrn Kilise Babas Aziz Ambrosiusu temsil ettii anlalmaktadr. 27
Drdnc yzyln ilerleyen yllarnda Milano Piskoposu olan Ambrosius, Azizler Augustinus, Jerome ve Gregorius ile birlikte Latin Kilisesinin
doktorlarndan biri olarak kabul edilmektedir.
Eski Ahit Peygamberi (Zakharias)
apraz tonozun bat blmnn bat kenar boyunca yaklak 50 cm.
eninde bir bordr uzanmaktadr. Bu bordrde, kvrml dallar iinde ellerinde yazl rulo tutan, balar haleli bst biimindeki figrler grlmektedir. Bordr bir ucundan dierine kadar bir btn halinde grmek ve fotoraflamak ok zor olduundan, yalnzca en iyi korunmu ksm olan gney ucu fotoraflanabilmitir. Bu ksmda, bitkisel bezeme arasnda yer
alan dolgun sakall ve haleli bir figr, elinde yazl bir rulo tutmaktadr
(ek. 8 ve 9 sada). Yznn ayrntlar ok belirgin deilse de yal bir
adam olduu anlalmaktadr. Kahverengi bir tunik giymi olan figrn
halesi sar renktedir. Arka fonda yer alan mavi ve yeil yapraklar, kahverengi ile glgelendirilmi, yer yer beyaz ile vurgulanmtr. Alt ve st ksmlarnda baka haleli bstlere ait bantlar seilebilmektedir. Rulo zerindeki
yaznn son harfleri <>ARIAS olarak okunabiliyor. Bu harfler, Eski
Ahit peygamberlerinden Zakhariasa (Zekeriya) aittir. Bu bordrde benzer
ekilde betimlenmi, olaslkla toplam alt figr bulunmas, bu figrlerin
Eski Ahit peygamberleri olabileceklerini akla getirmektedir. Yazt Latincedir ve harfler, zellikle de byk R harfinde dikkati ektii zere, Gotik sluptadr. Yukarda Aziz Matta yaztnda da belirtildii gibi, stanbul
Kalenderhane Camisi (Theotokos Kyriotissa) Aziz Franciscus apelindeki
fresko bantlarndaki harf karakterleriyle karlatrlabilir. Konstantinopolisin Latin igali srasnda Latinler tarafndan yaplan Assisili Aziz
Franciscusun yaamyks dngs28 bugn stanbul Arkeoloji
Mzelerinde sergilenmektedir.
Tonozun dou ve kuzey blmlerindeki Osmanl dnemi svas neredeyse tamamen salam durumda olup Bizans dnemine ait freskolardan
bir iki ince erit dnda hibir ey grlememektedir (bkz. ek. 4). Tono27
28
kariye+ozy.indd 308
T. E. Gregory, Ambrose, bk: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan, (New York,
1991), 1:7677.
Assisili Aziz Franciscusun fresko evrimi iin bkz. Striker ve Kuban, Kalenderhane, 12842.
Latince harfler, Kalenderhane freskolarndaki Aziz Franciscusunkilere ok benzerdir;
Ambrosiustaki byk A harfi ile Zachariastaki A ve R harflerinin benzerliklerine, ve zellikle
de Matteusdaki ok tipik M harfine dikkat ediniz; Striker ve Kuban, age., 138, ek. 83; 155, lev.
155.
1/10/11 1:08 PM
309
sann Doumu
Bemann gney duvarnda sann yaamyksnden iki sahne farkedilebilmektedir: stte sann Doumu ve altta ise sann Vaftizi sahneleri
(ek. 5). Yaklak 2x1 metre boyutlarndaki Doum sahnesi ylesine tahrip olmutur ki, ikonografisi byk glkle saptanabilmitir (ek. 15 ve
16). Ortada Meryem, kompozisyona diyagonal yerletirilmi bir yatan
zerinde uzanmaktadr. Yz tahrip olmusa da sar halesi seilebiliyor.
Koyu mavi tunii, dnemin Bizans antsal resim sanatnda yaygn olduu
zere ayaklarn da rtmektedir. Uzand yatan kenarlar epeevre erguvan renkli, st ve alt blmlerinde zengin altn nakl bantlara sahip bir
rt ile kuatlmtr. Bu allmadk bir zelliktir: Doum sahnelerinde,
Bizans geleneinde doumun bir maarada gereklemi olmasndan dolay, Meryemi genellikle ayakl bir yatak zerinde deil, yere serili bir dek
zerinde grmekteyiz.
Meryemin bann hemen sanda, yatay yerletirilmi gri ve beyaz
renkli yemlii grmekteyiz. Bebein kundaa sarl bedeni, haleli bayla,
kendisine doru dnp bakan annesinin tarafndadr. Ahr yemliinin arkasnda eein ba belli belirsiz grlmektedir. Yatan nnde, kompozisyonun alt ksmn dolduran ilk banyoya hazrlk sahnesini gryoruz.
Bu sahnede, bir kaide ile ykseltilmi kalis biiminde altn bir leenin iki
yannda birer kadn figr yer almaktadr. Leenin sandaki kadn oturur halde olmasna karn soldaki, sar bir elbise giymi olan hafife leenin zerine eilmitir. Standart ikonografiye gre bu figr muhtemelen leene su dkmekte, oturan kadn ise artk grlemeyen plak bebei elinde tutuyor olmaldr. Kompozisyonun n tarafnda solda, kahverengi cbbeli, oturur halde ve muhtemelen Meryeme doru bakan yalnz bana bir
figr seilmektedir. Dier Doum sahnelerine bakarak bu figrn Yusuf
olduunu syleyebiliriz.
zerinde Meryemin uzand yatak ve ilk banyonun hazrlanmas sahnesi, Bizans sanatndaki Meryemin Doumu betimlerine ok benzemektedir: Meryemin doumu sahnelerinde zengin bir meknda, hizmetliler
eliinde, ok lks bir yatak ve bebei ykamak iin altn yaldzl bir leen
yer alr. Fakat kompozisyonun st sol ve sa ksmlarnda salam kalan paralardan anladmz zere olay, Bizans sanatndaki sann Doumu sahnelerinde yaygn olduu zere, bir mekn iinde deil kayalk bir ak alanda meydana gelmektedir. st ksmlarda ve sada, katmanlar halindeki kr
betiminde, biri melek olduu anlalan baka figrlerin varlna ait izler
grlmektedir. Kompozisyonun sol stndeki figr, doum yatana do-
kariye+ozy.indd 309
zun kaburgalar zerinde, en son yaplan beyaz badana tabakasnn altnda

iki bezeme tabakas seiliyor: bunlardan ilki beyaz zemin zerine bitkisel
bezemeli Osmanl tabakas ve ikincisi ise az ok benzer desenli, daha koyu
renklerde ilenmi kvrml dallardan oluan bir Bizans tabakasdr (ek.
14).
1/10/11 1:08 PM
310
ru iaret etmektedir ve olaslkla baka bir figrle karlkl durmaktadr.
Bunlarn da zerinde, sol st kede, topografya ufukta tuhaf biimli kayalklarla sonlanmaktadr. Yatan sa tarafnda bir figr, olaslkla koyun
postu giymi bir oban, bir yamata ayakta durmakta ve profilden betimlenmi ba Meryeme doru bakmaktadr. Bu figrn arkasnda, olaslkla
dier obanlar temsil eden baka figrler de yer almaktadr. Melek figr,
kanatlar ak, doum yatana doru bakmakta, sol kolu ileri uzanm halde havada asl gibi durmaktadr. Bu melek, obanlara mjdeyi veren melek
olmaldr. Topografya dzensiz olup, figrlerin basaca zemini oluturmak amacyla katmanlar halinde, sahnenin st taraflarna doru hafife
ykselmekte ve ufukta tuhaf biimli sivri ulu tepeler eklinde sonlanmaktadr. Sahne, baka komu sahnelerin yer ald sol, sa ve alt kenarlarnda
krmz bir bordrle erevelenmitir; st bordr gnmze ulamamtr.
sann Doumu sahnesinin sanda baka bir sahnenin daha yer ald
anlalmasna karn, aa kan ksmn ok kk olmas nedeniyle sahneyi tanmamz mmkn deildir. Benzer ekilde sann Doumu sahnesinin solunda, dou duvarda grlen fresko izleri burada da baka sahnelerin varln dndryor.
sann Vaftizi
sann Doumu sahnesinin hemen altnda, yaam yks dnda bir sahne daha yer almaktadr: sann Vaftizi (ek. 17 ve 18). Kompozisyonun
merkezinde sa, gsnden yukars grlr biimdedir; su seviyesi boynunun hizasndadr. Uzun sal ve sakall olarak betimlenen ba, sar renkli
bir hale ile kuatlmtr. Yukarda, g temsil eden yarm daire biimli
ktan ak mavi renkli bir hzme, koyu mavi renkli gkyz zemin zerinde aaya doru uzanmaktadr. Ik demetinin merkezinde Kutsal
Ruhu temsil eden bir gvercin grlmektedir. Solda Vaftizci Yahya, saya
doru hafife eilmi ayakta durmaktadr. Sa eli sann bann zerine
doru uzanm, sol eli ise ona doru takdis hareketi yapyor. Salar dank, sar bir hale ile evrilmi ba profilden verilmi, gzleri yukarya bakmaktadr. Sa ve sakal, Bizans ikonografisinde her zaman grld zere danktr. Bedeninin alt ksmn saran kahverengi sar bir giysinin
zerine, plak ayaklarn akta brakan koyu kahverengi kaba bir post
giymitir. Kompozisyonun sanda iki melek yer almaktadr. Aadaki
melein yalnzca haleli ba ksmen grlrken, dier melein st yars grlebilmektedir. Haleli ba profilden verilmi, mor bir kumala rtl elleri saya doru uzanmaktadr. Arka fonda kahve ve mor renklerde iki tane
dsel kayalk tepe ykselerek merkezi kompozisyonu erevelemektedir.
Tm arka fon koyu mavi verilmitir. stte ve solda krmz erit bordrn
fragmanlar seilmektedir.
***
1999 depreminden sonra aa kan bema tonozu ve bemann gney
duvarndaki sahneler bunlardr. Arap Camisine gelen ada aratrmac-
kariye+ozy.indd 310
1/10/11 1:08 PM
311
29
30
kariye+ozy.indd 311
lar ve ziyaretilerin hibiri bu freskolardan sz etmediine gre sva altndan ilk kez gn na ktklar kanaatindeyiz. Bemann ssleme programn kurgulamaya alrken artk 1913 restorasyonlarnda dou duvarnda aa kan ayaktaki aziz figryle, yeni aa kan tonoz freskolarn birlikte dnebiliriz. Freskolarn kt durumlar nedeniyle slup asndan incelenmeleri snrl kalacaktr; bemann resim program iin ise
gnmze ulaan birka sahneye dayanarak karar vermek durumundayz.
Yine de baz yorumlar yapmak mmkndr. rnein, aziz figrnn
aa duvarda konumlanmas, Palaiologoslar dneminde Bizans kiliselerinde bu ekilde betimlendikleri iin, bize onlarn Kilise Babalar olduklarn dndrmektedir. Ne var ki, giysilerini kutsal piskoposluk giysileri
olarak tanmlayabilmemiz mmkn olamad gibi, kilisenin Dominiken
bnlii nedeniyle farkl kiiler yani Grek azizlerinden ziyade Latin azizler olmalar da dnlebilir.
Gney duvarn st ksmnda, tanmlanabilen iki sahneden baka sahnelerin de yer ald aktr. Bemann gney duvar yaklak 6 metre uzunlukta olduundan Doum ve Vaftiz sahnelerinin sana ayn byklkte
ikier sahne daha srasyla sdrlabilir. Gney duvarn st ksmnda
sann hayatndan alt adet ykleyici sahne ieren bir dngnn yer aldn, bunlardan birinci sahnenin Doum ve drdncnn de Vaftiz sahnesi olduunu varsayabiliriz. ykleyici sahnelerin dzenlenmesinde genellikle simetrik bir dzenleme gzetildiinden, yine sann yaam yksnden alnm alt sahnenin daha, bu kez kuzey duvarnda olabileceini
ve bunlarn da hl Osmanl dnemi svasnn altnda gizlendiini dnebiliriz. Dolaysyla bema duvarlarnn st ksmnda sann yaam yksnden en az 12 ykleyici sahne yer alm olmaldr.
Tonozda ise olaslkla drt ncil yazar sembolleriyle birlikte ve birer
aziz figryle elemi olarak betimlenmitir. Tonozun bat kenar boyunca, ellerinde yazl rulolar tutan bst biiminde figrler olaslkla Peygamberler ieren asma dal deseni, Ge Antik ada yaygn olan ve gzel
rneklerinden birisi Byk Saray mozaiklerinde grlen insanl
kvrmdala benzemektedir.29 Fakat burada daha da ilgin olan nokta, tonozun resim programnn, talya-Tolentinodaki San Nicola apelinin
1320 veya biraz daha sonrasna tarihlenen tonozunun resim program ile
olan yakn benzerliidir30. Tolentino rneinde de kaburgal apraz tonoz,
Arap Camisinde olduu gibi dekoratif bantlarla drt blme ayrlmtr
ve her bir blmde oturur halde betimlenen bir ncil yazar karsndaki
bir azizle iletiim halindedir. Her ift figrn yukarsnda ncil yazarlar-
W. Jobst, v.d., stanbul Byk Saray Mozaii / Das Grosse Byzantinische Palastmosaik / The
Great Palace Mosaic (stanbul, 1997).
P. Bellini, v.d., Il Cappellone di San Nicola a Tolentino (Silvana, 1992), 4172; M. Boskovits, La
nascita di un ciclo di affreschi des Trecento. La decorazione del Cappellone di S. Nicola a
Tolentino, Arte Cristiana 77 (1998): 326.
1/10/11 1:08 PM
312
nn sembolleri madalyonlar iinde verilmitir.31 Tonozun kuzey blmnde ncilci Matta, Aziz Jerome ile, bat blmde ncilci Luka, Aziz Byk
Gregorios ile, gney blmde ncilci Yuhanna, Aziz Augustinus ile, ve
dou blmde ncilci Markos Aziz Ambrosius ile birlikte eletirilmitir32
(ek. 19). Arap Camisinde de ncilci Markos, Aziz Ambrosiusla yz yzedir ve buradan yola karak Arap Camisinin resim programnn
Tolentinodaki San Nicolann resim programna benzediini, yani ncil
yazarlarnn Latin Kilisesinin Babalar ile eletiini dnebiliriz. Her
iki kilise arasnda bir iliki sz konusu olabilir nk her ikisi de dilenci
tarikatlara balyd. Tolentinodaki Capellone, Augustinus tarikatna balyd; Galata San Domenico Kilisesini kuran Dominikenler de,
Augustinusun kurallar altnda kurulmu bir tarikattr.
Freskolarn kt durumlar nedeniyle karlatrma yapmak g olsa da
Arap Camisi freskolarn ada Bizans antsal resmiyle karlatrdmz takdirde gze arpan slupsal ve ikonografik benzerlikler artcdr.
Dou duvardaki aziz figr gnmze ulaamamsa da Ebersolt tarafndan Kariye ve Odalar camilerindeki aziz figrleriyle karlatrlmlard. Yaynlanan fotoraflarn dk kalitesi, belki de elbise kvrmlarnn
ada rneklere benzediinden daha fazla yorum yapabilmemize elvermez. te yandan, Arap Camisindeki gnmze ulaan fresko paralar,
stanbuldaki ada resimlerle karlatrmamz salayacak derecede slupsal ve ikonografik veri sunmaktadr. 14. yzyl Bizans antsal resminin,
hem bakentte hem de Balkanlarda karmza kan rneklerinde belirli
ortak zellikler ayrt edilebilmektedir. ykleyici kompozisyonlarda, tpk Kariye resimlerinde olduu gibi, mimari elemanlar, mobilya ve topografya ayrntlar kullanlarak kompozisyonun farkl unsurlar birbiriyle
balanmaktadr. Resim alan, belirli bir uzaysal derinlik yaratacak ekilde,
kompozisyonun farkl katmanlarna yerletirilmi figrler veya figr gruplar iin zemin izgisi oluturacak srtlar ve kvrmlar halinde blnmtr. Bu katmanl peyzaj genellikle, rnein Kariyenin d narteksindeki
sann Doumu ve Vaftizci Yahyann saya Tankl sahnelerinde grld gibi, ufukta tuhaf biimli kayalk tepelerle tamamlanmaktadr.
Peyzajn bu ekilde ilenmesi hemen tm Palaiologoslar dnemi resimlerinde grlr. Arap Camisinde de Vaftiz kompozisyonunda ve de zellikle Doum sahnesinde topografyann benzer ekilde kullanldn gryoruz. Doum sahnesindeki figrler, peyzaj ierisinde farkl zemin izgileri zerine yerletirilmitir. Her iki sahnede de ufukta hayal rn tepeler grlyor bunlar Palaiologoslar dnemi resim sanatnda yaygn ekilde kullanlan kompozisyon unsurlardr. Bu hayal rn kayalk tepeler
sivri ve sert grnl zirvelere sahiptir ve neredeyse tm Palaiologoslar
dnemi resim sanatnda karmza kmaktadrlar: rnein, stanbulda
31
32
kariye+ozy.indd 312
Bellini, Cappellone, 90.

Tm programn yerleimi iin bkz. age., 2425.
1/10/11 1:08 PM
313
Underwood, Kariye Djami, 1:117. say Gnaha Tevik (2: lev. 116) mozaikleri ile Anastasis
freskosunu (3: lev. 201) karlatrnz.
34 Naumann ve Belting, Euphemia-Kirche: Euphemia evriminde sahne 9 (kurt tuza) ek. 42de
ve lev. 31de; bunun yan sra sahne 6, ek. 39da; ve sahne 7, ek. 40da.
35 zellikle Anastasis sahnesine baknz; kr. D. Talbot Rice, Byzantinische Malerei. Die letzte
Phase (Frankfurt am Main, 1968), 128, ek. 87.
36 Aziz Nikolaos evrimi bkz. age., 134, ek. 99.
37 Doum sahnesine bkz. age., 17081, ek. 37.
38 Age., 17881, ek. XXVII.
39 Belting, Mango ve Mouriki, Mosaics and Frescoes, 6465, lev. 5.
40 Underwood, Kariye Djami 2:98, ek. 87.
41 Age., 1:198; 3:363, ek. 203.
42 Age., 1:98, ek. 87 (Meryemin Doumu); Age., 2:166, ek. 102 (sann Doumu).
33
kariye+ozy.indd 313
Kariyede (13161321)33 ve Azize Euphemia Kilisesinde (13. yzyl

sonu);34 Studenica Manastrnda Kral Milutinin Kilisesinde (131314);35
Selanikte Aziz Nikolaos Orphanos Kilisesinde (erken 14. yzyl);36 ve
Mistrada Peribleptos Kilisesinde (1359 tarihli).37 Dolaysyla Arap
Camisindeki Doum ve Vaftiz sahnelerinde grlen peyzajn bu biimde
arka fon olarak kullanlmas, stanbul ve Balkanlardaki antlardaki Palaiologoslar dnemi resim sanatyla yakn bir ilikiye iaret etmektedir.
Kompozisyon ve slup asndan Arap Camisindeki Doum sahnesi,
Konstantinopolistekilerden daha ok Mistra Peribleptostaki Doum sahnesine daha yakn saylabilir. Figrlerin konumlandrlmas, arka fondaki
kayalk tepelerin biimleri ve gkten gelen k demeti, hepsi birbirine ok
benzemektedir. Peribleptostaki Doum sahnesinde doum olay bir maarada gerekleir,38 hlbuki Arap Camisinde bu durum aka belli deildir. Vaftiz sahnesinin kompozisyonu ise neredeyse tm unsurlar asndan
en iyi ekilde Pammakaristosun gney apelindeki Vaftiz sahnesiyle
karlatrlabilir.39
Arap Camisindeki sahnelerin kompozisyon asndan dier Palaiologoslar dnemi rnekleriyle paylat benzerliklerin yan sra, ikonografik
zelliklerinin bazlar Kariye ve Fethiye resimlerinin ayrntlaryla da benzemektedir. Doum sahnesindeki Meryemin yata ve altn yaldzl leen, Vaftiz sahnesindeki Vaftizci Yahya figr ile gksel n yarm dairesi ve inen gvercin figrnn benzerleri bilinmektedir: Doum sahnesinde Meryemin zerinde uzand yatan benzerlerini Kariyenin i narteksindeki Meryemin Doumu mozaiinde40 ve Kariye parekklesionundaki sann Jariusun Kzn Diriltmesi41 freskosunda bulmaktayz. Yeni
doan bebei ykamak iin kullanlan altn leen, Kariye mozaiklerindeki
hem Meryemin Doumu hem de sann Doumu sahnelerindekilerle nerdeyse tpatp ayndr.42
Tek tek figrler veya elbise kvrmlar gibi kimi dier ayrntlar da bize
karlatrma yapma imkann salamaktadr. yi korunmu olmasa da
Vaftiz sahnesinde Vaftizci Yahya figr renkler de dhil olmak zere
Kariyedeki Vaftizci Yahyann saya Tankl sahnesindeki ve
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314
Graanicadaki 1312 tarihli Koimesis Kilisesindeki rneklerle ok benzer
grnmektedir.43 Her rnekte de Yahya yalnayak ayakta durmakta, bedeninin alt ksmlarna kadar sarkan giysisinin zerine kaba bir post sarnmtr. Arap Camisindeki iki ncil yazar figr de, Kariye parekklesionunun kubbe pandantiflerindeki ilahi yazar figrleri ile karlatrlabilir
zellikle de ilk ncilcinin taht ve zerine bast ayakln ayrntlar ve
ikinci ncilcinin yaz masas.44
Arap Camisi, Kariye ve Fethiyedeki freskolar arasndaki bir baka artc benzerlik de figrlerin elbise kvrmlardr. engel benzeri sonlanan
ve beyazla izilerek vurgulanm sivri kvrmlar Kariye45 ve Fethiye46 resimlerine zgdr ve ayn uygulama Arap Camisindeki iki ncil yazar figrnde zellikle tonozun kuzeybat kesindeki Aziz Matta (ek. 10)
ve gneybat kedeki Aziz Markos (ek. 6) figrnde grlr.
Yine Kariye resimlerine zg bir baka slupsal zellik de sandaletli
ayaklarn altndaki kaln siyah glgelerin kullanmdr.47 Arap Camisi
freskolarnda Aziz Markosun sa ayann altnda benzer bir siyah glge
grlmektedir (ek. 6). Ters perspektifte betimlenmi ayaklklar, Aziz
Markosun ayaklnda da grld zere, Arap Camisi freskolarnda ve
dnemin Bizans resimlerinde ortak bir ayrntdr.
Arap Camisi freskolarnn kompozisyon, ikonografi ve slubunu
Konstantinopolisteki ada antsal resim rnekleriyle, zellikle de Kariye ve Fethiyeninkilerle karlatrdmzda, San Domenico Kilisesinin
dorudan Kariyede alan atlye tarafndan veya Kariyede alm sanatlardan elemanlar bulunan bir baka atlye tarafndan bezendii grn nerebiliriz; ya da en azndan, ayn zevki paylaan bir baka Konstantinopolis atlyesiydi. Yine de, Konstantinopolisin Palaiologoslar dnemi resimleriyle yadsnamaz benzerliklerine ramen baz farkllklar da
dikkat ekmektedir. Doum sahnesinde Meryemin bir kr manzarasnn
ortasna konmu gsterili yata, normalde Palaiologoslar dnemi resim
sanatnda iinde ahr hayvanlar ve yemliin bulunduu maarann nne
konmu ot yata betimlemesiyle tezat oluturmaktadr.48 Meryemin altn
nakl ve erguvan kumalarla rtl gsterili yata, daha ok yine
43 Rice, Byzantinische Malerei, 10405, ek. 14.

44 Underwood, Kariye Djami, 1:42636, 3: ek. 22427.
45 Elbise kvrmlar iin bkz., Demus, Style of the Kariye Djami, 11516. Kariyedeki en tipik
rnekler u freskolardr: Gkyznn Drlmesindeki melek figr, 3:37172, ek. 204; Ahit
sandn tayan rahipler, 3:45455, ek. 231; ayann Kehaneti sahnesinde Bamelek Mikail,
3:46164, ek. 235.
46 rnein, apele giden gney koridordaki Aziz Petrus freskosu; bkz. Mango, Belting ve
Mouriki, Mosaics and Frescoes, 10809, lev. 13.
47 Demus, Style of the Kariye Djami, 113. Tipik rnekler urada grlebilir: Ahit sandnn
tanmas sahnesinde arkadaki rahibin ayaklarnda (Underwood, Kariye Djami, 3:45455,
ek. 231); ve Sandn Yerletirilmesi sahnesinde (3:460, ek. 235).
48 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, The Cycle of the Infancy of Christ, bk: Underwood, Kariye Djami 4,
91.
kariye+ozy.indd 314
1/10/11 1:08 PM
315
49
kariye+ozy.indd 315
14. ve 15. yzyllarda yabanc lkelerde proje stlenen Bizansl sanatlara rnekler iin bkz. C.
Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 3121453: Sources and Documents (Londra, 2000),
255258; S. Kalopissi-Verti, Painters in Late Byzantine Society: The Evidence of Church
Inscriptions, Cahiers archologiques 42 (1994): 13958, zellikle s. 142, 144, 150; M.
Konstantoudaki-Kitromilides, A Fifteenth Century Byzantine Icon-Painter Working on
Mosaics in Venice, Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik 32.5 (1982), 26569.
Kariyede i narteksteki Meryemin Doumu sahnesindeki veya naostaki

Koimesis sahnesindeki yataa benzemektedir. Ancak yine de bu sra d
ayrntlarn benzerlerine ada talyan sanatnda deil, Bizans sanatnda
rastlanmas nemlidir.
Arap Camisi resim programnda Aziz Ambrosiusa yer verilmesi nik
bir durumdur, nk bu aziz Ortodoks dnyasnn nemli azizlerinden
biri deildir. Bu durumda, szkonusu aykrl sanatlardan daha ok kilisenin Dominiken banilerine atfetmeliyiz, nk ne de olsa programn
ierii ounlukla bnler tarafndan saptanmaktayd. Bnlerin mdahalesinin bir baka unsuru olarak da Latince yazlar sayabiliriz. Ancak, ne
Aziz Ambrosiusun ne de Latincenin varl bnlerin talyan sanatlar
tuttuu eklinde deerlendirilmemelidir. Sanatlarn (veya atlyenin)
imzas, bu aykr ikonografik unsurlardan ziyade, slup zelliklerinde
aranmaldr. yle anlalyor ki, kiliseyi sslemek zere Konstantinopolisli
bir atlye tutulmu ve olaslkla da tarikatn resim program balamndaki
zel isteklerinin yerine getirilebilmesini salamak zere bir talyan deneti grevlendirilmiti. Bu durum ekonomik adan da daha gerekidir. O
dnemde Konstantinopoliste yetenekli atlyeler mevcuttu, yle ki bir ksm Bizans topraklar dnda bile i yapmaktaydlar.49 Sonuta Dominikenlerin talyadan sanat getirtmeleri iin hibir mantkl neden bulunmamaktayd.
Ayn durum mimari iin de geerlidir. Yapnn plan ve pencere biimleri talyan rneklerine uygun olmasna karn, dou duvarnda gzlenebildii kadaryla ina teknii tamamen Bizansldr. Hem mimari hem de
freskolar erken 14. yzyl Konstantinopolisinde bildiimiz yerel sanatsal
retimle uyumludur. Kilise Dominikenler iin ina edildi ve onlara aittir,
ayrca freskolar da Dominiken papazlarca smarlanm olmaldr. Bu kiiler, yapnn bnleri olarak, kilisenin resim programnn ve baz ikonografik ayrntlarn belirlenmesinde ve de Latince yaztlarn dikte edilmesinde
bir rol oynamtr. Ama Arap Camisi freskolarnn ikonografik ve slupsal
zellikleri, daha ok dnemin Bizans resim sanatna borludur.
Buraya kadar yaptmz irdelemeye dayanarak Galata San Domenico
Kilisesinin bnlerinin, talyadan sanat ithal etmek yerine kiliselerini
bezemek iin yerel atlyeleri kiraladklar grn ileri srebiliriz. Varlan bu sonu bize Bizans bakentindeki Palaiologoslar dnemi resim sanatnn genel tablosuna yeni ve nemli veriler ekleme olana vermektedir.
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316
ek. 1 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Bugnk yapnn plan (st) ve 1913 restorasyonu ncesi (alt) (yazar,
Palazzodan)
Fig. 1 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Plan of present building (above) and before restoration in 1913 (below)
(author, after Palazzo)
ek. 2 Arap Camisi,

stanbul. 1913
restorasyonu
srasnda dou u
(fotoraf: stanbul
Arkeoloji Mzeleri)
Fig. 2 Arap Camii,
Istanbul. East
end during 1913
restoration (photo
courtesy of Istanbul
Archaeological
Museums)
kariye+ozy.indd 316
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317
kariye+ozy.indd 317
Palaiologoslar Dnemi Konstantinopolisinde Dominiken Duvar Resimleri: Galata Arap Camisi (San Domenico Kilisesi) Freskolar
Dominican Painting in Palaiologan Constantinople: The Frescoes of the Arap Camii (Church of S. Domenico) in Galata
Engin Akyrek
ek. 3 Arap Camisi, stanbul. 1913 restorasyonu srasnda aa kan aziz freskosu (fotoraf:
Ebersolt, Arab djami et ses sculptures Byzantines, pl. 34)
Fig. 3 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of three saints exposed during 1913 restorations (photo: after
Ebersolt, Arab djami et ses sculptures Byzantines, pl. 34)
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318
ek. 4 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Bemay rten apraz tonoz (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak).
Fig. 4 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Cross vault over bema (photo: G. Kzlkayak)
ek. 5 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Bemay rten apraz tonoz (izim: E. Akyrek ve R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 5 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Cross vault over bema (drawing by E. Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 318
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319
Engin Akyrek
ek. 6 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Gneybatdaki

ncil yazarnn freskosu (Markos) (fotoraf: G.
Kzlkayak)
Fig. 6. Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of
southwestern Evangelist (Mark) (photo: G.
Kzlkayak)
ek. 7 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Gneybatdaki

ncil yazarnn freskosu (izim: E. Akyrek ve
R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 7 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of
southwestern Evangelist (drawing by E.
Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 319
1/10/11 1:08 PM
320
ek. 8 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Markosun

aslan ve asma dal kvrmlar arasnda
peygamber figrl bordr (fotoraf: G.
Kzlkayak)
Fig. 8 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of lion of
St. Mark and border with prophet in vine scroll
(photo: G. Kzlkayak)
ek. 9 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Markosun

aslan ve asma dal kvrmlar arasnda
peygamber figrl bordr (izim: E. Akyrek
ve R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 9 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of lion of
St. Mark and border with prophet in vine scroll
(drawing by E. Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 320
1/10/11 1:08 PM
321
Engin Akyrek
ek. 10 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kuzeybatdaki

ncil yazarnn freskosu (Matta) (fotoraf: G.
Kzlkayak)
northwestern Evangelist (Matthew) (photo: G.
Kzlkayak)
ek. 11 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kuzeybatdaki

ncil yazarnn freskosu (izim: E. Akyrek ve
R. Ousterhout)
northwestern Evangelist (drawing by E.
Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 321
1/10/11 1:08 PM
322
ek. 12 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Tonozun gney

blmndeki Aziz Ambrosius figr (fotoraf:
G. Kzlkayak)
Fig. 12 Arap Camii, Istanbul. St. Ambrose in
the southern portion of the vault (photo: G.
Kzlkayak)
kariye+ozy.indd 322
ek. 13 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Ambrosius

(izim: E. Akyrek ve R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 13 Arap Camii, Istanbul. St. Ambrose
(drawing by E. Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
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323
Engin Akyrek
ek. 14 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kaburgalar zerindeki sslemeler (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

Fig. 14 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Ornaments on the ribs (photo: G. Kzlkayak)
1/10/11 1:08 PM
kariye+ozy.indd 323
324
ek. 15 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Doumu freskosu (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

Fig. 15 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of the Nativity (photo: G. Kzlkayak)
ek. 16 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Doumu freskosu (izim: E. Akyrek ve R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 16 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of the Nativity (drawing by E. Akyrek and R. Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 324
1/10/11 1:08 PM
325
Engin Akyrek
ek. 17 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Vaftizi freskosu (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

Fig. 17 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of the Baptism of Christ (photo: G. Kzlkayak)
ek. 18 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Vaftizi freskosu (izim: E. Akyrek ve R. Ousterhout)
Fig. 18 Arap Camii, Istanbul. Fresco of the Baptism of Christ (drawing by E. Akyrek and R.
Ousterhout)
kariye+ozy.indd 325
1/10/11 1:09 PM
326
ek. 19 San Nicola Kilisesi, Tolentino, talya. Capellonenin tonozu (fotoraf: Alinari/Art
Resources, New York)
Fig. 19 San Nicola, Tolentino, Italy. Vault of the Capellone (photo courtesy of Alinari/Art
Resources, New York)
kariye+ozy.indd 326
1/10/11 1:09 PM
Engin Akyrek
The last period of the Byzantine Empire (12611453), often called

Palaiologan after its ruling dynasty, was a unique phase in its history. On the
one hand, the empire experienced a dramatic reduction in size and eventually decreasing into a little more than a city-state a capital city with virtually no remaining hinterland. On the other hand, the empire experienced
at the same time a significant revival of the arts and culture, often termed
the Palaiologan Renaissance. With regard to architecture, the undertakings were small in scale compared to previous periods. Within Constantinople, most of the architectural projects were in the form of chapels,
ambulatories, or narthexes added to the surviving churches, or restorations
of older buildings, such as the renewal of the Chora monastery, undertaken
by Theodore Metochites.1 In the field of monumental painting, Byzantine
art was particularly creative, reaching its full flowering in the waning days
of the empire. The artistic taste and the quality of the interior decorations
of the buildings are admired not only by modern art historians but also
by the Byzantines themselves. Constantinopolitan workshops and masters
achieved international reputations and were invited to execute their art
from Italy to the Balkans and Russia.
A consistent painting style developed in the capital, characterized by
distinctive stylistic and iconographic features, indicative of the common
artistic taste. In Istanbul today the artistic achievements of the period are
still evident in such surviving monuments as the frescoes of St. Euphemia,
the mosaics in the parekklesion of the Pammakaristos church, and wellknown mosaics and frescoes of the Chora church of Theodore Metochites. 2
1
2
kariye+ozy.indd 327
Dominican Painting in Palaiologan Constantinople: The Frescoes of the Arap Camii (Church of S. Domenico) in Galata | Engin Akyrek
Dominican Painting in Palaiologan

Constantinople: The Frescoes of
the Arap Camii (Church of
S. Domenico) in Galata
For a characterization of the architecture of the period, see R. Ousterhout, The Architecture of
the Kariye Camii in Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 25 (Washington, D.C., 1987), 91144;
as well as Chapter 2 in this volume.
For St. Euphemia see R. Naumann and H. Belting, Die EuphemiaKirche am Hippodrome in
Istanbul und ihre Fresken, Istanbuler Forschungen 25 (Berlin, 1966); and more recently E.
1/10/11 1:09 PM
328
Recently another example of Palaiologan painting came to light and may
now be added to the developing picture of late Byzantine art. Paintings in
S. Domenico in Galata, a church of the Genoese Dominican sect known as
Arap Camii today, may be characterized as Palaiologan in style and artistic
taste, but Italian in their pictorial program.3
During one of our summer excursions with Robert Ousterhout around
Istanbul in 2002, we visited the Arap Camii on the Hali shore of Galata
and discovered the late medieval frescoes on the bema vault, which had
been exposed by the fall of plaster after the August 1999 Marmara earthquake. The fragmentary frescoes that appeared from beneath the Ottoman
decoration and modern whitewash are located on the southwestern and
northwestern areas of the ribbed groin vault and on the upper east part
of the south wall of the bema. To prevent the flaking plaster from falling
on the faithful at prayer, the Directorate of Pious Foundations (Vakflar
Genel Mdrl) had stretched a fishnet throughout the bema, beneath
the cross vault. Due to the presence of the net, the height of the vault, and
the poor lighting conditions of the interior, it was not possible for us to
identify the scenes with any certainty at that time. But in the spring of
2004, with the permission of Administration of Religious Affairs (Beyolu
Mftl), I studied the frescoes in more detail. With the help of detailed
photographs by Grkem Kzlkayak it was possible to identify the scenes
and to make drawings of them.4 It is difficult to see the frescoes clearly in
the photographs because their surfaces were notched to hold the Ottoman
layer of plaster, and my drawings are necessary to understand the iconography.
kariye+ozy.indd 328
Akyrek, Khalkedon lu (Kadky) Azize Euphemia ve Sultanahmetteki Kilisesi (Istanbul,

2002); for the Pammakaristos, see H. Belting, C. Mango, and D. Mouriki, The Mosaics and
Frescoes of St. Mary Pammakaristos (Fethiye Camii) at Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 15
(Washington, D.C., 1978); for the Chora see P. A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, 3 vols. (New
York, 1966); R. Ousterhout, The Art of the Kariye Camii (London and Istanbul, 2002); and E.
Akyrek, Bizansta Sanat ve Ritel (Istanbul, 1996). There are also notable remains from the
period at H. Sophia, the Vefa Kilise Camii, Atik Mustafa Paa Camii, Fenari Isa Camii, and
elsewhere; for an overview of the period, see O. Demus, The Style of the Kariye Djami and Its
Place in the Development of Palaeologan Art, in The Kariye Djami 4, ed. P. A. Underwood
(Princeton, 1975), 10760.
I introduced the paintings of the Arap Camii at the symposium Theodore Metochites, the
Chora Monastery and Palaiologan Constantinople at the Pera Museum in Istanbul on 14
April 2007. This chapter emerges from that presentation. As I submitted it for publication, I
learned that an article on the same subject had just been published; see S. Westphalen, Pittori
greci nella chiesa dominicana dei Genovesi A Pera (Arap Camii), in Intorno al Sacro Volto.
Genova, bisanzio e il Mediterraneo (secoli XIXIV), ed. A. Masetti, C. Bozo, G. Wolf (Marsilio,
2007), whose conclusions are similar to mine.
I would like to thank Robert Ousterhout for drawing my attention on those frescoes and for his
valuable suggestions; to Grkem Kzlkayak who succeeded in taking the photographs under
less than ideal conditions; and to the Beyolu Mftl who permitted me to work in the
mosque and to take the photographs.
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329
6
7
8
9
10
11
kariye+ozy.indd 329
It is a long inscription in Ottoman, telling the history of the mosque in a poetic style. According
to that inscription, the mosque was built by Mesleme, the emir of Umayyad Khalif, Sleyman
bin Abdlmelik, to meet the needs of the Arab army which attacked Constantinople in 717. The
inscription claims that the name of the mosque, Arap Camii, i.e. the mosque of the Arabs,
derives from this foundation. The inscription is full of historical inaccuracies; see B. Palazzo,
LArap Djami ou glise SaintPaul Galata (Istanbul 1946), 2226. Palazzo included a
facsimile of the original text, pls. IV, V, VI, as well as did Hseyin Ayvansarayi, Hadikat l
Cevami (Istanbul, 1821) 2:31.
Palazzo, 5662.
A. M. Schneider and M. I. Nomidis, Galata, topographischarchologischer Plan mit
erluterndem Text (Istanbul 1944), 1; S. Eyice, Galata ve Kulesi / Galata and its Tower (Istanbul
1969), 45.
E. Dalleggio dAlessio, Galata et ses environs dans lantiquit, Revue des tudes byzantines 4
(1946): 231; Eyice, Galata, 46.
Schneider and Nomidis, Galata, 2; Eyice, Galata, 47.
Several rights and privileges were given to the Genoese with the treaty Nymphaion in 1261; see
Eyice, Galata, 47.
Y. D. Kuban, stanbul, Bir Kent Tarihi (Istanbul 1996), 173. Eyice, Galata, does not offer a clear
date for the fortification of the Galata quarter.
Contrary to the early 19th-century inscription5 carved on marble slab

by the Divan Humayun scribe Hac Emin Efendi, which claims that the
Arap Camii was a mosque built by the Arabs during their sack of Constantinople in 717, the building originally was a church built by Dominicans
living in Genoese Galata in the 14th century.6 Located on the northeastern corner of Golden Horn located just across from Byzantium, Galata in
late Antiquity was a small ancient town called Sykae. The settlement was
surrounded by a wall during the reign of Constantine I (32437), and it
was integrated into Constantinople as its 13th region during the reign of
Theodosius II (40850).7 Sykae came to be called as Iustinianae or Iustinianopolis after the emperor Justinian, following his extensive improvements
in the 6th century.8 But it was the Genoese who gave the area its distinctive character, still evident today. The Genoese community of Constantinople had lost its commercial privileges after the Latin conquest in 1204,
and they began to settle at Galata during the 13th century.9 Following the
end of Latin rule in Constantinople in 1261, the Genoese were allowed to
have a trading colony in Galata as a reward for supporting Michael VIII
Palaiologos against the Venetians.10 In 1303 the Galata settlement was
surrounded by a ditch, although the community was not allowed to build
defensive walls until 1335.11 As the Byzantine Empire grew weaker in its
last phase, Galata, an independent Genoese colony, began to behave as a
sovereign state. In 1453, Galata remained neutral in the war between the
Byzantines and the Ottomans, and by doing so was able to make a treaty
with Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror on 1 June 1453, preserving most of
their privileges under Ottoman rule.
Near the shore of Golden Horn at Galata, an abandoned 6th-century
Byzantine church called St. Eirene had been left to the Genoese in the 13th
century to be used as a cemetery when they first began to settle in the area.
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330
During Latin rule in Constantinople, a small church dedicated to St. Paul
was built on this site.12 In 1325 the Dominicans a monastery was built near
this church,13 and dedicated it to S. Domenico. It was completed in 1337.14
The building that survives today is substantially that 14th-century building, called as SS. Paolo e Domenico in some sources.
The plan of the 14th-century church was a three-aisled basilica, built
in the Italian Gothic style (fig. 1). It had a squared-off apse and flanking
chapels, following the Italian mendicant model, and it lacked a narthex.
The nave originally was separated from the side aisles by rows of marble
columns, of which today only one survives at the northeast end, now carrying the sultans lodge. The nave was covered by wooden roof up to the
sanctuary. The bema section rises higher than the side aisles and is covered
by a single, impressive groin vault, measuring 6.7 x 7.0 m. It is flanked
by two side chambers, which were similarly vaulted. The original belfry,
subsequently converted into a minaret, survives today at the southeast
corner. The original windows had a lancet form topped by a pointed arch,
and there is evidence for a rose window, now blocked, in the squared-off
eastern apse wall.
Sometime between 1475 and 1478, the church of S. Domenico was
converted into a mosque by Fatih Mehmed as one of his foundations
(vakf ), and registered as Galata Camii.15 In 1492, Andalusian Arabs who
had emigrated from Spain were settled in the neighborhood of this mosque,
which subsequently became known as the Arab Camii, i.e. the mosque of
the Arabs.16
The building underwent several renovations during the Ottoman
period, beginning with a small-scale restoration by Mehmed III
(15951603). Another restoration was carried out by Saliha Sultan, mother
of Mahmud I, in 173435, following the Galata fire of 1731; at that time, a
large door was opened in the north wall, the windows were reduced, and a
second row of small windows was added above them. Another restoration
came immediately after the 1807 fire. In 1868, a large-scale restoration was
conducted by Adile Sultan, daughter of Mahmud II, in which the present
fountain was added. Finally, in the 1913 restoration, several parts of the
building were altered.17 The roof was removed completely and rebuilt; the
north faade was removed to enlarge the building; an entrance hall (son
12
13
14
15
16
17
kariye+ozy.indd 330
W. Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls (Tbingen 1977), 79.

The sect was founded by St. Dominic in 1215, and it pursued missionary activities in the East.
Dominicans were organized at Constantinople in 1228 during the Latin occupation of the city.
For further information, see F. Kianka, Dominicans, in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed.
A. Kazhdan (New York, 1991), 1:648.
Palazzo, Arap Djami, 5657, 6263; MllerWiener, Bildlexikon, 79.
Eyice, Arap Camii, Dnden Bugne stanbul Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul 1994), 1:29495;
For the restorations see Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 80.
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331
18
19
20
21
22
kariye+ozy.indd 331
During the 191319 restorations at the Arap Camii, 106 tombstones belonging to Genoese,
Venetians, and Pisans were found under the floor and removed to the Istanbul Archaeological
Museums. Several of them are today exhibited at the Istanbul Throughout the Ages gallery.
Those tombstones were published by E. Dalleggio dAlessio, Le pietre sepolcrali di Arab Giami
(Genoa, 1942); idem, Inscriptions latines funraires de Constantinople au Moyen ge, chos
dOrient 32 (1933): 34047. See more recently S. Dll, Unbekannte Denkmler der Genuesen
aus Galata, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 33 (1983): 22538; 36 (1986), 24556.
J. Ebersolt, Arab djami et ses sculptures Byzantines, Mission archologique de Constantinople
1920 (Paris, 1921), 3854, pls. 3539.
Ibid., 40, pl. 34.
Ibid., 40, n. 2.
Ibid., 44; compare fig. 3 with the saints of Odalar Camii in S. Westphalen, Die Odalar Camii in
Istanbul, Architectur und Malerei Einer Mittelbyzantinischen Kirche, Istanbuler Mitteilungen
Beiheft 42 (Tbingen, 1998), pls. 15 and 17; to compare the saints at the Kariye, see Underwood,
Kariye Djami 3: pls. 24548, 25067.
cemaat yeri) was added to the west side (though not used today); and the
galleries were rebuilt, carried on the wooden columns. Genoese tombstones
with inscriptions and family coats-of-arms were found under the floor
during this restoration.18 At that time several Byzantine closure slabs were
found, which suggest the existence of an earlier Byzantine church on the
site.19 Among the important discoveries of the 1913 restoration were traces
of frescoes in the bema, at the east end of the building, probably on the
north wall. As seen on an old photograph (fig. 2), the bema was not affected during the 1913 restoration, and the groin vaults covering the sanctuary
were the only parts of the roofing system that were not removed at that
time. Thus, the frescoes were preserved under the Ottoman plaster until
the 1999 earthquake.
Ebersolt was the first modern scholar to note the frescoes of the Arap
Camii, mentioning the figures of three saints on the lower east wall that
were exposed during the 1913 restorations. Unfortunately those frescoes
are no longer visible today, and they were not properly documented except
for a black and white photograph taken by the museum authorities.
Ebersolt provided almost no information on the scenes, simply noting that
some severely damaged frescoes had been exposed during a restoration (the
one conducted in 1913). He identifies the fresco remains as three standing
frontal figures with religious vestment and haloes, one holding a Bible in
his left hand. The figures were framed by three arches supported by four
thin columns, also painted in fresco. The paintings were on what he identified as a Byzantine wall, constructed alternately in three rows of brick and
two rows of stone, as can be seen on the photograph that he published (fig.
3).20
This photograph was taken by the Archaeological Museum, not by
Ebersolt himself; he wrote that he was not able to see the frescoes because
the restoration had been carried out during the war, but that he had seen
the photograph taken by the authorities of Imperial Museum.21 Later he
compares the frescoes to those of the Kariye and the Odalar Camisi. 22
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332
Unfortunately, he did not locate the fresco in the church exactly, and we
have no other record or document on this fresco to determine its location
more precisely. But we know that it was somewhere on the east wall or
near the apse.23 Architectural details visible in the photograph help us to
position it: on the left of the photograph is a marble column. This is the
column that holds the southwest corner of the imperial lodge (hnkar
mahfili) and is the only surviving column from the north colonnade of the
original church. The banister seen behind the column belongs to the stairs
leading to the imperial lodge, which were apparently removed sometime
later.24 Thus, we may situate the frescoes somewhere on the north side of
the east wall. In the introduction to his 1946 book on the building, Palazzo
also mentions frescoes that appeared at the time of the 191319 restorations, but he gave no further information about them.25
During the restoration and afterwards none of the frescoes on the bema
vault were exposed. In a photograph taken during the 1913 restoration, we
see that from the roofing of the church, only the vault of the bema stands;
the rest had been removed (fig. 2). In this photograph the vault seems to
be in a relatively good condition, with its Ottoman plaster layer surviving.
None of the earlier writers mention any fresco remains on the vault.
The frescoes on the large groin vault covering the bema appeared first
time after the 1999 earthquake. The scenes are in the western and southern
compartments of the vault and on the upper eastern part of the south wall
(figs. 4 and 5). On the western compartment of the vault are two seated
Evangelists, one in each corner, and an ornamental band along the western
border; in the southern compartment, a saint faces one of the Evangelists.
On the south wall two narrative scenes are visible, which may be identified
as the Nativity and the Baptism of Christ.
Evangelist Mark
On the south half of the western compartment is a seated figure with a red
halo and wearing a dark blue tunic, with a red stripe over the left shoulder.
(figs. 6 and 7), with a gospel book in his left hand. The face and the right
hand of the figure have been completely destroyed. The chair on which he
is seated is simple in form, painted in yellow-brown colors. His feet rest
on a brown-yellow footstool with ornamented sides. Facing the figure is a
brown scribes table with a lectern rising from its left, with what appear to
be papers on it. Behind the figure a wall rises to the level of his head, and
above it a dark blue background fills the upper part of the composition.
Above his head to the left, several letters from a Latin inscription could be
discerned, reading MARCUS. The iconographic details of the composi-
23
24
25
kariye+ozy.indd 332
Eyice, Arap Camii.

Ibid.
Palazzo, Arap Djami, XIII and 2.
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333
Evangelist Matthew
To the right of St. Mark, on the northern corner of the western section of
the groin vault, is another figure in a better state of preservation, although
it compares to the one just discussed (figs. 10 and 11). His face is young and
beardless, and his hair is curly and short. He has a yellow-orange halo and
wears a purple tunic with a brown mantle wrapped around his body. The
figure is similarly seated before a scribes table with writing instruments on
it, and he holds a red book on his knee. An elevated lectern rises from the
table. The table and the lectern are brown, indicating that the furniture
was wooden. Above his head is an inscription of which some letters could
be discerned. The inscription is in Latin and reads as MATTEUSthe
Evangelist Matthew. The character of the letters, especially the unusual
M, is reminiscent of the inscription accompanying the frescoes of St.
Francis from the Chapel at the Kalenderhane Camii.26 Matthew holds a
scroll in his right hand, which bears an inscription, beginning < . . . >IBER
GEN< . . . >. This is probably the beginning of the Gospel of Matthew:
Liber generationis Jesu Christi . . . This figure also is framed with a red
border, and the background is blue. Although the two Evangelists are
slightly different in size, they create a symmetrical program. Just under the
second figure, toward the narrow corner of the triangular painted surface,
the Turkish layer of painted plaster is preserved, with a very faint floral
ornament concealing the lower portion of the scene.
St. Ambrose
On the south triangle of the cross vault the head of another figure became
visible, facing the fresco of St. Mark on the opposite compartment of the
26
kariye+ozy.indd 333
tion and its inscription confirm the identity of the figure as the Evangelist
Mark. The scene is framed with a simple red border. To the left, Ottoman
ornamental patterns are preserved on the vault rib.
Below this figure, where the compartment of the vault narrows, a
winged, haloed creature appears. Its wings are stretched wide open, and
the feathers of the wings and the furry chest are clearly seen. Unfortunately
the features of its face are destroyed, so that one hesitates to identify it as
an eagle or a lion. But when examined carefully, the furry chest, the shape
of the head, and the tufts of hair that represent its mane, all indicate the
creature is a lion. The lions paws hold a book (figs. 8 and 9, left side). The
lion itself is painted in brown, while the halo and the book are in yellow
brown tones, and the background is dark blue. The lion is the symbol of
the Evangelist Mark, and this is in accordance with the figures inscription
above.
C. L. Striker and Y. D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul, The Buildings, Their History,

Architecture, and Decoration (Mainz, 1997), fig. 83.
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334
vault (figs. 12 and 13). It is the head of an old man with white hair and
beard. His head is encircled with a yellow halo framed in white. Behind
him a brown detail suggests a piece of furniture or architectural setting
similar to that of St. Mark. Here, however, most of the exposed Byzantine layer is simply the blue background. Over his head there is an inscription written in white capital letters, of which several could be read as
AMBROSIUS. Thus the figure probably represents the Church Father St.
Ambrose.27 Bishop of Milan in the later 4th century Ambrose is regarded
as one of the doctors of the Latin Church, together with Sts. Augustine,
Jerome, and Gregory.
Old Testament Prophet (Zachariah)
Throughout the western edge of the west compartment of the groin vault
runs a border about 50 cm in width. The decoration of the border has haloed
bust-length figures holding banderoles in a vegetal scroll. It was very difficult for us to see or take the photographs of this border from one end to the
other, except its southern end, which was the best-preserved section of the
border. In this part a haloed figure with a thick beard holds a scroll with
an inscription and appears between a vegetal ornamentation (figs. 8 and 9,
right side). Details of his face are unclear, but he seems to be an old man,
wearing a brown tunic. His halo is yellow. The background is blue, and the
leaves are green, shaded in brown and with white highlights. Fragments of
additional bust-length figures appear below and above. On the banderole,
the terminal letters read as < . . . >ARIAS. The inscription may be the
termination of the name of an Old Testament Prophet, Zachariah. The
grouping of multiple figures, possibly totaling six, similarly represented on
this border, may suggest that these were the Prophets of the Old Testament. The inscription is in Latin, and the style of the letters is Gothic, as is
evident most clearly with the capital R in this scene. As with the inscription of Matthew noted above, the epigraphy may be compared to that of the
fresco fragments of the St. Francis chapel from Kalenderhane (Theotokos
Kyriotissa) in Istanbul. The fresco cycle of the life of St. Francis of Assisi,
created by the Latins during the Latin Conquest at Constantinople, 28 is
now on exhibition at the Istanbul Archaeological Museum.
The Ottoman plaster of the eastern and northern compartments of the
groin vault is almost complete, with no fresco layer of the Byzantine period
visible except for a few thin stripes (see fig. 4). On the ribs of the vault,
under the latest whitewash layer, two additional layers of decoration are
27
28
kariye+ozy.indd 334
T. E. Gregory, Ambrose, in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan, (New York,

1991), 1:7677.
For the fresco cycle of St. Francis of Assisi see Striker and Kuban, Kalenderhane, 12842. The
Latin letters are very similar in character to those of St. Francis from the Kalenderhane frescoes;
note the similarities of the capital A in Ambrosius, the R and A in Zacharias, and especially the
very typical M in Matteus; ibid., 138, fig. 83; 155, pl. 155.
1/10/11 1:09 PM
335
evident: an Ottoman layer with floral decoration over a white background
and a Byzantine layer with a more or less similar decoration pattern, a
rinceau executed in darker colors (fig. 14).
kariye+ozy.indd 335
Nativity of Christ
On the south wall of the bema two narrative scenes from the life of Christ
are visible: the Nativity appears above, with the Baptism of Christ below
it (see fig. 5). The Nativity scene, measuring approximately 2 x 1 m, is so
destroyed that its iconography could be determined only with difficulty
(figs. 15 and 16). In the middle of the composition is the Virgin reclining
on a bed, which is set diagonally in the composition. Her face is destroyed,
but a yellow halo encircles her head. She wears a dark blue tunic which
drapes over her feet, as was usual in contemporary Byzantine wall painting. All around, the sides of the bed are covered with red-violet drapery,
bordered at its top and bottom with very rich bands of golden embroidery.
This is an unusual feature: in the Nativity it is more common to see the
Virgin reclining on a mattress rather than a raised bed, because in the
Byzantine tradition the Nativity occurs in a cave.
Immediately to the right of the Virgins head is the manger, set horizontally and depicted in white and grey. The swaddled body of the infant lies
with his haloed head toward the Virgin, who turns toward him. Behind the
manger the head of the ass appears faintly. In front of the bed we see the
preparation for the bath, which fills the lower part of the composition. It
includes two female figures, who flank a calyx-shaped golden basin or font,
raised on a pedestal. The woman on the right of the basin is seated, while
the other, wearing a yellow dress, is standing, slightly bent over the basin.
Following the standard iconography, she is probably pouring water into
the font, while the seated woman must have been holding the nude infant,
which is no longer visible. On the foreground at the left of the composition appears a solitary figure in a brown cloak, seated and probably looking
towards the Virgin in the bed. This figure should be identified as Joseph,
compared to other scenes of the Nativity.
The details of the bed on which the Virgin is reclining and the preparation for the bath are very similar to Byzantine depictions of the Birth of
the Virgin, in which the event takes place in a rich interior, with housemaids serving, a gilded basin in which to wash the child, and a very luxurious bed. But from the surviving fresco fragments on the upper left and
right part of the composition, we understand that the event takes place in
a rocky landscape, not an interior, as it was usual in Byzantine iconography
of the Nativity. On the upper parts and the right side, there are traces of
additional figures and an angel in the layered landscape. The figure on the
upper left of the composition is pointing toward the birth bed, probably
facing another figure. Above them, at the upper left corner, the landscape
ends with strangely shaped rocky hills at the horizon. On the right side of
1/10/11 1:09 PM
336
the bed, a figure probably a shepherd cloaked in sheepskin stands on
the slope of a hill, his head in profile looking toward the Virgin. There
are traces of other figures behind this one, which probably represent other
shepherds. The angel hovers in the air with wings open, looking toward the
birth bed, his left arm outstretched. This would be the angel announcing
the good news to the shepherds. The landscape is irregular, arranged in
layers to create ground lines for the figures, rising slightly toward the upper
parts of the scene, and ending with strangely jagged hills at the horizon.
The scene is framed with a red border on its left, right, and bottom sides,
where there were adjacent scenes; the upper border has been destroyed.
To the right of the Nativity there was clearly another scene, but it was
not possible for us to identify it as only a very small portion is exposed.
Similarly, at the left side of the Nativity, on the east wall remains of fresco
suggest the presence of other scenes on that wall as well.
Baptism of Christ
Just below the Nativity another scene from the life of Christ is visible, the
Baptism (figs. 17 and 18). In the center of the composition Christ is seen
from his chest up, with the line of the water level at his neck. Long-haired
and bearded, his head is surrounded by a yellow halo. Above him appears
a semicircle of light to represent heaven, from which a beam extends
downward, painted in light blue against the dark blue sky. At the center of
the beam of light, a dove appears, representing the Holy Spirit. On the left
stands St. John the Baptist, leaning slightly toward Christ. His right hand
extends over Christs head, while his left hand gestures toward Christ. His
shaggy head appears in profile, gazing upward, encircled with a yellow halo.
His hair and beard are unruly, as are standard in Byzantine iconography.
He wears a garment of coarse brown fur, which exposes his bare feet, and a
rough brown and yellow mantle wraps about his lower body. To the right
are two angels. Only part of the haloed head of the lower angel is visible,
while the upper half of the other angel is exposed. Haloed, he appears in
profile, his hands extended toward Christ, covered by a purple cloth. In
the background rise two fantastic rocky hills, colored in brown and purple,
framing the central composition. The entire background is painted in dark
blue. Fragments of the red frame are visible above and to the left.
***
These are the scenes on the bema vault and on the south wall of the bema,
exposed after the 1999. Because none of the modern scholars or visitors to
the Arap Camii mentions those scenes, we assume that this is the first time
they have appeared from beneath their plaster covering. These may now be
combined with the three standing saints on the east wall exposed during
the 1913 restorations as we attempt to reassemble the decorative program
of the bema. For the purposes of stylistic analysis, our analysis is limited
by the poor condition of the frescoes; for the discussion of the pictorial
kariye+ozy.indd 336
1/10/11 1:09 PM
337
29
30
31
32
kariye+ozy.indd 337
program of the bema, we must rely on the few surviving fragments. Nevertheless, we may add a few comments. For example, the placement of the
three holy figures on the lower wall may lead us to think that they should
be the Church Fathers as were commonly depicted in Byzantine churches
during the Palaiologan period. However, it is not possible to identify their
vestments as those of the holy bishops, and the Dominican patronage of
the church would suggest different identifications that is, Latin rather
than Greek saints.
On the upper part of the south wall it is clear there were additional
scenes, beyond the two that may be identified. The south wall of the bema
is approximately 6 m long, and two more scenes of the same size could be
depicted on each register to the right of the Nativity and Baptism, respectively. We may assume that on the upper south wall there was a cycle of six
narrative scenes from the life of Christ, the first being the birth of Christ
and the fourth his Baptism. As symmetry was standard in the organization
of narrative scenes, we may assume that another six scenes, either from the
life of Christ meant to parallel it, were on the north wall and these may
still survive under the Ottoman plaster. Thus, the upper walls of the bema
must have contained a cycle of at least twelve narrative scenes that included
the Life of Christ.
The four Evangelists and their symbols had been depicted, each paired
with certain saints. On the border along the western edge of the vault a
pattern of vine scroll with busts of figures holding banderoles perhaps
Prophets, resembles the inhabited scroll border decoration common in
Late antiquity, as for example in the Great Palace mosaics.29 But more interesting is the similarity of the vaults program with the pictorial program of
the vault of San Nicola in Tolentino, Italy, whose paintings are generally
dated to 1320 or somewhat later.30 Its groin vault has been divided into four
sections by ornamental bands following the ribs as it is at Arap Camii
and an Evangelist is depicted in each section seated and in communication
with a saint facing him. Above each pair the symbols of the Evangelists
are set in medallions.31 Matthew is paired with St. Jerome (north section
of the vault), Luke with St. Gregory the Great (west section), John with
St. Augustine (south section), and Mark with St. Ambrose (east section).32
(fig. 19) At the Arap Camii the Evangelist Mark faces St. Ambrose, and
this may lead us to assume that vault of Arap Camii had a program similar
to that of St. Nicola at Tolentino, that is, with Evangelists paired with the
W. Jobst, et al., stanbul Byk Saray Mozaii / Das Grosse Byzantinische Palastmosaik / The
Great Palace Mosaic (Istanbul, 1997).
P. Bellini, et al., Il Cappellone di San Nicola a Tolentino (Silvana, 1992), 4172; M. Boskovits,
La nascita di un ciclo di affreschi des Trecento. La decorazione del Cappellone di S. Nicola a
Tolentino, Arte Cristiana 77 (1998): 326.
Bellini, Cappellone, 90.
For the layout of the complete program see ibid., 2425.
1/10/11 1:09 PM
338
Fathers of the Latin Church. A relationship between the two churches
seems reasonable, as both belonged to mendicant orders. The Capellone
at Tolentino was a church of the Augustinian order; the Dominicans, who
were the patrons of the church of S. Dominico at Galata, had been founded
under the Augustinian rule.
The poor state of preservation makes comparisons difficult, but when
we compare the frescoes of Arap Camii with contemporary Byzantine
monumental painting, the similarities in terms of style and iconography are
striking. Although the three saints on the east wall no longer survive, based
on the photographic evidence, Ebersolt had compared them with the saints
of the Kariye and Odalar Camii. The poor quality of the published photographs does not allow further comment, except perhaps that the drapery
resembles that of contemporary examples. On the other hand, the surviving fresco fragments from Arap Camii preserve enough stylistic and iconographic evidence for us to compare them with contemporary paintings in
Istanbul. Byzantine monumental painting of the 14th century has certain
common features, evident both in the capital and in the Balkans. In narrative compositions, architectural features, furniture, and landscape details
were used to join the various elements of the composition, as is evident in
the painting of the Kariye. The landscape was divided by ridges and folds
that serve as ground lines for the figures or groups of figures set on different layers in the composition, creating a certain impression of spatial depth.
This layered landscape was often completed with strangely shaped rocky
hills at the horizon, as in the scenes of the Nativity of Christ and John the
Baptist Bearing Witness to Christ in the exonarthex of the Kariye.
This rendering of the landscape is common almost in all Palaeologan
monumental painting. At the Arap Camii, we find a very similar use of the
landscape in the composition of the Baptism and more notably in the Nativity. Figures in Nativity scene were set on different ground lines within the
landscape. In both scenes, fantastic hills appear on the horizons compositional elements that are commonly used in Palaiologan painting. These
fantastic rocky hills appear as sharp, flinty peaks, and they can be found in
almost all Palaiologan paintings: for example, at the Kariye (13161321)33
and at church of St. Euphemia (end of the 13th century)34 in Istanbul; in
King Milutins church at Studenica Monastery (131314);35 in Thessaloniki at the church of St. Nicolaos Orphanos (early 14th century);36 and
Underwood, Kariye Djami, 1:117. Compare to the mosaics of the Temptation of Christ (2: pl.
116) and the fresco of the Anastasis (3: pl. 201).
34 Naumann and Belting, Euphemia-Kirche: scene 9 of the Euphemia Cycle (the wolf s trap) in fig.
42 and pl. 31, as well as scene 6 in fig. 39; scene 7 in fig. 40.
35 See especially the scene of the Anastasis; compare D. Talbot Rice, Byzantinische Malerei. Die
letzte Phase (Frankfurt am Main, 1968), 128, fig. 87.
36 See the cycle of St. Nicholas in ibid., 134, fig. 99.
33
kariye+ozy.indd 338
1/10/11 1:09 PM
339
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
kariye+ozy.indd 339
See the scene of the Nativity in ibid., 17081, fig. 37.

Ibid., 17881, fig. XXVII.
Belting, Mango and Mouriki, Mosaics and Frescoes, 6465, pl. 5.
Underwood, Kariye Djami 2:98, fig. 87.
Ibid., 1:198; 3:363, fig. 203.
Ibid., 1:98, fig. 87 (Nativity of the Virgin); ibid, 2:166, fig. 102 (Nativity).
Rice, Byzantinische Malerei, 10405, fig. 14.
Underwood, Kariye Djami, 1:42636, 3: figs. 22427.
in Mistra at the Peribleptos church (dated 1359).37 The treatment of the

landscape backgrounds of the Baptism and Nativity scenes at Arap Camii,
then, demonstrate a close kinship with the Palaiologan painting in the
monuments of Istanbul and the Balkans.
In terms of its composition and style, the Nativity scene of the Arap
Camii may be closer to the scene of the Nativity at the Peribleptos in
Mistra than the examples from Constantinople. The positioning of the
figures, the shapes of the rocky hills in the background, and the light beam
descending from heaven, are all similar. In the Peribleptos Nativity the
birth takes place in a cave,38 as is not clearly indicated in the Arap Camii
scene. The composition of the Baptism scene may be compared favorably
to the Baptism scene at the south chapel of the Pammakaristos church in
almost all elements.39
In addition to the compositional similarities the Arap Camii scenes
share with the other Palaiologan examples, some of their iconographic
details compare favorably to details in Kariye and Fethiye paintings. The
bed of the Virgin and the gilded basin in the Nativity find parallels, as do
the figure of the Baptist, the semicircle of heavenly light, and the descending
dove in the Baptism. The bed on which the Virgin reclines in the Nativity
is very similar to the beds depicted by the artists of Kariye, as, for example,
the bed in the mosaic of the Nativity of the Virgin in the inner narthex40
and the bed in the fresco of Christ Healing the Daughter of Jarius in the
parekklesion.41 The golden basin used to wash the newborn is almost the
same as that in the Nativity of the Virgin and in the Nativity of Christ in
the Kariye mosaics.42
Other details, such as individual figures or details of drapery, provide
material for comparison. Although it is not preserved in good condition,
the figure of St. John the Baptist in the Baptism scene appears almost the
same even in terms of color as the figure of John in the scene of Johns
Testimony of Christs Divinity at Kariye, and as that at the church of the
Dormition at Graanica (dated 1312).43 In all three examples, St. John
stands with bare feet, wears a coarse fur, and a mantle is wrapped about his
lower body. The two Evangelist figures of the Arap Camii are very similar
to the Hymnographers in the pendentive frescoes of the Kariye parekklesion especially the details of the throne and footstool of the first Evangelist and the scribes table of the second.44
1/10/11 1:09 PM
340
Another striking stylistic similarity between the frescoes of Arap
Camii, Kariye, and Fethiye is the drapery of the figures. The angular folds
outlined in white with hook-shaped ends are very specific to the Kariye45
and Fethiye46 paintings, and the same treatment is evident in the two
Evangelist figures of the Arap Camii especially in St. Matthew in the
northwest corner of the vault (fig. 10), and in St. Mark in the southwest
corner (fig. 6).
Yet another stylistic detail peculiar to Kariye paintings is the use of heavy
black shadows beneath feet with sandals.47 In the Arap Camii frescoes, St.
Mark has a similarly thick black shadow under his right sandaled foot (fig.
6). Footstools depicted in reverse perspective are another detail common
in the Arap Camii frescoes and contemporary Byzantine painting, as is
evident in the footstool of St. Mark.
Comparing the composition, iconography, and style of the Arap Camii
frescoes with the contemporary monumental paintings in Constantinople,
especially to that of Kariye and Fethiye, we may propose that Church of S.
Domenico was decorated by the same Byzantine workshop or a workshop
that included artisans who had worked at the Kariye; at the very least, it was
a Constantinopolitan workshop sharing the common taste. Yet, despite
undeniable similarities with the Palaeologan painting of Constantinople,
several differences are notable. In the Nativity the rich bed of Mary set in
the middle of a pasture stands in contrast with the standard Palaiologan
depiction of the Nativity in which Mary appears on a pallet in front of the
cave, with the manger and animals inside.48 Marys splendid bed, covered
with red-violet drapery and golden embroidery, appears more similar to the
bed in the Nativity of the Virgin in the inner narthex of the Kariye or to
that in Koimesis in the naos of the same building. All the same, it is important to note that this unusual feature finds better comparisons in Byzantine art than in contemporary Italian painting.
The presence of St. Ambrose in the Arap Camii program may be unique
for Byzantine monumental programs, for St. Ambrose was not venerated
in the Orthodox world. In this case, such an unusual feature should be
credited to the Dominican patrons of the church rather than to the artists,
since the content of the program was determined by the patrons. The
45
Demus, Style of the Kariye Djami, 11516 for drapery. The most typical examples in the
Kariye are the fresco of the Angel of the Lord Holding the Scroll of Heaven, 3:37172, fig. 204;
the Priests Carrying the Ark of the Covenant, 3:45455, fig. 231; Archangel Michael in Isaiah
Prophesying, 3:46164, fig. 235.
46 For example, the fresco of St. Peter in the southern corridor leading to the chapel; see Mango,
Belting, and Mouriki, Mosaics and Frescoes, 10809, pl. 13.
47 Demus, Style of the Kariye Djami, 113. Typical examples may be seen in the scene of Bearing
the Ark of the Covenant, at the feet of the priest in the rear (Underwood, Kariye Djami, 3:454
55, fig. 231); and in the scene of Installation of the Ark (3:460, fig. 235).
48 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, The Cycle of the Infancy of Christ, in Underwood, Kariye Djami 4,
91.
kariye+ozy.indd 340
1/10/11 1:09 PM
341
49
kariye+ozy.indd 341
involvement of the patrons may also account for the inscriptions in Latin.
Neither the presence of Ambrose nor the Latin should be considered taken
as evidence that the patrons hired Italian artists. The signature of the
artists (or of the workshop) is better sought in the aspects of style than in
unusual iconographic features. It seems more likely that a Constantinopolitan workshop was commissioned to decorate the church, perhaps with an
Italian overseer to look after the sects particular needs within the context
of the pictorial program. This would have been economically more feasible
as well. There were skilled workshops in Constantinople at that time, some
of which were hired for projects in other countries.49 Consequently, there
was no reason for the Dominicans to import artists from Italy.
The same holds true for the architecture. While the plan and forms of
windows follow Italian models, the construction technique evident on the
eastern wall is purely Byzantine. Both the architecture and the frescoes fit
well with what we know of local artistic production in early 14th-century
Constantinople. The church belonged to and was built for the Dominicans;
and the Dominican priests must have ordered the frescoes. As patrons, they
played a role in determining the pictorial program of the church and some
iconographic details, as well as dictating the Latin inscriptions. At the
same time, the iconographic and stylistic peculiarities of the Arap Camii
frescoes owe much more to contemporary Byzantine painting.
From the foregoing analysis, we may suggest that the patrons of the
church of S. Domenico at Galata hired local workshops to decorate their
church, rather than importing artists from Italy. This conclusion allows
us to add important new evidence to the growing picture of Palaeologan
painting in the Byzantine capital.
For some examples of Byzantine artists taking commissions in other countries during the
14th and 15th centuries, see C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 3121453: Sources and
Documents (London, 2000), 255258; S. Kalopissi-Verti, Painters in Late Byzantine Society:
The Evidence of Church Inscriptions, Cahiers archologiques 42 (1994): 13958, esp. 142,
144, 150; M. Konstantoudaki-Kitromilides, A Fifteenth Century Byzantine Icon-Painter
Working on Mosaics in Venice, Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik 32.5 (1982), 265
69.
1/10/11 1:09 PM

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Engin Akyrek

Ynetimdeki hanedann adndan dolay genelde Palaiologoslar dnemi

Konstantinopolisi kuatan Araplar tarafndan ina edilen bir cami olduu

gerekletirdi. Dominikenler, kentin Latin igali dneminde 1228 ylnda Konstantinopliste

Arap Camiindeki 191319 restorasyonlar srasnda zemin altnda Cenoval, Venedikli ve

Eyice, Arap Camii.

bezeme tonoz kaburgas zerinde korunmutur.

C. L. Striker ve Y. D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul, The Buildings, Their History,

zun kaburgalar zerinde, en son yaplan beyaz badana tabakasnn altnda

Bellini, Cappellone, 90.

Kariyede (13161321)33 ve Azize Euphemia Kilisesinde (13. yzyl

43 Rice, Byzantinische Malerei, 10405, ek. 14.

Kariyede i narteksteki Meryemin Doumu sahnesindeki veya naostaki

ek. 2 Arap Camisi,

ek. 6 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Gneybatdaki

ek. 7 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Gneybatdaki

ek. 8 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Markosun

ek. 9 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Markosun

ek. 10 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kuzeybatdaki

ek. 11 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kuzeybatdaki

ek. 12 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Tonozun gney

ek. 13 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Aziz Ambrosius

ek. 14 Arap Camisi, stanbul. Kaburgalar zerindeki sslemeler (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

ek. 15 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Doumu freskosu (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

ek. 17 Arap Camisi, stanbul. sann Vaftizi freskosu (fotoraf: G. Kzlkayak)

The last period of the Byzantine Empire (12611453), often called

Dominican Painting in Palaiologan

Akyrek, Khalkedon lu (Kadky) Azize Euphemia ve Sultanahmetteki Kilisesi (Istanbul,

Contrary to the early 19th-century inscription5 carved on marble slab

W. Mller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls (Tbingen 1977), 79.

Eyice, Arap Camii.

C. L. Striker and Y. D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul, The Buildings, Their History,

T. E. Gregory, Ambrose, in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan, (New York,

See the scene of the Nativity in ibid., 17081, fig. 37.

in Mistra at the Peribleptos church (dated 1359).37 The treatment of the

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