98 Oss Oexnemn ypoKl Oven cusoioid Gonsep, Omeu npuues ¢pacomenAbout Early Soviet Conceptualism Margarita Tupitsyn Fount 68. Ilya Kabakou, Pmakov Siting fa a Closet WSkafusidfaschif Primakov), 1972, details of album. Collection of lya and Emilia Kabakow. More than a decade after the appearance of Soviet dissident modemism in the late 29505, Moscow artists llya Kabakov, Vitaly Komar, and Aleksandr taelamid formulated the local ver sian of conceptual art. Dissident modernists, who were the first generation of the “unoffi cial" art movement, originated the practical and theoretical opposition to socialist realism, the official style which held a cultural mono: poly fram the mid-1930s to perestraika, The presence of this powerful adversary unified the modernists, although their creative aspira- tons shared little common ground. In contrast to the one-dimensional nature of the mod: ‘emists' opposition, the canceptualists Kabakov, Komar, and Melamid—who also belonged to the milieu of alternative culture— performed a dual role in resistance. Firs, they deviated fram the mademist canons of Soviet alternative art by denying painting's privileged status and introducing elements of Soviet kitsch into thelr works. Second, they—particu larly Komar and Melamid, who warked togeth- cer as the team K/M—put themselves at odds with the Soviet cultural establishment by deconstructing its visual canons and ideotogi cal content. When considering the develop. ‘ment of Soviet conceptualism, itis important to keep in mind this dual project of contesting, the conventions of both dissident modernism ‘and socialist realism. nike the frst generation of alternative artists, which consisted of nonmembers of the Union of Artists, Kabakov belonged to the Union's graphics division. He began his career by crystallizing his own modernist model of representation as a challenge to the familiar socialist realist canon. But, again unlike many of his Mascow colleagues, he did not adhere to any specific modernist style. Throughout the 19605, he rapidly progressed from works that relied on purely visual sensation to those vith “literal facts." Kabakov showed his distrust of pure visuality as ealy a5 1967, vwhien he Included verbal commentaries ‘about the image in his drawing The Horse (loshad’. Then, in his drawing Answers of the Experimental Group (Otvety eksperementatnot ‘aruppy 1969), Kabakow took a definite step toward the coneition Benjamin Buchloh. defined as the “withdrawal of visuality” Answers isa simplified rendition of a house with fragments of a landscape on elther side, situated between two colurnns of text that in tum are divided into numbered blocks. Each block is given the name of either a female or ‘male character who answers questions about the drawing: For example, question number 10, Is attached to the presentation of a door and Is nected to Vladimir Evgen'evich Markov, a ctional beholder” of Kabakov's work, who confitms that what he sees is indeed a door. In contrast to Western conceptual art, in which the operative strategy —as defined by Charles Hartison—is the “suppression of the behold: "in Soviet alternative at, the prolonged absence of the beholder caused Kabakov to Invent and introduce him fher into the artwork itself In Answers, Kabakov undermined the practice of socialist realist painters who, in their con centration on constructing strict ideological 9°Froune 68. Ilya Kabakov, Primkow Sitting ina Closet (Vsko Iusidiaschi Primakow), 1972, album. Collection of iya and Emilia Kabakov. naxratives, produced a nonretinal art but con: tinued to operate through a visual apparatus. His next version of Answers (1970-73), made ‘of enamel and masonite, eliminates pictorial images altogether. Covered with sentences limitating the language and themes of ordinary Soviet people, the work can be defined 2s the “aesthetic of communal babble.” in another painting from the same year with the same title (ig, 166), Kabakoy reintroduced pictorial images with a group of readymades—a hang: a nall puncturing the painting's lower surface, and a toy train—all situated on the fight side ofthe work, On the let side Kabakov employed a group of characters to discuss, comment on, and criticize his pictorial arsenal rather than simply affirming it with ver= bal statements. Challenging painting's excep tional status, Kabakov finally broke with the canons of Soviet alternative art. In addition to saturating his paintings with the “speech” of communal kitchens, he appropriated the shab ‘Soviet Union bby textures of communal interiors and the awkward, dysfunctional, and deaestheticized objects of Soviet communal households. The insertion of linguistic interpretive devices into the visual field provided the critical dialogue lacking in the Soviet alternative art movement from its inception. As Kabakov points out, “The game consisted in showing on the sur face the picture itself and the thoughts of the [fictional] viewers about it." IFthe foundation fof Western conceptualism was built in reaction to the overpresence of the beholder and the citi, then Soviet conceptualism was a reac ton to the absence of both. Kabakov's Answers series was complemented in g72.with his work in what he called an album" format, reminiscent of Soviet propagands albums or portfolios designed throughout the 1930s by El Lissitzky, Varvara Stepanova, and Aleksandr Rodchenko. Each ‘of Kabakav’s ten albums, produced between 1972 and 1975, consists of a minimum of thir tyfive cardboard pages of drawings and hand- written texts stacked in boxes. Each album is, linked to a story about a specific Soviet char- acter, and is intended for both viewing and reading by uring the pages. inthis way. Kabakov undermined the familiar experience of optically pecelving the artwork, The fist album, Pimakov Siting ina Closet (ska Jusidiaschi Primakou, 19725 figs. 66-70), 8 particularly significant in te context of com: ceptual art's withdrawal of visual It consists of forty-seven pages on which is related the story of &fetional character named Primakov, consigned ta closet in order to suppress his ability to see, Depriving him of sight and thus enkancing his ability 10 hear, Kabakoy makes Primakow “see wards instead of objects."* Rosalind Krauss's clarification of visual mod eisin as "the impulse to see"” is sacrificed for Kabakow’s “im/pulse to hear” To convey the condition of “visual impairment,” Kabskov begins Primakov wit te familar modernist model of pure visuality, the fat monochrome surface, inthis case a black rectangle, By com Dining black rectangles with fragments of “itera facts" —“Olya Is Doing Homework,” “A Stiong Wind Is Blowing,” “Father Come Home frorn Work" —Kabakav underscores Primakov's inability to optically perceive the events. Instead, he offers Primakovas an unusual beholder who, bling to the Images. is concerned only withthe words. The year Kabakov began Primakoy Sitting in ‘Closet, Komar and Melami¢ stated, “we are not artists, we are conversationalists.” They later wrote that “the constant method of our ‘work is based on conversations with each other, during which the imaginary phenome- ron of art is born."* With these claims, K/M revealed @ commitment tothe operative stat egy defined by Kabakav as “seeing words instead of objects.” Unlike Kabakov, however, who illustrates the supremacy of the verbat with texts drawn from the reservoir of commu: nal interactions, K/M violated the status quo (of Soviet narrative found in mass media or in bureaucratic papers) by ousting the text and altering the familiar format of its presentation. Their performance Hamburgers “Pravda” (Kotlety Pravda,” 1975 fig. 4) explicitly demonstrated this process. During the perfor mance, K/M ground up pages of the newspa: per Pravda (“Truth”), callected its pulverizedSoviet Union eS . OnoComem: FrouRe 70. liya Kabakov, Primakov Sitting in Closet (skefusidiaschil Primake), 1972, details of album. Collection of llya and Emilia Kabakov.‘Soviet Union bits and pieces, and produced 2 round, grayish object. The oppressive body of textual abundance had been replaced bya compact, nonthreatening geometric shape. This neutralization of ideological objects is. carried into the realm of Soviet bureaucracy with Documents: Ideal Document (Ookumenty Ideal'ny dokument, 1975; fig. 167). in wich K/M appropriated twelve types of official papers, ranging from a domestic passport and a trade-union book to marriage and birth certificates. The passport, a particularly oppressive tool, enabled the government 10 cantral the vast population by registering each citizen at a specific address, called a propisko. < This registration, not anly by city but also by - specific apartment or room, made it virtually impossible for citizens to move and made them easily traceable, The trade-union card also functioned as a method of surveillance, recording every jab ever held by its owner. In Documents: idea! Document, K/M negated the verbal by eliminating the text of each item, They also destroyed the documents’ dis: tinctive visual characteristics. Each document was measured, its surface area counted, and the sizes used to make twelve rectangular Plexiglas panels. A thirteenth panel completed the work, an “ideal square” (ideal document) painted red. Its size was arrived at by comput: ing the total surface area of all the documents and dividing by twelve, which produced the arithmetic mean of the total surface area. The ‘square root ofthis sum provided the measure ments for the red square. This combination of specific content and abstract form served asa ‘comment on the geometric art produced by the Soviet historical avant-garde, suggesting that postrevolutionary abstraction was con: FiauRe 71. (io? ao wortos) Andrei Monastyrskii and Collective Actions Group, ‘Appearance (Polevlenie), Match 13, 3976 stantly intruded upon by various political contents. For example, K/M's “Ideal square” invokes Kaaimir Malevich's Red Square of 1915, which appears to be a purely abstract, object but in fact—as its subtitle, Painterly Realism: Peasant Woman in Two Dimensions indicates—tefers to a concrete image.’ More generally, K/M allude to the fact that Malevich, Lissitaky, and Sergei Sen’kin introduced agitational slogans into their abstract canvases or posters and, later on, Stepanova, Rodchenko, ‘and Gustav Klutsis returned to figuration in the form of photographic imagery M's ironic games with political content and geometric Form, recalling the two aspects of Soviet art making since tle Revolution, and their con spicuous subversion of the historical avant sgarde's social ambitions and formal st clashed with both Western minimalists admiration for the Soviet nonobjective tradi tion and Wester conceptualists' fascination With the political radicalism of Soviet culture. atesies, In Music “Passport” (Muzyka “Pasport,” 19763 fig. 72), from the Codes series, K/M further iissected” this notorious Soviet document. The artists asked a professional musician to compose a musical piece in which each note ‘would correspond to a letter drawn from the passport’ ten regulations. By constructing, a bridge between a concrete bu! ‘and a musical composition, K/M disputed the myth (upheld by many early modernist painters) that music is the most abstract of all art forms, On the other hand, their transiation of the passports specialized rhetoric into the universal language of perhaps, the sharpest critique of Soviet mecha- nisms af contra. K/IM's Substitution of words with notes returns us to Kabakov's “im/pulse aucratic text to hear,” as a substitute for the ‘im/pulse to After the production of Kabako anid K/M's conceptual works, the homogeneity of Moscow's alternative art community radically rated, Kabakay and K/M had ques: tioned this community's prolonged devotion to easel painting as the ultimate mode of ‘expression, and its absession with the purely visual aspects of artmaking, Furthermore, they had crossed the carefully guarded line sepa rating the upholder of the avant-garde spirit (Soviet dissident modernism) and the epitome of kitsch, socialist realism. Nevertheless, Kabakov and k/M continued to produce commodifiable objects in @ country with no market for their consumption and no spaces disint for thelr exhibition, FrouRe 72 italy Komar and Aleksandr Melamid, Music “Passport” (Muzyka "Pasport") from the Code (Kody) series, 976, score (lef) installation wit photographs, texts, audiotapes, musicstands, electric lights, Komar and Melamid Studio, New York.they often encountered physical difficulties (deep snow or heavy rain) an ordeal intended tohelp them shed their urban orientation as preparation for the action. ‘The group's early performances illustrate the blunt simplicity and aching brevity of thete plots. In Appearance (Pofavleni, March 13. +9765 fig. 79, thirty Invitees tr eld to witness two members ofthe group veled to the ‘emerge from the forest, cross the field toward the spectators, and give them a “documentary certificate” confirming their presence at the event. Liblikh (April 2, 1976) involved twenty five spectators wivo came to the same field to hear the Sound of a bell, hidden underground before their arrival The bell continued to sound after they left“ Each perfarmance fea tured three categories of participant: author, co-author, and performer. The third category subsumed the fist two: the author determined the concept of each happening, which the coauthors were required to accept, Weather Conditions might also change the course of a ce and thus constituted a form of perfor co-author. Staging these communal gatherings, to full the mpty actions” of their perfor rmances, the group identified emptiness as the main characteristic of Soviet existence throughout the Brezhnev era By the late 1980s, at the end of the perestroika period, Collective Actions performances, ich depended on the participation of other ‘members of the alternative cultural milieu and ‘onthe group's subsequent verbal and written analysis, became unrealistic. The climate of market-oriented values and exhibition oppor tunities at home and abroad eroded the munal sensibility of Soviet alternative ame preoccupied with indivi: ual goals that were, asa rule, directed toward ye West. At the same making careersin time, the infamous “field” site of most of the group's performances was subdivided and sold to nouveau riche clients, thus ending the ‘sips in the direction of nothingness. Two years before perestroika, in 298%, rina Nakhova—at the time, the only woman artist in ‘Soviet Union the Moscow conceptual ci the ideas developed by her male colleagues.” Unlike the members ofthe Collective Actions responded to Group, she considered her studi an adequate (Kabakov alse built hs fist exhibition spac Installation, 16 Strings[2984), in his studio.) And contrary to Kabakov and K/N"'s “submis: sion” to the power af speech practices, she insisted —through the construction of an installation series entitled Rooms (Koma, 1986-875 Figs. 74, 168, 213)—that visual r than verbal information should dominate the viewer's experience of att In each of the four elaborately constructed “rooms,” Nakhova cov- ered the walls, celling, and floor with cutouts cure 74, Irina Nakhova, oom (Kommata) No.2 Moscow, 1984, docu ‘mentary photograph Collection ofthe arts. Ganging from handmade abstract shapes 10 reproductions from popular magazines) and manipulated the lighting to create unexpec visual effects, Nakhova’s aim was to transsress: the limits of palating’s two-dimensfonality and place the viewer within the pletorial space itself in order to expose her or him (so litle accustomed to nonverbal experiences)” to an avalanche of visual information. This eect wes ‘comparabh Soviet official texts and speeches, fe to the overwhelming nature of However, Nakhova's project acquired a difer ‘ent meaning and format when her husband, critic joseph Bakshtein, interviewed a number 165of visitors and used the resulting dialogues along with photographs ofthe installations as documentation of her experiments. The dia logues focused on Room No. 2 (x98: fi. 74), and were almost exclusively limited to conver- sations with Moscow male conceptual artists, including Kabakou, Eduard Goroktiovskil Makarevich, and Ivan Chutkov. By becoming an Integral part ofthe project and constructing an additional meaning, the male voices shifted Nakhova's work from its concern with the hegemony of the visual to their own speech: based discourse. According to Makarevich, for instance, Nakhova's installation was “such a strong concentration of representation” that itwas "pressing." Gorokhovskii was similarly disturbed, “Stay alte bitin this room,” he complained, “and you can go out of your rind." Such visual elements as turning the Uights on and off were perceived as “psycho: logical" and “metaphysical” exoeriences. Significantly Nakhova was (voluntarily) absent during these conversations. Other women's voices were represented by the artists’ wives, whose comments were limited to empty epi: thets such as “beautiful” and later presented parentheticallyin the seltpublshed volume. Therefor, the visual (here female) was effec: tively suppressed frst by speech (here male) and then by its documentation, a text destined to.become the final record of Nakhovas instal lations. Most of these examples of early Soviet con Ceptualism used photography to document ephemeral projects or performances. This use of the photographic image transgressed the ‘medium’ sole function, since the late 19305, Of fuliling the tasks of official journalism, (The only other realm in which photography was actively practiced was family life) However, even in its capacity as a document for conceptual work, photography remained subordinate, It stil held the position fram which ithad tried to escape in the early 2oth century, namely that of handmaiden to thefine ats, Boris Mikhailow, a photographer from Kharkow, reempowered the camera by once again direct 106 Soviet Union ing its lens at scenes of Soviet reality, now ‘caught without the “mythographie decor” Defining his then-unique position, Mikhailov noted in 1984: "AS a photographer endowed with unofficial authority, | in some way track down, spy, srieak, Most importantly is to define after whom.”” Like the founders of Soviet factography (Aleksandr Rodchenko, Boris Ignatovich, Elzar Langman, et), Mikhailov viewed the function of a photo image not as a single pictorial record of ality but as one ofa series of fragmentary phato stills valid only when seen all together and supported by linguistic additions. Unfinished Dissertation (Nezakonchennata dis Sertatsiia; figs. 73, 169) I Mikhailov’ earliest and longest series. It consists of several hun- ‘dred photographs all taken during one dreary winter month in 1984, According to Mikhailov, this was the moment he broke from an interest in Western cultural production and began ‘searching for local subject matter. nits final version, Unfinished Dissertation consists of approximately 280 sheets of cheap drawing paper, with one or two photographs casually alued to the surface. The texts that follow the images were either composed by Mikhailov or ravi from a variety of published sources, including Soviet scientifc tterature and books ‘on philosophy and art. Whole paragraphs and short sentences are seribbled chaatically in the margins. In addition to adhering to the series format, ‘Mikhallov appropriated such primary compost tional tools of the early Soviet factographers as extreme fragmentation, cropping, and cap turing subjects from behind. For Unfinished Dissertation’s subject matter, Mikhailov *revis: ited” monuments, landscapes, and cityscapes conceived in the 1920s and "30s, and tracked down the people who constructed them, Unfinished Dissertation’s pictures are of @ ‘reality that might be called the “double after": itis postutopian with respect to 19205 factog: raphy, and postmythographic with respect to the photo:staging of subsequent decades. ‘Similarly, Mikhailov’ individualized and phi losophizing comments bypass both the dry, utilitarian language of the factographic photo Images and the bureaucratic narrations attached to photo images of the ater period Here, we are once again faced with the urge common to all Soviet conceptualists to con: struct and read the visual with substantial support from the verbal. In Mikhailov's case, the randomness and abundance ofthe verbal attests to the displaced status of his photos— (of, as he calls them, kartochki. They are not for mass-media consumption, nat for exhib: tion, not for appropriation by other artists ‘Mikhailov’ inquiry “after whom” he is “spy: ing” while taking his snapshots is investigated through the literary dimension of the photo visuals, + Komar and Melamid left the Soviet Union in 1976 and, since then, have been able to realize their projects, whereas artists lke Kabakoy, Nakhova, and Mikhailov waited another decade, until perestroika opened the “window {0 Europe.” Thus the political breakdown of the Soviet Union had a direct impact on the history of Soviet conceptualism. Kabakoy, Nakhova, and Mikhatloy, as well as younger representatives of Moscow conceptualism — Igor and Svetlana Kopystianski,Elagina, Makarevich, the Medical Hermeneutics Group (Weditsinskaia Germeneftika), and the Peppers (Pertsy)—were finally able to realize their conceptual installations in Western galleries and museums, However, in the West the textual parameters of their works were lost to a large degree, which resulted in Soviet culture's reception by Western viewers on an essentially visual level, Thus Kabakov's postulate “seeing words Instead of objects” was ironically fulfilled in a refractive form when the Western viewer was subjected to “seeing” rather than “reading” the language saturated works of Soviet conceptualism.Notes 1. Fora detailed and broader history of Soviet con: eptulism, see my “On Sore Sources of Sovlet Conceptulism,* i Nonconfonmist Act: The Soviet ‘Experience, e4. Norton Dodge and Anns Rosenfeld (London: Thames & Hudson, 1995), 303-33, in ‘bic connect the Soviet conceptuaiss' use of text to siiar practices ofthe Soviet historical vant garde. Here | would like to ad that this linguistic clement, intrinsic to both ars of Soviet «allure, isnot bases onthe conceptwalsi" know: edge ofthe constuctvst/prodctvist tradition, father illustrates the prolonged dependence of fussian and Soviet culture on textual ather than visual mechanisms of arimaklng For the most par, asin the case with dlssident modernists wh in the ate 1950s possessed no substantia knowedge ofthe local historical avantgarde and discovered abstraction through Western exhibitions, the Soviet concepiualss' knowledge of vir domestic cultral legacy was sparse and elie primarily on visual sereeption or on distorted theoretical premces. 2. The conceptual movement began 1o actively ‘manifest tselfat the tine when dissident mod- emism was istitutionalized by the Soviet govern ment Fora further discussion ofthe nature of Soviet dissident modernism see my "Avant-garde and Kitsch,” In Aergins of Savier Art: Socialist Realism tothe Present (Milan: Giancalo Polit tore, 1985), 23-37,and Victor Tpitsym, *Nonidertity Within entity’: Moscow Communal Modernism, 1950-980," in Nonconformist Ate Dodge and Rosenfeld, 64-200, 3-0n the visual evel, Kabakov’s colleagues often Compared him with René Magrte lt seems, however, that nis early works he pursued a rather diffrent goal. instead of confounding pictorial reality ith contradictory verbal messages, Kabakov affirmed or narrated what was already represented by pictorial means, 4. Beginning in the ate 19505, Sovet alternative ass functioned a both creators end beholders of theirart. The function ofthe interpreter (ri) aid ot exis 5 la Kabakow and Yur Kuper, $2 entretiens dans le usinecomuneutoire Marseiles: Art Transit, eliers Municipaux dhrtistes, 1992). 16. 6. froma videotaped interview with Sergei Borisow, Moscow, 1986 7-Rosalind Krauss, “The Im/Pulse to See,” in Vision ‘nd Visuaity, ed. Hel Foster (Seattle: Bay Pres, 19881, 52. Soviet Union 8, K/M, "in Search of the deal" unpub. ms, 1974 9 M's making of the ed square by means ofa precse calculation cottesponds to John Mine's Imeorpretation of Malevich's paintings as bects of carefuly planned proportions. See ohn Milner, Kecimir Malevich and the Art of Geometry (New Haven: Yale University Pres, 1996). Carter Ratclif makes a parallel between K/M's red square in Documents and Malevich's canvas, then dstinguish- ‘es them thus: *Unke a Malevieh canvas, Komar and Melamia's patterns of ine, color, can be decod cdf one has a key.” Rati fais to recognize that Malevich acded a narrative subtitle to Red Square and thus decoded its content as wel. See Carter Rate, Komer and Melamid (ew York: Abbeville Press, 2988), 99, +10. According to Benjamin Buchioh, some Western conceptualsts weteinspited by Camila Grey's book The Great Experiment: Russian Art, 1863-1922, published in 1982, and were particulary influenced by this arts poltical aspirations and productivist theory. In contrast, K/M—as demonstrated in Documents: (ea! Document and in such other eaty works as Giele, Square, Tangle :974)~responded to the formal and ideological strateses of construc tivim/suprematism with an explitiony and ey sm, See Benjamin H.D. Buchloh, “Conceptual At, 1962-1969," October (Winter 3956): 240-43. 21. Nikita Aleksey, from a letter to Victor and Morgarita Tupitsy, 1983, Tupitsyn Archive, New York. 12, Collective Actions Group (Nikita Alekseew Georgi Kievaler, Andre! Monastyrski, and Nikolai Peanithor, Paez za good (Moscow: Seltpub- {ished 2980), Tuptsyn Archive, New York, 15, Collective Actions Group (Andrel Monastrski GeoraiKizeval er, Nikola Panitkoy, Igor Mokarevich, Nikita Alcksecy, Sergel Romashko, anc Elena Elagina), Poezdk i vesproizvedenlia (Moscow: Self-published, 1983) Tpitsyn Archive, New York, 14, According to Monastyski, the group 2s nitally Infuenced by the musical experiments af John Cage, ‘especialy his concept of sounding silence” as, ‘expressed in 4°33". In 1978 Monastyrskil wrote to ‘Cage and later received 2 response In which Cage was interested in a collaborative project. The letter ‘vas tom up by Monastyskl's mother, who was frightened by te foreign addtess, but he managed tosalvage i fom the garbage. 15193983, after a trp to C2echoslovakia, Kabakov ‘wtote an essay entitled “O pustote” (On Emptiness), in which he thocoughly developed his ideas an a paticular Soviet model of emptiness, distinguishing Tefrom the European concept. See lya Kabako, “On Emptiness,"in Between Spring and Sumer: Soviet Concept Artin the Ea of Late Communism. ed. David Ross (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2990), 5359. 26 Makhova was particularly influenced by Victor Pvovaroy, a close colleague of lya Kabakov, Like abakor, in the ealy 1970s Pivovarov adopted the album format and attempted the process of verbal: ing the visual 17. For decades the Soviet public was exposed prt rary to socialist realist works in museums and official galleries. Although these works dd not ‘employ texts and offered a variety of initated realist styles (including late sth-century realism and French impressionisr, viewers were in fact “ead: ing" paintings and receiving idealogical instruction from them. 18, For the comments by Makarevieh, Garokhovsil, and others, see HANI: Komnaty (Moscow: Sel pub lished, 1987), 143,145, Tuptsyn Archive, New York. 19: Bors Mikhallow, Unfinished Dissertation, 20, for ahistory ofthe development of factography and mythography, see my The Soviet Photograph, 1924-1937 New Haven: Yale Unversity Pres, 1096). | derive the term "éoube afte” from a popular '208 and "305 photo theme of “before and after,” where "pelore” referred to the prerevolutionary reality and “after” the postrevoutionary one 21. Among the important exhibitions of Soviet com ceptual art inthe US. are Russian Hew Weve (New ‘York: Contemporary Russian rt Center, 1981); Letween Spring and Summer Soviet Conceptual Art In the Era of Late Communism (Boston: \CA, 1990); The Green Show (ew Yor: Bait Ar, 1990): ane Perspectives of Conceprulism (New York: lock Tower, 1999 107