Professional Documents
Culture Documents
OUDTESTAMENTISCHE
STUDIEN
OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES
published on behalf of
the Societies for O l d Testament Studies in
T h e Netherlands, Belgium, and South Africa
by
J O H A N N E S C. DE M O O R
KAMPEN
ADVISORY BOARD
H A R R Y VAN R O O Y
MARC VERVENNE
POTCHEFSTROOM
LEUVEN
VOLUME XLIX
WOMEN IN UGARIT
AND ISRAEL
THEIR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS POSITION
IN T H E C O N T E X T O F T H E A N C I E N T N E A R E A S T
BY
HENNIEJ. MARSMAN
6 8
BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON
2003
ISSN 0169-7226
ISBN 90 04 11732 6
Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands
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Contents
Preface
ix
Introduction
1.1
1.2
12
1.3
22
1.4
Methodological Considerations
31
43
2.1
2.1.1
2.1.1.1
2.1.1.2
2.1.1.3
2.1.1.3.1
2.1.1.3.2
2.1.1.4
2.1.1.4.1
2.1.1.4.2
2.1.1.5
2.1.2
2.1.3
2.1.4
2.1.5
2.1.6
47
49
49
73
84
84
107
122
122
153
168
191
243
252
291
321
2.2
2.2.1
2.2.1.1
2.2.1.2
2.2.1.3
2.2.1.4
2.2.2
2.2.2.1
2.2.2.2
2.2.2.3
2.2.2.4
Women in Society
Women of the Court
Queen
Queen Mother
Royal Wives and Concubines
Princess
Non-royal Women
Legal Ownership of Immovable Property
Business
Professions and Domestic Activities
Slavery
324
325
325
345
370
381
389
389
400
404
437
2.3
General Conclusions
454
473
3.1
486
3.2
Women as Worshippers
572
3.3
General Conclusions
613
A Check on Reliability
627
4.1
4.1.1
4.1.2
4.1.3
Letters
The Letters from Ugarit
The Letters from Israel
The Letters from Elephantine
628
628
639
642
4.2
4.2.1
4.2.2
4.2.3
Seals
Seals
Seals
Seals
and Bullae
from Ugarit
and Bullae from Israel
and Bullae from Elephantine
643
643
643
659
4.3
4.3.1
4.3.2
4.3.3
Legal
Legal
Legal
Legal
Texts
Texts from Ugarit
Texts from Israel
Texts from Elephantine
659
659
676
676
4.4
4.4.1
4.4.2
4.4.3
Administrative
Administrative
Administrative
Administrative
4.5
Conclusions
690
701
5.1
701
5.2
727
5.3
Epilogue
737
Indices
739
Abbreviations
Index of Authors
Index of Subjects
Index of Textual References
741
745
756
764
Texts
Texts from Ugarit
Texts from Israel
Texts from Elephantine
679
679
688
689
Preface
Theology is a caleidoscopic field of study. There are so many interesting angles one might explore that it is almost a pity to make the
inevitable choice for any particular specialism. Yet at an early stage
of my study of theology at the Kampen Theological University I became intrigued by the Hebrew Bible, or the Old Testament, as it
is commonly called in the christian tradition. The stories fascinated
me, their strangeness as well as their down-to-earth soberness. In the
course of my studies I became aware of questions regarding women in
the Bible, and those regarding feminist exegesis. I also became aware
of an often unvoiced presupposition: that the position of women worshipping the God of Israel was worse than that of women worshipping
Ishtar, Asherah, or any other goddess. According to this presupposition, women would have been better off worshipping a goddess.
This was the starting point of my dissertation which induced me
to study a wide variety of subjects, for studying the position of biblical women is as broad as studying the Bible as a whole. Many people
offered their guidance, critique, support and friendship. I am greatly
indebted to Prof. J.C. de Moor for his inspiring and professional supervision. I also thank Prof. C. Houtman for his co-supervision and
helpful comments and Prof. K.M.L.L. De Troyer of Claremont School
of Theology (USA) for her stimulating and critical remarks.
I wish to thank the Theologische Universiteit Kampen for creating favourable conditions, including financial ones, for writing this
dissertation. I am indebted to the personnel of the Kampen theological libraries of Oudestraat and Broederweg for their kind assistance.
I am grateful to the Stichting Pieter Haverkorn van Rijsewijk (Amsterdam) for their financial support in publishing this dissertation.
Thanks are due to Carolina Koops and Jolanda Paans-Spoelstra
for their assistance in some of the bibliographical research. I am thankful to Dr Denise Dijk and Dr Dorothea Erbele-Kuester for discussing
a previous draft of chapter 1 with me. To Jeanet Aartsen and Yvonne
van den Brake, who critically read the text with a feminist eye, I wish
to express my warmhearted gratitude. I also thank Dr Leslie McFall
(Cambridge) for correcting my English. For any errors that remain I
bear full responsibility.
During the years in which I wrote this dissertation I had the privilege to work in the team of the Sectie Semitica of the Theologische
Universiteit Kampen. I thank my colleagues for their friendship and
encouragement. I am indebted to Frans de Boer-Knegt, David Kroeze,
Hennie J. Marsman
Chapter 1
Introduction
Biblical arguments have played a major role in the discussion regarding the social and religious position of women. During the first feminist wave1 women who demanded their rights were confronted with
biblical arguments in order to keep them in a subordinate position.
They in turn used biblical arguments to plead for matters such as
education for women and suffrage. In the first section I will give a
brief overview of the early feminist biblical interpretation.
The hermeneutical arguments used by biblical exegetes in the first
feminist wave were used again in the second wave. There was, however,
an important difference, namely, a critique of ideology, which was of
major importance in the second feminist wave. Both in synchronic
and diachronic analysis this critique was used. In the second section
five hermeneutical approaches will be discussed that combine biblical
criticism with the experience of women from a synchronic point of
view. In the third section I will discuss the diachronic analysis with
special attention to the earlier work of Rosemary Radford Ruether, in
which she points to male monotheism as the major cause for the social
repression of women. This will lead us to the main question of this
study: whether the social and religious position of Israelite women was
worse, equal or better than those living in neighbouring polytheistic
cultures. In the fourth section I will deal with the methodological
considerations required to answer this question.
Feminism is often divided into two 'waves', the first starting at the end of
the nineteenth century and the second in the sixties of the twentieth century. O.
Banks, Faces of Feminism: A Study of Feminism as a Social Movement, Oxford
1981, discerns three intellectual traditions in feminism: that of evangelical Christianity, of Enlightenment philosophers, and of communitarian socialism. See also
J.J. Dijk, Een beeld van een liturgie: Verkenningen in vrouwenstudies liturgiek,
met bijzondere aandacht voor het werk van Marjorie Procter-Smith, Gorinchem
1999, 26-30.
2
In this section we will focus on the first feminist wave. In the United States
1848 is generally regarded as the beginning of the first wave. In that year the first
Women's Rights Convention was held at Seneca Falls. Feminist women in Europe
started to organize themselves some twenty years later. The publication of John
Stuart Mill's Subjection of Woman in 1869 is often taken as the starting point
in Britain. F. Dres, 'Vrouwen gepromoveerd in de theologie in Nederland', in:
study was written in response to those who argued against women participating in science. According to her opponents God made females
submissive to the will of males because of woman's sin in eating from
the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (Gen. 3:6). Combining this
argument with that of the duty of women to be silent and to be subordinate (1 Cor. 14:34-35; 1 Tim. 2:11-14) they were of the opinion
that women did not need to study the sciences in order to do their
task, viz. housekeeping.7 Van Schurman opposed this by means of a
scholarly rebuttal in which she stressed the equality of all souls before
God.
During the seventeenth and eighteenth century the discussion on
the status of women, including the question whether women should
be allowed to study, received some attention in Western Europe and
America. The majority of the scholars who showed an interest, however, stressed the nature of women - bearing and caring - which kept
most women from engaging in studies. Only a few women in privileged positions were able to learn Latin, Greek and Hebrew, to discuss
theological and philosophical matters, and to give a feminist reading
of biblical texts.
A more radical protest against men who justified their own privileged position by invoking biblical arguments had to wait until the
struggle for women's political rights began. In 1790 Judith Sargent
Murray wrote an essay entitled O n the Equality of the Sexes', in
which she made a plea for more educational opportunities for American women. She appended a letter to the essay which she had written a decade earlier to a male friend, responding to his claim for
male superiority. Since he based his claim on scriptural evidence, Sargent Murray, who 'had believed that "arguments from nature, reason
Muliebris ad Doctrinam, & Meliores Litteras Aptitudine. A pirate edition with
the slightly different title Arnica Dissertatio inter Annam Mariam Schurmanniam
et Andr. Rivetum de Capacitate Ingenii Muliebris ad Scientias appeared in 1638
in Paris. Since women were not allowed access to university in the Low Countries,
she could not officially defend her thesis in academia. An English translation of
the Dissertatio appeared in 1659 entitled The Learned Maid. Cf. C. van Eck, 'Het
eerste Nederlandse feministische traktaat? Anna Maria van Schurmans verhandeling over de geschiktheid van vrouwen voor de wetenschapsbeoefening', in: M.
de Baar et al. (eds), Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678): Een uitzonderlijk
geleerde vrouw, Zutphen 1992, 49-60 [Engl, transi.: C. van Eck, 'The First Dutch
Feminist Tract? Anna Maria van Schurman's Discussion of Women's Aptitude for
the Study of Arts and Sciences', in: M. de Baar et al. (eds), Choosing the Better Part: Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678) (AIHI, 146), Dordrecht 1996,
43-53].
7
Cf. A.M.H. Douma, Anna Maria van Schurman en de Studie der vrouw, Amsterdam 1924, esp. 42-60.
Cf. C. De Swarte Gifford, 'American Women and the Bible: The Nature of
Woman as a Hermeneutical Issue', in: Yarbro Collins (ed.), Feminist Perspectives
on Biblical Scholarship, 12.
9
De Swarte Gifford, 'American Women', 13.
10
On the European continent a similar struggle was going on, though results
came to fruition a few decades later in some countries. In the Netherlands, for
example, girls were excluded from secondary education. Inspired by what she had
seen in the United States, Anna Maria Storm-Van der Chijs argued in favour of
vocational training and secondary schooling for girls. During 1865-1870 she gave
several lectures on the topic. Her words struck a sympathetic note in many quarters, although there was still much opposition. But during the sixties and seventies
of the nineteenth century schooling opportunities for females in the Netherlands
gradually improved. Cf. W.H. Posthumus-van der Goot, A. de Waal (eds), Van
moeder op dochter: De maatschappelijke positie van de vrouw in Nederland vanaf
de Franse tijd, Nijmegen 31968, 41-56.
11
Although the argument of woman as moral arbiter was used by those who
not the Word of God, but articulated in historically limited and culturally conditioned human language, was an assumption shared by
biblical critics and feminists. 20 Feminists could refer to a growing
number of publications on new approaches to the Bible that could
also be used in support of their case. However, as Dorothy Bass puts
it, 'the sociology of scholarship precluded an alliance1 between biblical
scholars trained in higher criticism and the advocates of a feminist
hermeneutic. 21 Although the latter were disposed towards adopting
the tools of higher criticism, these tools were under the guardianship
of traditional biblical scholars, among whom were very few women. 22
Marie-Theres Wacker suggests that those few women who were active
in what she calls 'Mnnerexegese', i.e. traditional exegesis, did not
have the same goal as those striving for women's rights. The latter,
she argues, aimed ultimately at undermining the divine authority of
the Bible, whereas the former might have had no further goal than to
educate women according to scientific standards at the newly established women's colleges.23 Whether or not this analysis is correct is
difficult to establish.
Of interest in this respect is the dissertation of Constance Gerlings, the first Dutch woman to obtain a doctorate in theology.24 The
20
Cf. De Swarte Gifford, 'American Women', 21; E. Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins, London
1983, 13.
21
Bass, 'Women's Studies', 7.
22
Writing on women's history in the Society of Biblical Literature, Bass reports
that the first female member of the SBL was admitted in 1894. The few women
who were SBL-members were mostly teachers at women's colleges. This career pattern, according to Bass, continued into the 1940s. Women were generally excluded
from teaching at theological and university faculties. Bass, 'Women's Studies', 10,
states: 'Women SBL members have been active for women's causes, but as far
as I can tell they did not combine this commitment with scholarly activity to
produce a unified, feminist reading of the Bible. Until the 1970s, it was necessary
to seek feminist hermeneutics outside the SBL'. On the history of female biblical
scholars see further C. Halkes, 'Towards a History of Feminist Theology in Europe', in: A. Esser, L. Schottroff (eds), Feministische Theologie im europischen
Kontext (Yearbook of the European Society of Women in Theological Research,
1), Kampen & Mainz 1993, 11-37; D.J.A. Clines, 'From Salamanca to Cracow:
What Has (And Has Not) Happened at SBL International Meetings', in: Idem,
On the Way to the Postmodern: Old Testament Essays, 1967-1998 (JSOT.S, 292),
vol. 1, Sheffield 1998, 158-93; Idem, 'From Copenhagen to Oslo: What Has (And
Has Not) Happened at Congresses of the IOSOT', in: Idem, On the Way to the
Postmodern, vol. 1, 194-221.
23
M.-Th. Wacker, 'Geschichtliche, hermeneutische und methodologische Grundlagen', in: L. Schottroff et al. (eds), Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge zur
Bibel aus der Perspektive von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 5.
24
A.C.E. Gerlings, De vrouw in het oud-christelijke gemeenteleven, Amsterdam
Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, 9. This seems to illustrate Bass's statement that the sociology of scholarship precluded an alliance. Yarbro Collins
supposes that the female biblical scholars invited by Cady Stanton 'may have
declined because they had been socialized to value objectivity more than commitment', commitment versus objectivity being the most striking difference between nineteenth-century feminist interpretation of the Bible and historicalcritical scholarship. Cf. Yarbro Collins, 'Introduction', in: Idem (ed.), Feminist
Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship, 3. In agreement with this see also Wacker,
'Grundlagen', 5.
33
Many women's rights leaders repudiated the book for the alleged harm it did
to the women's cause; cf. Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, 215-7; De Swarte
Gifford, 'American Women', 30; Idem, 'Politicizing the Sacred Texts', 57-59. Neither were the clergy particularly happy about it, to say the least. According to one
clergyman the book was 'the work of women and the devil'. To this Cady Stanton
commented that 'his "Satanic Majesty" was not invited to join the Revising Committee which consists of women alone'; cf. Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, ix.
On reactions from the side of conservative evangelicals and premillennialists, cf.
.. DeBerg, Ungodly Women: Gender and the First Wave of American Fundamentalism, Minneapolis 1990, 1. After publication The Woman's Bible only had a
short period of effectiveness; cf. Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 6. It was only about three
quarters of a century later that it received renewed attention, when, s a consequence of the 'second feminist wave' it was reprinted in 1974. In the 1990s the
centennial of The Woman's Bible was celebrated by means of publication of two
worthy 'daughters': C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women's Bible Commentary, London & Louisville Y 1992 and . Schssler Fiorenza (ed.), Searching
the Scriptures, 2 vols., New York 1993-4.
34
Cf. Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her, 7.
35
Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, 5, 12. Wacker points to the fact that
relatively much attention is given to texts that were used by opponents in the
USA to legitimize legal inequality of women, in particular Pentateuchal texts; cf.
Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 5-6.
36
According to Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, 13, the Scriptures 'bear the
In Cady Stanton's view, women needed a different belief system. According to her, the Judeo-Christian belief system was based fundamentally on the oppression of women. As a daughter of Enlightenment
liberalism, she thought this to be an inadequate expression of the
ideals of liberty, justice and equality. Many women, however, stepped
back from Cady Stanton's far-reaching conclusions.38 Still, Cady Stanton did not totally reject the Bible, for she thought it contained valuable teachings, but she advocated its expurgation. 39 In 1902, just
months before her death, she envisioned a Bible from which all passages detrimental to women would have been removed.40
Cady Stanton 'recognized the interdependence of social structure
and ideology as well as the role of the Bible in the construction of that
ideology'.41 Although women had gained more opportunities in eduimpress of fallible man, and not of our ideal great first cause, "the Spirit of all
Good" '.
37
Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, 214.
38
Cf. De Swarte Gifford, 'American Women', 30; Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory
of Her, 12.
39
Cady Stanton, The Woman's Bible, xii-xiii, 13.
40
De Swarte Gifford, 'Politicizing the Sacred Texts', 59-60.
41
E.M. Wainwright, Towards a Feminist Critical Reading of the Gospel according to Matthew (BZNW, 60), Berlin 1991, 12.
cation and the right to vote, the fabric of society did not change. Feminist criticism in the nineteenth and early twentieth century mostly
concerned equal rights for women. It was only with the 'second wave'42
of feminism that a critique of ideology became a basic feature.
To conclude, three approaches were used in the early years of
feminist biblical interpretation. First, by opposing proof texts women
countered certain biblical passages with others that supported their
cause. Secondly, by studying female biblical characters, women could
identify themselves with either the moments of glory or the suffering
of these biblical women. Thirdly, and most radically, by advocating
to cut loose from everything that was patriarchal in the Bible, women
tried to free themselves from male subordination. All three methods
continued to be employed in the twentieth century.
The 'second feminist wave' started in the 1960s. During that decade several
protest movements manifested themselves and several women who were active in
these movements became feminists. Books by Simone de Beauvoir, La deuxime
sexe, 2 vols., Paris 1949, and Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique, New York
1963, were of great influence to the feminist movement. 1967 is generally regarded
as the beginning of the second feminist wave in the Netherlands. In that year Joke
Kool-Smit published an article that was to have a great impact, 'Het onbehagen
bij de vrouw', De Gids 130 (1967), 267-81.
43
For the outline of feminist hermeneutical alternatives in this chapter I am
highly indebted to C. Osiek, 'The Feminist and the Bible: Hermeneutical Alternatives', in: Yarbro Collins (ed.), Feminist Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship,
93-105, and M.-Th. Wacker, 'Geschichtliche, hermeneutische und methodologische Grundlagen', in: L. Schottroff et al., Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge
zur Bibel aus der Perspektive von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 34-46. I am aware of
the fact that a classification like this does not do credit to the individuality of
authors. Some feminist biblical scholars might apply one method in connection
with another, or they might work according to different modes of interpretation
during various periods. However, the use of categories is necessary to clarify the
differences of emphasis and basic assumptions.
in the period that preceded the second feminist wave. When a critique
of ideology became a basic feature of feminist biblical scholarship, this
method continued to be used, mainly in orthodox and evangelical circles.51 One might call the approach loyalist. The foundational premise
of this method is 'the essential validity and goodness of the biblical
tradition as Word of God, which cannot be dismissed under any circumstance'. 52 Hence, to loyalists, the Bible is a prescriptive expression
of divine authority; being the Word of God, it cannot be oppressive.
Therefore the interpretation may be at fault, but not the text itself.
Scholars who work according to the loyalist approach treat passages
that are problematic to women today in two ways. First, by showing
through critical exegesis that texts which seem to oppose women's
rights in fact do not contradict each other, and the explanation for
this is found in the principle of hierarchy of truth. 53 The second way
consists in pointing out the limited validity of ancient Israelite civil
and ceremonial law over Christians liberated by Christ. 54
With regard to the subordination of women, the loyalist approach
means that the traditional argumention, stressing the necessity of order through hierarchy, is accepted in a restricted sense. Subordination,
loyalists argue, needs to be understood as 'necessary leadership of one
and followership of the other as the only and divinely intended way
to unity and harmony in society'. 55 This hierarchical order is misunderstood if it is seen as a relation of dominance and submission.56
It is understandable that in opposition to this rather ambiguous
approach, others picked up Cady Stanton's radicalism again, but went
in this way, cf. C.J. Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968.
51
Cf. e.g., L. Dawson Scanzoni, N.A. Hardesty, All We're Meant to Be: A Biblical Approach to Women's Liberation, Waco TX 1974; V.R. Mollenkott, Women,
Men and the Bible, Nashville 1977; M. Suurmond-Vonkeman, 'Een evangelische
waaxdering van en kritiek op de feministische theologie', Soteria 4 (1987), 16-24;
M.E. Suurmond-Vonkeman, J.-J. Suurmond, 'Een tandemrelatie van Woord en
Geest', Mara 2/2 (1989), 56-62.
52
Cf. Osiek, 'The Feminist and the Bible', 99.
53
Cf. . Schssler Fiorenza, 'Feminist Hermeneutics', in: A BD vol. 2, 789.
54
On the debate of anti-Judaism in women's studies, see further below (criticism
of the revisionst strategy).
55
Cf. Osiek, 'The Feminist and the Bible', 100. A somewhat different interprets
tion is that which, while holding on to the authority of the Bible, stresses mutual
submission before God. Thus e.g. Mollenkott, Women, Men and the Bible.
56
According to Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 36, the weakness of the loyalist viewpoint
is that it lacks possibilities of feminist analysis of patriarchalism. 'Frauendiskriminierung kann in diesem Rahmen nur entweder wegerklrt oder als akzidentelle
Abweichung von einer guten und zeitlos gltigen Ordnung verstanden werden'. For
this reason she denies the designation 'feminist' to this method. On her definition
of feminism, see Wacker,'Grundlagen', 34.
Such a statement by no means disqualifies the 'total exegetical enterprise', but it definitely tends to restrict the importance of historical research to the role of handmaid of literary analysis. Elisabeth Schssler
Fiorenza is doubtlessly right when she sees it as a weakness in Trible's
approach that the text is abstracted from its cultural-historical context. The latter is considered extrinsic to interpretation. 70 Therefore
it may be said that also the revisionist approach, at least as voiced
by Trible, is basically synchronic.
In some penetrating studies Esther Fuchs has demonstrated that
revisionists tend to idealize passages in which women seem to be
honoured for their courage, independence or perseverance in seeking
motherhood. In her opinion the patriarchal ideology pervades even
fathers who are placed in the negative category. The New Testament canon, with
the exception of the "(and Some Negative)," is thus kept within the boundaries
of the positive and the ambivalent1.
68
Cf. her God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality (OBT, 2), Philadelphia 1978, and
Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives (OBT, 13),
Philadelphia 1984.
69
Trible, Texts of Terror, 6, n. 11.
70
Cf. . Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins, London 1983, 20.
for instance, and the feminine character of the Holy Spirit. 76 Although
this approach may give women posibilities to understand themselves,
it inclines towards separatism and exclusivism on the social and political level.77
Finally, in liberationist hermeneutics liberation theology is connected with feminist exegesis.78 The basic assumption of feminist exegesis from the viewpoint of liberation theology is that women must become the central subject of biblical revelation. Feminist scholars working with liberationist hermeneutics regard the interpretative community of contemporary women as the centre of their hermeneutics. 79 In
contrast to revisionists, whose main interest is preservation of biblical
traditions, be it texts that reflect the experience of women or texts
that are misogynist, the main interest of liberationist hermeneutics
is connecting exegesis with the practice of women's liberation. They,
too, tend to neglect the historical dimension of the Bible as irrelevant
to their struggle.
An example of a liberationist approach is the work of Fokkelien
van Dijk-Hemmes. Founded on the theory of Patricinio Schweickart
that some texts deserve a double hermeneutic - a negative as well as
a positive - because of the Utopian moment they hold, and making
use of Mieke Bal's theory of focalisation, Van Dijk-Hemmes reveals
a double voice in the texts she analyses. 80 In a way the work of Van
Dijk-Hemmes shows the inadequacy of a schematic description of the
broad field of feminist hermeneutics. Van Dijk-Hemmes is critical both
toward reading feminist ideas into the Bible and toward writing off the
76
M. Monheim Geifert, 'Abschied vom himmlischen Vater?' in: Chr. Schaumberger, M. Maasser (eds), Handbuch feministische Theologie, Mnster 1986, 169.
77
Osiek, 'The Feminist and the Bible', 102, mentions identification with 'much
of the mystical tradition of Judaism and Christianity' and with aspects of Mariology as well as association 'with one type of Jungianism' as positive aspects, but
concludes by criticizing: 'Its response to the problems of patriarchy and androcentrism is not to join battle but by a kind of philosophical idealism to transcend
the conflict by ascribing greater importance to the world of symbols, and to assert
that the way to true freedom will be found only by following their lead'. Cf. also
Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 42.
78
Cf. Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 42-46.
79
Cf. Wacker, 'Grundlagen', 43.
80
F. van Dijk-Hemmes, Sporen van vrouwenteksten in de Hebreeuwse bijbel
(UTR, 16), Utrecht 1992 [Eng.: 'Traces of Women's Texts in the Hebrew Bible', in:
A. Brenner, F. van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices
in the Hebrew Bible (BIntS, 1), Leiden 1993, 17-109]; Idem, De dubbele stem van
haar verlangen: Teksten van Fokkelien van Dijk-Hemmes, verz. en ingel. door J.
Bekkenkamp en F. Dres, Zoetermeer 1995. The double hermeneutic of Van DijkHemmes consists of an exposing mode of reading ('ontmaskerende leeswijze') next
to a liberating mode ('bevrijdende leeswijze').
Bible because of its sexism. In her work she pleads for a coordination
of feminism and theology.81 Nevertheless I regard the character of
her work to be more liberationist than revisionist, since a criticism of
ideology that aims at liberation impregnates her writings.
In dialogue with Van Dijk-Hemmes since 1985, the work of Athalyah Brenner may also be classified liberationist. A product of their
collaboration is On Gendering Texts, in which they uncover the gender
positions inherent in texts. 82 Although Brenner shares the perspective
of Van Dijk-Hemmes, she stresses the exposing mode of reading over
the liberating mode. Brenner usually does not express the liberation
she aims at. Yet in her work, too, the exposing mode eventually serves
liberation, even though she interprets liberation differently from Van
Dijk-Hemmes. This is illustrated by her article O n "Jeremiah" and
the Poetics of (Prophetic?) Pornography', in which she concludes:
. . . I wish to point out t h a t whoever composed those passages perceived
women and men - not to mention God - and gender relations in a
certain way. T h a t vision . . . is pornographic. As a reader, I can resist
this fantasy by criticism and reflection. But I do so against odds, for I
myself was raised and educated to comply with that fantasy and adopt
it as my very own. Like other F readers 8 3 , I deconstruct myself by
having to fight a wish to reciprocate or even appropriate M fantasy.
For awareness is partial defense only. 84
Thus we may conclude that for Brenner liberation is interpreted as deconstruction. In contrast with her work The Israelite Woman (1985),
which she designated as 're-writing history', her later work is mainly
81
'Wanneer je op deze manier bijbelverhalen leest, niet krampachtig feministisch, wel met 00g voor de patriarchale elementen erin, doe je mijns inziens recht
aan de tekst en aar! jezelf. Je voorkomt daarmee ook het de-bijbel-heeft-tochgelijk-syndroom, met alle intolerante consequenties van dien. . . . Ik ben geen feminist omdat het in de bijbel staat, maar omdat ik dat een goede zaak vind.
Vanuit die opvatting ontdek ik dat veel bijbelverhalen ook nu nog erg inspirerend
en bevrijdend kunnen zijn, maar zeker niet alle verhalen hebben die eigenschap'.
F. van Dijk-Hemmes, 'Want eerst is Adam geformeerd en daarna Eva . . . , , in:
Idem, De dubbele stem, 40.
82
A. Brenner, F. van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male
Voices in the Hebrew Bible (BIntS, 1), Leiden 1993.
83
In their On Gendering Texts, Brenner and Van Dijk-Hemmes discern female
and male voices in texts, which they symbolize as F (feminine/female) and M
(masculine/male) voices. Consequently, a text can be read from an F or M perspective, i.e. as an F or M reader. Cf. A. Brenner, 'Introduction', in: Brenner, Van
Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts , 6-13.
84
A. Brenner, 'On "Jeremiah" and the Poetics of (Prophetic?) Pornography',
in: Brenner, Van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts , 193.
A. Brenner, The Israelite Woman: Social Role and Literary Type in Biblical
Narrative (BiSe, 2), Sheffield 1985, 135-6.
86
Cf. Osiek, 'The Feminist and the Bible', 102-4.
87
With the term 'Israel' I mean both the Northern and the Southern Kingdoms.
Cf. R. Albertz, 'Biblische oder Nicht-Biblische Religionsgeschichte Israels?' in: M.
Dietrich, I. Kottsieper (eds), 'Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf': Studien zum
Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient, Fs. O. Loretz, (AOAT, 250), Mnster
1998, 28-30.
to historical reality throughout ancient Israel's history. Understandably a radical exposure and, where possible, rebuttal of this kind of
biblical patriarchal ideology was the first priority of the feminist exegetes. 88
However, as Sylvia Schroer points out, not all women took part in
this system in the same way. The historical reality was much more
complex than Wacker's definition indicates, since some men, and even
some women belonging to certain classes or groups, exercised power
over other men, women and children, regardless of the fact whether
or not they were family.90
88
Cf. e.g., M.A. Tolbert, 'Defining the Problem: the Bible and Feminist
Hermeneutics', Semeia 28 (1983), 113-26, who points to the fact that reconstructions of history cannot replace the canon and formulates the basic problem of
feminist hermeneutics as follows: 'we are faced with the issue of how a pervasively
patriarchal document can continue to communicate anything of value to those
who reject all such oppression' (125).
89
M.-Th. Wacker, 'Geschichtliche, hermeneutische und methodologische Grundlagen', in: L. Schottroff et ai, Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge zur Bibel
aus der Perspektive von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 47.
90
Cf. S. Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg zu einer feministischen Rekonstruktion der
she claims a feminist's right to critically evaluate the historical evidence. Failure to do so would imply that women give up their own
history and lose their own identity in the process. 'Feminists cannot
afford such an ahistorical or antihistorical stance because it is precisely
the power of oppression that deprives people of their history'. 113
Although Schssler Fiorenza applied her new hermeneutics 114 to
the field of New Testament studies, her approach also won the acclaim
possibility of writing a history of Israel. For an overview which is as well-informed
as it is critical of the modish historical scepticism see E. Yamauchi, 'The Current
State of Old Testament Historiography1, in: A.R. Millard et al. (eds), Faith, Tradition, and History: Old Testament Historiography in its Near Eastern Context,
Winona Lake IN 1994, 1-36. For a noteworthy turn towards moderation in the
current debate see S. Ahituv, E.D. Oren (eds), The Origin of Early Israel - Current Debate: Biblical, Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Beer-Sheva, 12),
Beer-Sheva 1998 and, to some extent, M.Z. Brettler, The Creation of History in
Ancient Israel, London 1995. Two recent volumes that bring together a number
of articles on Israelite historiography are L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Can a 'History of
Israel' Be Written? (JSOT.S, 245) (European Seminar in Historical Methodology, 1), Sheffield 1997 (esp. the articles of H.M. Barstad and B. Becking) and
V.Ph. Long (ed.), Israel's Past in Present Research: Essays on Ancient Israelite
Historiography (SBTS, 7), Winona Lake 1999.
It is remarkable that those writing on biblical historiography generally give
little attention to the theoretical requirements of writing women's history. See e.g.,
B.A. Carroll (ed.), Liberating Women's History: Theoretical and Critical Essays,
Urbana 1976; J. Kelly, Women, History & Theory: The Essays of Joan Kelly
(Women in Culture and Society), Chicago 1984; M. de Baar et al. (eds), In de
ban van het verhaal (Jaarboek voor vrouwengeschiedenis, 11), Nijmegen 1990
(several articles on The Future of Women's History); R. Buikema, A. Smelik (eds),
Vrouwenstudies in de cultuurwetenschappen, Muiderberg 1993, 31-44; J. Wallach
Scott (ed.), Feminism and History (Oxford Readings in Feminism), Oxford 1996.
Scholars who manage to combine the issues of biblical historiography and
women's history are Phyllis Bird, Tikva Frymer-Kensky, Jo Ann Hackett, Carol
Meyers and Sylvia Schroer, to name but a few.
113
Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her, xix. See also M. Fander, 'HistoricalCritical Methods', in: Schssler Fiorenza (ed.), Searching the Scriptures, vol. 1,
205-224, esp. 213: Only a historical understanding of the origins and transmission
of biblical texts can prevent a biblicistic, fundamentalist misunderstanding'. Fander rightly stresses the importance of non-literary sources, like letters, contracts,
archaeological data, to reconstruct ancient women's reality (220). Cf. also Setel,
'Feminist Insights and the Question of Method', 39: O n a historical level, feminist
biblical scholarship affirms the significance of female experience throughout human history. Dismissal of all biblical texts as completely devoid of that experience
is an implicit acceptance of women's historical nonexistence'.
114
The interpretive process of feminist hermeneutics as outlined by Schssler
Fiorenza has four key moments: a hermeneutics of suspicion, a hermeneutics of
historical interpretation and reconstruction, a hermeneutics of ethical and theological evaluation and a hermeneutics of creative imagination and ritualization;
cf. . Schssler Fiorenza, s.v. 'Feminist Hermeneutics', in: ABD, vol. 2, 790.
However, she immediately goes on to warn against 'objectifying language' and argues in favour of 'historical imagination' to counterbalance the lack of evidence on the history of women which she ascribes
to the male prejudice of androcentric historiography. 117 She further
objects against any historical research which involves comparisons
between the status and role of Christian (or Jewish) women and the
status and role of women in their surroundings, because the very terminology of 'status' and 'role' is an implicit recognition of the male
world view.118 Rather unexpectedly, however, she reaffirms emphatically that extra-biblical evidence should be taken into account because
the historical study of women cannot limit itself to a canon raised to
the level of normativity by men. 119 It is difficult to see how such a procedure could take place without comparison and without discussing
the social position of women in various societies.
Phyllis Bird agrees with Brooten on the fact that the history of
women in the ancient Mediterranean world is to a large extent obscured because data on women are mostly mediated through male
authors and redactors. She describes three new types of studies that
employ new methods and constructs:
(1) anthropological studies of gender based on cross-cultural analysis of
gender patterns correlated with social and economic organization; (2)
ethnographic studies of women in particular societies, which provide
descriptive material for imaginative reconstruction of women's lives in
ancient Israel; and (3) comparative studies of women in ancient Near
115
With regard to the status of women in Israelite religion, Bird advocates a study that starts with the question of women's religion. By
making use of data on cross-cultural expressions of women's religious
actions she finds that religious practices of women may differ from
those of men. 121 Also women might have rituals of their own. Traces
of women's cults can be discerned in the Hebrew Bible.
In a fine essay, Schroer has sketched the outlines of a feminist reconstruction of the history of Israelite women.122 Following Schssler
Fiorenza, she wants to apply a hermeneutic of remembrance to the
history of Israelite women.
Although Schroer also endorses the assumption that Israelite women had their own cultic activities separate from the male realm, she
does not want to focus solely on this. In the introduction to her reconstruction she stresses the dangers of a model in which state religion
is considered to be opposed to popular religion,
Die spezielle Gefahr dieser Begrifflichkeit fr eine feministische Perspektive ist, da Frauen dann sehr rasch auf die Seite der Volksfrmmigkeit, Privatfrmmigkeit und des Hauskultes geraten, whrend die staatliehe JWHW-Religion zur reinen Mnnerdomne wird. Wir wissen aber,
da auch auf hchster politischer Ebene Frauen versuchten, Einflu
auf die Landesreligion zu nehmen, und da andererseits an all den
kultischen Praktiken, die als Volks- oder Privatfrmmigkeit definiert
werden, auch Mnner, manchmal sogar die Landesherren beteiligt waren. 1 2 3
P.A. Bird, 'Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World: Ancient Israel', in:
Biblical Research 39 (1994), 33.
121
Bird, 'Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World', 44: 'Women's religious
practices may take different forms than those of men, even when they occur at
the same time and in the same place; and participation in the "same" activity,
such as a communal feast, may have different meaning for women than for men'.
122
S. Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg zu einer feministischen Rekonstruktion der
Geschichte Israels', in: L. Schottroff et al. (eds), Feministische Exegese:
Forschungsertrge zur Bibel aus der Perspektive von FYauen, Darmstadt 1995,
83-172.
123
Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg . . . ', 100-1.
124
Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg . . . ' , 101. I translate Schoer's designation 'JHWH-
Cf. Bird, 'Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World: Ancient Israel1, 33:
'Although the insightful and provocative readings of Phyllis Trible, Cheryl Exum,
Mieke Bal, Danna Fewell, and others often contribute to new assessments of
women's lives in ancient Israel, their primary interest is contemporary reception
rather than historical reconstruction'.
viable, surtout si l'on se souvient qu'il s'agissait d'un milieu o prdominait l'lment smitique'. 135 And according to Jean Nougayrol,
Ugaritic women had 'un status juridique enviable'. 136 If this is true,
it gives support to the idea that the monotheistic faith of Israel is
to blame for the centuries long subordinate position of women in the
three major monotheistic world religions. Eleanor Amico is one of
the few persons who have directed their attention to the question
whether the above cited assumption of the two French scholars can
be verified.137 In her unpublished dissertation The Status of Women
at Ugarit she investigates the status and roles of women at Ugarit,
and compares them with data from other ancient Near Eastern cultures including Israel. The picture that emerges from her analysis of
mythological and legendary texts, letters, contracts and administrtive texts is a fairly positive one. At the end of her work on women in
ancient Ugarit she concludes,
Ugarit, centered in a milieu of patriarchal cultures, was also patriarchal. Men were heads of families, the ruler was male, businesses were
in the names of males, and most people identified themselves by their
father's names. However, within that framework, women had a surprising amount of autonomy and freedom. T h e society was patriarchal
but not restrictive or oppressive of women. Furthermore, no evidence
of repressive ideology exists. T h a t is, there is nothing t h a t leads us to
believe t h a t women needed to be especially controlled or restrained.
There is nothing whatever of misogyny in the culture. If the queen and
the goddesses were models, women's opinions were respected, and they
were expected to take part fully in Ugaritic life. 138
She thus seems to agree with Schaeffer and Nougayrol in her evaluation of the position of women at Ugarit. If Amico is right, it is a
legitimate question whether this picture deviates significantly from
the one we find in ancient Israel and, if it does, what the reason for
the difference might be.
135
M.C.A Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of Ilimilku of Ugarit', in: J.C. de Moor
(ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel: Papers ...Oxford, 1997 (OTS, 40),
Leiden 1998, 86-111, esp. 106-8. Differently, N. Wyatt, 'Ilimilku's Ideological Programme: Ugaritic Royal Propaganda, and a Biblical Postscript', UF 29 (1997),
775-96.
140
P.R. Sanday, 'Female Status in the Public Domain,' in: M. Zimbalist Rosaldo,
L. Lamphere (eds), Woman, Culture, and Society, Stanford CA 1974, 189-206; J.J.
Preston, 'Goddess Worship: Theoretical Perspectives', in: EncRel ('), 56.
141
Cf. . Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, Stroud 1991, 16-7: 'If in secular
tales women play only secondary roles - either as devoted mothers and faithful
wives, or conversely as perfidious wives and wicked temptresses - in religious
mythology these stereotyped images of women are somewhat less rigid. In certain
respects, however, the roles played by Egyptian goddesses do correspond quite
closely with the function of women in society. Women were wives and mothers,
concerned with the well-being of their families; goddesses were consorts of gods
and protectresses of mankind'. Cf. further Lambert, 'Goddesses in the Pantheon',
125-30.
portant previous studies on the subject. The vast scope of what I want
to do precludes a complete treatment of all themes. Many hundreds
of studies on women in the ancient Near East and the Bible have been
published in the past few years. 142 As indicated by the title of this
book, it is appropriate to compare the position of women in the two
societies from the separate viewpoints of social and religious status.
If we treat the status of women in the family separately from that
of women in economic and public life, as was done by Amico, we are
using modern categories to describe ancient cultures and run the risk
of unconsciously adopting some kind of bias, for example, that it was
more important to do business than raising children. If, however, we
recognize that family relations, class distinctions, doing business or
formulating policy, ruling a country and being ruled, are all aspects
of the overarching concept of society, it is easier to accept that to
some extent there may be an overlapping of categories and room for
different ideas of what was important to women's status. Therefore
I want to devote a large section of the work to a comparison of the
social position of women in Ugarit and Israel.
Although the social and religious spheres of life were not clearly
demarcated in the ancient Near East, yet it is necessary for the purpose of this work to separate the religious from the social position. Of
course it cannot be denied that social status could be derived from
certain religious functions. However, it is easy to demonstrate that
in the ancient Near East there was a feeling that the performing of
religious functions often fell outside the framework of society. Performing a religious function was not necessarily determined by family
or class, but by what one might call 'vocation' or divine 'election'.
One of the easiest examples is the Mari prophets. Alongside professional diviner-prophets, there were lay prophets at Mari, men and
women who stepped up to confront the king and queen and transmit
a prophetic report. Some of these lay persons were of high social rank
while others were from the lower strata of society.143 Likewise, the
142
biblical prophet Amos was a herdsman who was taken from his flock
by Y H W H to prophesy to his people (Amos 7 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) .
Moreover, women's religious practices may have differed from those
of men, and both may have had rituals of their own.144 To a considerable extent religion escaped the laws of normal society and so it
is warranted to treat the religious position of women as a separate
entity.
What is more, since it is a - often unexpressed - presupposition
that monotheistic patriarchal religion may have had a negative influence on the position of women generally and that it would be
especially in the area of social life that Israelite women were most
repressed, a distinction between the religous and social life in this
analysis is justified.
In a detailed comparison of the textual 145 data with regard to
the social and religious position of women in Ugarit and Israel it is
necessary to make a clear distinction between literary texts which
may at least in part rest on fiction and other texts testifying to the
actual situation in Ugarit and Israel. Moreover, while literary texts
may bear an ideological imprint with regard to patriarchal views, nonliterary texts such as letters and administrative texts may render an
historically more accurate view of the position of women. All sections
of chapters 2 and 3 will therefore contain at least four subsections,
A.
B.
C.
D.
accidental, or whether a certain custom or view may perhaps be attributed to the common cultural continuum of ancient oriental cultures. 146 Therefore I will sometimes include short references to nonliterary material, such as marriage contracts, in the course of the
discussion.
In subsection I will discuss the Ugaritic material. The use of
clay tablets makes Ugarit the best known Canaanite kingdom thus
far. Because there existed close ties between Ugarit and the protoIsraelites this is the most important material for comparison that we
have. The literary texts, of which the Myth of Ba'lu and the Legends
of Aqhatu and Dani , ilu are the most informative with regard to my
topic, will be discussed in relation to ritual texts and texts in which
myth and ritual are combined. Since these texts might all be ideologically imbued they will be treated on an equal basis as literary texts
in comparison with the Hebrew Bible.
In subsection C I plan to review the previous studies on women in
the Hebrew Bible. Dating, and possible Sitz im Leben of important
texts will be included in the discussion, because it is clearly inappropriate to generalize about the position of women throughout Israel's
history. 147
In subsection D I will analyse the information and draw conclusions.
The social position of women will be discussed in C h a p t e r 2. As
stated above, every division of the available material is artificial and
therefore overlapping categories will be cross-referenced quite often.
The chapter comprises two subdivisions: Women in the Family (2.1)
and Women in Society (2.2). In the section Women in the Family, after
a general introduction, the various social roles of women, those of wife,
mother, sister, daughter, widow and orphan will be discussed. In the
section Women in Society I will consider the positions of Women of
the Court (2.2.1), i.e., those of the queen, the queen-mother, the royal
concubine, and the princess. In addition I will devote a subsection on
Non-Royal Women (2.2.2) in which I will deal with issues such as
legal ownership, women in business, professions of women and female
slaves. General conclusions will close the chapter.
146
Cf. Bird, 'Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World: Ancient Israel', 34.
Cf. S. Schroer, 'Feministische Bibelforschung: Anliegen, Methoden und Inhalte', in: L. Blattmann et al. (eds), Feministische Perspektiven in der Wissenschaft (Zrcher Hochschulforum, 21), Zrich 1993, 47. A fine example which
will convince even the staunchest advocates of a synchronic reading of the Hebrew Bible is the different treatment of Moabite women in the books of Ruth and
Ezra/Nehemiah respectively.
147
Chapter 2
As a source edition for the Ugaritic texts I use M. Dietrich et ai, The
Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and Other Places ( ALASP,
8), Mnster 1995, also known as KTU2. I use the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia
as source edition for the Hebrew Bible.
2
See chapter 1, esp. n. 142.
3
Cf., e.g., G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 17.
4
It should be noted that I do not want to engage upon a discussion of the
concepts 'myth', 'epic', 'legend', etc. in this study. I am using such terms merely
in accordance with common scholarly usage and confine myself to the distinction
between literary and non-literary texts as a means of useful classification.
W.A. Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdorn', in: WER, 37.
12
.M. Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth: Status and
Roles of Women in Egyptian culture', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress
of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 39.
13
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 17-8.
14
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 17.
15
See section 2.1.1.4.1.
C. Pressler, 'Wives and Daughters, Bond and Free: Views of Women in the
Slave Laws of Exodus 21.2-11', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender and Law
in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield 1998,
148.
17
E.g. D.M. Gunn, D.N. Fewell, Narrative in the Hebrew Bible (Oxford Bible
Series), Oxford 1993.
18
Cf. . Schssler Fiorenza, 'Remembering the Past in Creating the Future:
Historical-Critical Scholarship and Feminist Biblical Interpretation', in: A. Yarbro
Collins (ed.), Feminist Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship (SBL Centennial Publications) (Biblical Scholarship in North America, 10), Chico CA 1985, 43-63; .
Halpern, 'Biblical or Israelite History?' in: R.E. Friedman, H.G.M. Williamson
(eds), The Future of Biblical Studies: The Hebrew Scriptures (SBL Semeia Studies), Atlanta GA 1987, 103-39 (122); H.M. Barstad, 'History and the Hebrew
Bible', in: L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Can a ,History of Israel' Be Written? (JSOT.S,
245) (European Seminar in Historical Methodology, 1), Sheffield 1997, 37-64 (623); and the many relevant articles in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooy (eds), Past,
Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS, 44), Leiden 2000.
19
Since social customs tend to be conservative, the question whether the historical reality is the reality of the narrator or of the narrated world is not relevant.
Cf. R. Harris, 'Independent Women in Ancient Mesopotamia?' in: WER, 145, on
women's lives in ancient Mesopotamia: 'My guess is that there was far more continuity and uniformity than the extant documentation suggests and that although
Mesopotamian history was characterized by periodic political upheavals, the lives
of ordinary people may have changed less drastically than one might think'.
With regard to the ancient Near East in general I will sometimes draw upon
non-literary texts to complete the picture.
21
On the status pattern, see section 1.4.
22
Harris, 'Independent Women in Ancient Mesopotamia?' 145. For similar remarks with regard to the study of women in Egypt, cf. Bryan, 'In Women Good
and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 25.
parents. I will note the relationship between a sister and her brothers.
Issues of interest are the authority of a brother over his sister and the
view on sexual relations between a brother and sister. In the section
on daughters I will take a somewhat closer look into the preference
of parents for sons over daughters. As we will see, the preference for
sons was related to the patrilineal structure of society. With regard to
a daughter's role within the family it is relevant to know how she was
treated and what her tasks and responsibilities were. Furthermore,
to parents a daughter's chastity was very important. Issues regarding
the protection and violation of a daughter's virginity will be discussed,
with special attention to father-daughter incest. Of importance with
regard to status is also the question of a daughter's inheritance rights.
Inheritance rights will also be discussed in the section on the
widow. I will look into the question whether a widow could be an
heir to her husband's property, or had any other rights in this regard.
I will also consider further questions regarding a widow's jural and
economic independence. Attention will be given to the remarriage of
widows, in particular to levirate marriage.
Finally, the role of the orphan will be discussed. We will see
that orphans were among the most vulnerable of society, particularly
among those who were in need of protection.
2.1.1 Wife
As a wife, the most important relationship a woman had was with
her husband. In the following sections I will discuss various aspects
of wifehood and marriage. In section 2.1.1.1 questions regarding the
choice of a marriage partner will be investigated. Section 2.1.1.2 will
deal with the role that love could play between partners. We will
look at love poetry as an expression of courtship. In section 2.1.1.3
marriage as an institution will be discussed. I will give attention to
both the legal (2.1.1.3.1) and the religious (2.1.1.3.2) aspects of marriage. Aspects of married life will be considered in section 2.1.1.4. I
will investigate the nature of the relationship between husband and
wife (2.1.1.4.1) as well as the areas which can be regarded as her
'own world' (2.1.1.4.2). Finally, the dissolution of a marriage will be
discussed in section 2.1.1.5.
2.1.1.1
partner. Who chose this partner? Did young people only need parental
permission after having made a choice by themselves? Or was the
decision made by the persons who bore patriarchal authority? If so,
was it only the father who chose a girl's future husband, or was a
mother also involved in this decision? Did brides-to-be have any say
in the choice of a marriage partner? And what about grooms-to-be,
did they have any influence in this matter? And could love between
the partners have any influence on the choice?
Next to the question of who had a voice in the choosing, we
will also deal with matters such as age and social class, which may
have influenced the choice. Of special interest is the view on exogamy/endogamy. In the post-exilic books of the Bible intermarriage is strongly opposed and connected with the literary type of the
Strange or Foreign Woman. We will look at the reasons for rejection
of intermarriage in biblical Israel and its neighbouring countries.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
the marriage. 8 A groom could try to force his choice upon his parents
and his future in-laws by having forcible sexual intercourse with a girl.
When a virgin had become the victim of forcible sexual intercourse,
the man was obliged to marry her, unless the father of the girl decided
he did not wish to give her in marriage to the violator. 9
Since a woman in the ancient Near East generally did not arrange
her own marriage, she probably had less freedom of choice than a
man. However, there are indications that, to some extent, girls were
free to choose their partner. In the text The Wiles of Women, the
goddess Inanna makes her own choice of a lover, i.e., Dumuzi and she
persuades him to go to her mother Ningal to ask for her hand. Yet in
another Mesopotamian text, The Bridal Sheets of Inanna, Inanna acts
in a more conventional way and 'leaves the choice, as custom dictates,
to her older brother, the sun god Utu'. 10 Her brother Utu makes the
arrangements regarding Inanna's marriage and until he tells her of the
outcome she is unaware of his choice in partner. Further, a Sumerian
proverb states: 'Girl! Your brother does not choose for you, whom
do you choose?' 11 And in the Poem of the Faithful Lover it is the
woman who takes the initiative to win the man's love.12 The Laws
of Eshnunna (ca. 1770 BCE) indicate that a girl could marry without
the consent of her parents, but that she was not considered a legal
wife if the conditions of a nuptial feast and a marriage contract were
Anthropologie, 3) (Kindheit, Jugend, Familie, 1), Mnchen 1985, 229-30. For
the Neo-Babylonian period, cf. M.T. Roth, 'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations in First Millennium B.C. Babylonia', in: WER, 249. With regard to these
love-marriages A. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A
Survey', in: WER, 227, wonders 'whether there were not some instances where
these attempts [i.e., to try to force the parents to consent, HJM] were successful naturally they would not appear in the written record'.
8
Cf., e.g., K.R. Veenhof, 'Brieven van Assyrische vrouwen: uit de correspondentie der oudassyrische handelaars in Anatoli (19e eeuw v. Chr.)', in: K.R.
Veenhof (ed.), Schrijvend verleden: documenten uit het oude Nabije Oosten vertaald en toegelicht (MEOL), Leiden 1983, 92, a letter from the Assyrian colony at
the Anatolian city of Kanish dating from the 19th century BCE, in which PuzurAshshur writes his bride Nukhshatum that he has arranged the marriage with her
father.
9
Cf. MAL A55. See also section 2.1.4.
10
T. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion,
New Haven 1976, 28-31 (30).
11
B. Alster, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer, vol. 1, Bethesda MD 1997, 30. A rich
girl could marry the slave she fancied, cf. A. van Praag, Droit matrimonial assyrobabylonien, Amsterdam 1945, 61-2; I. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near
East, New York 1949, 55-7, 122.
12
Cf. B.R. Foster, Before the Muses: An Anthology of Akkadian Literature, vol.
1, Bethesda MD 21996, 95-8.
not fulfilled. 13 As for a young man, he could have a say in the matter
too: 'Marry a wife according to your choice!'.14
In Nuzi, a woman did not arrange her own marriage. She was
dependent on a family member (either biological or adoptant) to negotiate her marriage, since she could not do so herself. 15 This might
have limited her say in the choice. In Nuzi marriage contracts drawn
up between the father of the bride and the groom or his father, no
mention is made of the bride's consent. When a brother is giving his
sister in marriage, on the other hand, the contract does contain such
a phrase. 16 The Nuzi documents thus seem to suggest that for women
marriage was more a matter of consent than of choice.
Almost a millennium later, in fifth century Elephantine, women
generally could not arrange their own marriage either. 17 In most of
the Elephantine papyri, a bride is given in marriage by someone in
charge of the bride. The Egyptian documents are an exception to this
rule. Here the groom addresses his bride directly. 18
Regarding a woman's participation in the choice of a wedding
partner there probably was a difference between a first and second
marriage. According to Neo-Babylonian law (ca. 700 BCE), a widow
was free to choose a marriage partner whosoever she pleased. She
13
might take her dowry 19 and anything her first husband had given her
into the second marriage. 20 Yet, reality may have dictated otherwise.
There probably was strong family pressure to keep the property together as much as possible. This is illustrated by a series of marriages
between two Neo-Babylonian families, where the second marriages
were endogamous. 21
Often the marriage partners were still children when the marriage
was negotiated. Law texts from Babylonia and contracts from Nuzi
refer to these practices in which neither the girl nor the boy played
an active part. The marriage would not be consummated until they
both had come of age. 22
Girls in general entered marriage at an early age.23 Since a husband ought to be able to take care of his wife and children, he usually
would be somewhat older than his wife. Girls generally would not
get married before sexual maturity, but as a rule entered matrimony
soon after their menarche. In this way the dangers of sexual encounters before marriage would be minimized and the girl's fertility could
be employed to the maximum. 24
That a husband often was older than a wife is illustrated by the
many provisions for surviving wives made in testaments. Beside the
fact that in a patriarchal culture it would have been necessary to make
these provisions, it also suggests that the male marriage partner often
was much older. 25
19
The view that incest between close relatives could not be tolerated
was common to the civilizations of the ancient Near East. 36
Contrary to biblical Israel, where kinship structure influenced the
choice of a marriage partner, in Egypt the obligation to marry a
relative did not exist as a general rule. This was due to the fact
that ancient Egyptian society was a bureaucratic state and powerful
kinship loyalties would be against its interests. This also holds for
Mesopotamia, where society was not organized according to a tribal
pattern either, but state structure prevailed over family. On the other
hand, West Semitic cultures such as Mari and Israel had a tribal organization. 37 In these latter cultures lineage was of importance with
regard to the choice of a partner.
B . UGARITIC LITERARY TEXTS
Being married was also the normal state of affairs according to the
literary texts of Ugarit. In the Legend of Kirtu the king went to great
lengths to obtain his wife Hariya after he had lost no less than seven
wives who had all left him childless.38 Kirtu's father-in-law, Pubala
king of Udumu, was a married man, too. 39 The legendary Dani'ilu
was married to Danatiya. 40 The deity Ilu was married to Athiratu
and possibly to a number of other goddesses as well,41 Ba'lu was
married to 'Anatu 42 as well as to 'Athtartu, and he might have had
36
See, e.g., Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 318-22; H.A. Hoffner,
The Laws of the Hittites: A Critical Edition (DMOA, 23), Leiden 1997, 189,
195; R. Tanner, 'Untersuchungen zur ehe- und erbrechtlichen Stellung der Frau
im pharaonischen gypten', 24-6; L. Manniche, Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt,
London 1987, 29. On incest see also sections 2.1.3 and 2.1.4.
37
Cf. E.A. Speiser, ' "People" and "Nation" of Israel', JBL 79 (1960), 161;
A. Malamat, 'Mari and the Bible: Some Patterns of Tribal Organization and
Institutions', JAOS 82 (1962), 150. S.J. Osgood, 'Women and the Inheritance
of Land in Early Israel', in: G.J. Brooke (ed.), Women in the Biblical Tradition
(Studies in Women and Religion, 31), Lewiston-Lampeter 1992, 33, notes that,
influenced by sociological approaches, 'in place of the notoriously ambiguous term
"tribal society", it is now recognized that early Israel is best described as being
a segmentary lineage system, i.e. a society that uses genealogical reckoning and
descent as the basis of organisation'.
38
The interpretation of KTU 1.14:1 is somewhat controversial, but this does not
affect Kirtu's married state. Cf. Wyatt, RTU, 180, n. 9.
39
KTU 1.14:V.15. The restoration of the name of the wife of king Pubala is a
matter of dispute. Both CTA and KTU2 propose to read [ln]'m[t], Greenstein, in:
Smith, UNP, 21, on the other hand renders [l(?)'(?)]m[y(?)], whereas De Moor,
ARTU, 201, reads 'Nu'mayu'.
40
KTU 1.17:V.13-16.
41
See especially KTU 1.23:46 where two 'wives' ( 'attm) called Ilu mt 'my husband', and subsequently bore him sons.
42
Daughter of Ilu. The circumstance that 'Anatu was sometimes called Ba'lu's
other wives.43
It was considered odd if a god did not have a spouse. When Ilu
wanted to make the god Yammu king, Athtar objected to this and
seems to have linked his doubts regarding Yammu's ability to rule to
the fact that the latter had no wife.44 Human kings apparently also
needed to be married. Kirtu's anxiety about the loss of his wives is
related to the destruction of his clan and the lack of sons to succeed
the throne. No wife and no offspring meant a serious threat to the
throne and Kirtu's authority over it. 45 Marriage was also the norm
for common Ugaritians. A man living alone (yhd) was classified with
pitiable persons like widows, sick and blind. 46
KTU 1.24 consists of a myth on the betrothal of the moon god
Yarikhu and his beloved Nikkalu-and-Ibbu 47 and a hymn to the Kotharatu, the goddesses of pregnancy and childbirth. Scholars assume
the text was recited in connection with wedding celebrations. 48 In this
text Yarikhu informed Nikkalu-and-Ibbu's father, Khirikhbi 49 , that
he wanted to marry his daughter. Khirikhbi, the divine matchmaker,
proposed some other possible candidates but Yarikhu only wanted
Nikkalu. It is noteworthy that both Nikkalu and her father were apparently foreigners. This would seem to indicate that, at least at the
level of the gods, exogamy was deemed acceptable. In this and many
other respects this Ugaritic text resembles the Sumerian Marriage of
1
Cf., e.g., KTU 1.141 which might presuppose a marriage between a Hurrian man and an Alashian woman. Cf. furthermore D. Arnaud, 'Les ports de la
'Phnicie' la fin de l'ge du Bronze Rcent (XIV-XIII sicles) d'aprs les textes
cuniformes de Syrie', Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 30 (1992), 182-4; W.G.E.
Watson, 'Non-Semitic Words in the Ugaritic Lexicon', UF 27 (1995), 533-58;
Idem, 'Non-Semitic Words in the Ugaritic Lexicon (2)', UF 28 (1996), 701-19.
51
On Ishtar proposing to Gilgamesh, cf. S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia:
Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh and Others, Oxford 1989, 77; on Ereshkigal seducing Nergal, cf. J.C. de Moor, 'Lovable Death in the Ancient Near East', UF
22 (1990), 237-8.
this Ugaritic passage is rather uncertain, 52 and in any case the situation appears to have been exceptional since 'Anatu pretended to have
fled her father's house (KTU 1.18:1.26).
This brings us to a caveat with regard to drawing conclusions
on the relations between women and men based on myths in which
goddesses propose marriage to humans. Richard Clifford has shown
that these mythic themes should be considered as type-scenes, which
were meant to instruct young men on the dangers of getting involved
with female strangers. 53 Yet it may be assumed that, as in the Song
of Songs, girls could, under some circumstances, also take the initiative to contact boys. The wailing of Kirtu's daughter, Thatmanatu,
is compared to that of nkyt tgr 'women pounding the gate' (KTU
1.16:11.27). This can hardly mean anything else than that the girls
had arrived after dark, returning to the city when the gate was already closed.
Until she was married a daughter remained with her father, generally living in his house. The dew-goddesses, daughters of Ba'lu, were
called kit 'marriageable girls, brides'. They lived with Ba'lu in the
house of his father-in-law, Ilu, until he had his own palace. 54 Later
on Ba'lu refused to have a window put into his new house (KTU
1.4:VI.7-11),
7
52
Pro, e.g., De Moor, ARTU, 242, nn. 128-9; contra, e.g., Wyatt, RTU, 279-80,
nn. 131-3.
H.H.P. Dressier, 'The Metamorphosis of a Lacuna: Is at.ah.wan . . . a Proposal
of Marriage?' UF 11 (1979), 211-217, stresses that 'your sister' is a conjecture for
a lacuna and rightly points to the fact that the 'a of 'a[htk] as it was read by
Herdner, CTA, 85, and followed by many (including KTU2) can, in fact, not be
read. What can be seen is a word divider and marks of a vertical wedge, perhaps
of a lamed, cf. Wyatt, RTU, 279, n. 132. Although the context is fragmentary, it
appears to allude to 'Anatu seducing Aqhatu and proposing marriage to him (1.
25; cf. De Moor, ARTU, 242, n. 129). Tentatively, I therefore propose the reading
'at. 'ah.w'an [ly 'aht]; cf. Hos. 1:9; 5:12; Song 2:16; 6:3; 7:11.
53
R.J. Clifford, 'Woman Wisdom in the Book of Proverbs', in: G. Braulik et al.
(eds), Biblische Theologie und gesellschaftlicher Wandel: Fr Norbert Lohfink SJ,
Freiburg 1993, 61-72.
54
KTU 1.3:IV.47-53 par. More on kit in section 2.1.4.
55
Cf. Isa. 16:2.
56
Reconstruction of the text is based on De Moor, Spronk, CARTU, 25. Yet I
regard their proposed reading of t'itdy to be problematic. De Moor and Spronk
This passage shows that a father kept a very close watch over his
marriageable daughters and that the latter were prone to escape for
a little tryst now and then - or perhaps more than just that.
C . HEBREW BIBLE
In biblical Israel, too, the rule was that one had to be married. It
was considered a disgrace for a woman to remain unmarried (Isa. 4:1;
Prov. 30:23). As the Song of Songs gives us reason to surmise, the first
contacts between girls and boys may have been more or less secretive
meetings, for which both sides could take the initiative. Since the
social pressure on girls to get married probably was great, this may
have inspired rather daring conduct at times (Song 1:5-6, 7-8; 3:1-4;
5:2-7). Indeed, a boy might try to persuade his girl to climb through
the window to join him, as in Ugarit (Song 2:9-10). But such contacts
were the preliminaries only and in many cases these had to be skipped
because the matter had already been decided by the parents.
The regulations regarding marriage were part of family law. According to the laws of Leviticus 18 and 20 a man should not have
sexual intercourse with a close female relative. Scholars assume that
these laws were usually observed and that marriages within the circle of the , the extended family, were forbidden, whereas they
were considered desirable within the somewhat wider circle of the
clan ( 57 .( According to Numbers 36, marriage within the clan
was obligatory for daughters who had no brothers to inherit their father's land. Inheritance of land played a major role in the preference
for endogamous marriages. 58 This was due to the close ties between
assume an stem of hdy 'to be seen' and consider the /'if to be a mater lectionis.
This, however, is unlikely, since the use of matres lectionis is rare in Ugaritic
literary texts, cf. Sivan, GUL, 13; Tropper, UG, 50-6 . 1 therefore propose to read
t'itfr], N-stem of 'tr, cf. Akk. etru 'to take away', Erra IV, 53: di-tar mu-ta
i-te-ru-i-na-ti-ma.
57
Cf. C.H.J, de Geus, The Tribes of Israel: An investigation into some of the
presuppositions of Martin Noth's amphictyony hypothesis (SSN, 18), Assen 1976,
135-7; . van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life (SHCANE, 7), Leiden 1996,
199-201; S. Bendor, The Social Structure of Ancient Israel: the Institution of
the Family (beit 'ab) from the Settlement to the End of the Monarchy (JBS, 7),
Jerusalem 1996, 45-86. For an outline of permitted and prohibited marital relationships, cf. S. Rattray, cited in: J.E. Hartley, Leviticus (WBC, 4), Dallas TX
1992, 288.
58
De Geus notes that clans were voluntarily endogamous. Although not compulsory, endogamy was the rule; cf. De Geus, The Tribes of Israel, 137. Further, Van
der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 200, states: 'Though
both biblical and comparative evidence shows that intermarriage did occur between leading families of different clans, clan exogamy remained an exception'.
a and its , the part of land that a family owned and where
its ancestors were buried. 59 Inheritance, therefore, was an important
issue to a family, for
The land was more than an economic asset; it represented the family,
joining the ancestors with their progeny and objectifying the irreducible
bonds of kinship and descent upon which the early Israelite society was
founded.60
Carol Meyers points to the threat foreign women could pose to the
stability of a kinship-based society, for worshipping foreign gods ineluded an introduction of different cultural values. Along with the acceptance of exogamy (Judg. 3:5-6) there also was rejection of it (Exod.
34:11-16).61 At least in the view of the Deuteronomist, Solomon's and
Achab's marriages to foreign women were objectionable from a religious point of view.62
Next to economic and religious reasons there were other considerations in favour of endogamy. Karel van der Toorn mentions a social and a geographical motive - the future wife should preferably
come from the same class and the same town or neighbourhood as
the husband-to-be. 63 The situation which Van der Toorn describes,
however, is that of pre-monarchic Israelite society, in which a town
or village usually was coextensive with a clan. It has been argued
that during the monarchy the kinship structure of and
was destroyed. 64 Shunya Bendor disagrees with this theory, in which
Cf. also N. Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis: A Household Economics
Perspective, Minneapolis 1993, 11-2, 24-30.
On biblical examples of endogamous marriages cf. Gen. 11:29 (Milcah is a niece
of Nahor); Gen. 20:12 (Sarai is a half-sister of Abram); Gen. 24:15 (Rebekah and
Isaac are cousins); Gen. 28:9 (Mahalath is a cousin of Esau); Gen. 29:12 (Leah
and Rachel are Jacob's cousins). Note that they are all from the pre-monarchic
period. Yet there are also numerous examples of exogamous marriages in the premonarchic period, cf. Gen. 26:34; 38:2; 41:45; Exod. 2:21; Num. 12:1; Judg. 14;
etc.
59
Cf. L.E. Stager, 'The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel', AS OR
260 (1985), 22-3.
60
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 199.
61
C. Meyers, Discovering Eve: Ancient Israelite Women in Context, New York
1988, 183-5.
62
On the problems involved with the dating of the Deuteronomist and the
Deuteronomistic Redaction, cf. S.L. McKenzie, 'Deuteronomistic History', in:
ABD, vol. 2, 160-8; J.M. Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and
Judah: Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess (UCOP, 57), Cambridge 2000, 56-7.
63
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 201.
64
Bendor, The Social Structure of Ancient Israel, 207-8, summarizes these views
as follows: 'the batei 'ab broke down and disappeared (entirely or almost entirely),
the monarchy is regarded as being responsible for disrupting the kinship structure. 65 According to him, the kinship structure persisted
throughout the monarchy. However, Bendor seems to be mainly in
discussion with those scholars who assume the kinship structure of
Israelite society was linked to its nomadic way of life, and who contrast the centralistic government of the monarchy with the egalitarian
structure of the pre-monarchic nomadic 66. Yet the majority of
scholars no longer accepts this view on nomadic life of the early Israelites as valid.67 I agree with Bendor on his contention that
and remained in existence during the monarchy, but with
Rainer Albertz I suppose their influence diminished due to socioeconomic and political reasons. The economy of Israel and Judah
was mainly based on agriculture. In the course of the monarchic period, many farmers probably were incapable of handling the financial
demands which resulted in poverty, debt slavery and a breakdown of
68
the solidarity within the
.
With regard to the issue of choice of marriage partners, it would
seem reasonable to assume that during the monarchic period fathers
who owned land preferred endogamous marriages for their daughters,
just as they did in the pre-monarchic period. Perhaps endogamous
marriages were less important for those who did not own any land.
However, because clans still largely coincided with their villages and
towns, the importance of the geographic motive should not be ruled
out. 69
and with them the mipah0t. The dominant social unit was the small family, also
termed "nuclear family" '.
65
Bendor, The Social Structure of Ancient Israel, 223-4: 'In the concept accepted by many historians of ancient Israelite society, the socio-economic stratification was a clear-cut result of a process the decisive causes of which were the
monarchy and urbanization
According to the concept we have proposed here,
while these factors did have their effect, they did so against an existing background
of internal processes taking place in batei 'ab and mipah0t in their struggle for
existence in given geographical, agricultural and demographic conditions. In the
course of these processes, differences came into being among the kinship groups
and within them, and these differences determined the status of the various units
in the society, that is, the socio-economic stratification in question'.
66
Cf. Bendor, The Social Structure of Ancient Israel, 207-15.
67
Cf., e.g., R. Albertz, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit Tl.
1 (GAT, 8/1), Gttingen 1992, 109-10.
68
Albertz, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit Tl. 1, 248-52.
Cf. also Stager, 'The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel', 24-5.
69
Differently, A. Brenner, The Israelite Woman: Social Role and Literary Type
in Biblical Narrative (BiSe, 2), Sheffield 1985, 116-7, points to social and political
acceptance as the benefits of exogamous marriage. 'From the beginning of the
monarchy the number of intermarriages increases, and exogamy is socially toler-
In the post-exilic period the kinship structure was of renewed importance, especially with regard to the issue of mixed marriages. According to Ezra 10:16, the priest Ezra selected heads of the families
( )] of the tribes Judah and Benjamin who had gathered in
Jerusalem, to examine this matter. 70 In post-exilic Judah, society was
organized according to kinship, that is, according to71.
Were only marriages between former exiles approved of by Ezra's
group? 72 The majority of scholars nowadays assumes this to have been
the case, but some think that marriages between a person belonging
to the tribe of Judah (and Benjamin) regardless of their being in exile
or not, and a person belonging to another (Israelite) tribe were not
approved of. 73
Several explanations have been proposed for the mixed marriages
and its opposition in the post-exilic period. The most obvious reason
would seem to be that there simply were not enough women among
ated to the point where it inspires indifference rather than anxiety. This attitude
prevails until well into the First Temple era. It is usually assumed that a foreign
wife will join her husband's family and adapt to its cultural and religious customs.
From the time of Hosea, however (second half of the eighth century BC), the tide
turns once more'.
70
Bendor, The Social Structure of Ancient Israel, 112, translates 'heads of fathers' houses' and remarks on them: 'This [the community of which the returned
exiles were part, HJM] was no longer the organic society of the period of the monarchy. These were the parts of batei 'ab who had gathered in Judah and Jerusalem
(Ezra 7:14) and who had structured their community around the temple'.
71
Scholars such as Weinberg have stressed the fictional character of these kinship
ties. H.C. Washington, 'The Strange Woman (/ ) of Proverbs 1-9 and
Post-Exilic Judaean Society', in: T.C. Eskenazi, K.H. Richards (eds), Second Tempie Studies: 2. Temple Community in the Persian Period (JSOT.S, 175), Sheffield
1994, 231: 'J. Weinberg has advanced the thesis that the Restoration community
was organized as a Brger-Tempel-Gemeinde (civic-temple community), a religiopolitical unit fictively constituted as an agnatic lineage of property-holding men
and their families'. Cf. further D.L. Smith, The Religion of the Landless: The
Social Context of the Babylonian Exile, Bloomington IN 1989, 93-126.
72
Thus, e.g., D.L. Smith-Christopher, 'The Mixed Marriage Crisis in Ezra 9-10
and Nehemiah 13: A Study of the Sociology of the Post-Exilic Judaean Community', in: Eskenazi, Richards (eds), Second Temple Studies: 2, 247; T.C. Eskenazi,
E.P. Judd, 'Marriage to a Stranger in Ezra 9-10', in: Eskenazi, Richards (eds), Second Temple Studies: 2, 285; C. Maier, ' "Begehre nicht ihre Schnheit in deinem
Herzen" (Prov 6,25): Eine Aktualisierung des Ehebruchsverbot aus Persischer
Zeit', BInt 5 (1997), 48.
73
Thus, e.g., Albertz, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit Tl.
2, 585-6. To B. Becking, 'Continuity and Community: The Belief System of the
Book of Ezra', in: B. Becking, M.C.A. Korpel (eds), The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic and Post-Exilic Times
(OTS, 42), Leiden 1999, 274-5, the identity of those designated as not belonging to the 'true Israel' is not clear.
Thus, e.g., L.W. Batten, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books
of Ezra and Nehemiah (ICC), Edinburgh 1913, 331.
75
R.K. Merton, 'Intermarriage and the Social Structure: Fact and Theory' Psychiatry 9 (1941), 362.
76
Washington, 'The Strange Woman (/ ) of Proverbs 1-9 and PostExilic Judaean Society', 238.
77
Cf. D.L. Smith-Christopher, 'The Mixed Marriage Crisis in Ezra 9-10 and
Nehemiah 13', 252.
78
On Ezra's citation of the law cf. Washington, 'The Strange Woman (/
)of Proverbs 1-9 and Post-Exilic Judaean Society', 238.
... their missions were an effort on the part of the Achaemenid empire
to create a web of economic and social relationships that would tie the
community more completely into the imperial system. Part of this process involved the clarification of the population under imperial control
by legislating some means of defining that community.85
Thus, not only with regard to the controllability of allocating territories for land tenure was it desirable for the Persian authorities to
guard ethnic identity, but also from the viewpoint of tightening its
political grip on the Yehud province. 86 On the other hand, Persian
authorities seem to have approved of marriages between members of
the local government and members of the Jewish aristocracy. Yet the
approval might have been limited to the upper classes.87
Thus, in the post-exilic period there was a tendency to propagate
marriages within the group, which was ethnically and religiously
motivated. 88 Furthermore, land inheritance probably remained an important factor in the choice of marriage partner.
Attitudes towards mixed marriages were not always negative, however. Several well-known biblical figures had foreign mothers. 89 Foreign women such as Ruth, who adopted Y H W H as their God, are
looked upon positively in the Bible. Athalya Brenner summarizes this
positive view as follows: 'when a foreign woman chooses to adopt Israelite (Judahite) society and religion, and her behaviour indicates
that she is seriously committed to her new community, then her acceptance is guaranteed'. 90
85
The Samson stories show how young Samson was fatally attracted
to Philistine women. According to Judg. 14 he would have asked both
his parents to consent to his marriage with the girl from Timnah. They
objected, but to no avail. Apparently a son could push through his
choice if he wanted. However, the thrust of these stories clearly is to
discourage exogamy with Philistine women. 91 The story of Potiphar's
wife trying to seduce Joseph (Gen. 37) is another warning against the
presumed lewdness of foreign women. Warnings against exogamous
marriages were also addresses to girls. The story about Shechem's
premarital and, therefore, improper intercourse with Dinah (Gen. 34)
also has the objective never to marry a Canaanite. 92
Nevertheless, for kings intermarriage was an important political
tool to cement friendly relationships with neighbouring countries. 93
Yet in the Bible, especially in the Deuteronomistic History, these marriages with women from other countries who worshipped other gods
were frowned upon. Claudia Camp has outlined a gradual change
in the perception of the foreign or strange woman. The notion of
strangeness was perceived as linked with foreign cults and uncontrolled female sexuality. In the post-exilic period the Strange Woman
became a literary type which embodied a threat to the community. 94
To conclude, the appreciation of foreign women in the Hebrew
Bible is generally related to whether or not they were a threat to
Yahwism. If they accepted YHWH as their personal God, they were
valued positively. If not, then the Bible regards them as a threat to
Israelite religion.
Girls usually married at an early age. Often they were under sixteen when entering matrimony. 95 The prophet Joel (1:8) refers to a
91
Cf. J. Kim, The Structure of the Samson Cycle, Kampen 1993, 230-4.
Cf. I. Kottsieper, 'We Have a Little Sister: Aspects of Brother-SisterRelationship in Ancient Israel', in: J.W. van Henten, A. Brenner (eds), Families
and, Family Relations: As Represented in Early Judaisms and Early Christiani
ties: Texts and Fiction (STAR, 2), Leiden 2000, 67. On Gen. 34 see further n. 108
in this section and sections 2.1.3 and 2.1.4.
93
See further section 2.2.1.4.
94
Cf. C.V. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs (BiLiSe,
11), Sheffield 1985, 265-71; Idem, 'What's So Strange About the Strange Woman?'
in: D. Jobling et al. (eds), The Bible and the Politics of Exegesis, Cleveland
OH 1991, 23-6. Cf. also Washington, 'The Strange Woman (/ ) of
Proverbs 1-9 and Post-Exilic Judaean Society', 217-30; Maier, ' "Begehre nicht
ihre Schnheit in deinem Herzen" (Prov 6,25)', 46-63.
95
Cf. Van der Toorn, Cradle, 59. Marriage at a relatively young age might
also have applied to boys. Although the Hebrew Bible renders little information,
scholars assume that boys usually entered matrimony soon after puberty; cf., e.g.,
E. Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws, London 1944, 139.
92
In this connection the inconsistencies with regard to the name of the man
are irrelevant. Cf. A. Caquot, Ph. de Robert, Les livres de Samuel (CAT, 6),
Genve 1994, 223-4. A. van der Lingen, Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Israel,
Zoetermeer 1997, 30, n. 28, assumes (with reference to Gr0nbaek) that Michal had
been promised to David, but that David fled in the night of the wedding, after
which event Michal would have been married to Paltiel/Adriel.
101
K. Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel: Eine begriffsgeschichtliche und sozialrechtliche Studie zur Stellung der Frau im Alten Testament (BWANT, 130),
Stuttgart 1990, 115, n. 81, notes that this practice also occurs elsewhere.
102
However, it seems as if the girl was under the authority of her mother and
her brother. It has been argued that her father Bethuel was dead and that his
name is added in vs. 50; cf. C. Westermann, Genesis (BKAT, 1/2), NeukirchenVluyn 1981, 476. The fact that Abraham's servant offered gifts to Rebekah, her
brother and her mother, while no mention is made of her father in vs. 53 seems to
confirm this. Cf. R. de Vaux, Les institutions de l'Ancien Testament, vol. 1, Paris
1958, 53. Differently, Kottsieper, 'We Have a Little Sister' , 70-2. Some scholars
suggest that Rebekah's family may have been matrilineal, although this would
be exceptional; cf. . Jay, 'Sacrifice, Descent and the Patriarchs', VT 38 (1988),
52-70; V.P. Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50 (NICOT), Grand
Rapids 1995, 157.
103
Jay, 'Sacrifice, Descent and the Patriarchs', 62; Meyers, Discovering Eve, 1867; I. Fischer, Die Erzeltern Israels: Feministisch-theologische Studien zu Genesis
12-36 (BZAW, 222), Berlin 1994, 83; L. Teugels, ' "A Strong Woman, Who Can
Find?": A Study of Characterization in Genesis 24, With Some Perspectives on
the General Presentation of Isaac and Rebekah in the Genesis Narratives', JSOT
63 (1994), 98. Based on cross-cultural studies, N. Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage
in Genesis: A Household Economics Perspective, Minneapolis 1993, 96, nuances:
'Although Rebekah is asked directly whether she is willing to be given in marriage,
the implication is, based on the gifts given to her household, that her brother
(and father?) wanted and expected her to accede to the agreement in order that
they might benefit materially from the arrangement. Thus, in theory, Rebekah
had the freedom to refuse the marriage offer, but in practice there would have
been economic pressures for her not to do so'. It should be noted, however, that
Abraham and his emissary reckoned with a refusal on the part of the girl from
have argued that Rebekah is only asked about her agreement on the
time of departure. 104 But it seems most likely that both her consent,
and the time of departure she preferred, were asked for. 105
If a father was absent, a marriage still could be arranged parentally,
i.e., by the mother. After they had been sent away by Abraham, Hagar selected an Egyptian wife for her son Ishmael (Gen. 21:21). And
while a father was present, a mother could also influence the choice
of partner for her child. Thus Rebekah expressed her displeasure with
Esau's choice of partners and spoke to Isaac about her concern that
Jacob, too, might marry a Hittite woman (Gen. 26:34; 27:46-28:2). 106
In the case of Rebekah and Isaac, a marriage was made in which
the partners did not know each other. Yet love could bloom even in
these instances (Gen. 24:67). Still, it seems that at least some marriages were made in which a girl knew and loved her future husband
(1 Sam. 18:20-21).107 And a future groom could take some initiative
in choosing a marriage partner. Thus Shechem, son of Hamor, spoke
to his father about winning Dinah as his bride (Gen. 34:4). 108 Samson
the very beginning (Gen. 24:5,8) which contradicts the idea that it would have
been a mere formality.
104
W.H. Gispen, Genesis: II, Genesis 11:27-25:11 (COT), Kampen 1979, 28990; G.I. Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', in: R.E. Clements (ed.), The World
of Ancient Israel: Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives, Cambridge 1989, 384; G. Wenham, Genesis 16-50 (WBC,2), Dallas TX 1994, 150.
105
Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50, 158.
106
See further C. Meyers, ' "To Her Mother's House": Considering a Counterpart
to the Israelite Bt 'b', in: D. Jobling et al. (eds), The Bible and the Politics of
Exegesis, Cleveland, Ohio 1991, 50, and section 2.1.1.4.2.
107
Although no instances are recorded of biblical women who themselves selected
a marriage partner. The initiatives of Tamar and Ruth should be considered within
the context of levirate marriage.
108
Since Shechem had 'defiled' Dinah, custom required that he asked the father
of the bride for his daughter. According to Exod. 22:16 a father could refuse to
give his daughter in marriage to the seducer (see also Deut. 22:28-29). However,
Jacob and his sons agreed to give Dinah in marriage, probably because of the
political gain they could get out of it. We do not learn about Dinah's (lack of)
choice. Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50, 352, n. 5, argues that
the terminology used in Gen. 34:2 does not necessarily imply Shechem raped
her, but rather that he humbled her by having premarital intercourse with her.
C. Pressler, 'Sexual Violence and Deuteronomic Law', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A
Feminist Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy (FCB, 6), Sheffield 1994, 111,
notes that 'the offense in the story is not that Shechem had sexual intercourse
with Dinah without her consent. It is that Shechem had sexual intercourse with
Dinah without her father's or brothers' consent. They control her sexuality. Their
rights are violated'. See also L.M. Bechtel, 'What if Dinah is not Raped? (Genesis
34)', JSOT 62 (1994), 19-36; T. Frymer-Kensky, 'Virginity in the Bible', in: V.H.
Matthews et al. (eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near
In the ancient Near East, marriage was in the first place an arrangement between families. Personal choice and love of the marriage partners were of secondary importance. The heads of families, usually
the fathers, would discuss the marriage agreements. In the Sumerian
myth of the Marriage of Martu and the Ugaritic myth of Yarikhu and
Nikkalu-and-Ibbu, the personal choice of the groom-to-be does play
a role. Only in the former, however, do we learn about the choice
of the bride-to-be, but perhaps we may assume that in Ugarit she
had an unofficial say in the matter. In any case the social pressure to
get married may sometimes have induced girls to take the initiative
in contacting a possible partner. Also in biblical literature personal
choice and love sometimes played a role in marriage arrangements.
Here, too, however, the focus seems to have been mainly on the male's
choice (Jacob, Shechem, Samson). However, Rebekah was asked for
her consent in marriage. Furthermore, we learn of the love of Michal
for David (1 Sam. 18:20). Yet in general, biblical daughters were dependent on their fathers with regard to their marriage and the choice
of partner (Leah, Rachel, Merab, Achsah). In all cultures of the ancient Near East, however, the mothers also seem to have had a say in
the choice of a partner. Whether or not their opinion was decisive is
unknown.
The fact that girls were married at a young age contributed to the
lack of influence they had on the choice of a partner. Girls generally
were married soon after menarche, to exploit to the full their possibilities to bear offspring. It was considered of vital importance that
a marriage produce children, who inherited the possessions of their
parents. If the family had accumulated any wealth it should be kept
East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield 1998, 89.
109
I disagree with Fischer, Die Erzeltern Israels, 83, who states that their marriage is based on free choice. It is indeed the free choice of Jacob, but we do not
learn of any choice made by Rachel. Since Jacob is by then already married to
Leah (of whose consent we are ignorant), Rachel's position within this marriage
is that of a co-wife, which probably diminished her status with regard to Jacob's
first intent.
within its lineage, which generally resulted in a preference for endogamous marriages. In general, people would marry within their social
circle, i.e. within their class or within their village. Inheritance seems
to have been one of the most important reasons to prefer endogamy.
Although the evidence from Ugarit is scarce, it may be that exogamy
was less frowned upon than it was in some of the other countries
of the ancient Near East. According to the Hebrew Bible, endogamy
was preferred. The protection of the religious identity seems to have
played a major role in this, possibly already in pre-exilic times, but it
certainly was of importance after the exile. This seems to be the only
significant distinction between Israel and its neighbours with regard
to the institution of marriage. But even this is not entirely certain. 110
2.1.1.2
Courtship
Affection between women and men has always found ways to express
itself, whatever the prevailing opinion of their surroundings. But, were
they equal partners in love? Were they both equally subject to the
will of their respective families' patriarchal social code? What were
the limits of their freedom to court? And what about premarital sex?
We know that it did occur in the ancient Near East, but was it seen
as admissible?
In this section we will look at literary texts concerning courtship,
viz. love poetry. The question concerning an alleged relationship with
the sacred marriage rite will be dealt with. It has been proposed that
some of the love songs reflect a female point of view and may have
been part of a female sub-culture. Yet others assert that they express
male wishful thinking.
With regard to biblical love poetry, Song of Songs is our most important text. Its interpretation, religious or secular, and its supposed
location as part of a female subculture and/or a wedding song will be
discussed.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
In the Marriage of Martu, 11. 129-139, the prospective groom is seen as religiously unacceptable. In Ugarit the cultic text KTU 1.40 par. characterizes many
neighbouring peoples as sinners. Cf. J.C. de Moor, P. Sanders, 'An Ugaritic Expiation Ritual and its Old Testament Parallels', UF 23 (1991), 283-300 (296-7).
genre. 1
With regard to the relevance of the Mesopotamian material for
this study it might be objected that the majority of these songs concern the goddess of love Inanna/Ishtar and her lovers, especially Dumuzi/Tammuz, and pertain to the sacred marriage rite. 2 So it is questionable whether they are relevant to human love. However, it is clear
that these songs reflect a positive view of sexuality which will have
corresponded to the way it was experienced between humans. Actually some of them are regarded as secular. 3 Not only in the world of
the deities but also among mortals it was often the female partner
who took the initiative, as in the Poem of the Faithful Lover.4 Girls
probably were free to some extent to choose their partner. 5
Also in Egyptian love poetry 6 lovers openly express their love for
each other by praising the beloved and his or her body and by uttering
the desire to be in each other's presence.7 In the love poems the
man and woman mutually show their affection and speak unabashedly
about their desire. Michael Fox notes that, although the Egyptian
love songs do not show a strict stereotyping of sex roles, they reveal a
distinction: 'In many songs . . . the girls are the more intent on love and
the more sexually assertive, and on balance this seems characteristic of
the genre'. 8 In poems that compare falling in love to being trapped, it
is always the girl who traps the boy. The poet asserts the girl's power
in love, but does not picture her as a femme fatale.
1
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 307.
Mathieu, La posie amoureuse de l'Egypte ancienne, 245.
11
White, A Study of the Language of Love, 81-2.
12
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 244-7; Mathieu,
La posie amoureuse de l'Egypte ancienne, 243.
13
Mathieu, La posie amoureuse de l'Egypte ancienne, 217-41 (esp. 151).
14
J. Assmann, 'Die Zeugung des Sohnes: Bild, Spiel, Erzhlung und das Problem
des gyptischen Mythos', in: J. Assmann et al. (eds), Funktionen und Leistungen
des Mythos: Drei altonentalische Beispiele (OBO, 48), Freiburg, Schweiz 1982,
13-61.
15
G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 178-80; G. Leick, Sex
and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature, London 1994, 67-8; Van der Toorn,
Cradle, 58.
16
Mathieu, La posie amoureuse de l'Egypte ancienne, 245, rightly points out
that several of these poems reflect a typical masculine point of view which renders
the hypothesis of female authorship less likely.
10
cient Near East has a word for 'chastity', too flirtatious or even whorish behaviour on the part of women met with massive disapproval. As
a Babylonian wisdom text says, 'Do not marry a prostitute, whose
husbands are legion, / A temple harlot who is dedicated to a god, / A
courtesan whose favours are many . . . She will disrupt the house she
enters, and her partner will not assert himself'. 17
B . UGARITIC LITERARY TEXTS
bsrr.p
4
yrh ytkh.
ybbq.d5tld
17
&n! Z[h]
[fpt lbsrh.
dm 'ab[h.y]h 10 wyn.
kmrA.b[hk1]A
11
m' ,ilht.ktT[t.}
[y1k.]mm 1 2 <'>nh.
lydh. tzdn
[
] 13 /adn[h].
Despite the erotic imagery it seems clear to me that this passage must
be proleptic. It describes in the form of a love song, with interspersed
prayers to the goddesses overseeing intercourse and pregnancy, the
first night the bride and groom are together. The presupposition is
that beforehand Nikkalu will become Yarikhu's legal wife (mtrht).
Also the portrayal of lady Hariya, the bride-to-be of Kirtu (KTU
1.14:111.38-45 et passim), may serve as comparative material for the
period of courtship. Kirtu besieged Udumu and he rejected the peacegifts of king Pubala. He did not want silver and gold, but a graceful
wife:
38
pd. 'in.bbty.ttn
39
tn.ly.mit.hry
40
n'mt.sph.bhrk
26
Cf. KTU 1.10:11.29; 1.12:1.25; Job 26:5. In Ugaritic the verb hyl also denotes
female sexual pleasure as a prelude to future birth-pangs. Compare the use of hbl
in Song of Songs 8:5.
27
On the ktrt 'the (female) skillfull ones', cf. D. Pardee, 'Kosharoth ', in:
DDD, 491-2. For the vocalisation 'Katharatu', cf. D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays
d'AStata (Emar, 6/3), Paris 1986, 372-3 (no. 378:18).
28
Pace Pardee, 'Kosharoth
915-7,'.Hilalu is the god of the new moon; cf.
KTU 1.24:41-42, where the Katharatu are called bnt hll b'l gml 'the daughters of
Hilalu, the lord of the sickle'. W.G.E. Watson, 'Ugaritic and Mesopotamian Literary Texts', UF 9 (1977), 282, points to a Sumerian connection between swallows
and the moon god.
29
Cf. Isa. 7:14; Mt. 1:21, 23; Lk. 1:31; 2:7; Rev. 12:5.
30
Euphemism for the vulva. Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 140, n. 35; 143, n. 14.
31
Euphemism for the penis. Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 114, n. 33.
32
Another euphemism for the vulva, see CAD () 1, 486.
33
Another euphemism for the penis, as in Lev. 6:3; 15:2-3,7; Ezek. 16:26; 23:20.
Cf. Wyatt, RTU, 337, n. 11.
34
This imagery occurs more often in Ugaritic as well as in Akkadian. Cf. De
Moor, ARTU, 113, n. 25.
35
Alternatively, Wyatt, RTU, 196: 'the most gracious one of your family, your
41
dk.n'm. 'nt.n'mh
42
km.tsm. 'itrt.tsmh
43
d'qh. 'ib. 'iqn'i.
'p'ph 44sp.trml
thgrn.bm
45
'alw. bsp. 'nh
When one thinks of biblical texts in which lovers express their feelings
of affection, the first that comes to mind is the Song of Songs.40 In the
past several scholars have pointed to parallels between Mesopotamian
literature dealing with the Inanna-Dumuzi (Ishtar-Tammuz) cult and
the Song of Songs, interpreting the latter as a reworked sacred marriage liturgy. 41
first-born'.
36
Alternatively, G. del Olmo Lete, Mitos y leyendas de Canaan: segun la tradidon de Ugant (FCiBi, 1), Madrid 1981, 604; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 335; Wyatt,
RTU, 196: 'pupils'. Wyatt also mentions 'eyebrows' as a possible translation.
37
The meaning of 'p'p is disputed; see J.C. de Moor, K. Spronk, 'Problematical
Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (I)', UF 14 (1982), 168-9; Wyatt, RTU, 197, n.
100. In Prov. 6:25 the same attraction is attributed to a woman's 'p'pym.
38
Following the proposed reading of De Moor, Spronk, CARTU, 82; differently,
KTU2 reads [t]dm.
39
S. Schott, Altgyptische Liebeslieder: Mit Mrchen und Liebesgeschichten
(BAW.AO), Zrich 2 1950, 63; Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian
Love Songs, 289-90, 306; Song 4:9; 6:5, and above all Prov. 6:25.
40
On the difficulty of dating the Song of Songs, cf. .. Pope, Song of Songs:
A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AncB, 7C), Garden City
NY 1977, 22-33; Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 18690.
41
E.g. Th.J. Meek, 'Canticles and the Tammuz Cult', AJSL 39 (1922), 1-14;
Idem, 'Babylonian Parallels to the Song of Songs', JBL 43 (1924), 245-52; Idem,
'The Song of Songs and the Fertility Cult', in: W.H. Schoff (ed.), The Song of
The conjecture was originally proposed by J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. H. 5 Die kleinen Propheten bersetzt, mit Noten, Berlin 1892, 21, 131.
See further Korpel, RiC, 593-4; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, 'Jahwe und seine Aschera': Anthropomorphes Kultbild in Mesopotamien, Ugarit und Israel. Das biblische Bilderverbot (UBL, 9), Mnster 1992, 173-81; J.M. Hadley, The Cult of
Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah: Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess (UCOP,
57), Cambridge 2000, 75-7.
47
Cf. Korpel, RiC, 213-32.
48
Cf. H. Ringgren, 'The Marriage Motif in Israelite Religion', in: P.D. Miller et
al. (eds), Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays ... F.M. Cross, Philadelphia 1987,
421-28, esp. 424.
49
See bSanh. 101a; tSanh. XII. 10.
50
See M.J. Mulder, De targum op het Hooglied, Amsterdam 1975. Although
the final redaction of the Targum is late, essential parts must antedate rabbinic
teaching, cf. P.S. Alexander, 'Tradition and Originality in the Targum of the Song
of Songs', in: D.R.G. Beattie, M.J. McNamara (eds), The Aramaic Bible: Targums
in their Historical Context (JSOT.S, 166), Sheffield 1994, 318-39.
51
See the protracted discussion in mYad. III.5.
52
Yet in the Sumerian, Egyptian and Ugaritic love poetry imagery is very bold
and eroticism most explicit, whereas descriptions are more implicit in the Song of
Songs.
The human love that the Song of Songs sings about is characterized by gender mutuality. Whereas in other biblical texts males often
dominate, here females play a part equal to males. 53 Carol Meyers
considers the genre of love poetry to transcend social class as well as
male domination. According to her, it is part of the female sub-culture
which can be located in the domestic realm of agrarian societies:
The Song of Songs, set apart from the stratifying consequences of institutional and public life, reveals a balance between male and female.
The domestic setting allows for the mutual intimacy of male and female relationships to be expressed. The Song has a preponderance of
females, but that situation does not obtain at the cost of a sustained
sense of gender mutuality. Neither male nor female is set in an advantageous position with respect to the other. Some images may be limited
to one gender; but there is also a long list of images or phases that are
used interchangeably and that create the mood of shared love. In the
erotic world of human emotion, there is no subordination of female to
male.54
Although one might perhaps question the location of the Song in
the domestic realm 55 , its egalitarian view of love is beyond doubt. In
stead of a stereotyped portrayal of the lovers the text displays gender
balance in the descriptions of the female and the male. 56 Still, both
sexes are not equally free in their movement within society. Whereas
the boy comes and goes at will, the girl has to deal with the restrictions her brothers 57 impose on her. The equality in the lovers'
relationship is thus not reflected in the demands society made on the
sexes.58 Like the Egyptian love poetry, the Song of Songs also renders
an asymmetry in the depiction of the female and the male character,
exploring the female personality more than that of the male. Accord53
Pope, Song of Songs, 209; P. Trible, 'Love,s Lyrics Redeemed', in: Brenner,
A Feminist Companion to The Song of Songs, 119.
54
C. Meyers, 'Gender Imagery in the Song of Songs', in: Brenner, A Feminist
Companion to The Song of Songs, 211.
55
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 248-9, for instance,
opts for a public setting. I for my part would not exclude a setting in family
religion, see below.
56
Contrary to the Egyptian love poems, but in accordance with Sumerian and
Ugaritic love poetry, Song of Songs makes the lovers interact in speach. Cf. Fox,
The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 306-7, 315.
57
Her brothers probably acted on behalf of the pater familias; cf. the important
role of the brothers of Dinah in Gen. 34.
58
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 309.
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 307, 309.
F. van Dijk-Hemmes, "Traces of Women's Texts in the Hebrew Bible', in: A.
Brenner, F. van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices in
the Hebrew Bible (BIntS, 1), Leiden 1993, 25-32, 71-81; Meyers, 'Gender Imagery
in the Song of Songs', 211; Leick, Sex and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature,
60
68.
61
and wine to engage in sexual contact with her lover, thus overruling
her parents' plans. 67 But most scholars do not assume this kind of
sexual freedom for girls, neither at festivals, nor in everyday life. The
risks were too high, especially since a girl who had lost her virginity
was regarded as an unacceptable party (Lev. 21:9; Deut. 22:20-21,
23-24; 2 Sam. 13:20).68 Of course this does not mean that premarital
intercourse did not occur, but it will have been illicit.
Scholars generally call for a caveat with regard to relating ancient
Near Eastern love poetry to the sexual freedom existing in the societies it springs from. 69 Also it is necessary to stress the literary nature
of these love songs. What could be imagined in poetry, especially in
myths and epics, was not necessarily tolerated in normal life.70 In
Song of Songs pre-marital sex is certainly not condemned. However,
if a bride was supposed to be a virgin upon marriage, one wonders
whether most pre-marital sex would not have occurred secretly. Perhaps Song of Songs reveals more of a lover's fantasy than of a bride's
reality. 71
D . CONCLUSIONS
considered equal and where also the girl could take the initiative. If
the Jewish allegorical interpretation of the Song of Songs has ancient
roots, this may be a spiritualization of songs that could have been
derived from songs sung in connection with the sacred and the divine
marriage rite.
2.1.1.3
Marriage
The term derives from MAL A27, in which the frequentative form of the Akk.
believed that some of the MAL texts treated cases in which a wife
lived in her father's house and these cases reflected this second type
of marriage. He characterized this type as 'Ehe ohne Hausgemeinschaff, a marriage in which a wife did not share the home with her
husband but was visited by him frequently. 2 Under the influence of
finds from Nuzi, this notion was later expanded to include adoption.
Thus, Ephraim Neufeld stated that '[t]he main characteristic of an
Errbu marriage was that a father who had no son but only a daughter or daughters selected a husband for his daughter upon the basis
that his son-in-law should enter his house and continue his family as
a true son'. 3
With regard to the Middle Assyrian Laws, Godfrey Driver and
John Miles have argued convincingly that these laws deal with cases
in which the stay of a wife in her father's house was either exceptional
or temporary. They conclude 'that it is safer to seek the explanation of
this variety of residence in the special circumstances of each individual
case than to try to elevate a few sporadic occurences into a special
Semitic custom'. 4
With regard to the ancient Near Eastern adoption contracts, scholars have compared the cases in which a man is adopted as a son and is
given his adoptive sister as a wife to the marriages of Jacob, Moses and
Samson in the Hebrew Bible, and they have assumed these marriages
to be erbu marriages. 5 Yet these are different cases. In the adoption
contracts, the son-in-law is given the status of son. This assures, first,
that the children of the daughter will continue the line of the father,
that is, the father of the bride and the adoptive father of the groom,
verb erbu 'to enter' is used. C.H. Gordon, 1 Erbu Marriage', in: M.A. Morrison,
D.I. Owen, Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians:
In Honor of Ernest R. Lacheman on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday April 29, 1981,
Winona Lake 1981, 155, points out that the use of the verb 'is illogical because
in normal marital arrangements, where the wife enters the husband's house, the
same verb (erbu) is employed'.
2
P. Koschaker, 'Quellenkritische Untersuchungen zu den "altassyrischen Gesetzen" ', MVG 26/3 (1921), 60-5.
3
E. Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws, London 1944, 56.
4
G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws, repr. of the ed. Oxford 1935
with suppl. add. and corr. by G.R. Driver, Aalen 1975, 134-42 (142). Cf. further
I. Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East', BA 11 (1948), 25.
5
For Nuzi, cf. Gordon, 'Erbu Marriage', 155-60. For Emar, cf. G. Beckman,
'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' in:
M.W. Chavalas (ed.), Emar: The History, Religion and Culture of a Syrian Town
in the Late Bronze Age, Bethesda MD 1996, 63-5. For Hatti, cf. G. Beckman,
'Inheritance and Royal Succession Among the Hittites', in: H.A. Hoffner, G.M.
Beckman (eds), Kaniuwar: A tribute to Hans G. Gterbock on his seventy-fifth
birthday May 2, 1983 (AS, 23), Chicago IL 1986, 16-7.
and secondly, that the son-in-law (as adoptive son) will inherit from
his father-in-law. Neither Jacob, nor Moses, nor Samson are adopted
by their father-in-law. 6 Although both Jacob and Moses temporarily
are part of the household of their father-in-law due to special circumstances, their intention does not seem to have been continuation of the
line of their father-in-law, but rather of their own paternal family.7
The use of the term erbu for maxriages in which a husband resides
temporarily in the house of his father-in-law, as is the case with Jacob
and Moses, has a cloaking effect, for it suggests that it concerns a
special type of marriage. But since in these biblical cases - on which
the hypothesis is built - the residence in the house of the husband's
father-in-law is not permanent and the marriage does not end when
the husband takes his wives or wife with him when leaving the house
of his father-in-law (Gen. 31:1-21; Exod. 4:18-20), there does not seem
to exist this special type of marriage in Israelite culture. 8 Marriages
generally were patrilocal in the ancient Near East. 9 It seems, however,
that it was not unusual for a girl to remain living in the home of her
father for a period of about four months after the wedding. During
that period the husband visited her frequently to share the bed with
her. 10
When parents had made arrangements for their children to get
married, these arrangements were considered to be binding. 11 As soon
as the marriage deposit (terhatu) was received by the family of the
6
Cf. J. Van Seters, 'Jacob's Marriages and Ancient Near East Customs: A
Reexamination', HThR 62 (1969), 377-95.
7
With regard to Samsom, see below.
8
Cf. J. Paradise, 'Marriage Contracts of Free Persons at Nuzi', JCS 39 (1987),
25 n. 70: 'We note that the concept of an errebu marriage has no validity for Nuzi'.
Van Seters, 'Jacob's Marriages and Ancient Near East Customs', 388: ' . . . t h e
whole notion of an errebu marriage as a special kind of marriage practised in
Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, or elsewhere in the Near East of the form outlined
by Neufeld is an academic fiction'.
9
Cf. Beckman, 'Inheritance and Royal Succession Among the Hittites', 16;
Paradise, 'Marriage Contracts of Free Persons at Nuzi', 6; G. Leick, Sex and
Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature, London 1994, 67, 229. Also in Egypt it
was custom for a bride to leave her parents and live in her husband's house. In
exceptional cases a groom came to live in the house of his parents-in-law; cf. S.
Allam, 'Ehe', in: LA, Bd. 1, 1167-8; C. Desroches Noblecourt, La femme au temps
des pharaons, Paris 1986, 296.
10
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 66-7, 71, 73-4.
11
This rule is constant during Mesopotamian history. For the Neo-Sumerian
period, cf. CU 15; H. Neumann, 'Bemerkungen zu Ehe, Konkubinat und Bigamie
in neusumerischer Zeit', in: FPOA, Paris 1987, 132-3. For the Old Babylonian
period, cf. CH 159-161; R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law (AfO.B,
23), Horn 1988, 41-7. For the Neo-Babylonian period, cf. LNB 8-9.
The term 'inchoate marriage' is used to describe the first phase of marriage.
The bride is considered legally married but is not yet passed over into the hands
of the bridegroom and consummation of the marriage has not yet taken place; cf.
M.I. Gruber, 'Matrilineal Determination of Jewishness: Biblical and Near Eastern
Roots', in: D.P. Wright et al (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in
Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob
Milgrom, Winona Lake IN 1995, 439, n. 10. For Mesopotamia, cf. G.R. Driver,
J.C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, repr., vol. 1, Oxford 1956, 249.
13
Cf., e.g., Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East', 26-8; Idem,
'On Marriage in Alalakh', in: J.L. Blau et al. (eds), Essays on Jewish Life and
Thought: Presented in Honor of Salo Wittmayer Baron, New York 1959, 352-3;
L.M. Muntingh, 'Amorite Married and Family Life According to the Mari Texts',
JNSL 3 (1974), 51; F. Abdallah, 'La femme dans le royaume d'Alep au xviii sicle
av. J.-C.' in: FPOA, 14; Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law, 29-38; Amico,
SWU, 70-81. For Egypt, cf. P.W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in
Ancient Egypt: A Contribution to Establishing the Legal Position of the Woman
(PLB, 9), Leiden 1961, 13-20; J.K. Toivari, Women at Deir el-Medina: A Study
of the Status and Roles of the Female Inhabitants in the Workmen's Community
during the Ramesside Period, Leiden 2000, 59-64.
Referring to the CH 139, Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East',
26, points to the fact that a marriage could be consummated without payment of
a marriage deposit, although this probably was not the custom.
14
So, e.g., P. Koschaker, Rechtsvergleichende Studien zur Gesetzgebung Hammurapis Knigs von Babylon, Leipzig 1917, 130-49.
15
Cf., e.g., R. Patai, Sex and Family in the Bible and the Middle East (Dolphin
Books, C40), Garden City NY 1959, 55; K. Grosz, 'Bridewealth and Dowry in
Nuzi', in: A. Cameron, A. Kuhrt (eds), Images of Women in Antiquity, Detroit
1983, 197-8. Grosz writes on this subject: 'One may say that the bridewealth is
a compensation for the loss of a female worker and the money used to acquire
another one. . . . It seems . . . that the primary goal of a bridewealth transaction
is to establish certain social links rather than economic gain' (198). M.T. Roth,
in: 'Responses to Prof. Roth's Paper', in: WER, 259, supposes the bride wealth
(i.e., marriage deposit) maintained the equal status between the families of bride
and groom.
of bride wealth and dowry in Nuzi resembles that found in India today, where the bride wealth is practised by the poor and the dowry is
given to a daughter of rich people, thus linking the practise to social
stratification. 16 In 1987, however, she nuances this view. Although
no mention is made of a marriage deposit in the very few marriage
contracts concerning women from the highest social strata of Nuzi,
dowry and marriage deposit both occur in international royal marriage contracts of the Amarna age. 'This is a significant indication
that attributing different marriage payments to different strata of the
society may be an oversimplification in the case of the ancient Near
East'. 17 Nowadays most scholars agree that the terhatu is not a bride
price and thus dismiss the notion of marriage by purchase. 18
Raymond Westbrook has called attention to the analogy between
the institutions of adoption and marriage. In both cases there is a
transaction involving three parties: 'a protagonist (adoptor/groom),
a person as object of the contract (adoptee/bride) and the parents
of that person'. 19 The relationship between the person who is object
and his or her parents is dissolved and a new relationship with the
16
CH 159-161.
Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law, 60: 'It is important to stress that
it is not the control itself which the terhatum acquires. This is achieved by the
legally indpendant act of ahzum. The nature of that control will in turn depend
on the causa of the ahzum, which, as we have seen, may be wifeship, daughterin-law-ship, or daughter-and-daughter-in-lawship. What the terhatum buys is essentially the relinquishing by the bride's parents of their right of control in favour
of another'. See further C. Wilcke, 'Familiengrndung im alten Babylonien', in:
E.W. Mller (ed.), Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung (Historische
Anthropologie, 3) (Kindheit, Jugend, Familie, 1), Mnchen 1985, 228-30.
22
Cf. A. van Praag, Droit matrimonial assyro-babylonien (Archaeologischhistorische bijdragen, 12), Amsterdam 1945, 133, 137.
23
Cf. Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 253.
24
CH 138-140.
25
In this sense the terhatu serves as a deposit for divorce settlement money.
26
By way of comparison: the amount of marriage deposit money attested at
Emar varies from 30 to 100 shekels of silver.
21
to the same social class. 27 It cannot be established whether Nuzi marriages were always accompanied by payment of a terhatu. Jonathan
Paradise assumes it is likely that Nuzi marriages were occasionally
contracted without payment of a marriage deposit. 28 Yet, since contracts were drawn up to record the unusual, e.g. transfer of land, it
may have been that no contract was made when the terhatu consisted
of movables only and was paid fully at once.29
The terminology in connection with matrimonial gifts in the ancient Near East is often confusing. In Mesopotamia for example,
the terms used for 'marriage deposit', 'dowry', extra 'presents' and
'widow's settlement' may vary in different periods and places, which
complicates matters considerably.30 It cannot be attempted to give
a complete picture of the available evidence here. A few main lines
must suffice.
As argued above, the marriage deposit 31 functioned as a surety
between the two parties that the wedding would take place. If the
groom subsequently decided not to take the woman as his bride, the
marriage deposit would accrue to the father of the bride. If, however,
the father of the bride decided not to give his daughter in marriage to
the man who had already presented the marriage deposit, the former
would have to reimburse the latter the double amount. The fact that
Babylonian law provides regulations for these matters indicates that
it sometimes occured that a father of a bride changed his mind about
his daughter's marriage. We can only guess at the influence a daughter
could have in this change of mind. 32 Shortly before the wedding the
groom brought additional gifts (Bab. biblu, Ass. zubullu) to the home
of the bride, usually consisting of his contributions to the feast as well
as presents for his in-laws.
Further, in 8-9 of the Neo-Babylonian Laws (ca. 700 BCE) it is
stated that once both parties, i.e. the groom's father and the bride's
father, had come to an agreement and had written it on tablets, they
should not alter the terms of the dowry (nudunn) and the property
27
Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, repr., vol. 2, Oxford 1955, 340-3. Cf.
further A. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A Survey',
in: WER, 225.
34
Cf. Driver, Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 218-20.
35
CU 11; CH 128; CE 27-28. Cf. Roth, LCMAM, 18, 63, 105.
36
Cf. S. Greengus, 'The Old Babylonian Marriage Contract', JAOS 89 (1969),
505-32 (512): 'If we examine the background situations of the Old Babylonian
marriage documents, we find that many of these records depict abnormal family
situations. . . . It would appear that the writing down of these marriage documents
was occasioned not by marriage, but by the need to support the rights and statuses
of adopted, manumitted, or other legally vulnerable persons.... In our judgement,
therefore, the primary purpose of the so-called marriage documents was not to
record marriage but to record important transactions which could affect the status
and rights of husbands or wives'. Cf. further Neumann, 'Bemerkungen zu Ehe,
Konkubinat und Bigamie in neusumerischer Zeit', 134.
37
Cf. Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 245-6.
38
Cf. Driver, Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 217-8.
the right to remarry. She sometimes had to wait for a certain period
before being permitted to remarry, yet she was not allowed by law to
remarry in case there was a presumption her husband might return. 39
MAL A36, for instance, states that a woman whose husband had
travelled abroad and who could not support herself, might go and live
with another man, but she had to wait at least five years before doing
so. If her husband should come back after this period and was able to
prove that his delay was beyond his power, she would have to return
to her first husband and he would give another wife to the second
husband. 40 The wife was not allowed to go and live with another man
if she had (adult) sons; in that case the sons should be hired out to
support their mother. If the wife did not wait for five years but was
married to another man sooner, she would have to go back to her first
husband upon his return. Both the wife and the children of the second
marriage would then be regarded as belonging to the first husband,
'because she did not wait in accordance with the agreement (nksu)' 41
Marriage contracts were also drawn up at Nuzi. The Nuzi documents that deal with marriages between free persons are designed to
protect the rights of the bride, the groom and their future children
and they are concerned with the disposition of property. Jonathan
Paradise assumes that a written document was not necessary to legalize a marriage. 42 Also, without a written contract a woman might
have had the status of wife, yet in cases where her status might be
disputed, it would be important for her to possess such a document.
Her status could further be protected by a clause in a marriage contract prohibiting the groom from marrying a second wife, unless the
bride proved to be barren. 43
In Egypt, too, a marriage contract or settlement was not so much
a deed testifying that two people were wedded as a document that
recorded how the possessions should be divided upon either divorce
or death of the husband. Such a settlement could be drawn up at the
time of marriage but also later, after the couple had got children. 44
39
There were several ways to regulate matters of matrimonial property. An Egyptian husband could make a settlement pledging either
his whole property, acquired before and during the marriage, or only
that which he acquired during the marriage, as a security for honouring the marital obligations he had taken upon himself. 45 If in
due course he wanted to dispose of some of this secured property,
he needed his wife's consent in a written statement. Thus, a pledge
of security gave a wife a firm, proprietary position. 46
A husband could also promise his wife part of the property in case
of dissolution of the marriage. He could either promise his wife part of
his entire property or part of what he would acquire together with his
wife in marriage. Usually the part would be one third, but sometimes
it was one half. 47 Contrary to a pledge in security, a wife did not
have the right to prevent disposal of her husband's property in this
case. 'The right of the wife to her one third part is no more than a
right to her share in the common property at the time the marriage
is dissolved'. 48
In exceptional cases stipulations were very stringent on the husband. Thus, on an ostracon from Deir el-Medina it is stated that a
male named Nekhemmut swears not to desert the daughter of a certain Telmont, or else he will loose all that he has acquired together
with her. 49
It is worth noting that an Egyptian father could make provisions
protecting his daughter's interests even after her marriage. When a
marriage contract was drawn up either he, a third person or the temple
property cannot be regarded as a marriage contract. In connection with this they
refer to the assumption that marriage would have been a social and not a legal
institution in ancient Egypt. Thus, e.g., S. Allam, 'Zur Stellung der Frau im
alten gypten1 , BiOr 26 (1969), 155; R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in
Ancient Egypt, London 1990, 111. Yet there appears to exist some confusion over
the application of the terms 'social1 and 'legal1 in this regard; cf. E.S. Meitzer,
'Queens, Goddesses and Other Women of Ancient Egypt 1 , JAOS 110 (1990), 505.
It seems questionable if such a modern distinction was operative in ancient Egypt.
45
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 115-7.
46
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 133-6.
47
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 124-8. From
the time of the New Kingdom onwards many cases are known of wives acquiring
one third share in case of dissolution of the marriage.
48
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 139.
These documents which regulate conjugal property have not survived from the
period before the New Kingdom. There are, however, indications that such written
documents were used prior to the New Kingdom, perhaps alongside oral agreements. Cf. . Lddeckens, 'Eheurkunden 1 , in: L, Bd. 1, 1181; R.M. Janssen, J.J.
Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 111.
49
R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 111-2.
practice probably explains the lack of terminological distinction between marriage deposit and dowry.58
Not every father was that generous to his daughter, but it was
customary for a daughter to receive a dowry. Contrary to the marriage
deposit (terhatu), which was a transaction between two families, the
dowry was a transaction within one family. It usually is regarded as
an advanced form of inheritance. 59 In general, sons would have to
wait until their father's death before they received their part of the
patrimony. Their shaxe usually was larger than that of their sisters.
Daughters would receive their share when they married. The dowry
was considered a wife's property, destined for the children of that
marriage. Its purpose was to provide some financial security in case
a woman became widowed or was divorced without grounds. 60
Yet there is a difference between a female dowry and a male share
of the inheritance. Raymond Westbrook points to the fact that although they both might function as inheritance, they differ from a
legal point of view. The dowry is a voluntary gift on which a woman
can make no legal claim, whereas a man 'has a vested interest in a
proportionate share of the paternal estate. He can only be deprived
of that share for cause by a court order, and retains his rights under certain circumstances even when the property has passed into the
hands of strangers'. 61
A dowry generally would consist of moveables such as clothes,
jewellery, kitchen utensils and furniture. A wealthy father could also
give his daughter slaves, cattle and in rare instances land or a house.
Especially when valuable items were involved it was necessary to draw
58
G. Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' in: M.W. Chavalas (ed.), Emar: The History, Religion and Culture
of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, Bethesda MD 1996, 69; cf. further
Zaccagnini, 'On Late Bronze Age Marriages', 593-605.
59
Cf., e.g., Skaist, 'Inheritance Laws and Their Social Background', 243-4;
Grosz, 'Some Aspects of the Position of Women in Nuzi', 171. See further below sections 2.1.4 and 2.1.5 on women as heirs.
60
For Babylonia and Assyria, cf. Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near
East', 28; F.R. Kraus, 'Von altmesopotamischem Erbrecht: Ein Vortrag', in: J.
Brugman et ai, Essays on Oriental Laws of Succession (SDIO, 9), Leiden 1969,
13-4, 17. For Nuzi, cf. . Grosz, 'Dowry and Brideprice in Nuzi', in: M.A. Morrison, D.I. Owen (eds), Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the
Hurrians, Fs. E.R. Lacheman, Winona Lake IN 1981, 161-82; Idem, 'Bridewealth
and Dowry in Nuzi', 198-9. For Emar, cf. Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle
Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' 69-70, 73. For the Late Babylonian
period, cf. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 224.
61
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 157.
up a dowry list. 62
Princesses who entered diplomatic marriages with foreign kings
could bring in impressive dowries. The first Hittite princess that married Ramesses II, for instance, had a huge dowry consisting of male
and female slaves, horses, cattle, sheep and goats. 63
Although the dowry capital usually was placed under the control
of the pater familias - either the bride's husband or a male family
member - it continued to have a special status and was neither to
be merged with his own property nor to be sold without her consent.
Moreover, as Martha Roth has pointed out for the Neo-Babylonian
period, the men did not occupy themselves with such components of
the dowry as textiles, pots, pans and furniture - their interest was
confined to the more valuable items of the dowry.64 So a married
woman could not dispose freely of all of her dowry. It was meant
for her to use supporting herself in case she became a widow or was
divorced. Ultimately her children, if she had any, would inherit what
remained of it. 65
62
Cf. Grosz, 'Some Aspects of the Position of Women in Nuzi', 172; Roth,
'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations in First Millennium B.C. Babylonia', 250;
Idem, 'The Material Composition of the Neo-Babylonian Dowry', 1-55; J.G. Westenholz, 'Towards a New Conceptualization of the Female Role in Mesopotamian
Society', JAOS 110 (1990), 519; Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical
Law, 143.
Roth, 'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations', 254-5; Idem, 'The Material
Composition of the Neo-Babylonian Dowry', 36, points to the fact that female
family members of the bride sometimes donated female slaves in addition to the
dowry. They also might have donated items of little economic value with no worth
to record in documents. Cf. also Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 229.
63
K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated & Annotated. Notes and
Comments (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2: Ramesses II, Royal Inscriptions), Oxford 1999, 154, notes that 'Such dowries could be worth over 150,000/$200,000'.
64
Roth, 'The Material Composition of the Neo-Babylonian Dowry', 34-6.
65
Cf. Grosz, 'Bridewealth and Dowry in Nuzi', 198-9; Roth, 'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations in First Millennium B.C. Babylonia', 250-1; Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' 69-70.
Grosz, 'Bridewealth and Dowry in Nuzi', 203, assumes the dowry stayed a separate unit within the family property until children were born to the couple. 'Up
to then the wife would take her dowry with her in case of divorce. When the children were born the dowry was assimilated to the rest of the property, although
it is possible that the wife still retained some nominal authority over it'. Cf. also
J. Paradise, Daughter and her Father's Property at Nuzi', JCS 32 (1980),
204-5. Another option, occurring in the Neo-Babylonian period, was to transfer
the dowry only partially, until children were born to the couple. There seems to
have been a tendency to delay payment until the wife proved to be able to bear
children; cf. Roth, 'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations', 250.
According to KTU 1.24, the text describing the wedding of the goddess Nikkalu with the moon-god Yarikhu, 71 the groom himself approaches his future father-in-law, Khirikhbi, who is described as a
66
tn nkl
y18rh.ytrh. 'ib
t'rbm bbh1gth.
w'atn mhrh l'a20bh.
'alp ksp.
wrbt.h21rs.
'ilh.zhrm
V 2n'im.
I will make her field into a vineyard, 74
'a tn dh kr mm
23
the field of her love into a flower-garden!175
d ddh.hrnqm.
But Khirikhbi, the counsellor for exchange-marriages,
uP^y'n hrhb.mlk qz.
answered:
\25 n'mn.'ilm
' 0 most graceful among the gods,
lhtn26m.b'l
son-in-law of Ba'lu! 76
trh pdry bt ['ar]
Marry Pidrayu, the girl [of the honey-dew] !
27
'aqrbk 'abh 61
I will bring you in contact with her father Ba'lu,
28
ygtr.'ttr{.}t
he will ask 'Athtartu's 7 7 permission.
29
t rh Ik ybrdmy.
Marry Ybrdmy78 if you want,
bt ['a]30 bh Zb'u y'rr.
the Lion 79 will arouse the house of her father!'
72
The rather direct way of asking for the hand of the bride ('give me!')
has a parallel in the Legend of Kirtu: tn.ly.mtt.hry 'Give me the lady
Hariya!' (KTU 1.14:111.39 par.). The Ugaritic verb trh is apparently
derived from a noun related to the Akkadian terhatu 'marriage deposit' which I discussed above. An overly literal rendering would be
'to pay the marriage deposit for a girl'. 82 In 1. 19 the marriage deposit
is called mhr and this term recurs in KTU 1.100:74 where it is used
in parallel with 'itnn 'gift (in exchange for sexual intercourse)'. 83 The
enormous sum Yarikhu offers for his bride is of mythical proportions
of course. 84 His promise to make Nikkalu a blooming garden shows
that fertility was a major objective of matrimony. Yet the granting of
offspring is seen as the prerogative of the highest god Ilu, because in
the second song the Katharatu are described as 'those of the human
creatures with the Benevolent, Ilu the good-natured' (KTU 1.24:4445). 85
Khirikhbi's counter-offer is only a token gesture offering us a
glimpse of how such negotions may have gone in the Orient. By
proposing other candidates of much higher pedigree than his own the
father flatters his daughter's suitor and at the same time increases her
value. Apparently the whole family participated in the acceptance of
Aspects of Faith, Myth, and Ritual in Ancient Sumer, Bloomington 1969, 92, 99.
As the following lines show, the whole family (bt 'ab) of the bride was very much
interested in the proceedings.
80
Lit. 'palms'. The family of the bride makes preparations for weighing
Yarikhu's marriage deposit.
81
For this rendering, see De Moor, ARTU, 145, n. 32.
82
Cf. A. van Selms, Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature (POS,
1), London 1954, 28; Dietrich, Loretz, Studien zu den ugaritischen Texten I, 181,
213-5. The verb also occurs in KTU 1.14:1.13-14.
83
The word obviously is the Ugaritic equivalent of Heb.
)!
84
Cf. Korpel, RiC, 463-74, for this kind of exaggeration.
85
See on this passage section 2.1.2.
Presumably the tlhm are the Ugaritic equivalent of the Hebrew ( see
below). This word cannot be derived from the root because this root is lh in
Ugaritic. Perhaps it was a Hurrian loanword, like mulgu, according to W.G.E.
Watson, 'Non-Semitic Words in the Ugaritic Lexicon', UF 27 (1995), 538. It is
unclear whether the translations 'parting gift' or 'dowry' specify this technical
term sufficiently. See further Dietrich, Loretz, Studien zu den ugaritischen Texten
I, 199- 204, 213-5. Their interpretation with regard to the Katharatu is somewhat
different.
87
On both passages see further section 2.1.1.3.2.
88
On this custom see De Moor, ARTU, 242, n. 129.
89
See section 2.1.2.
90
Cf. KTU 1.14:1V.39-41; 1.15:11.21-23; 1.24:18-19.
Influenced by theories on matriarchy and the development of marriage, scholars at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the
twentieth century have proposed that a matriarchal type of marriage
existed before the patriarchal type, traces of which could be detected
in the ancient Near Eastern texts. This matriarchal type of marriage
was referred to as tsadiqah marriage and it was said to have appeared
in ancient Israel in two forms. In a beena marriage the husband would
come to live in the wife's home more or less permanently. Children
from this marriage were under maternal control. 94 In a mot'a marriage the husband would come to visit on a periodic basis. 95 Yet these
scholars' references to vestiges of matriarchy are unconvincing. 96 Although in some instances a groom joined the family of the bride, be
it temporarily or permanently, this is hardly proof for matrilineality, let alone matriarchy. 97 Jacob and Moses, for instance, lived with
91
their wives' families for a certain period. This was due to the fact
that they were fugitives. When they regarded it safe to go home, they
joined their own (patriarchal) family line. Also the marriage of Samson to the Timnite woman (Judg. 14) is frequently but incorrectly
called a tsadiqah marriage. I prefer to see a parallel here with the
Mesopotamian cases of an inchoate marriage that had been called
off.98
To conclude, theories regarding a matriarchal type of marriage as
described above should be rejected. Marriages in biblical Israel were
generally patrilineal and patrilocal. In those cases in which a bridegroom resided with the bride's family, the offspring of their marriage
usually was reckoned through the paternal line. In the rare cases that
it was reckoned through the maternal line, this only meant for one
generation since in these instances the line of the bride's father was
to continue, not that of the bride's mother and strictly speaking, it
therefore cannot be called matrilineal.
There are a few cases in the Hebrew Bible of a man continuing
the line of his father-in-law. Jarha, slave of Sheshan was married to a
daughter of Sheshan (1 Chron. 2:34) and Barzillai 'who had married
one of the daughters of Barzillai the Gileadite, and was called by
their name' (Ezra 2:61; Neh. 7:63). It is unclear whether the latter
was adopted by his father-in-law. As a slave, Jarha's children would
be regarded as belonging to his master.
A biblical young man who wished to marry could approach his
prospective father-in-law with the - in our eyes - rather brusque request 'Give me your daughter (as a wife)!' (Gen. 34:12; 2 Sam. 3:14;
2 Kgs 14:9). Sometimes he would leave it to his father (and mother)
to open negotiations (Gen. 34:8; Judg. 14:2) or his father would leave
it to a trusted person to select a suitable bride for his son (Gen. 24).
As in the surrounding countries, it was common practice in biblical
Israel for a groom and his family to pay the bride's family a marriage
deposit (, the same word as in Ugaritic). 99 Once this was paid,
(Kennzeichen, 2), Gelnhausen 1978, 26.
98
Cf. G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws, repr. of the ed. Oxford 1935
with suppl. add. and corr. by G.R. Driver, Aalen 1975, 241. J.C. Exum, Pragmented Women. Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (JSOT.S, 163),
Sheffield 1993, 75, n. 30: 'Samson . . . has left the wedding feast in a fury; the
woman's father understands his action as signaling that Samson has renounced
his claim to her . . . ; and the woman is married off to another. It is hard to see
how she can be understood as still maxried to Samson. Samson returns later with
a gift, but since he is denied access to the woman, it is impossible to know what
kind of marriage agreement, if any, the narrator wished to suggest'.
99
The term occurs three times in the Hebrew Bible: Gen. 34:12; Exod.
Deut. 24:1,3; Isa. 50:1; Jer. 3:8. Cf. R. Abma, Bonds of Love: Methodic Studies
of Prophetic Texts with Marriage Imagery (Isaiah 50:1-3 and 54:1-10, Hosea 1-3,
Jeremiah 2-3 (SSN, 40), Assen 1999, 70-1.
107
I. Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East', BA 11 (1948), 26.
108
Cf. Exod. 24:7; Deut. 29:20; 2 Kgs 23:2,21.
109
Although is translated 'dowry' by some scholars (e.g. R. Westbrook,
Property and the Family in Biblical Law (JSOT.S, 113), Sheffield 1991, 142), the
Ugaritic parallelism of mlg and tlh argues against this rendering. I assume the
to be a sub-category of the dowry.
110
See chapter 4 for the possible Ugaritic parallel RS 16.276 (PRU III, 69-70).
111
Several scholars have pointed to a possible allusion to ' betrothed' in
' Moresheth-gath'; cf. H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern (VT.S, 11), Leiden 1964, 95; L.C. Allen, The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah (NICOT),
Grand Rapids MI 1976, 281-2; R. Kessler, Micha (HThKAT), Freiburg 1999, 1089.
112
C.R. Taber, 'Marriage', in: IDB.S, 575. Cited with approval by C. Meyers,
'The Roots of Restriction: Women in Early Israel', BiAr 41 (1978), 98. Westbrook,
Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 142, on the other hand, explains the
shortage of references by way of centrality of the institution: 'for the biblical
authors the dowry was a common, everyday thing; it needed mention only in
circumstances that made it unusual'.
113
Cf. Epstein, The Jewish Marriage Contract, 89-120; R. Westbrook, Old BabyIonian Marriage Law (AfO.B, 23), Horn 1988, 27-8; Idem, Property and the Family
in Biblical Law, 144.
sonal property. First, let us look at the complaint of Rachel and Leah
against their father (Gen. 31:14-15). Martha Morrison has compared
this story with ancient Near Eastern sources, specifically from Nuzi.
She explains that Laban had not completed the marriage agreement,
of which the herding contract (labour as payment for the marriage
deposit) was the first part, and the passing over of the bride and her
dowry into the hands of the groom was the second part. The second part of the agreement was not completed and therefore Laban's
daughters complained that they had not been treated as they should
have been, for they had not received any inheritance or dowry.114
The Egyptian maidservant, Hagar, probably was part of Sarai's
dowry (Gen. 16:2-3) and Rebekah's nurse and the maids who accompanied her when she left her father's house, presumably were part
of Rebekah's dowry (Gen. 24:59, 61). 115 The widow Abigail also may
have had a dowry of slave women, for she took with her five maids
when she remarried (1 Sam. 25:42).116 Further, Achsah, daughter of
Caleb, who was given in marriage to Othniel, asked her father for a
blessing ( )and received a field with springs (Josh. 15:16-19; Judg.
1:13-15). What she asked for is usually considered to be a gift with
associated blessing, but it might as well be her dowry, i.e. her share
of the inheritance. Finally, the clothes and jewelry with which Y H W H
dresses his 'bride' Jerusalem (Ezek. 16:10-13) may also be regarded
as a dowry that the 'husband' gave to the orphaned 'bride' (v. 5). 117
D . CONCLUSIONS
M.A. Morrison, 'The Jacob and Laban Narrative in Light of Near Eastern
Sources', BA 46 (1983), 160-1. N. Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis:
A Household Economics Perspective, Minneapolis 1993, 106, assumes that apart
from the maidservants, Bilhah and Zilpah, the daughters of Laban had not received any dowry after their marriage because they stayed in their father's household. Cf. further Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 145, 157-8;
M. Heltzer, 'New Light from Emar on Genesis 31: The Theft of the Teraphim',
in: M. Dietrich, I. Kottsieper (eds); u. Mitw. v. H. Schaudig, 'Und Mose schrieb
dieses Lied auf': Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient, Fs. O.
Loretz, (AOAT, 250), Mnster 1998, 357-62.
115
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 145.
116
Cf. Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East', 29.
117
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 149.
circumstances, for example when the couple did not yet have a house
of their own. Moreover, only in exceptional cases could descent be
traced though the maternal line, and that for just one generation.
A marriage arrangement made between two families was considered to be binding. Part of the arrangement was the setting of a price
for the marriage deposit. Nowadays the view that a bride is purchased
by this payment is abandoned. The marriage deposit is considered to
be a caution, binding the groom('s family) to his commitment. In this,
biblical Israel does not seem to have differed from its neighbours. Once
marriage deposit and gifts were exchanged, the young couple were inchoately married. Still, a marriage could be dissolved at this stage,
but that would have its financial consequences.
The Hebrew Bible does not mention written marriage contracts
and neither do the literary texts from Ugarit. What is known from
marriage contracts in the ancient Near East is mostly derived not
from literary texts, but from the documents themselves, although
Mesopotamian legal texts do mention them. Because the use was
widespread in the ancient Near East it is likely that marriage contracts were known in Ugarit and Israel as well. The fact that several
texts mention a certificate of divorce supports this assumption.
If a woman were to live with a man without a written marriage
contract, she did not have a legal basis to claim any rights. According
to Middle Assyrian Law, even if her husband had disappeared and
she subsequently lived with another man, the contract she had made
with her first husband was still binding in case he returned.
But not only the husband, the wife, too, could derive rights from
the marriage contract, which arranged matters regarding inheritance
and property. When a woman left her paternal home to reside with
her husband, she would take certain goods with her. If she was from
a wealthy family she might have been given landed property or other
valuable possessions. It was also possible for a woman to receive slaves
as (part of) a dowry. The dower goods would be written down, either
in a separate dowry list or in the marriage contract. A woman's dowry
remained her property for her personal use in case she became a
widow or was unjustly divorced. Before that stage, the dowry property
was generally managed by her husband or the head of her husband's
family. It was not to be merged with other possessions and not to be
sold without her consent. It would seem that a wife could not dispose
freely of her dower property, yet this may have varied in different
contexts and may have been dependent on her social status.
A . ANCIENT N E A R EAST
Although covenants were usually between unequal partners, this was not necessarily so; cf. G.. Mendenhall, G.. Herion, 'Covenant', in: ADD, vol. 1, 11791202.
119
Cf., e.g., I. Mendelsohn, 'The Family in the Ancient Near East', BA 11 (1948),
25: 'Marriage in the Ancient Near East was a civil affair and no religious sanction
was necessary'.
120
1.299-304. Cf. W.G. Lambert, A.R. Millard, Atra-hass: The Babylonian Story
of the Flood, with The Sumerian Flood Story by M. Civil, Oxford 1969, 64-5.
121
Cf. T. Jacobsen, The Harps That Once ... : Sumerian Poetry in Translation,
New Haven & London 1987, 13-23; Y. Sefati, Love Songs in Sumerian Literature:
Critical Edition of the Dumuzi-Inanna Songs (Bar-Ilan Studies in Near Eastern
Languages and Culture), Ramat Gan 1998, 120-7, 132-50, 286-300.
Sud/Ninlil contains a passage where the supreme god blesses his bride
at the moment when the marriage is concluded. 122 Assuming that humans imitated the gods when they were united in matrimony, similar
blessings may have been invoked during the ceremonies on earth.
But also when a marriage was endangered, the gods who were
believed to protect it, were called upon. The Code of Hammurapi
mentions two means to involve the gods in case a wife was assumed
to have committed adultery. Either she was made to swear an oath
( 131), implying that she would bring the wrath of the gods down on
her own head if she swore falsely, or she was submitted to the River
Ordeal ( 132), meaning that she had to dive into a river and try to
keep her head above water long enough to be proven innocent. 123
A second religious aspect of marriage was related to the veneration of the family gods. The bride had to part from her family gods,
that is, the gods of her paternal family, and accept the gods of her
husband's family as her new family gods. 124 The gods of both families are involved in the wedding. During the marriage festivities at
the house of the bride's family, the bride's paternal gods share in the
food that the groom and the guests have brought. And when she has
entered her husband's household the bride is presented to her new
gods. 125
A third religious aspect of marriage was the fact that people married in order to beget children. They therefore called upon the gods to
grant them progeny. In the Atram-hasis epic (1:299-304), for instance,
the bride and groom rejoice in each other on their marriage bed and
call Ishtar by her name Ishkhara, to bless them with fertility. 126
Furthermore, anointment of the bride could be part of the marriage ceremony. Since it is generally assumed that anointment was
a religious rite of purification 127 , it would seem that at least part of
the marriage ceremony (for part of society?) was of a religious nature.
122
The text has a long history of survival, for it is found even in Neo-Assyrian
libraries. Cf. M. Civil, 'Enlil and Ninlil: The Marriage of Sud', JAOS 103 (1983),
43-66, esp. 11. 150-176 (57-61); J. Bottro, S.N. Kramer, Lorsque les dieux faisaient
l'homme: Mythologie msopotamienne, Paris 1989, 115-28, (121-2).
123
Cf. Van der Toorn, Cradle, 62-3. But note D. Snell's review of . van der
Toorn, Van haar wieg tot haar graf, in: BiOr 46 (1989), 125, in which he points
to the fact that at Old Babylonian Maxi land disputes were sometimes resolved
by ordeals, which does not necessarily make land transactions religious.
124
Cf. Kh. Nashef, 'Zur Frage des Schutzgottes der Frau', WZKM 67 (1975), 30;
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 61-3.
125
Cf. Dumuzi's Wedding, col. iii; Jacobsen, The Harps That Once . . . , 22; Sefati,
Love Songs in Sumerian Literature, 288-9, 292, 294.
126
Cf. . Becking, 'Ishhara', in DDD, 450.
127
Cf., e.g., Driver, Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 180.
texts may have been connected with a variant of the story of Eden 144
and as such were directly connected with the first married couple in
the world. 145 The text ends with a number of questions and answers
which, according to De Moor, would constitute a marriage liturgy
led by an officiant. The groom was asked to give a 'serpent' as his
marriage deposit (mhr).146
In any case there is sufficient reason to suppose that in Ugarit
marriage was considered to be a religious institution, although we
do not know of a single matrimonial ritual which would have been
enacted whenever a wedding was celebrated.
C . HEBREW BIBLE
Scholars have doubted whether Israelite marriage was a religious institution. Roland de Vaux, for instance, held the view that it was 'a
purely civil matter'. 1 4 7 According to others, like Karel van der Toorn,
this is a misconception. Marriage was considered a divine institution,
legitimated and sanctioned by YHWH.148 Although this view on marriage was, for the most part, religious in an implicit way, it became
more explicit when the relationship of a couple was under attack. The
divine ordeal was called upon when the wife was under suspicion of
adultery (Num. 5 : 1 1 - 3 1 ) .
The act of anointment as a religious rite of purification was also
customary in biblical Israel. 149 In Ezek. 16:8-12, Jerusalem, as the
metaphorical wife, is wedded to Y H W H by entering a covenant. The
'bride' Jerusalem apparently is anointed upon entering marriage. 150
Furthermore, it seems that, at least in some cases, an oath in the
name of Y H W H was part of the declaration of a marriage (Ezek. 16:8;
144
ample, in the fact that a wife was expected to have a monogamous relationship with her husband, whereas for him this was not the case. A
husband could have sexual relationships with other unmarried women
without legally being an adulterer. 157
Throughout the Hebrew Bible, the relationship between Israel and
its God is also described in terms of a covenant (Exod. 24:7-8; Deut.
29:1; Josh. 24:19-28). The divine covenant is modeled after a political treaty between a suzerain and a vassal. In ancient Near Eastern
treaties, a suzerain demanded the 'love' of a vassal, his obedience and
exclusive loyalty. In return, the suzerain would protect the vassal.
Likewise, according to the covenant between Y H W H and his people,
Israel is to 'love' its God by keeping his laws and worshipping no
other gods, in exchange for Y H W H ' S provision and protection. 158 This
covenant model is taken one step further in the marriage metaphor. 159
The covenantal loyalty and disloyalty is depicted by using the imagery
of sexuality for the relationship between Y H W H and Israel. 160 In doing
so, the existing metaphor of apostasy as sexual infidelity, in which the
verb 161 denotes worship of gods other than YHWH, is connected to
the covenant imagery, thus making the relationship between Y H W H
and Israel into a more intimate one than that of a suzerain and vassal,
namely into that of a husband and wife.162
157
phor of the city as wife.166 In the West Semitic cultures of the ancient
Near East, capital cities were personified as the divine wife of the
patron god of that city.167 But whereas a capital city was a goddess
in West Semitic thought, the Israelite prophets turned her image into
that of a sinful mortal woman, an adulteress at that. 168
Describing the differences in use of the marriage metaphor by the
prophets compared to extra-prophetical books, Julie Galambush notes
as one of the features the possibility of punishment of the adulterous
1
wife.
In addition to exploiting the metaphor's ability to express Yahweh's
outrage, the prophets also exploited the Israelite custom of publicly
shaming the unfaithful woman. This shaming of the personified city
would have provided a metaphorical means of transferring the shame
of cuckoldry from the husband/god onto the woman/people. Thus the
prophetic extension of the marriage metaphor to depict the city as
an adulteress simultaneously expresses the horror of the god's loss of
honor and provided the means by which that honor could symbolically
be restored.169
Precisely this is the main point at which certain feminist scholars take
offense. To restore the honour of the 'husband', the 'wife' is pictured
as a whore who is punished in public. Especially the picture that
is painted by Hosea (1-3), Jeremiah (2-3) and Ezekiel (16, 23) is
designated by some as pornographic. 170
166
first husband might not take her back (Deut. 24:4; cf. Jer. 3:1). Furthermore, according to biblical law, a man may not marry two sisters
(Lev. 18:18, cf. Jer. 3:6-11; Ezek. 23). 174 A third indication is the different attitude towards punishment of an adulteress. In the metaphor
the husband has the right to punish his adulterous wife by beating
her and exposing her 'nakedness'. Contrary to Middle Assyrian Law
59, which gives a husband the right to beat his wife, the biblical laws
do not mention this right, which might indicate that wife beating was
not condoned. 175 In fact, the punishment of an adulterous wife, together with the man she commited adultery with, is death (Lev. 20;
Deut. 22:13-30). However, one could ask whether a death penalty was
actually carried out in case of adultery. Some scholars assume that
public shaming as it is described in the metaphor reflects Israelite
custom, yet others question whether the exposing of an adulterous
wife's nakedness did occur as a punishment in Israel. 176
A fourth indication is noted by Galambush. 177 The imagery of violence against the metaphorical wife is elaborated most in Ezekiel.
Yet his representations of real women is markedly different from his
depiction of Jerusalem as a woman. In Ezek. 24:15-24 the death of
Ezekiel's own wife is mentioned as a symbol of the destruction of
Jerusalem. Yet the parallel seems to go no further than that, since
no charge of infidelity is made against her. Further, although Ezekiel
condemns the activities of women worshipping Tammuz (8:14-5) and
female false prophets (13:17-23), language of defilement or illicit sexuality is lacking. 178 In chapters 18 and 22 hypothetical women are
mentioned as symbols of defilement, as the occasion of transgression
174
for the evil man (18:6, 11, 15; 22:10-1). Male defilement is described
here in terms of female uncleanness. This seems to be the closest
resemblance to the treatment of Woman Jerusalem, since here, too,
woman in her sexual capacity, or better still, the female body that
pollutes, is threatening to Ezekiel. Yet there is a difference. The sexual
activity of the women in Ezek. 18 and 22 is not considered as their own
activity, but as that of transgressing men. It is therefore the men who
are condemned, not the women. Galambush concludes, 'Ezekiel's foeus on Jerusalem's defilement as specifically "sexual" defilement may
therefore best be understood as stemming from his obsession with
temple pollution, and from his projection of that pollution onto the
figure of the personified city'. 179
Caution is thus called for if we want to deduce information about
the biblical marriage from the marriage metaphor. At this point it
seems necessary to go more deeply into metaphor theory. 180 Metaphors
are usually divided into two parts, the tenor and the vehicle. 'The
tenor is "the underlying idea or principle subject," and the vehicle the
figurative language . . . used to describe the tenor'. 181 In the metaphor
'man is a wolf', 'man' would be the tenor and 'wolf' the vehicle. Max
Black provides an analysis of the dynamics between tenor and vehicle.
According to him, the use of a metaphor has its effect on our perception of both tenor and vehicle. With respect to the aforementioned
metaphor 'man is a wolf', this means that the following interaction
occurs. A system of related meanings is added to 'man', meanings
that are characteristic for 'wolf'. Certain characteristics of 'wolf' that
cannot be associated with 'man' fade into the background. Calling
man a wolf thus sheds a special light on the meaning of 'man'. And,
although to a lesser extent, it also has its effects on 'wolf'. The use of
the metaphor makes the wolf seems more human than he would have
been otherwise.
George Lakoff and Mark Johnson have pointed to the fact that
metaphors are not value-neutral, but have a moral dimension. According to them, every day language is to a great extent based on
unacknowledged metaphors. The metaphor 'argument is war', for example, influences our use of language with regard to arguments, but
also our perception of reality. If we lived in a culture that used the
metaphor 'argument is dance', our perception of 'argument' would
be a different one. Words such as 'attack' and 'win' would not be
179
Korpel, RiC, 50, stresses the importance 'to note that there may exist significant differences between one culture and the other', by means of the metaphorical
concept 'a mountain is a person'.
183
Galambush, Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel, 8-9.
184
E.g. Carroll, 'Desire under the Terebinths', 278-80. Differently, M.J. Winn
Leith, 'Verse and Reverse: The Transformation of the Woman, Israel, in Hosea
1-3', in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis
MN 1989, 97-8, assumes women were not addressed in Hos. 1-3, since they 'were
not full partners in the covenant'.
185
Cf., e.g., Graetz, 'God is to Israel as Husband is to Wife', 126-45; Exum,
Plotted, Shot, and Painted, 119-22.
love scenes 186 , seems to have a worsening effect. Within the metaphor,
the 'wife' only is sexually active with other men, which is condemned
by the 'husband'.
Yet it should be noted that within Israelite society female sexuality
was not regarded as a woman's personal property. The sexuality of an
unmarried woman was owned by her father, that of a married woman
by her husband. 187 An adulterous wife thus injured the rights and,
perhaps more importantly, the honour of her husband. 188 He had the
exclusive rights to his wife's sexuality. The marriage metaphor reflects
this view on female sexuality and legitimizes it.
One may wonder whether the conceptual system of the marriage
metaphor carries any implications on the approval of wife beating as a
means of correcting her behaviour. Since, unlike the Middle Assyrian
Laws, the Hebrew Bible does not mention any legal regulations on wife
beating, it would seem that within its legal system the punishment of
an adulterous wife should not be conducted by the husband.
D . CONCLUSIONS
In the ancient Near East marriage was considered a religious institution. In Mesopotamian literature several aspects allude to this: invoking the gods at the suspicion of adultery, being presented before and
accepting new family gods, calling upon the gods to grant a newly
wedded couple progeny and anointment as part of the marriage ceremony. Although in Egyptian texts no rites are recounted, there are
data that suggest at least some religious connotation to marriage:
references of anointment and images of married couples in a funerary
context suggesting that the marriage bond extends into the afterlife.
At Ugarit marriage also had a religious connotation. Literary texts
refer to blessings by and offering to the gods next to allusions to deities
in texts that deal with aspects of marriage. Still, we cannot point to
a single matrimonial rite.
Biblical marriage was legitimated and sanctioned by YHWH. God
was invoked at the suspicion of adultery and called upon to grant
progeny to those who entered matrimony. Perhaps brides were
anointed. Sometimes a marrying couple took an oath in the name
of YHWH. For foreign women marriage meant accepting a new God.
The marriage metaphor as it is used by the prophets Hosea, Jere186
miah and Ezekiel legitimated the fact that within a marriage female
sexuality was owned by the husband. Yet the ideal relationship is
pictured as monogamous. Fidelity is expected of both partners. Unlike the Ugaritic deity Ilu, who has relationships with several women,
YHWH binds himself to one partner only, who is demythologized from
a goddess into a personified city as representative of the people.
2.1.1.4
Married Life
In this section I will discuss two aspects of married life. First, I will
examine various issues regarding the relationship between husband
and wife. A wife's position in a polygynous marriage, the authority of
a husband over his wife, and other matters will be discussed. In the
second part of this section I will focus on aspects of the private realm
which a wife could manage according to her own insights.
2.1.1.4.1 Husband and Wife
A marriage could be either monogamous, bigynous 1 or polygynous. In
this section we will discuss the position of wives, co-wives, concubines
and slave-wives. We will give attention to the various terms that are
used, such as 'sister', and to epithets such as m b'l. And we will look
into reasons for bigynous and polygynous marriages.
We will further examine the nature of the relationship between
husband and wife. A husband had authority over his wife, yet what
did this mean? Could women have a measure of power or joint power
within marriage?
Further, various texts give an ambiguous picture of the attitude
towards wives. Both positive and negative voices can be heard. Yet
couples appear to have striven after harmonious marriages. We will
discuss some of the tasks and responsibilities of a wife towards her
husband.
This section concludes with an excursus on polyandry, the counterpart of polygyny. Contrary to the assumption of some scholars,
I regard it as unlikely that polyandry occurred in the ancient Near
East.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
When a woman married, she was not always the sole sexual partner
of her husband. An ancient Near Eastern marriage could be monogamous, bigynous or polygynous. 2 Even if a woman had entered a
1
Since a man could be married to two wives but a woman could not be married
to two husbands in the ancient Near East, I prefer the term 'bigyny' over 'bigamy'
in this context.
2
On bigyny and polygyny in Mesopotamia, cf. C. Friedl, Polygynie in
monogamous marriage, her husband could sometimes maintain relations with a concubine or with his slave girl(s).
According to Mesopotamian texts, a woman had the highest marital status when she was a wife (Sum. dam, Akk. aatu). In the Code of
Hammurapi she is sometimes referred to as hrtu 'first-ranking wife',
to distinguish her from the amtu 'handmaid' with whom her husband
could have children too. 3
A concubine (Akk. esirtu) had a lower status than a wife.4 Since
she was not legally married to her husband, her rights were lesser,
too. And the children born out of a concubinage relationship were not
legitimate heirs to their father's property. 5 The wife is distinguished
from the concubine in the Middle Assyrian Laws by means of the
right to wear a veil in public. '[W]hereas the aat awli appeared
in public veiled, an esirtu was forbidden to veil herself except in the
street in the company of the chief wife' (MAL A40). 6 An esirtu could
be elevated in status and become an aatu by being veiled by the
husband in the presence of witnesses (MAL A41).
Of even lower status than a concubine were the serretu 'rival',
the tappatu 'girlfriend' and the qinti 'girl who is the object of a
wife's jealousy'. In a collection of texts that combine love songs and
incantations even Ishtar of Babylon is called by these names. 7 Thus,
Mesopotamien und Israel: Sozialgeschichtliche Analyse polygamer Beziehungen
anhand rechtlicher Texte aus dem 2. und 1. Jahrtausend v.Chr. (AOAT, 277),
Mnster 2000.
3
CH 138, 170-171; cf. G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, repr.,
2 vols., Oxford 1955-6, I, 350; II, 220; R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage
Law (AfO.B, 23), Horn 1988, 19-20; Roth, LCMAM, 107, 113-4; Friedl, Polygynie
in Mesopotamien und Israel, 76-80.
4
On the meaning of the word esirtu, cf. G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Assyrian
Laws, repr. of the ed. Oxford 1935 with suppl. add. and corr. by G.R. Driver,
Aalen 1975, 126-8.
5
. Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel: Eine begriffsgeschichtliche und sozialrechtliche Studie zur Stellung der Frau im Alten Testament (BWANT, 130),
Stuttgart 1990, 124; R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in: V.H. Matthews et al.
(eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S,
262), Sheffield 1998, 222.
6
Driver, Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 187. On the role of the veil, see C. Saporetti,
The Status of Women in the Middle Assyrian Period (MANE, 2/1), Malibu 1979,
10; K. van der Toorn, 'The Significance of the Veil in the Ancient Near East',
in: D.P. Wright et al (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical,
Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom,
Winona Lake IN 1995, 327-39.
7
W.G. Lambert, 'The Problem of the Love Lyrics', in: H. Goedicke, J.J.M.
Roberts (eds), Unity and Diversity: Essays in the History, Literature, and Religion of the Ancient Near East (The John Hopkins Neax Eastern Studies), Baltimore 1975, 98-135; D.O. Edzard, 'Zur Ritualtafel der sog. "Love Lyrics" ', in: F.
Papyri dating from the Twentieth Dynasty, lists people who were being interrogated. One of them is Herer, wife of a certain guard of
Pharaoh's Treasury. The next line of the text records 'his other wife,
which makes two', suggesting that both were wives of the same husband. 31
Although there is ample evidence of polygynous and bigynous
marriage practices, monogamy was far more common. According to
Hans Neumann, most marriages in the Ur in period (ca. 2050-1950
BCE) were monogamous. 32 The same is held for 13th-century Emar
in Syria. 33 Also in first millennium Mesopotamia monogamy was the
usual marital form. 34 The Egyptians, also, were generally monogamous, although polygyny was accepted. 35
Within a marital relationship, either monogamous, bigynous or
polygynous, a husband was regarded as the lord and owner of his wife
or wives.36 Even if this is not expressed in so many words, the ultimate power of a husband over his wife is the constant presupposition
in Mesopotamia as well as in Ugarit and Israel. Also in Egypt the
husband is juridically the owner of his wife.37 But the authority of a
husband over his wife was not an ownership in the strict sense of the
word.
The fact that a wife was subordinate to her husband did not exelude the possibility of an affectionate and loving relationship between
the spouses. 38 Ideally, the relation between husband and wife was one
31
and wiping the tears away.46 If there were times of estrangement, the
steadfast love of a wife could win her husband back, as the poem of
The Faithful Lover shows.47 Sometimes, however, a marriage would
end in divorce48 or, more rarely, a wife could try to obtain a legal
decision denying her husband any intimate relations with her. 49
In the Instruction of Ptahhotep, an Egyptian wisdom text of which
the earliest manuscripts date from the Twelfth Dynasty, a man is
advised on how to behave towards his wife,
If you are excellently well off, you should establish your household,
and love your wife with proper ardour:
fill her belly, clothe her back!
Perfume is a restorative for her limbs.
Make her joyful as long as you live!
She is a field, good for her lord.
You should not have her judged.
Remove her from power, suppress her!
When she sees anything her eye is a storm-wind to her.
Restraining her is how to make her remain in your house;
a female who is under her own control is rainwater:
when one enquires after her, she has flown away.50
The sapiential text can be divided into two parts, containing a positive
and a negative attitude towards women. The husband is to love his
wife, to feed and clothe her. Yet she is a potential threat to his authority and she therefore needs to be controlled and kept from exercising
power. According to many wisdom texts, women have a dualistic nature. 51 The 'good' woman is the loyal wife and loving mother. The
'bad' woman is the tempting adultress or whore. The advice in wisdom texts is attuned to this view on women. One (i.e. a man) should
treat honourable women respectfully, but should be aware of the wiles
of others. 52 Despite Amenhotep's explicit advice to keep a woman on a
46
what lower rank could represent their husband. In Egypt, for instance,
the wife of an official was authorized to stand in for him during his
absence. 58
Yet the power these women could exercise was a derived power.
There is little evidence of Egyptian women independently holding
the office of administrator. 59 In general, they would be wives filling
in for their husbands. And the same holds for queens who rule during the absence of their husband (or son). Rarely did a queen rule
autonomously. 60 Still, the influence a wife could have on her husband
should not be underestimated. She could advise him in all sorts of
matters. An Egyptian epitaph praises the counsel of the deceased
wife as in accordance with ma'at.61
B . UGARITIC LITERARY TEXTS
In Ugaritic the term 'att is generally used for 'wife'. 62 In KTU 1.14:1.13
it is paralleled with mtrht 'spouse'. 63 No word for concubine occurs in
the literary texts from Ugarit. 64 A father could be called 'adn 'lord'
(KTU 1.16:1.57; 1.24:33), but so far there is no evidence of a husband
with this title in the literary texts. 65
Also in Ugarit a man could have more than one wife. As we have
seen, polygyny generally was regarded as a sign of wealth and was
limited to the higher social strata. The god Ilu, head of the Ugaritic
pantheon, had several wives. Athiratu was his chief consort, but Ilu
was also married to lesser deities. There are allusions to Ilu having
amorous affairs with two wives in several texts, yet it is not always
58
Cf. S. Allam, 'Zur Stellung der Frau im alten gypten', BiOr 26 (1969), 159;
Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', 326.
59
Allam, 'Zur Stellung der Frau im alten gypten', 159.
60
Cf. further section 2.2.1.2 and chapter 4.
61
Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', 316-7.
62
KTU 1.2:111.22; 1.3:1.14; IV.40; 1.14:1.12, 14; 11.49 etc. In contrast with what
is often thought there is no unequivocal evidence that 'att had the more general
meaning of 'woman' in Ugarit, pace Amico, SWU, 89, 94; DLU, 63. A. van Selms,
Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature, London 1954, 38-9, rightly points
out that it was a term describing a married woman or a woman in the process of
being married.
63
Lit. 'one for whom the marriage deposit is paid', cf. . Verreet, 'Der KeretProlog', UF 19 (1987), 323; Wyatt, RTU, 180, n. 12; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz,
'Keret, der leidende "Knig der Gerechtigkeit": Das Wortpaar sdq || yr als
Schlssel zur Dramatik des Keret-Epos (KTU 1.14 I 12-21a)', UF 31 (1999),
152-7, and above, section 2.1.1.3.1.
64
On a possible term for 'first concubine' in an administrative text from Ugarit,
see section 4.4.
65
In KTU 1.6:IV. 10-11 'abk 'your father' is balanced by htkk 'the one who has
authority over you'.
The context of KTU 1.2:1.10 is somewhat disturbed, but the text alludes to
two wives of Ilu ( 'attm). In KTU 1.23:64 Ilu had sex with two wives, possibly
Athiratu and Rhmy. KTU 1.12 seems to refer to a similar event, yet here minor
goddesses were involved. They professed to be sexually aroused and begged Ilu
to have sexual intercourse with them, but the Creator god impregnated them by
his authoritative word only, possibly because they were handmaids of the moon
god Yarikhu and Ilu's own wife Athiratu, which might mean that it would have
been improper for him to do as they wished. For a comparison of 1.12 and 1.23,
cf. . Wyatt, Myths of Power: a study of royal myth and ideology in Ugaritic
and biblical tradition (UBL, 13), Mnster 1996, 229-31; M. Dietrich, . Loretz,
Studien zu den ugaritischen Texten: I. Mythos und Ritual in KTU 1.12, 1.24,
1.96, 1.100 und 1.114 (AOAT, 269/1), Mnster 2000, 129-32.
67
Although there is no direct evidence at Ugarit, both goddesses are commonly
understood to have been Ba'lu's wives; cf. . Wyatt, 'Astarte ', in: ODD,
110.
68
KTU 1.2:1.40; 1.14:111.41-42; VI.26-28; 1.100:20; 1.107:40; 1.114:9, 10-11, 23,
26. Cf. P.D. Miller, 'Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit', in: P.D. Miller et al. (eds),
Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Prank Moore Cross, Philadelphia
1987, 58.
69
See further section 2.2.1.3.
70
Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 250, n. 69. In KTU 1.24:26-28 Khirikhbi proposed
that Yarikhu marry Pidrayu, daughter of Ba'lu. He would bring Yarikhu into contact with Pidrayu's father who in turn would discuss the matter with 'Athtartu.
Provided the emended reading as proposed in 1. 28 is accepted, it seems reasonable
to assume that she was Pidrayu's mother. Furthermore, no other text published
thus far mentions the goddesses Aru and Rabbu.
wys'i.trh, 48hdt
yb'r.ltn 4 9 'atth
lm.nkr.50mddth
this indicates that something out of the ordinary was happening. Even
the newly-wed man joined Kirtu's army, whereas he was one of those
who were normally excused from military service. 76 In this specific
instance, the husband was called upon to regard joining Kirtu's army
more important than staying home with his new wife. Although he
might not have been very willing 77 , he was carried off (ybl) in the
massive army. His wife was left behind in the care of another man, a
stranger (nkr), one of the few males who were excluded from the mobilization because they were foreigners in Khuburu. Thus the newly-wed
71
N.H. Walls, The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic Myth (SBL.DS, 135), Atlanta GA
1992, 89-94, 157.
72
KTU 1.6:11.12; 1.96:2; KAI 264; Song 4:9,10,12; 8:1; Tob. 7:12,15 (Codex
Sinaiticus); see further ANET, 467-9; C.H. Gordon, 'Marriage in the Guise of
Siblingship', UF 20 (1988), 53-6.
73
Korpel, RiC, 227. On the special position of 'Anatu as a nubile widow, see
section 2.1.5.
74
Amico, SWU, 341, erroneously notes that 'there is no definitive evidence for
polygamy even in the royal family [of Ugarit]. See chapter 4.
75
Pace H.H.P. Dressier, 'The Identification of the Ugaritic Dnil with the Daniel
of Ezekiel', VT 29 (1979), 152-3; and B. Margalit, The Ugaritic Poem of AQHT:
Text, Translation, Commentary (BZAW, 182), Berlin 1989, 410, who both deny
that Dani'ilu was a king. See J. Day, 'The Daniel of Ugarit and Ezekiel and the
Hero of the Book of Daniel', VT 30 (1980), 176; De Moor, R0Y, 280, n. 35.
76
Cf. Deut. 20:7; 24:5; W.G.E. Watson, 'Ugaritic and Mesopotamian Literary
Texts', UF 9 (1977), 277-9; W.M. de Bruin, 'Die Freistellung vom Militrdienst
in Deut. XX 5-7', VT 49 (1999), 21-33.
77
Cf. Wyatt, RTU, 199, n. 110.
was not given the opportunity to set up a family for himself, at least
not before Kirtu's mission had succeeded and the king had acquired
himself a wife.
As was the case in the surrounding countries, in Ugarit, too, the
fact that a husband had authority over his wife did not rule out mutual love and affection. In the Ba'lu myth 'Anatu's love for Ba'lu
is given much attention. The goddess was prepared to fight any enemy that would rise against Ba'lu (KTU 1.3:III.37-IV.4). And when
such a foe did arise in the person of Motu, she fought him ferociously
(1.6:11.10-37). At other moments the vigorous goddess was singing
love-songs about Ba'lu and his daughters, accompanying herself on
the lyre (KTU 1.3:111.4-8, to be restored after 1.7 and 1.101:16-17).
The two made love passionately (e.g. KTU 1.10; 1.11), as did Yarikhu
and Nikkalu (KTU 1.24:3-12), Ilu with two wives at the same time
(KTU 1.23:48-51,55-56) and Dani'ilu with his wife Danatiya (KTU
1.17:1.38-41). Though all these passages make use of euphemisms to
describe the pudenda, the descriptions are quite explicit and allow the
conclusion that there rested no taboo whatsoever on sexual pleasure
and that women, too, could take the initiative in lovemaking.
In her search for her dead consort Ba'lu, 'Anatu is depicted with
the most passionate qualities. Her epithet rhm 'Womb, Damsel' is
used to underline her compassion, since the womb is considered the
seat of compassion. Further, the image of the mother animal whose
heart goes out to her child (KTU 1.6:11.5-9,26-30) is extended here
to the longing for the beloved.78 Both are illustrations of the intensity
of 'Anatu's love for Ba'lu.
In a polygynous setting women strove for their husband's attention. One way of doing so was by trying to enhance their beauty.
The goddesses washed themselves and their clothes fairly often and
used cosmetics to enhance their attractiveness. When 'Athtartu had
changed into fresh clothing 79 and had put on glittering jewellery, her
78
a palace (KTU 1.4). When Athiratu left to intercede between Ilu and
Ba'lu, 'Anatu followed her. 85 Ba'lu, however, went home (1.4:IV.19)
and left matters in the hands of his wife and his mother-in-law. A
deteriorated relationship between Ba'lu and Ilu might be the expianation for this behaviour. 86 'Anatu was present at the meeting with
Ilu but, unlike a previous occasion (1.3:V), she now held her peace
and waited for Athiratu to do the talking. When the meeting proved
to be succesful, 'Anatu brought Ba'lu the good news (1.4:V.25-27).
Athiratu took her go-between task quite seriously. When 'Anatu
and Ba'lu came to ask Athiratu for her intercession, she was washing
her clothes and probably boiling her laundry. 87 Apparently she wanted
to please 88 her husband and appear before him in clean clothing. Yet
the visit of 'Anatu and Ba'lu caused a change of plans. When Athiratu
met Ilu he was very pleased to see her and tried to seduce her (KTU
1.4:1V.38-39):
3s
39
yhssk. 'If only the love89 of Ilu, the King, could stimulate you,
the affection of the Bull could arouse you!1
'atr is regarded as a verb by some scholars, see, e.g., De Moor, ARTU, 52,
who apparently takes it as an infinitive which equals a perfect or imperfect. Cf.
Sivan, GUL, 167. Others take it as an adverb, cf. Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 259;
Tropper, UG , 329, 741, who translate 'behind (came) Anatu'.
86
De Moor, ARTU, 44.
87
De Moor, ARTU, 47. The interpretation of 1.4:11.1-11 is disputed. Pardee, in:
C0S, vol. 1, 257, for instance, assumes that Athiratu, expecting a visit from Ilu,
had put the kettle on to make him a warm drink. Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 122,
170, also assumes Athiratu performed domestic chores for Ilu, while Wyatt, RTU,
93-4, proposes her actions were preparations for a visit from Ilu and relates the
text to 1.23.
88
Again, the meanings of the verbs t'pp and tgzy are disputed. Cf. De Moor,
ARTU, 47: 'she wanted to charm . . . , she wanted to please . . . '; M. O'Connor,
'Semitic *mgn and its Supposed Sanskrit Origin1, JAOS 109 (1989), 27: 'she defers
. . . , she humbles herself . . . likewise, Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 122, 170; Wyatt,
RTU, 94: 'she implored . . . , she entreated . . . . See also DLU, 84 ('p): 'trat de
encantar' (to win someone over); 161 (gzy) 'se propici' (to propitiate someone).
89
Ug. yd 'hand' can be used as a euphemism for 'penis' and as a word for 'love',
see Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 171, n. 120.
is the title of the goddess 'Athtartu, who is called m b'l (KTU 1.2:1.8;
1.16:VI.56). This epithet is usually translated 'Name of Ba'lu'. 90 The
meaning of the title has been the subject of much discussion. According to Frank Cross, for instance, it is semantically equivalent to an
epithet of the Punic goddess Tannit, . He takes both epithets to
'belong to a general development of hypostases of deity in Canaanite
religion'. 91 Somewhat differently is Johannes de Moor's interpretation.
He renders 'consort of Ba'lu', assuming that a wife, being the other
half of her husband, could be regarded as his alter ego.92 Although
'Athtartu at times counteracted her husband, this did not contradict
the closeness between her and Ba'lu. As Gregorio del Olmo Lete has
stated, she acted in defense of his prestige, of his good name. 93 The
epithet m b'l thus seems to indicate that certain forces of Ba'lu manifest themselves through his consort 'Athtartu. 9 4 However, this should
not be confused with von Soden's 'Gleichsetzungstheologie', according to which some minor gods become mere hypostases of the greater
gods. 95 Although 'Athtartu can be regarded as some sort of manifestation or hypostazation of her consort Ba'lu, she does not merge with
90
E.g. ANET, 130; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 343; Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 98.
Some scholars, however, prefer 'Heavens of Ba'lu', cf. Wyatt, 'Astarte
205 ,'.
Although in Akkadian umu can mean 'offspring, namesake, posterity', especially
in PNN, this translation does not apply here, since 'Athtartu is no child of Ba'lu.
Cf. H.B. Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the Man Texts: A Structural and
Lexical Study, Baltimore MD 1965, 247-9; CAD () 3, 295-6.
Astarte's designation m b'l was still known in the fifth century BCE, when
it was used in an inscription of Eshmun'azar il, cf. KAI 14:18, J.C.L. Gibson,
Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, III, Oxford 1982, 113; E. Lipmski, Dieux
et desses de l'univers phnicien et punique (StPh, 14) (OLA, 64), Leuven 1995,
134-5; G. del Olmo Lete, El continuum cultural cananeo: Pervivencias cananeas
en el mundo fenicio-punico (AuOr.S, 14), Barcelona 1996, 44.
91
F.M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the
Religion of Israel, Cambridge MA 1973, 30. See also T.N.D. Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth: Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies (CB.OT, 18),
Lund 1982, 131.
On Tannit's epithet see KAI 78:2; 79:1,10-11; 85:1; 86:1; 87:2; 88:1; 137:1. It is
generally interpreted as some sort of representation of the deity; cf. C.L. Seow,
'Face , in: DDD, 322-3. Tannit often is associated with Astarte, in particular
with regard to the Punic world; cf. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 29;
Lipmski, Dieux et desses de l'univers phnicien et punique, 201-5.
92
De Moor, ARTU, 30, 222; Idem, '', in: ThWAT, Bd. 1, 715. De Moor
compares it to Heb.( Gen. 2:18, 20).
93
Del Olmo Lete, El continuum cultural cananeo, 44-5.
94
Cf. R. Fernhout, Woord en naam in de religies: een vergelijkend onderzoek,
Kampen 1979, 32; DNWSI, 1158 sub 6.
95
A. Falkenstein, W. von Soden, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete (BAW.AO), Zrich 1953, 50.
him but seems to keep her own separate identity and as such, acts as
his counterpart.
Another example of the relationship between husband and wife is
that of 'Anatu and Ba'lu. Susan Ackerman points to the fact that
'according to Canaanite mythological tradition, the battles of Baal
and Anat are inextricably intertwined'. 96 'Anatu fought Motu, yet
the latter complained to Ba'lu that it was because of him that the
god of death had suffered, suppressing the deeds of 'Anatu (KTU
1.6:V.11-19). On the other hand, whereas it is told that Ba'lu defeated
Yammu (1.2:IV.23-27), later on 'Anatu boasted that she finished him
off (1.3:111.38-40). The victory of one consort could be ascribed to the
other, it seems.
C . HEBREW BIBLE
ratives in the Hebrew Bible: despite the fact that a woman cannot
give him progeny, her husband loves her more than his other wife of
equal rank, who did bear him offspring. In this regard, the theological
theme of Y H W H as the one who opens and closes a woman's womb,
and who grants fertility and offspring, is used in a specific way: to the
woman who is not loved by her husband, Y H W H can give children. 103
The reality of a bigynous marriage in which the husband loves one
of his wives more than the other is reflected in Deut. 21:15-17. Both
wives have borne him children, the son of the wife he dislikes ()
being the firstborn. Yet the father is not permitted to treat the oldest
son of his beloved wife in a privileged way. Whereas legally not much
can be done against preferential treatment of one of the two wives,
the rights of a firstborn son are safeguarded. 104
In the past Ephraim Speiser has explained the three episodes in the
ancestral 105 narratives of wives who pose as sisters of their husbands
(Gen. 12:10-20; 20; 26:1-11), the so-called 'wife/sister motif', in the
light of Nuzi texts. He assumed that women who were adopted by
their husband as sister had a privileged position. The practice would
have been a reflection of the underlying fratriarchal system in which
a brother had greater authority over a woman than a husband, and
violation of sistership ties would have been punished more severly
than those of marital ties. Thus, when Abraham and Isaac informed
the kings they encountered that their wives were sisters, they would
have been boasting about their wives' privileged status. 106 Yet Samuel
Greengus has argued convincingly that at Nuzi sistership adoption did
not coincide with marriage and that sistership adoption was a lower
class institution. 107 It would seem more appropriate to explain the
close kinship ties between Abraham and Sarah and between Isaac and
Rebekah within the context of the concern for patrilineal endogamy
103
Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis, 14. See also J. and M.-C. Nicole,
Sara, soeur et femme d'Abraham', ZAW 112 (2000), 5-23.
109
Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel, 123.
110
R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender
and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield
1998, 224; Friedl, Polygynie in Mesopotamien und Israel, 199-200. Of course it
was also possible that a free woman married a male slave. In Babylonia and Nuzi
this seems to have been not uncommon, but in the Bible only one such case is
recorded: the Egyptian slave Jarha who married his master's daughter (1 Chron.
2:34-35). Cf. I. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, New York 1949,
57.
111
Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', 228. See further Th.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical Abraham
(BZAW, 133), Berlin 1974, 252-69; Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis, 61.
1
Cf. CH 146-147.
The sexual relationship between a father and a daughter is not mentioned
explicitly in Lev. 18, yet is forbidden. Cf. J.R. Wegner, 'Leviticus', in: C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women's Bible Commentary, London 21998, 45. See
further section 2.1.4.
114
I. Fischer, Die Erzeltern Israels: Feministisch-theologische Studien zu Genesis
12-36 (BZAW, 222), Berlin 1994, 79. In this regard she refers to relationships
in the Deuteronomistic History that are not in accordance with the law: Tamar
assumes she is allowed to marry her half brother (2 Sam 13:13) and David demands
to be given back his wife Michal who is married to Paltiel (2 Sam. 3:13-15 cf. Deut.
24:1-4). Note also that in Jer. 3:6FF. and Ezek. 23 YHWH is pictured as a bigynous
husband of two sisters. See further Friedl, Polygynie in Mesopotamien und Israel,
256-73.
One might also point to the often observed discrepancies between the Code of
Hammurapi and the Old Babylonian law praxis. For a different interpretation, see
C.M. Carmichael, Law, Legend, and Incest in the Bible: Leviticus 18 20, Ithaca
113
NY 1997.
011 social reality. Not only the dating 115 , but also the genre of the
texts explains this distinction.
Still, monogamy was far more common in Israel than polygyny.
According to Phyllis Bird, by the 8th century BCE and probably even
earlier, 'monogamous marriage was clearly the norm and the ideal'
for ordinary people. 116
The importance of begetting children is also stressed in the laws
of Deuteronomy. Also in Israel a betrothed (Deut. 20:7) or newly-wed
(Deut. 24:5) man was excluded from military service. These laws are
based on the thought that a man should not die in war without leaving
behind offspring. 117 Deut. 24:5 not only focuses on the newly wed
husband, but also on the wife. The wording suggest
that the law concerns any new marriage, and that either husband or
wife could, for instance, have been previously widowed. Further, the
husband is granted a one-year exemption to make his wife happy
(), that is, to give his wife sexual pleasure and try to beget a
child. Although one may question whether the law was ever practised
in every day life, it does have an eye for the happiness of both husband
and wife. 118
An Israelite wife was under the authority of her husband. This is
reflected in the terminology used in the Hebrew Bible. A wife is called
' woman, wife', whereas a husband is called ' man, husband',
' lord, owner, husband' or ' lord'. 119 This implies a gender
imbalance. The word denotes lordship over persons and ownership
over affairs. The description of Johannes de Moor in ThWAT reflects
the problem that concerns us here: 'Der Mann ist 'Besitzer' seiner
Frau, weshalb b'l auch 'Gatte' bedeutet
Weiter ist er 'Herr des
Hauses, Familienhaupt' (akk. bei bti\ ugar. b'l bt), so wie der Knig
'Herr' i s t . . . ber Lnder, Stdte und Untertanen . . . '. 120 With regard
115
Scholars usually accept a later date for texts such as Lev. 18:18 than the
ancestral narratives, cf., e.g., B. Maarsingh, Leviticus (PrOT), Nijkerk 1974, 1545; Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel, 115. The question of redaction is disregarded
here.
116
P. Bird, 'Images of Women in the Old Testament', in: R. Radford Ruether
(ed.), Religion and Sexism: Images of Woman in the Jewish and Christian Traditions, New York 1974, 66. Cf. also Plautz, 'Monogamie und Polygynie im Alten
Testament', 5; C.J.H. Wright, 'Family', in: ABD, vol. 2, 766.
117
Cf., e.g., A.D.H. Mayes, Deuteronomy (NCBC), Grand Rapids MI 1979, 3234.
118
Cf. C.J. Labuschagne, Deuteronomium, dl. 2, (PrOT), Nijkerk 1990, 2423. On sexual pleasures of the newly-wed couple, cf. Watson, 'Ugaritic and
Mesopotamian Literary Texts', 278-9.
119
Cf. Gen. 18:12; Judg. 19:26; Amos 4:1; Ps. 45:12.
120
De Moor, '', ThWAT, Bd. 1, 707.
ered the head, not the face. It was a sign of the wife's subordination
to her husband, a sign of his authority over her. She had to wear it
when she went out in public. 131
Being the counterpart of her husband, a wife could hold a prominent position. Texts such as Gen. 2:18-23 and Prov. 31:10-31 seem to
reflect this awareness. As counterpart of her husband, a wife could act
with a certain autonomy in favour of her spouse. Thus, Abigail, wife
of Nabal, acted in an independent way, only reporting her husband
about her actions afterward (1 Sam. 25:14-38). Also queen Jezebel,
wife of Achab, acted rather autonomously, in order to make her husband obtain the land he had set his mind on (1 Kgs 21:4-16).
Yet, next to this ideal picture, the Bible offers others - of relationships between spouses that axe far less reciprocal. Abraham cared
more about his own life than about his wife's honour (Gen. 12; 20).
The motif is more explicit and gruesome in the story of the Levite
from Ephraim and his concubine (Jugd. 19).132
Apparently a wife should not criticize her husband in public.
Michal went out to meet David after he had brought home the ark
to the city of David in a manner that, according to Michal, was not
befitting a king (2 Sam. 6:11-23). Her words of criticism disgraced her
husband and, though not stated explicitly, it would seem that as a
punishment David did not share Michal's bed anymore. 133
Further, wives sometimes had to resort to deception because of
their submissive position. Esther Fuchs stresses the inferior and subordinate position of Rebekah towards Isaac, which caused her to deceive her husband into blessing Jacob instead of Esau (Gen. 27). 134
A fine example of the authority of husbands and its potential
undermining by wives is Vashti's refusal to come and show her beauty
to the guests of the king (Est. 1:11-12). The reaction of one of the
officials of the king speaks for itself:
Not only has Queen Vashti done wrong to the king, but also to all
the officials and all the peoples who are in all the provinces of King
Ahasuerus. For this deed of the queen will be made known to all women,
131
L.J. Archer, Her Price is Beyond Rubies: The Jewish Woman in GraecoRoman Palestine (JSOT.S, 60), Sheffield 1990, 205, 212-3, 247-8.
132
Cf. Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel, 93.
133
J.C. Exum, Fragmented Women: Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (JSOT.S, 163), Sheffield 1993, 48, 59.
134
E. Fuchs, 'Who is Hiding the Truth? Deceptive Women and Biblical Androcentrism', in: A. Yarbro Collins (ed.), Feminist Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship (SBL Centennial Publications) (Biblical Scholarship in North America, 10),
Chico CA 1985, 137-8.
causing them to look with contempt on their husbands, since they will
say, 'King Ahasuerus commanded Queen Vashti to be brought before
him, and she did not come'. This very day the noble ladies of Persia
and Media who have heard of the queen's behavior will rebel against
the king's officials, and there will be no end of contempt and wrath. 135
The official Memucan feared that Vashti's refusal would have its effect
on the whole empire. Wives would no longer honour their husbands,
men would no longer be masters in their own houses; apparently a
threatening thought to many men.
Phyllis Bird points to the fact that the preference for endogamous
marriages in Israel is indirect testimony to the power women could
have on their husbands. Though this power was indirect, it is recognized as a real threat. If a foreign woman retained her religion, she
could influence her husband's religious attitude. 136 Other biblical examples of a wife's influence on her husband are Samson's Timnite
wife, who wept and nagged until he gave her the answer to the riddie and eventually caused him the loss of property (Judg. 14); and
Bathsheba, who with the help of Nathan (or as a willing puppet of
the prophet?) influenced the succession to the Israelite throne (1 Kgs
1)
Est. l:16b-18.
P.A. Bird, 'Women (OT)\ 952. See also Meyers, Discovering Eve, 181-8.
137
Cf. C.V. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs (BiLiSe,
11), Sheffield 1985, 86-7.
138
Cf. J.H. Otwell, And Sarah Laughed: The Status of Woman in the Old Testament, Philadelphia PA 1977, 107; Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book
of Proverbs, 88.
139
Otwell, And Sarah Laughed, 106-11.
136
Although monogamy was the rule in all countries of the ancient Near
East, bigyny and polygyny also occurred. Polygyny was restricted to
the circles of royalty and the very wealthy, while bigyny apparently
occurred on a somewhat broader social scale. Childlessness was the
main reason for a husband to take a second wife, although some chose
to take a concubine or sire children with a slave woman, thus preserving the position of their first wife. Sometimes a first wife would lose
her privileged position because of her alleged barrenness, but docu140
Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs, 89-90, 307, n. 12.
See chapter 1 for this hypothesis.
142
Cf. M.S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities
in Ancient Israel, San Fransisco 1990, 88-94; A.A. Keefe, 'The Female Body, the
Body Politic and the Land: a Sociopolitical Reading of Hosea 1-2', in: A. Brenner
(ed.), A Feminist Companion to the Latter Prophets (FCB, 8), Sheffield 1995, 867, n. 2; De Moor, R0Y, 11-2; Idem, 'The Duality in God and Man: Gen. 1:26-27
as P's Interpretation of the Yahwistic Creation Account', in: J.C. de Moor (ed.),
Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel: Papers ... Oxford, 1997 (OTS, 40), Leiden
1998, 124-5. See also section 2.1.1.2 on Wellhausen's emendation of Hos. 14:9[8].
143
Cf. T.N.D. Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth: Studies in the Shem
and Kabod Theologies (CB.OT, 18), Lund 1982, 38-79.
141
ments like the Old Babylonian sisterhood adoption contracts and the
Nuzi marriage contracts testify that barren women could also hold
a firm position as first wife within marriage. The situation of the
Ugaritic goddesses corresponds with this privileged position. In this
regard it is worth noting that despite her apparent childlessness, btlt
'Anatu also seems to hold a steady position as first wife. In Israel,
bigynous and polygynous marriages occurred alongside monogamous
marriages. Narratives and laws give evidence to the role desire for
offspring played and the problems polygyny and bigyny could cause.
Yet no allegedly barren wife loses her position in the Hebrew Bible,
whereas Y H W H on the other hand blesses with children those wives
of bigynous husbands who are loved less.
In Mesopotamia, Egypt, Ugarit and Israel a husband legally was
the lord and owner of his wife, but generally this was not taken in a
literal sense. Ideally a relationship between husband and wife was harmonious, based on love and mutuality rather than dominance. Nevertheless dominance of husbands did occur and sometimes deception
was the only means for a wife to have any influence. But wives could
also have an important role as counsellor of their husbands and sometimes even act as representatives. Wisdom texts, in particular, give
evidence to the delicate balance of the blessing a good wife could be
for her husband and the danger a bad wife could be.
In Ugaritic mythology 'Athtartu acts as a counterpart to her husband, Ba'lu. Phoenician Tannit appears to be depicted likewise. It is
noteworthy that in both instances it concerns goddesses who are referred to as hypostases or manifestations of their male counterparts.
This may point to a diminishing importance of goddesses in general.
The development in Israelite religion probably differed due to its tendency toward monotheism. Asherah gradually lost her independent
status and her characteristics merged into those of YHWH. Unlike
the Ugaritic and Phoenician deities, she was not related to .
Eventually she disappeared as an independent goddess. 144
EXCURSUS
Since polygyny occurred in the ancient Near East in general, one may
wonder whether polyandry did also. With regard to this issue scholars
usually refer to the reform text of Uru'inimgina of Lagash (ca. 2350
BCE), in which it is said: , The women of old, each had two men. The
women of today have banned this crime 5 . 145 Opinions differ greatly on
144
the interpretation of this line. Jean-Jacques Glassner, for example, assmes it refers to the practice of ius pnmae noctis.146 Jerrold Cooper,
on the other hand, warns against taking the text literally. He takes
it to be hyperbole serving to justify the 'reforms' of Uru'inimgina, by
depicting the days before his usurpation as immoral. 147 Still another
interpretation is given by Wolfram von Soden, according to whom
the reforms of Uru'inimgina also included abrogation of the custom
to pay high divorce taxes. The high costs would have led to situations
in which a woman remarried without being properly divorced from
her first husband. 148
Some scholars assume polyandry occurred in Egypt. Evidence of
this is inconclusive, if not doubtful. 149 The idea of polyandry as a
phase of human marriage between promiscuity and polygyny or monogamy is persistent although without proof. Already in the beginning
of the twentieth century Andreas Eberharter pointed to the fact that
even among the well known evolutionists of those days polyandry
as a general phase in the development of marriage was rejected. 150
Connected with the formulation of this theory was the hypothesis of
matriarchy, which took root under the influence of Bachofen's study
Das Mutterrecht. Scholars have assumed a coherence of matriarchy
and polyandry, but today this is generally rejected. 151
If one accepts the interpretation that 'Anatu celebrates a wedding
77, renders slightly differently: 'Women of former times each married two men,
but women of today have been made to give up that crime'.
146
Glassner, 'Women, Hospitality and the Honor of the Family', 80. But cf.
McNamara's reaction in the 'Responses to Dr. Glassner's Paper', in: WER, 93.
147
'Responses to Dr. Glassner's Paper', 91-2. In his Presargonic Inscriptions,
77-8, n. 8, Cooper mentions an alternative interpretation: 'If za--da (what 'the
woman of today' are giving up) is not 'crime' but 'debt servitude'..., then perhaps
the reference to two men here merely refers to a woman whose husband has put
her in bondage to another man . . . , so that she had, for all practical purposes,
marital obligations to two men'.
148
W. von Soden, 'Sumer, Babylon und Hethiter bis zur Mitte des zweiten
Jahrtausends v. Chr.' in: G. Mann, A. Heu (eds), Propylen Weltgeschichte:
eine Universalgeschichte, vol. 1, Berlin 1961, 546. See also Glassner, 'Women,
Hospitality and the Honor of the Family', 80, n. 35.
149
Cf. C. Desroches Noblecourt, La femme au temps des pharaons, Paris 1986,
281; . Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel: Eine begriffsgeschichtliche und sozialrechtliche Studie zur Stellung der Frau im Alten Testament (BWANT, 130),
Stuttgart 1990, 103, n. 210.
150
A. Eberharter, Das Ehe- und Familienrecht der Hebrer (ATA, Bd. 5, 1-2),
Mnster 1914, 22-4.
151
See for instance J.S. Cooper's reaction in 'Responses to Dr. Glassner's Paper',
91-2. Still, the range of thoughts is persistent, cf., e.g., E. Ebeling, 'Frau', RLA,
vol. 3, 101. On matriarchy, see further chapter 1.
with Aqhatu (KTU 1.18)152 she had two husbands at that moment.
But since she was planning to have him killed immediately, this cannot
be regarded as a 'real' case of polyandry.
With regard to the Hebrew Bible, Esther Fuchs has pointed to
the double standard that is used in its treatment of polygyny and
polyandry. Potiphar's wife is implicitly condemned for her behaviour
(Gen. 39), the message of which is rejection of polyandry. Polygyny
on the other hand is allowed. 'Had Potiphar himself seduced a maid
servant he would not have been condemned for either betraying or
deceiving his wife, since patriarchal monogamy applies exclusively to
women'. 153
The prophet Ezekiel used the image of polyandry in a metaphorical
way to polemize Israel's close ties with its neighbouring peoples. Ezek.
23:20 is the only place in the Bible where the plural occurs in a
masculine sense, referring to Oholibah's paramours. For the prophet
polyandry was a striking symbol to bear out the abhorrence for the
political situation. 154
It would seem that the societies from which both Uru'inimgina of
Lagash and the Hebrew Bible stem regard polyandry as objectionable
behaviour. The texts are used in a polemic context and employ a
double standard, since polygyny is not rejected in both societies.
2.1.1.4.2 A Wife's Own World
It would seem that in the ancient Near East there existed a dichotomy
between the public sphere, which was a male domain, and the private
sphere, which was a female domain. This did not mean that women
never acted in the public sphere, but they were expected to take care
of their family and home as their first responsibility. 155 The private
sphere involved certain areas for which a wife was responsible and
which she could manage according to her own insights. A wife oversaw
all housekeeping tasks, although a husband could interfere with her
authority whenever he chose to do so, either in the sense that he
himself took over certain menial tasks or that he ordered his wife to
execute such tasks. We will examine the tasks a wife had to perform.
Because housekeeping is an aspect in the economy of the ancient
world which is often difficult to separate from professional activities
152
of women I will discuss this subject more fully in section 2.2.2.3. Next
to household tasks I will also give attention to moments of relaxation.
The matter of housekeeping tasks is related to other issues, such
as the question whether there was any spatial division in the house.
The fact that a wife had her own world can sometimes be taken
very literally. Did women live in separate quarters, so-called 'women's
quarters'? If so, did this mean that their freedom of movement was
restricted and that they could not perform all kinds of tasks?
Further, what was the average size of a household? It would make
a difference for a wife if she oversaw a nuclear family of 4-5 persons
or if she was part of a large household or an extended family.
A . ANCIENT N E A R E A S T
Medina and Amarna mention several types of houses with the number
of rooms ranging from three to eighteen. Women of the lowest strata of
Egyptian society would be living in a small house with one large and
a few small rooms. The smaller rooms were used as storage rooms
and bedrooms. Cooking and baking occurred in a communal yard.
Women of the middle classes would have larger homes with more
convenience. The houses were detached, they had their own yards
and their own ovens. The wives of these households had servants to
do some of the household tasks such as drawing water and grinding
grain. The central room had a dais where the master of the household
could retreat. Adjacent rooms were used for storage purposes and as
bedrooms. These side-rooms were considered the domain of women.
People of the highest social strata lived in a large house enclosed by
a high wall. Within this wall there was a yard with several smaller
buildings, such as servant's houses, stables and workshops. It could
also contain a garden. The master of the house often practised his
profession at home. The spatial division probably was most prominent
in these large estates. The bedroom in the western part of the house
and the reception room, where the master of the house entertained
his guests, were the domain of men. The side rooms and rooms in the
eastern part of the back of the house were the domain of women. 161
A Sumerian letter, probably dating from the Ur HI period, sheds
some light on the household tasks of a middle class wife at the end of
the third or the beginning of the second millennium BCE.162 She was
responsible for giving out food supplies, leasing fields and managing
the grain supplies for seed-plowing. Generally, wives of the higher
social strata were also responsible for their personnel. Some of the
Old Assyrian wives of merchants were in charge of textile production
on a large scale base. 163
The Egyptian title nebet per 'mistress of the house', used from
the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty for elite women, indicates that
the lives of Egyptian women centered around their household. Wives
were in charge of running the household and the Instruction of Any
tells their husbands not to interfere:
161
B. Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1991, 125-7; A.A. Loose,
'Woonhuizen in Amarna en het domein van de vrouwen', Phoenix 38/2 (1992),
16-29.
162
D.I. Owen, Sumerian Letter from an Angry Housewife (?) , , in: G. Rendsburg et al. (eds), The Bible World: Essays in Honor of Cyrus H. Gordon, New
York 1980, 189-202.
163
L. Matous, 'Zur Korrespondenz des Imdi-ilum mit Tarm-Kubi', in: G. van
Driel et al. (eds), Zikir umim: Assyriological Studies Presented to F.R. Kraus on
the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (SFSMD, 15), Leiden 1982, 268-70.
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 2, Berkeley 1976, 143.
165
Yet incidentally a wife of the elite class might act as a substitute for her
husband and perform his public tasks; cf. Loose, 'Woonhuizen in Amarna en het
domein van de vrouwen', 28.
166
E. Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', Saeculum 38
(1987), 326.
167
G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 92-110.
168
See, e.g., J. Leclant (ed.), Les pharaons: L'empire des conqurants, Paris
1979, t. 2, Pl. 78-80; Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, 47-53 and Pl. 8; .
Teeter, 'Female Musicians in Pharaonic Egypt', in: K. Marshall (ed.), Rediscovering the Muses: Women's Musical Traditions, Boston 1993, 68-91; W. Decker, M.
Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport im Alten gypten: Corpus der bildlichen Quellen zu
played an important role in the social life of women. 169 In both societies affluent women regularly met to share meals and drinks, often
while listening to music. 170
The size of a household depended on the social stratum to which
a wife belonged. If she was an elite wife, living on a large estate, she
was in charge of numerous servants and slaves with their families,
along with her own family. There is some discussion on the question
whether a well-to-do family with their personnel should be regarded as
a household. Papers of the landowner Heqanakhte, who lived during
the Twelfth Dynasty inform us about his household which comprised
over 20 persons, some of whom were family and other were personnel.
Yet these persons may not have lived under the same roof nor shared
their food, for they each received their own grain portion. On the
other hand, Heqanakhte was responsible for the sustenance of all of
them. 171 Data from Sargonic archives reveal examples of households
with an even greater number of people. On the estate of a certain
Me-sg in Sumer, a 'household group' of 172 persons existed. More
extensive is the Sargonic domain at Susa, with a 'labour force' of 836
adults and 198 children. 172 The study of Ignace Gelb on households in
early Mesopotamia clarifies the background of such large numbers. 173
He distinguishes between public and private households. The households of a temple, a palace or an official were public, whereas familial
or individual households were private. Private households could either be of a nuclear-family type or of an extended-family type. 174 It
Leibesbungen, Spiel, Jagd, Tanz und verwandten Themen (HdO, 1/14), Leiden
1994, Pl. R 1.1-S 7.1.
169
A.D. Kilmer, 'Musik ., RLA, Bd. 8, 463-82; D. Collon, 'Musik I.B', RLA,
Bd. 8, 488-91.
170
Because music was an indispensable ingredient of religious gatherings and
was often performed by professional musicians and singers, I will return to these
matters in section 3.1.
171
R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Getting Old in Ancient Egypt, London 1996, 40-1.
172
B.R. Foster, 'Notes on Women in Sargonic Society', in: FPOA, 54-5.
173
I.J. Gelb, 'Household and Family in Early Mesopotamia', in: E. Lipmski (ed.),
State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East I (OLA, 5), Leuven 1979,
1-97.
174
Gelb, 'Household and Family in Early Mesopotamia', 58, defines an extended
family as 'a multi-generational unit composed of the pater familias as the head of
the family, his unmarried brothers and sisters, his wife (or wives), their unmarried
children, married children (sons? or daughters? or both?) with their wives and
children, and a few attached relatives, all forming a single household and living
in one large dwelling or a cluster of huts in a well-defined compound'. A nuclear
family 'is a two-generational unit, which consists of man, wife (or wives), and
unmarried children. At times, other relatives, such as unmarried brothers or sisters
of the man or his wife or a surviving grandparent may be attached to the family
The goddess at the head of the Ugaritic pantheon, Athiratu, did not
live with her spouse. She visited Ilu whose dwellings were 'at the
fountain-head of the two Rivers, in the middle of the bedding of the
two Floods'. In contrast with Ilu's reaction to his daughter's approach
household' (56).
175
Gelb, 'Household and Family in Early Mesopotamia', 68-79. Parents of
weal tier families sometimes had more children. Two votive inscriptions of prosperous males indiate they were fathers of eight or more children (65).
176
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 98: 'Of the thirty households that are still
reasonably well-preserved, there is only one couple registered with four children,
five couples have three, there are two fathers who each have three children by
different mothers, six couples with two children, seven with one child, four with
none, and six male householders who are unmarried'.
177
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 99.
178
Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 2, 139 (Instruction of Any 6,Iff.);
H.J. Thissen, Die Lehre des Anchscheschonqi (P. BM 10508) (PTA, 32), Bonn
1984, 22, 35 (Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy 9:12; 23:8).
179
A. Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', in: L.J. Archer
et al. (eds), Women in Ancient Societies: An Illusion of the Night, Basingstoke,
Hampshire 1994, 27.
(KTU 1.3:V.6-7), his response to his wife was a warm welcome, inviting her to eat and drink and hoping to charm her into having sex
with him (1.4:IV.21-22). 'Anatu did not live with her husband either.
Upon her arrival Ba'lu regaled her with an ox and a fatling (KTU
1.3:IV.41), which was considered a festive welcome for guests. 180 Apparently both Athiratu and 'Anatu were supposed to have their own
palaces with their own personnel.
Based on KTU 1.15:111.23-24, Cyrus Gordon assumes king Kirtu
had two parallel households, a male and a female one. The former
consisted of Kirtu and his two sons, while Hariya and her daughters
made up the latter. 181 Although I agree with Gordon that in royal
circles women probably had a separate household, at least a separate women's quarters 182 , I find his picture of a patriarch leading a
male group with a fratriarch as their head and a female group with a
sororach confusing with regard to terminology and unconvincing with
regard to the sororarch as a leader of the female sub-family. Yet in
support of his thesis it can be pointed out that Thatmanatu, daughter
of Kirtu, probably did not live in her father's household and only came
to his living quarters when called upon by Kirtu (1.16:1). Likewise,
Pughatu, daughter of Dani'ilu, apparently came from elsewhere to
meet her father in a situation of drought (1.19:1.25-48).183 The division
of male and female households might reflect the actual situation of
the Ugaritic queen and king who did not share the same palace as
living quarters, but lived in separate dwellings.184
180
Cf. 1.4:V.45-48. Both goddesses had to travel long distances to meet their
husbands.
181
C.H. Gordon, 'Fathers Sons and Mother's Daughters: in Ugaritic, in the
Ancient Near East and in Mandaic Magic Texts', in: M. Dietrich, I. Kottsieper
(eds); u. Mitw. v. H. Schaudig, 'Und, Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf': Studien zum
Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient, Fs. O. Loretz, (AOAT, 250), Mnster
1998, 319-24.
182
In view of the extensiveness of the divine quarters the size of which was a
macrocosmic reproduction of palaces and temples on earth, quarters in the same
complex might be situated at some distance from each other. According to KTU
1.114:17-18 Ilu's own quarters, called bt 'house' || hzr 'residence' were only a part
of his hkl (line 2) which comprised many rooms (KTU 1.3:V.26 par.).
Unfortunately even an in-depth study of the archaeological remains of a large
house in Ugarit was unable to identify the women's quarters, cf. . Callot, Une
maison Ougarit: Etudes d'architecture domestique (RSO, 1), Paris 1983, 73. But
see below on the significance of the staircase which was part of this house.
183
Although the beginning of this section (11. 25-31) is lacunose, it seems reasonable to assume Pughatu noticed the deplorable situation of nature for the first
time and only upon closer approach saw that her father's garments were rent. Cf.
De Moor, ARTU, 249-50.
184
The queen may have had her own palace in Ras Ibn Hani; cf. J. and E. Lagarce,
But this was the situation among the upper classes where wives
had their own personnel who would normally take many chores off
their hands. In Ugaritic literary texts even goddesses and royal ladies
performed menial tasks, despite the fact that they had their own
servants. 185 Athiratu washed her own clothes and probably boiled her
laundry alone (KTU 1.4:11.1-11).186 'Anatu cleaned the house alone.
She wiped the blood from the house, rearranged the furniture and
drew water to wash herself (KTU 1.3:11.30-41).
Young marriageable girls were screened off from the outer world, 187
but hitherto the literary texts do not indicate the existence of a seeluded area for the women's quarters.
In Ugarit, too, women were performers of music and dance. 188 This
they sometimes did while being alone. 'Anatu sang about her love for
her husband Ba'lu and their daughters, even for a daughter of her
sister 'Athtartu who was also married to Ba'lu (KTU 1.3:111.3-8 par.,
cf. 1.24:26-28).189 'Anatu accompanied herself on the lyre which she
held against her breastbone.
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
them for their meal (Ruth 2), the girl in the Song of Songs had acquired a deep tan by working in the vineyard (Song 1:5-6) and acted
the shepherdess (Song 1:8). Women and men also met at a town's or
village's water source. Abraham's servant met Rebekah at the spring
where she drew water for his camels (Gen. 24) and Moses met the
seven daughters of the priest of Midian at a well (Exod. 2:15b-17).
According to the Hebrew Bible, in nomadic times Israelite women
had their own separate living quarters. Isaac brought his new wife Rebekah to the tent of his late mother Sarah (Gen. 24:67). Jacob, Leah,
Rachel and their female slaves all had their own separate tents (Gen.
31:33). Yet from the information of archaeological studies it is hard
to tell whether women had separate quarters in the standard houses
of the Iron Age. Excavations have shown a groundplan of three or
four rooms for most houses. 190 Generally, scholars assume the houses
had two storeys. '[T]he ground floor had space allocated for food processing, small craft production, stabling, and storage; the second floor
( 'aliyyh) was suitable for dining, sleeping, and other activities'. 191 De
Geus has pointed to the presence of stairs and their location in the
house as an indication of spatial division for men and women. 'The
position of the stairs indicates that (male?) visitors were led straight
to the guest-room on the roof. The production area and family area
[on the ground level and first floor respectively, HJM] were passed by
' 192 The upper storey - or storeys for richer houses - is where the
women's quarters may have been located. Yet the fact that houses had
a division between male and female areas does not necessarily mean
that women were confined to these areas. It implied that the women's
quarters probably were not visited by (male) strangers to the family. De Geus notes as a rule: 'the higher the social status of women,
the more secluded and restricted to their quarters they lived'. 193 Here
social status and living conditions, i.e., larger houses, intertwine. A
woman of higher social status would have servants to do the kind of
tasks that required going out, such as drawing water and working in
vineyards. Furthermore, the fact that she lived in a large house means
there would be enough space to make distinctions between male and
female quarters.
190
According to A. Malamat, Mari and the Bible (SHCANE, 12), Leiden 1998,
172-4, another Heb. designation of the royal women's quarters would have been
' ?inside' (Ps. 45:14-15; 2 Kgs 7:11-12).
195
L.J. Archer, Her Price is Beyond Rubies: The Jewish Woman in GraecoRoman Palestine (JSOT.S, 60), Sheffield 1990, esp. 101-122.
196
L.M. Epstein, Sex Laws and Customs in Judaism, New York 1948, 70; Archer,
Her Price is Beyond Rubies, 239-50.
197
S. Safrai, 'Home and Family', in: S. Safrai, M. Stern (eds), The Jewish People
in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and
Religious Life and Institutions, vol. 2 (CRI, sect. 1), Assen 1976, 725. See further
D.H. De Waele, 'De positie van de joodse vrouw in de oudheid: Een overzicht van
de recente literatuur', NThT 50 (1996), 215-36.
More specifically, Gen. 24:28, Ruth 1:8 and Song 3:4, 8:2 all refer to a
mother-daughter relationship in a context of marriage. A mother apparently had a great deal of influence on matters of matrimony, and
she was the one a daughter would turn to in this regard. Moreover,
the desire of the girl in the Song of Songs to bring her lover to the
household of her mother implies that she wanted him to become part
of the family to whom it was permitted to enter areas that were not
accessible to strangers.
The average size of a nuclear family in an Iron Age I highland
village would be 4-5 persons which is entirely in accord with what
we found for Late Bronze Ugarit. Excavations of this period and geographical area also show clusters of dwellings, inhabited by a multiple
family household. Here a father, mother and unwed children would
live together with married sons and their families, as well as other unwedded or widowed relatives. 203 The women of such an extended family would probably be cooperating in some of their household tasks.
Such a cluster of dwellings where a father and his adult sons with
their families lived together was referred to as ( Deut. 25:5;
Ps. 133:1). It is generally assumed that during the monarchic period
the importance of extended families diminished, at least in the urban
context.
With regard to the tasks women had to perform, the social stratum of society and the rural or urban context the women lived in
was influential. Meyers has described the lives of women in the tribal
villages of early Israel. In these highland villages social and economic
diversity was limited if not absent. Archaeological evidence indicates
that household units in the Cisjordanian hill country of the beginning of the Iron Age were economically self-sufficient. To survive, the
hands of all household members were needed. Although there probably was a gender division concerning tasks, women were involved
in all aspects of economic life. They produced materials, both edible
and non-edible and allocated them. According to Meyers, 'the control
of food preparation and the allocation of the resources in agrarian
settings entailed the control of a large and significant part of the
economic life of the household'. 204 Next to the preparation of food,
women performed the crafts of spinning, weaving and pottery. Plowing and agriculture probably were male tasks, while males and females
Israelite Bt 'ab', in: D. Jobling et al. (eds), The Bible and the Politics of Exegesis,
Cleveland, Ohio 1991, 49.
203
Stager, 'The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel', 18-21.
204
C. Meyers, Discovering Eve: Ancient Israelite Women in Context, New York
1988, 142-9 (147).
both worked in the areas of horticulture and animal husbandry. Meyers concludes that there was a complimentarity in economic functions
of females and males in early Israel. 205
Both textual and archaeological evidence indicates that in Israel,
too, women loved to sing, play musical instruments and dance, not
only at home, but also on public occasions, like the celebration of vietories, secular and religious festivals. 206 As Meyers has shown, soloists
as well as all-female ensembles and choirs are also attested in ancient
Israel. 207 Amos 4:1 shows that the women at the court of Samaria
met for drinking-bouts and had their husbands serve them wine. Yet
there is no reason to assume that only groups of rich women met each
other regularly. The Song of Songs mentions the ' daughters
of Jerusalem' who were, apparently, at least one audience for whom
these love-songs were sung.
An Israelite wife did not have legal independence. When married,
she was under the authority of her husband. But in the sphere of the
household there are examples of biblical women acting quite independently. When Abigail heard that her husband Nabal refused to give
food and drink to David and his men, she brought them a large quantity of provisions on her own accord (1 Sam. 25). Only later did she
inform her husband. 'The implication of v. 25 is that, had she known
of the arrival of David's men, it would have been quite within her
power to deal with them without consulting her husband'. 208 Neither
was the Shunammite woman (2 Kgs 4) a restrained wife. She recommended to her husband that a roof chamber be built for the prophet
Elisha, which so happened. Her behaviour when her son fell ill reveals
a similar promptness of action.
Another example of a woman acting independently in the sphere
of the household is the industrious woman of Prov. 31:10-31. Although
the date of this alphabetic acrostic is difficult to establish 209 , the poem
205
of the public/male - private/female dichotomy and has restrained at least ideologically - the freedom of movement of women. Perhaps
- because in view of the long history of the seclusion of wives it seems
prudent not to draw too far-reaching conclusions from a rather restricted amount of evidence.
2.1.1.5
This gender dissymmetry holds for both Mesopotamia and Egypt. For
Mesopotamia, cf. Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 543; for
Egypt, cf. R. Tanner, 'Untersuchungen zur ehe- und erbrechtlichen Stellung der
Frau im pharaonischen gypten', Klio 49 (1967), 20; S. Allam, 'Ehe', in: LA, Bd.
1, 1174-5.
5
CLI 30; Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice, 29-30. On the interpretation of
kar.kid, see section 2.2.2.3.
6
There is difference of opinion whether the text is part of the Inanna-Dumuzi
corpus or whether it describes an erotic dialogue between humans. Sefati, in: C0S,
vol. 1, 540-1, for instance, considers the text to be part of the Dumuzi-Inanna
songs. T. Jacobsen, The Harps That Once ... : Sumerian Poetry in Translation,
New Haven 1987, 97-8, on the other hand, seems to stress the fact that the oath
is turned into a sexual invitation. See further G. Leick, Sex and Eroticism in
Mesopotamian Literature, London 1994, 126-9. Whether one prefers the one or
the other, what is relevant here is that the woman wanted her lover to confirm
his faithfulness to her.
7
Leick, Sex and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature, 128: ' . . . the theme
of women competing for the sole attention of the man is common in Sumerian
poetry - . . . we have evidence for the expression of female jealousy, but not of
men doubting the fidelity of their mistresses or wives'.
8
W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, Oxford 1960, 119.
her husband to take an oath declaring she had not had extramarital
intercourse. If she submitted to it, she was deemed innocent, but if she
refused, she was found guilty. In Egypt the penalty for a husband's
false accusation was a compensation payment to the wife.26
Who was to punish the adulterers? Raymond Westbrook states
that the authority of a husband over his wife did not include jurisdiction over her. Although a husband was not liable for homicide if
he killed the adulterers on the spot after catching them in flagranti
delicto, he afterwards had to defend himself in a trial, proving the
circumstances under which the killing took place. 27 If a husband did
not kill the lovers in a crime passionelle, he could bring them before
the court. He could then demand that they receive either the death
penalty or a less severe punishment (MAL A15). 28
If the charges of adultery were determined beyond doubt, the perpetrators could receive capital punishment. 29 This sentence could be
commuted, however, into a somewhat less severe punishment such
as mutilation (cutting off the nose, laceration of the face, castration
of the paramour) and perhaps public humiliation by being paraded
(naked?) through the city.30 The thought behind the latter punishment probably was that the behaviour of an adulterous wife was
equated with that of a prostitute and that what she had done in se26
P.W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt: A Contribution to Establishing the Legal Position of the Woman (PLB, 9), Leiden 1961,
56.
27
Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 551-4. See also Lafont,
Femmes, Droit et Justice, 66-8, 89-90. In this regard Lafont, 68, notes that the
husband had a right to take revenge, but it was not his duty to do so. Pace Otto,
'Das Eherecht im Mittelassyrischen Kodex und im Deuteronomium', 172-91.
28
On the various interpretations of MAL A15, see Westbrook, ' Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 552-3; Otto,'Das Eherecht im Mittelassyrischen Kodex
und im Deuteronomium', 262-73; Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice, 69-72.
The Sumerian text IM 28051, dating to the first half of the second millennium
BCE, demonstrates that even if adulterers were caught on the spot this did not
always lead to capital punishment. On the interpretation of this difficult text, cf. S.
Greengus, Textbook Case of Adultery in Ancient Mesopotamia', HUCA 40-41
(1969-70), 33-44; Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 558; P.L.
Day, 'Adulterous Jerusalem's Imagined Demise: Death of a Metaphor in Ezekiel
XVI', VT 50 (2000), 297.
29
Yet HL 198 notes that the king could pardon them. Cf. Westbrook, 'Adultery
in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 555; Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice, 79-81; R.
Haase, 'Der Seitensprung einer Ehefrau und seine Folgen nach der hethitischen
Rechtssatzung', ZABR 5 (1999), 71-74.
30
Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 554, 559; Lafont,
Femmes, Droit et Justice, 82-6. The latter punishment is disputed by Day, 'Adulterous Jerusalem's Imagined Demise: Death of a Metaphor in Ezekiel XVI', 296-9.
wanted to commit adultery with her. But when he found out his
wife had lied to him and that it was she who had tried to seduce
his brother, he killed her. 37 Wisdom texts such as the Instruction
of Any and the Instructions of Ptahhotep warned men not to start
relationships with married women. 38 The disapproval of adultery is
also illustrated by the Book of the Dead, where the deceased man
declared not to have copulated with another man's wife. 39 Although
adultery was punished by death in the literary texts, it seems that
in real life it was more likely to result in corporal punishment by the
family, a public reprimand by the local council, cutting off the nose
and ears, or divorce. 40
Adultery probably was the main reason for divorce, but there were
others. Another reason for divorce, mentioned in the Mesopotamian
law texts, is misconduct. CH 141 states that if a wife indirectly
sought to effect a divorce by appropriating her own property at the
expense of her husband, squandering her household means or disparaging her husband, thus hoping that she would receive financial
compensation upon the breakdown of the marriage, this could be
withheld from her. In such a case the husband was given a choice
between divorce without compensation or marrying another woman
whilst degrading the first wife to the status of slave woman. 41 If a
wife expressed her wish to divorce while she was herself without fault
but her husband was wayward and extremely disparaging her, she
could leave her husband and take her dowry if the authorities of her
city quarter validated her complaint. Yet if they did not, she would
be cast into the water. 42 It would thus seem that a wife legally had
37
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 2, Berkeley 1976, 203-11.
38
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 1, Berkeley 1973, 68 (Ptahhotep); Idem, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 2, 137 (Any).
39
Cf. G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 68-9.
40
C. Desroches Noblecourt, La femme au temps des pharaons, Paris 1986, 291-5;
. Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, Stroud 1991, 69-70; Robins, Women in
Ancient Egypt, 69-72; P. Vernus, Affaires et scandales sous les Ramss: La crise
des valeurs dans l'Egypte du Nouvel Empire, Paris 1993, 156-7; Depla, 'Women
in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', 36-7; J. Toivari, 'Het huwelijk en de
getrouwde vrouw: Impressies uit vrouwenlevens in Deir el-Medina', Phoenix 45
(1999), 56-7.
41
R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law (AfO.B, 23), Horn 1988, 76-7.
42
CH 142-143; pace Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law, 45-7, 71, who
assumes the wife was an inchoately married kallatu who refused completion of
the marriage. See further the thorough discussion by C. Locher, Die Ehre einer
Frau in Israel: Exegetische und rechtsvergleichende Studien zu Deuteronomium
22,13-21 (, 70), Freiburg, Schweiz 1986, 270-311. Lafont, Femmes, Droit et
to dissolve her marriage. 54 Yet at Nuzi, a wife does not seem to have
had the right to divorce. 55 If a woman was unhappy in her marriage,
for instance because she was childless and for that reason her husband
had taken another wife, she might try to return to her paternal family.
Two Nuzi documents record a wife returning to her father's house
without her husband's consent. In both instances the husband sent a
constable to bring his wife back to him. In one case the father refused
to return his daughter, but in the other he handed her over to the
constable. It probably depended on the willingness of the father to
take his daughter back whether a wife could abandon her husband. If
a father (or any other paternal relative) would not support her action,
she probably had no choice but to return to her husband. 56
A few centuries later the picture appears not to have changed.
Neo-Babylonian marriage contracts in general only gave the husband
the right to divorce. He then had to pay his wife a certain sum, either
one, five or six minas of silver. Out of the 45 Neo-Babylonian marriage
agreements dating from 635 to ca. 203 BCE that Martha Roth has
examined, only one gives the wife the right to initiate divorce, by
which she would forfeit her dowry. Since the names of the spouses
and some of the witnesses are Egyptian, this might have been an
Egyptian rather than a Neo-Babylonian practice. 57
When divorced, a Neo-Babylonian woman sometimes returned to
her family home. She then probably had to submit to the authority of
either her father or her brother. Other options for her were to try to
remarry, which might have been difficult if she was considered barren,
or to try living independently on the properties she owned, or to go
to 'the house of a mr ban\58
Prom the New Kingdom on there is evidence that an Egyptian
54
wife could initiate divorce. Infidelity of the husband might have been
a cause for a wife to divorce her spouse. Cruelty on his part is also
recorded as a reason, as is constant quarreling. 59 In case of a divorce
initiated by the husband, a wife usually would have a right to one
third of the joint property of the couple. 60 She also took with her her
personal belongings which she had got from her parents and/or had
earned herself by selling textiles, for example. 61 If she took the initiative to leave her husband, she had to pay her husband a certain sum
as compensation but she then had the right to take her personal possessions with her. Barbara Watterson notes that although in theory
divorce was easy, in practice it could be complicated. 62
A somewhat problematic and uncertain ending to a marriage could
be the disappearance of a husband. If a wife was deserted by her
husband, she sometimes had the right to remarry, according to the
Mesopotamian laws. CE 29-30 states that if a woman was married
and her husband was absent for a long time, she could remarry. But
if the husband had been taken prisoner or for any other reason was
absent against his will, the second marriage would become invalid
the moment he returned and the first husband then had the right to
take back his wife from her second husband. If, on the other hand, he
had fled the city, i.e. left of his own free will, leaving his wife behind
whereupon she married another man, the first husband did not have
a claim to his wife anymore upon his return. The second marriage
remained valid. 63
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
In Ugarit, too, a marriage was meant to last for ever. When a girl
consented to become a wife she became so w'lmh 'for ever' (KTU
1.23:43, 49). However, there is reason to suspect that in Ugarit, too,
59
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 65; Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, 71; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 63; Toivari,
'Het huwelijk en de getrouwde vrouw', 56-7; Idem, Women at Deir el-Medina:
A Study of the Status and Roles of the Female Inhabitants in the Workmen's
Community during the Ramesside Period, Leiden 2000, 86-90.
60
Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 124-8, 139.
See section 2.1.1.3.1.
61
M. Bierbrier, The Tomb-Builders of the Pharaohs, London 1982, 75; Toivari,
'Het huwelijk en de getrouwde vrouw', 57.
62
Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt, 71: 'Social, financial and family prssures may sometimes have militated against a couple divorcing; and the settlement
that had been drawn up before the marriage may have stipulated financial penalties that were so harsh that legal separation was impractical'.
63
The somewhat younger Law of Hammurapi ( 135-136) rules likewise. MAL
A45, while giving attention to matters of inheritance and family possession, is
also in line with CE 29-30.
Family Laws
For a thorough discussion of the interpretation of this text, cf. Locher, Die
Ehre einer Frau in Israel; Pressier, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 22-31.
70
Pace G.J. Wenham, 'B?tlh "A Girl of Marriageable Age" ' VT 22 (1972),
326-348, who assumes refers to menstruell blood as a sign of the bride not
being pregnant upon entering marriage, is generally assumed to be the
tokens of virginity, i.e. the sheets of the nuptial bed that were stained with the
hymenal blood. See, e.g., Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel, 181-92; . van
der Toorn, review of C. Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel, in: BiOr 46 (1989),
428-9; T. Frymer-Kensky, 'Virginity in the Bible', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds),
Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262),
Sheffield 1998, 94-5.
71
Although modern readers might wonder what kind of life a falsely accused
wife would have. As Frymer-Kensky, 'Virginity in the Bible', 94, comments: 'This
provision for no divorce seems odd to our modern sensibility, for remaining married
to the man who slandered her seems as much a punishment of the wife as of the
husband. But the no divorce provision, here, as in the case of the man who illicitly
sleeps with an unmarried girl, is a deterrent to such actions. He will always have
to support her financially. Perhaps the law assumes that an angry wife could make
his life miserable. Still, the law ignores the girl's wishes or her prospects for a more
congenial marriage in its concern to assure that men cannot use this method of
ridding themselves of unwanted wives'.
72
On the different views regarding whether there was a dissymmetry in the
punishment of the groom and the bride, cf. Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel,
380; Pressler, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 23-5.
73
Pressier, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 42.
Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 544-7, 572, also refers
to Gen. 38:24.
80
R. Westbrook, Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Law (CRB, 26), Paris 1988,
108; Idem, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 564-5; Lafont, Femmes, Droit
et Justice, 33.
81
Pressler, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 35,
suggests that the discrepancy between texts such as Hos. 2:4-5; Jer. 3:8; Isa.
50:1; Prov. 6:32-35 and 'the uncompromising insistence on the death penalty in
the biblical laws concerning adultery is best explained in terms of the difference
between practice and ideal. The laws stress the utter seriousness of the offense'.
82
With Lafont, I accept Westbrooks interpretation of Lev. 19:20-22, translating
'If a man has sexual intercourse with a married woman, she being a slave pledged
to the man and not redeemed or given her freedom, an action lies for her return.
They may not be put to death because she was not freed. He shall bring his guiltoffering, etc'. Westbrook assumes the following situation: a husband had to pledge
(hrp) his wife as a slave to a creditor, who had intercourse with the debtor's wife.
As a ransom for the adultery the husband can take back his wife and the debt
is cancelled. The adulterer has to bring a guilt offering, for he has sinned against
YHWH. The wife is not held liable because of her slave status. Cf. Westbrook,
Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Law, 101-9 (108); Idem, 'Adultery in Ancient
Near Eastern Law', 566; Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice, 59-61, 73-5, 77, 81-2.
Differently, C.M. Carmichael, Law, Legend, and Incest in the Bible: Leviticus 18
20, Ithaca NY 1997, 111, n. 17.
83
Jer. 13:26; Ezek. 16:37; Hos. 2:5[2], 12[9]; Nah. 3:5. Cf. G.I. Emmerson,
'Women in Ancient Israel', in: R.E. Clements (ed.), The World of Ancient Israel: Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives, Cambridge 1989,
386; Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 559-62. It should be
noted, however, that all prophetic references to stripping occur in a metaphoric
acted out his withdrawal of responsibility for her maintenance but also
made her shameful conduct publicly known. Another punishment also
known from the surrounding countries may have been cutting off the
nose and ears (Ezek. 23:25).84
In the so-called 'wife-sister' narratives, their husbands presented
the matriarchs Sarah and Rebekah as their sisters to a monarch, which
got the women into a situation where adultery was possible. In all
three stories (Gen. 12:10-20; 20; 26:1-11) it is clear that he who had
intercourse with another man's wife brought guilt upon himself and
that it was a sin condemned by YHWH. Whereas the Pharaoh was
punished for his sin (Gen. 12:7) and Abimelech of Gerar was warned
in a dream not to commit adultery or else he would die (Gen. 20:37), Sarah was not blamed. It would appear that if a wife was forced
by her husband into a situation where she ran the risk of having
intercourse with another man, she was not liable to punishment. 85
Also the paramours, because of their ignorance of the fact that Sarah
was another man's wife, did not die. But although the husband, i.e.
Abraham, acquiesced, it was considered an offence to Y H W H . 8 6
Likewise, the relationship of David and Bathsheba, wife of Uriah,
is regarded as adulterous (2 Sam. 12:9). Because David confessed that
he had sinned against YHWH, he was forgiven: 'Now the Lord has
put away your sin; you shall not die' (2 Sam. 12:13). Instead of the
death penalty for adultery, David received a double vicarious talion
penalty. 87 David's own wives would be given to others who would have
sexual intercourse with them. Furthermore, not he, the adulterer, but
the child born out of his adultery, would die. It appears that here, too,
the woman was not blamed, although Bathsheba suffered the loss of
her child born out of the liason with David.
The theme of adultery also occurs in the prophetic books. Using
the marriage metaphor to describe the relationship between Israel
and its God, idolatry, which - in the range of the metaphor - was
context; cf. . Stienstra, YHWH Is the Husband of His People: Analysis of a biblical metaphor with special reference to translation, Kampen 1993, 86; P.L. Day,
1
Adulterous Jerusalem's Imagined Demise: Death of a Metaphor in Ezekiel XVI',
VT 50 (2000), 285-309.
84
Cf. Roth, Babylonian Marriage Agreements, 15 and see above.
85
Pressler, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 34,
n. 38-9, observes that it is not clear whether a woman could refuse a king, which
obscures the question of liability.
86
Westbrook, 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 544-5, 567. Cf. Lev.
18:20.
87
To such a punishment Job 31:9-11 also refers; cf. further Westbrook, 'Adultery
in Ancient Near Eastern Law', 568-9.
Thus Bickerman, cited by L.R. Klein, 'Honor and Shame in Esther', in: A.
Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna (FCB, 7),
Sheffield 1995, 155.
102
Since she was never to appear before the king again it seems logic to assume
she had to leave the palace.
103
Pace Zakovitch, 'The Woman's Rights in the Biblical Law of Divorce', 36-7, I
regard it as incorrect to interpret this as a woman's right to divorce her husband.
The initiative was first with the husband, by leaving the woman, and then with
the father, by marrying her off again. The woman was only object, not subject of
action.
104
On Michal as the object of the political machinations of Saul and David, cf.
D.J.A. Clines, ', X ben Y, ben Y: Personal Names in Hebrew Narrative Style',
VT 22 (1972), 269-72; J.C. Exum, 'Murder They Wrote: Ideology and the Manipulation of Female Presence in Biblical Narrative', in: A. Bach (ed.), The Pleasure
of Her Text: Feminist Readings of Biblical & Historical Texts, Philadelphia 1990,
49-54; A. van der Lingen, Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Isral, Zoetermeer
1997, 24-32; I. Willi-Plein, 'Michal und die Anfnge des Knigtums in Israel', in:
J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Cambridge 1995 (VT.S, 66), Leiden 1997,
D . CONCLUSIONS
women were given the right to initiate divorce. The social position of
women in biblical Israel seems to have been restricted in this regard.
The biblical text does not mention any possibility for a woman to
initiate divorce. The story of the concubine in Judg. 19 rather seems
to underline a woman's impossibility to repudiate her husband. Yet
we need to bear in mind that most information on a woman's right to
divorce comes from marriage contracts, not from the legal or literary
texts. In theory it is possible that Israelite marriage contracts, like
the ones from Elephantine, gave women the right to divorce. 106 But
since none of these documents have been found in Israel so far, we are
reasoning from silence here.
2.1.2 Mother
Being a mother was the most prestigious position for a woman in
the ancient world. This position had two sides. First, towards her
husband she was the one who had begotten his child or children.
Secondly, towards her son(s) and/or daughter(s) she was a parent.
With regard to the reproductive role of a woman, we have seen
that the status of a wife could become endangered if she did not
bear a child to her husband. She sometimes would be downgraded or
even divorced. 1 In this section I want to give a survey of questions
concerning maternity.
In order to beget children, a couple were dependent on the gods.
In all societies of the ancient Near East people turned to the gods in
matters of procreation. Yet to which deities did they turn? Were male
and female deities both concerned with fertility? Or did the socalled
'fertility goddesses' play a major role? I will discuss the use of the
concepts 'fertility goddess' and 'fertility religion', which have been
criticized by feminist scholars. Furthermore, I will also pay attention
to deities of dual gender, who are called both Father and Mother.
If children were a blessing from the gods, were the deities displeased with people who did not get any children? How were infertile
women looked upon? Was barrenness related to sin? Furthermore,
what is known about the efforts to get pregnant, was this a matter of
wives only, or did husbands partake in any rituals?
If a woman did get pregnant, what were the risks, the problems
and procedures of childbirth? Israelite women were considered to be
unclean after parturition. Was this also the case in the neighbouring
106
Lipmski, 'The Wife's Right to Divorce', 21-7; T.C. Eskenazi, 'Out from the
Shadows: Biblical Women in the Postexilic Era', JSOT 54 (1992), 29-32. On the
Elephantine contracts, see section 4.3.3.
1
See sections 2.1.1.4.1 and 2.1.1.5.
countries? Did it matter for her status whether a woman was mother
of a son or a daughter? Did it matter whether she had few or many
children?
With regard to the parental role of a woman, we will look at the
relationship between mother and child. What was the influence of a
mother in comparison with that of a father? 2 Did a mother have a
say in the name given to her children? Did she play any part in her
children's education? Could she be a testatrix to her children? Did the
use of matronyms indicate anything about her position? In the following section we will look into these questions concerning motherhood.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
2.1.1.1
3
Cf. the Story of Appu in: Hoffner, C0S, vol. 1, 153-5; the Legend of Kirtu
(KTU 1.14-16); the biblical Abraham (Gen. 15:2).
4
On the cult of the dead, see section 3.2.
5
G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals (StBT, 29), Wiesbaden 1983, 2; Van der
Toorn, Cradle, 70.
6
E.I. Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs: Glimpses of Everyday Life in Ancient
Mesopotamia, New York 1968, 126 ( # 1.160). B. Alster, Proverbs of Ancient
Sumer, vol. 1, Bethesda MD 1997, 33, renders: 'Marrying is human. Getting children is divine'.
tion. 7
The concept of fertility is multi-faceted since it includes a broad number of themes, such as conception, pregnancy, vegetation, harvest,
and agricultural festivities, to name but a few. Christian Frevel offers
a structure which orders fertility in three fields: vegetative fertility
(flora), reproductive fertility (fauna), generative fertility (humans). 10
Writing about fertility, scholars often do not clarify which field they
have in mind and use the data of these fields interchangeably. 11 What
concerns us here is the field of human fertility.
Despite the critical remarks of scholars such as Day, it cannot
7
W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen 'Gebetsbeschwrungen' (StP.SM, 5), Rome 1976, 497, 501, 11. 43, 46-47. Engl, transi, by
S.J. Denning-Bolle in: Van der Toorn, Cradle, 78.
8
Hoffner, in: C0S, vol. 1, 153-5.
9
P.L. Day, 'Anat: Ugarit's "Mistress of Animals" ', JNES 51 (1992), 181. J.A.
Hackett, 'Can a Sexist Model Liberate us?: Ancient Near Eastern "Fertility1' Goddesses', JFSR 5 (1989), 65-76, makes a similar point.
10
C. Frevel, Aschera und der Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch
Yhwhs: Beitrge zu
literarischen, religionsgeschichtlichen und ikonographischen Aspekten der Ascheradiskussion (BBB, 94), Bd. 2, Weinheim 1995, 565.
11
Asherah, for instance, is named fertility goddess, vegetation goddess, mother
goddess, goddess of love as well as great goddess. These designations are often
mixed or used imprecisely. Cf. Frevel, Aschera und der Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch Yhwhs, 562-88 (581).
Although before the second half of the third millennium BCE female deities performed several roles, these became more and more
restricted. After the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1600 BCE), the majority of the goddesses of Mesopotamia were primarily consorts of
gods. Inanna/Ishtar was the exception to the rule. 14 She had a role
in the sky as morning and evening star, and was a goddess of ferocity
and war. Yet she was also venerated as the embodiment of sexual
12
Although she cannot answer the question 'whether the religious imagery is
leading society, or whether it is following socioeconomic development'; cf. T.
Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth, New York 1992, 45-7, 70-80 (79).
13
Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses, 46-7.
14
With regard to the Old Babylonian concept of Inanna/Ishtar one may compare the long list of characteristics enumerated by B.R.M. Groneberg, Lob der
Itar: Gebet und Ritual an die altbabylonische Venusgttin (Cuneiform Monographs, 8), Groningen 1997, 124.
Ishtar was called upon to forgive whatever sin the woman might
have committed. Without the protection of her goddess, the supplicant believed she would not be blessed with offspring. An infertile
person would take all possible actions to propitiate the gods. Sometimes a childless couple or one of the marriage partners would make a
vow, promising gifts or perhaps money to the deity in case they were
22
granted progeny. 25
A barren woman was considered a pitiful person. In the myth of
Enki and Ninmah the two deities held a contest in which Ninmah ereated six crippled human beings to whom Enki then assigned functions
whereby they could live an honourable life. Next to the blind and the
lame, the barren woman is mentioned. To the latter Enki decreed that
she should work in the women's quarter of the queen's household. 26 In
the epic tale 'Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Nether World', Gilgamesh
questioned Enkidu on what he witnessed in the nether world and
asked him, 'The woman who never gave birth, did you see her there?'
'1 saw her there', Enkidu responded. 'How has she fared?', Gilgamesh
wanted to know. 'Like a rejected vessel she is thrown to the ground,
she does not rejoice any man'. 27 Indeed, a barren woman risked being rejected by her husband. Some marriage contracts from Nuzi, for
example, contain a clause determining that a groom might take another wife in case the bride did not bear him children. If he did so, she
would probably get demoted to the status of concubine, or even be divorced. There is no textual evidence which indicates how many years
a wife was given to prove her fertility. A marriage text from Alalakh
mentions a seven-year-period, but it cannot be determined whether
this was a customary practice or not. 28 An Old Assyrian marriage
contract records a two-year period before the wife has to provide her
husband with a slave concubine. 29 In any case, a wife's status could
be at grave risk if she did not produce an heir. If she was from the
upper classes of society she might have the opportunity to avert the
dangers of demotion or divorce by offering a slave girl to her husband
to bear children in her stead. 30
In ancient Egypt at least two different views on a woman's share
25
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 80. In Egypt, infertile persons said prayers to the gods,
took vows, wrote letters to the dead, drank magic potions and wore amulets in
order to become pregnant; cf. Feucht, 'Gattenwahl, Ehe und Nachkommenschaft
im Alten gypten', 78. On the vow, see section 3.2.
26
Klein, in: C0S, vol. 1, 516-8.
27
R.J. Tournay, A. Shaffer, L'pope de Gilgamesh (LAPO, 15), Paris 1994,
266.
28
in the procreation existed. Some texts refer to a belief that the woman
was like a vessel in which her husband placed his seed. He was the
procreator while she was the nourisher of the child. The child was believed to be already present in rudimentary form in the male seed. 31 In
other texts, however, both parents are regarded as procreators. In accordance with this the Egyptians assumed that childlessness could be
due to both marriage partners. 32 In Mesopotamian texts the metaphor of woman as field occurs frequently. With regard to texts in
which Inanna rejoiced in her vulva, Gwendolyn Leick notes:
T h e young woman is compared to a field waiting to be rendered fertile,
by the plough (i.e. the penis) driven by the bull (i.e. t h e man). It is
in t h e context of marital intercourse t h a t the male sexual role defines
itself as the provider of fertility. T h e woman joyfully participates and
declares her readiness "to be ploughed". 3 3
Although Mesopotamian and Egyptian texts often express a phallocentric point of view, there is also attention for a woman's pleasure,
especially in love poetry. Female orgasm probably was acknowledged
in Mesopotamia and Egypt. 34
Also in Egypt, becoming pregnant was a focal point in the life
of every recently married young wife. If this did not happen to her,
a woman could be divorced or her husband could diminish her status and take another wife. Fortunately, not every man acted in this
way. In the Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy 14:16, a wisdom text from
the Late Period, a father lectured his son 'Do not abandon a woman
of your household who does not conceive and give birth'. 35 Such an
attitude was not only propagated in theory, but did occur in practice sometimes. Despite childlessness, a couple could decide to remain
31
Since Middle Babylonian times both demons have gradually been assimilated to each other. 57
We have noted that the period of post-parturition impurity could
vary with the sex of the child. It may have mattered for a mother's
status whether she had born a son or a daughter. However, although
sons were preferred, daughters were very welcome as well.58 A Hittite
birth ritual expresses the wish that a woman's next pregnancy might
52
Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, 251. On the matter of sex difference with
regard to impurity, see also section C below.
53
pWestcar 19; M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings,
vol. 1, Berkeley 1973, 221; R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient
Egypt, 7-8, 10-1.
54
For evidence on infant mortality in Egypt, see R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen,
Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 21-2.
55
F.A.M. Wiggermann, 'Lamatu, daughter of Anu: A Profile', in: Stol, Birth
in Babylonia and the Bible, 217-49.
56
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 25.
57
Wiggermann, 'Lamatu, daughter of Anu', 227-8; M. Hutter, 'Lilith ', in:
DDD, 520-1.
58
E. Ebeling, 'Familie', RLA, vol. 3, 12. See also section 2.1.4.
In Egypt, a son was also preferred over a daughter, although both sons
and daughters were welcomed with gratitude. 6 0 Pregnant Egyptian
women could wear amulets with wishes such as, 'We will arrange that
she will conceive male children and female children'. 61
A child was usually given its name by the person with authority
over it. 62 A newborn babe would receive its name either from the
mother or the father. Sometimes another person, such as a midwife,
would name the child. 63 In the Sumerian Stele of the Vultures, for
example, it is the goddess Inanna who names Eannatum, born from
the deities Ningirsu and Baba. Referring to his divine conception,
birth and name giving, the king of Lagash legitimized his reign. 64
The authority of a mother over her child also becomes evident
in matters of education. In principle, primary education and socialization started after the baby's birth. Mothers who belonged to the
upper classes of society would generally have wet nurses and nannies
taking care of their little children. In the lower strata a mother herself
would deal with breast-feeding the baby and with its upbringing. A
child would generally be suckled until it was about three years old. 65
59
no example has been found of a mother instructing her son or daughter. The Instruction texts are sapiental writings by (older) men for
(younger) men. Although women are sometimes mentioned in them,
they themselves do not give wisdom teaching. 71 Annette Depla points
to the fact that sapiental writings reflect the views of the upper class
males of Egyptian society.72 Since women of the lower classes practised several professions in which they had to be trained, we assume
that in these jobs mothers often educated their daughters, in Egypt
as well as in Mesopotamia.
Some Sumerian texts reflect the difficulties a mother could be
confronted with when raising her son. Ideally, a mother should not
strike or scold her son and a son should not speak disrespectfully of his
mother. One of the proverbs in the Instruction of Shuruppak reads,
'Do not speak arrogantly to your mother, you will be hated'. 73
Legal texts condemn a sexual relationship between a mother and
her son. According to CH 157, '[i]f a man, after his father's death,
should lie with his mother, they shall burn them both'. 74 They were
both held liable to capital punishment on grounds of incest. 75 Even
if the woman in question was not the son's biological mother but
his father's principal wife 76 , this was regarded as an incestuous act,
although not punished by death (CH 158). In the latter case the son
was disinherited. MAL A46, however, does not condemn a marriage
between a widowed second wife and a son of the husband's prior
marriage. HL 189 condemns a man and his mother having sexual
relations, 'it is an unpermitted sexual pairing'. 77
Also in Egypt the sexual relationship between a son and his (adopted) mother was considered a crime. In the Tale of Two Brothers,
the wife of Anubis proposed to the Bata, her husband's brother, to
71
Cf. R. Harris, 'The Female "Sage" in Mesopotamian Literature (with an appendix on Egypt) 1 , in: J.G. Garnie, L.G. Perdue (eds), The Sage in Israel and,
the Ancient Near East. Winona Lake 1990, 4: 'Indeed, "female" and "sage" were
contradictions in terms in the ancient Near Eastern world'.
72
A. Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', in: L.J. Archer
et al. (eds), Women in Ancient Societies: An Illusion of the Night, Basingstoke,
Hampshire 1994, 28-9.
73
B. Alster, The Instructions of Suruppak: A Sumerian Proverb Collection
(Mes.(C), 2), Copenhagen 1974, 48-9 (1. 258).
74
Roth, LCMAM, 111.
75
Cf. H.P.H. Petschow, 'Inzest', in: RLA, Bd. 5, 144-50; S. Lafont, Femmes,
Droit et Justice dans l'Antiquit orientale: Contribution l'tude du droit pnal
au Proche-Orient ancien (OBO, 165), Fribourg, Suisse 1999, 190-2.
76
Differently, R. Haase, 'Inzestuse Beziehungen im Codex Hammurapi', ZABR
5 (1999), 69-70, who assumes the woman is a foster mother.
77
Roth, LCMAM, 236.
have sex. He, however, refused, saying: 'Look, you are like a mother
to me; and your husband is like a father to me. He who is older than I
has raised me. What is this great wrong you said to me?' 78 Apparently
the fact that the younger brother as an adopted son was a member of
the household made the sister-in-law's proposal to commit adultery
even more despicable than when they would not have been family
members.
Only in extreme circumstances, such as a long siege or famine,
parents might resort to selling their children into slavery. Documents
emphasize that these measures were taken to help the children to survive. 79 Children were dear to their parents. Only in cases of unbearable famine might people resort to cannibalism, but such instances
are extremely rare throughout the ancient Near East. 80 In this light
the biblical story of the cannibal mothers (see below) should also be
regarded as exceptional behaviour under extreme circumstances.
According to Depla, in Egypt, 'one's maternal ancestry was as
important as the paternal line'. 81 Although in Egyptian tomb texts
filiation may refer either to one's mother or to one's father, it probably is too far fetched to conclude from this that matrilineality was
as important as patrilineality. Generally the fact that a person was
identified by his or her mother was related to hereditary matters and
the mother's social position. Also the position of the father of the
person in question may have been of influence. For instance, children
of the king were usually identified by their mother. This firstly was
a result of the fact that kings generally had several wives and therefore a further specification was necessary, and secondly, because the
king, being a god, could not be named as the father. 82 With regard
to women who were not wives of the king, Erika Feucht explains the
filiation references to these mothers by way of their strong ties to
the royal family, which made them women of high rank. If the husbands of these highranking women were themselves of lower rank,
the children would be referred to by their mother's name. In some
instances it might have been that the child referred to by matronym
was from an earlier marriage. However, it probably was customary to
use patronyms, since this is how persons are identified in narratives.
78
'In Erzhlungen, in denen nur die Herkunft einer Person definiert werden mute, erbrechtliche Grnde hingegen keine Rolle spielten, wird
nur die Abstammung von dem Vater angegeben'. 83
In early Mesopotamia, it was uncommon to use matronyms. Only
in sources that mention young children and their mothers as prisoners
of war, children born out of wedlock and certain classes of serfs who
were fatherless were matronyms used. 84 At Ebla, the children of the
maliktum could be referred to by matronym, which indicates the importance of the queen's lineage. 85 It was not customary at Emar to
use matronyms. However, they occur, for example, in a text regarding the allocation of property of a certain Iadi-Bala who had children
with two wives.86 Katarzyna Grosz proposes that the mothers of men
who used matronyms at Nuzi might be women who were adopted
as sons by their father. These women thereupon received the status
of son and inherited the family property. 87 As a consequence, they
might have had a status higher or equal to that of their husbands,
which would explain the use of matronyms. Yet Grosz does not exelude the possibility that persons who used matronyms were children
of prostitutes.
In general, a Mesopotamian mother could only act as testatrix to
her children if she was made guardian of the house by her husband.
Emarite testaments give testimony to the fact that mothers could
bequeath property to their children. 88 However, this probably was
possible only when a woman had become a widow and was made
'father and mother', i.e., guardian of the house by her late husband.
It seems that a husband making his wife 'father and mother' of his
house was not a common rule. Mothers generally were only caretakers
of the property of their deceased husband for their children until the
latter were grown up. Therefore testaments could hold provisions for
83
28.
85
K. Grosz, 'Daughters Adopted as Sons at Nuzi and Emar', in: FPOA, 84-5;
K. Grosz, 'Some Aspects of the Position of Women in Nuzi', in: WER, 174-7.
88
Cf. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), nos. 30, 32, 69, 128,
213. On matters of inheritance see also sections 2.1.4 and 2.1.5.
the mother, stating that adult children who failed to support their
widowed mother could lose their right to the inheritance. 89 Children
thus had the duty to take care of their mother in old age.
According to Old Babylonian law, a woman's dowry (eriktu) was
inherited by her children (CH 173-174). A dowry could consist of
all sorts of items, but a woman from a wealthy family could receive a
house or a parcel of land as (part of) her dowry. After her death such
possessions would be inherited by her children.
In Egypt children could inherit from both their father and mother.
A woman could bequeath her personal property according to her own
choosing and, as a consequence, she could also exclude some of her
children from her inheritance if she wished. 90 Children of either sex
could inherit from their mother. The inheritance would generally consist of property, but occasionally a mother could bequeath her office
to a child. Thus in the Egyptian Old Kingdom period a son named
Akhethotep inherited his mother Pesset's office of Overseer of Physicians. 91
A childless woman could adopt children and make them her heirs.
The Adoption Papyrus, dating from the late New Kingdom provides
an illustration of this principle. The Egyptian woman Rennofre, herself having been adopted by her husband Nebnofre in order to make
her sole heir of their childless marriage, manumitted and adopted the
three children of her female slave. The oldest girl she married to her
brother, whom she also adopted. She declared that all four adopted
children, two males and two females, were to inherit equal shares. Her
brother and adopted son were to act as trustees and take care of her
in her old age. 92 Adoption was thus a means for a childless widow to
provide for herself. 93
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
The role of mother was a very important one for Ugaritic women.
89
Mag. Pap. Harris III, 8-9. H.O. Lange, Der magische Papyrus Harris (Det
Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser, 14/2),
K0benhavn 1927, 29-30.
106
H. te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion: A Study of his Role in Egyptian Mythology and Religion (PA, 6), Leiden 1967, 28-9, assumes the opening of the womb
by Seth/Ba'lu implied abortion. This view is adopted by P.L. Day, 'Why is Anat
a Warrior and Hunter?' in: D. Jobling et al. (eds), The Bible and the Politics of
Exegesis, Cleveland OH 1991, 144, n. 41. Others assume Seth played a procreative
role and connect the phrase to the Story of 'Anat and Seth, see R. Stadelmann,
Syrisch-palstinensische Gottheiten in gypten (PA, 5), Leiden 1967, 131-3; W.
Helck, Die Beziehungen gyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v.
Chr. (A, 5), Wiesbaden 21971, 446-73 (462); J. van Dijk, "Anat, Seth and the
Seed of Pr' ', in: H.L.J. Vanstiphout et al. (eds), Scripta Signa Vocis: Studies
about Scripts, Scriptures, Scribes and Languages in the Near East, presented to
J.H. Hospers by his pupils, colleagues and friends, Groningen 1986, 31-51. Walls,
The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic Myth, 144-52, has many reservations.
107
For the former opinion, cf. De Moor, ARTU, 137 (classifying the text as 'Myth
and Ritual', though he also refers to it as 'An Incantation Against Infertility (KTU
1.13)', UF 12 (1980), 305-10); Wyatt, RTU, 169; for the latter, cf. Del Olmo Lete,
'Le mythe de la vierge-mre 'Anatu', 50-1; Walls, The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic
Myth, 139.
108
Del Olmo Lete, 'Le mythe de la vierge-mre 'Anatu', 49-62.
ag2ri.'[n]t. 'arh.30b'l
a<g>zrt. 'ni.wld
31
kbdh.l yd' hrh
wtdh 32 tnqt
incited Ilu to bless and fortify the childless nobleman. Ilu included
Kirtu's wife in the blessings, but it was Kirtu who was addressed
(KTU 1.15:11.11-25)117:
11
['ahjr.m^y. 'di.'iIm
[w]y'n. 'a/'y[n.]b'Z
13
['ik.t]tb'
Ihpn 14 ['il.jdp'id
Itbrk 15 [krt.]'
Itmr.n'mn 16[glm] 'i/.
ks.y'ihd 17 ['il.b]yd
krpn.bm 18 [ym]n.
brkm.ybrk 19 ['bdh].
y brk. 'il.krt 20 [t'.]
12
21
'att 22 gh.bk[.]
[g]1mt.V6 23 hzrk
tld.sb'.bnm Ik
24
wimn[.]ti{t}mnm
25
Ik
The blessing then continues with a list of the children Hariya would
bear for Kirtu. As in the Legend of Aqhatu, here, too, the viewpoint
is androcentric, although the poet acknowledged that both partners
needed to share in the deity's blessing.
Scholars have pointed to the fact that Canaanite religion has often been characterized as a 'fertility' religion. 119 Jo Ann Hackett,
among others, opposes the often-used dichotomy between Israelite religion and the 'fertility' religion of Canaanites and other neighbouring
peoples. She states that ' "fertility religion" is a euphemism for ritual sex, for ritual prostitution'. 120 Although Canaanite religion was
concerned with fertility, this was not the only dimension to characterize it. Cosmogony, for example, was equally important. And what
is meant when using the term 'fertility religion'? Concern for fertil117
ity in its various aspects was also part of Israelite religion. 121 What
is of importance to us, is the fact that the major deities of Ugarit
who were held responsible for fertility were male. Thus, Ilu was the
god who blessed a couple with offspring, and Ba'lu granted fertility
to the fields. However, on earth some of the goddesses were viewed
as equally indispensable for procreation. In the Myth of Ba'lu 'Anatu
performed certain actions that may be interpreted as rites to promote the fertility of the earth. In KTU 1.3:11.38-41 par. she washed
herself with dew. Johannes de Moor proposes a correspondence with
the rite of the so-called 'Rain Bride' whose task it was to promote
abundant rainfall. 122 In KTU 1.3:111.14-17 par. 'Anatu may have performed a rite to stimulate the fertility of the earth with the help of
the aphrodisiac mandrake. 123 However, in the end it was Ba'lu who
gave fecundancy to the earth by his rains and it was Ilu who gave the
blessing of children to humankind. It was only with regard to procreation that goddesses played a certain role connected to their sexual
capacity. Thus Athiratu acted as wet nurse of the gods Shaharu and
Shalimu (KTU 1.23:24) and 'Athtartu and 'Anatu performed the same
task, nursing princes (KTU 1.15:11.26-27).124 'Anatu was called upon
when people suffered from infertility (KTU 1.13) and the Katharatu
oversaw conception and childbirth (KTU 1.17:11.26-47; 1.24).125
According to Ugaritian belief, both man and woman contributed
to conception. Both Kirtu and Dani'ilu were blessed (brk D) and fortified (mr) by Ilu (KTU 1.15:11.18-20; 1.17:1.34-36). Yet both blessings
of Ilu included their wives as well. Thus, in KTU 1.17:I.39-42126 Ilu
decreed that Dani'ilu's wife, Danatiya, would achieve conception:
39
bm.nq. 'atth
bhbqh.hmhmt
121
40
[whr]
41
[hr.t]kn.y/
hmhmt
42
[1mt.r]p '1
dn{.} 'il.bth.ymgyn
25
ytql.dril.lhklh
'rb.bbth.ktrt.
bnt 27hll.snnt.
'apnk. dn'il 28mt.rp'i.
'ap{.}hn.gzr.mt
29
hmmy.
30
'alp.ytbh.lkt rt.
yIhm.ktrt.
wy31 q.bnt.hll.snnt
26
32
hn.ym.wtn.
ylhm 33ktrt.
w.yq.bnt.h1[] 34 snnt
tit.ib' ym.
yP5hm ktrt.
riage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature (POS, 1), London 1954, 83; De Moor,
ARTU, 229, n. 41; Tropper, UG, 494; 565. Pace Sivan, GUL, 176, who considers
hmhmt to be a qatal 3 f.s. and translates 'she became sexually aroused'. Since the
parallel hr is obviously not a qatal 3 f.s., I regard both sentences to be nominal
clauses.
129
In 1933 an alphabetic cuneiform text was found in Beth Shemesh, which was
quite difficult to interpret. Several suggestions were made, the most important
being that of W.F. Albright, 'The Beth-Shemesh Tablet in Alphabetic Cuneiform',
BASOR 173 (1964), 51-3, who assumed it was an amulet mentioning the birth
goddesses (ktrt). He rendered the following transcription and translation: hi htq
ktrt hqny ['att(?)] d w(?) dm mt [l]h "Truly, birth goddesses, enter (her belly?),
Cause this [woman] to produce (offspring), And drive out Death from her!' (52).
See also Winter, Frau und Gttin, 381-2. Further study, however, revealed that this
interpretation was incorrect and the text offered an example of the Beth Shemesh
alphabet, probably a scribal exercise; cf. M. Dietrich, . Loretz, Die Keilalphabete:
Die phnizisch-kanaanischen und altarabischen Alphabete in Ugarit (ALASP, 1),
Mnster 1988, 277-96. As such it is classified in KTU2 (KTU 5.24).
wyq
36
bnt.hll.snnt.
hm 37tdt.ym
ylhm.ktrt
38
wyq.bnt.hll.snnt
39
mk.b sb'.ymm
tb'.b bth 40ktrt
bnt.hll.snnt
41
mddt.n'my.
42
43
r.hrt
ysmsmi.'rs.hlln
2/i6.dn'l.[ls]pr.yrhh
44
yrh.j/rh.tn[.]ys'i
One month, a second month passed,
45
Zt.r6'[.]
a third, a fourth.
[Then, the t]e[nth] month arrived,
[mk.'s]r[m] 4 6 yrhm.
ymgy
[wypth 47 rhm[.dnty]
[and the] w0[m]b [of Danatiya was opened.] 131
The reading mddt, though not certain, seems most likely. According to De
Moor, ARTU, 232, n. 51, it is a part. f.pl. G md(d) 'to measure', but 'friends,
beloved', as suggested by G. del Olmo Lete, Mitos y leyendas de Canaan: segun
la tradicion de Ugarit (FCiBi, 1), Madrid 1981, 373, 575, is also quite possible.
131
The restoration of lines 46-47 is based on the proposal of De Moor, ARTU,
232-3, n. 57.
132
On the Katharatu, see section 2.1.1.2.
133
The deity Hilalu was the god of the new moon. In KTU 1.24:41-42 the
Katharatu were called bnt hll b'l gml 'the daughters of Hilalu, the lord of the
sickle'. The epithet 'the swallows' is due to their association with domestic (marital) blessings; cf. Ch. Virolleaud, La lgende phnicienne de Danel (MRS, 1),
Paris 1936, 106; J.C.L. Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends, Edinburgh 1977,
106; De Moor, ARTU, 231, n. 49. Pace B. Margalit, 'Lexicographical Notes on the
Aqht Epic (Part I: KTU 1.17-18)', UF 15 (1983), 75-6, who assumes snnt to be
related to Arabic sny 'shine, gleam, be exalted'; followed by Pardee and others.
In Mesopotamian texts there are several references to the relationship between the birth goddesses and the moon god; cf. W.G.E. Watson, 'Ugaritic and
Mesopotamian Literary Texts', UF 9 (1977), 282; Winter, Frau und Gttin, 383-5.
they placed the birth stones. As it was for human females, the birth
of their children was a painful experience for the goddesses, they convulsed and crouched when they bore the Devourers (lines 25-27).
On mortal women bearing children we have little information from
Ugarit. RS 17.81, a fragmentary medical text, seems to refer to certain
rituals and prayers that could be performed to assist a woman in
travail.
According to Ugaritic mythology, a father was not present during parturition. Afterwards, word was brought to him that a child,
preferably a son, was born to him. 143 This preference for a son is also
expressed in KTU 1.24:7: glmt.d bn [lh] 'Let the lass bear a son
[to him]'. Also in the Legends of Kirtu and of Aqhatu the theme of
begetting a male child to continue the family line (patrilineality) is of
importance.
Furthermore, to have many children was regarded as a blessing
from the gods. At king Kirtu's wedding party, Ilu was prompted to
bless the newly-wed king and thereupon endowed a benediction (KTU
1.15:11.21-25, see above). The blessing was addressed to Kirtu, not to
his wife. Hariya was to bear many children for him, so as to continue
Kirtu's family line (cf. KTU 1.14:1).144 Since infant mortality was
high and there were no provisions for the elderly, a large number of
children was regarded desirable to ensure some security for old age.
In the Ugaritic pantheon the most important female parent was
Athiratu. She was the mother of Ilu's central family 145 and called
qnyt 'ilm 'Creatress of the gods'. 146 In a fragmentary text that for
143
hn.bnp. 'atrt.rbt.
17
bl [b.ys]rk.lttm.
As Marjo Korpel concludes, 'procreation and creation are seen as related processes in which both Ilu and his wife were involved'. 153 However, although Athiratu and Ilu as a divine parental pair appear to
have been co-workers in creation, they were not mutually dependent,
for Ilu could also perform in a bisexual capacity alone.
Athiratu and Ilu probably were not the only parental deities. Some
of the other gods may also have had a parent-child relationship. In
an incantation against snakes, the Mare, who was named daughter
of Spring, of Stone, and of Heaven and the Deep, called the goddess
Shapshu her mother (KTU 1.100:1).154 The Mare seems to have been
bitten by a venomous snake and asked her mother Shapshu to find
her someone who could expel its deadly poison. The Sun goddess
thereupon 'carried the Mare's voice' (KTU 1.100:2-3 et passim) to Ilu
and ten other deities. Finally, the twelfth deity, Horon, a chthonian
god, was able to cure her. 155 However, it is also possible that 'urn is
used here as an epithet, designating the Sun in her capacity of divine
messenger. 156 The urge of a mother to protect her children might
manifests itself also in KTU 1.82. Two divergent interpretations have
been proposed for this collection of incantations. Either KTU 1.82:2
mentions a mother who launched herself upon Ba'lu for help against
snake bites, or it refers to the spirit of a deceased mother who assailed
the father of the person uttering the incantation. 157
In the Ugaritic texts, it generally was the father who named his
children. Thus in KTU 1.12:1.28-29 Ilu proclaimed the names of the
two deities who were born to Tulishu, handmaid of Yarikhu and
Damgayu, handmaid of Athiratu. 158 And also in KTU 1.23 Ilu named
Ilu, cf. De Moor, ARTU, 185.
153
Korpel, RiC, 244.
154
De Moor, ARTU, 146, n. 3, notes that the text seems to propose a different
theogony, possibly of Hittite and/or Hurrian origin. Differently, D. Pardee, review
of De Moor, Spronk, CARTU; De Moor, ARTU, in: AfO 36/37 (1989/90), 179;
Idem, in: C0S, vol. 1, 295; Parker, in: Smith, UNP, 219; Wyatt, RTU, 378-9; G.
del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion: According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit,
Bethesda MD 1999, 359-71.
155
Pace Wyatt, RTU, 378, 384, who assumes Horon cured her foal.
156
Cf. S.A. Wiggins, 'Shapsh, Lamp of the Gods', in: N. Wyatt et al. (eds),
Ugarit, Religion and Culture (UBL, 12), Mnster 1996, 327-50; M. Dietrich, .
Loretz, Studien zu den ugaritischen Texten: I. Mythos und Ritual in KTU 1.12,
1.24, 1-96, 1.100 und 1.114 (AOAT, 269/1), Mnster 2000, 263-402 (313).
157
The former interpretation is proposed by Del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion,
373-8, the latter by J.C. de Moor, K. Spronk, 'More on Demons in Ugarit: (KTU
1.82)', UF 16 (1984), 237-50.
158
Cf. TO, t. 1, 341; De Moor, ARTU, 130; Parker, in: Smith, UNP, 191, n. 6;
Wyatt, RTU, 163.
the gods born from his liason with the two wives.159 Ilu furthermore named the children born from the marriage of Kirtu and Hariya
(KTU 1.15:11.25-111.12). Due to the fact that columns III and IV of
KTU 1.17 have been destroyed we do not know who named Aqhatu,
son of Dani'ilu and Danatiya. The bow for Aqhatu that was made
by Kotharu-and-Khasisu, the deity of skilful crafts, was named by
Dani'ilu (KTU 1.17:V.33-36).160
In KTU 1.1:IV.13-15 it was the father who renamed his son, probably upon his enthronement or his installation as viceroy. The god
that was first called Yawwu (yw) now was named Yammu (7/771) by
Ilu. 161
Mothers may have had some power in the lives of their children,
especially mothers of heirs to the throne, who could play a major role
in their son's accession. Thus upon Ilu's question to Athiratu whom
to make king after Ba'lu's death, she suggested her son Athtaru (KTU
1.6:1.53-55).
A text which expresses the high regard in which a son held his
mother is RS 25.421.162 In 'The message of Ludingirra to his mother'
a son described the virtues of his mother to a messenger. According
to the poetic description, Ludingirra's mother was kind, beautiful,
fertile, joyful and sweet-scented.
Both in the literary and administrative texts of Ugarit persons
were sometimes referred to by matronyms. 163 In KTU 1.3V.3-4 the
parallel 'ilm || bn 'atrt 'gods || sons of Athiratu' is used. Ba'lu was
excluded from this group of '7/rn who did have a house. Also in KTU
1.6:1.39-41 Ba'lu was excluded from the sons of Athiratu. His widow
'Anatu went to the encampment of Ilu and proclaimed her husband's
death to the king of the gods:
159
39
tmh ht
41
'ilt-wsb
kmt. 'aliyn
40
'atrt.w.bnh.
rt. 'aryh.
42
khlq.zbl.b'l
b '1.
43
'ars.
Upon hearing this news, Ilu turned to Athiratu and asked her
advice on who to make king now. Apparently the successor of Ba'lu
had to be someone who was a son of Ilu and of his primary wife.
In a polygynous marriage, sons who were born from the same
mother were more closely related. Especially if the mother was the
queen and chief wife of the king, it was important to refer to her and
to trace one's status as a descendant from her. In KTU 1.14:1.8-9 the
tragic fate of Kirtu's exterminated clan is told, a house that counted
seven brothers. Here the brothers ( 'ahm) are parallelled with sons of
the same mother (bn 'urn).164 The same parallel also occurs in KTU
1.6:VI.10-11, 14-15, where the god Motu was tricked into eating his
own brothers, the sons of his own mother, instead of the brothers of
Ba'lu, who were of different parentage.
Adrianus van Selms assumes these references are relics of an older
form of marriage during a stage of society 'at which the mother was
the centre of the family'. Although he wants to avoid using the term
'matriarchy', he seems to intend explaining it by way of this hypothetical societal structure. 165 Yet any reference to matriarchy is unnecessary here, since the occurrence of polygynous marriages forms a
logical explanation for the use of matronyms in royal and upper class
circles. In the same way we must explain the Ugaritic term 'umt 'kin
(of the same mother)'. 166
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
woman all suffered from barrenness. 167 Only after the intervention of
Y H W H did these barren wives become mothers. It is remarkable that
in the ancestral stories of Genesis only the matriarchs, i.e., the women
who would carry forth the promise, were initially barren. When these
women did bear children it was not because of the potency of their
husbands, but because of God's graceful action. 168
Infertility was not always blamed on the woman. King Abimelech,
for instance, suffered from temporary infertility due to his sinful acting
(Gen. 20:17). And Deut. 7:14 mentions both male sterility and female
barrenness ( ) as matters that Y H W H would keep from his
people. Furthermore, the husbands of both Tamar (Gen. 38) and Ruth
(Ruth 1:5,11,21) died childless, while these women later on bore a
child to another man. This implies their first husband might have
suffered from infertility.
The initial childlessness of Ruth is described using the imagery of a
childless woman, namely, as an empty vessel. Naomi's loss is included
in this imagery. In Ruth 1:21 Naomi complained with reference to
the loss of her husband and sons: '1 went away full, but the L O R D
has brought me back empty (')!. But when Ruth returned to her
mother-in-law after 'laying at the feet' of Boaz, she did not return
empty(-handed) (!, Ruth 3:17). Not only did she carry six measures of barley, but the story also alludes to Boaz's seed she would
carry in her womb. 169
As was the case in Israel's neighbouring countries, the relationship
between childlessness and sin was also stressed in the Hebrew Bible
(Gen. 20:17; Num. 5:11-31; 2 Sam. 6:20-23). Although in the narratives of the matriarchs the emphasis is on subjection to the divine
will and persistant hope in God's fulfillment of his promise, barrenness
was often interpreted as a sign of divine displeasure. 170 It was Y H W H
167
who closed and opened the womb (Gen. 16:2; 20:18: 1 Sam. 1:5) and
he was the one that women called upon. Rachel expressed her hope
that God had taken away her reproach when she bore Joseph (Gen.
30:23) and when Hannah went to the temple at Shiloh, she prayed
God to remember her (1 Sam. 1:10-11). Barrenness was considered
not only a shameful but also a pitiable state. In Job 24:21 the childless woman is mentioned next to the widow as a person who lacked
protection and therefore could be harmed by evildoers. Furthermore,
repentence and being blessed with children are related in the book of
Job. Whereas Job's children were taken from him at the beginning
of his ordeal (Job 1:18-19), he was blessed with seven sons and three
daughters after repenting before YHWH (Job 4 2 : 1 - 7 , 1 3 ) .
A childless person could turn to YHWH in prayer. Thus, 'Isaac
prayed to the Lord for his wife, because she was barren; and the Lord
granted his prayer, and his wife Rebekah conceived' (Gen. 25:21).
Hannah also prayed to YHWH (1 Sam. 1:9-18). Taking a vow was
another option. Hannah vowed that if she would be granted a son,
she would give him to God as a nazirite (1 Sam. 1:11). According to
Prov. 31:2 king Lemuel's mother also took a vow in connection with
his birth. Probably such a vow could also imply other offerings than
the dedication of the child to religious service. Possibly women also
used votive objects to ask that they became pregnant. Thus the socalled fertility figurines may have been magical objects depicting the
desired situation. 171
Although it was Y H W H who blessed people with children, there
may be some traces in the Hebrew Bible of the veneration of other
deities granting fertility. According to some scholars, the ancestor
gods (teraphim) played a certain role in granting fertility to the family.172 Others, however, think there is no explicit evidence linking the
teraphim to fertility rituals and emphasize the relationship between
tament', Bib. 80 (1999), 90-8.
171
Cf. J.H. Tigay, You Shall Have No Other Gods: Israelite Religion in the Light
of Hebrew Inscriptions (HSS, 31), Atlanta GA 1986, 92: 'With their emphasis on
full breasts and childbearing these figurines represent what women in particular
most wanted and what they would have been most likely to try to obtain by
magical means . . . . ' However, other scholars assume the figurines depict goddesses;
cf. . Stern, 'What Happened to the Cult Figurines?: Israelite Religion Purified
After the Exile', BAR 15/4 (1989), 28-9; Van der Toorn, Cradle, 90-1.
172
See, e.g., M.A. Morrison, 'The Jacob and Laban Narrative in Light of Near
Eastern Sources', BA 46 (1983), 161. Differently, A.-M. Korte, 'Significance Obscured: Rachel's Theft of the Teraphim: Divinity and Corporeality in Gen. 31', in:
J. Bekkenkamp, M. de Haardt (eds), Begin with the Body: Corporeality Religion
and Gender, Leuven 1998, 178-9, 181.
the one who blessed parents with children it is unlikely that these
goddesses played a generally accepted role in the official cult.
Y H W H was not only regarded as the God who blessed a couple
with children, but also as a Father and Mother of his people. He thus
could be compared to a childbearing woman. 185 In Deut. 32:8 God is
called 'the Rock that bore you' and 'the God who gave you birth'. 186
Describing the 'new things' (v. 9) that he would do to free his people
in exile, Y H W H is compared to a soldier crying out against his foes and
to a woman crying out in labour (Isa. 42:13-14).187 The imagery of a
potter next to that of a father begetting a child and a mother in travail
occurs in Isa. 45:9-12, where Y H W H is called creator of the earth as
well as of humankind. 188 According to Job 38:8, 28-29 even the waters
of dew, frost, ice and the sea came forth from God's womb, and Psalm
90:2 refers to Y H W H having borne the earth. In Num. 11:12 Moses
implicitly referred to Y H W H as the one who conceived and nursed the
children of Israel. 189 Also in Hos. 11 God is presented as a caring and
nursing mother. Although the word is not used, the imagery used
to describe the actions of God is predominantly female. 190 The image
of God as both father and mother was a persistant one. 191 It occurs
in a prayer from Qumran, 192 but also in much earlier texts. Allusions
to it occur in the creation account of Gen. 1:26-27, in which it is said
that God created humankind in his image. Johannes de Moor has
argued convincingly that the Priestly writer assumed the first human
being was androgynous, both male and female, like God him/herself.
De Moor contends,
[S]evera1 texts in the Hebrew Bible attribute female characteristics to
God and this argues decisively against speculations about the hyper185
masculinity of the biblical YHWH. The God of Israel may have been
represented predominantly as masculine, there was an awareness that
the power of the Almighty could not be confined by gender. This is by
no means surprising because all major creator-gods of the Ancient Near
East, like Aten, Amun-Re, Enlil, Marduk, Kumarbi, Ilu and AhuraMazda are described as both father and mother. Apparently it was a
common conviction in the Ancient Near East that the differentiation
of gender could not apply to the One who stood at the beginning of
everything.193
Gruber proposes Deutero-Isaiah may have deliberately made use of
motherly as well as fatherly images of God, in reaction to the polemics
against idolatry by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. These prophets stressed
the involvement of women in the idolatrous cult and thereby may
have debarred them from the official cult. 194 Despite Deutero-Isaiah's
deliberate use of motherly metaphors, the Israelite onomasticon shows
a reluctancy to compare Y H W H to a mother. Marjo Korpel comments
on this:
Whereas all Canaanites were fond of theophoric personal names containing the element ' "Mother" such names are entirely lacking not
only in the Old Testament but also in epigraphic Hebrew sources. It
must be concluded that there was a historically traceable reluctancy to
compare God to a mother. No doubt this was less the result of a patriarchal bias than the logical outcome of the early choice for monotheism.
Because the Canaanites knew many dual gods and goddesses, there
would have been a real danger of syncretism if God would also have
been called "Mother".195
Thus, Y H W H was compared to a mother in metaphorical imagery, but
not invoked as 'Mother'. Whereas in some parts of the Bible allusions
are made to his androgynous nature, in other parts it is stressed that
God was above and beyond both sexes. 196 As such he was both Father
and Mother to his people whom he could bless to become fathers and
mothers themselves.
A woman who was not yet blessed with children and who wanted to
overcome her barrenness, could offer her handmaid to her husband, in
order that she in her stead bear a child for her. 197 Thus, Sarai offered
Hagar to Abram (Gen. 16), Rachel offered Bilhah and Leah Zilpah
193
J.C. Exum, 'The Mothers of Israel: The Patriarchal Narratives from a Feminist Perspective', BiRe 2 (1986), 64, stresses that 'this particular means of obtaining children is for the woman's sake and not the man's'. When Rachel and Leah
gave their handmaids to Jacob, he already had sons. Yet in the case of Abram
and Sarai, it appears to be for the sake of both marriage partners.
199
On the effects ascribed to the , cf. .. Pope, Song of Songs: A New
Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AncB, 7C), Garden City NY
1977, 647-50; M. Zohary, Plants of the Bible, Cambridge 1982,188-9. On the haggling of Rachel and Leah, see, e.g., I. Fischer, Die Erzeltern Israels: Feministischtheologische Studien zu Genesis 12-36 (BZAW, 222), Berlin 1994, 26-9; V . P
Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50 (NIC), Grand Rapids MI 1995,
274-5.
200
Gen. 30:3-13 (the substitute childbearing by the handmaids Bilhah and Zilpah); Gen. 48:5 (Ephraim and Manasseh); Exod. 2:9-10 (Moses); Ruth 4:13-17
(Obed); Est. 2:5-7 (Esther).
201
H. Donner, 'Adoption oder Legitimation?: Erwgungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament auf dem Hintergrund der altorientalischen Rechte', OrAnt 8 (1969),
87-119; Wahl, 'Ester, das adoptierte Waisenkind', 78-99. The theological reason
for rejection of adoption in the Bible was already proposed by H.J. Boecker, 'Anmerkungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament', ZAW 86 (1974), 86-9.
202
Wahl, 'Ester, das adoptierte Waisenkind', 98.
203
Wahl, 'Ester, das adoptierte Waisenkind', 87-9. The cases of Ephraim and
tified adoption, whereby Esther was legally and socially protected. 204
It is noteworthy that the single case of adoption in the Bible regards
a woman. Since women generally did not continue the family line it
may not have been considered a major breach of taboo.
When a woman did conceive and became pregnant, she might
consider herself blessed. In Israel, as in Ugarit, conception was believed to be related to the female orgasm. When Sarah, with whom
'it had ceased to be after the manner of women', i.e., she had reached
menopause, heard that she would have a son, she 'laughed to herself,
saying, "After I have grown old, and my husband is old, shall I have
pleasure?" ' (Gen. 18:11-12). The word used here, , denotes sexual
pleasure. 205
Being pregnant was a blessed yet uncertain state for a woman.
When Rebekah noticed some irregularity during her pregnancy, she
sought a religious answer and inquired of Y H W H what was the matter (Gen. 25:22-23). The Hebrew Bible also testifies to the toilsome
process of parturition. Rachel had hard labour and died in childbirth
(Gen. 35:16-18).206 Gen. 3:16 also reflects women's experience with
childbirth as painful hard work. 207
The motif of the childbearing woman is also used metaphorically
in the Hebrew Bible. The Israelites in distress compared themselves to
a woman in labour: 'Like a woman with child, who writhes and cries
out in her pangs when she is near her time, so were we because of
Manasseh and of Obed were matters of legitimation, not of adoption; see also
Viberg, Symbols of Law, 166-75. Differently, F.W. Knobloch, 'Adoption', in: ABD,
vol. 1, 76-9, according to whom adoption was practiced in ancient Israel.
204
It seems that later traditions of Rabbinical literature and LXX objected to
the reference of adoption; cf. Wahl, 'Ester, das adoptierte Waisenkind', 87-8.
205
Cf. A. van Selms, Marriage and Family Life in Ugantic Literature (POS, 1),
London 1954, 83; Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50, 5, n. 13.
206
Archaeological studies on the skeletal remains of humans found in tombs
reveal information on the age of the deceased. One of the results of osteological
analysis is a difference in death rate for men and women. According to C. Meyers,
Discovering Eve: Ancient Israelite Women in Context, New York 1988, 112-3,
'The mortality rate for females in the childbearing years greatly exceeded that of
males. In a population in which the life expectancy for men hovered around 40,
women would have had a life expectancy closer to 30. The physical risks related
to childbearing constituted a gender-specific life threat. The matriarch Rachel is
probably a representative case insofar as she died as she gave birth to her second
son (Gen. 35:16-18)'.
207
On the interpretation of this text, see, e.g., Meyers, Discovering Eve, 95121; Idem, 'Gender Roles and Genesis 3.16 Revisited', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A
Feminist Companion to Genesis (FCB, 2), Sheffield 1993, 118-41; A.J. Bledstein,
'Are Women Cursed in Genesis 3.16?' in: Brenner, A Feminist Companion to
Genesis, 142-5.
you, LORD' (Isa. 26:17). Also the Daughter Zion during the siege is
compared to a woman crying out while bringing forth her child (Jer.
4:31).
During childbirth a mother was assisted by midwives. In Exod. 1
the king of Egypt ordered the midwives of the Hebrews to kill the male
children when they were born. The NRSV renders 'When you act as
midwives to the Hebrew women and see them on the birthstool 208 , if
it is a boy, kill him; but if it is a girl, she shall live' (Exod. 1:16).
There are a few places in the Bible where metaphoric imagery is
used of God as midwife (Isa. 66:9; Pss. 22:10; 71:6), performing tasks
that in Ugaritic mythology were done by the Katharatu. 2 0 9
Since midwifery was a female task, Marjo Korpel wonders, 'Could
one say that God is a woman here when he performs the task of a
midwife?' Yet she thinks the gender of God is not important here:
'The image of delivering was appropriate to what they [the authors
choosing the imagery, HJM] had to say, but the gender of the divine
Actor was not that important. The context of the three passages
proves that it was not the author's purpose to show us God as either
a woman or as a man'. 210
Whereas midwives were present to assist a childbearing woman, a
father generally would be absent during the birth of the child. Lamenting his day of birth, the prophet Jeremiah said, 'Cursed be the day
on which I was born! The day when my mother bore me, let it not
be blessed! Cursed be the man who brought the news to my father,
saying, "A child is born to you, a son", making him very glad' (Jer.
20:14-15, see also Job 3:3).
When the child was born, the mother was considered to be impure.
According to Lev. 12 a woman who had borne a child was impure ()
for 7 and 33 days if the child was a boy and for the double number of
days (14 and 66) if the child was a girl. During the first period, either 7
or 14 days, the mother was unclean as at the time of her menstruation.
208
its turn of bearing children as for a male child'. 219 Clarence Vos points
to the possibility of a number factor. Apparently odd numbers were
often applied to males and even numbers to females in ancient times.
'If this factor was in the Hebrew mind and if the number seven had
to be reckoned with, then there was hardly any alternative than the
"seven-fourteen" scheme of Lv. 12'. 220 The additional 33 days might
have been chosen to arrive at 40, the number representing an ideal
month. 221 Yet Vos himself acknowledges that due to the 'slippery' nature of the problem 'we do well not to build too much upon it'. 222
Gruber relates the period of impurity of the mother to the weaning of
babies. The ancients were aware of temporal infertility as a result of
breast-feeding. If sons were preferred over daughters, a parent might
be inclined to wean a baby girl at an earlier stage than a baby boy,
in order to increase the chance to conception. Gruber concludes that
'it is reasonable to suggest that Lev. 12:1-5 is meant to counter the
notion that the first thought after the birth of a daughter is when to
try for a son and that it is meant to provide an extra margin of time
for mother and daughter to establish breast-feeding'. 223
To my mind the most reasonable explanation is the fact that
sometimes new-born baby girls have a vaginal discharge. As Jonathan
Magonet explains:
There is a phenomenon that sometimes affects a new-born girl following
the withdrawal of the maternal hormones - namely vaginal bleeding.
I consulted a Professor of Obstretics and Gynaecology, the author of
several textbooks on the subject, who confirmed that perhaps one in
ten baby girls may bleed in this way, and even if no blood appears there
may well be a discharge. ... It is therefore altogether possible that with
the birth of a baby girl we have the equivalent of two 'women', each with
an actual or potential vaginal discharge, to be accounted for. Since this
uncleanness has to be ritually dealt with and the baby cannot do so,
the mother with whom the child was formerly united and from whom
she has emerged, symbolically bears the uncleanness so that the period
is doubled.224
219
J.H. Otwell, And Sarah Laughed: The Status of Woman in the Old Testament,
Philadelphia PA 1977, 176-7.
220
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, 69-70.
221
Cf. W.H. Roscher, Die Zahl 40 im Glauben, Brauch und Schrifttum der
Semiten, Leipzig 1909; J.B. Segal, 'Numerals in the Old Testament', JSS 10
(1965), 10-1.
222
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, 70.
223
M.l. Gruber, 'Breast-Feeding Practices in Biblical Israel and in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia', JANES 19 (1989), 68.
224
J. Magonet, ' "But if it is a Girl she is Unclean for Twice Seven Days . . . " :
L.E. Stager, 'The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel', BASOR 260
(1985), 18; K. Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel: Eine begriffsgeschichtliche und
sozialrechtliche Studie zur Stellung der Frau im Alten Testament (BWANT, 130),
Stuttgart 1990, 123. See further section 2.1.1.4.2 and chapter 4.
230
Gruber, 'Breast-Feeding Practices in Biblical Israel and in Old Babylonian
Mesopotamia', 61-83.
231
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, 161, . 83, refers to 45 cases of
naming, of which 26 were by women, 14 by men and 5 by God. Fischer, Die
Erzeltern Israels, 69-70, refers (n. 191) to M. Lohr, Die Stellung des Weibes zur
Jahwe-Religion und -Kult, Leipzig 1908, 24, who counts 46 cases of naming, of
which 28 were by women and 18 by men. It needs to be kept in mind that the
woman naming the child not necessarily was the (biological) mother, see further
below.
On etiological name-giving by women, see Van Dijk-Hemmes, "Traces of
Women's Texts in the Hebrew Bible', 97-103.
name the child. 232 Scholars have noted that in the texts ascribed to
J and which are generally considered to be pre-exilic it was more
often the mother who named the child, while in the post-exilic texts
that are ascribed to the father predominated as the person naming
the child. 233 One may wonder, however, whether there existed a historical development in which the authority of the person naming the
child shifted from the mother to the father. 234 Nancy Jay points to
the different focus of in comparison to J with regard to genealogies.
'P's genealogies never mention women but J includes named women
who conceive and bear children'. Apparently had an interest in
protecting unilineal continuity. 235 This means that in stead of a historical development - or perhaps next to it - the context of the story
and the agenda of the author need to be taken into consideration.
In line with this is an observation by Naomi Steinberg, who studied
the ancestral stories in Genesis from an anthropological point of view,
emphasizing the kinship structures of the ancestral stories. She wonders why the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah were included as heirs while
Hagar's son Ishmael was not and assumes that the role of those naming the heir(s) was of importance. 236 In the case of Ishmael, it was
not Sarai, the owner of Hagar, but Abram who named Hagar's son
(Gen. 16:15). The sons of Bilhah and Zilpah, on the other hand, were
named by the owners of their mothers, i.e., by Rachel and Leah (Gen.
30:1-13). Naming a child might be a deed of legitimation. 237 Therefore
it is of importance to pay attention to the question who was the biological mother of the child in relation to who named it. For instance,
in the story of Abimelech, son of Gideon and a ?from Shechem,
it was his father who named him and thereby legitimized him. This
is of importance in the following part of the story. It is furthermore
remarkable that in two stories of widows who begot a child as a resuit of extra-marital intercourse it was not the parent but someone
232
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, 163. See also W. Plautz, 'Zur Frage
des Mutterrechts im Alten Testament', ZAW 74 (1962), 13-5.
233
Cf. Plautz, 'Zur Frage des Mutterrechts im Alten Testament', 14; De Boer,
Fatherhood and Motherhood in Israelite and Judean Piety, 7; Fischer, Die Erzeltern Israels, 70.
234
Cf. Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, 163.
235
. Jay, 'Sacrifice, Descent and the Patriarchs', VT 38 (1988), 55-6.
236
N. Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis: A Household Economics Perspective, Minneapolis 1993, 132.
237
Cf. . Viberg, Symbols of Law: A Contextual Analysis of Legal Symbolic Acts
in the Old Testament (CB.OT, 34), Stockholm 1992, 168-75. However, Viberg
refers to texts in which the naming of the child was combined with placing it on
someone's lap. These acts together symbolized legitimation. Yet perhaps naming
a child was in itself also an act of legitimation.
from the community who named the child. 238 To conclude, it would
seem that in Israel both parents could name the child. The possibility
of a historical development that led to the exclusion of women from
naming their children needs to be studied further with regard to the
question of legitimation, thereby focusing on the relation between the
child and the person who named it.
A mother would be the primary parent for a little child. Children
were generally nursed until the age of three. 239 Although especially
lower class mothers would probably breast-feed their children themselves, the Hebrew Bible does refer to the practise of wet-nursing (Gen.
24:9; 35:8; Exod. 2:7-9; 2 Kgs 11:2 || 2 Chron. 22:11; Isa. 49:23). But
whether or not mothers nursed their own babies, they would generally hold the main responsibility for the socialization and education
of young children. 240
The relationship between a mother and her young child is generally
depicted as full of love and tenderness. Mothers even ceded their baby
to another person if they thereby could save its life. Jochebed put her
baby son Moses in a basket on the riverbank where he was found by
the daughter of Pharaoh (Exod. 2). And one of the two prostitutes
who came to receive a judgement from king Solomon preferred to see
her son alive in the hands of her colleague than divided in half (1
Kgs 3:16-28). A nursing woman did not forget her child, she rather
showed compassion for it (Isa. 49:15). However, the Bible also holds
a tale of maternal cannibalism (2 Kgs 6:24-7:20). 241 The exceptional
behaviour of cannibalism took even more grotesque form in that a
mother here renounced her maternal instincts. Instead of feeding her
238
In Gen. 38:29 it was the midwife who named Perez, son of Tamar and Judah,
and in Ruth 4:17 the women of the neighbourhood named Obed, son of Ruth and
Boaz. Although strictly speaking Ruth did not beget a child after extra-marital
intercourse - she only conceived after properly being married to Boaz (Ruth 4:13)
- her spending the night with Boaz on the threshing floor led to this result. On
the role of bystanders naming a child, see also F.W. Bush, 'Ruth 4:17: A Semantic
Wordplay 1 , in: J.E. Coleson, V.H. Matthews (eds), 'Go to the Land I Will Show
You': Studies in Honor of Dwight W. Young, Winona Lake IN 1996, 12.
239
Meyers, Discovering Eve, 151; Gruber, 'Breast-Feeding Practices in Biblical
Israel and in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia', 61-83.
240
Prov. 4:3; C.L. Meyers, 'Everyday life: Women in the Period of the Hebrew Bible', in: C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women's Bible Commentary
London 21998, 255-6.
241
Cf. G. Hens-Piazza, 'Forms of Violence and the Violence of Forms: Two Cannibal Mothers before a King (2 Kings 6:24-33)', JFSR 14 (1998), 91-104; L. Lanner,
'Cannibal Mothers and Me: A Mother's Reading of 2 Kings 6.24-7.20', JSOT 85
(1999), 107-116.
The Bible generally considered cannibalism to be a curse (Lev. 26:29; Deut.
28:53-57; Isa. 49:26; Jer. 19:9; Ezek. 5:10; Zech. 11:9).
child, she fed herself by eating her child. Indeed, the perplexities of
this story symbolize 'a world in chaos'. 242
The love of a mother for her adult sons is expressed by the story
of Rizpah, concubine of Saul, who did not rest until her executed
sons received a proper burial. 243 After her sons had died by the hands
of the Gibeonites, 'Rizpah the daughter of Aiah took sackcloth, and
spread it on a rock for herself, from the beginning of harvest until rain
fell on them from the heavens; she did not allow the birds of the air
to come on the bodies by day, or the wild animals by night' (2 Sam.
21:10). She kept vigil until king David, after having been told of her
action, ordered them to be buried.
Lev. 18:7 prohibits an incestuous relationship between a mother
and her son. Also a sexual relationship between a son and another
of his father's wives is considered in this light and condemned (Lev.
18:8; 20:11). 244
In Proverbs the 'teachings of your mother' ( ?Prov.l:8;
6:20) are compared to precious jewelry that was not to be rejected
casually. Also the teachings of the ( Prov. 31:10-31, esp. 26),
who was a mother of children, were valued highly. With regard to the
educating role of mothers in Proverbs, Claudia Camp notes,
The Book of Proverbs gives us an important indication of the mother's
role in the training of her children, not only as infants and toddlers,
but also in the proper attitudes and actions of adult life. The mother's
tr is placed in parallelism with the father's msr in Prov. 1:8, and
with his misw in 6:20. Although these instructions are similar in some
respects to works from Egyptian wisdom, it is unique to Israel that the
mother as well as the father is cited as the bearer of this tradition. 245
Generally the teachings as expressed in Proverbs were addressed to
sons. Athalya Brenner defends the possibility of Prov. 31:10-31 being
a didactic text spoken by a mother to her daughter. 246
Being a mother was considered an honourable position. This is
242
C.V. Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', in: C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women's
Bible Commentary, London 21998, 115.
243
2 Sam. 21:1-14; cf. C.J. Goslinga, Het tweede boek Samuel (COT), Kampen
1962, 389-92.
244
Cf. S. Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice dans l'Antiquit orientale: Contribution l'tude du droit pnal au Proche-Orient ancien (OBO, 165), Fribourg,
Suisse 1999, 192-3.
245
C.V. Camp, 'The Wise Women of 2 Samuel: A Role Model for Women in
Early Israel?' CBQ 43 (1981), 24.
246
A. Brenner, 'Proverbs 1-9: An F Voice?' in: Brenner, Van Dijk-Hemmes, On
Gendering Texts, 127-30.
illustrated by the metaphorical use of the term 'mother' in the title 'a
mother in Israel', that was bestowed upon Deborah (Judg. 5:7) and
on the city of Abel Beth-maacah (2 Sam. 20:19). 247 Children were
supposed to honour both parents. One of the ten commandments
is the imperative to honour father and mother (Exod. 20:12; Deut.
5:16). Father and mother are paralleled in wisdom texts (Prov. 4:3;
10:1; 15:20; 17:25; 19:26; 20:20; 23:22,25; 28:24; 30:11,17) and also
in legal texts (Exod. 21:15,17; Lev. 20:9; Deut. 27:16). 248 When the
stubborn and rebellious son of Deut. 21:18-21 did not obey his father
and mother, both parents acted together in punishing him. Zech. 13:3
also acknowledges parents cooperating in the punishment of their sons
who prophesied falsely.
In an article on the duties of a son towards his parents, Eckart Otto
notes that honouring one's parents ( Piel) entailed more than just
material care. 'Die Bedeutung von kbd (Pi.) in Ex 20,12/Dtn 5,16
geht aber nicht in der materiellen Frsorge der erwachsenen Kinder
fr die altgewordenen Eltern auf, sondern zielt, wie die Weisheitsberlieferung u.a. in Prov 19,26; 20,20; 23,22; 28,24 und Sir 3,7f. zeigt,
auf die positive Befrderung der Eltern auf allen Gebieten, die die
Altersversorgung umschliet'. 249 He explains the legal clause Deut.
21:18-21* within the context of post-exilic Judah, in which family life
had become of central importance. A person who was 'a glutton and a
drunkard' (v. 20) endangered the family inheritance and the resources
for the care of aging parents. Therefore habitual disdain of parents
was considered a capital sin. 250
Unlike her social role of wife, which was a subservient one from the
viewpoint of authority, the role of mother gave a woman a position
of relative equality next to the father of her child. This was related
to the importance attached to motherhood as a function to preserve
society. As Phyllis Bird notes,
247
Cf. P.A.H. de Boer, 'The Counsellor', in: M. Noth, D. Winton Thomas (eds),
Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East (VT.S, 3), Leiden 1955, 5960; J.C. Exum, ' "Mother in Israel": A Familiar Figure Reconsidered', in: L.M.
Russell, Feminist Interpretation of the Bible, Oxford 1985, 85.
248
It needs to be noted that the Hebrew does not know the inclusive term 'parent'. See also Gen. 2:24; 28:7; Josh. 2:13,18; Judg. 14; 1 Sam. 22:3; 2 Sam. 19:37;
1 Kgs 19:20; Ezek. 22:7; Pss. 27:10; 109:14; Ruth 2:11.
249
E. Otto, 'Sohnespflichten im antiken Syrien und Palstina', in: E. Otto, Kontinuum und Proprium: Studien zur Sozial- und Rechtsgeschichte des Alten Orients
und des Alten Testaments (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana, 8), Wiesbaden 1996,
271.
250
Otto, 'Sohnespflichten im antiken Syrien und Palstina', 265-82 (275).
The ancient command to honor one's parents (Exod. 20:12; Deut. 5:16)
recognizes the female as the equal of the male in her role as mother. It
places the highest possible value upon this role, in which her essential
function in the society was represented - the reproductive function.
The welfare of the family and society and the status of the husband
depended upon her performance of that task. 251
Being a mother, a woman could exercise legitimate power over certain other persons, i.e., her children. Motherhood offered a certain
authority as well as honour and security. King Solomon, for instance,
honoured his mother Bathsheba by bowing down to her (1 Kgs 2:19).
However, the authority of a mother was restricted. Her actions could
be limited by her husband, who had authority over her. Influence
and deception were strategies a woman could use to get around her
husband in achieving her goals as a mother. 252
Although it is stated elsewhere that a husband could overrule a
vow his wife had made (Num. 30:6-8), Elkanah apparently acquiesced
in Hannah's vow which determined their son's life (1 Sam. 1:11).
Mother Rebekah incited her son Jacob to deceive Isaac (Gen. 27).
She subsequently influenced her husband to send Jacob away in order
to prevent the latter from marrying the wrong kind of woman. Yet
she also had a hidden agenda - that is, hidden from her husband - in
protecting him from being killed by his brother Esau. Another mother
that tried to affect her son's choice of marriage partner was Samson's
mother (Judg. 14:3). Other biblical mothers tried to influence their
sons' lives in general. Thus, Lemuel's mother instructed him on the
right behaviour of a king (Prov. 31:1-9). And queen-mother Athaliah,
who was the counsellor of her son Ahaziah and instructed him 'in
doing wickedly' (2 Chron. 22:2-3), also appears to have had a major
influence on her son. 253
If a marriage was polygynous, a mother usually had to reckon with
co-wives or concubines whose children might constitute a threat to the
251
position of her son. 254 Some biblical stories give evidence to the theme
of the promoting mother, who might go quite far in order to secure
the position of her son. 255 Thus, Sarah asked Abraham to cast out
Hagar and Ishmael in order to prevent the latter from inheriting with
her son Isaac (Gen. 21). When Adonijah, son of Haggith, threatened
to take over the throne from his old father David, Bathsheba went to
David and asked him to confirm that their son Solomon was to be the
king's successor (1 Kgs 1).
Matronyms seldom occur in the Hebrew Bible. Sometimes a person
would refer to his brother as 'the son of his mother'. Thus it is told
of Joseph, that when he met his brothers who had come to Egypt
because of the famine, 'he saw his brother Benjamin, his mother's son'
(Gen. 43:29). And Dinah, half-sister of Joseph, is called 'the daughter
of Leah' (Gen. 34:1). In a context of polygynous marriages, children
who shared the same father and mother probably were more closely
attached to each other. 256 David's nephews Joab and Abishai are both
called 'son of Zeruiah', who according to 1 Chron. 2:16 was a sister of
David. The use of a matronym here might be due to the importance
attributed to the fact that Zeruiah was a sister of the king. Also
noteworthy is the occurence of matronyms of the men who conspired
against king Joash of Judah: 'Those who conspired against him were
Zabad son of Shimeath the Ammonite, and Jehozabad son of Shimrith
the Moabite' (2 Chron. 24:26). In 2 Kgs 12:22 [21], however, these
conspirators are identified by patronyms. Apparently, the Chronicler
wanted to stress the foreignness of the mothers, although in general
the Chronicler's view on intermarriage was not disapproving. 257
D . CONCLUSIONS
an unhappy person and a barren woman was considered pitiful. Barrenness was related to sin in Mesopotamia as well as in biblical Israel.
Although the ancients were aware that both partners needed to be
fertile in order to beget children, a couple's infertility was generally
attributed to the wife. If a marriage was not blessed with children,
both husband and wife tried to induce the gods with prayers, offerings and vows. The deities with the power of blessing a couple with
offspring were generally male. Although female deities were involved
in matters of fertility, they did not occupy a major role. This is the
case in Mesopotamia and Egypt as well as Ugarit. Although in Israel
vestiges of participation of female deities in the reproductive process
may still be discerned, nevertheless it was Y H W H alone who granted
progeny. This appears to be a further accentuation of the Ugaritic
Ilu's prerogative as the creator of humankind.
It was a common characteristic of all major gods in the ancient
Near East that they were considered to be of dual gender, i.e., both
Father and Mother. This was also true of Ugaritic Ilu. Allusions to
this occur in the Hebrew Bible.
Pregnancy was a blissful yet uncertain stage, which was therefore
surrounded with efforts to ward off the evil. A post-parturiant was
not only considered impure in Israel, but also in Mesopotamia, Hatti
and Egypt, and possibly in Ugarit. A different period of impurity for
mothers of boys and of girls is known for both Israel and Hatti.
It seems that most couples welcomed children of both sexes, although there was a certain preference for boys, since they were the
ones who were supposed to continue the patrilineality. Thus, although
it is not expressed explicitly, a woman who was a mother of sons generally had a higher status than a mother of daughters. To have many
children was an image of a blessed stage, but archaeological information reveals a high rate of infant mortality as well as mothers dying
in childbirth.
A woman's influence was greatest as a mother. Children were
taught to honour their parents, i.e., both father and mother. Wisdom
teachings stressed a mother's role in the education of young children,
although scholarly education appears to have been a male preserve.
In Ugarit, it was generally the father who named the child, whereas
in biblical Israel both parents could name it. Reasons of the exclusion
of mothers in this regard need to be studied further.
While a Mesopotamian mother could act as testatrix of her dowry,
she generally could bequeath the property of her husband to her children only when made guardian of the family. In a comparable manner, an Egyptian mother could bequeath her personal property to her
children. The literary texts from Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible do not
inform us on mothers as testatrixes. 258
The use of matronyms usually can be explained either by way of
polygynous marriage or by the fact that the mother was somehow
related to royal circles.
2.1.3 Sister
Although some female children were an only child, often a girl would
have siblings to whom she was a sister. In this section we will look
into the relationship of a sister and her brother(s). 1 What was the
relationship of a sister and her brother like? Was it one of protection
from the side of the brother? Did he have any authority over her?
If so, was it a delegated authority, imposed by the father? We will
briefly regard the issue of brother-sister incest.
A . ANCIENT N E A R E A S T
him to approach the divine circle. That may broadly have been the
reason for the practice.4
The custom of calling a beloved relation 'sister' or 'brother' had nothing to do with an incestuous relationship 5 but it certainly illustrates
the closeness between siblings. Also the use of 'sister' as an affectionate way of addressing women of equal status testifies to the fact that
close family ties were held in high esteem. 6
Brothers assisted their fathers in providing protection to their sisters. Especially if the father was incapacitated or had died, a brother
became the protector of his unmarried sister(s). 7 Nuzi texts inform
us that a brother could take it upon himself to arrange his sister's
marriage. 8 A sister generally had less influence on her brother's life.
Yet she could take it upon herself to introduce the bride of her brother
into the new household. 9
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
[bnm.]b/120^.?/ 'ilm.
6n[.]bh[t]k^a[1.t]mft
21
22
'Anatu probably uttered the same threat in KTU 1.18:1.7-10 (restored), where she demanded that none of the children of Ilu, that is,
none of her brothers and sisters should make fun of her failure. After
having been ridiculed by Aqhatu who refused to give his bow to her,
she could not bear being mocked by her peers. 11
Out of affection, a sister could also act as her brother's vindicator.
When the remains of Aqhatu had been discovered, he was mourned
for seven years. Then his sister Pughatu wished to revenge his death
and asked for her father's blessing (KTU 1.19:IV.28-40):
28
29
wt'n.pgt.tkmt.mym
qrym.'&b.dbh.X'ilm
30
S'iy.dgth.bSmym
31
dgt.hrnmy.dkbkbm
Meindert Dijkstra, among others, has pointed to the fact that Pughatu has much in common with the goddess 'Anatu (as Aqhatu
has with the god Ba'lu). Just as 'Anatu was revenging the death of
her 'brother' Ba'lu (KTU 1.6:11.30-35), likewise Pughatu was taking
upon herself the social duty of blood revenge. 15 However, the nature
11
Ordered by their father, a brother could instruct his sister to execute certain tasks. Thus Iluha'u, one of Kirtu's sons was ordered
(KTU 1.16:1.25-45):
25
&n. 'al.tbkn
26
'al tdm.ly
27
'al tkl.bn
28
mh.r'isk
sh. 'ahtk
29
vdm't.
itmnt.
30
bt.hmh<m>h
tbkn.wtdm.ly
31
[ttb
Come back!
Speak by night,
33
yd 't.krhmt
'a1.it. bdm.mmh
35
36
tr[gm.]11t.
dm. 'ahtk
34
37
tmtn.sb'a.rbt
38
w.tgh.nyr
40
mlk. 'T
rbt.
39
wrgm.l'ahtk
tmn.
dbh
41
'r.
qh.tpk byd
42
43
[m] rqstk?0.bm.ymn
bsmkt.s'at.npsh
krtn.dbh
'ahr.
'al.trgm.l'ahtk
32
See J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT,
16), Neukirchen 1971, 111; DLU, 20. N.H. Walls, The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic
Myth (SBL.DS, 135), Atlanta G A 1992, 89-94, although reluctant to acknowledge
that 'Anatu was Ba'lu's consort, agrees that they were of different parentage. On
Pughatu's revenge, see also section 2.1.4.
17
Cf. sections 2.1.1.1 and 2.1.1.4.1. On 'Anatu's alleged marriage proposal 'at
'ah w'an 'a[htk] 'You be my brother, and I will be your sister!' (KTU 1.18:1.23-24),
see section 2.1.1.1.
18
Based on new photographs, Greenstein, in: Smith, UNP, 32, n. 118, reads
d'an.
19
For smkt one might consider Watson's proposal 'soil', cf. W.G.E. Watson,
'Comments on Some Ugaritic Lexical Items', JNSL 22 (1996), 77-8.
20
On the reading see E.L. Greenstein, 'New Readings in the Kirta Epic', IOS
18 (1998), 112-3.
44
ndr.qrb.ksp
45
bmgn/c.whrs.lkl
Thereupon Iluha'u went to the well where he met his sister at sunset
while she went out to draw water. After hearing her father's message
she passionately wept and grieved his approaching death.
The passage illustrates that a girl could be an accomplished singer
and musician whose skills were recognized by her father and brothers.
Apparently Iluha'u did not envy his sister's position as her father's
favourite. It seems likely that in the end she, the youngest daughter,
was to become her father's successor. 22 By emphasizing her father's
preference for her as a singer of dirges, the author of the Legend of
Kirtu paved the way for her future exaltation.
In KTU 1 . 2 4 : 3 6 the sisters of the moon goddess Nikallu are mentioned. Together with their father, mother and brothers they participated in the weighing of the terhatu. In this way the whole family
participated in the acceptance of their future son- and brother-inlaw. 23
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
For the reading, see Greenstein, 'New Readings in the Kirta Epic', 114, who
aptly points to the irony of Kirtu's words: he himself had forgotten to fulfil his
vow of silver and gold to the goddess Athiratu.
22
See section 2.1.4.
23
See further section 2.1.1.3.1.
24
Cf. M.H. Pope, Song of Songs: A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary (AncB, 7C), Garden City NY 1977, 657; I. Kottsieper, 'We Have a
Little Sister: Aspects of Brother-Sister-Relationship in Ancient Israel', in: J.W.
van Henten, A. Brenner (eds), Families and Family Relations: As Represented in
Early Judaisms and Early Christianities: Texts and Fiction (STAR, 2), Leiden
2000, 55.
25
Cf. Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice dans l'Antiquit orientale, 203-7. On
father-daughter incest, see section 2.1.4.
26
J . Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22 (AncB, 3A), New York 2000, 1742-3, 1753-4.
(Song 1:6; 8:8-9). Although the brothers rejected their sister's permissiveness, they did not treat her as harshly as the guards of the
city, who beat and humiliated the woman (Song 5:7). Their's was
a less authoritarian relationship, 'based on emotions like affection,
fondness and responsibility'. 39
A sister could also have a certain influence on her brothers. In
Prov. 7:4a a man is told: 'Say to wisdom, "You are my sister" '. Sister Wisdom might keep him from the temptations personified by the
loose woman and the adulteress. A sister could have 'a guiding and
protecting function for her brother
' 40
Miriam also acted in a protecting capacity towards her baby
brother Moses. When he was put in a little basket in the reeds on
the riverbank, she stood at a distance to see what would happen to
him (Exod. 2:4). And when Pharaoh's daughter found him, she suggested that she look for a wet nurse, thus being able to return him to
their mother. Later on, when they were grown up, she and her brother
Aaron criticized Moses 'because of the Cushite woman whom he had
married' (Num. 12:1).41 Furthermore, they questioned Moses' authority and special position - 'Has the Lord spoken only through Moses?
Has he not spoken through us also?' (v. 2). Yet Miriam was punished more severely than her brother Aaron, for she became leprous.
However, both brothers spoke for her, Aaron to Moses and Moses
to YHWH, which resulted in her healing after a seven-day period of
confinement. 'Whatever tensions exist between Miriamic and Mosaic
points of view, they have not destroyed sibling affection'. 42
D . CONCLUSIONS
daring mission, such as the Ugaritic Pughatu did. Yet to 'Anatu, love
for one's consort expressed itself in negative feelings towards her siblings. Biblical sisters could act in a protective manner towards their
brother (Exod. 2:4; Prov. 7:4a).
The relationship of a brother and his sister generally was not as
authoritarian as that of a father and his daughter. Especially when the
father was still alive, a brother's authority was a delegated authority.
When Kirtu was deadly ill, he told his son Iluha'u how to instruct
his sister on what to do with regard to his approaching death. In the
biblical narratives protection of a sister's virginity and honour by her
brothers plays an important role. With their father they often shared
in the responsibility of marrying her off to a good match. Furthermore,
in Gen. 34 and 2 Sam. 13 brothers take revenge on those who have
defiled their sister's honour. Yet it would seem that in Gen. 34 the fact
that the honour of the brothers was violated was of more importance
to them than the love for their sister. While Israelite brothers acted in
this manner even when their father was still alive, in Nuzi, brothers
- either biological or adopted - appear to have taken care of their
sisters as regards marriage only after their father's death. However,
the paucity of evidence calls for caution here.
2.1.4 Daughter
The position of a daughter was primarily fixed by her relationship
to her parents. In this section we will take a closer look into texts
regarding the preference of sons over daughters. As we have seen in
section 2.1.2, sons generally were preferred over daughters. On the
other hand, parents preferred a balanced family with both sons and
daughters.
We will also discuss the role of a daughter within the family. How
was a daughter treated within the family? Did she receive any education? We will look into her tasks and responsibilities.
One of the most important issues for an unmarried daughter appears to have been her virginity. A daughter was to remain chaste
until she married. But what if premarital sex did occur?
A father had authority over his daughter's sexuality. What did
this mean in regard to the view on incest between a father and his
daughter?
Another important question with regard to status is the matter
of inheritance. Could a daughter inherit at all, that is, become legal
owner of her father's property? Was this the case only if she had
no brothers? Or could she inherit together with her brothers? If she
der hufigste Gtterkreis in gypten und Urbild der irdischen Kernfamilie'. 8 Also in Mesopotamian religious texts many goddesses are
described as daughters of other deities. 9
In Egyptian Instructions advice is given on the treatment of several categories of women. Annette Depla notes that the category of the
daughters is missing, which she explains by referring to the purpose
of these wisdom texts, i.e., providing 'a framework for a successful
life'. A successful career and a good marriage were part of this, but
'[d]aughters did not directly impinge upon the furtherance of one's
career
' 10 Thus, daughters could be excluded as persons towards
whom one was instructed to behave correctly.
Sometimes a father would make no difference in his treatment
of sons and daughters. During the Egyptian Old Kingdom period a
certain high priest of Hathor, named Nek'onkh, appointed his daughter as well as his sons to act as priests of the goddess Hathor. The
daughter had the same function as the sons and received the same
stipend. 11
In Sumerian literature reference is made of a special chamber for
young daughters in the household, the ama5.12 This probably was
regarded as her domain. When her city was attacked by an enemy, a
young girl ran the risk of being killed if she did not leave her araa5 in
time. Luckily there also were happier reasons for a young girl to leave
her ama 5 , for instance when she went dancing.
A glance in a Babylonian dictionary reveals what the main destiny
of a daughter was - she had to marry. 13 Because girls married very
early, little time remained for more than a basic training in the skills
of managing a household. Also in Egypt a girl was prepared mainly for
her role as a married woman. 14 On the further education of daughters
little is known. There are many Egyptian sources on the education
of boys, but few on the schooling of girls. 15 Since a small number of
female scribes is known in Egypt, some girls must have had the oppor8
Cf. R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, London 1990,
125, 127; H. Brunner, Altgyptische Erziehung, Wiesbaden 2 1991, 47. On female
scribes see further section 2.2.2.3.
17
R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 85. See further
W.A. Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom',
in: WER, 35-6.
18
Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', 319.
19
W.W. Hallo, J.J.A. van Dijk, The Exaltation of Inanna, New Haven 1968, 15; W.W. Hallo, Origins: The Ancient Near Eastern Background of Some Modern
Western Institutions (SHCANE, 6), Leiden 1996, 262-70.
20
Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, 337-9. See also section 2.1.2.
21
R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 49-53.
22
B. Alster, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer, vol. 1, Bethesda MD 1997, 245.
23
Alster, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer, vol. 1, 89.
24
Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', 29.
G. Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' in: M.W. Chavalas (ed.), Emar: The History, Religion and Culture
of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, Bethesda MD 1996, 69.
26
Cf. R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law (AfO.B, 23), Horn 1988,
36-9; Van der Toorn, Cradle, 64. For Nuzi, cf. E. C aasin, 'Pouvoirs de la femme
et structures familiales', RA 63 (1969), 128; S. Greengus, 'Sisterhood Adoption
at Nuzi and the "Wife-Sister" in Genesis', HUCA 46 (1975), 13. See also section
2.1.1.1.
27
On defloration of an inchoately married girl, see CU 6; CE 26; CH 130.
See further section 2.1.1.5. On defloration of a daughter who was not yet betrothed, see CLI 33; MAL A55-56; C. Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel:
Exegetische und rechtsvergleichende Studien zu Deuteronomium 22,13-21 (OBO,
70), Freiburg, Schweiz 1986; T. Jacobsen, The Harps That Once ...:
Sumerian
Poetry in Translation, New Haven 1987, 167-80 (174, . 18).
28
J.-J. Glassner, 'Women, Hospitality and the Honor of the Family', in: WER,
75-6.
29
Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel, 173-5. For the Late Babylonian period,
cf. CAD () 174; Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel, 234-5; A. Kuhrt, 'NonRoyal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A Survey', in: WER, 225, . 55.
30
Cf. R. Tanner, 'Untersuchungen zur ehe- und erbrechtlichen Stellung der Frau
im pharaonischen gypten', Klio 49 (1967), 9.
31
Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', 325.
32
C. Desroches Noblecourt, La femme au temps des pharaons, Paris 1986, 274.
See also S. Allam, 'Ehe', in: L, Bd. 1, 1169.
ancient Near East. Still, the limits of relations which were considered
taboo and which were permitted differed in various cultures. The extension of the taboo might concern consanguineous as well as marital
kin. 33
In ancient Egypt incestuous marriages between father and daughter did not occur among commoners, but were tolerated in the royal
family. 34 Amenophis III (1388-1351/50 BOB) and Ramesses II (12791213 BCE), for example, are generally believed to have married one
of their daughters. 35 Some scholars, however, doubt whether these
daughters really had a sexual relationship with their fathers and assume they only 'performed some ceremonies which were specifically
reserved for the wife of Pharaoh'. 3 6
According to the Babylonian Code of Hammurapi, a man who
'carnally knew his daughter', was to be banished from the city ( 154).
Richard Haase finds it remarkable that, contrary to Hittite Law 189
and biblical law (Lev. 18:6,29), the perpetrator was not condemned to
33
Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law, 37, notes that, although the
kallatu is inchoately married, the relationship is not considered adulterous since
the father-in-law is an inside party to the inchoate marriage.
43
Haase, 'Inzestuse Beziehungen im Codex Hammurapi', 67-8.
44
Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 319-20. On CH 155-156 see further S. Lafont, Femmes, Droit et Justice dans l'Antiquit orientale: Contribution
l'tude du droit pnal au Proche-Orient ancien (OBO, 165), Fribourg, Suisse
1999, 209-14.
45
Gudea Statue B, col. vii:44-6. Cf. H. Steible, Die neusumerischen Bau- und
Weihinschriften (FAOS 9/1), Tl. 1, Wiesbaden 1991, 172-3: '(In) ein Haus (,das)
keinen Erbsohn hat, habe ich dessen Tochter zu dessen 'Erbsohn' gemacht'.
46
Roth, LCMAM, 26.
47
On the dowry, especially the difference between a female dowry and a male
share of the inheritance, see section 2.1.1.3.1.
CH 178-179 states that only if a father had given his daughter, a religious
woman, written authority to give the estate which he had given her as a dowry to
whomever she pleased, was she allowed to dispose of it freely. Without the written
authority the inheritance belonged to her brothers.
49
Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 335-8.
50
Driver, Miles, The Babylonian Laws, vol. 1, 341.
51
CH 178-179. For such a legal document from eighteenth-century Alalakh,
cf. ANET, 545-6; Z. Ben-Barak, 'Inheritance by Daughters in the Ancient Near
East', JSS 25 (1980), 28-31. Both the son and the daughter of the testator inherit,
yet the son is given first choice in the property and the share of the daughter is
smaller than that of the son.
52
For the former, cf. HSS 19 20; J. Paradise, Daughter and her Father's
Property at Nuzi', JCS 32 (1980), 191. For a Middle Assyrian inheritance text
declaring a daughter as sole heir, cf. J.N. Postgate, 'On Some Assyrian Ladies',
Iraq 41 (1979), 89-91.
53
In HSS 19 1 the two daughters Allaidurhe and Talili participate with their
brothers in an equal division of their father's estate, cf. Paradise, Daughter
and her Father's Property at Nuzi', 192 (Teshuperwe is incorrectly designated as
female in the transliteration of 1. 14).
54
HSS 19 51; cf. Paradise, Daughter and her Father's Property at Nuzi',
In Egypt, a daughter could inherit both from her father and her
mother. 61 Although often the oldest son was main heir, a parent could
also appoint a daughter as either sole or main heir. Other options were
to bequeath property to some of the children (e.g., only the sons), or
to all children. 62 Sometimes a father left his sons and daughters equal
shares, like a certain Pashed probably did in the Ramesside period. 63
A daughter could also be disinherited, for instance if she did not take
proper care of her mother in her old age. 64 No rules on the amount
of individual inheritances can be deduced from the texts. It would
seem that the eldest son received a larger share than the other sons
and that daughters often received less than sons. 65 If the property was
undivided, it could be managed by an appointed administrator. Often
the eldest son would act in this capacity on behalf of the joint heirs.
Yet a woman could also be administrator of an undivided property. 66
To conclude, in Mesopotamia daughters had the legal right to inherit if there were no sons. To secure their status as heiresses, they
could receive the status of 'son' or be given legal documents granting them the right to inherit. Contrary to the laws of Mesopotamia,
where daughters generally did not inherit together with sons, in Egypt
daughters together with sons could inherit from both parents. However, since we do not have any Egyptian law texts, we do not know
whether daughters had the legal right to inherit.
61
If daughters did not always share in the family fortune, they certainly shared in the family's misfortune. If Babylonian freeborn parents became insolvent, they might use their daughter as a security for
a debt. If eventually the debt could not be repaid, she might end up
as a slave. 67 The fate of being used as security could befall children of
both sexes. A debtor probably did not have the right to use his wife
as security. 68 It seems that parents would rather sell a daughter into
slavery than a son, the reason obviously being that a son continued
the family line, whereas a daughter did not. Of nine Neo-Babylonian
documents which are part of a family archive of a certain Ninurtauballit and which concern the sale of children of free persons into
slavery, only one records the sale of a boy. In the other instances the
children sold into slavery are girls. 69
Also in Egypt children may have been sold into slavery because of
insolvency. It is believed that this group formed the lowest stratum
of society. 70
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
Daughters occur in the myths and the legends of Ugarit, but sons are
mentioned more often and play a more prominent role. 71 It is said
of Ilu and Athiratu that they had seventy children. Apparently the
daughters, i.e. the goddesses, were included in this number. This may
be inferred from KTU 1.4:VI.44-59, in which a description of Ba'lu
regaling his guests is given,
44
sh. 'ahh.bbhth
'aiyh
45
bqrb hklh.
46
sh sb'm.bn. 'atrt
47
pq 'ilm.krm.yn
48
pq. 'ilht.hprt[.yn]
49
51
pq. 'ilm.khtm.yn
52
pq. 'ilht.ks'at[.yn\
53
pq. 'ilm.rhbt yn
54
55
'd.lhm.ty. 'ilm
56
wpq.mrgtm.td
67
57
bhrb.mlht.qs
?/./crp[nm.y]n
59
[b]ks.hrs.d[m.'sm]
Although at first it seems as if only the gods were invited, since both
'ilm and 'ilht were supplied with wine, the female deities probably
were included in the number seventy. In the lines describing the gods
eating and drinking (lines 55-59) again the masculine 'ilm occurs,
which might be used in an inclusive sense.
Inclusive use of bnm occurs in KTU 1.3:V. 19-23. In a tricolon
the words bnm || bnt || bnm occur, which is translated with sons ||
daughters || children. Because of the form of the verse, a tricolon, it
is clear that the second bnm should be translated with its inclusive
meaning. Thus, the masculine plural bnm can be interpreted both in
a gender-specific and an inclusive way.72
The designation bt 'ugrt 'daughter of Ugarit' occurs in KTU 1.40:
35 and 3.4:11. 73 KTU 1.40 is a ritual text with alternating sections
adressing the bn 'ugrt and the bt 'ugrt.7'1
It would seem that Ugaritians preferred sons over daughters. In
some cases it apparently was essential to have a son. The legendary
king Kirtu explicitly wished for sons to continue his clan instead of
riches (KTU 1.14:11.4-5):
4
[p.b]nm. 'aqny
5
[w.nj'rm. 'am'id
Apparently only sons could prevent the wiping out of the family.
Another legendary king without offspring, Dani'ilu, also prayed for a
son to continue the family line (KTU 1.17:1.16-19). The reason for his
wish is disclosed in the following passage (11. 26-27): the son was to
fulfill the religous obligations towards the ancestors.
Kirtu's wish for sons was not entirely fulfilled. Although Kirtu had
made it clear he wanted male children, Ilu blesssed him with both sons
and daughters, the latter forming the majority. It seems as if Ilu or perhaps I should say the scribe Ilimilku - deliberately used the
ambiguous word bnm which can mean both 'sons' and 'children'. Of
course the latter meaning needs to be applied here (KTU 1.15:11.23).
72
Possible inclusive use of bnm may also occur in the restored text KTU 1.18:1.710, where sons and daughters are mentioned next to each other. See section 2.1.3.
73
On the latter text, see chapter 4.
74
Cf. J.C. de Moor, P. Sanders, 'An Ugaritic Expiation Ritual and its Old
Testament Parallels', UF 23 (1991), 283-300. Pace the editors of KTU2, who
restore &<n>i.
75
The editors of KTU2 read Srm 'leaders, princes'. In either case the word is
masculine.
Kirtu's wife Hariya bore her husband two boys, and soon thereafter
six girls.76 And whereas Kirtu might have had a preference for sons,
Ilu did not seem to share this. The head of the pantheon did not
distinguish between male and female children. In both instances he
expressed the same blessing (KTU 1.15:111.2-4, 13-15):
m'id.rm.krt
btk.rp'i. 'ars
bphr.qbs.dtn
To both Kirtu and Dani'ilu the continuation of the family line was at
stake. The legends narrate how the kings begot sons, but tragically
lost them again. Consequently, their daughters had to take over the
tasks of sons. In the Legend of Kirtu it was the eighth child, the girl
Thatmanatu, who became the first-born (KTU 1.15:111.16).78 And in
the Legend of Aqhatu it was Dani'ilu's daughter Pughatu who, in
place of her father, revenged her brother Aqhatu (KTU 1.19:IV). 79
These two cases of daughters acting as replacements of sons can possibly be seen as a critique on society 80 or as an ideological programme
to defend women's capability to rule the kingdom of Ugarit 81 .
The importance of having a male heir is also expressed in RS
15.010:1-9. In this bilingual wisdom text a warning is given in Akkadian, followed by a H u m a n translation. If a person vowed to give
silver to the gods, he had to keep his promise and deposit it. For if he
swore falsely, he would be withheld an heir (aplu) and his wife would
76
Cf. M. Dijkstra, 'The Akkado-Hurrian Bilingual Wisdom-Text RS 15.010 Reconsidered', UF 25 (1993), 164-5.
83
Cf. KTU 1.14:IV.34-43; 1.15:111.25-30.
84
The genre of the text renders a translation like 'that he will acquire a boy
from' (cf. M. Dietrich, . Loretz, Mantik in Ugarit: Keilalphabetische Texte der
Opferschau - Omensammlungen Nekromatie (ALASP, 3), Mnster 1990, 8-11)
less likely, but for my argument it does not make any difference whether the boy
was bought or not. Since the woman is referred to as 'the Alashian' instead of 'his
wife', she may have been a concubine. If so, Agiptharri's first wife probably was
not able to give him a son. KTU 4.714 and 6.62 may indicate that the wish came
true.
85
See section 2.1.1.1.
86
Cf. for a somewhat different interpretation Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 261, n.
173.
87
On the iconography of the 'woman in the window', cf. U. Winter, Frau und
Gttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum weiblichen Gottesbild im AIten Israel und in dessen Umwelt (OBO, 53), Freiburg, Schweiz 1983, 296-301; O.
Keel, Ch. Uehlinger, Gttinnen, Gtter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse
zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener
ikonographischer Quellen (QD, 134), Freiburg 1992, 225-6. In the Hebrew Bible a
woman in a window is mentioned in Judg. 5:28; 2 Sam. 6:16; 2 Kgs 9:30. See also
1 Sam. 19:12; Song 2:9.
gm.lfeth[.dn'il.kysh]
m'.pgt.tkmt[]my
2
hspt.ls'r.tl.
yd'[t] 3hlk.kbkbm.
mdl. 'r
4
smd.phl.
t.gpny.dtks
5
dt.yrq.nqbny.
[m'] 6 pgt.tkmt.my.
fosp.1[']r.1
7
yd't.hlk.kbkbm
8
bkm.tmdln. V
9
bkm.tsmd.phl.
bkm 10ts'iL. 'abh.
ttnn.l[b]mt V
11
lysmsm.bmt.phl
Dani'ilu ordered his daughter to saddle his he-ass. This probably had
become her duty now that her brother was gone. 98 She then lifted up
her father to put him on the back of the animal. Lifting up an adult
man was quite a heavy task for a woman, let alone an adolescent
girl. I assume Dani'ilu had weakened so much from his fasting that
he needed the support of Pughatu to get on the back of the ass. If a
son had been around, this probably would have been his duty.
Also in a context of illness Kirtu's daughter Thatmanatu tended
to her father. While Kirtu was lying on his sickbed and was expected
to die, his youngest daughter came and refreshed him with wine (KTU
1.16:11.14-16)."
Several menial tasks fell upon a daughter. According to KTU 1.92:
97
Cf. M.C.A. Korpel, J.C. de Moor, 'Fundamentals of Ugaritic and Hebrew Poetry', UF 18 (1986), 175. Some authors do not regard the word to be an adverb
but a construct infinitive of bky 'weeping' with enclitic mem; cf. S. Segert, 'Parallelism in Ugaritic Poetry', JAO S 103 (1983), 298; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 352.
B. Margalit, 'Lexicographical Notes on the Aqht Epic (Part II: KTU 1.19)', UF
16 (1984), 135-7, unconvincingly defends a third option: bkm 'to be silent, mute'.
98
Cf. KTU 1.4:IV.2-7, where Athiratu ordered her personal attendant Qidshuand-Amruru to saddle an ass for her.
99
Based on the reconstruction of the text by J.C. de Moor, K. Spronk, A
Cuneiform Anthology of Religious Texts from Ugarit (SSS, NS, 6), Leiden 1987,
96. For a different reconstruction, see B. Margalit, 'K-R-T Studies', UF 27 (1995),
276-9.
15 the goddess 'Athtartu prepared a meal of game for her father Ilu.
Both Kirtu's daughter Thatmanatu (KTU 1.16:1.51) and Dani'ilu's
daughter Pughatu (KTU 1.19:11.1 par.) had to draw water at the well
in the evening. Pughatu also had to scoop up (honey-)dew from the
fleeces of sheep in the early morning before dawn so that she had
every opportunity to gaze at the stars (KTU 1.19:11.2-3 par.). 100
KTU 1.114 describes a feast held by Ilu at which his daughters
'Athtartu and 'Anatu partook alongside other gods. During the party
the host himself got dead drunk. Although the text is lacunal in 11.
24ff., it would seem that 'Athtartu and 'Anatu went out to find ingredients for a remedy to cure their inebriated father. They would thus
be taking care of their father in his state of drunkenness.
'Anatu appears to have been an obedient daughter when she accompanied her mother (KTU 1.4:IV.18).101 Athiratu travelled on a heass to Ilu's encampment and 'Anatu apparently followed her mother
on foot. Based on KTU 1.4:V.25-27 I assume 'Anatu was present
as a silent witness during the meeting of Athiratu and Ilu. Her behaviour differed considerably when she met her father alone. In her
attitude of expressing ferocious threats towards her father, 'Anatu
was the opposite of the exemplary obedient daughter. Opinions differ
on the question whether Ilu was afraid of his daughter's irascibility
or showed a lenient attitude towards his spoiled daughter. 102 In any
case, towards his daughter 'Anatu Ilu was not the authoritative father
whom no one might contradict.
An example of a human father taking care of his sick daughter may
perhaps be found in KTU 1.82. Johannes de Moor and Klaas Spronk
have restored this difficult text and interpreted it as an incantation
against demons that afflicted someone's daughter. 103 Central to their
interpretation is line 7: hmt.tmt 'abdomen, bleed!', which they assume
to refer to a menstruational problem. If they are correct, the girl's
problem was perhaps related to a failure of menarche to occur. In any
case, her father apparently turned to a priest or a diviner to plead for
Ba'lu's help with the girl's problem. 104
The three sisters Pidrayu, Tallayu and Arsayu are usually called
100
kit knyt 'the respectable brides'. 105 The noun kit can either be translated 'bride' or 'daughter-in-law'. 106 It has been suggested 107 that the
sisters were concubines of Ba'lu, but this is unlikely since they are
called his bnt (KTU 1.3:1.23).108 Furthermore, in KTU 1.24:26-27
Ba'lu is referred to as the father of Pidrayu, and she is presented
as a marriageable girl not yet betrothed. 109 More likely, therefore,
is the interpretation that they were his nubile daughters, for whose
respectability, that is, their virginity, Ba'lu was responsible. 110
This seems to be confirmed by KTU 1.3:111.4-8, a text in which
'Anatu sang of the love of Ba'lu and the affection and passion of
Pidrayu, Tallayu and Arsayu. Apparently there was no rivalry between 'Anatu and these girls, which would support the assumption
that they were Balu's daughters and not his wives.111
Thus, according to Ugaritic mythology, a betrothed woman could
live in the house of her father until she married. This seems to have
been customary. Although KTU 1.18 is in bad condition, it might refer
in this direction, too. After 'Anatu had proposed marriage to Aqhatu,
she asked him not to go to her father's house with his groomsmen.
Contrary to the usual practise, she did not live in her father's house,
but independently. 112
The designation btlt occurs in Ugaritic only as an epithet of the
goddess 'Anatu. 1 1 3 Since the term refers to an age category in Akkadian and Hebrew, the translation 'adolescent, nubile girl' seems most
likely.114 Most Ugaritologists, while acknowledging the ambiguous interpretation of some texts, think btlt 'Anatu was not a virgin in the
strict sense (a virgo intacta) but a young woman who had not (yet)
born a child. 115
Unlike married women, nubile girls could occasionaly be present
105
'ars.
qm.yt'r w.ylhmnh
6
ybrd.td Ipnwh
7
bhrb.mlht 8qs.mn'.
dd 9y'r.wyqyrh
10
ytn.ks.bdh
11
krpn[m).bkl'at.ydh
12
bk rb. 'zm.
r'idn 13mt.mm.
ks.qd 14/ tphnh. 'ait.
krpn 15I t'n. 'atrt.
Ba'lu was offered a holy cup by his servant Radmanu. This cup was
not to be seen by married women, not even by the goddess Athiratu,
the wife of Ilu. 120
Korpel has pointed to the fact that at first notice the exclusion of
women from this drinking scene seems to refer to the unequal status
of women and men:
At first sight one might be inclined to regard this as proof t h a t t h e
unequal s t a t u s of men and women on e a r t h was reflected in t h e m y t h .
T h a t cannot be the correct explanation, however. According t o other
Ugaritic texts, married goddesses did dine with their male p a r t n e r s on
116
occassion. Therefore, it is more likely that the holy cup which married women may not regard reflects a special ceremony from which
the women were excluded. It might be the heavenly counterpart of the
mrzh.121
Although goddesses were not always excluded from wining and dining
with gods, what we encounter here is a ritual that did exclude a
large group of women, viz. married women, whereas unmarried girls
like Ba'lu's daughters were allowed to attend, perhaps to serve their
fathers or to entertain the men with music and dance. Also in Egypt
young servant girls could serve at a banquet as a dancer, a musician
or as a hostess. 122 Korpel assumes that the scene described in KTU
1.3:1 reflected the human marzeah. Of this institution we only have
scattered information. 123 In a few texts the 'men of the marzeah1 are
mentioned. 124 From these texts it can be concluded that the marzeah
was a building or part of a building owned or hired by a club of
men. However, KTU 1.114 describes a drinking party organized by
Ilu at which his daughters, the goddesses 'Athtartu and 'Anatu, were
present. According to 1.15 Ilu was sitting in his marzeah during this
party, drinking much more wine than was good for him. 125 This is a
clear parallel with KTU 1.3:1.15-17 according to which Ba'lu drank
10,000 jars of wine. Because Ba'lu is not mentioned in KTU 1.114,
perhaps Ilu's two daughters were still unmarried at that time. Because
they, too, grossly misbehaved, throwing the best pieces of game to
a dog (11. 9-12), 126 they also were slightly intoxicated. Although no
sexual license on the part of Ilu's daughters is mentioned, it is clear
that such a drinking bout might easily develop into an orgy.
121
See chapter 4.
There is much discussion on the question whether the cult of the dead was an
aspect of the marzeah institution. Although virtually no scholar denies that there
was a certain connection, opinions differ on whether the funerary association to
the marzeah was primary or secondary. Cf., e.g., T.J. Lewis, Cults of the Dead
in Ancient Israel and Ugarit (HSM, 39), Atlanta GA 1989, 80-94, reacting on
M.H. Pope, 'The Cult of the Dead at Ugarit', in: G.D. Young (ed.), Ugant in
Retrospect: Proceedings ... Literature, Winona Lake IN 1981, 159-79.1 agree with
Smith, The Ugaritic Baal Cycle, vol. 1, 144, who concludes: 'while one might not
entirely equate the marzeah with the cult of the dead, it appears that the marzeah
provided a context for it'.
129
The reading is uncertain. Perhaps we encounter haplography here: pdr<y>.yd'
[yd'Jt. But it is also possible that Pidru was a male deity who functioned as some
sort of guard of the women's quarters. Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 4, n. 19.
130
Referring to their honourable status, cf. Akk. kunn, CAD (K), 540-2; De
Moor, The Seasonal Pattern, 83.
131
Cf. De Moor, The Seasonal Pattern, 82.
132
Both Pidrayu and her sister Tallayu joined Ba'lu on his journey to the realm
of Death, cf. KTU 1.5:V.10-11. But apparently Ba'lu was not able to execute his
paternal control in the nether world.
133
Cf. TO, t. 1, 357. Ba'lu denounced incestuous behaviour in the family of Ilu
(KTU 1.4:111.20-22), cf. J.C. de Moor, 'The Sacrifice Which Is an Abomination
to the Lord', in: M.H. van Es et al., Loven en geloven, Fs. .H. Ridderbos, Amsterdam 1975, 217-20. It should be remembered that in the first generation of
any pantheon incestuous relations were inevitable. However, this was a 'logical'
figment of the mythopoets and should not be regarded as proof that they accepted
128
db'
['a]hm.lh
tmnt.bn
'um
wbtmhn.sph.y'itbd
25
wbph.yrh.yrt
Since Kirtu's clan ( 'umt, 1. 6) is paralleled with the king's house (bt,
11. 7-8), which is further described as counting seven brothers || eight
sons by the same mother (KTU 1.14:1.6-9), it would seem that 'those
entitled to succession' were only the male family members. However,
the Legend of Kirtu probably illustrates that in the absence of any
sons, a daughter could become heiress (KTU 1.15:111.16).135
The literary texts of Ugarit often mention the nhlt 'heritage' of
male deities, 136 but not a single goddess appears to have had such.
Although 'Anatu, for example, had her own mountain Inbb,137 it is
never called her nhlt in the texts published thus far. This would seem
to confirm that as a rule women were not supposed to inherit. 138
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
In the Hebrew Bible the word occurs about ten times as often as the
word 139 Yet the biblical genealogies do not reflect a demographic
reality, as Lonie Archer has observed, but rather a preference for
sons. 140 Two reasons are mentioned to explain this preference. First,
transfer of land by inheritance was arranged patrilineally. 141 Related
to this is the fact that daughters left the paternal family to marry
into their husband's family. 142
incest in the human world.
134
Following the reading of CTA. See Wyatt, RTU, 183, n. 23.
135
Cf. Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of Ilimilku of Ugarit', 106-11 and above.
See chapter 4 on several legal texts that give further insight into the matter.
136
Kotharu, KTU 1.1:111.1; 1.3:VL16; Ba'lu, 1.3:111.30; IV.20; Motu, 1.4:VIII.14;
1.5:11.16.
137
KTU 1.13:9; cf. 1.3:IV.34.
138
Although 'Anatu boasted she would 'inherit' (verb yrt) the gold of Ba'lu's
opponents (KTU 1.3:111.47) the context suggests that yrt is used in the sense of
'to dispossess, conquer' here.
139
H. Haag, '', in: ThWAT, Bd. 1, 870.
140
L.J. Archer, Her Price is Beyond Rubies: The Jewish Woman in GraecoRoman Palestine (JSOT.S, 60), Sheffield 1990, 18.
141
C.L. Meyers, 'Everyday life: Women in the Period of the Hebrew Bible', in:
C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women's Bible Commentary London s 1998,
255.
142
G.I. Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', in: R.E. Clements (ed.), The
a daughter and a wife. Exod. 21:7 permits a father to sell his daughter,
whereas he does not have that right with regard to his wife. 148
A couple of texts illustrate the affection a father could feel for his
daughter. Although Laban's intentions were somewhat ambiguous,
recovering the teraphim was not his only goal when he pursued Jacob.
He also wanted to kiss his daughters and grandsons farewell (Gen.
31:28). Laban only left them in the hands of Jacob after they had
made a covenant according to which Jacob was to treat the daughters
of Laban well and not to take any wives in addition to them (Gen.
31:50). 149
Father Jephthah thoughtlessly vowed to YHWH: 'If you will give
the Ammonites into my hands, then whoever comes out of the doors of
my house to meet me, when I return victorious from the Ammonites,
shall be the Lord's, to be offered up by me as a burnt offering' (Judg.
11:30-31). When his unnamed daughter came out to meet him after
his victory, he rent his clothes, saying: 'Alas, my daughter! You have
brought me very low; you have become the cause of great trouble to
me . . . ' (v. 35). 150 Several authors have pointed to the fact that the
daughter submitted to the authority of the father without challenging
his word. Cheryl Exum, for instance, states: 'In encouraging her father
to fulfill his vow, she subordinates her life to the communal good. The
seriousness of the vow is upheld, the need for sacrifice is satisfied, and
paternal authority goes unchallenged'. 151 Shulamit Valler emphasizes
that in the biblical story father and daughter were both convinced the
vow had to be carried out. They equally dreaded the idea of breaking
a vow. Unlike the Hebrew Bible, which depicts father and daughter
as victims of a tragic situation, the midrashim condemn Jephthah for
his choice to sacrifice his daughter. 152
In the parable that the prophet Nathan told David after the king
148
Cf., e.g., C. Houtman, Exodus, vol. 3, (HCOT), Leuven 2000, 115. On the
rights of the daughter sold into debt-slavery and the differences in this regard
between Exod. 21:7 and Deut. 15:12-18, see section 2.2.2.4.
149
See section 2.1.1.3.1 on M.A. Morrison's explanation of the covenant as the
completion of an incomplete marriage agreement.
150
Note that Jephthah appears to have blamed his daughter for the consequences
of his own, rashly spoken vow. On the vow, see also section 3.2.
151
J.C. Exum, O n Judges 11', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to
Judges (FCB, 4), Sheffield 1993, 137.
152
S. Valler, 'The Story of Jephthah's Daughter in the Midrash', in: A. Brenner
(ed.), Judges (FCB(SS), 4), Sheffield 1999, 49. On the story of Jephthah's daughter in the history of interpretation see further C. Houtman, K. Spronk, Jefta's
dochter: Tragiek van een vrouuienleven in theologie en kunst, Zoetermeer 1999; P.
Silverman Kramer, 'Jephthah's Daughter: A Thematic Approach to the Narrative
as Seen in Selected Rabbinic Exegesis and in Artwork', in: Brenner, Judges, 67-92.
had taken Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite, to be his wife, another loving father is depicted. This man, although poor, had a little
ewe lamb that he treated very well and that 'was like a daughter to
him' (2 Sam. 12:3). David, however, appears to have been a negligent
father himself. Towards his daughter Tamar he showed little compassion after she had been raped by Amnon. 153 2 Sam. 13:21 records that
'[w]hen King David heard of all these things, he became very angry,
but he would not punish his son Amnon, because he loved him, for he
was his firstborn'. He did not take any action to change Tamar's fate.
She remained in the house of her brother Absalom, being 'a desolate
woman' (v. 20).
Obedience to her father appears to be one of the most important
traits of a biblical daughter. Jephthah's daughter, for example, submitted to her father's authority (Judg. 11). She uttered no objections
but only asked for a postponement of the execution of the vow. Esther was another obedient daughter. She did as her adoptive father
Mordecai told her (Est. 2:10, 20; 4:13-16) even when her own life was
threatened by it.
In Exod. 1:8-2:10 daughters play an important role. 154 In this
text daughters are contrasted with sons. Not only were the midwives
Shiphrah and Puah told by Pharaoh to kill sons and let daughters
live, but when this plan failed Moses' mother, who is referred to as 'a
daughter of Levi' (Exod. 2:1), and Pharaoh's daughter acted as saving
heroines in the life of Moses. The importance attached to daughters is
of short duration, however, for after the first few chapters they hardly
play a significant role in the book of Exodus. 155
Israelite daughters would generally receive their education from
their mother. Margaret Crook has defended the thesis that Prov.
31:10-31 was an instructional text for daughters of marriageable
age. 156 In this didactic text the ideal of a woman of valour is described,
153
Cf. P. Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives (OBT, 13), Philadelphia 1984, 53-5. See further section 2.1.3.
154
Cf. J.C. Exum, ' "You Shall Let Every Daughter Live": A Study of Exodus
1.8-2.10', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy (FCB, 6), Sheffield 1994, 37-61; Idem, 'Second Thoughts About Secondary
Characters: Women In Exodus 1.8-2.10', in: Brenner, A Feminist Companion to
Exodus to Deuteronomy, 75-87; J. Siebert-Hommes, 'But if She be a Daughter . . .
She May Live!: "Daughters" and "Sons" in Exodus 1-2', in: Brenner, A Feminist
Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy, 62-74.
155
Cf. Exum, 'Second Thoughts About Secondary Characters', 76.
156
M.B. Crook, 'The Marriageable Maiden of Prov. 31:10-31', JNES 13 (1954),
137-40. See also A. Brenner, 'Proverbs 1-9: An F Voice?' in: A. Brenner, F. van
Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices in the Hebrew Bible
(BIntS, 1), Leiden 1993, 127-30, who defends the possibility of Prov. 31:10-31
Transi. P.W. Skehan, A.A. di Leila, The Wisdom of Ben Sira (AncB, 39),
New York 1987, 477-8.
163
Skehan, Di Leila, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, 476-83; D.H. De Waele, 'De positie
van de joodse vrouw in de oudheid: Een overzicht van de recente literatuur', NThT
50 (1996), 226-7; P.C. Beentjes, The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition
of All Extant Hebrew Manuscripts and a Synopsis of All Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira
Texts (VT.S, 68), Leiden 1997, 168.
164
Cf. P.W. van der Horst, 'Images of Women in Ancient Judaism', in: R. Kloppenburg, W.J. Hanegraaff (eds), Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions (SHR,
66), Leiden 1995, 43-60; De Waele, 'De positie van de joodse vrouw in de oudheid',
215-36.
165
G.J. Wenham, 'B e tlh "A Girl of Marriageable Age" ' VT 22 (1972), 32648; followed by P.L. Day, 'From the Child is Born the Woman: The Story of
Jephthah's Daughter', in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis 1989, 59; T. Frymer-Kensky, 'Virginity in the Bible', in: V.H.
Matthews et al. (eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near
East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield 1998, 79, among others.
166
Cf. C. Locher, Die Ehre einer Frau in Israel: Exegetische und rechtsver-
Cf. M.H. Pope, Song of Songs: A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary (AncB, 7C), Garden City NY 1977, 210-29; K. Spronk, Beatific
Afterlife in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (AOAT, 219), Kevelaer
& Neukirchen-Vluyn 1986, 198.
176
H.M. Barstad, The Religious Polemics of Amos (VT.S, 34), Leiden 1984,
21-36 (33).
177
H.W. Wolff, Dodekapropheton 2: Joel und Amos (BKAT, 14/2), NeukirchenVluyn 21975, 202-3, argues that Amos 2:7b is a radicalization of the incest laws
of Lev. 18:15 and 20:12 regarding sexual relations between a father-in-law and his
daughter-in-law. And C. van Leeuwen, Amos (PrOT), Nijkerk 1985, 82-4, stresses
that the sin is one of social exploitation since the girl was in a socially inferior
position and was dependent on 'a man and his father 1 . See further D. Stuart,
Hosea-Jonah (WBC, 31), Waco TX 1987, 317; F.I. Andersen, D.N. Freedman,
Amos (AncB, 24A), Garden City NY 1989, 318; C.S. Leeb, Away from the Father's
House: The Social Location ofna'ar and na'arah in Ancient Israel (JSOT.S, 301),
Sheffield 2000, 146-50.
178
See section 2.1.2 for this and other interpretations.
179
Cf. J. Conrad, '', in: TWAT, Bd. 4, 174-8. Cf. also L. Rost, 'Erwgungen
zu Hosea 4,13f.' in: W. Baumgartner et al. (ed.), Festschrift Alfred Bertholet zum
80. Geburtstag gewidmet von Kollegen und Freunden, Tbingen 1950, 452-5.
the story from a sociological point of view and emphasizes the grouporiented structure of ancient society, the men of Sodom regarded Lot's
guests as strangers who formed a threat to their community. 180 She
suggests an antithesis between the daughters as potential 'builders'
of society - women are generally regarded as 'builders' of society by
marriage and childbirth - and the strangers as 'destroyers' of society.
Wondering why Lot would protect 'destroyers' of society over against
'builders', she explains:
The answer may be found in the fact that, if the townsmen are attempting to rape two threatening, outside men in order to diminish the threat
to the community, then their intentions are not for sexual pleasure but
for protection. Therefore Lot's offer of two non-threatening, marginal
women is startlingly incongruent and totally inappropriate under the
circumstances. In either case, whether the intention is rape or simply to
know what the messengers are doing there, Lot's offer does not address
the situation. The men of the city are responding to a threat to the
community, not trying to fulfill their sexual needs. There is no chance
that the townsmen will be interested in Lot's offer. It is inappropriate and even offensive. And, of course, that is the point of the offer.
The function of the incongruent, offensive offer is to defuse a tense
situation. 181
Yet I wonder whether Bechtel is correct in xcusing Lot so easily.
In Judg. 19 the same theme occurs of strangers receiving hospitality
and subsequently being threatened with forcible sexual intercourse
by townsmen. Unlike the daughters of Lot, who had been spared that
fate, in Judg. 19 a woman was raped. The host offered his virgin
daughter and the concubine of his guest, a Levite from Ephraim.
The men of Gibeah did not accept this offer. Thereupon the Levite
'seized his concubine and put her out to them. They wantonly raped
her, and abused her all through the night until the morning' (v. 25).
Bechtel would probably argue that via the concubine the Levite was
shamed. 'In a society where social bonding is central, heterosexual or
homosexual rape is the antithesis to bonding - it severs bonding'. 182
Michael Carden has written on the rape cases in Sodom and
Gibeah from an anthropological point of view. He argues that our
modern term 'homosexuality' cannot be applied to these stories without further additional remarks. Carden contends that 'the male, pen180
etrated by other men, is stigmatised . . . but not the male who penetrates'. 1 8 3 Only the male who is buggered is shamed, not the one
who buggers. With regard to the sexual act of rape, Carden states:
' . . . rape is to be understood as sexual violence grounded in issues of
power and anger'. Rape of women by men is used as 'a means by which
men struggle for power over each other'. 184 With regard to Gen. 19
Carden, too, stresses that sexual pleasure was not the motive of the
men of Sodom. Rather, they were driven by xenophobia and homophobia to describe the outsiders as queer in the sense of non-male.
Misogyny surfaced in Lot's act of offering his daughters instead of his
guests:
The laws of hospitality demand that Lot protect the male honour (heterosexuality) of his guests. In this world it is better that women be
raped than men because rape of men takes away their heterosexuality.185
The rape of the concubine by the men of Gibeah was also motivated
by the intention to shame the outsider, i.e., the Levite. Yet, contrary
to Bechtel, Carden assumes that Lot's daughters were in danger of
suffering the fate of the concubine, i.e., being raped by townsmen in
order to shame the person who had authority over their sexuality.
After all, Lot was a sojourner and had a marginal status in Sodomite
society.
To put it bluntly, the Levite is made queer by the rape of his woman.
It is for that reason that the old man's offer is initially rejected by the
mob - his daughter belongs to him and not the Levite. For the same
reason Lot's offer is rejected by the Sodomites (in the mob's subsequent
threatening of Lot, however, I believe that Lot's daughters were put in
peril of the concubine's fate). 186
In Gen. 19 as well as Judg. 19 women's sexuality is sacrificed in order
183
In Gen. 19:30-38 the world is turned upside down, for here, daughters wish to engage in an incestuous relationship with their father.
The reason they wish to do so is because they 'may preserve offspring' (v. 32). According to Naomi Steinberg, '[t]he heinous act of
incest witnesses to the women's commitment to bear children: they
will do whatever is necessary - go against all taboos - in order to
have children'. 188 Scholars have noted the literary parallels between
Gen. 19:1-11 and 30-38. Victor Hamilton, for example, states: 'Earlier
the father was willing to use his daughters for sexual purposes without their consent. Now they will use their father for sexual purposes
187
E. Seifert, 'Lot und seine Tchter: Eine Hermeneutik des Verdachts', in: H.
Jahnow et al, Feministische Hermeneutik und Erstes Testament: Analysen und
Interpretationen, Stuttgart 1994, 62. See also Idem, Tocher und Vater im AIten Testament: Eine ideologiekritische Untersuchung zur Verfgungsgewalt von
Vtern ber ihre Tchter (Neukirchener Theologische Dissertationen und Habiiitationen, 9), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1996, 82-6, 92-6.
188
N. Steinberg, Kinship and Marriage in Genesis: A Household Economics Perspective, Minneapolis 1993, 72.
without his consent'. 189 As I mentioned above, Carden, with reference to Gen. 19:1-11, emphasizes that the threatened rape of Lot's
guests was an abusive act of shaming strangers instead of honouring
them. 190 Although his article does not refer to Gen. 19:30-38, it seems
to me that Lot's daughters in turn were shaming their father instead
of honouring him by making him drunk in order to have sexual intercourse with him. This might answer the question whether Lot is
excused in this incestuous act: his daughters appear to have executed
the ius tallionis. Thus, both offering one's virgin daughter for mob
rape and father-daughter incest are condemned by the narrator, albeit not explicitly. 191 The mere fact that he wants to drive home his
joke about the shameful origin of the Moabites and Ammonites (vv.
37, 38) - they are 'from our father', vv. 33, 34, 35, 36, their own 'kinsman' ( )- expresses the narrator's contempt for this kind of sexual
misbehaviour.
However, it should not be glossed over that at the same time
the narrator exonerates Lot and his daughters to some extent. Lot
had been forced to live in a cave, like a wild outcast (Gen. 19:30).
His daughters justified their deed by pointing out the exceptional
circumstances - Sodom had just been wiped out and their prospective
husbands were killed in the event (Gen. 19:14,25,31). Lot is said not
to have known what he was doing because he was dead-drunk (Gen.
19:33,35). So we are forced to conclude that incest between father
and daughter was no doubt seen as a grave sexual offense, but that
mitigating circumstances might be adduced on behalf of both parties.
One may compare this with the half-way condemnation of this offense
in other cultures of the ancient Near East.
Several scholars have tried to offer an explanation for the fact that
in the incest laws of Lev. 18 and 20 the prohibition against fatherdaughter incest is missing. 192 According to some, this type of incest
189
V.P. Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50 (NIC), Grand Rapids
MI 1995, 51. G. Wenham, Genesis 16-50 (WBC,2), Dallas TX 1994, 32-65,
stresses the parallels in the whole of chapters 18-19, in which Abraham is portrayed in a positive fashion, while Lot is portrayed negatively.
190
Carden, 'Homophobia and Rape in Sodom and Gibeah', 90.
191
Cf. Wenham, Genesis 16-50, 55-6, 61-2; Hamilton, The Book of Genesis:
Chapters 18-50, 35-6, 51-3. Note that Wenham seems to excuse Lot somewhat
more than his daughters. Pace Seifert, 'Lot und seine Tchter', 63, who argues
that 'die Erzhlung suggeriert, da Vater-Tochter-Inzest auch etwas durchaus
Akzeptables sein kann'.
192
For an overview, see F. Fechter, Die Familie in der Nachexilszeit: Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung der Verwandtschaft in ausgewhlten Texten des Alten
Testaments (BZAW, 264), Berlin 1998, 177-88.
was so repugnant and its prohibition so obvious that it need not explictily be mentioned in a law text. 193 Others point to socio-economic
reasons. Since the value of the marriage deposit ( )would diminish
if a father had sexual relations with his daughter, he would not think
of doing so. 194 Yet Calum Carmichael rightly comments: 'It is difficult to believe that a father's lust for a daughter would be deflected
by thoughts of his bank account'. 195 Most likely is the assumption
that the silence on father-daughter incest should be related to the
authority of the father. In the incest laws, men are prohibited to have
sexual relations with women to whom they are closely related and
whose sexuality is legal property of another man. A daughter's sexual
and reproductive functions legally belonged to her father. In case of
father-daughter incest, the person who should prosecute was also the
violator. Jacob Milgrom assumes the perpetrator could not be penalized by a human court, which would account for the omission in Lev.
20. 196
In Genesis 38 the story of Judah and Tamar is told. Being a widowed daughter-in-law, whose future levirate 197 husband had not yet
come of age, Tamar was sent to live in her father's house. Yet when
Judah's son Shelah had grown up, she was not given in marriage to
him. She therefore took the initiative of having Judah perform the
levirate duty of begetting a child with her. He was ignorant of the
fact that he had sexual intercourse with his daughter-in-law because
she disguised herself. When he found out how it happened, he acknowledged that Tamar was in the right, for he should have given his
son Shelah to her. 'And he [Judah] did not lie with her again' (Gen.
38:26b). The information that Judah, while a widower, could have
married Tamar himself, but did not do so, probably indicates that
a sexual relationship between a father-in-law and a daughter-in-law
193
According to the Hebrew Bible, daughters did not inherit with sons
on an equal basis. What is more, if a father had both daughters and
sons, the daughters did not inherit at all. According to Num. 27:1-11;
36:1-12 the daughters of Zelophehad received the inheritance of their
father because he had no sons. They were, however, obliged to marry
into the clan of their father's tribe ( ^, Num. 36:6). 202
On the restrictions in Num. 36, Katharine Doob Sakenfeld observes: 'The restriction of marriage emphasizes that no woman who
"possessed an inheritance" can do what she pleases with property, so
that it is not hers "in her own right" in the popular modern sense of
the phrase'. 203 Thus the biblical laws recognize inheritance rights for
women, though only in a restricted sense.
The daughters of Zelophehad based their request for a holding
among their father's kinsmen on the fact that their father's name otherwise would be lost to his clan. Apparently the continued existence of
a person's name depended on his attachment to land. 204 The name of
Zelophehad continued through his grandsons. The Hebrew Bible renders some other examples of a genealogy in which a daughter played
an intermediary role in the continuation of a patrilineage. A situation
more or less comparable with that of the daughters of Zelophehad is
that of the daughters of Eleazar, who also had no brothers and married the sons of their father's brother Kish (1 Chron. 23:22). Here,
too, patrilineage continues through a man's daughters in the absence
202
In all ancient Near Eastern societies sons were preferred over daughters. This can be ascribed to the patrilineal structure of society, according to which sons perpetuated the family line and inherited the
family land, whereas daughters left their paternal family to marry
into their husbands' family. In Mesopotamia, Egypt, Ugarit and Israel continuation of the family line was of the utmost importance.
The Legends of Kirtu and Aqhatu give evidence to this, as do the
biblical genealogies. Furthermore, both Babylonian and Israelite parents would rather use their daughter as a security for debt with the
205
161.
206
risk of having to sell her into slavery than their son. It is noteworthy
that in the Ugaritic Legends of Kirtu and Aqhatu there is a tendency
to contradict the preference for sons, possibly for exceptional political
reasons. The privileged position of a son is also expressed by the frequent metaphor of Israel as a son of God which is never balanced by
Israel as a daughter of God, possibly for fear that she might develop
into a goddess.
Both positive and negative aspects of the treatment of daughters surface in the ancient Near Eastern texts. On the one hand, in
Egyptian wisdom texts instructions on how to behave towards one's
daughter are missing and some biblical fathers thoughtlessly (Jephthah) or carelessly (David) seem to have disregarded their daughters'
needs. On the other hand, sometimes an Egyptian father would make
no distinction in his treatment of daughters and sons. And biblical
fathers, such as Laban, put their love and affection into practice.
Daughters would generally be educated in the home by their
mother. Only upper class daughters would sometimes receive an education by a private tutor, such as the Egyptian princess Neferure.
Daughters would learn to perform tasks in the household and to participate in their parents' activities. A virtuous daughter was obedient
to her parents. Unlike biblical Esther and the nameless daughter of
Jephthah, the goddess 'Anatu in Ugaritic myth showed little respect
for her father Ilu but instead threatened him. Other Ugaritic daughters (the goddess Tallayu, Pughatu and Thatmanatu), however, behaved more respectful in that they took care of their fathers. Taking
care of one's parents was generally valued positively in the ancient
Near East.
Although some scholars have asserted that daughters were held
in confinement in ancient Judaism, one needs to be cautious about
any firm conclusions regarding a daughter's restriction of movement.
Already in ancient Sumer a girl could have a special room in the
house. Outside the house a girl could be exposed to the dangers of
sexual assault. In Ugaritic myth, father Ba'lu wished to protect his
daughters from any such exposure or any unseemly behaviour by his
daughters by not putting a window in his palace. Yet on the other
hand, Ba'lu's daughters accompanied him on his journey through the
nether world while the goddess Shapshu as well as human Pughatu
went on dangerous missions on their own.
Virginity of an unmarried daughter was valued highly. In Mesopotamia, Ugarit, Israel and probably in Egypt, too, a respectable girl
was expected to remain chaste until marriage. Laws in Mesopotamia
and Israel rule that the violator of an unbetrothed girl had to pay a
marriage deposit and, the father consenting, had to marry her. Violation of a betrothed girl was regarded as adultery.
It was recognized that incest between father and daughter was
seen as a despicable, yet, on particular occasions, an excusable act.
Whereas other forms of incest which threatened a man's 'ownership'
over a woman's sexuality were seen as capital offenses, this was not
the case with a father who abused his own daughter. He was banished (Babylonia), had to marry the daughter (Egyptian Pharaohs),
had to be ritually purified (Hatti) or was ridiculed (Israel), but nothing worse. In this respect, Israel did not distinguish itself from its
neighbours. Only in the post-biblical period did the Rabbis decree
that an incestuous father had to be executed. In Ugarit, incest in
general was condemned. Although reasoning from silence, I assume
that father-daughter incest was regarded as also unacceptable.
According to Mesopotamian and Israelite law, daughters had a
right to inherit in the absence of sons. Perhaps this may also be coneluded from the Ugaritic Legend of Kirtu, if we assume the youngest
daughter eventually was the only surviving child. If a father had both
sons and daughters, daughters had no right to a share of the inheritance. Only if their father had given them written evidence could they
claim their share.
2.1.5 Widow
In this section we turn to questions regarding the position of the
widow in ancient Near Eastern society. Was she independent? Could
she own possessions to live on? Was she restricted in one way or other?
To whom could she turn for protection? Did she have any legal rights
with regard to her deceased husband's property? Could she inherit
from her husband?
Further, what is known about remarriage of widows? Was a widow
free to marry whomever she pleased? In the Hebrew Bible levirate
marriage is mentioned. It seems that it is also attested in Middle
Assyrian and Hittite Law. Was levirate marriage an obligation for
a widow? Was it a duty for the levirl What can be said about the
purpose of levirate marriage?
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Cf. M.T. Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', JCS 43-45 (1991-93), 2-3; K.
van der Toorn, 'Torn Between Vice and Virtue: Stereotypes of the Widow in Israel
and Mesopotamia', in: R. Kloppenburg, W.J. Hanegraaff (eds), Female Stereotypes
in Religious Traditions (SHR, 66), Leiden 1995, 5-6.
2
This contention is largely based on MAL A33; cf. CAD (A) 1, 362-4; G.R.
Driver, J.C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws, repr. of the ed. Oxford 1935 with suppl.
add. and corr. by G.R. Driver, Aalen 1975, 224-6, 400-3; C. Saporetti, The Status
of Women in the Middle Assyrian Period (MANE, 2/1), Malibu 1979, 18-9.
3
Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', 2-3.
4
Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', 3.
5
Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', 3.
6
Cf. P.S. Hiebert, ' "Whence Shall Help Come to Me?": The Biblical Widow',
in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis 1989,
129.
7
Cf. Driver, Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 225; Hiebert, ' "Whence Shall Help
Come to Me?" ' 128.
to do so. 8
Possibly the situation was different during the Neo-Babylonian
period. In two cases of childless women who became widows, their
dowries reverted to the control of the donors, for the one, to her
mother, for the other widow, to her father. 'The dowry returned to
the control of the parent, and it is probable that the widow, too,
returned to that parent. The death of a husband, then, would not
necessarily make a woman legally and economically independent if
there was a prior jural authority to reassert control.' 9
In literary texts from Mesopotamia widows often are depicted as
vulnerable women who are in need of protection. Their vulnerability
generally is connected with their financial situation. The proverbial
widow is poor. 10 Yet not all widows were poor. Some women possessed
property or had control over property assigned to them by their husbands during his lifetime. Thus, '[t]he extent to which widows were
actually poor will have varied'. 11
If a widow owned property, it probably was (part of) her dowry. A
Mesopotamian woman who received a dowry upon entering marriage,
had a legal right to the dowry or its comparable value when she left
her husband's home as a widow. According to CH 172, the only
inalienable property of a widow was her dowry (seriktu). During his
lifetime her husband could bestow her with a marriage settlement
(nudunn), which would serve as a means of existence to her after
his death. If he had not made a marriage settlement she was entitled
to a share of her husband's estate equivalent to that of an individual
heir. If a widow decided to remarry, the only property she could take
with her was her dowry. Either the nudunn or the inheritance share,
whichever she had received, she then had to leave behind for her sons
or other relatives who were to inherit it (CH 171-174).12
Likewise, Neo-Babylonian law rendered any wife whose husband
had died the right to a dowry. Even if she had no dowry upon entering marriage, 'a judge shall assess the value of her husband's estate,
and shall give to her some property in accordance with the value of
8
,19
statue of me, the king of justice, in the city of Babylon
But caring for the widow was not only part of the ethics of kings.
Other wealthy persons could also refer to the care they provided for
the widow. In autobiographical texts from Egypt, high officials asserted in various ways that they were a helper to the widow and the
orphan. 20 Egyptian wisdom texts express the same social ideal. In the
Instruction to Merikare the king is told not to oppress the widow. 21
And Amenemope is instructed,
It seems that in Egypt, too, widows generally belonged to the disadvantaged of society. With regard to their legal rights, Gay Robins
assumes that although Egyptian women could conduct a lawsuit on
their own they probably needed backup of male family members. 'The
position of disadvantaged persons such as widows suggests that their
rights were protected not by law but by the good will of male officials.
Women's legal rights clearly did not extend effectively throughout society.' 23
Widows were believed to be under the special protection of the
gods. Thus it is said of the god Marduk that he provided justice for the
widow. By being dedicated to a deity, widows were assured of maintenance by the temple. 24 In early Mesopotamia, temple households
provided shelter for widows as well as other individuals without a male
protector. These people in need of protection formed a substantial
part of a temple's labour force. 25 Also in the Neo-Babylonian period
19
BCE).
23
Roth, LCMAM, 114 (CH 172). Cf. further G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles,
The Babylonian Laws, repr., vol. 1, Oxford 1956, 334-5; F.R. Kraus, 'Von
altmesopotamischem Erbrecht: Ein Vortrag', in: J. Brugman et al., Essays on
Oriental Laws of Succession (SDIO, 9), Leiden 1969, 16.
33
E.g., D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), Paris 1986, nos.
15, 91, 112, 181, 185, 195; G. Beckman, Texts from the Vicinity of Emar: in the
Collection of Jonathan Rosen (HANE/M, 2), Padova 1996, nos. RE 15, 28, 37.
See also Th. Kmmerer, 'Zur sozialen Stellung der Frau in Emar und Ekalte als
Witwe und Waise', UF 26 (1994), 169-208.
34
Cf. Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth
Century B.C.E.', 60, 72.
receive the legacy even though it is not directly from the testator but
from his wife'. 42 In some of these cases the children probably were
still quite young.
If a couple was childless, the rights of the wife with regard to
the usufruct of her husband's inheritance appear to have been more
unstable. Probably for this reason the Egyptian husband, Nebnofre,
adopted his wife as his daughter, in order to safeguard her position
after his death. Had he not done so, his brothers and sisters would
have inherited his possessions. 43
Data from Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian society indicate that
widows frequently remarried. Since women usually married at an early
age - between the ages of fourteen and twenty - and their husbands
generally were about a decade older, they could become widows at
a relatively young age, when they were still fertile. 44 '[I] a sample
of documented households with daughters of marriage age, at least
one-quarter and perhaps as many as one-half of the households were
headed by widows'. 45
If a widow did remarry, she could either choose a relative of her
late husband or someone outside her husband's family. In a series of
texts from sixth-century Borsippa endogamous marriages frequently
occur and scholars wonder whether this should be compared with
the custom of levirate marriage. Some deny that the levirate obligation existed, but others assume that, although not by law, in practise
a brother-in-law might have great interest in marrying his widowed
sister-in-law. 46 Through marriage a family could come into the possession of certain goods, such as land, which was (part of) the bride's
dowry. When the husband died, there was a chance the widow remarried outside the family. She then had the right to take her dowry
with her and would remove that property from her late husband's
family. To prevent that from happening, the husband's brother could
remarry his sister-in-law. Pressure of family members also might in42
Pestman, 'The Law of Succession in Ancient Egypt', 75 (emphasis by Pestman). Cf. also Idem, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 120-4.
43
Pestman, 'The Law of Succession in Ancient Egypt', 74; Robins, Women in
Ancient Egypt, 77; R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Getting Old in Ancient Egypt,
London 1996, 88. Having become a widow, Nebnofre's wife in turn adopted three
children of her female slave, as well as her brother. They were to take care of her
in her old age. See section 2.1.2.
44
Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', 4.
45
Roth, 'The Neo-Babylonian Widow', 5.
46
Cf. J.C. Greenfield, 'Some Neo-Babylonian Women', in: FPOA, 78; F.
Joannes, 'Un cas de remariage d'poque no-babylonienne', in: FPOA, 93.
Joannes, 'Un cas de remariage d'poque no-babylonienne', 94-5; Kuhrt, 'NonRoyal Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 225-6.
48
M. Sigrist, 'Some di-til-la Tablets in the British Museum', in: Z. Zevit et
al. (eds), Solving Riddles and Untying Knots: Biblical, Epigraphic, and Semitic
Studies in Honor of Jonas C. Greenfield, Winona Lake IN 1995, 613-4.
49
Sigrist, 'Some di-til-la Tablets in the British Museum', 614.
50
Cf., e.g., J. Huehnergard, 'Five Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar', RA 77
(1983), 16-9, 30-1.
51
Paradise, Daughter and her Father's Property at Nuzi', 196.
52
Paradise, Daughter and her Father's Property at Nuzi', 195-6.
53
Roth, LCMAM, 164.
because, instead of being the only wife of the second son, his daughter
would now become a co-wife - the inchoate marriage of the second son
may be dissolved. Raymond Westbrook notes that the union between
the second son and the widow of the deceased first son is called ana
ahzete, 'a technical term for marriage without formalities, generally
a second marriage'. 54
MAL A33 would seem to refer to levirate marriage between
a father-in-law and his daughter-in-law. Here, too, the phrase ana
ahzete is used. Perhaps such a union could occur where the woman
was childless.55 However, since the text is fragmentary we cannot be
certain.
The third reference occurs in MAL A43, where it is recorded
what should happen in case an inchoate marriage performed by way
of pouring oil on the bride's head 56 was ended by either death or flight
of the groom. Should such an event occur, then the bride's father-inlaw 'shall give her in marriage to whichever of his remaining sons he
wishes, from the oldest to the youngest of at least ten years of age'. 57
In case no brothers or father of the groom were present, his sons of at
least ten years old - whom the groom had fathered by another wife
or other wives - had the obligation to marry her.
Godfrey Driver and John Miles stress the difference between biblical levirate and the marriages described in MAL A30, A33 and
A43. Both MAL A30 and A43 deal with an inchoately married
bride, a girl who is considered to be married by law, but whose marriage has not yet been consummated and who therefore is (still) childless. MAL A33 may concern a situation resembling levirate, yet the
text is too fragmentary to be certain. They furthermore point to other
law texts where one would expect to find a reference to levirate marriage if such a custom would exist in Assyria. Yet in MAL A25,
A36 and A45 we lack such a reference. 58
The custom described in HL 193 does resemble levirate marriage:
54
Widows and their social position receive little attention in the Ugaritic
literary texts. Generally they were poor women, who had little means
of support. A widow's poverty and her exemplary behaviour despite
her sorry situation is mentioned in KTU 1.14:11.44. The widow was
among those who contributed in one way or another to Kirtu's campaign, during which he would capture his bride. There is some discussion on the sort of contribution she made. Crux interpretum is
the absolute infinitive kr tkr, which scholars have connected with
Heb. . Either the widow hired someone to go in her stead 62 , or she
hired herself out 63 . In the latter case, however, one would expect the
infinitive to be an stem (*nkr). Furthermore, Johannes de Moor
and Klaas Spronk point to the fact that in Ugaritic the verb 'gr is
used as a cognate of Heb. ' to hire someone'. Of course it is very
well possible that Ug. kr more or less has the same meaning, but
on contextual grounds it seems more probable to relate it to Arab.
59
yhd.bth.sgr
44
Silmnt.kr 45 1six.
zbl. 'rm 4 6 y'u
'wr.mzl 47 ymzl
In the first bicolon two adults living alone are mentioned, persons
without a family to care for or to take care of them. The second
bicolon parallels two disabled persons, a sick and a blind man. But
the two bicola also form a unit together, parallelling someone who
went and someone who gave: both the single man and the sick man
went and joined Kirtu's army, while the widow and the blind man,
both unable to enlist themselves, supported the campaign financially.
Both widowed women and handicapped men generally belonged to the
lowest social strata. Yet they, in their poverty, donated generously to
the enterprise of Kirtu to obtain himself a bride. 65
Widows could belong to those who lacked protection by their family. The only patronage they could then call upon was the king's. A
righteous king was supposed to protect the rights of the weak, viz.
widows and orphans, in judging their case. Dan'ilu was such a just
king (KTU 1.17:V.7-8 || 1.19:1.23-25):
7
ydn
dn. 'almnt.
ytpt.tpt.ytm
Ipnk
50
49
1tlhm.ytm.
Thus L. Badre et al., 'Notes ougaritiques I: Keret', Syria 53 (1976), 109; J.C.
de Moor, K. Spronk, 'Problematical Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (I)', UF 14
(1982), 164.
65
De Moor, Spronk, 'Problematical Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (I)', 164.
hlk. 'ahth.b'l.y'n.
40
tdrq ybnt.abh.
called1:6)
etc.) and1:1 ) ) , not *. If the word was used in
the same sense in Ugaritic, perhaps a widowed female in-law could be
named a ybmt not only in relation to her husband's brother, but also
in relation to other family members. Based on its Hebrew cognate,
however, a meaning encompassing the relation between a father-inlaw and his daughter-in-law cannot be defended.
On the other hand, if in KTU 1.3:IV.39-40 ybnt should be understood as a scribal error and the text should be emended to bt abh,
it would make a perfect parallelism with 'ahth. 73 However, from a
graphical point of view the emendation is not very convincing.
The second text that might shed light on the translation of 'Anatu's
epithet ybmt I'imm is KTU 1.6:1.30-31, a text which unfortunately is
damaged. In its preceding lines it is told how 'Anatu offered funerary sacrifices for the deceased Ba'lu. Lines 30-31 are reconstructed
in various ways. Gregorio del Olmo Lete, for instance, assumes the
sacrifical theme is continued and reconstructs as follows,
30
[b]p/1/1.s&771. '[nt]
31
[kd.g]zrh.ybm.l'ilm
* and ' are simply synonymous, meaning "sister-in-law" '. HALAT, Lf.
2, 367, renders 'Witwe d. Bruders', but also mentions 'Schwgerin?'
73
Cf. Gen. 20:12; Lev. 18:9, 11; 20:17; Deut. 27:22; Ezek. 16:45; 22:11.
In TO, t. 1,172, n. b, it is suggested to regard ybnt as an error of bnt 'daughter'.
However, bnt is only attested as a plural, not as a singular, and 'there is no reason
for a plural here'; cf. Pardee, 'The New Canaanite Myths and Legends', 279.
74
Virolleaud, Syria 12 (1931), 194, initially read pt, but in Syria 15 (1934),
236, proposed to read tt, which was followed by Herdner, CTA, 39, n. 3, and
many others.
75
G. del Olmo Lete, 'Notes on Ugaritic Semantics V', UF 14 (1982), 66. He also
mentions Ginsberg's suggestion to read a parallelism '[nt] || ybm<t>
l'im(!)m,
which would result in the translation 'His sacrificial meal 'Anatu set with them,
/ and his ration, the "Promised of peoples(?)" '.
76
ttbm is regarded as a St stem of ybm. Walls, The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic
Myth, 100, however, points to the phrase I'istbm tnn in KTU 1.3:111.40, which is
generally parsed as a Gt stem of bm 'muzzle'; cf., e.g., Tropper, UG, 525, 572.
According to Walls, '[w]hi1e KTU 1.6 i 30-1 is a difficult passage and the verbal
root of the forms ttbm and I'istbm are disputed, de Moor's ingenious proposal of
a St stem of ybm, "to proclaim oneself a ybm[t!]," lacks support'.
77
De Moor, 'An Incantation against Infertility (KTU 1.13)', 308-9; Idem,
Yet another interpretation is proposed by Joseph Tropper. He accepts Virolleaud's initial reading ptbm, thereby changing the subject
of the St stem of ybm,
30
Even her seducing qualities towards humans can be doubted, since the interpretation of KTU 1.18:1.23-24 as a possible marriage proposal by 'Anatu to
Aqhatu is rather uncertain; see section 2.1.1.1.
On the other hand, we should refrain from stating prematurely that such behaviour would be impossible on the part of the goddess. 'Anatu's Mesopotamian
counterpart Inanna/Ishtar is described as a harlot 'who snatches the man from
the wife's embrace'; cf. Th. Jacobsen, 'Pictures and Pictorial Language: (The Burney Relief)', in: M. Mindlin et al. (eds), Figurative Language in the Ancient Near
East, London 1987, 5. See also Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet VI, and W. von Soden,
J. Oelsner, 'Ein spt-altbabylonisches prum-Preislied fr Itar: (Tab. CVI)', Or.
60 (1991), 339-43, according to which Ishtar engaged in tireless intercourse with
all young men of a city.
86
A.A. Tavares, 'L , almanah hebraique et Valmattu des textes akkadiens', in:
FPOA, 155-62; P.S. Hiebert, ' "Whence Shall Help Come to Me?": The Biblical
Widow', in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis
1989, 127-9; Van der Toorn, Cradle, 134.
87
K. van der Toorn, 'Torn Between Vice and Virtue: Stereotypes of the Widow
in Israel and Mesopotamia', in: R. Kloppenburg, W.J. Hanegraaff (eds), Female
Stereotypes in Religious Traditions (SHR, 66), Leiden 1995, 6.
88
Tamar's case appears to be an exception to the rule. As a of Judah,
she was sent away to remain an in her father's house (Gen. 38:11). It is
noteworthy that the narrator called her Judah's while Judah himself told her
to remain an . The narrator thereby seems to have emphasized the question
of authority and responsibility. See further below.
up (Gen. 38). When Judah was told that Tamar was pregnant, it was
he as a father-in-law who exercised his authority over her and ordered
her to be burned because she 'played the whore' (v. 24). Apparently
Tamar's paternal family had no say in the matter. 'So even though
death had ended the physical relationship that existed between Tamar
and Er, it had not terminated the relationship of Tamar with her
husband's family, with the mutual rights and obligations incumbent
upon both parties.' 93
Thus, even after her husband had died, a widow could be under
male authority. If she was not under any male authority this meant
she was without any male protection, in which case she could fall
victim to abuse. It therefore was the duty of the king to protect the
rights of those who had no helper, such as the widow (2 Sam. 14; Ps.
72:12). Yet it would seem that a widow's rights were often neglected.
The prophet Isaiah called on the people to do justice and plead for
the widow, since her case was not presented in court (Isa. 1:17, 23).
A poor widow could be at the mercy of creditors who might force
her to pay her debts by taking in pledge an item which was of vital
importance to her, such as a cloak or an ox (Deut. 24:17; Job 24:3).
It could even happen that she was forced to render her children to
the creditor (2 Kgs 4:1-7).
There are various rules in the Hebrew Bible for the benefit of the
poor, such as that of letting the land lie fallow (Exod. 23:10-11), of
leaving something of the harvest behind for the poor (Lev. 19:9-10;
Deut. 24:19-21) and of bringing the tithes to the temple (Deut. 26:1213). These rules, as well as the rebuke of the prophets, indicate that
the majority of the Israelite widows were probably poor.
Furthermore, it would seem that, especially in times of crises, care
for the widow was neglected. In their criticism of this lack of care for
the weak, the prophets often mention the widow next to the orphan
(Isa. 10:2: Jer. 7:6; 22:3; Ezek. 22:7; Zech. 7:10; Mai. 3:5). The negative
fate of the widow also is mentioned in threats to the people (Isa. 47:89).
The widow therefore stood in need of YHWH'S protection. The
belief that to those who had no protector, Y H W H acted as their helper
and judge is expressed in several texts (Exod. 22:21-23[22-24]; Deut.
10:18; Pss. 68:6; 146:9; Prov. 15:25 etc.). 94
To kings and other persons who belonged to the highest levels of
93
society care for the widow was regarded as laudable (Job 22:9; 29:13;
31:16). In Deuteronomy the widow, together with the resident alien
and the orphan, is often part of the proverbial triad of the disinherited to whom the Israelites should offer special care (e.g., Deut. 16:14).
However, it became an obligation of all Israelites to implement God's
care for the widow (Deut. 10:18-19; 14:29; 16:11, 14; 24:17, etc.). It
may be significant that Deut. 17:14-20 does not regard this as a special task of the king anymore. 95 It was from the personnel of the
temple that care was bestowed on the widow. The Israelites were instructed to bring a tithe of their income to the temple in order that
the Levites, the resident aliens, the orphans and widows might be fed
on it (Deut. 14:29; 26:12, but cf. Mal. 3:8-10). Since the tithe-rule
is not mentioned in the Book of the Covenant (Exod. 21-23), which
is generally regarded as the oldest law collection, the care for the
weak in Israelite society probably was institutionalized only gradually. Karel van der Toorn assumes that spontanious expressions of
generosity transformed into an obligatory tax during the transition of
semi-nomadic to urban society. 'In the long run the temple assumed
the responsibility for the collection and administration of this tax.' 9 6
As in Mesopotamia, so in Israel, the temple probably was a place of
refuge for widows who were in need of support, probably even in the
period before Deuteronomy. 97
It has often been stated that Israelite women were not entitled to
inherit land. 98 Daughters did not share the right to inheritance with
their brothers on an equal basis, but could only inherit in exceptional
cases. 99 But could widows inherit from their deceased husband? There
are two texts in the Hebrew Bible that might shed some light on this
question: 2 Kgs 8:1-6 and Ruth 4:3. With regard to 2 Kgs 8:1-6, it
cannot be established with certainty what is the status of the woman
mentioned in this text. According to some it is beyond question that
she is a widow. 100 Yet others maintain that assumptions regarding
her widowhood are unjustified. 101
95
Cf. Y.-U. Kim, The Ideal King According to Deuteronomy 17:14-20: An Investigation into Kingship in the Old Testament, diss. Kampen 2000, 136.
96
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 136.
97
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 137; Idem, 'Torn Between Vice and Virtue', 4.
98
E.g., by R. de Vaux, Les institutions de l'Ancien Testament, vol. 1, 89.
99
Num. 27:1-11; 36:1-12. See further section 2.1.4.
100
Thus, e.g., S.J. Osgood, 'Women and the Inheritance of Land in Early Israel1,
in: G.J. Brooke (ed.), Women in the Biblical Tradition (Studies in Women and
Religion, 31), Lewiston-Lampeter 1992, 29.
101
Thus, e.g., M. Cogan, H. Tadmor, II Kings: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AncB, 11), Garden City NY 1988, 88.
minor he could not speak for himself before the king. His mother, as
a trustee of his inheritance, spoke on his behalf. 104
It would thus seem that the woman mentioned in 2 Kgs 8:1-6 was
a widow who held the land of her deceased husband in trusteeship
for her minor son. As long as he was a minor, she was entitled to
administer the house and the land and she had the right to its produce.
The second text dealing with the question whether Israelite widows
could inherit from their deceased husbands is Ruth 4:3. Contrary to
the woman in 2 Kgs 8:1-6, there is no doubt that Naomi was a widow.
She was selling 105 the parcel of land that belonged to Elimelech. To
be more specific, she was selling the usufructary rights to the land. 106
Since her husband and her sons had died, she was entitled to manage
the land. In general, an Israelite widow would hold the usufructary
rights to the land of her deceased husband's household. The right of
inheritance for a widow was conditional to prevent that property be
removed from the clan when she remarried. If she had any children,
they would inherit the land once they had come of age. If she had no
children, she would hold the usufructary rights until she remarried or
until she died. Thereafter the land would be redistributed within the
mipah.107
The law of levirate marriage (Deut. 25:5-10) also may shed some
104
Cf. H.H. Rowley, 'The Marriage of Ruth', in: Idem, The Servant of the Lord
and other Essays on the Old Testament, Oxford 2 1965, 184, n. 2; G.H. Jones, 1
and 2 Kings vol. 2 (NCBC) Grand Rapids 1984, 440.
105
Although the Hebrew text reads as a Qal perfect, it should be regarded as having present-time reference in view of its juridical setting; cf. J.M. Sasson, Ruth: A
New Translation with a Philological Commentary and a Formalist-Folklorist Interpretation, Baltimore 1979, 108-14; Bush, Ruth, Esther, 202, 211-2. A performative
present is also used in Ruth 4:10, cf. Bush, Ruth, Esther, 238.
106
With regard to the buying and selling of land, some observations need to be
made. The verb has two closely related meanings. First, it can refer to the
selling of movables, a transaction in which 'the sale includes the transfer of the
unconditional right of ownership and disposition of the object sold as well as its
possession and use'; cf. Bush, Ruth, Esther, 200. The movables can be items such
as meat, oil or even slaves. When the object of the transaction is land, however,
the verb can have a distinct, second meaning, referring to a transfer of the
usufruct of land for an established period of time; cf. . Lipmski, 'Le mariage de
Ruth', VT 26 (1976), 126; Idem, mkr\ in: ThWAT, Bd. 4, 869-75. The latter
meaning is related to the Israelite belief that the land belonged to YHWH as his
possession (Lev. 25:23) and that Israel as his people had the right of usufruct. This
belief seems to be early and persistent. Cf. S.H. Bess, Systems of Land Tenure in
Ancient Israel, Ph.D. Dissertation University of Michigan 1963 [Ann Arbor MI
1981], 83-91; Osgood, 'Women and the Inheritance of Land in Early Israel', 37-41;
Bush, Ruth, Esther, 200-1.
107
Cf. Lipinski, 'Le mariage de Ruth', 125-6; Osgood, 'Women and the Inheritance of Land in Early Israel', 51; Bush, Ruth, Esther, 204.
71.
110
Pressler, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 70.
Pressler, The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 701. On the symbolic act, cf. . Viberg, Symbols of Law: A Contextual Analysis of
Legal Symbolic Acts in the Old Testament (CB.OT, 34), Stockholm 1992, 145-65.
112
In general levirate is regarded as a form of marriage, cf. R. Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law (JSOT.S, 113), Sheffield 1991, 84-5; Pressler,
The View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 65, n. 7. Pace
G.W. Coats, 'Widow's Rights: A Crux in the Structure of Genesis 38', CBQ 34
(1972), 461-6.
113
Cf., e.g., J. Morgenstern, 'The Book of the Covenant: Part II', HUCA 7 (1930),
180-3; R. Gordis, 'Love, Marriage, and Business in the Book of Ruth: A Chapter
in Hebrew Customary Law', in: H.N. Bream et al. (eds), A Light unto My Path,
Fs. J.M. Myers, (Gettysburg Theological Studies, 4), Philadelphia 1974, 246-52;
D.A. Leggett, The Levirate and Goel Institutions in the Old Testament: With
Special Attention to the Book of Ruth, Cherry Hill NJ 1974, 271-91; E.W. Davies,
'Inheritance Rights and the Hebrew Levirate Marriage: Part 2', VT 31 (1981), 2607; E. Otto, Theologische Ethik des Alten Testaments (ThW, 3,2), Stuttgart 1994,
57-61; Bush, Ruth, Esther, 224-5; F. Fechter, Die Familie in der Nachexilszeit:
Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung der Verwandtschaft in ausgewhlten Texten des
Alten Testaments (BZAW, 264), Berlin 1998, 258-65.
111
account of the law of levirate. Thus any detail in the other sources
which is not mentioned in Deuteronomy is in conflict with it. Not
only is this an argument from silence, but such an assumption is
also an invalid approach to ancient Near Eastern law, which does
not offer 'a comprehensive statement of general principles'. The law
codes are 'seldom more than collections of decisions in individual cases
which, of course, refer only to particular aspects of the legal institution
involved'. 114
Some biblical scholars have wondered whether the story of Ruth
concerned levirate marriage at all, since Ruth did not marry a levir, a
husband's brother, but a distant kinsman and the verb is not used
to describe her marriage with Boaz. 115 Others, however, are convinced
Ruth's marriage was a levirate marriage. They point to the fact that
Ruth's brother-in-law had died, and that therefore the levirate duty
was transferred to the next-of-kin. Furthermore, the story contains a
reference to the other narrative in which levirate marriage occurs: the
story of Judah and Tamar (Ruth 4:12). 116
With regard to the obligation of the levir as well as with regard
to the right of the widow, the story of Ruth differs from Deut. 25:5-10
and Gen. 38. In Deut. 25:5-10 levirate marriage is described as a legal
obligation. The situation is generally assumed to be one of brothers
living together on an undivided estate which they had inherited from
their deceased father. 117 If one of the brothers died, the other had the
duty to marry his widowed sister-in-law. He could, however, refuse
to perform his duty and she thereupon had the right to go to court.
Two symbolic acts were then carried out, viz. removing the shoe of
the levir and spitting in his face, by which the widow publicly shamed
her brother-in-law. 118
114
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 71. Likewise, Bush, Ruth,
Esther, 168.
115
Cf., e.g., E. Kutsch,' jbm', in: ThWAT, Bd. 3, 398; Gordis, 'Love, Marriage,
and Business in the Book of Ruth', 248; Sasson, Ruth, 125-36; Bush, Ruth, Esther,
224-7.
116
Cf., e.g., Rowley, 'The Marriage of Ruth', 174-5; E.W. Davies, 'Inheritance
Rights and the Hebrew Levirate Marriage: Part 1', VT 31 (1981), 140, n. 9.
117
Cf. Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 78-9; Pressler, The
View of Women Found in the Deuteronomic Family Laws, 64, n. 4.
118
Viberg, Symbols of Law, 147-8, 156-7; V.H. Matthews, 'Honor and Shame in
Gender-Related Legal Situations in the Hebrew Bible', in: V.H. Matthews et al.
(eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S,
262), Sheffield 1998, 100-2.
The punishment in Deut. 25:9-10 is, especially in comparison with other sanetions in the book of Deuteronomy, not a very severe one. This is due to the fact
that 'the levirate involves a positive duty, and the law is notoriously shy of en-
... had Onan refused outright, he would have gained nothing, since
either his father or younger brother could perform the levirate instead
and provide an heir for the deceased's share. Onan, therefore, thought
of a trick. He ostensibly undertook the responsibility given to him,
but took care that no heir could possibly result from the union. By
performing the duty in form but not in fact he hoped to gain for himself
his dead brother's inheritance.121
Onan chose to gain his brother's inheritance. The only person aware
of this deception was his childless wife. Being married, a wife had
a right to sexual relations with her husband. Onan's sin was withholding this right to Tamar. Etan Levine states, that 'it is the levirate husband Onan . . . neither freeing her from the marital bond nor
fully consummating sexual relations with her, thereby depriving her
of both complete gratification and impregnation. This act is considered so heinous that God intervenes and kills the man for depriving
the hapless woman of her due'. 122
Contrary to Deut. 25:5-10 and Gen. 38, the nearer kinsman and
Boaz do not appear to have had any obligation to marry Ruth. They
both were neither brother, nor father to Ruth's deceased husband,
but more distantly related. Strictly speaking, they were not levirs.
forcing such duties'. Furthermore, 'it is a family matter, not a public duty'; cf.
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 82.
119
Cf., e.g., Davies, 'Inheritance Rights and the Hebrew Levirate Marriage (2)',
260.
120
Davies, 'Inheritance Rights and the Hebrew Levirate Marriage (2)', 261.
Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law, 76.
122
E. Levine, 'On Exodus 21,10 Onah and Biblical Marriage', ZABR 5 (1999),
151.
121
According to Frederic Bush, 'the levirate obligation can be substantiated only for the brother of the deceased husband, and there is no
certain indication in Deut 25 or Gen 38 that any more distant relative
could serve in his place if he refused'. 123
It is a matter of discussion whether the levirate duty extended to
a widow's father-in-law. With reference to Hittite Law, some scholars
assume that Judah had the duty to perform the levirate marriage with
his daughter-in-law Tamar. 124 Others, however, argue that the duty
of the levir was restricted to the brother-in-law, while referring to the
term *, which is only employed for a brother-in-law. 125 Gen. 38
seems to reflect a certain uneasiness with a father-in-law performing
the levirate duty. 126 The fact that Tamar could only become pregnant
by deceiving Judah, pleads for the latter interpretation. Furthermore,
the phrase 'Judah did not lie with her again' (v. 26b) implies that
there was no marriage. 127
Furthermore, whereas in Deut. 25:9-10 refusal of the duty resulted
in public humiliation, this was not the case in Ruth 4. When the nearer
kinsman renounced his rights in favour of Boaz, there was no social
stigma attached to it. 128
Although there was no legal obligation for the nearer kinsman and
Boaz in the book of Ruth, there does appear to have been a moral
obligation. According to Frederic Bush, 'Ruth 4:5d clearly implies that
a communally recognized moral obligation, a family responsibility, on
the part of the next of kin did exist'. 129
The Bible presents levirate marriage as a right of the widow. Her
brother-in-law was to marry her and provide her with offspring. In a
patriarchal society such as Israel only remarriage could give a widow
security. 130 Discussing the purpose of levirate marriage, scholars often
123
for she was free to marry whomever she wished (Ruth 3:10). 136
Strictly speaking, levirate marriage refers to remarriage of a widow
with her husband's brother. Although there are some differences in
this regard between Deut. 25 and Gen. 38 on the one hand and Ruth
on the other hand, in many aspects the situation is corresponding. I
therefore agree with Frederic Bush, who refers to Ruth's marriage as
'a levirate-type marriage'. 137 A certain distinction cannot be denied,
yet should not be overemphasized.
Although the Bible ascribed certain virtues such as devotion, wisdom and chastity to the widow, the stories concerning levirate marriage offer a somewhat different picture. The biblical image of the
widow is somewhat ambiguous. 'Exalted as a symbol of godliness
and virtue, the widow was also regarded as a potential seductress
and enchantress. Often the dividing line between wisdom and cunning, perspicacity and slyness, is very thin indeed'. 138 Young, childless
widows might employ their sexual attractiveness in achieving their
goals. Thus, Tamar deceived her father-in-law into performing the
duty of the levir (Gen. 38). And Ruth was instructed by her widowed
mother-in-law to approach Boaz when he lay down to sleep in order
that he marry her (Ruth 3). 139
It seems that the ambiguity of the image of the Israelite widow was
related to the male fear of female independence. Writing on stereotypes of the widow in the Bible, Karel van der Toorn notes the following,
One reason why the Israelite texts stress the poverty and the virtue of
the widow, so much so that these came to be regarded as defining her
condition, may be the fear of female independence. The widow may
once have been a respectful daughter and a loyal wife; yet now she is
free. Her unchosen freedom makes her an ambiguous figure. Hence, in
the public perception, there are different, at times contradictory, stereotypes of the widow. On the one hand, she is a monument of devotion,
wisdom, and chastity; on the other hand, she is known as an easy prey
for religious fanatics, a prattler, and a woman of loose sexual habits.
Such stereotypes reveal the uneasiness which independent women pro136
In Mesopotamia as well as in Israel, a widow was not always an independent woman. By marriage she had become a member of her
husband's family. If her father-in-law lived longer than her husband,
she continued to be under the former's jural authority. Documents
from Neo-Babylonia reveal that in that society the authority over a
widow could also revert to one of her parents. Yet if neither fatherin-law nor one of her own parents was alive, a woman became an
independent widow after her husband's death.
Her independency was not always a positive situation. Whether
or not she had any property to support herself was of vital importance. When her dowry and perhaps other possessions her husband
had given her during his lifetime were of substantial value, she could
be economically independent and engage in business. If, however, she
was poor, she could fall victim to creditors. Independency and the
possession of property were thus interrelated. Although there were
rich widows in most societies, proverbs from Mesopotamia as well as
texts from Ugarit and Israel reveal that far more often a widow was
poor.
Despite a widow's jural autonomy, her legal rights could be neglected. When a widow was confronted with lack of justice, she had
no other option than to appeal to the king. In all societies of the
ancient Near East the social ideal of care for the widow existed. It
was a virtue of the good king in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Ugarit and
Israel to protect a widow's rights. However, various texts show that
he did not always live up to this ideal. A widow's rights were thus
dependent on the good will of kings and other influential persons.
Widows were believed to be under the special protection of the gods
- in Mesopotamia the god Marduk and in Israel Y H W H - and often
they turned to their deity for help. Both in Mesopotamia and Israel
temple authorities provided for widows.
Widows in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Israel did not have any right
to inherit from their husband. Only if a husband had made additional
testamentory provisions could a widow inherit (part of) his property.
140
In Egypt and Emar special provisions for the widow were devised,
such as 'selling' the husband's property to his wife, and endowing the
wife with legally male gender while making her primary heir. A widow
could have usufructary rights, however, but these appear to have been
less stable if she was childless. If a widow had young children, she was
entitled to manage her late husband's property for them.
The only property that was lawfully hers was her dowry. During
their marriage, her husband could give her additional property, but in
case of remarriage she had to renounce that. The frequent occurrence
of endogamous remarriage in some societies can be related to the
wish of a husband's family to keep the widow's dowry as part of their
property. This reluctance to let go of a widow's dowry is also expressed
in Neo-Babylonian law suits in which widows had to sue their in-laws
or their sons in order to get control over it. Although in theory a
widow may have been free to marry whoever she pleased, in practice
this freedom could be restricted by family pressure. Moreover, the
fact that she would lose the usufructary rights over any additional
property her late husband had provided her with might influence her
choice of marriage partner.
Both in Hittite and biblical law the custom of levirate marriage
occurs, whereas the Assyrian material and the evidence from the
Ugaritic literary texts is inconclusive, but seems to point to a similar practice. The primary purpose of biblical levirate marriage was
the perpetuation of the name of the deceased husband. Secondly, it
provided the widow with the security of marriage. Thirdly, any dower
property the widow might have remained in the family of her in-laws.
Although the Hebrew Bible presents it as a legal obligation of the
levir, there was no harsh punishment in case he refused to perform
this duty. Likewise, HL 193 does not mention any punishment in
case the custom was not carried out. The question whether a widow
was obliged to perform levirate marriage or could renounce her right
in this, cannot be answered. We may assume most women preferred
the protection of remarriage over against widowhood with its threat
of poverty and debt-slavery.
Both the Ugaritic and Hebrew texts present an image that reveals the ambiguity of male writers towards the widow. The image
of the poor widow who is in need of protection appeals to feelings
of sympathy and compassion. The independent widow who has autonomy over her own sexuality, however, is assumed to create uneasiness
within an androcentric society.
2.1.6
Orphan
Cf. F.C. Fensham, 'Widow, Orphan, and the Poor in Ancient Near Eastern
Legal and Wisdom Literature', JNES 21 (1962), 129-39.
2
Cf. I.J. Gelb, 'Household and Family in Early Mesopotamia', in: E. Lipmski
(ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East I (OLA, 5), Leuven 1979, 23; J.M. Asher-Greve, Frauen in altsumerischer Zeit (Bibliotheca
Mesopotamica, 18), Malibu CA 1985, 162.
3
Fensham, 'Widow, Orphan, and the Poor in Ancient Near Eastern Legal and
Wisdom Literature', 131.
4
Cf. G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, repr., vol. 1, Oxford 1956,
208-2; R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender
and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield
1998, 217.
5
Th. Kmmerer, 'Zur sozialen Stellung der Frau in Emar und Ekalte als Witwe
und Waise', UF 26 (1994), 202-3. On a daughter's right to inherit, see section 2.1.4.
M.T. Roth, 'Women in Transition and the bit mar banV, RA 82 (1988), 132,
mentions 23 out of 45 cases in which a woman is given in marriage either by
her mother and/or her brother. Only in three instances a woman arranges her
marriage on her own.
7
Roth, 'Women in Transition and the bit mr ban\ 132-5. For adoption at
Emar, see, e.g., D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), Paris 1986,
251-3 (no. 256). For Nuzi, see J. Paradise, Daughter and her Father's Property
at Nuzi', JCS 32 (1980), 189-207.
8
E. Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, Frankfurt 1995, 379.
9
Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, 384.
10
Fensham, 'Widow, Orphan, and the Poor in Ancient Near Eastern Legal and
Wisdom Literature', 129-39.
11
Referring to the function of protector of those who wear the high official's
garment called an apron.
12
Shupak, in: C0S, vol. 1, 100.
long time his eldest son who was aspiring to succeed him reproached
his father for not having fed the orphan (ytm, masc.; see also KTU
4.618:3) and widow (KTU 1.16:VI.48-50).
An orphan not only had to fear cruelties from adults, also evil
demons were supposed to be after the ytmt dit 'poor orphan (fem.)'
to bite her and apparently priests were willing to recite incantations
in order to protect her from this danger (KTU 1.82:22).
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
Care for the orphan is also part of the ethics of the Hebrew Bible.
Exod. 22:21 [22] prohibits their affliction: 'You shall not abuse any
widow or orphan'. Deuteronomy shows a special interest in the weak,
i.e., the alien, the orphan and the widow, and stipulates several regulations regarding proper conduct towards them. 13
If their father had died while in debt, his children could fall in
the hands of creditors and become slaves (2 Kgs 4:1). According to
Deuteronomic law, a debt slave should not serve his or her master for
more than six years, 'in the seventh year you shall set that person
free' (Deut. 15:12). In the sabbatical year the Israelites should grant
a remission of all debts. Social ethics of the Bible thus set a limit
to debt slavery, but it cannot be discerned whether this was actually
carried out in biblical times. 14
Wicked people might take advantage of the vulnerable position of
an orphan by removing land marks or by driving away an orphan's
donkey, which represented his or her meagre possessions (Job 24:2-3).
Generally the orphan was counted among the poor of society. 15
The Psalms give praise to Y H W H as the One who is a Father to the
orphans and protects their rights (Pss. 10:14,18; 68:6; 82:3; 146:9).
Although the norm of provision for widows and orphans was one of
the most important of Israelite society,16 prophetic literature shows
that at times it was severely violated. The prophet Isaiah rebuked
'the faithful city' Jerusalem: 'Your princes are rebels and companions
of thieves. Everyone loves a bribe and runs after gifts. They do not
defend the orphan and the widow's cause does not come before them'
13
(Isa. 1:23; see also Jer. 5:28). In the Hebrew Bible oilT always has the
masculine form which does not preclude that it was a gender-neutral
term which also covered girls. 17 In any case there is little reason to
assume that only boys were protected, 18 because widow, daughter and
female servant are mentioned side by side with the ( Deut. 16:11,
14).
The Hebrew Bible relates only one case of adoption, that of the
orphan Esther by her uncle Mordecai (Est. 2:7).19 It seems that, while
adoption as a means to overcome barrenness was not accepted, adoption in order to offer an orphan legal and social protection was.
D . CONCLUSIONS
Although care for orphans was part of the ethical values of all societies
in the ancient Near East, it did not mean that orphans were always
protected. Sometimes they could find refuge in a temple household, or
be adopted. It also happened that orphans became debt slaves or that
they roamed the streets. Ideally, however, there was always someone
who looked after them, if not a family member, then the king as the
upholder of social justice.
For comparable cases cf., e.g., J. Blau, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (PLO,
NS, 12), Wiesbaden 1976, 39.1; P. Joon, T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical
Hebrew (SubBi, 14/1), Roma 1991, 89.
18
Pace HALAT, 430: 'Waise, d. vaterlos gewordene Knabe'.
19
H.M. Wahl, 'Ester, das adoptierte Waisenkind. Zur Adoption im Alten Testament', Bib. 80 (1999), 78-99. On adoption see section 2.1.2.
Queen
It is often assumed that the queens of the ancient Near East were
powerful women. Yet to what extent did a queen have the possibility
to exercise power? Could she have any influence on her husband by
way of intercession? Did she have any possibility to attend official
meetings and banquets? To what extent could a queen partake in
these meetings?
Queens generally had an entourage of personnel over whom they
had authority. Some queens lived in the women's quarters of the
palace, but others had their own palace and their own administration, a sign of wealth and often of power.
Engaging in political matters certainly was a way to exercise power.
Often a queen was of foreign origin and was married to the king under
the terms of a political alliance. What was the role of such a queen?
queen could seek to alter a king's decision, for example, by asking him
to change the mode of punishment. Yet if the king did not give his
consent, she did not have the power to act independently. 7
Another way of exercising influence was by attending official meetings and banquets. A queen could accompany her husband on such
occassions. But whether she could partake of politics or business during offical meetings cannot be established. Little is known about the
presence of women at royal banquets. An Assyrian bas-relief shows
king Ashurbanipal (668-627 BCE) and his queen Ashur-shurrat in a
banquet scene. The presence of female personnel indicates that the
banquet took place in the quarters of the queen. 8 Whether the queen
also participated in feasts which the king organised cannot be determined.
Noble women probably did participate in some of the celebrations
of the Persian court. The king's wife and the queen mother were
present at private dinners of the king, and they may have attended
official celebrations such as the New Year festival. 'Celebrations which
required the presence of the court may well have included royal and
noble women, while other banquets may have been restricted to male
members of the nobility'. 9
Whereas the role of a queen in politics may have been limited,
administrative texts from several places and times show that queens
could play an important role in the economy of a kingdom. In the
Early Dynastic Period (ca. 2600-2350 BCE) Baranamtara, wife of Lugalanda of Lagash, did business with other Mesopotamian cities. She
maintained diplomatic relationships with Ninizkimti, the wife of the
king of Adab, with whom she exchanged presents. 10 Also, in the following periods, queens could have their own separate administration.
They held plots of land, managed their own personnel and had their
own channels of food production, independent of their husband, the
king. 11
7
M.G. Biga, 'Frauen in der Wirtschaft von Ebla', in: H. Waetzoldt, H. Hauptmann (eds), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla: Akten der Internationalen
Tagung Heidelberg | 7 . November 1986 (Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient,
2), Heidelberg 1988, 159; P. Mander, 'The Function of the Maliktum as Based on
the Documentation of the Administrative Texts of Ebla', in: Waetzoldt, Hauptmann (eds), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla, 261-6.
13
M. Dietrich, ' "Besitz der Tia-Lim" : Zuwendungen des Knigs von Ebla an
die Knigin von Emar', UF 25 (1993), 93-8.
14
Brosius, Women in Ancient Persia, 125-46.
15
Cf. E. Graefe, Untersuchungen zur Verwaltung und Geschichte der Institution
der Gottesgemahlin des Amun vom Beginn des Neuen Reiches bis zur Sptzeit
(AA, 37/1-2), Wiesbaden 1981; M. Gitton, Les divines pouses de la 18e dynastie,
Paris 1984; B.M. Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, Baltimore 1991, 93, 102-3.
On the religious office of God's Wife of Amun see chapter 3.
16
J.-J. Glassner, 'Women, Hospitality and the Honor of the Family', in: WER,
87.
17
. Edel, Die gyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazki in babylonischer und hethitischer Sprache (ARWAW, 77/1-2), Opladen 1994, Bd. 1: 140-3;
she had a separate palace, however, is not certain, for the Ramesside
record of the marriage states that '[s]he was installed in the (Royal)
Palace, (in) the king's Domain, accompanying the Sovereign daily
>18
king Ramesses 11 of Egypt and her role in this matter seems to have
been equal to that of her husband. 25 Yet a queen's role in diplomacy
generally was a limited one, and Puduhepa seems to have been an
exception. The fact that she was so influential may have been related
to the political situation of the country as well as the ill health of her
husband. Since her husband had come to power by dethroning UrhiTeshub (=Murshili III), a son of his deceased brother, the late king
Muwatalli, and because Urhi-Teshub's descendants remained a threat,
it was important that the king exercise a steadfast rule. Probably because of his weak health Hattushili ill had therefore strengthened the
position of his wife, queen Puduhepa. 26 Usually negotiations with regard to interdynastic marriages were conducted between kings. O n
the whole . . . women had little active part to play in diplomatic negotiations; they were important only in that they provided through
marriage the means to cement international alliances'. 27
Despite the fact that a queen generally would not engage actively
in marriage negotiations, she could play a role in the diplomatic relations between two countries. Within the scope of interdynastical
relations a princess of one country could be married to the king of
another country. If the alliance was considered to be of great importance, she would become his queen, i.e., his first wife. If, however,
her country of origin was of less political importance, she would only
be one of his many wives and concubines. 28 The practice of political
marriage is well attested in the ancient Near East. 29 It is generally
assumed that this sort of arranged marriage 'was undertaken for the
purely political reasons of reinforcing treaties, strengthening the relationships of the states concerned, establishing alliances, neutralizing
potential rivals, and the like'. 30
denz von Boghazki', Zeitschrift fr Indogermanische Forschung 60 (1950), 72-85;
M. Darga, 'Puduhepa: an Anatolian Queen of the thirteenth Century B C , in: E.
Akurgal, U.B. Alkim (eds), Mansel'e Armagan = Mlanges Mansel, Ankara 1974,
942-3; H. Otten, Puduhepa: Eine Hethitische Knigin in ihren Textzeugnissen,
Mainz 1975.
25
Edel, 'Die Rolle der Kniginnen in der gyptisch-hettitischen Korrespondenz
von Boghazki', 76.
26
S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tauiananna in the Hittite Kingdom (Texte der Hethiter,
5), Heidelberg 1975, 179; Otten, Puduhepa, esp. 10, 24, 27; T. Bryce, The Kingdom
of the Hittites, Oxford 1998, 284-325.
27
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 34.
28
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 34-6. See section 2.2.1.3.
29
Cf. W. Rllig, 'Heirat, politische', in: RLA, Bd. 4, 282-7; A.R. Schulman,
'Diplomatic Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom', JNES 38 (1979), 177-93;
Brosius, Women in Ancient Persia, 35-82.
30
Schulman, 'Diplomatic Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom', 179.
Quite well known are the marriages of Ramesses II with two Hittite
princesses, daughters of king Hattushili ill. The subsequent marriages
are recorded in both Egyptian and Hittite sources. 31 In his study of
these marriages, Alan Schulman concludes that 'diplomatic marriages
forged bonds between the two rulers, the father- or brother-in-law and
the son-in-law, but not between their respective states; thus, if either
king or the bride died, then new bonds had to be forged'. 32 Since the
first Hittite princess, who had become the Egyptian queen Maat-HorNeferure, probably died within a couple of years after her marriage,
Ramesses II had to marry another Hittite princess to secure his bond
with king Hattushili ill. 33
Another well known political marriage is that of king Zimri-Lim
of Mari with queen Shibtu, whose town of origin was Aleppo. Most
scholars assume Zimri-Lim married the daughter of Yarim-Lim, king
of Yamhad, during the former's exile. Yarim-Lim acted as his patron
and helped Zimri-Lim to reascend the throne of Mari. 34 If one accepts
this hypothesis, it sheds an 'interesting light on the unusually close
bond between the future king and his spouse whose fate proceeded
from the former's humble days in exile'. 35
Yet Zimri-Lim may have been exceptional in other ways as well.
He married his daughters to petty kings of neighbouring countries,
thus securing his frontiers. This, in itself, was not exceptional. But he
invested his daughters with authority to act out their father's hegemony.
The difference between Zimri-Lim and his contemporaries in the use of
the dynastic marriage to secure alliances, to judge from the available
evidence, is that Zimri-Lim additionally invested his daughter-queens
with real authority in their respective states. Sometimes, as in the case
of Inib-arri and Kiru, these marriages turned out to be unhappy ventures. But in a culture which institutionalized the subordination of
women, the feelings of the woman involved were considered unimportant. Indeed, by contemporary standards, Zimri-Lim's policies regard31
Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (Series A: Translations. Vol. 2), 86-99, 1102; Idem, Ramesside Inscriptions (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2), 146-59, 163-5;
Edel, Die gyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazki in babylonischer und
hethitischer Sprache, Bd. 1: 90-167, 174-5, 214-33; Bd. 2: 144-257, 266-7, 320-55.
32
Schulman, 'Diplomatic Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom', 192-3.
33
Schulman, 'Diplomatic Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom', 193; Robins,
Women in Ancient Egypt, 32.
34
Cf. Artzi, Malamat, 'The Correspondence of Sibtu', 176; Batto, Studies on
Women at Mari, 52. Differently, F. Abdallah, 'La femme dans le royaume d'Alep
au xviii6 sicle av. J.-C.' in: FPOA, 13-15.
35
Artzi, Malamat, 'The Correspondence of ibtu', 177.
ing women, particularly the women of his own family, may be regarded
as unusually enlightened.36
However, Rivkah Harris is less positive. Commenting on Bernard
Batto's Studies on Women at Mari, in which he writes about the independence queen Shibtu enjoyed and about the possibilities she had
to act out of her own initiative, Harris emphasizes that the queen's authority is only a delegated one. Both queen Shibtu herself and ZimriLim's daughters remained to be agents of the king, instruments of
his policy.37 Since Zimri-Lim was more powerful than the kinglets to
whom he married his daughters, he was in a position to give his daughters delegated authority. If he had been less powerful, his daughters'
authority would have been less, too.
That the power base of the men, to whom the queens were related,
was of utmost importance is illustrated by the fate of the Egyptian
queen Ankhesenamun. This widow of Tutankhamun wrote to king
Shuppiluliuma 1 of Hatti requesting that he sent one of his sons to
marry her. 38 In the 'Deeds of Shuppiluliuma' this event is described
from the point of view of the Hittites by the king's son, Murshili 11.
The Deeds narrate the attack of Hatti on Amqa, a country previously
under Egypt's influence, and relate it to the queen's request,
When the people of Egypt heard of the attack on 'Amqa, they were
afraid. And since their lord Nibhururiya (=Tutankamun) had just died,
the Queen of Egypt (=Ankesenamun), who was the king's wife, sent
a messenger to my father saying: "My husband has died, and I have
no son. They say you have many sons. If you will give me one of your
sons, he will become my husband. I do not wish to choose a subject
of mine and make him my husband ... I am afraid." When my father
heard this, he convened the Great Ones for council (saying): "Nothing
like this has ever happened to me in my whole life." My father sent
Hattua-ziti, the chamberlain, to Egypt (with this order): "Go bring
back the true story to me. Maybe they are trying to deceive me. Maybe
(in fact) they do have a son of their lord. Bring back the true story to
me."39
King Shuppiluliuma was surprised by the queen's request. Something
like this had never happened to him. Apparently it was very unusual
36
carried out by Ay and Haremhab, two high officials who, one after the
other, succeeded him after his death. Jrgen von Beckerath assumes
Ay, who already had reached a ripe old age, agreed with Ankhesenamun's attempt to marry a son of the Hittite king. 'Das Scheitern
dieses jedenfalls mit Zustimmung Ajas erfolgten Versuches durch die
Ermordung des hethitischen Prinzen Zannanza wird letztlich auch
das Ende Ajas und der jungen Knigin herbeigefhrt haben'. 43 It
would seem that queen Ankhesenamun did not rule in her own right.
When Tutankhamun died, Ay became king. Because of the unstable
political situation and his old age he may have thought it wise that
queen Ankhesenamun ask for the help of the Hittites. In time the
Hittite prince could then become Ay's successor. However, Haremhab
succeeded Ay. Whether Haremhab played a part in Zannaza's murder
cannot be ascertained.
In Egypt, a queen who ruled in her own right was an exception. Nitokret (2218/2168-2216/2166 BCE) and Sobeknefru (1798/97-1794/93
BCE) probably were the only female pharaohs. Their brief rule was
acknowledged because the continuation of the dynasty was considered more important than the fact that they were female. 44 After the
Middle Kingdom period, however, the view on kingship changed and
it was perceived as a joint husband-and-wife monarchy. A queen such
as Nefertiti, Great Royal Wife of Akhenaten, played a significant role
during her husband's reign. There was a disadvantage to this joint
rule, however. The power of a queen depended on the authority her
husband granted her. Without her husband's consent, she could not
exercise any power. 45
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
J. von Beckerath, Chronologie des pharaonischen gypten: Die Zeitbestimmung der gyptischen Geschichte von der Vorzeit bis 332 v. Chr. (MSt, 46),
Mainz 1997, 115.
44
On Nitokret and Sobeknefru, see section 2.2.1.2.
45
Cf. .M. Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth: Status
and Roles of Women in Egyptian culture', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds),
Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York
1996, 25-46.
mlkt, but mtt 'lady'. Her husband Kirtu is usually referred to as krt
V 'Kirtu, the Noble', but from KTU 1.16:VI.52-54 it is clear that he
was a king. When Kirtu was deadly ill, he ordered Hariya to prepare a
banquet, to invite the guests and serve them dinner (KTU 1.15:IV).46
Because Kirtu could not attend the banquet due to his illness, Hariya
presided at the meal. It has been noted that Kirtu did not give this
task to the heir-apparent, Yassubu, but to his wife, who apparently
had more authority and status. 47 Because of the fragmentary state
of the text it cannot be determined whether during the meal Hariya
declared her eldest son Yassubu to be heir to the throne, or the guests
suggested that he become their king (1.15:V). 48 But in any case she
seems to have taken matters in hand when her husband was incapacitated. 49
Another queen called mtt 'lady' is Danatiya, wife of king Dani'ilu. 50
She, too, had to perform humble duties like preparing food for a guest
(KTU 1.17:V). It is possible that this reflects the reality at the small
courts of vassal kings ruling over nothing but a modest city state,
although queens probably were assisted by their servants.
Beside being ordered to perform menial tasks, queens could also
be consulted by their husbands and be involved in matters of state.
A case in point is the wife of king Pubala. 51 When his city was under siege, king Pubala called out to his wife, probably to discuss his
strategy of dealing with Kirtu (KTU 1.14:V.12-17). Since the text is
broken at this point, we do not know whether or not his wife had any
influence on Pubala's decisions.
Finally it seems certain that queens also took part in state ritual,
either alone, or alongside the king. 52
In addition to this scanty information on human queens, we can
also derive some data from literary texts which deal with female
deities holding positions in the Ugaritic pantheon that are comparable
46
On the menial tasks from which not even queens were exempted, see 2.2.2.3.
J. Gray, The Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra Texts and their Relevance
to the Old Testament (VT.S, 5), Leiden 21965, 227; Amico, SWU, 327.
48
For the former, cf. De Moor, ARTU, 210; Wyatt, RTU, 218; for the latter,
cf. TO, t. 1, 546-7; Greenstein, in: Smith, UNP, 29; B. Margalit, 'The Legend of
Keret', in: HUS, 217.
49
Similarly, the goddess 'Anatu seems to have been ready to battle for her
husband when she feared that he was unable to fend off certain enemies (KTU
1.3:III-IV).
50
On the royal status of Dani'ilu see De Moor, R0Y, 280, n. 35.
51
The restoration of the name of the wife of king Pubala is a matter of dispute.
See section 2.1.1.1.
52
See chapter 3.
47
to that of a queen. Since Ilu was head of the pantheon, he was regarded
as king 53 and consequently, his wife Athiratu as queen (mother). 54
Ba'lu, too, is referred to as king. In the hierarchical structure of the
Ugaritic pantheon, Ba'lu was in a position subordinate to Ilu, and
may be regarded as a viceroy.55 His wives 'Anatu and 'Athtartu may
therefore be regarded as queens, too. Yet none of these goddesses is
ever called mlkt although 'Anatu is once called b'lt mlk 'mistress of
kingship' (KTU 1.108:6).
Just as human queens had their personnel, Athiratu had a personal
attendant named Qidshu-Amruru. This god, who is called Fisherman
of Athiratu, acted as her messenger and her valet. 56 In addition she
had at least one female slave (KTU 1.12:1.16-17). 'Anatu commanded
a number of mhrm 'warriors' (KTU 1.13:7; 1.22:1.9; cf. 1.3:11) and
employed seven chambermaids (KTU 1.3:11.2).
Furthermore, the procedures at the court of Ugarit were probably
projected onto the divine court. In KTU 1.4:11-111 'Anatu and Ba'lu
approached Athiratu with the request to intercede on their behalf.
Ba'lu wished to obtain his own palace and the couple wanted the
goddess to act as intermediary for them with Ilu. Nicholas Wyatt
notes, '[t]here were evidently regular procedures for gaining access to
El, which involved invoking intermediaries in the first instance. This
would reflect procedures at court'. 57 It would seem that part of this
procedure was to bribe the intercessor with gifts. Kotharu, the skilful
deity, was instructed to make presents of silver and gold for Athiratu
(KTU 1.4:1.20-22), which were thereupon presented to the goddess
(1.4:11.26-28; III.25-36).
When 'Anatu and Ba'lu had asked Athiratu for her intercession,
she set out to go to her husband Ilu, who lived 'at the fountain-head
of the two Rivers, in the middle of the bedding of the two Floods'
(KTU 1.4:IV.21-22). From this we may conclude that Ilu and Athiratu
had their separate dwellings. Ba'lu and his wife 'Anatu, too, lived in
separate palaces. 'Anatu had to travel to visit her husband in his
palace (KTU 1.3:IV.33-40; 1.10:11.4-5). Also their messengers had to
travel great distances to communicate between the pair (e.g. KTU
1.3:III-IV). The texts speak repeatedly of 'Anatu's mansion which
53
Since he was the ruling king she had to honour him in the proper
way. In general, persons of lower social status honoured those of higher
status. 60
Before 'Anatu and Ba'lu approached Athiratu with their request,
'Anatu herself had tried to intercede with her father for her husband's sake (KTU 1.3:V.32-33). As daughter of the king and wife
of the viceroy, she played an intermediary role asking for a palace
for Ba'lu. Yet her influence on her father apparently was not strong
enough, for 'Anatu later turned to her mother with the request that
she intercede. Moreover, her conduct towards her father, especially
her lack of respect towards him, probably did not help in winning his
favour. 61
Like Hariya, who was present at the banquet given by her husband, 'Anatu dined with Ba'lu (KTU 1.3:IV.41-42). Both 'Anatu and
'Athtartu were attending a meal of the gods (KTU 1.2:1.40; see also
58
1.114), during which they prevented Ba'lu from killing the messenger
of bad news. It would thus seem that a queen was sometimes present
during meetings of the king and could exercise some influence.
When kings were conquered by their enemies their wives were
often captured too. So it does not come as a surprise that when Ba'lu
was taken prisoner by Yammu, it seems that one of his wives, possibly
'Athtartu, was with him (KTU 1.2:IV.5-7).62
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 39, n. 175. Others interpret the -ny differently, see
Wyatt, RTU, 64, n. 131.
63
A. Brenner, The Israelite Woman: Social Role and Literary Type in Biblical
Narrative (BiSe, 2), Sheffield 1985, 17.
64
Ps. 45:10; Neh. 2:6; Dan. 5:2,3,23 (Aram.).
65
Cf. HALAT Lf. 4, 1315; B. Landsberger, 'Akkadisch-Hebrische Wortgleichungen', in: B. Hartmann et al. (eds), Hebrische Wortforschung Fs. . . .
Baumgartner (VT.S, 16), Leiden 1967, 198-204; E. Lipmski, 'Emprunts sumroakkadiens en hbreu biblique', ZAH 1 (1988), 72.
66
See my remarks above as well as P.V. Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords in
Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake IN 2000, 137-8, 156, 158.
67
C. Smith, ' 'Queenship' in Israel?: The Cases of Bathsheba, Jezebel and
Athaliah', in: J. Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near
East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (JSOT.S, 270), Sheffield
1998, 161, states: 'It is simply not sensible to argue that because the only power
these women had derived from their connection with males then it cannot be
Kgs 1) and Jezebel had the power to decide life or death (1 Kgs 19:2;
21:10).
Esther was a biblical queen 68 at the Persian court with considerable influence. She convinced the king to save the lives of the Jews
and to kill their enemies (Est. 7-9). Her influence is also illustrated by
the role she played as intercessor. When Haman had sent out letters
to all provinces of the empire that the Jews should be killed, Mordecai charged Esther 'to go to the king to make supplication to him
and entreat him for her people' (Est. 4:8). Although she hesitated
at first, because she risked her life by approaching the king without
being called, she complied with Mordecai's order. She dressed in her
royal robes and stood in the courtyard of the king's palace, where he
would catch sight of her standing there. She thus awaited the king's
invitation to approach the throne. Seeing his queen, Esther won the
grace of the king (Est. 5:1-2). Subsequently, she made her request
indirectly, asking first that the king and Haman dine with her. When
she finally revealed Haman's plans to kill all the Jews this evoked
the anger of the king (Est. 7). Haman thereupon pleaded with the
queen that she intercede with the king to save his life. Both parties,
Mordecai and Haman, thus asked the queen to play an intermediary
role in saving their lives.
According to the book of Esther, men and women sometimes participated in a banquet together, yet they also had their separate
feasts. King Ahasuerus gave a banquet for his officials and ministers
(Est. 1:3) and another one for all the people present in the citadel of
Susa (1:5). Meanwhile, his queen, Vashti, organised a banquet for the
women of the palace (1:9). At a certain stage of the party, however,
the queen was commanded to appear before the king, which she refused (1:10-12).69 Her disobedience was not tolerated by the king and
she was queen no longer.
After king Ahasuerus had found himself a new queen, he gave
another banquet to his officials and ministers in honour of Esther
counted as 'real' power. It certainly was real power, whatever its provenance'.
68
Since the book of Esther is commonly regarded as a Jewish legend, it is
warranted to call her a 'biblical' queen.
69
According to some scholars, Vashti refused because she did not want to lower
herself to the conduct of a concubine; cf. . Bickerman, Four Strange Books of
the Bible: Jonah, Daniel, Koheleth, Esther, New York 1967, 185-6; L.R. Klein,
'Honor and Shame in Esther', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to
Esther, Judith and Susanna (FCB, 7), Sheffield 1995, 155. Differently, M. Brosius,
Women in Ancient Persia, 559-331 BC (Oxford classical monographs), Oxford
1996, 94-7. According to rabbinical tradition (bMeg. 12b; EstR 3:13-14), Vashti
refused because she had to appear naked, wearing only her royal crown.
(2:18).70 Somewhat later, the new queen, Esther, also gave a banquet,
but on a smaller scale (5:4), inviting only the king and his second in
command, Haman. She thereupon invited them to another banquet,
during which she asked the king for a favour: to spare the lives of
herself and her people (7:1-10, see above). Before the second banquet
of queen Esther, while Haman was still unaware of Esther's plans, he
considered it an honour to be invited to feast with the queen (5:12).
To dine with the king and queen was considered a sign of being in
favour with them.
In the court of Artaxerxes, another Persian king, the queen attended a banquet together with the king. Nehemiah, cupbearer to
the king, made a request to the king while his wife was seated beside him (Neh. 2:6). And king Belshazzar of Babylon held a drinking
bout in which not only his lords, but also his wives and concubines
participated (Dan. 5:2,3). 71
Next to their role as intercessor and as accompanying person during a banquet, a queen could exercise some influence on internal politics. The role a queen could play in the affairs of state could be
expressed in her correspondence. Queen Jezebel of Israel wrote letters in Ahab's name and sealed them with her husband's seal (1 Kgs
21:8).72 She apparently 'was empowered to promulgate royal edicts
on behalf of the king'. 73 King Ahasuerus allowed his queen Esther,
together with her uncle Mordecai, to write an edict in the name of
the king and to seal it with his ring (Est. 8:7-10). Esther furthermore
gave her written authority concerning matters regarding Purim (Est.
9:29,31). In this latter instance Esther possibly acted independently,
not in cooperation with Mordecai. With regard to the interpretation
of Est. 9:29-32, Frederic Bush assumes that queen Esther 'wrote a letter in which she used all her authority' to confirm the letter Mordecai
70
On the structural function of the banqueting scenes, cf. F.W. Bush, Ruth,
Esther (WBC, 9), Dallas TX 1996, 353-5, 370.
71
It is possible, however, that the queen was not present, for the entered
the banqueting hall after there appeared writing on the wall, which none of the
persons present could explain (5:10). But since the wives of the king are called
the Aram, word probably refers to the queen mother; cf. HALAT,
Lief. 4, 1315; Lief. 5, 1737j 1788.
72
On the seal of yzbl, which may or may not have belonged to the queen, cf. .
Avigad, 'The Seal of Jezebel', IEJ 14 (1964), 274-6, pl. 56C. On seals of Israelite
women, see chapter 4.
73
. Spanier, 'The Northern Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean Court:
Athalia and Abi', in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near
Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon (JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998,
141.
had written to the Jews (9:20-22).74 If so, this would illustrate her
authority.
A queen would generally have her own personnel over whom she
could exercise power. Queen Jezebel, after having heard that Jehu
came to Jezreel, prepared herself for the encounter with the murderer
of her husband. She probably was assisted by her personnel in beautifying herself (2 Kgs 9:30), for she was thrown out of the window
by two or three eunuchs who were with her in the room. 75 Esther,
too, had her entourage of maids and eunuchs (Est. 4). She could order Hathach, 'one of the king's eunuchs, who had been appointed to
attend her' (4:5) to act as her messenger, and she decided that her
maids would fast with her before she went to the king (4:16).
In Israel the women of the palace probably had their own separate
quarters. The Egyptian princess whom Solomon married had her own
house (1 Kgs 9:24). In the book of Esther it is told that king Ahasuerus
had in his Susa palace separate quarters for his wives and concubines.
It is not clear whether queen Esther had free access to the king.
According to Est. 4:11 she might only approach him at his call, but
Est. 2:19-23 gives the impression she could approach him freely. On
the other hand, when asked to come to the king, one was obliged to
comply with him. Queen Vashti's refusal to appear before the king
was regarded as an offence not only against the king, but against the
whole kingdom (Est. 1:12-22).
Bathsheba apparently could approach the king freely. She went
to the king to present the matter of her son's succession to him: 'So
Bathsheba went to the king in his room' (1 Kgs 1:15). Although the
king was old and loosing grip on his kingdom, he still was in charge.
Bathsheba expressed this by bowing down and doing obeisance to
the king (1:16). Towards the king she was in a subservient position.
After her son had succeeded to the throne, her position was altered.
Her son bowed down to her, thus honouring his mother (1 Kgs 2:19).
Although there is no doubt that he was first in command (2:20-25),
her position as queen mother was improved in comparison with that
of wife of the king.76
74
F.W. Bush, Ruth, Esther (WBC, 9), Dallas TX 1996, 467. With most commentators Bush regards 'and Mordecai the Jew' (v. 29) and 'and Esther the queen'
(v. 31) as additions (471).
75
Cf. C.V. Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', in: C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds), The
Women's Bible Commentary, 2 London 1998, 109; H. Tadmor, 'Was the Biblical
srs a Eunuch?' in: Z. Zevit et al. (eds), Solving Riddles and Untying Knots:
Biblical, Epigraphic, and Semitic Studies in Honor of Jonas C. Greenfield, Winona
Lake IN 1995, 319.
76
See further section 2.2.1.2.
Not many biblical queens engaged in politics actively. Some participated in a more passive manner by way of a political marriage.
Several biblical kings engaged in such a marriage to enhance their
position. During the reign of Saul, David married Saul's daughter
Michal after first having been promised her elder sister Merab (1 Sam.
18:17-28). He thus became the king's son-in-law and thereby gained
a certain power, which he later lost after having fled from Gibeah,
for Saul thereupon gave Michal to Palti (1 Sam. 25:44). David then
married two other women, Abigail, the widow of Nabal who had been
'a high-ranking member of the clan that controlled Hebron' 77 and
Ahinoam of Jezreel. 78 Thus was laid the basis for support of David's
kingship at Hebron. 79 During his Hebron years, David furthermore
married Maacah, daughter of king Talmai of Geshur (2 Sam. 3:3; 1
Chron. 3:2). 'This step, taken by David while he was still king of the
House of Judah at Hebron, was no doubt aimed against the northern
tribes loyal to Ishbaal, for the bond of marriage gained for David an
ally to the north of Ishbaal's kingdom and placed the latter in a precarious strategic position between Geshur and Judah'. 8 0 When David
became king of Judah, Michal again was of importance to him. His
marriage to the daughter of the king of Israel gave David a justification to succeed the northern throne as well (cf. 2 Sam. 3:12-14).81
Through his marriages with women from various areas in Judah and
Israel, David created political bonds which supported his political
ambitions.
Solomon apparently made international marriages a cornerstone of
his foreign policy, for he engaged in them on a large scale. He married
an Egyptian princess (1 Kgs 3:1) and royal women from neighbouring
countries such as Moab, Ammon and Edom (1 Kgs 11:1-3; 14:21).82
77
After Solomon's death the northern tribes seceded from the house
of David and the kingdoms of Judah and Israel were at war with
each other for some time, before entering into a matrimonial alliance.
Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, made peace with the king of Israel (1 Kgs
22:44) and Jehoshaphat's son Jehoram married Athaliah, the sister
of Ahab of Israel (2 Kgs 8:18). 83 Ahab, king of Israel, cemented the
relations with his northern neighbour. He made a political marriage
with Jezebel, daughter of King Ethbaal of the Sidonians (1 Kgs 16:31).
Ktziah Spanier notes that the extent of authority of a woman who
became queen by way of a diplomatic marriage 'was often determined
by the terms of her marriage contract, which reflected the relative
power of the treaty partners'. 84 Thus, the more powerful the home
country of the queen, the more authority she might have. This would
explain Jezebel's powerful position.
The kings of the Davidic dynasty who reigned after Jehoram also
engaged in a certain policy regarding their marriages. Contrary to
their ancestors, they did not marry foreign princesses, but women
from the Judahite nobility. It would seem that to these kings strengthening their internal bonds was more important than enhancing international contacts. 85
The redactors of the Deuteronomistic History emphasize the dangers of international marriages. To them, Solomon's foreign women
turned his heart away from worshipping Y H W H (1 Kgs 11:3-8). The
foreign princesses whom Solomon married led him astray to worship
idols. The redactors of the Deuteronomistic History contrast the external marriage politics of Solomon with the internal marriage politics of the later Judaean kings. According to them, 'endogamous'
marriages were a better guarantee for keeping the Yahwistic faith
pure than 'exogamous' marriages. 86 One may wonder whether this
presentation of the Deuteronomistic History is historically accurate,
since some of the gods of Solomon's foreign wives may have been
In all countries of the ancient Near East, a queen was credited much
influence with her husband the king. Although there is no doubt that
the king was the most powerful person in the country, it seems that
the queen was often approached to act as intermediary because of her
influence on her husband. People seeking to alter the king's decision,
be it over a punishment or on another matter, could turn to the queen
and ask her to intercede. According to the Ugaritic Ba'lu cycle, such
a request may have been accompanied by bribes and thus lead to
enrichment of the queen. The same text furthermore makes clear that
a request made by a king's wife was more likely to be granted than one
made by a king's daughter, implying that a queen was more influential
than a princess.
Banquets and official meetings could offer opportunities for a queen
to exercise influence. In Mesopotamia, women did partake in private
dinners, but it is uncertain to what extent they were present at official
meetings. The Ugaritic material reveals that a queen was sometimes
present at meetings of the king. Queen Hariya was even ordered by
her husband to preside at a meal, replacing Kirtu when he was fatally
ill. According to the biblical story of Esther, a queen sometimes enjoyed a banquet together with her husband but also had her separate
feasts.
Queens had their living quarters separately from those of the king.
They might live in a separate wing of the palace, but it could also occur that they had their own palace. The latter is the case in Ugaritic
myth, where Athiratu and Ilu as well as 'Anatu and Ba'lu had separate dwellings, and in the Hebrew Bible, where Solomon built a palace
87
for his Egyptian wife. Yet Esther lived in the women's wing of king
Ahasuerus' palace. Whether or not queens had their own palace, they
often had estates to manage with their own administration. This
meant an active engagement in the country's economy. Usually a
queen would have her own personnel, over whom she exercised power.
Correspondence of some queens also illustrates their power and authority. Queen Shibtu of Mari acted as representative of her husband
during his absence and played a considerable role in national politics.
Her letters give evidence of her authority in many areas. Likewise,
the letters of queen Puduhepa of Hatti reflect her role in international politics. The biblical queens Jezebel and Esther wrote letters
in the name of their husbands. Although Est. 9:29-32 may show that
Esther had a limited independent authority, it seems that the authority of both ancient Near Eastern and biblical queens was delegated to
them by their husband, the king. Perhaps only Puduhepa's position
was one nearly equal to her husband. It would seem that Puduhepa's
role in international diplomacy was exceptional, since women generally played a limited role in this field. Princesses who were involved in
a diplomatic marriage often could only participate passively. Exceptions to the rule are strongwilled women such as Shibtu of Mari and
Jezebel of Israel. Yet it holds for all queens that to engage in politics,
they needed a firm power base and this was related to their husband's
and the authority the latter allowed them to exercise.
To conclude, a queen was one of the most powerful women in
the country, if not the most powerful woman - that is, if there was
no queen mother at the court anymore. Yet she shared her power
with her husband and it was not shared equally. He could delegate
authority to her but she not to him. Her power base was related to
his position as king.
2.2.1.2
Queen Mother
In this section we will look into the position of the queen mother.
In general, she would be the second most powerful person in the
kingdom. This was due to her status as mother of the king. Yet the fact
that she was a mother was in itself not enough reason for her special
position at the court. Her place of origin and the political contacts
resulting from this could also be of importance. 1 Also relevant was the
fact that she played a key role connecting two generations of rulers. 2
1
In general, the first son of the primary wife of the king would be
heir-apparent and she would thus become queen mother. It was normal procedure that the king designated his successor, but the queen
could play a part in the king's choice. Ammitaqu, the heir-apparent
of Alalakh (ca. 1700 BCE) refers to the role of the queen when he
writes ' . . . just as his father and his mother had appointed him to
be king'. 3 In the Amarna correspondence king Abdiheba of Jerusalem
(ca. 1400 BCE) also refers to the role of both his father and mother
in designating him as successor to the throne. 4
Although in general the principle of primogeniture held firm, this
did not always happen. Sometimes a younger son by another wife of
the king became the next ruler. Thus, the position of a primary wife
was not always stable. The king might prefer the son of another wife
to become his successor, and this other wife would generally then
become queen mother. When the king did not choose his eldest son
as crown prince, this often was due to influence and cunning of a
mother who wanted her son to ascend the throne. Zafrira Ben-Barak
describes the conduct of these promoting mothers as follows,
Schweiz 1983, 385-6.
3
D.J. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets (Occasional Publications of the British
Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 2), London 1953, 33 no. 6:9-10 obv.
(ATT/39/81).
4
EA 286:9-13; transi. W.L. Moran, The Amarna Letters, Baltimore 1992, 326:
'Seeing that, as far as I am concerned, neither my father nor my mother put me in
this place, but the strong arm of the king brought me into my father's house, why
should I ' C f . T. Ishida, The Royal Dynasties in Ancient Israel: A Study on
the Formation and Development of Royal-Dynastic Ideology (BZAW, 142), Berlin
1977, 155.
These women were well aware that custom and practice worked to the
disadvantage of their sons in the matter of the royal succession. They
had therefore covertly to plan and establish a sophisticated power base
capable of justifying and backing their sons in their bid for power.
To this end they gathered supporters to their sons' side from various
political strata in the realm, and recruited religious elements in order to
obtain for their sons the legitimacy of divine election to the kingship.5
Yet it should be noted that, despite the efforts of such a promoting
mother, she did not always succeed. Ultimately it was the king who
decided on who was to be his successor.6
The high position of the queen mother in the national hierarchies
of the ancient Near East is illustrated by the fact that in international
correspondence to or from Mari, Hatti and Amarna she is called 'mistress of the land (X)'. 7
Some Mesopotamian queen mothers are quite well known. Sammuramat, wife of Shamshi-Adad (823-810 BCE) became regent of
Assyria after her husband's death, because her son Adad-nirari III
was a minor. She ruled the country for five years but did not call herself 'Queen of Assyria', only 'Royal Wife of Shamshi-Adad', thereby
stressing her regency. She remained to be an influential woman during the reign of her son. Little is known about her deeds, yet her
reputation survived and she became immortalized in the legend of
Semiramis. 8
Another famous queen mother is Naqi'a/Zakutu, wife of king Sennacherib of Assyria (704-681 BCE). She is an example of a king's wife
who interfered with the succession to the throne. As a promoting
mother she succeeded in securing the throne for her son. Although
Arda-Mulishshi was an elder son, the younger Esarhaddon was chosen
5
Z. Ben-Barak, 'The Queen Consort and the Struggle for Succession to the
Throne', in: FPOA, 36.
6
Cf., e.g., S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom (Texte der
Hethiter, 5), Heidelberg 1975, 296; M. Brosius, Women in Ancient Persia, 559331 BC (Oxford classical monographs), Oxford 1996, 48-51, 108.
7
P. Artzi, A. Malamat, 'The Correspondence of Sibtu, Queen of Mari in ARM
X', in: A. Malamat, Mari and the Bible (SHCANE, 12), Leiden 1998, 177-8.
8
On Sammuramat/Semiramis, cf. J.F. Rowbotham, The Epic of Semiramis,
Queen of Babylon, London 1920; W. Eilers, Semiramis: Entstehung und Nachhall
einer altorientalischen Sage (DAW.PH, 274/2), Wien 1971; G. Pettinato, Semiramis: Herrin ber Assur und Babylon, Zrich 1988, 208ff.; A.M.G. Capomacchia,
Semiramis: Una femminilit ribaltata (StorRel(R), 4), Roma 1986; M. Weinfeld,
'Semiramis: Her Name and Her Origin', in: M. Cogan, I. Eph'al (eds), Ah, Assyria... : Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography
Presented to Hayim Tadmor (ScrHier, 33), Jerusalem 1991, 99-103.
conspirators and was selected by them as king. By that time Adadguppi, already 92 or 93 years old, attained the status of queen-mother.
In her inscription she depicts herself as a pious woman, a life-long
devotee of the moon-god, Sin, whose temple in Harran Nabonidus
restored. Adad-guppi died over a hundred years old. 13
Although Mesopotamian queen-mothers had a high rank at the
court, they did not exercise any official power. 14 'However, in situations of political uncertainty occasioned by the sudden death of the
king or the accession of a very young ruler, they could function to defend and protect the existing rgime, and ensure that arrangements
for the succession worked smoothly
' 15 It would seem that Sammuramat's regency for Adad-nirari ill and Naqi'a's interference with
Ashurbanipal's succession of Esarhaddon can be explained in this way.
We now turn to Egypt, where it would seem that only the sons
of the Great Royal Wife were eligible for succession. The eldest son
would probably be heir-apparent, but the pharaoh could decide otherwise. However, much is unclear, due to the silence of the sources on
this matter. 1 6
Up untill recently, Egyptian women were believed to have had a
better position than women in its neighbouring countries, sometimes
even one equal to men. This view has been convincingly refuted by
Gay Robins. 17 In support of the aforementioned view scholars have
often pointed to the queens of Egypt, some of whom ruled in their
own right. Yet it would seem that Egyptian queens could only rule in
exceptional cases, such as in times of crisis, when there was no male
heir left to ascend the throne and the country was in a very unstable
political situation. Then it was possible for a queen to rule in her own
right. Moreover, official historiography rarely acknowledged female
rulers,
13
Seux, 'Knigtum 1 , 162; Ben-Barak, 'The Queen Consort and the Struggle for
Succession to the Throne', 38; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 68-86.
14
Naqia, for instance, did not have a formal position at the court, cf. Melville,
The Role of Naqia/Zakutu in Sargonid Politics, 77.
15
Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East, 528.
16
R.M. Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, London 1990, 120.
It has been suggested that some queen mothers may have received the title of
Great Royal Wife only after their son's accession; cf., e.g., E. Feucht, Das Kind
im. Alten gypten, Frankfurt 1995, 173; .M. Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV,
Baltimore 1991, 108, 113-5.
17
G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 15. See also B.M. Bryan,
'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth: Status and Roles of Women
in Egyptian culture', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress of the House,
Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 25.
Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune axe on Earth', 30.
Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 32. On the role of
the queen in the cult, see section 3.1.
25
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 46.
26
B.S. Lesko, 'Women's Monumental Mark on Ancient Egypt', BArR 54/1
(1991), 11; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 46-7.
27
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 47; Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad
Fortune are on Earth', 32.
28
Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 34: 'The overwhelming view now is that "the dishonoring of Hatshepsut" took place only in the last
year of Thutmose Ill's life (post year 46), and perhaps not until he had already
determined to associate his son Amenhotep II with him as coregent'. Cf. also
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 51-2.
24
attempt to obliterate a king's memory. On the other hand, the fact that
Thutmose III and Amenhotep II waited some thirty years before acting
against the queen suggests that her gender was as much a pretext as a
motive, for public opinion against female rulers was likely strong.29
As a female ruler, Hatshepsut adapted to a male gender role. This way
of acting probably is part of the reason why she succeeded in reigning
for such a long period. Yet her clever acting in politics as well as her
strength of character in other areas have surely contributed to her
successful rule as well.30
Almost three centuries later, Tausret was the last Egyptian queen
to rule. 31 After the death of her husband Sety II, young Siptah was
installed as king. Siptah was no son of Tausret, but of a Canaanite
wife of Sety II. Tausret's own son, who had been heir to the throne,
had died shortly before. Yet she had been Great Royal Wife and
it was probably due to that position that she acted as co-regent to
Siptah (1194/93-1186/85 B C E ) . 3 2 When Siptah died after a brief reign,
Tausret ascended the throne. Her reign was met, however, with strong
opposition and lasted only a short time. 33
A woman on the Egyptian throne obviously was an exception.
Gay Robins remarks, 'It is clear that a woman did not easily occupy the Egyptian throne, and indeed in nearly three millennia, only
four out of two to three hundred kings were female'. 34 Some women,
such as Neith-hotep and Mer-Neith, enjoyed a regency for an underaged pharaoh. Others, such as Hatshepsut and Tausret, managed to
become co-regents together with a stepson. Nitokret and Sobeknefru ruled as female kings, to preserve the dynasty. It seems that the
model of rule changed after the reign of Hatshepsut. Whereas in the
Old and Middle Kingdom period perpetuation of the dynastic line was
considered of utmost importance and lead to acknowledgement of an
occasional female king, during and after the New Kingdom period
kingship changed into a joint husband-and-wife monarchy. Since a
queen did not exercise any official power, but depended on the authority granted her by her husband, this joint rule 'did not support
individual female reigns as successfully as did the desire for dynastic
29
Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 34.
Cf. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 45-52; Lesko, The Remarkable Women
of Ancient Egypt, 14-8.
31
Cf. Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 35-6; Lesko, The
Remarkable Women of Ancient Egypt, 25.
32
De Moor, R0Y, 220, n. 52.
33
De Moor, R0Y, 227, mentions a period of 21 months.
34
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 51.
30
Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 36.
Ben-Barak, 'The Queen Consort and the Struggle for Succession to the
Throne', 39.
37
H. Donner, 'Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Kniginmutter im Alten Testament', in: R. von Kienle et al. (eds), Festschrift Johannes Friedrich zum 65.
Geburtstag am 27. August 1958 gewidmet, Heidelberg 1959, 122.
38
Bin-Nun, The Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, 102, 160.
39
Bin-Nun, The Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, 158.
36
One of the most powerful and influential positions in the Hittite kingdom was that of the Tawananna, a position always held by a female
member of the royal family. The first known Tawananna was Hattusili's
aunt. Subsequently the title may have been conferred upon his sister or
his daughter. But in later reigns the Tawananna seems to have gained
her position by virtue of the fact that she was the king's wife. Once she
became Tawananna, she retained the title and the powers and privileges which it entailed for the rest of her life, even if she outlived her
husband. 40
Apparently in the foundational years of the kingdom the tawananna
weis not necessarily the wife of the king. Yet if this was not the case she
was the queen-mother-to-be, i.e., the mother of the heir apparent. 41
The first known tawananna, as Bryce states, was an aunt of Hattushili I.42 Two other female relatives of Hattushili are mentioned
in relation to his succession. During his reign Hattushili had to deal
with the rebellion of his two sons, whom he deposed. 43 Thereupon
Hattushili's daughter was approached by the 'sons of Hatti' to make
her son the new king. Apparently the 'sons of Hatti' as well as the
king's own personnel turned against Hattushili because they feared
that he would put a 'servant' on the throne while they preferred the
royal line to continue. This rebellion, too, was crushed by Hattushili,
who punished his daughter by stripping her of her possessions and
banishing her from the city.44
40
Hattushili then adopted the son of his sister as heir. Yet his nephew
did not live up to the expectations of the king, who ultimately decided to renounce him in favour of his grandson Murshili. 45 Either
Hattushili's sister or his daughter is referred to as tawananna in a decree which states that neither her name, nor those of her children be
mentioned anymore. 46 Since no name is mentioned, it is not clear to
whom the title refers, but in either case the woman had been regarded
as mother of the next king-to-be.
Another text testifies to the influence the sister of Hattushili had
on his adopted son. Hattushili accused his adopted son of not lending
his ear to the words of the king, but to the words of his mother, the
serpent. Hattushili's sister was thus indirectly accused of trying to
influence state affairs and to gain authority through her son. 47
In the New Empire there were also difficulties between kings and
tawanannas. At least two queens who retained their rule after their
husband's death were removed from their position. Tawananna - in
this case a personal name - widow of Shuppiluliuma I, was deprived of
her rank by Murshili II. 4 8 Queen mother Tanuhepa remained in office
during three consecutive reigns but was eventually removed by Hattushili ill. 49 Apparently, they had gained considerable political power
and posed a threat to the king. However, it would seem that not every
queen mother had a troublesome relationship with her son. Queen
mother Puduhepa acted as Great Queen next to her son Tudhaliya
IV, Great King of Hatti. 50 Whether Puduhepa had a hand in the suecession of Tudhaliya, who was appointed king in stead of his elder
brother Nerikkaili cannot be established. 51
45
Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 93-4. For a different reconstruction, cf.
Steiner, 'Muri1i I', 561-618, who assumes Murshili was a son of Hattushili who
was born to him when he was already of advanced age.
46
Steiner, 'Muri1i , 609-10; Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 98.
47
Steiner, 'Muri1i , 585-6, 613-4; Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 93-4.
48
Arbeli, 'The Removal of the Tawananna from her Position', 80-1; Bryce, The
Kingdom of the Hittites, 172-4, 225-30; . Spanier, 'The Northern Israelite Queen
Mother in the Judaean Court: Athalia and Abi', in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds),
Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 138-9.
49
Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 230, 264-7.
50
Cf. RS 17.159 {PRU IV, 126-7); H. Otten, Puduhepa: Eine Hethitische Konigin in ihren Textzeugnissen, Mainz 1975, 30-1, 33; Bryce, The Kingdom of the
Hittites, 315-20; Spanier, The Northern Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean
Court', 139.
51
According to Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 301, 'this is mere speculation'. He thinks other political factors may have influenced Hattushili's choice of
successor (300-1). See also Otten, Puduhepa, 32-3; Ben-Barak, 'The Queen Consort and the Struggle for Succession to the Throne', 37.
ysh
59
EA 28:42-49, transi. W.L. Moran, The Amarna Letters, Baltimore 1992, 90-2.
Cf. also EA 29 for a comparable message.
60
EA 26; cf. Moran, The Amarna Letters, 84-6.
61
Cf. M.C.A. Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of Ilimilku of Ugarit', in: J.C. de
Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel: Papers ... Oxford, 1997 (OTS,
40), Leiden 1998, 107-8.
62
Cf. L.K. Handy, Among the Host of Heaven: The Syro-Palestinian
Pantheon
as Bureaucracy, Winona Lake IN 1994, 85.
63
Although the text is fragmentary and its interpretation disputed, scholars
assume that 'ilt (line 14) refers to Athiratu. Thus, TO, t. 1, 309-10; De Moor,
ARTU, 25; Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of Ilimilku of Ugarit', 107. Smith, in:
Idem, UNP, 89, also appears to interpret the text in this manner. Wyatt, RTU,
48-9, sees no role for Athiratu as king-maker in this text.
64
C.H. Gordon, 'Ugaritic rbt/rabitu', in: L. Eslinger, G. Taylor (eds), Ascribe
to the Lord: Biblical & Other Studies in Memory of Peter C. Craigie (JSOT.S,
67), Sheffield 1988, 127-32; Idem, 'Sixty Years in Ugaritology', in: M. Yon et al.
(eds), Le pays d'Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C.: Histoire et archologie (RSO,
11), Paris 1995, 44, assumes the rbt 'Great Lady' was the king's chief wife, whose
son was contractually entitled to become crown prince. See also Spanier, 'The
m' 45Zr&.atr[t] y m.
in 4 6 'ahd. bbnk.
'am[.)lkn
47
wt'n.rbt.atrt ym
bl.nmlk.yd'.ylhn
ratu's favourite.
Marjo Korpel has suggested that the role of a daughter being the
only heir left to ascend the throne, as it is presented in the Legend of
Kirtu and the Legend of Aqhatu, may be related to the political need
to defend the capability of a female ruler. 72 If we accept her thesis,
this would imply that prior to the destruction of Ugarit there was
no male heir left to ascend the throne, while there was a female heir
who was presented as the rightful successor to the Ugaritic throne.
Crucial to Korpel's interpretation is the line sgrthn 'abkrn in the Legend of Kirtu (KTU 1.15:111.16), which is translated in various ways.
Nicholas Wyatt, for instance, renders, 'Their last one I shall treat as
the first born', assuming that Ilu will bless Kirtu with such wealth that
there will be no need to divide the inheritance proportionally and all
will receive an equal share. 73 Edward Greenstein, on the other hand,
translates, 'The youngest of them I name firstborn', and explains: 1
exercises a quasi-parental right to declare that the last-born daughter
will have the legal prerogatives of the first-born'. 74 I reject Wyatt's
interpretation for the following reasons. (1) Be a king rich or poor,
the appointment of an heir is always an important matter. Moreover,
the fact that Kirtu had no heir is stressed in KTU 1.14:1. (2) The
girl that received the blessing of becoming the first-born was called
Thatmanatu 'Octavia'. The theme of the eight child in line being
made heir is also known from other ancient Near Eastern texts. 75 (3)
In KTU 1.6:IV Kirtu cursed his first-born son Yassubu. It thereupon
became necessary that someone else was appointed heir, i.e., 'firstborn'. Johannes de Moor and Klaas Spronk find reason to suspect
'that Kirtu eventually lost all but one of his children so that in the
end he was almost as destitute as at the beginning of the epic'. 76 Since
females generally only became heirs when no males were available, it
seems likely that at least Kirtu's other son also was disqualified as
heir. 77 There may have been a parallel between Kirtu's loss of his
72
seven wives and the loss of his seven children, yet on this we can only
speculate.
In the past, several scholars have understood KTU 1.15:111.16 as
an allusion to the decline of the Ugaritic royal dynasty. The Legend of
Kirtu would function as a legitimization for a breach in the male line of
succession to the Ugaritic throne. 78 Yet while these scholars assumed
that KTU 1.15:111 refers to an event in the past, it is also possible
that the text refers to a contemporary event, as Korpel argues. The
evidence for both interpretations is circumstantial, however, and no
definitive answers can be given.
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
The writers of the Bible seem to have denied the existence of the queen
79
( ) in an official position at the Israelite and Judaean court , yet
they did acknowledge the status of the queen mother () . The
book of Kings furthermore refers to another position that some women
occupied, namely that of 80. Although in some cases (2 Kgs 2 4 : 1 5
II Jer. 2 9 : 2 and 1 Kgs 1 5 : 1 3 ) the terms and 'queen mother' refer
to the same person, it is not certain whether every Judahite 81 queen
preferred the songs of lament of his daughter, Thatmanatu, over those of his
second son, Iluha'u.
78
Cf., e.g., A. van Selms, Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature (POS,
1), London 1954, 141; J. Gray, The Krt Text in the Literature of Ras Shamra: A
Social Myth of Ancient Canaan (DMOA, 15), Leiden 2 1964, 60.
79
See section 2.2.1.1.
80
T h e term occurs fifteen times in the Hebrew Bible and is used with three
different meanings: (1) mother or wife of the ruling king (1 Kgs 11:19; 15:13; 2
Kgs 10:13; Jer. 13:18; 29:2; 2 Chron. 15:16); (2) mistress in relation to a female
slave (Gen. 16:4,8,9; 2 Kgs 5:3; Isa. 24:2; Ps. 123:2; Prov. 30:23); (3) ruler, regent
(referring to Babel in a metaphorical sense in Isa. 47:5,7). Korpel, RiC, 277, n.
421, relates its paucity of occurence to the avoidance of feminine forms of terms
that express authority in the Bible. A word such as ' Mistress' occurs only
four times. She connects this with the zeal to eradicate every memory to goddesses
in the Bible.
Up until now the special meaning of Heb. as a designation of the position
of the queen mother is unparalleled in the North-West Semitic languages. The use
of gbrt in Sir. 41:18 is apparently derived from the biblical usage. In the Mesha
Stela gbrt 'female citizens' occurs in parallelism with gbrn 'male citizens' (KAI
181:16). Their status of full-fledged citizens is evident from the oppositional pair
grn || grt, male and female sojourners. Probably this noun gbrt was vocalized
differently. But both reflect the basic root meaning of 'to be strong, powerful'.
81
The lack of information with regard to the Israelite queen mothers - Jezebel
excepted - is probably to be attributed to a defect in the sources of the book of
Kings and not to the fact that the office of did not occur in Israel; cf. T.
Ishida, The Royal Dynasties in Ancient Israel: A Study on the Formation and
Development of Royal-Dynastic Ideology (BZAW, 142), Berlin 1977, 157.
mother bore the title 82. Queen mother and are not always
identical in the Bible, although this usually seems to have been the
case. 83
The biblical material offers little information on the question
whether the position of was a royal office. According to Zafrira
Ben-Barak, the cases in which a queen mother could obtain a position of influence and power should be regarded as exceptions to the
rule. The data is too sporadic to lead to general conclusions. 84 Others,
however, deem it warranted to speak of the office of queen mother,
despite the limited data. 8 5 They refer to the fact that the book of
Kings records the name and place of origin of most of the queen
mothers of Judahite kings in their succession notice. Only the names
of the mothers of Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:16-18) and of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16:2-3)
are lacking. 86 The custom of recording the name of the mother of the
82
This is assumed by, e.g., Donner, 'Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Kniginmutter im Alten Testament', 106; G.W. Ahlstrm, Aspects of Syncretism in
Israelite Religion (HSoed, 5), Lund 1963, 61; Ishida, The Royal Dynasties in
Ancient Israel, 156; N.-E.A. Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite
Society', CBQ 45 (1983), 179-80; E.Th. Mullen, Narrative History and Ethnic
Boundaries: The Deuteronomistic Historian and the Creation of Israelite National
Identity (SBL Semeia Studies), Atlanta GA 1993, 21, n. 5.
83
I Kgs 11:19 (wife of the pharaoh); 1 Kgs 15:10,13 (probably grandmother of
Asa); cf. G. Molin, 'Die Stellung der G e bira im Staate Juda', ThZ 10 (1954), 163;
A. van der Lingen, Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Isral, Zoetermeer 1997,
55, n. 95; C. Smith, ' 'Queenship' in Israel?: The Cases of Bathsheba, Jezebel and
Athaliah', in: J. Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East:
Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (JSOT.S, 270), Sheffield 1998,
144. A. Brenner, The Israelite Woman: Social Role and Literary Type in Biblical
Narrative (BiSe, 2), Sheffield 1985, 18-9, 32, argues that was the title of a
queen mother who acted as regent after the death of her husband or her ruling
son or during the reign of her minor son.
84
Cf. . Ben-Barak, 'The Status and Right of the Gbr', JBL 110 (1991),
23-34.
85
The question whether the held an institutionalized office is answered
affirmatively by R. de Vaux, Les institutions de l'Ancien Testament, vol. 1, Paris
1958, 180-2; Donner, 'Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Kniginmutter im Alten
Testament', 107; Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society',
180, and S. Schroer, 'Weise Frauen und Ratgeberinnen in Israel: Literarische und
historische Vorbilder der personifizierten Chokmah', BN 51 (1990), 50-1, among
others.
86
Molin, 'Die Stellung der G e bira im Staate Juda', 164, assumes that they probably had died before they could hold the office. Ihromi, 'Die Kniginmutter und
der 'Amin Ha'arez im Reich Juda', VT 24 (1974), 425, n. 1, on the other hand,
points to the fact that it is said of both kings that they walked in the ways of
the kings of Israel (2 Kgs 8:18; 16:2) and suggests that this formulation is related
to the absence of the names of their mothers. This suggestion is elaborated by
Spanier, 'The Northern Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean Court', 136-49,
king reflects the important position she held. 87 Even when very little
is told about a king, the name of his mother is passed down in the
succession formula. This creates the impression that her position was
more than a status of honour; it may have been an official position. 88
Furthermore, king Asa removed ( Hiph) queen mother Maacah
from being a 1) !: Kgs 15:13). According to Herbert Donner, this
note makes clear 'da es sich bei keineswegs nur um ein epitheton ornans der Kniginmutter handelt, sondern um eine Wrde
mit Amtscharakter, die unbeschadet der fortdauernden Rolle als leibliehe Mutter des Knigs entzogen werden kann, wenn die Umstnde es
notwendig erscheinen lassen'. 89 If Donner is correct in assuming that
the held an official office, it should be noted that in the first half
of the 9th century BCE this perhaps included cultic tasks (see further
chapter 3).
I agree with Ben-Barak that the evidence to support the thesis
that every : held an office of state is quite meagre. 90 Yet on the
other hand, the evidence we do have reveals their high status. Although perhaps not every Judahite queen mother became a , nor
held a position of power, at least four out of nineteen either achieved
considerable power themselves or were granted such by their son. 91 It
cannot be established with certainty that the held an official position, but the queen mother generally was the most powerful female
in the Judaean royal court.
The wife of the king could have much influence on the nomination
of the successor to the throne. 92 It was the prerogative of the king
who considers both queen mothers to be of Israelite ancestry. Another explanation is offered by Van der Lingen, Vrouwen rond, de koningen van oud-Isral, 59,
according to whom the author of Kings may have deliberately left out the names
of the mothers of these two kings with a bad name. By not mentioning the name
of their mother, nor their place of origin, no one in the land was compromised
with such a bad family member.
87
S. Ackerman, 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel', JBL 112
(1993), 399; C.V. Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', in: C.A. Newsom, S.H. Ringe (eds),
The Women's Bible Commentary, 2 London 1998, 104; Spanier, 'The Northern
Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean Court', 137. Pace Ben-Barak, 'The Status
and Right of the Gbr', 24.
88
Cf. Molin, 'Die Stellung der G e bira im Staate Juda', 161; De Vaux, Les institutions de l'Ancien Testament, vol. 1, 180; Mullen, Narrative History and Ethnic
Boundaries, 21, n. 5; Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', 104.
89
Donner, 'Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Kniginmutter im Alten Testament', 107.
90
Ben-Barak, 'The Status and Right of the Gbr', 29. See also Van der Lingen,
Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Isral, 65.
91
Cf. Ben-Barak, 'The Status and Right of the Gbr', 25-6.
92
It is not entirely clear whether a woman became at the moment her son
placed at his right hand, the place of honour. 96 She then addressed
her son: '1 have one small request to make of you; do not refuse me' (v.
20a). It would seem that generally her intercessory missions were suecesful, for Solomon answered her: 'Make your request, my mother; for
I will not refuse you' (v. 20b). However, when he heard the content
of the request, his attitude of responsiveness changed into outrage.
He ordered Adonijah to be killed for scheming to ascend the throne
through his father's concubine Abishag. 97
It is a matter of discussion whether Bathsheba was aware of the
impact of her question on her son. It seems unlikely that she was
naive and did not consider the consequences of the request. 98 On the
contrary, she probably knew very well what she was doing. She may
have cunningly used Adonijah's request to meet her own goal, i.e.,
that her son be king without the threat of any competition of his
elder brother. 99
Claudia Camp, however, proposes a different scenaxio. She assmes that neither Bathsheba, nor Adonijah were naive. Adonijah
may not have been intending to assume the throne through Abishag,
but 'may have been seeking a negotiated settlement: the release of
Abishag from a situation of possible reprisal in return for his acquiescence to Solomon's rule'. 100 Since David had not known Abishag
sexually, Adonijah may have reasoned that she was not one of the
96
Cf. H. Donner, 'Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Kniginmutter im Alten
Testament', in: R. von Kienle et al. (eds), Festschrift Johannes Friedrich zum 65.
Geburtstag am 27. August 1958 gewidmet, Heidelberg 1959, 110; Andreasen, 'The
Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society', 189, . 59; Mulder, 1 Kings, vol.
1, 108-9.
97
Abishag's status at the court is ambiguous. She is called a1)
Kgs 1:2,4),
and it is told of her that she lay in the bosom of king David, but that the king
did not know her sexually. According to M. Heltzer, 'The Neo-Assyrian akintu
and the Biblical skenet (I Reg. 1,4)', in: FPOA, 89, she was not a concubine
of the king, but rather the supervisor of the royal harem. Likewise, S. Schroer,
'Auf dem Weg zu einer feministischen Rekonstruktion der Geschichte Israels', in:
L. Schottroff et al., Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge zur Bibel aus der
Perspektive von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 116; De Moor, R0Y, 349-50; Mulder,
1 Kings, vol. 1, 34-5, 108. T. Ishida, 'Adonijah the Son of Haggith and his Supporters: An Inquiry into Problems About History and Historiography', in: R.E.
Friedman, H.G.M. Williamson (eds), The Future of Biblical Studies: The Hebrew
Scriptures (SBL Semeia Studies), Atlanta G A 1987, 178-9, on the other hand,
contends that she certainly was one of David's concubines.
98
A concubine's son might threaten the dynasty, cf. Mulder, 1 Kings, vol. 1,
108, with bibliography.
99
Cf. A. Berlin, 'Characterization in Biblical Narrative: David's Wives', JSOT
23 (1982), 74-6. Berlin assumes jealousy of Abishag also motivated Bathsheba.
100
Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', 106.
king's concubines. If so, asking for her would not imply he was staking a claim to the throne. Bathsheba, for her part, may have thought
to gain the support of the losing party by granting Adonijah's request to intercede. 101 Yet she may also have discovered a chance to
get rid of the person who formed a major threat to her son's position
as king. 'One way or another, Adonijah's attempted use of a woman
as a channel to power once again fails, for the queen mother serves
no interests but her son's'. 102 It is furthermore clear that, despite the
honour that Solomon bestowed on his mother, he as the king was the
one who had the authority either to comply with his mother's request
or to reject it. Hers was only a delegated authority.
As long as her son reigned, the queen mother could hold the position of second in command. If her son died, she was supposed to step
back and yield her position to the mother of her son's successor. 103
Hamutal, for example, was queen mother during the reign of her son
Jehoahaz (2 Kgs 23:31). When pharaoh Neco deposed of him, she
yielded her position to Zebidah, mother of Eliakim/Jehoiakim. Yet
when Jehoiakim's son, Jehoiachin, was taken captive and deported to
Babylon together with his mother, Nehushta, Hamutal again became
queen mother when her son Mattaniah/Zedekiah was made king by
Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 24:17-18). Maacah, on the other hand, was
queen mother during the reigns of Abijam and his successor Asa, who
either was Abijam's son or his brother but in any case probably very
young if not a minor. Maacah may have acted as regent for Asa after
the death of Abijam. 104
A queen mother could represent the people before the king and
be his counsellor in affairs of state. Thus it is said of Athaliah, that
she was counsellor to her son Ahaziah (2 Chron. 22:3). Since she was
related to the house of Ahab, her counsel is qualified negatively. The
honourable reception preceding Bathsheba's request to her son may
also point to an advisory influence. 105 In Prov. 31:1-19 the mother of
king Lemuel advised him on proper conduct and in Dan. 5:10-12 it was
probably the queen mother who advised king Belshazzar regarding
the person who could interpret the writing on the wall. 106 Based on
101
Camp refers to Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society', 189.
102
Camp, '1 and 2 Kings', 106.
103
Pace Molin, 'Die Stellung der G e bira im Staate Juda', 164-5 and others who
assume that the rank of queen mother was retained by her for life.
104
Brenner, The Israelite Woman, 19.
105
Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society', 188-90;
Schroer, 'Weise Frauen und Ratgeberinnen in Israel', 51.
106
See section 2.2.1.1 on the interpretation of Aram. in Dan. 5.
these texts, Niels-Erik Andreasen assumes that the queen mother held
the official position of senior counsellor at the court. 107 Andreasen's
assumption is contradicted by Ben-Barak, among others. She stresses
that this and other assumptions concerning an official position of the
queen mother 'depend entirely on a very small number of instances
of indirect evidence contained in the Hebrew Bible'. 108
Gsta Ahlstrm has proposed the thesis that the position of the
queen mother was related to her role in the Asherah cult. 109 Lately,
Susan Ackerman has elaborated this thesis in assuming that the queen
mother was perceived as the earthly counterpart of the goddess Asherah. The deity would have functioned next to Y H W H in the Judaean cult. While Y H W H was the adoptive father of the king, Asherah
would have been the adoptive mother. 110 Although the Judaean queen
mother may have had a role in the cult, the biblical evidence is too
scarce to accept such far-reaching conclusions. 111
Although evidence with regard to an official function as senior
counsellor or high priestess of Asherah is inconclusive, the biblical
authors do refer to the political power a queen mother could exercise.
Jezebel was one of the Israelite queen mothers of whom it is fairly
certain she had a political power base. During the reigns of her sons
Ahazia and Jehoram she acted as queen mother. When Jehoram was
killed by Jehu (2 Kgs 9), this murder was not sufficient to settle his
rule as usurper to the throne. The queen mother, Jezebel, had to be
killed too, as well as any male from the house of Ahab. 112
Queen mother Nehushta may have had an influential role during
the reign of king Jehoiachin. Some scholars assume Nehushta acted
as regent for her minor son. 113 They refer to 2 Chron. 36:9, according
to which Jehoiachin was only eight years old when he began to reign.
Yet according to 2 Kgs 24:8 Jehoiachin was eighteen years old. Purthermore, the oracle in Jer. 22:28 mentions Coniah (=Jehoiachin) and
107
Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society', 179-94. Andreasen is followed by Schroer, 'Weise Frauen und Ratgeberinnen in Israel', 49-53.
108
Ben-Barak, 'The Status and Right of the Gbr\ 23-34 (24). See also Van
der Lingen, Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Isral, 67.
109
Ahlstrm, Aspects of Syncretism in Israelite Religion, 57-88
110
Ackerman, 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel', 385-401;
Idem, Warrior, Dancer, Seductress, Queen: Women in Judges and Biblical Israel (AncBRL), New York 1998, 138-54.
111
On the role of the queen mother in the Judaean cult, see section 3.1.
112
Cf. Brenner, The Israelite Woman, 19-20.
113
Cf., e.g., Z. Ben-Barak, 'The Queen Consort and the Struggle for Succession
to the Throne', in: FPOA, 38.
his offspring, which renders the age of eight unlikely for the king. 114
Although Jehoiachin may not have been a minor anymore, Nehushta
probably did have a very important position at the court. 115 A reference in Jer. 13:18 emphasizes her role as being second after the
king: 'Say to the king and the queen mother; "Take a lowly seat, for
your beautiful crown has come down from your head" '. 116 Both the
king and the queen mother apparently wore crowns, a symbol of their
royal dignity. The anonymous king and his mother are usually identified as Jehoiachin and Nehushta. 117 When king Jehoiachin was taken
captive by Nebuchadnezzar and carried away to Babylon, his mother
and many others were taken with him (2 Kgs 24:15).
Although not acknowledged as a queen by the biblical authors 1 1 8 ,
Athaliah is the only woman who ruled Judah in her own right and
thus acted as a female king. After the death of her son Ahaziah (2 Kgs
9:27) and forty-two of his relatives (2 Kgs 10:12-14), Athaliah assumed
the Judahite throne and ruled the country for six or seven years.
When she ascended the throne, she killed all the possible heirs 119 , but
overlooked one little prince, Joash (2 Kgs 11:1-2). In the seventh year
of Athaliah's rule, the child Joash, up until then hidden in the temple
of YHWH, was made king on the initiative of the priest Jehoiada, while
the queen mother's rule ended disastrously. She was put to death.
114
J.R. Lundblom, Jeremiah 1-20 (AncB, 21A), New York 1999, 681.
Cf. Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society', 192.
116
Queen mother is the translation of Heb. . Although the NRSV translates
a singular for , most commentators assume that both the king and the
queen mother are wearing a crown; cf. P.C. Craigie et al., Jeremiah 1-25 (WBC,
26), Dallas TX 1991, 188; B.J. Oosterhoff, Jeremia (COT), dl. 2, Kampen 1994,
75; Lundblom, Jeremiah 1-20, 681.
117
Craigie et ai, Jeremiah 1-25, 190-1; Oosterhoff, Jeremia, 76; Lundblom,
Jeremiah 1-20, 680; W. McKane, Jeremiah, vol. 1, (ICC), Edinburgh 1986, 303.
118
Mullen, Narrative History and Ethnic Boundaries, 19-54, offers a historical reconstruction of Athaliah's ascent to the throne. He assumes that the
Deuteronomists' presentation of her rule as illegitimate is influenced by the ideology of unbroken Davidic succession (29, 42-52). For a critical analysis of 2
Kgs 11 see further L.K. Handy, 'Speaking of Babies in the Temple', Proceedings of the Eastern Great Lakes and Midwest Bible Societies 8 (1988), 155-65; P.
Dutcher-Walls, Narrative Art, Political Rhetoric: The Case of Athaliah and Joash
(JSOT.S, 209), Sheffield 1996.
119
Some scholars assume she did not eliminate all heirs, while others explain
her murderous behaviour as an attempt to retain her power. For the former, cf.,
e.g., M. Liverani, 'L'histoire de Joas', VT 24 (1974), 438-53; Handy, 'Speaking
of Babies in the Temple', 155-65. For the latter, cf. . Spanier, 'The Northern
Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean Court: Athalia and Abi', in: M. Lubetski
et al. (eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus
H. Gordon (JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 143.
115
Of many queen mothers we know virtually nothing. A small number of them are famous because they rose to a position of power.
Mesopotamian queen mother Sammuramat ruled as regent for her
son. Also in Egypt several queen mothers ruled as regents for their
minor sons. Four out of two to three hundred pharaohs were females:
120
On the role of the queen (mother) in the cult, see section 3.1.
Israel. Sometimes a king would choose another son. This could be due
to the influence of a promoting mother, who thereby improved her position at the court. Mesopotamian Naqi'a was successful in interfering
with the succession of her son and grandson, while Adad-guppi also
had considerable influence on her son's career. Texts from Alalakh
and Amarna provide evidence for the fact that a king's wife could
have a say in matters of succession. Also in Ugaritic mythology Athiratu advised her husband Ilu on who was to become the new king.
Biblical Bathsheba played an active role in the succession of Solomon.
But in all these cases the final decision was made by the king.
The kind of power queen mothers could exercise was generally
indirect. They could influence the king's decision and act as his counsellor. Furthermore, they possessed the knowledge of political affairs
that had been dealt with by their deceased husband, which could
make their role as intercessor between the new king and the partner in political affairs quite important. Some queen mothers played
a considerable role in politics, yet this seems to be due to personal
character rather than official power.
Ultimately, like the queen, the queen mother could wield considerable power, but it was power behind the throne, granted by the king.
On the other hand, she was the most powerful woman in the kingdom
and had far more power than many men.
2.2.1.3
Next to his chief wife a king generally had several other wives and
concubines. The status of a secondary wife or concubine was lower
than that of a primary wife. Among the primary wives the chief wife
had a higher status as mother of the heir apparent. If the king had
not designated an heir yet, or if the heir had died an untimely death,
all primary wives who were mother of a son were potential queen
mothers, which could lead to rivalry.
In this section we will look into questions regarding the life in
the women's quarters of the palace. Did women live in seclusion?
Who belonged to the king's harem? And could the king have a sexual
relation with any inhabitant of the women's quarters? Lately some
scholars 1 have pointed to the confusion the use of the term 'harem'
might bring about, a confusion I hope to clarify by discussing the
abovementioned questions.
1
Ancient Near Eastern kings generally had polygynous marriages. 2 Although scholars such as Julia Asher-Greve assume that most Old
Sumerian rulers were monogamous, this has been convincingly refuted by Ignace Gelb who points to the imbalance of 'a single royal
wife and as many as 18-20 children'. 3 Eblaite administrative texts also
refer to various primary and secondary royal wives.4 And king ZimriLim of Mari, too, is known to have had several wives.5 Most scholars
assume that from the Old Kingdom on the Egyptian pharaohs also
had polygynous marriages. 6
The term 'harem' generally is used to designate the wives and concubines of a king as well as their living quarters. The harem has been
the subject of discussion among Egyptologists and Mesopotamian
scholars. William Ward, for example, assumes there were no harems
prior to the Egyptian New Kingdom period, but this has been contradicted by other Egyptologists. 7 And Benno Landsberger supposes
that in contrast to the Middle-Assyrian period, when harems were still
normal, the kings of the Neo-Assyrian empire opted for monogamous
marriages. The many women, partially from foreign countries, in the
royal palace would have been mere housekeepers. 8 This assumption,
too, is contradicted. 9
Both Ward and Landsberger acknowledge that the women's quarters of the palace were populated by many women. However, they
assume that the majority of them belonged to the personnel as lady2
For Egypt, cf. Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle
Kingdom', 40. For Assyria, cf. . Weidner, 'Hof- und Harems-Erlasse assyrischer
Knige aus dem 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.' AfO 17 (1954-56), 262.
11
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 1, Berkeley 1973, 216.
12
Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1, 216.
13
Lesko, The Remarkable Women of Ancient Egypt, 11-2.
14
Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom',
40; Goodnick Westenholz, 'Towards a New Conceptualization of the Female Role
in Mesopotamian Society', 513-6. But cf. . Ziegler, Le Harem de Zimr-Lm: La
population fminine des palais d'aprs les archives royales de Mari (Florilegium
marianum, 4) (Mmoires de NABU, 5), Paris 1999, 5-8.
Queens especially and other primary wives could have much contact
with the 'outside world'. 15 And some of the female personnel who
were married to men outside the harem could occasionally leave the
harem with the king's permission. 16
On the other hand, as we have already noted in section 2.1.1.4.2,
seclusion of women was related to their social status. 1 7 The higher
their status, the more secluded women lived, especially women of the
court who sometimes had to live a life of seclusion inside the women's
quarters, as the terminology suggests.
The Mesopotamian court lady could be referred to as sekretu 'enclosed woman'. 18 The wives and concubines of a harem could live in
seclusion in the bit sinniti 'women's house' or sikru 'enclosure'. 19
Evidence from Mari and other places indicates that the quarters
where the king's women resided usually were 'deep within the palatial
structure or in the corner of the building, some distance from the
palace gate'. 20 Depending on the power and wealth of a king, these
quarters could occupy a considerable area of the palace precincts. 21
The chief wife of the king had her own separate quarters within the
harem, while the lesser women lived together in common quarters
where they had to share items such as chairs and beds. 22
The freedom of movement of royal wives could be restricted. 23
15
Cf., e.g., Batto, Studies on Women at Man, 8-25, for the activities of queen
Shibtu and the other wives of Zimri-Lim who were at the head of his harems.
16
Weidner, 'Hof- und Harems-Erlasse assyrischer Knige aus dem 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.' 262, 272; Roth, LCMAM, 198.
17
C.H.J. de Geus, 'The City of Women: Women's Places in Ancient Israelite
Cities', in: J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Pans 1992 (VT.S, 61), Leiden
1995, 76.
18
CAD (S), 215-7. See also Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East, vol. 2, 527.
19
CAD (S), 292, 259. In Mari the area in the royal palace reserved for the harem
is called tubqum 'corner'; cf. J.-M. Durand, J. Margueron, 'La question du harem
royal dans le palais de Mari', Journal des Savants (Oct.-Dec. 1980), 253-63.
20
A. Malamat, 'Is There a Word for the Royal Harem in the Bible?: The Inside
Story', in: D.P. Wright et al (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in
Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob
Milgrom, Winona Lake IN 1995, 786. For Egypt, see E. Reiser, Die knigliche
Harim im alten gypten und seine Verwaltung, Wien 1972, 32-47.
21
Malamat, 'Is There a Word for the Royal Harem in the Bible?' 786.
22
Batto, Studies on Women at Man, 28; Durand, Margueron, 'La question du
harem royal dans le palais de Mari', 253-80; Ziegler, Le Harem de Zimr-Lm.
23
According to Goodnick Westenholz, 'Towards a New Conceptualization of
the Female Role in Mesopotamian Society', 516, 'the ladies at court seem to have
enjoyed a considerable measure of freedom, in particular, in their comings and
goings'. However, this is contradicted by Ziegler, Le Harem de Zimr-Lm, 7, 302.
Edicts from the Assyrian kings dating from the 14th to the 11th century BCE give evidence to their circumscribed space and the restrictions on their encounters with male personnel. 24 Royal concubines
could be part of the retinue accompanying the king on a trip through
the country, but whether they were in the palace or outside it, regulations on contact between concubines and male personnel were very
strict. A eunuch was not permitted to speak directly to a concubine
without the permission of the inspector of the palace (rab kalli).
When speaking to a palace wife, a male servant had to keep a distance of at least seven steps between them. The male servants of the
palace were not to stand still and listen to concubines scolding or quarreling, and they were not to look at concubines when the latter were
not decently dressed. Furthermore, when a palace wife was having her
monthly period, she was not permitted to approach the king. Otherwise she would jeopardize his cultic purity when he brought offerings
to the gods. Blasphemy was not tolerated. When harem women used
the deity's name in vain while quarreling, their throat was cut regardless of their position. Primary wives (aat arri) and concubines
(sinniati sa kallim) each had a personal female servant, whom they
were allowed to punish in case of an offence. If, however, the offence
would be repeated, the maidservant was to be brought before the king
and not to be punished again by her mistress. Also, if a maidservant
would die because she was punished too harshly by her mistress, the
latter would in turn be penalized. These decrees indicate that harem
wives lived in an environment of envy and competition with too little
distraction and few matters to attend to.
The text of the treaty between Shuppiluliuma I of Hatti and
Huqqana of Hayasha allows us a look into Hittite harem life. Huqqana,
a tribal chief in the land of Hayasha (northeastern Anatolia) has made
a treaty with the more powerful king Shuppiluliuma I. In addition,
Huqqana has married a sister of Shuppiluliuma and is instructed by
the latter how to behave in Hittite royal circles. He is not permitted
to have sexual relations with a sister or a female cousin of his wife.
Furthermore, he is forbidden to approach a woman of the palace,
Beware of a woman of the palace. Whatever sort of palace woman
she might be, whether a free woman or a lady's maid, you shall not
approach her, and you shall not go near her. You shall not speak a
word to her. Your slave or your slave girl shall not go near her. Beware
24
of her. When you see a palace woman, jump far out of the way and
leave her a broad path. Beware of this matter of a palace woman. 25
To emphasize the seriousness of these rules, Huqqana is reminded of
the sad story of Mariya, who was put to death for merely looking at
a woman of the palace ( 28).
The Middle Assyrian Palace Decrees and the Hittite treaty between Shuppiluliuma I and Huqqana render us some information on
the organisation of the women's quarters at the courts of Assyria
and Hatti. Of somewhat earlier date is the Mari material (18th cent.
BCE) which informs us on the harem of Zimri-Lim. Next to his chief
wife queen Shibtu, who played an important role in his realm, he
had several other wives, some of whom also held responsible posts. 26
Zimri-Lim's harem was occupied not only by his wives, but also by
women of lower status. Some of these women were of local origin,
but others were foreigners, usually prisoners of war. These female
captives, who generally were of exceptional beauty, escaped the fate
of being put to work in the royal textile factories and became a royal
concubine. 27 Zimri-Lim furthermore appropriated the royal harem of
his predecessor as well as that of other defeated enemies. 28
Also in Egypt the royal women's quarters were strictly organized. 29
The Great Royal Wife supervised the king's primary and secondary
wives. Furthermore, there was a large staff of personnel in order to
manage the herds, the estates with their farmland and the weaving
factories that belonged to the harem. Also part of the harem were
schools for dancing, singing and musical lessons. 30
Although little is known about the freedom of movement of royal
women in the Egyptian harem, they probably could have contact with
the 'outside world'. In her correspondence with king Ramesses II of
Egypt, the Hittite queen, Puduhepa, requested that the daughter she
would give in marriage to him should be allowed to receive visiting
Hittite envoys. From the Babylonian envoy she had heard 'that the
Babylonian princess in his harim was barred from such visits of her
25
G. Beckman; H.A. Hoffner (ed.), Hittite Diplomatic Texts (WAW, 7), Atlanta
GA 1996, 28, 27 (A iii 59'-67').
26
Ziegler, Le Harem de Zimr-Lm, 52-9.
27
Batto, Studies on Women at Mari, 25-8.
28
Cf. . Ziegler, 'Le harem du vaincu', RA 93 (1999), 1-26; Idem, Le Harem de
Zimr-Lm, 33-8, 119-20.
29
Cf. Reiser, Die knigliche Harim im alten gypten und seine Verwaltung;
Desroches Noblecourt, La femme au temps des pharaons, 98-125.
30
. Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau im Alten gypten', Saeculum 38
(1987), 322.
own countrymen'. 3 1 Ramesses II denied this rumour, but we may assume that the king did control the contacts his wives had with the
world outside the harem.
To some of the pharaohs this control may have been of vital importance, since court intrigues could endanger their life. There are references to at least three court intrigues in which women of the harem
played a vital role. 32 The first is recorded in the Sixth Dynasty. The
court official Weni writes in his autobiography about the secret trial
against queen Weret-yamtes, wife of Pepy I (2335/2285-2285/2235
BCE), who probably conspired against the king. 33 Evidence of another
court intrigue may be found in the Instruction of King Amenemhet
I for his Son Sesostris I, dating from the Middle Kingdom. 34 The Instruction describes the attack; referring to this, Gay Robins states:
'The attack clearly came from within the palace and the question
"Had any woman previously raised troops?" suggests that the conspiracy may have involved one or more of the royal women'. 35 The
third Egyptian king against whom women of the harem conspired
was Ramesses ill (1183/82-1152/51 BCE). The king apparently had
neither designated a wife as Great Royal Wife nor a son as heir. One
of his wives, Tiy, seems to have intended to put her son on the throne.
Together with her son she probably organized the conspiracy which
would have made her queen mother, had it succeeded. Other women of
the palace as well as royal officials and some people outside the palace
were also involved in the plot. However, the move was unsuccessful
and the prince was forced to commit suicide. Remarkably, '[n]0thing
in the document [which records the trial of the conspirators, HJM]
mentions a trial for Tiy or the other palace women, nor what their
punishment was'. In contrast with this, the document does mention
punishments for the male plotters. 36
More so than any husband, the king was vulnerable in the respectability of his wives and concubines. On the one hand, the great
number of wives and concubines as well as children were a sign of his
31
wealth and power. But on the other hand, whoever had a sexual relationship with a wife or a concubine of the king thereby challenged his
power and authority. Moreover, the many wives and concubines could
quarrel among themselves and form parties. Dissatisfaction with the
king's choice of successor could lead such a party to start a court intrigue and try to take over the king's power. Depending on the king's
character and personal history, the regime in the women's quarters
may have varied, yet we may assume there would always have been a
large degree of control.
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
Like the ancient Near Eastern kings in general, biblical kings, too,
had many wives and concubines. Based on 2 Sam. 12:8 it is assumed
Saul had several wives, of whom his primary wife Ahinoam (1 Sam.
14:50) and his concubine Rizpah (2 Sam. 3:6) are known by name. 38
Saul's successor, David, also had many wives and concubines. Next
to Saul's wives, whom he had taken over (2 Sam. 12:8), the names
of Ahinoam, Abigail, Maacah, Haggith, Abital and Eglah are mentioned (2 Sam. 3:2) as the wives he had when living in Hebron. Furthermore, Michal (1 Sam. 18:27) and Bathsheba (2 Sam. 12:24) also
were wives of David and he had at least ten concubines (2 Sam. 15:16;
16:20-22; 20:3). King Solomon is reported to have had seven hundred
wives ( ) and three hundred concubines ( )due to his
international marriage politics (1 Kgs 11:1-13). These large numbers
probably have a symbolic meaning, emphasizing the king's wealth.
According to Song of Songs 6:8 Solomon's harem encompassed sixty
queens and eighty concubines. With regard to the rising number of
wives and concubines of Israel's first kings, Karen Engelken notes the
37
following:
Es fllt auf, da die Anzahl der Frauen und Nebenfrauen von Saul
zu David und von David zu Salomo erheblich steigt. Zum Bild eines
machtvollen Knigtums gehrt von Knig zu Knig eine immer steigende Zahl von Frauen, von deren Einzelschicksal es sich in der Regel
nicht zu reden lohnt.39
Rehoboam, son of Solomon, apparently imitated his father's example,
for he had eighteen wives and sixty concubines (2 Chron. 1 1 : 2 1 ) . Two
of his wives are known by name: Mahalath and Maacah (2 Chron.
1 1 : 1 8 , 2 0 ) . Other kings with many wives and concubines are Ahab (2
Kgs 1 0 : 1 ) , Jehoiachin ( 2 Kgs 2 4 : 1 5 ) and Zedekiah (Jer. 3 8 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) .
Polygyny was regarded a sign of wealth. In this way a king could
display his splendour and his power. 40 Not only the large number of
wives, but also the number of children of a king, especially the male
children, were an expression of his power. 41
That a king had many wives is also assumed in the Law of the
King (Deut. 1 7 : 1 4 - 2 0 ) , but it is stated that having many wives jeopardized the king, since it turned his heart away from the service of
Y H W H (Deut. 1 7 : 1 7 ) . It is commonly assumed that this is a relatively
late prescription that does not accord with the attested polygyny of
Israel's kings. In general polygyny is not rejected. 42
According to Tomoo Ishida, '[i]t is a well-known fact . . . that one
way royal legitimacy was acquired was by the appropriation of the
previous king's harem, both in Israel and in the rest of the ancient
Near East'. 4 3 A royal wife or a concubine could thus, willingly or
unwillingly, become a pawn in a political game.
When a man lay with a concubine of the reigning king, this act
39
could be understood in a political way. Thus, when Absolom publicly took David's concubines, he claimed his father's throne (2 Sam.
16:20-22).44 Ishbaal, son of Saul, reproached Abner, 'who was making
himself strong in the house of Saul', for having taken Rizpa, one of
Saul's concubines. The fact that Abner got away with this indicates
the weakening of Saul's house (2 Sam. 3:6-11). Solomon's reaction
to Adonijah's request for Abishag the Shunammite as a wife (1 Kgs
2:13-25) is another indication that a sexual relationship with one of
the (former) king's concubine's was regarded as a political act. 45
The position of royal concubines (46( is illustrated by David's
treatment of the ten women whom he had left behind to look after the
house when he fled for Absalom. His son had slept with the concubines
and when David returned to Jerusalem he 'put them in a house under
guard, and provided for them, but did not go in to them. So they
were shut up until the day of their death, living as if in widowhood'
(2 Sam. 20:3). Apparently these women had no control over their
own lives. According to Grace Emmerson, '[i]t is in such situations
that they do seem to be regarded as little better than chattels'. 47
Anton van der Lingen explains that the ten concubines became a
symbol of Absalom's take-over and formed a threat to David when
he regained power. Since they had been part of Absalom's court they
might function as a fifth column at David's court. He therefore had
them separated under guard. 48
When king Ben-Hadad of Aram besieged Samaria, he ordered that
44
There is a certain parallel between Absalom and Reuben, who both were the
rightful heir, but lost this right because they lay with their father's concubines - a
forbidden incestuous relation according to Lev. 18:8. It is probably therefore that
Bilhah, slave wife of Jacob, is referred to as his concubine ( )in the account
of Reuben laying with her (Gen. 35:22). R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in:
V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient
Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield 1998, 232-3, gives a plausible explanation of
the use of here. Cf. also Engelken, Frauen im Alten Israel, 99-101; De Hoop,
Genesis 49 in its Literary and Historical Context, 351, 513-4. Engelken, Frauen
im Alten Israel, 99, points to the fact that the terms and axe sometimes
used in a polemical sense.
It is striking that Reuben is said to have defiled 'the beds (plural) of his father'
in Gen. 49:4; cf. J.C. de Moor, 'Genesis 49 and the Early History of Israel', in:
J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooy (eds), The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets
(OTS, 44), Leiden 2000, 182.
45
On Adonijah's request for Abishag and on the question whether Abishag was
a concubine or a high government official see section 2.2.1.2.
46
On the use of Aram. * as a translation of Heb. in Dan. 5:2,3,23, cf.
Landsberger, 'Akkadisch-Hebrische Wortgleichungen', 198-204.
47
Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', 385.
48
Van der Lingen, Vrouwen rond de koningen van oud-Isral, 115.
silver and gold as well as Ahab's fairest wives and children should
become his (1 Kgs 20:1-8). The demand of Ben-Hadad implied that
Ahab was to become his vassal. Ahab's son would be held hostage
in Aram, while his wives would be added to Ben-Hadad's harem.
These royal wives, too, would be mere pawns in the political game of
the king. 49 The same fate happened to the concubines of Hezekiah.
Among the many items Sennacherib enumerates as the heavy tribute
with which Hezekiah bought off the destruction of Jerusalem are well to the end of the list - his harem-women. 50
Also in Israel royal wives and concubines lived in the women's
quarters of the palace complex, which were probably somewhere in
the inner part of the palace. These quarters are usually referred to
in a general way. The house that Solomon built for his Egyptian
wife (Pharaoh's daughter) is called her1)
Kgs 7:8; 9:24). Esther is brought to the , which is usually translated 'harem'
(Est. 2:3, 9,11,13,14). According to Abraham Malamat, 'we may assume that in the palaces of Jerusalem and in the capital cities in
the Northern Kingdom special quarters were set aside to accomodate
royal ladies, similar to the harems throughout the ancient Near East
>51
D . CONCLUSIONS
The evidence from the ancient Near East in general as well as that
of Ugarit and Israel confirms that kings usually had polygynous marriages. The royal wives and concubines of a king lived in the women's
quarters of the court, in a separate part of the palace. In the women's
quarters, which are often referred to as 'harem' by scholars, not only
the royal wives and concubines lived, but also female personnel, such
as personal attendants of the royal wives and female slaves. Singers,
dancers and musicians could also be part of the harem personnel, as
well as weavers and housekeepers. The royal wives and concubines
presumably had sexual relations with the king, but the latter may
occasionally also have desired one of the lesser women of the harem
personnel. Such a woman probably had no choice but to comply.
There was a strict hierarchy in the women's quarters. The texts
from Mari inform us that generally the queen or the queen mother
would be at its head, but she might delegate daily matters to an
official of the palace.
49
Princess
Just as it was important for any daughter in the ancient Near East
to enter the marriage state, 1 so likewise for the daughter of a king.
Princesses could be wed to a high official of their own country or to
a prince or king of a neighbouring or allied country. Often political
motives would play a role in such a marriage.
What was the role of a princess in a political marriage? Was she a
mere pawn in the hands of those who arranged the marriage or could
she play an active part in it?
1
Living in relative luxury and having both opportunity and time to engage in study and music, the princesses' unmarried youth was often a
happy if not the happiest time of their life.2 Eventually, however, they
had to engage in marriage and become wives, often of kings. Princesses
played an important part in maintaining international relations. Several ancient Near Eastern princesses were given in marriage to kings
of other countries or city states for political reasons. King Zimri-Lim
of Mari, for example, married several of his daughters to kings of citystates in the north. 3 Massanauzzi, sister of the Hittite king Muwatalli
II (1295-1272 BCE) was married to one of Muwatalli's most important
vassal kings, Masturi of the Seha River Land. 4 Hattushili ill (12671237 BCE), another Hittite king, also employed political marriages as
a means to consolidate international relations. He not only gave his
daughters in marriage to foreign rulers, but twice he also arranged
a double or exchange marriage. 5 An example of such an exchange
marriage is the one he arranged with king Benteshina of Amurru.
Hattushili's son Nerikkaili married a daughter of Benteshina and Hattushili's daughter Gassuliyawiya was given in marriage to Benteshina
himself. 6
Yet the custom of reciprocity did not always function in the contacts between the Egyptian pharaohs and the great kings of the Near
East. According to a statement in the Amarna correspondence, the
pharaohs of Egypt did not give their daughters in marriage to monarchs of other countries. EA 4:6-7 reads: 'Prom time immemorial no
daughter of the king of Egy[pt] is given to anyone'. 7 The Babylonian king who sent the letter obviously had problems with this and
asked whether the pharaoh could not send another beautiful Egyptian
girl, pretending she was one of his daughters. Who at the Babylonian
2
court would question her status? Yet this deceit was rejected by the
Egyptian king. The reason behind the rejection was twofold. First,
the Egyptian kings considered themselves far too exalted to accept
the custom of reciprocity. Although Egypt paid lip service to the fraternal connections with countries such as Babylonia and Mitanni for example in the form of address in the letters - the parity had
its limits. According to Egypt, some were more equal than others. 8
Secondly, Egyptian princesses sometimes played an important role in
legitimizing the king's succession to the throne. Although some of
the Egyptian kings married commoners, more often a pharaoh took
a lady of royal blood for a wife. During the New Kingdom period
some pharaohs even married their own daughter or their half-sister
for mythological and ideological reasons. 9 Amenophis ill himself, too,
probably had made such an incestuous marriage.
In later times, however, when Egypt was no longer the great international power it had been, Egyptian pharaohs did marry their
daughters to kings of neighbouring countries. According to 1 Kgs
3:1, king Solomon married an Egyptian princess. She probably was
a daughter of pharaoh Siamun (979/78-960/59 BCE).10 Likewise, the
request of Tutankhamun's widow, Ankhesenamun, to marry a son of
Shuppiluliuma I of Hatti could only occur during times when Egypt
suffered from political weakness. 11
During his reign king Ramesses II of Egypt (1279-1213 BCE) twice
married a Hittite princess. 12 The marriages may be regarded as a confirmation of improved political relations between the two countries
since the battle of Qadesh, which had taken place in the 5th year of
Ramesses n's rule. In his 21st year a treaty was made with Hatti,
8
Cf. Khne, Die Chronologie der internationalen Korrespondenz von ElAmarna, 58.
9
Cf. Khne, Die Chronologie der internationalen Korrespondenz von ElAmama, 57-8, n. 278; L. Manniche, Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt, London 1987,
29; G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 30-2. On father-daughter
incest see further section 2.1.4. On brother-sister incest see section 2.1.3.
10
Cf. A. Malamat, 'The Kingdom of David & Solomon in its Contact with Egypt
and Aram Naharaim', BA 21 (1958), 96-102; Idem, 'Aspects of the Foreign Policies
of David and Solomon', JNES 22 (1963), 10-17; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt,
32.
11
See section 2.2.1.1.
12
Cf. K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated & Annotated. Translations (Series A: Translations. Vol. 2: Ramesses 11, Royal Inscriptions), Oxford
1996, 86-99, 110-2 (nos. 66-67, 69); Idem, Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated &
Annotated. Notes and Comments (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2: Ramesses II,
Royal Inscriptions), Oxford 1999, 146-59, 163-5. See also Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 32-4; Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 310-5.
but the first marriage in his 34th year apparently sealed interdynastic relations. After long negotiations in which queen Puduhepa of
Hatti played an important role, the anointing ceremony took place. 13
Thereafter the princess went to Egypt together with her dowry, a
cavalcade of male and female slaves, horses, cattle, sheep and goats. 14
She received the Egyptian name Maat-Hor-Neferure ('She who beholds the Falcon (King), visible splendour of Re') and bore her husband a daughter. This apparently disappointed the Hittite court, since
Hattushili ill had hoped for a grandson whom he might designate suecessor to the Hatti throne. 15 It is assumed Maat-Hor Neferure died a
few years later, since some ten to fifteen years after the first marriage
Hattushili ill married another one of his daughters to Ramesses II.
She also was sent to Egypt with a large dowry and probably fulfilled
her diplomatic role in maintaining the pax Aegyptiaca-Hettitica.
A diplomatic marriage usually required a lot of international communications. The central problem was to come to an agreement on the
marriage deposit, the marriage gifts and the dowry. Pinhas Artzi has
reconstructed the preparations of the diplomatic marriage between
Taduhepa, daughter of Tushratta, king of Mitanni and Amenophis
ill of Egypt in the fourteenth cent. BCE. It seems that the aim of
Tushratta was to obtain a large marriage deposit from the Egyptian pharaoh, since he sent several letters asking for gold. Eventually,
princess Taduhepa travelled to Egypt in a large procession of great
magnificence, meant to impress 'the public opinion'. 16 And it must
have been an impressive sight indeed. Accompanied by a large collection of marriage gifts (EA 22) and probably by an equally impressive
amount of goods and servants that constituted the dowry (EA 25),
king Tushratta sent his daughter to Amenophis III.17 Taduhepa was
married to Amenophis m for two years. The king then died and his
son Akhenaten married the Mitannian princess. 18
13
The anointment signified 'her union in principle with Ramesses', cf. Kitchen,
Ramesside Inscriptions (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2), 149-50. See also section
2.1.1.3.2.
14
For propaganda purposes the dowry is referred to as 'tribute' in the stela
(247:5-10); cf. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2),
154, 158. See also Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 32-4.
15
Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (Series B: Annotations. Vol. 2), 150.
16
P. Artzi, 'The Influence of Political Marriages on the International Relations
of the Amarna-Age', in: FPOA, 23-6.
17
Cf. Moran, The Amarna Letters, 51-61, 72-84; Khne, Die Chronologie der
internationalen Korrespondenz von El-Amarna, 34-6; A.R. Schulman, 'Diplomatie
Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom', JNES 38 (1979), 184, n. 35.
18
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 31.
Such a princess whose father was a minor ruler might be put to work
in the women's quarters of the palace, engaging in household duties
19
EA 1:10-21. Cf.
Robins, Women
21
Robins, Women
22
Robins, Women
20
or textile production. 23
Of some of the Mari princesses we know they were unhappy in their
diplomatic marriages. Inib-sharri, for instance, wrote to her father
Zimri-Lim that she was not treated well and that she wanted to return to Mari. 24 Another daughter of Zimri-Lim, Kiru, did not have
a harmonious marriage either. Her father had appointed her mayor
of Ilansaru, the city over which her husband was ruler. This caused
conflicts of authority and of loyalty, since Kiru apparently looked after her father's interests more than after those of her husband. The
marriage probably ended in divorce. 25
B . U G A R I T I C LITERARY T E X T S
47, she also deemed herself perfectly capable of robbing her enemies
of their silver and gold. For princess Nikkalu the moon god, Yarikhu,
payed a large marriage deposit in gold and silver (KTU 1.24). It may
be assumed that 'Anatu's dowry was of comparable value.
Not all divine princesses were that fortunate. The apparently minor daughters of 'king' Ba'lu had to live in separate quarters, at first in
the palace of their father-in-law, Ilu, later on in their father's palace. 33
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
conflict between her father and her husband. In the narrative this is
expressed by the way she is referred to: she is either called 'daughter
of Saul' or 'wife of David'. 38 Although her role in the conflict was
mostly a passive one, she engaged actively in the teraphim story (1
Sam. 19). When her father Saul sought to kill her husband David,
she acted in the latter's interest by helping him escape and setting up
a diversion. However, in response to Saul's question 'Why have you
deceived me like this, and let my enemy go, so that he has escaped?'
(v. 17), she made it appear as if David would have killed her. In 2
Sam. 6:16-23, on the other hand, she defended her own rights as chief
wife of David by objecting to his womanizing. 39
Another princess who engaged in a political marriage was Athaliah,
sister of king Ahab of Israel (2 Kgs 8:18), who was wedded to Jehoram of Judah. And Ahab himself made a political marriage with the
Sidonian princess, Jezebel (1 Kgs 16:31).
Biblical princesses could also be married to high officiais of the
king. Thus, two of Solomon's daughters, Taphath and Basemath, were
married to governors (LPD^)0f their father (1 Kgs 4:11,15). These
princesses may have been given in marriage to cement the bond between the king and his governors. 40
D . CONCLUSIONS
Princesses were often used in political marriages as mere pawns. Virtuous Hariya, for instance, appears to be a pawn in the marriage agreement between her father and her future husband. Some princesses
received a certain authority from their father, such as Kiru, who was
made mayor of the city of which her husband was king. Especially if
their father was more powerful than their husband, a princess might
be caught in a conflict of loyalty. The abovementioned Mari princesses,
as well as biblical Michal, fell victim to such a conflict. On the other
hand, if their husband was more powerful than their father, their fate
might be insecure. If a princess was only one of many foreign women
who had been captured or had been sent off as either tribute or as
Fragmented Women: Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (JSOT.S, 163),
Sheffield 1993, 42-60 (esp. 51, 54); I. Willi-Plein, 'Michal und die Anfnge des
Knigtums in Israel', in: J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Cambridge 1995
(VT.S, 66), Leiden 1997, 401-19.
38
D.J.A. Clines, ', X ben Y, ben Y: Personal Names in Hebrew Narrative
Style', VT 22 (1972), 269-72; Exum, Fragmented Women, 43.
39
See v. 20 and F. Crsemann, 'Zwei alttestamentliche Witze: I Sam 21:11-15
und II Sam 6:16, 20-23 als Beispiele einer biblischen Gattung', AW 92 (1980),
223-7.
40
Cf. Y. Avishur, M. Heltzer, Studies on the Royal Administration: In Ancient
Israel in the Light of Epigraphic Sources TelAviv-Jaffa 2000, 69.
part of a treaty, she might not be treated well if she did not have an
influential relative who informed about her well-being. If she was the
daughter of a petty king, she might be put to work, for example, in
the harem's textile production.
But even in her own country where she was honoured as long as
her father protected her, she had to bow to his authority even if his
orders created a great risk for her.
2.2.2
Non-royal W o m e n
Beside the women of the court, non-royal women also played various
roles in society. In the following sections we will look into the roles of
non-royal women. Although few in number, some women were legal
owners of immovable property. In section 2.2.2.1 I will discuss the
question whether they could dispose of it freely. Women also engaged
in business. In section 2.2.2.2 I will give attention to business transactions in which women were involved. Women furthermore fulfilled
domestic tasks and were active in various professions. These will be
dealt with in section 2.2.2.3. Finally, in section 2.2.2.4, I will analyze the position of women who were another person's property, i.e.,
female slaves.
2.2.2.1
Some women in the ancient Near East were owners of immovable property, such as fields, orchards, and houses. How did they acquire such
property? Could they dispose of it freely? Were women autonomous
legal owners, or were their (male) family members somehow involved?
In this section we will look into questions regarding legal ownership
by women.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Most information we have on women as owners of immovables is derived from contracts of sales, wills, and other non-literary texts. One
of the few literary texts that inform us on women as property holders is the Code of Hammurapi. From the laws that concern dowry
and marriage settlement we learn that women who owned immovable
property often had acquired this as part of their dowry. According
to the Code of Hammurapi the dowry (seriktu) was regarded as the
wife's property of which she had the usufruct but which she was not
allowed to sell.1 The dowry was given to a woman by her family and
was meant to provide some financial security in case she became wid1
owed or was divorced without grounds. Only after her death did her
children have a right to her dowry (CH 162,167,171-174). 2 If a
woman died childless, her husband did not inherit the dowry, but he
rather had to restore it to his wife's father, who would return the
marriage deposit (terhatu) (CH 163). In case the father would not
do so, the widowed husband could deduct the value of the deposit
from the dowry upon returning it (CH 164).
Raymond Westbrook assumes that a wife's ownership of a dowry
was mainly theoretical. Yet she nonetheless 'would have practical control of many of the dowry items during marriage, such as kitchen
utensils, personal clothing and personal slaves, because of the very
nature of those items and of the wife's role in the household'. 3
According to the Code of Hammurapi ( 150,171-172) a woman
could possess a marriage settlement (nudunn) beside her dowry
(seriktu).4 A husband could award his wife immovable property, such
as a field, an orchard, or a house. This property, too, however, was to
remain in the family. CH 150 forbids the widowed wife to give it to
an outsider. 5
Of the ugbabtu, nadtu and sekretu, women holding certain cultic
offices, it is said explicitly that they could own land (CH 178-179).
Godfrey Driver and John Miles conclude that 'land and/or movable
property was given indifferently as a eriktum or its equivalent to a
priestess at her dedication and similarly to a daughter who was not
a priestess on her marriage, although there seems to be no clear case
in the documents where the eriktum is given to a woman who is not
a priestess of sorts'. 6 Although donation of land is only mentioned
with reference to these women holding cultic offices, they assume this
did not exclude the possibility of ordinary daughters owning land as
dower property. Yet with regard to the nadtu, it should be noted that
many of them came from wealthy and respectable families belonging
to the upper classes of Mesopotamian society. 'Most of them received
as their dowry fields, plots of land, slaves, jewelry, and prized household furniture and utensils'. 7 It is remarkable that these women who
lived a life of celibacy in the cloister, seem to have been 'a significant
2
Middle Assyrian Law did not differ much from the practice described in the
Code of Hammurapi; cf. G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws, repr. of the
ed. Oxford 1935 with suppl. add. and corr. by G.R. Driver, Aalen 1975, 205-11.
3
R. Westbrook, Property and the Family in Biblical Law (JSOT.S, 113),
Sheffield 1991, 144.
4
Cf. section 2.1.1.3.1.
5
Roth, LCMAM, 109-10.
6
G.R. Driver, J.C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, repr., vol. 1, Oxford 1956, 274.
7
R. Harris, 'Independent Women in Ancient Mesopotamia?' in: WER, 152.
Van de Mieroop, 'Women in the Economy of Sumer', 56. See further B.R.
Foster, Umma in the Sargonic Period (MCAA, 20), Hamden CT 1982, 52-78;
Idem, 'Notes on Women in Sargonic Society', in: FPOA, 54.
12
Foster, 'Notes on Women in Sargonic Society', 54.
13
Van de Mieroop, 'Women in the Economy of Sumer', 66.
14
B. Lion, 'Un contrat de vente de maison dat du rgne d'Enlil-bni d'Isin',
RA 88 (1994), 129-33.
15
B.F. Batto, 'Land Tenure and Woman at Mari', JESHO 23 (1980), 209-39
(238).
16
HSS 5 76; 19 79; RA 23 149 no. 31; cf. J. Paradise, Daughter and her
Father's Property at Nuzi', JCS 32 (1980), 200-1.
17
K. Grosz, 'Bridewealth and Dowry in Nuzi', in: A. Cameron, A. Kuhrt (eds),
Images of Women in Antiquity, Detroit 1983, 202.
born into the marriage, the dowry was probably incorporated into the
rest of the family property. Ultimately, the goods were meant to be
part of the children's inheritance. 18
Besides receiving real estate as dower property, Nuzi women could
further become owners of real estate by inheritance. 19 Their rights
could be enhanced by legally giving them male gender. 20 Only rarely
do women occur as the sole seller of immovable property. In these cases
the women are always designated as the daughter of someone, which
indicates they were not married. Since the land plots were larger than
the ususal inheritance shares, Grosz concludes 'that these women were
sole heiresses to their father's property'. Sometimes a woman would
sell the property in return for lifelong support. 21
Land was to remain in the family and was inherited according
to the patrilineal principle. Adoption was used as a means to circumvent this principle. This explains another legal fiction, that of
sale-adoption. A woman could be adopted when she bought land. By
doing so, she could safeguard her proprietary rights. Thus, '[t]he wellknown business woman Tulpunnaya was adopted several times in the
course of her numerous real estate transactions'. 22
Much remains unclear about the possibilities that a Nuzi woman
had to dispose of her private property. When married, her dower property would probably be under her husband's control. As a widowed
guardian of the family, she was forbidden to bequeath property to
strangers. But on the other hand there is evidence of women engaging in transactions involving immovables. Grosz comments,
Thus on the one hand women's possibilities of disposing of their private
property seem to have been very limited indeed, but on the other hand
tens of business documents attest the economic activities of women
designated as 'FN, wife of PN', therefore either married or widows.
Every type of economic transaction is represented, from slave sales
18
Although the position of Egyptian women as legal owners of immovables was undeniably better than that of women in Mesopotamia in
that they could engage in transactions autonomously, yet here, too,
male family members may have influenced or determined their actions.
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
The literary texts from Ugarit make little mention of women as legal
owners of property. Whereas the myths and epics often mention male
deities and kings as owners of palaces, cities and even countries, this
is rarely the case with goddesses and never with queens. This in itself
is indicative of a relatively weak position of women with regard to
legal ownership.
The goddess 'Anatu appears to own landed property, for the mountain Inbb, where she lives, is referred to as 'her' mountain (KTU
1.13:9; see also 1.1:11.14; 1.3:IV.34). Yet this property is not called
her nhlt, which seems to imply she did not acquire it by inheritance. 40
Moreover, she shares this mountain with her double, 'Athtartu (KTU
1.100:20), who was also married to Ba'lu. 'Athtartu/Ishtar, however,
also had a large temple of her own in Mari (KTU 1.100:left edge). 41
Interestingly, however, the pair 'Anatu-'Athtartu is the sole exception
to what seems to be an iron rule even in the divine world: of the 12
deities (or pairs of deities) mentioned as owners of geographic entities in KTU 1.100, no less than 10 are male. Even with regard to the
highest-ranking goddess in the Ugaritic pantheon, Athiratu, we can
39
Rarely does the Hebrew Bible mention women as owners of immovables. According to Prov. 31:16 the industrious woman 'considers a
field and buys it'. Frank Crsemann assumes she had her own money
to buy a field independently. 44 In v. 11, the gain of the husband is
referred to as lit. 'spoils', which would indicate it was not selfevident that everything she had laboured for accrued to him. 45 Yet
Crsemann's conclusions might be too far-fetched. It cannot be clarified to what extent married women had their own money and acted
independently. Perhaps they could only buy land with authorization
of their husband. 46 It should not go unnoticed that the scope of the
eulogy on the ideal woman in Proverbs 31 is the husband's gain in
marrying an industrious wife. Everything she does, including the acquisition of a field, has to be in his interest. Moreover, the parallel
colon 'from what her hands achieve, she plants a vineyard' in v. 16
suggests that a wife could not finance the acquisition of land from
the joint resources of the married couple but had to earn the money
herself.
A woman could furthermore become the owner of a plot of land
by receiving such as her dowry. Achsah, daughter of Caleb, asked her
father for springs in accordance with the field she presumably received
as a dowry when she was married to her cousin Othniel (Josh. 15:1619; Judg. 1:13-15).
Biblical daughters could inherit land, but only if a man did not
42
have sons. Moreover, they were obliged to marry into the clan of their
father's tribe (Num. 27:1-11; 36:1-12). In this way the land remained
in the (patrilineal) family. Job's daughters received an inheritance together with their brothers (Job 42:15), but strictly speaking it should
be regarded as a gift. 47
The circumstance that Naomi apparently had the right to sell the
land which had belonged to her husband (Ruth 4:3) is in accordance
with what we found elsewhere: a widow could do so if there was
no living male offspring. However, exactly the circumstance that the
patrilineal line has to be restored by Ruth's marriage with Boaz and
the fact that Naomi could not engage in the negotiations herself proves
that here we are dealing with an exceptional situation. 48
D . CONCLUSIONS
Business
In the previous section some reference has already been made to the
economic activities of women in the ancient Near East. Next to transactions involving immovables such as fields and houses, did non-royal
women participate in other areas of economic life? Could they stand
surety for another person? Did they purchase or sell goods, and if so,
what kind of goods? In sum, what is known about women in business?
Cf. . Ebeling, 'Frau', RLA, vol. 3, 101; J.M. Asher-Greve, Frauen in altsumerischer Zeit (Bibliotheca Mesopotamia, 18), Malibu 1985, 164
2
J.-J. Glassner, 'Women, Hospitality and the Honor of the Family', in: WER,
person. 3
During the Ur III dynasty the wife of the governor (dam-nsi)
is known to have played an important role in the economy of her
city.4 Ninmelam, for example, who was wife of the governor of Umma,
Ur-Lisi, acted as supervisor of gold transactions on behalf of queen
Ninkalla. She furthermore supervised transactions involved with products such as wool and leather. Other wives of governors are recorded
as engaging in similar economic activities. In the previous section I
have referred to the business woman Ama-e, who lived in Sargonic
Umma. She engaged in trade involving grain, wool and metals.
The wives of Old-Assyrian merchants shared in the responsibility
for the family business. 5 While their husbands were engaged in business in Anatolia, they remained in Assur and took care of the household and certain aspects of the family business. The letters written
between the spouses in Assur en Anatolia (ca. 19th cent, BCE) reveal much about their lives and worries. Although the male members
of the family (uncles, brothers etc.) took care of the family business, the merchant's wife was involved in certain aspects of it. The
women of the family, including the female slaves, weaved woollen fabrics that were used for export. For this form of labour they received
payment. Sometimes, however, it took much effort to receive remuneration from the husband who stayed in Anatolia. Some women even
had to threaten their husbands that they would invoke spirits of the
dead in order to get their money. 6 Although these wives apparently
expected to receive private earnings, it is not clear to what extent a
merchant and his wife kept separate purses. Even though a wife 'may
have enjoyed some private means, and could act independently in
various situations, she nevertheless basically worked for the profit of
her husband's "house" ', according to Klaas Veenhof. 7 Furthermore,
although the husband was abroad, he remained responsible for debts
3
that had to be paid. The wife could be the one to suffer from debtors
and she then had to solve the matter by selling property such as a
slave, for instance. 8
Prom Emar a few contracts are known of women paying debts,
either their own or those of a close relative. One of the texts records
that the lady Al-(a)hati had payed a debt of twenty-six sides of silver and one side of gold, which her brother, Itur-Dagan, had contracted. 9 In another case, a man named Abi-beli, son of the lady
Tabat-maliktu, had a debt of sixty sides of silver. The other children of Tabat-maliktu, of whom his sister-in-law and his brother apparently were mentioned explicitly, stood surety for their brother's
debt. 10 And the Emarite lady Washti received money from Abdi-ili
regarding Ia'shuka, a man of Uri, probably a slave whom she had sold
to Abdi-ili. 11 Perhaps women could even be professionally engaged
in business at Emar. A letter seems to mention a female merchant,
although the reading is hypothetical. 12
In Egypt, too, women could engage in business independently. The
records of Deir el-Medina show that women were involved in business
enterprises on their own account. 13 Women could weave clothes and
sell them. They also could sell their rights to a certain number of
days' work of a jointly owned slave, or hire out a slave who was personal property. Market scenes of the Old and the New Kingdom occasionally show women as purchasers, and rarely as sellers of produce
such as bread, fish and vegetables. 14 Yet professional traders generally
were male, and '[t]he records left from the village [of Deir el-Medina,
HJM] show that it was men who predominated in the economic affairs
there. 15
B . U G A R I T I C LITERARY T E X T S
In the literary texts from Ugarit women and goddesses rarely engage
in business. Perhaps the scene in which 'Anatu commissions Kotharuand-Khasisu, the craftsman of the gods, to make presents for Athiratu
8
Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology, 110-1; Idem,
'Brieven van Assyrische vrouwen', 81-93.
9
D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), Paris 1986, 248-9 (no.
252). See further p. 34 (no. 23).
10
Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), 98 (no. 88).
11
Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), 52 (no. 35).
12
Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), 35-6 (no. 25): 'Lecture
hypothtique. Le mot tamkru n'a pas de fminin connu'.
13
G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 129-30.
14
H.G. Fischer, 'Women in the Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period',
in: WER, 21; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 104.
15
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 105-6, 131.
(KTU 1.4:1.20-22) may be regarded as an example of a goddess conducting business independently. 16 'Anatu instructs the gods to make
several items of nicely decorated furniture of silver and gold. Although
several lines are missing and we therefore cannot be certain, 'Anatu
does not seem to ask permission from her consort Ba'lu, or consult
with him on such a large order.
When Athiratu demands of Kirtu that he pays the enormous debt
he has incurred because he rashly had vowed to give Athiratu twice his
bride's weight in silver and thrice her weight in gold (KTU 1.14:IV.4243; 1.15:111.29-30), she does not consult her husband, Ilu. On the
contrary, Ilu has great difficulty in redressing the result of Athiratu's
punitive action against Kirtu, but does not question her right to claim
the money (KTU 1.16:V-VI).
Apparently 'Anatu feels free to offer Aqhatu silver and gold to
purchase his miraculous bow (KTU 1.17:VI.17-18). She also hires a
professional killer, again, apparently, without consulting Ba'lu. 17 It
seems, therefore, that the literary texts of Ugarit confirm the relative
freedom of important ladies to engage in business transactions.
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
The industrious woman of Prov. 31:10-31 is presented as an outstanding business woman. She purchases wool and flax and makes all sorts
of garments and clothing. Not only does she clothe her own family
with it, so as to keep them warm in winter, but she also sells linen
garments and sashes to the merchant. With the profit, the 'fruit of
her hands', she plants a vineyard on the land she has purchased. 18
It is not clear whether the profit that the 0 earned, through
the production of linen and woollen fabrics, belonged to herself or were
jointly owned by both marriage partners. 19 Since the poem stresses
that all the works of the virtuous wife's household accrue to her husband, the latter might be the case. On the other hand, the story of
Abigail shows that a woman could decide to make a present of considerable value to people she valued against the will of her husband
(1 Sam. 25:18-19).
16
With De Moor, ARTU, 44, as well as Dietrich and Loretz, TUAT, Bd. 3/6,
1152, . 5,1 assume that 'Anatu is speaking here. Others, however, have suggested
that Ba'lu or his messengers are speaking. See, e.g., Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 119;
Wyatt, RTU, 90-1.
17
This follows from KTU 1.19:IV.51. Presumably Ba'lu, being Aqhatu's divine
patron, would not have consented.
18
See also sections 2.1.1.4.2 and 2.2.2.1.
19
See section 2.2.2.1.
D . CONCLUSIONS
The daily life of women involved several tasks. Most of them were
gender related. When we look at the work women performed at home,
it becomes clear that a gender distinction existed for some parts of
it. There were certain jobs that were shared by men and women,
such as food preparation and (re)building activities, while others were
commonly regarded as man's work or woman's work. We will look into
work that was considered to be the realm of women, such as drawing
water and textile production. 1
With regard to the professions, some were hardly ever held by
women. Most importantly, administrative offices were closed to
women. 2 Other professions, such as that of the scribe, the messenger and the healer were open to women. However, their occurrence is
rare. We will also investigate female professions such as midwife, wet
nurse and prostitute.
1
In daily life, there were several areas in which women worked together
with men. In the home, food preparation was one of them. Women
generally prepared the food. Yet part of it, i.e. the butchering of
animals and the preparation of meat, fish and fowl, was probably regarded as a man's job. Egyptian tomb scenes almost exclusively show
men in scenes of preparing and cooking meat. In scenes of baking
bread and brewing beer, on the other hand, men and women work
side by side, while grinding grain is a woman's job. 3 Although women
are shown to perform these tasks in daily life, they rarely appear to
do them in a professional capacity. In the Old Kingdom '[0]n1y men
are known to be called "baker" (rth)\ 4 In the Middle Kingdom a few
women worked as brewers and millers in large private households,
but none are found in the palaces. 5 In ancient Sumer, a relatively
large number of women, often female slaves (gem), worked in milling
houses, at the oil presses, in kitchens and breweries. 6 In his study of
Akkadian professional names, Erkki Salonen also refers to women employed by either palace or temple who worked as bakers, brewers and
oil pressers. 7 These were not exclusive female professions, however,
since males are also recorded in these professions. At Mari, administrative lists concerning the harem women mention female kitchen personnel in various functions connected with the preparation of food. 8
In ancient Mesopotamia, a woman could professionally be responsible
for brewing and selling beer. Yet the sbtu 'disappears from the scene
at the end of the Old Babylonian Period'. 9 The extensive archives of
the Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar temple at Sippar hardly ever mention
women, let alone in a professional capacity. With very few exceptions,
3
H.G. Fischer, 'Women in the Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period',
in: WER, 17; G. Robins, 'Some Images of Women in New Kingdom Art and
Literature', in: WER, 112; Idem, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 102.
4
Fischer, 'Women in the Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period', 17.
5
W.A. Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdorn', in: WER, 35.
6
J.M. Asher-Greve, Frauen in altsumerischer Zeit (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica,
18), Malibu CA 1985,162; M. Van de Mieroop, 'Women in the Economy of Sumer',
in: WER, 64; W. Heimpel, 'Towards an Understanding of the Term Sikkum', RA
88 (1994), 13.
7
. Salonen, Uber das Erwerbsleben im alten Mesopotamien:
Untersuchungen
zu den akkadischen Berufsnamen, Tl. 1, (StOr, 41), Helsinki 1970, 34.
8
N. Ziegler, 'Le harem du vaincu', RA 93 (1999), 5.
9
R. Harris, 'Independent Women in Ancient Mesopotamia?' in: WER, 148. Cf.
W.G. Lambert, 'Goddesses in the Pantheon: A Reflection of Women in Society?'
in: FPOA, 127: 'Probably women did much of the work in breweries, and certainly
brewed at home'.
A.C.V.M. Bongenaar, The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and its Prosopography (UNHAI, 80), Istanbul 1997, 113, n. 114; 3312; see also pp. 41, 249, 274, 292-3, 307.
11
M.A. Dandamaev, 'Free Hired Labor in Babylonia During the Sixth through
Fourth Centuries BC', in: M.A. Powell (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East
(AOS, 68), New Haven CT 1987, 273; C.J. Eyre, 'Work and the Organisation of
Work in the New Kingdom', in: Powell, Labor in the Ancient Near East, 170, 173.
12
J.P. Oleson, 'Water Works', in: A BD, vol. 6, 885-6.
13
Fischer, 'Women in the Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period', 17;
Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom', 38;
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 120; B.M. Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad
Fortune are on Eaxth: Status and Roles of Women in Egyptian Culture', in: A.K.
Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in
Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 40.
14
Cf. A. Livingstone, ' "At the Cleaners" and Notes on Humorous Literature',
in: G. Mauer, U. Magen (eds), Ad bene et fideliter seminandum : Festgabe fr
Karlheinz Deller zum 21. Februar 1987 (AOAT, 220), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988,
175-87.
15
Asher-Greve, Frauen in altsumerischer Zeit, 156, 162.
16
MAPD 18; cf. . Weidner, 'Hof- und Harems-Erlasse assyrischer Knige aus
dem 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.' AfO 17 (1954-56), 284; Roth, LCMAM, 203-4.
17
E. Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, Frankfurt 1995, 337.
18
Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom',
36; Bryan, 'In Women Good and Bad Fortune are on Earth', 40.
beautiful women from among the female captives for the royal harem
and assign the rest of them to the textile factories. 28 Female weavers
serving in the palace are further mentioned in several administrative
texts from Mari. 29
Nuzi ration lists also reveal that textile workers were mostly women.
The Nuzi textile industry was run by the palace and the large estates. 3 0
The correspondence between Old Assyrian merchants in Anatolia
and their wives or other female relatives in Assur also informs us on
the manufacture of textiles by women. The letters show a demand
for several types of fabric, both woollen and linen. These were often
produced in a kind of home industry in which female family members
as well as female servants of the family participated. The fabrics were
sent to Anatolia through the service of transporters and in exchange
the wives received payment in silver and objects of value. It is not
clear whether they could keep the payment as a personal reward in
a separate purse, or whether the money was spent on the household.
The latter generally seems to have been the case. 31
A Late Babylonian reference to female weavers is found in the
temple archives, where they occasionally appear as workers charged
with producing textiles that were needed for cultic services. 32
Also in Egypt, women were engaged in spinning and weaving.
During the Old and Middle Kingdom periods, textile production was
conducted entirely by women. It was only in the New Kingdom period
that men engaged in weaving. 33 Textile workshops, where women
worked on a professional basis, were attached to private estates, tem28
B.F. Batto, Studies on Women at Mari, Baltimore 1974, 13, 26-8, 109. ZimriLim later changed his mind and selected the women for the harem himself.
29
P. Artzi, A. Malamat, 'The Correspondence of ibtu, Queen of Mari in ARM
X', in: A. Malamat, Mari and the Bible (SHCANE, 12), Leiden 1998, 184.
30
M.A. Morrison, 'Nuzi', in: A BD, vol. 4, 1159.
31
Cf. K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology Leiden
1972, 103-24; Idem, 'Brieven van Assyrische vrouwen: uit de correspondentie der
oudassyrische handelaars in Anatoli (19e eeuw v. Chr.)', in: K.R. Veenhof (ed.),
Schrijvend verleden: documenten uit het oude Nabije Oosten vertaald en toegelicht
(MEOL), Leiden 1983, 83-6.
32
A. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A Survey', in:
WER, 221; see also Bongenaar, The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar.
33
This may be related to the introduction of the upright loom, while in previous
periods the horizontal loom was used. Cf. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 104,
119-20; C.H. Roehrig, 'Women's Work: Some Occupations of Nonroyal Women as
Depicted in Ancient Egyptian Art', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress
of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996,
19-24.
pies and royal palaces. 34 Some of these women bore the administrative
titles of Overseer of Weavers' or Overseer of the House of Weavers'. 35
Both in Mesopotamia and Egypt, professional female scribes were
rare. It is remarkable that despite this the tutelary deity of scribes was
female. 36 In early Mesopotamia the patron goddess of scribes was the
goddess Nisaba. However, she was later replaced by the god Nabu. 3 7
In Egypt the goddess of writing was Seshat.
Very few people could read and write in ancient times. For Egyptian society, it is assumed that only one per cent of the population
was literate. 38 Women possessing a certain degree of literacy probably were members of the royal household, temple staff, or relatives of
workmen attached to royal tombs or provincial necropoli. 39 Whereas
boys were sent to school to receive a scribal education, those few girls
who could write probably learned the skills at home, from a parent or
a private tutor. 4 0 Contrary to boys who might inherit their father's office in bureaucracy, girls would never achieve such a function. There is
no evidence that women acted as professional scribes in the Egyptian
bureaucracy. 41 In the Middle Kingdom, however, there are a few occurrences of the word seshet, the feminine form of sesh 'scribe'. Some
scholars assume this feminine title refers to a cosmetician, while others think it might signify a female scribe. 42 These seshet probably
were employed in a large private or a royal household. Moreover,
34
35
25.
36
Cf. R. Harris, 'The Female "Sage" in Mesopotamian Literature (with an appendix on Egypt)', in: J.G. Garnie, L.G. Perdue (eds), The Sage in Israel and the
Ancient Near East, Winona Lake IN 1990, 6; S.A. Meier, 'Women and Communication in the Ancient Near East', JAOS 111 (1991), 543-4; B. Watterson, Women
in Ancient Egypt, New York 1991, 18; B.S. Lesko, The Remarkable Women of Ancient Egypt, Providence 3 1996, 33.
37
T. Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and the
Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth, New York 1992, 71.
38
Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 15.
39
A. Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', in: L.J. Archer
et al. (eds), Women in Ancient Societies: An Illusion of the Night, Basingstoke,
Hampshire 1994, 27-8.
40
H. Brunner, Altgyptische Erziehung, Wiesbaden 2 1991, 47; Watterson,
Women in Ancient Egypt, 124; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 106. See also
section 2.1.4.
41
Cf. G.. Markoe, in: A.K. Capel, G.. Markoe (eds), Mistress of the House,
Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 142.
42
Cf. Ward, 'Non-Royal Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom',
35-6; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 111-4; Lesko, The Remarkable Women
of Ancient Egypt, 33-4.
Also in Mesopotamia girls were rarely educated. In the wisdom literature from Mesopotamia the pupils are invariably boys. The schools
were intended for boys and several texts inform us about their ups
and downs in mastering reading and writing. 45 Yet occasionally Mesopotamian women could become accomplished scribes and authors. 46
Samuel Meier explains that, since in the earliest period of Sumerian
no gender marking was used to distinguish women from men in professions both shared, and also in later times the Akkadian female
determinative was not always applied, it is problematic to identify a
female scribe. 47 The first female scribes are distinguished in the Ur
ill period. Although Enheduanna wrote her poetry somewhat earlier,
viz. in the Sargonid period, she, of course, was not a female scribe by
profession, but a priestess. 48 In the Old Babylonian cloister at Sippar
at least fourteen female scribes are attested, and a further nine are
mentioned in a single administrative text from'Mari. In Neo-Assyrian
times female scribes occur as employees of the queen. Some of these
women may have had a relatively high social position, but others,
such as the Mari scribes, were slaves who worked in the harem. 49
43
C.J. Eyre and J. Baines, cited in: Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 15.
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 113.
An Egyptian woman whose husband had a function in public administration
could only represent him during his absence; cf. S. Allam, 'Zur Stellung der Frau
im alten gypten 1 , BiOr 26 (1969), 159; Brunner-Traut, 'Die Stellung der Frau
im Alten gypten', 326.
45
See, e.g., T.J.H. Krispijn, 'Naar school in het oude Mesopotami', Phoenix
38/3 (1992), 21-33, with the literature cited there.
46
Cf. W.W. Hallo, J.J.A. van Dijk, The Exaltation of Inanna, New Haven 1968,
1-5; R. Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 5-10; Meier, 'Women and Communication in
the Ancient Near East', 541-5; W.W. Hallo, Ongins: The Ancient Near Eastern
Background of Some Modern Western Institutions (SHCANE, 6), Leiden 1996,
262-70.
47
Meier, 'Women and Communication in the Ancient Near East', 541.
48
On priestesses, see chapter 3.
49
On the female scribes from Mari, cf. . Ziegler, Le Harem de Zimr-Lm: La
population fminine des palais d'aprs les archives royales de Mari (Florilegium
marianum, 4) (Mmoires de NABU, 5), Paris 1999, 91-2.
44
Cf. L.E. Pearce, 'The Scribes and Scholars of Ancient Mesopotamia', CANE,
vol. 4, 2266, who notes that the vast majority of scribes were men.
51
J.C. Greenfield, 'Some Neo-Babylonian Women', in: FPOA, 79; Harris, 'The
Female "Sage" ', 8.
52
Meier, 'Women and Communication in the Ancient Near East', 545-6.
53
The lady Tarishhattu, for instance, sent a male messenger to queen Shibtu of
Mari; cf. Artzi, Malamat, 'The Correspondence of ibtu, Queen of Mari in ARM
X', 178-90.
54
Asher-Greve, Frauen in altsumerischer Zeit, 161. Asher-Greve wonders
whether the physician would practice her profession independently.
55
Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ',11.
56
CAD (A) 2, 529.
57
Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 16; Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom
Literature', 38.
58
Lambert, 'Goddesses in the Pantheon', 127; Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 11.
newborn. 59
The Akkadian word for 'midwife', abstu, probably is a loanword
of Sum. -zu 'knowing the inside (of the body)'. 6 0 According to
Babylonian mythology, goddesses who act as midwives are called
'wise', which seems to indicate midwives were considered to be 'wise
women'. 61 Sometimes religious women would be involved in midwifery.
Thus, nadtus and qaditus act as midwives in some literary texts. 62
With regard to the Hittite midwife we are informed about two
categories of tasks:
First, of course, there are the actual physical tasks involved in any
birth: The midwife prepares the equipment necessary for delivery and
thereafter also delivers the child.
Secondly, the midwife recites incantations on behalf of the new-born,
beseeching the gods to remove evil influences and to grant a desirable
fate to the child.63
As a spokesperson for new-born babies, the task of a midwife, in
her capacity as incantation priestess, could sometimes be expanded
to include magician on behalf of those suffering from some sort of
illness. 64
There is little information on the process of childbirth in Egypt.
The Middle Kingdom Tales of Wonder tell about deities being sent by
Re to assist queen Ruddedet during the childbirth of triplets. They
disguised themselves as four dancing girls with their porter and were
invited inside by Ruddedet's husband Rawoser, after they informed
him 'We understand childbirth'. Their assistance is described in the
following manner,
Isis placed herself before her, Nephthys behind her, Heket hastened
the birth. Isis said: "Don't be so mighty in her womb, you whose name
is 'Mighty'. The child slid into her arms, a child of one cubit, strong
59
M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting (CM,
14), Groningen 2000, 171.
60
CAD () 1, 16.
61
Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 11-12; Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible,
171-2. Generally divine midwives are goddesses, but occasionally a male god could
be called 'midwife', too; cf. CAD () 1, 16 (abs), Stol, Birth in Babylonia and
the Bible, 71-2.
62
Harris, 'The Female "Sage" ', 12; Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible, 172-3.
63
G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals (StBT, 29), Wiesbaden 1983, 234. See
further J. Pringle, 'Hittite Birth Rituals', in: A. Cameron, A. Kuhrt (eds), Images
of Women in Antiquity, Detroit 1983, 132-3.
64
Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, 235.
boned, his limbs overlaid with gold, his headdress of true lapis lazuli.
They washed him, having cut his navel cord, and laid him on a pillow
of cloth. Then Meskhenet approached him and said: "A king who will
assume the kingship in this whole land". And Khnum gave health to
his body.65
The two other children are born in the same way. The goddess Isis
calls them forth and names them, whereupon Meskhenet speaks her
good words and Khnum gives health.
In Ptolemaic temple scenes which show the birth of a divine child
the mother is assisted by two goddesses. 'Usually one goddess stands
behind the mother holding her, and one kneels in front to receive the
child'. 66
Yet whether ordinary women were generally assisted by professional midwives during labour may be doubted. Rosalind and Jac
Janssen assume elderly female relatives performed the tasks of midwives. 67 Barbara Watterson, on the other hand, states that 'midwifery
was a recognized profession'. She refers to Exod. 1:16 and a school of
midwifery in the Temple of Neith at Sais. 68 She, too, assumes female
relatives and friends tended to the woman in labour, but according to
her they were assisted by the local midwife. However, '[t]he majority
of ancient Egyptian midwives were untrained, and such skills as they
had would have been acquired through experience'. 69
No skills other than the ability to breast-feed a baby appear to
have been necessary for the function of wet nurse. In Mesopotamia,
wet nurses are already attested on administrative lists of the Early
Dynastic period. They belonged to the higher personnel of the palace
and received relatively large rations. 70 Two law texts also refer to the
practice of wet-nursing. According to the Code of Eshnunna 32, a
man who gives his child 'for suckling and for rearing' should provide
the wet nurse with 'food, oil, and clothing rations'. If he fails to do
65
heir; as long as his wife is alive, t h e kar.kid will not reside in t h e house
with his first-ranking wife. 9 1
the text may also advise upon what kind of slave girl one should
acquire. 97 According to the wisdom text a foreign slave is far more
loyal than a houseborn slave or a slave girl from the palace. Since the
slave girl who was prostituted is mentioned together with these other
categories, she possibly belongs to those slaves who had bettter not
be bought by a wise man.
Late Babylonian material renders convincing evidence of slave girls
hired out as prostitutes by their owners. The latter received payment
for the slave girls' services. 98 There is also evidence of free women
who were prostitutes, yet their role is very hard to understand. A
Babylonian text that regulates a man's adoption of his sister's child
seems to mention the possibility that the sister, a prostitute, may
marry a free citizen. 99
Another reference to prostitution is found in a Sumerian bal bale
hymn. Although the term kar.kid is not used, the text mentions payment for sexual services: 'When I am standing by the wall, it is one
lamb, When I am bowing down, it is one and a half shekels'. 100
Another text in which is it quite obvious that harimtu should
be translated by 'prostitute' is the curse and blessing of Shamhat
by Enkidu in the Gilgamesh Epic (GE VII:iii-iv). 101 Rivka Harris
comments,
sumerischer Zeit (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica, 18), Malibu 1985, 165, n. 175; Assante, 'The kai.kid/harimtu,
Prostitute or Single Woman?' 59.
97
Cf. C. Wilcke, 'Philologische Bemerkungen zum Rat des uruppag und Versuch einer neuen Ubersetzung', ZA 68 (1978), 208-9:159, who translates 'prostituierte Sklavin'.
98
M.A. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, rev. ed., DeKalb IL 1984, 132-6; A.
Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A Survey', in: WER,
232-3.
99
i4n.0r. 8, 14; cf. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period',
235-7; Assante, 'The kzx.kid/harimtu, Prostitute or Single Woman?' 64, n. 171.
100
CBS 8530 is a bal bale hymn for the goddess Nanaja. It is a slightly variant
duplicate of a similar hymn to the goddess Inanna. However, the latter, ROM 721,
lacks the crucial sentences regarding payment for sexual services. The goddess
Nanaja is closely associated with Inanna/Ishtar, who may be regarded as the
patroness of prostitutes. Cf. A.W. Sjberg, 'Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts, II',
JCS 29 (1977), 16-27; G. Leick, Sex and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature,
London 1994, 149-53; Van der Toorn, Cradle, 104-5; M. Stol, 'Nanaja', in: RLA,
Bd. 9, 146-51.
See also B. Alster, 'Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs: with Some
Notes on the Manchester Tammuz', in: M.E. Cohen et al. (eds), The Tablet and
the Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, Bethesda MD
1993, 15-27; Assante, 'The kar.kid/harimtu, Prostitute or Single Woman?' 86, n.
237.
101
Cf. M.G. Kovacs, The Epic of Gilgamesh, Stanford CA 1989, 62-4; A. George,
The Epic of Gilgamesh, London 1999, 57-9.
T h e t e r m harimtu
becomes a n o b j e c t of m a l e control a n d
m a l e violence. 1 0 2
closed. She would then fiercely pound the gate in order to be let in (cf.
KTU 1.16:11.27). Morover, outside the protection of the gate, alone in
the field, she could also be harassed, or be assaulted during an enemy
offense. The latter happened to the female inhabitants of Great and
Little Udumu. Kirtu was instructed by the god Ilu to attack the twin
city. He was to
7
s't.bsdm
htbh.
bgrnt.hpt
9
s't.bn<p>k.'ibt
bmqr
10
mml'at
KTU 1.14:111.7-10 thus describes drawing water and filling jars with
it as tasks of women.
Doing the laundry, however, was not. Washing ones clothes was
done by both men and women. Men were supposed to wash men's
clothes, women those of women. Thus Dani'ilu's son should wash his
father's clothes when they were dirty (KTU 1.17:1.33).112 Athiratu
washed her own clothes, rinsing them in the water of the sea and the
river and afterwards boiling them (KTU 1.4:11.5-9).113
Also in the realm of deities minor goddesses could function as
household personnel or personal servants. The goddess 'Anatu was
assisted by seven ladies-in-waiting. Seven girls (bnt) served her as personal attendants and helped her put on her make-up (KTU 1.3:11.2).114
Servants of both sexes could work as personal attendants. In building activities, men and women could also work together. Female slaves
had to participate in building activities, such as making bricks (KTU
1.4:IV.59-61). 115
An area that was considered exclusively female is that of spinning
and weaving. It is told of the goddess Athiratu that she was holding
her spindle in her hand (KTU 1.4:11.3-4). This possibly means that
goddesses were supposed to occupy themselves with spinning. How110
In the ancient Near East cutting wood was a man's job. Cf. J.C. de Moor, K.
Spronk, 'Problematical Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (I)', UF 14 (1982), 166;
E.L. Greenstein, in: Smith, UNP, 16; Idem, 'New Readings in the Kirta Epic',
IOS 18 (1998), 108. See also htbm in KTU 4.609:20; cf. M. Heltzer, 'Labour in
Ugarit', in: M.A. Powell (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East (AOS, 68), New
Haven CT 1987, 242.
111
KTU 1.14:111.9 erroneously reads bbqr in stead of bmqr, cf. 1.14:V.l-2.
112
W.G.E. Watson, 'Puzzling Passages in the Tale of Aqhat', UF 8 (1976), 376.
113
J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT,
16), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971, 144, . 2.
114
It is also possible, however, that they were her friends; cf. Song of Songs,
where the appear to have been the friends of the female lover.
115
See section 2.2.2.4.
H.A. Hoffner, 'Symbols for Masculinity and Femininity: Their Use in Ancient
Near Eastern Sympathetic Magic Rituals', JBL 85 (1966), 326-34. Hoffner refers
to the Hittite version of the Canaanite Myth of Elkunisha and Ashertu, in which
Ashertu tried to seduce Baal. The spindle plays an important role in the seduction
scene (330). However, the occurrence of the word 'spindle' here is disputed, cf.
ANET, 519; H.A. Hoffner, Hittite Myths, ed. by G.M. Beckman (WAW, 2), Atlanta
G A 1990, 69; Beckman, in: (70S, vol. 1, 149.
117
This is recognized by De Moor, ARTU, 218, who translates 'Listen, Ilishu,
. . . and (let listen) your wife, the heraldess of the goddesses'.
118
This gender distinction may also be present in certain Hurrian-Ugaritic incantations. If M. Dietrich and W. Mayer, 'Hurritische Weihrauch-Beschwrungen:
in ugaritischer Alphabetschrift', UF 26 (1994), 73-112, are correct in translating
ski as a cognate of Akk. ukkallu, then male messengers generally served gods
and female messengers served goddesses. Thus, the god arrumma was messenger
of the god Kumarbe in KTU 1.44 (RS 1.007):10; the goddess Tarui was messenger of the goddess Shaushka in KTU 1.54 (RS1.034+1.045):14; and the god
Ilabrat was messenger of El in KTU 1.128 (RS 24.278):16. Even the god Misharu
as messenger of the goddess Ushhara, mentioned in KTU 1.131 (RS 24.285):15
does not neccessarily break the pattern, since Ushhara was a manifestation of
Ishtar, who had androgynous traits. However, a totally different translation of
ski, 'alone' is proposed by M. Dijkstra, 'The Ugaritic-Hurrian Sacrificial Hymn to
El (RS 24.278=KTU 1.128)', UF 25 (1993), 157-71.
wttb'.'tqt
3
bt.krt.b'u.tb'u
bkt.tgly.wtb'u
5
nsrt.tb'u.pnm
'rm.td'u.mnth
7
pdrm.td'u.srr
&
htm.t'mt.(tS)tr.
km 9zbln.'l.r'iSh
10
wttb.trhs.nn.bd't
11
nph.llhm.tpth
12
brlth.lirm
13
mt.dm.ht.
s'tqt
14
dm.la"at!
The female deity healed the sick king by performing magic and by
nursing him.
'Anatu and 'Athtartu also seem to have been involved in healing. KTU 1.114 describes how Ilu became intoxicated after drinking
enormous quantities of wine. The goddesses apparently went to collect
herbs that could cure his hangover. 125
Female deities also seem to have been involved in midwifery. The
Katharatu were generally regarded as goddesses of pregnancy and
childbirth. The names of at least three of them, as listed in KTU
119
De Moor, ARTU, 145; Wyatt, RTU, 341. See further M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting (CM, 14), Groningen 2000, 83. Pace
D. Pardee, 'Kosharoth ', in: DDD, 491-2, according to whom 'it is clear that
the ktartu are not 'midwives' as such'.
127
On the various interpretations, cf. De Moor, ARTU, 117-28; T.J. Lewis, in:
Smith, UNP, 205-14; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 274-83; Wyatt, RTU, 324-35. Wyatt
assumes Athiratu and Rahmay were the mothers of the gods who nursed them.
De Moor thinks Athiratu and 'Anatu - the latter would be named by her epithets 'Damsel' and 'Breast' - acted as wet nurses. Lewis, although more cautious,
seems to agree with De Moor. Both Korpel, RiC, 246, and Pardee seem to regard
Athiratu as the single wet nurse of the two gracious gods.
The act of acceptance does not imply that the goddesses would have actually
suckled the boys. Athiratu was too old for this and 'Anatu needed to transform
herself into a cow to be able to suckle (KTU 1.12:111). One may compare Ruth
4:16 here.
Some scholars have related the ivory panel of a bed found in the palace at Ugarit
with KTU 1.23; cf., e.g., Korpel, RiC, 246, n. 212. The panel depicts a goddess
nursing two boys. The identification of the Hathor-like goddess with Athiratu and
the two youths as Shaharu and Shalimu is uncertain, however.
128
Cf. Greenstein, 'New Readings in the Kirta Epic', 110.
129
Greenstein, 'New Readings in the Kirta Epic', 111.
C. HEBREW
BIBLE
At the Israelite home, the tasks of cooking and preparing a meal were
performed by males as well as females. When Abraham was visited
by three divine guests he ordered his wife Sarah: 'Make ready quickly
three measures of choice flour, knead it, and make cakes'. He himself
selected a calf which he gave to his servant to prepare (Gen. 18:68). Esau, too, prepared meat. Isaac asked his firstborn son to go and
hunt game for him, which he had to prepare as a savory dish (Gen.
27:1-4). Because she wanted her son Jacob to receive the blessing
instead of Esau, Rebekah deceived her husband by preparing two
choice kids such as Isaac liked. Rebekah is not the only biblical woman
who prepared meat, for Woman Wisdom also slaughtered animals
(Prov. 9:2).
It may be worth noting that Rebekah also prepared bread (v.
17), generally a woman's job. Whereas Jacob offered his father meat
and bread, which were both prepared by his mother, no bread is
mentioned when Esau offered the game to his father (v. 31). Another
woman who baked bread was the widow from Zarephath, when the
prophet Elijah asked her for some water and bread during a drought
(1 Kgs 17:9-16). And Tamar baked cakes for Amnon (2 Sam. 13). In
1 Sam. 8:13 the prophet Samuel warned the people who asked for
a king that a king would take their daughters 'to be perfumers and
cooks and bakers'. Thus, food preparation in the palace kitchen seems
to have been a woman's job. However, baking was also done by men.
When two angels visited Lot in Sodom, he invited them into his house
as guests, prepared a banquet for them and baked unleavened bread
(Gen. 19:3).
Not only men act as host in the Bible. When David's men came
to Nabal, asking for his hospitality, the latter refused: 'Shall I take
my bread and my water and the meat that I have butchered for my
shearers, and give it to men who come from I do not know where?'
(1 Sam. 25:11). When Abigail was informed about this behaviour of
her husband, she 'hurried and took two hundred loaves, two skins of
wine, five sheep ready dressed, five measures of parched grain, one
hundred clusters of raisins, and two hundred cakes of figs' (v. 18).
This abundance of food she ordered to be loaded on donkeys and sent
to David. She herself followed the donkeys and upon meeting David
explained that she 'did not see the young men of my lord, whom you
sent', thereby implying that, had she seen them then, she would have
offered the hospitality for the lack of which she now tried to make up.
Another hospitable woman who offered food is mentioned in 2 Kgs
4:8-10. A wealthy woman living in Shunem regularly provided the
On the structuring element of the banquets in Esther, cf. S.B. Berg, The Book
of Esther: Motifs, Themes and Structure (SBL.DS, 44), Missoula M T 1979, 31-58.
131
Exod. 16:4-36; 17:1-7; Num. 11:4-35; 20:2-13; Deut. 32:13-14; Hos. 11:4; Pss.
23:5; 36:9; 81:11, 17; Neh. 9:15.
132
Korpel, RiC, 408-13.
133
C.H.J, de Geus, 'The City of Women: Women's Places in Ancient Israelite
Cities', in: J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Paris 1992 (VT.S, 61), Leiden
1995, 77.
134
Cf. G. Andr, kbas', in: ThWAT, Bd. 4, 42-5.
135
2 Kgs 18:17; Mal. 3:2; cf. G. Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Palstina, Bd. 5,
Gtersloh 1937, 145-59.
For a recent study on the meaning and social position of , cf. C.S. Leeb,
Away from the Father's House: The Social Location of na'ar and na'arah in Andent Israel (JSOT.S, 301), Sheffield 2000, 125-50.
137
See sections 2.1.1.3.1 and 2.2.2.4.
138
G.I. Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', in: R.E. Clements (ed.), The
World of Ancient Israel: Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives,
Cambridge 1989, 372.
139
Cf. T.C. Eskenazi, 'Out from the Shadows: Biblical Women in the Postexilic
Era', JSOT 54 (1992), 39-40.
Esther (Est. 9:29). 144 These royal women, however, were not professional scribes. According to Athalya Brenner, '[i]t must be admitted . . . that there is no evidence for or against the existence of female professional scribes in ancient Israel'. 145 Tamara Eskenazi, however, points to Ezra 2:55, where the descendants of the female scribe
( )are mentioned, according to a literal translation. But generally it is not translated as such; '[translators or commentators . . .
tend to say that this name denotes either a profession that had become a proper name, or "the guild or office of scribes" '. 146
Beside the profession of scribe, that of messenger was also an occupation which women seldom practiced. A few women occur as female
messengers in the Bible. When David had left Jerusalem in flight for
his son Absalom, he was informed about his son's actions by Jonathan
and Ahimaaz. The two men received their information from a servant
girl, who went to En-rogel to meet them there and keep them informed of the news in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 17:15-17). Here a female
messenger is employed by men, which seems to be an exception to
the general rule of female messengers working for women. However,
Samuel Meier explains, 'a woman would presumably be less suspicious
in passing through enemy lines'. 147
A metaphorical messenger is Lady Zion, who is called a ,
a female herald of good news (Isa. 40:9). According to Meier, '[i]t
is remarkable that a woman is found as God's envoy, in light of the
general pattern of female messengers in the employ of females'. 148
However, Deutero-Isaiah compares Y H W H with both male and female metaphorical imagery and thus 'makes explicit what is implicit
throughout the Hebrew Scriptures, namely, that the LORD is neither
specifically male nor specifically female. God is above and beyond
both sexes'. 149 It is therefore remarkable, but not problematic that
Y H W H had a female messenger.
144
See, however, the critical remarks of D.J.A. Clines, 'Reading Esther from Left
to Right: Contemporary Strategies for Reading a Biblical Text', in: Idem, On the
Way to the Postmodern: Old Testament Essays, 1967-1998 (JSOT.S, 292), vol.
1, Sheffield 1998, 15.
145
A. Brenner, 'Introduction', in: A. Brenner, F. van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices in the Hebrew Bible (BIntS, 1), Leiden
1993, 5. Brenner proposes that 'the lack of female-run cultic centres' might be an
explanation for this.
146
Eskenazi, O u t from the Shadows', 36.
147
S.A. Meier, 'Women and Communication in the Ancient Near East', JAOS
111 (1991), 546.
148
Meier, 'Women and Communication in the Ancient Near East', 546, n. 48.
149
M.I. Gruber, 'The Motherhood of God in Second Isaiah', RB 90 (1983), 354.
first-born
a n d t h a t is why t h e
Midwives also play an important role in Exod. 1:15-22. Several authors have pointed to the fact that the midwives Shiphrah and Puah
are among the few characters that are named in the stories surrounding the birth of Moses (Exod. 1-2:10). 151 Pharaoh ordered them to
kill every male child born to the Hebrews, but they disobeyed and let
the boys live. When asked by the king of Egypt why they allowed the
children to live, they told him that the Hebrew women 'are vigorous
and give birth before the midwife comes to them' (Exod. 1:19). 152
In another text dealing with childbirth no midwife is mentioned.
Like Rachel, the wife of Phinehas, died in childbed after having borne
a son (1 Sam. 4:20). Those attending her are called , a
quite neutral term which might refer to family members, neighbours
or servants.
The delivering qualities of Y H W H are sometimes expressed in the
metaphor of a midwife: 'Yet it was you who took me from the womb;
you kept me safe on my mother's breast' (Ps. 22:9). Also in other
biblical texts Y H W H performed the tasks of a midwife. In Ps. 71:6
153
Y H W H cut the umbilical cord , while in Isa. 66:9 he assisted Lady
Zion at childbirth. According to Marjo Korpel the gender of God is
150
not an issue here, but rather his helping and delivering qualities. 154
Beside the occupation of midwife, biblical women also exercised
the profession of wet nurse (). After finding baby Moses in a
basket on the river Nile, Pharaoh's daughter hired a Hebrew wet
nurse, who happened to be the child's mother (Exod. 2:5-9). The wet
nurse was instructed: 'Take this child and nurse it for me, and I will
give you your wages' (v. 9). Another biblical wet nurse is mentioned in
2 Kgs 11 ( 2 Chron. 22:11). Prince Joash and his nurse were hidden
by his aunt Jehosheba from queen Athaliah who intended to destroy
the whole royal family. Sometimes a wet nurse would remain close to
her nursling for her lifetime, such as Deborah, Rebekah's nurse (Gen.
24:59; 35:8).
Wet nurses are also referred to in the prophetic metaphors of Isaiah. Israel was comforted that its fate would change. Those who now
oppressed the people, would tenderly take care of it: 'Kings shall
be your foster fathers, and their queens your nursing mothers' (Isa.
4 9 : 2 3 ) . Furthermore, nations and kings would act as wet nurses (Isa.
6 0 : 1 6 ) and finally, Jerusalem would comfort and nurse Israel (Isa.
66:10-13). 155 It is noteworthy that YHWH, although pictured as a
mother in Isa. 6 6 : 1 3 , is not acting in the capacity of a wet nurse. It
seems that the author did not wish to employ the metaphor of divine
wet-nursing.
As was the case in Mesopotamia, it would seem that prostitution
was accepted but not valued highly in biblical Israel. 156 The professional had authority over her own sexuality and as such generally
lived outside the structure of the patriarchal family. 157 This is underlined by the fact that the prostitute's location was the street, in
opposition to the family home, where women who were under patriarchal authority dwelled. 158
With regard to the meaning of the root , Julie Galambush emphasizes the need to distinguish between its literal sense and the two
154
The fact that Judah had sexual intercourse with a prostitute whom
he met at the side of the road (Gen. 38) is not condemned, but rather
explained. 167 He had recently become a widower and therefore needed
sexual gratification. But when Judah found out that his widowed
daughter-in-law must have 'whored' because she was with child, he
wanted her to be burned. Phyllis Bird points to the wordplay in the
story:
A striking contrast is created through the use of the same root to
describe two situations which occasion very different reactions from
Judah. When he perceives that the woman by the road is a zn, his
response is a proposition; when he hears that his daughter-in-law has
zn-ed, his response is a sentence of death. He embraces the whore, but
would put to death the daughter-in-law who "whored". The irony on
which the story turns is that the two acts and the two women are one,
and the use of etymologically related terms as the situation-defining
terms strengthens the irony. The essential difference between the two
uses is the sociolegal status of the woman involved. In the first instance,
the term zn describes the woman's position or profession (prostitute)
as well as the activity on which it is based. Thus, it serves as a class
or status designation. In the second instance, the verb describes the
activity of one whose sociologal status makes it a crime.168
Since Tamar was a levirate widow under the authority of her fatherin-law, her sexual activities were regarded as illicit. 169
Like Judah, Samson also engaged in sex with a prostitute (Judg.
16:1). Of this woman nothing is told except the fact that the encounter
occurred in Gaza, which implies she probably lived in that city.
Disapproval of prostitution is expressed in the book Leviticus. Lev.
19 opens with a call to holiness to all Israelites. An Israelite father
should not degrade his daughter by making her a prostitute (v. 29),
for 'she belongs to a people whose goal is holiness, and her father is
Woman?: A Reconsideration of the Evidence', UF 30 (1998), 5-96. See my remarks
on CLI 27 above. Unlike H. Schulte, 'Beobachtungen zum Begriff der Zn im
Alten Testament', ZAW 104 (1992), 255-62, however, I do not think that in the
pre-monarchic period meant 'die selbstndig lebende Frau der matrilinearen
Familie'. On my rejection of the hypothesis of beena marriage and related types
of marriage, see section 2.1.1.3.1.
167
Niditch, 'The Wronged Woman Righted', 147; Bird, 'The Harlot as Heroine',
123.
168
Bird, 'The Harlot as Heroine', 124.
169
On levirate marriage and the question whether the levirate duty extended to
a father-in-law, see section 2.1.5.
depriving her of her right and duty to attain this goal' if he does so. 170
The entire people of Israel was called upon to attain holiness, but
priests must sustain it. 171 Because a priest had to preserve the highest
level of sanctity and because priesthood was a hereditary office in
biblical Israel, he was forbidden to marry a prostitute (Lev. 2 1 : 7 , 1 4 ) .
This prohibition was intended to prevent any uncertainty of parentage
of priestly offspring. 172 The demand for priestly sanctity extended to
other family members. In Lev. 21:9 a priest's daughter is forbidden
to profane herself by prostitution, because she thereby profaned her
father. 1 7 3
As indicated above, prostitutes engaged in sexual activity in exchange for payment. Thus, the price for her services that Tamar
agreed upon with Judah was a kid. In Isa. 2 3 : 1 5 - 1 8 Tyre is compared
to a prostitute, who 'will prostitute herself with all the kingdoms of
the world' (v. 17). Her wages would be dedicated to Y H W H and 'her
merchandise will supply abundant food and fine clothing for those
who live in the presence of the L O R D ' ( V . 18). In Micah 1:7 the idols
of Samaria are said to have been paid for with 'prostitute's wages'.
Less abundant were the wages of the prostitute according to Prov.
6 : 2 0 - 3 5 . In this text the dangers of adultery are stressed. To this end
the adulteress is opposed to the prostitute: 'For a whore costs but a
loaf of bread, but a married woman hunts for a precious life' (v. 26). 174
Although prostitution in itself was a waste of money (Prov. 2 9 : 3 ) , the
author of Proverbs was not troubled by it, and was 'willing to downplay its cost in order to make the contrast more dramatic'. 1 7 5 It was
safer to have sex with a prostitute than with a married woman. In the
latter case, a man could lose his life. 176 The motive of payment is also
mentioned in Hos. 2:7 [5], where the woman who prostituted herself
went after her 'lovers' because they provided her with bread and water and other means of sustenance. In a polemical context Jerusalem
is compared to a prostitute who payed her lovers, instead of being
payed by them (Ezek. 16:30-34).
D . CONCLUSIONS
Women in various regions and periods of the ancient Near East shared
170
many tasks. Preparing food and serving it was done by both women
and men. In Egypt, the preparation and cooking of meat probably was
a man's job. Although in Ugarit and biblical Israel men more often
than women did the butchering of meat, both were involved in its
preparation. In Egypt and Mesopotamia, baking bread and brewing
beer was done by both sexes. On a professional basis, both women and
men are attested as bakers and brewers in Mesopotamia. Although
men in the Bible occasionally baked bread, this generally seems to
have been a woman's job. The Ugaritic literary texts do not inform
us on this matter.
Both in Ugarit and biblical Israel, drawing water definitely was
women's work. Doing the laundry, however, was not. Men were supposed to wash men's clothes, women those of women. In Egypt, the
professional launderer was male.
Women could work in various functions as household personnel.
Their status could vary in accordance with that of their owner. Palace
servants of the harem would usually be female.
In Mesopotamia and biblical Israel women were involved in animal
husbandry, tending the flocks as shepherdess. From Egyptian iconography and the biblical story of Ruth we know women participated
with men in agriculture, gleaning ears of corn during the harvest.
Women in Egypt, Ugarit and biblical Israel worked at large building projects. Usually women of low status were employed, but in Israel
women of a prominent family helped rebuild the walls of Jerusalem.
Moreover, the Bible records a woman named Sheerah, who commissioned building activities.
Textile production was an activity in which many women were
involved. Although men were also occupied in the textile industry,
women participated in large numbers, both in Mesopotamia and Egypt.
At home, spinning and weaving were mainly done by women. Both in
Ugarit and biblical Israel, spinning and weaving were gender-specific,
i.e., they were the preserve of women.
Other jobs were also gender-specific. Although professional female
scribes did occur in Mesopotamia and Egypt, and perhaps in biblical
Israel, they were very rare and often were working for other women.
In Ugaritic literary texts no female scribes are mentioned.
The same mechanism of women working for women in a profession
that is generally regarded as male, might also function with regard
to female messengers. In Mesopotamia and Ugarit, female messengers
mainly seem to have served women, although sometimes women employed male messengers. Although at first sight one may think the
mechanism did not function in biblical Israel, the two occurrences of
Slavery
too.
Although not attested in the texts from Ugarit, I assume they occurred there,
Cf. . Ebeling, 'Frau', RLA, vol. 3, 102; C. Pressler, 'Wives and Daughters,
Bond and Free: Views of Women in the Slave Laws of Exodus 21.2-11,' in: V.H.
Matthews et al. (eds), Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near
East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield 1998, 165-6. See also section 2.2.2.1.
2
J.C. Greenfield, 'Some Neo-Babylonian Women', in: FPOA, 76; A. Kuhrt,
'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period: A Survey', in: WER, 229; M.T.
Roth, 'Marriage and Matrimonial Prestations in First Millennium B.C. Babylonia', in: WER, 254-5.
3
Cf. S. Allam, 'Women as Owners of Immovables in Pharaonic Egypt', in:
WER, 130; G. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 30-6, 129-30.
4
K u h r t , 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 229-30.
ganization. They were, however, obliged to work and the temples seem
to have employed them in large industries such as weaving institutions
and agriculture.5
Also in later times donation of one's slave to a temple is recorded.
Some Neo-Babylonian texts give evidence to the fate that could befall a female slave. Although dedicated to the temple by their owner,
some slaves first became the property of another person before ending up as a temple slave. Thus was the fate of Nupta, slave woman
(amtu) of Nadin-ahi. Her master had dedicated her to Ishtar of Uruk
and branded her with a star, a symbol denoting property of the goddess. Yet when Nadin-ahi died, his brother Shamash-zer-ushabshi sueceeded to his inheritance and took Nupta into his house instead of
giving her to the temple of Ishtar in Uruk, the Eanna. In the house
of Shamash-zer-ushabshi Nupta bore three sons. The authorities of
the Eanna decided that the slave woman was to remain with her new
master until his death. He was not to sell her or to marry her to a
slave. Only after Shamash-zer-ushabshi's death would she become a
temple slave. 6 The authorities decided differently in the case of Khazaziti, slave woman (qallatu) of Teshi-etir. Her owner had dedicated
her for temple slavery, but she was thereupon sold to a certain Ibna.
The dedication made Khazaziti the rightful property of the temple of
Eanna and the sale was therefore regarded as a violation of the law. 7
One of the main differences between slaves owned by individuals
and those owned by institutions appears to have been the possibility
for institution-owned slaves to form their own families, whereas slaves
owned by individuals often bore children to their masters. 8 There are
exceptions to this general rule. At Emar, a certain Dagan-talih sold
his slave, Shalilu, together with the latter's wife and children (two
sons and three daughters). Shalilu's family was thus kept together. 9
And although it probably was not a very regular procedure, it could
also happen that an owner bought a slave woman as a wife for his male
5
M. Van de Mieroop, 'Women in the Economy of Sumer', in: WER, 65. Cf. I.J.
Gelb, 'The Ancient Mesopotamian Ration System', JNES 24 (1965), 239; Idem,
'The Arua Institution', RA 66 (1972), 1-32. See section 2.1.5.
6
Cf. M.A. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, rev. ed., DeKalb IL 1984, 478-9.
7
Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, 475-6.
8
For the Ur III period, cf. Van de Mieroop, 'Women in the Economy of Sumer',
65; H. Neumann, 'Bemerkungen zu Ehe, Konkubinat und Bigamie in neusumerischer Zeit', in: FPOA, 136. For the Late Babylonian period, cf. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal
Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 230-1.
9
D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar, 6/3), Paris 1986, 222-5 (nos.
211-212).
J.N. Postgate, O n Some Assyrian Ladies', Iraq 41 (1979), 95-7, refers to three
documents from a single archive from the Neo-Assyrian period.
11
Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian Period', 231.
12
Cf., e.g., G. Beckman, 'Family Values on the Middle Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century B.C.E.' in: M.W. Chavalas (ed.), Emar: The History, Religion
and Culture of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, Bethesda MD 1996, 67.
13
R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender
and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield
1998, 220-3.
master's death. 1 4
Female slaves, prostitutes and courtisans are all held in low esteem. In wisdom literature, men are warned against these categories
of women. Of slave girls it is said:
Do not honour a slave girl in your house;
She shall not rule [your] bedroom like a wife.
Let this be said [to you among] your peoples,
"The house which a slave girl rules, she disrupts". 15
Thus, a man had better not marry a slave girl and certainly not make
her a first wife, for she would not be up to the responsibilities of ruling
a household. 16 Yet not all slave women were concubines; some were
married, either to a free person or to a slave. Although in a marriage
between a free person and a slave the former could be male, often
the free spouse would be a female. It would seem that for a Hittite
woman, marrying a slave changed her status of free woman into that
of her husband. 1 7 HL 34 reads: 'If a male slave pays a brideprice for a
woman and takes her as his wife, no one shall free her from slavery'. 18
Regarding such marriages between a free person and a slave, CU
5 rules that one male child born out of the marriage should be
placed 'in the service of his master'. 1 9 According to CH 175-176
the owner of the slave has no claim to the children born out of such a
marriage. Clauses in marriage contracts show, however, that it could
also happen that some or even all children born out of the marriage
between a slave and a free person were assigned to slavery. 20
A special situation arose when a female slave owner gave her slave
girl in marriage to her own husband as a second wife. To the husband,
the slave woman was a wife, but to the first wife she remained a slave.
Should the ownership rights of the first wife conflict with her marital
status, 'she cannot assert against her husband the rights of a slave
14
15
71.
16
(niptu).30
CH 117 shows that fathers could sell their daughters into slavery.
Mothers, too, are recorded as selling their children into slavery. 31 It
would seem, however, that this only happened in a situation of distress. Such appears to have been the case for the Emarite Abi-hamis,
who sold his daughter as a slave to Dagan-talih for nine sides of silver. 32
Middle Assyrian Law holds certain rules concerning the giving in
marriage of a daughter who lived in a creditor's house as a pledge.
If the creditor wished to give her in marriage, he had to ask for her
father's permission or, if her father was deceased, for permission of
one of her brothers. In the latter case, her brother had to redeem
her within one month, or the creditor might give her to a husband
(MAL A48). If, however, a prior creditor should come forward, 'he
must be indemnified by the man who has given her in marriage. . . .
If, however, the man who has thus given the girl in marriage is unable
to pay this sum, the creditor who has been deprived of his security
may seize and take him in her place, so that he makes good the debt
in his own person' (MAL A39). 33
Also in the Late Babylonian period, daughters could be used as a
security for a debt and end up being a slave girl. It seems that in this
period, too, a daughter of free parents would only become a slave in
a situation of distress. 34
Both in the Old Babylonian and the Middle Assyrian period, a wife
could become a payment slave as a result of her husband's debts. 35
The status of a wife, however, appears to have been better than that
of a daughter in the Neo-Babylonian period, when a man did not seem
to have had the right to use his wife as security in a debt. 36
30
In a bigynous marriage where the first wife was a free person and
the second wife a slave wife, certain problems could arise. CH 146147 deals with such problems, in this case concerning a slave woman
owned by a naditu.37 Since the latter was not allowed to bear children,
she could provide her husband with a slave woman for this purpose.
Yet it sometimes happened that the slave aspired to equal status with
her mistress. If this should occur, the slave woman should not be sold
in case she had borne children to the naditu's husband, but a childless
slave woman with such aspirations should be sold. The earlier Code
of Ur-Namma also seems to deal with a problem of a slave wife not
acknowledging the authority of her husband's first wife. CU 25-26
concerns a slave woman (gem) who acted with the authority of her
mistress. The offender probably was a slave wife who aspired to the
status of her mistress. However, the interpretation of these laws is not
unequivocal. 38 Some Old Babylonian marriage contracts hold clauses
concerning the sanctions a first wife could perform in case of a second
(slave) wife's misconduct. One of them rules that '[t]he day she (W2)
distresses W l , she will shave her and sell her'. 39
Despite the law (CH 146-147) ruling that a slave woman who
bore a child to her master should not be sold, this sometimes did
happen. Some Mesopotamian marriage contracts contain provisions
granting childless wives the right to sell a slave woman, purchased for
the purpose of bearing children after she had done so. 40
With regard to the work of female slaves, it would seem that they
generally had to perform domestic tasks and agricultural work. Often
slave women worked in the textile production. 41 In Egypt, the workers
at Deir el-Medina were provided with state-owned female slaves who
had to work for them for some days. Some people sold their right to
a certain number of days' work to another person. The work of these
female slaves was probably to grind grain for the household. 42
Slaves could also be used by their masters to work off a debt in
the creditor's house. 'But the most striking method by which female
slaves were exploited (both by private owners and temples) was to hire
37
qh.ksp.wyrq.
hrs
23
yd.mqmh
w'bd.'lm
mrkbt
24
25
tlt.sswm.
The eternal slaves ( 'bd 'Im) are parallelled with sons of a slave
woman (bn 'amt), indicating that children of a slave woman were
themselves slaves, too.
King Pubala was not the only one who could possess slaves and
offer them as a gift. The gods of Ugarit also had slaves. KTU 1.12:1.1417 refers to Tulishu, the handmaid ( 'amt) of Yarikhu and to Damgayu,
the handmaid of Athiratu. Both slave women desired to be impregnated by Ilu. As pater familias he apparently had the right to have
sexual relations with a slave woman of his wife Athiratu, and also
with a slave woman of his son Yarikhu. 47 Unlike the biblical slave
women Hagar, Bilhah and Zilpah, who were given to their master to
bear offspring for their mistress and whose voice in this matter was
not heard, these handmaids themselves asked of their master to make
them pregnant.
43
It would seem that the literary texts from Ugarit portray slave
women as having questionable morals. In the Ba'lu Myth the god
Ba'lu rejected the misconduct of handmaids (KTU 1.4:111.17-22):
17
dm.tn.dbhm.n'a.b'1.
kbh.btt.ltbt
22
wbh.tdmmt.
'amht
or not to have sexual relations with various men. On the other hand,
slave girls could also offer themselves to the master of the house,
hoping to gain status by bearing his child.
Slaves had the lowest status in society. They had to perform tasks
that were despised by other, less unfortunate persons. It was a slave's
job, for example, to make bricks. When Athiratu came to her husband Ilu and told him Ba'lu should have a palace, Ilu ironically asked
whether he was a slave ('bd), or she a slave girl ('ami), who had to
hold the brick-mould or make bricks (KTU 1.4:IV.59-61).
C . HEBREW BIBLE
In the Hebrew Bible, two terms are used to refer to female slaves:
and 54. Various scholars have discussed the question whether or
not there exists a distinction between the terms. Until Alfred Jepsen
published his article 'Ama h und Schiphcha h ' (1958) 55 , most authors
assumed that the two terms were used synonymously and were indicators for source criticism. 56 Jepsen distinguishes between the two
words in the following way. He states that a is 'das noch unberhrte, unfreie Mdchen, vor allem im Dienst der Frau des Hauses',
whereas an is 'die unfreie Frau, sowohl die Nebenfrau des Mannes,
wie die unfreie Frau eines unfreien Mannes, eines Sklaven'. 57 However,
Jepsen's definitions do not always concur with the text and his thesis
has been convincingly refuted. 58
Ingrid Riesener is one of the scholars who has rejected Jepsen's
thesis. She proposes that both words emphasize different aspects of a
woman:
54
used as the legal technical term for "female slave, slave-wife" while
is preferred in more colloquial contexts'. 66
Also, in Israel slaves could serve in the temple. In an apparently
anachronistic note preserved in Josh. 9:23 the Gibeonites are cursed
to be lowly life-long servants of the sanctuary. Even according to a
late source like Lev. 22:10-11 priests could own slaves. There is no
explicit mention of female slaves owned by the sanctuary, but women
were serving ( Qal) at its entrance (Exod. 38:8; 1 Sam. 2:22).
Palaces, too, or rather kings and queens, owned slaves (Exod. 2:5;
Nah. 2:8). And as in the surrounding world, individual free citizens
could be slave-owners. Several biblical women possessed slaves who
probably were their dower property. Thus Sarai owned the Egyptian
slave woman Hagar (Gen. 16; 21), Rebekah was accompanied by maids
and by her personal nurse when she left to get married to Isaac (Gen.
24:59,61), Leah owned the maidservant Zilpah (Gen. 29:24), her sister
Rachel owned Bilhah (Gen. 29:29), and Abigail took five maids with
her when marrying David (1 Sam. 25:42).
In circumstances of extreme poverty, parents with debts might be
forced to sell their children into bondage (Exod. 21:7-11; 2 Kgs 4:17; Neh. 5:1-5). 67 Biblical scholars have stressed the difference in this
regard between a daughter and a wife. Whereas the former might be
sold into debt slavery, the latter might not. 68 Raymond Westbrook,
however, assumes that a wife could enter debt servitude while her
husband remained a free person (see further below). Furthermore,
when all other means of survival had been exhausted, a person might
sell him- or herself into slavery in order to stay alive (Deut. 28:68).
Generally, biblical law treats male and female slaves alike. There
is one major exception: Exod. 21:2-11, which deals with cases of free
men and women sold into debt slavery. 69 Biblical law in this regard
distinguishes between the sexes and contrasts the rights of a freeborn
Hebrew slave with those of a daughter sold into bondage. Unlike the
Hebrew slave, who should only be a debt slave for six years unless he
wished to remain enslaved because of his marriage to a slave woman
66
owned by his master, the daughter did not have to be released after
this period. Carolyn Pressler assumes the daughters concerned were
minor, unbetrothed girls, whose primary economic value would be
their sexual and reproductive capacity. 70 A release after six years of
debt servitude might frustrate the purpose of the sale from the point
of view of the owner. In Exod. 21:8-11 subcases are mentioned with
regard to enslaved daughters who were purchased to be a slave wife71
of a master or his son. If a man had bought a freeborn girl with the
intention of making her his slave wife while later on, when she was
grown up, he disliked her, he must allow her to be redeemed by her
kinfolk (v. 8). If he had bought her as a slave wife for his son, he must
treat her as a member of the family, which meant that he might not
illtreat her nor prostitute her (v. 9). 72 If he decided to take another
slave wife, he must continue to provide her with the provisions she
needed, or else set her free (v. 10-11).73 As Cornells Houtman notes,
the enslaved daughter's right was primarily a right to good care, not
to freedom. 74 Her right to freedom only came into effect when her
right to care was disregarded. If the slave owner did not do one of
the 'three things', i.e., provide for her as either his slave wife or as
his daughter, or give her relatives the opportunity to redeem her, she
regained her freedom. 75
Compared to Exod. 21:2-11, the law of Deut. 15:12-18 is somewhat different. 76 In the latter text the is included in the seventh
year release. Furthermore, there is no exception from release for the
daughter who is sold into slavery (Exod. 21:7). Carolyn Pressler suggests that, as a result of warfare and other social disruptions, the
70
was also her slave's husband. It is generally assumed that Hagar was
divorced and that she and her son were released and as a consequence
forfeited the right to inheritance. 82
The threat a slave wife could constitute to a first wife (and, probably, to her children) is also expressed in Prov. 30:21-23, where it is
said that a slave wife should not be raised in status:
Under three things the earth trembles
under four it cannot bear up:
a slave when he becomes king,
and a fool when glutted with food;
an unloved woman when she gets a husband,
and a maid when she succeeds her mistress.
It seems that only biblical women who were unable to bear children
gave their maidservant to their husband. Sarai seemed to act for the
benefit of both herself and her husband, but Rachel and Leah appear
to have done so for their own sake, since Jacob already had four
sons. They were not legally obliged to give their female slaves to their
husband, but acted out of their own free will, to overcome their own
(temporary) infertility. 83
The marriage between a slave and a free person is also acknowledged in biblical Israel. According to 1 Chron. 2:34-35, Sheshan, an
Israelite with no sons but only daughters, gave his (eldest?) daughter
in marriage to his Egyptian slave Jarha. Such a marriage would sometimes lead to conflicts between family law and property law. Exod.
21:2-6 distinguishes between marriage prior to debt slavery and marriage during enslavement. If a married man became a debt slave, his
wife followed him into slavery and, after six years, was released together with him. If a man married a slave woman owned by his master,
while being a debt slave himself, the master remained the owner of
the slave woman upon release of the debt slave. While he became a
82
In all societies of the ancient Near East female slaves could be owned
by individuals as well as by institutions. It often mattered to a slave
whether she was owned by an individual or an institution. In the for84
mer case, she might become a slave concubine of her master, whereas
in the latter case she might marry and have her own family. Also the
chance of being sold was greater when being owned by an individual.
Women could become debt slaves in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Israel. The Ugaritic literary texts do not inform us on debt slavery. In a
situation of distress free persons who could not pay their debts might
sell either a family member or themselves into debt servitude. Parents
could sell their daughters, husbands their wives. Both Mesopotamian
and biblical law hold a limit for the period of debt servitude. Biblical law, however, excludes the minor, unbetrothed girl from release
(Exod. 21:2-11). Moreover, the limitation of the period of servitude
was not valid for houseborn slaves.
Having the lowest status in society, female slaves often had to do
menial tasks. Privately owned slaves had to perform household duties,
while slaves owned by institutions worked in the textile industry or
in agriculture. State owned slaves in Deir el-Medina had to grind
grain, and slaves at Ugarit also had to do heavy work, making bricks.
Mesopotamian evidence testifies to the fact that slaves could also be
hired out as prostitutes.
According to the Mesopotamian, Ugaritic and biblical evidence,
female slaves had no authority over their own sexuality. It is remarkable, however, that in Ugaritic literature two slave women offered
themselves to Ilu in order to make them pregnant. Perhaps their debauchery was stressed in this way. A slave woman's owner could give
her or hire her out to someone else for sexual service. He could also
use her himself as a concubine. The status of a privately owned female slave who was a slave wife was better than a slave who was a
concubine, for her children - if she had any - were acknowledged as
heirs.
In general, men were warned against the lewdness of slave girls. In
wisdom texts, they are often mentioned together with other women
of dubious morals. But since slave women had no say over their own
sexuality, and could be the object of forcible sexual intercourse, one
wonders whether the stereotype image of the lewd slave girl is a case
of 'blaming the victim'.
W O M E N IN T H E FAMILY
Within family life, the role that is given most attention in literary
texts is that of the wife. Being married was the normal state of affairs for a woman. Marriage primarily was an arrangement between
families. Personal choice of the partners was of secondary importance
only. Based on the Sumerian myth of the Marriage of Martu, I have
assumed that girls at Ugarit, too, may have had an unofficial say in
who was to become their future husband. In the Hebrew Bible, Rebekah is asked for her consent in marrying Isaac. In general, however,
biblical daughters were dependent on their fathers with regard to the
choice of their marriage partner.
Possibly a difference existed with regard to the preference for endogamous marriage. According to the Hebrew Bible, endogamous marriages were preferred in order to protect Israel's religious identity. It
would seem that in Ugarit exogamy was less frowned upon, although
this is not entirely certain.
Although girls had no official say in their choice of marriage partner, marriageable girls might try to court their lover, while aiming
at matrimony. In love poetry from Ugarit and Israel female and male
lovers mutually express their affection for each other. In the area of
love both partners could take the initiative and both sexes were apparently considered equal.
Both in Ugarit and Israel, marriages were generally patrilocal.
Although a couple could live in the household of the wife, this was
uncommon. The Ugaritic deity Ba'lu, for instance, lived in the house
of his father-in-law only for as long as he did not have a residence of
his own. Theories on matriarchal and matrilocal forms of marriages
in Israel should be rejected. Marriages were not only patrilocal but
also patrilineal. Only in exceptional cases was descent traced in the
matrilineal line and that for just one generation.
Formal marriage arrangements were made in Ugarit as well as
in Israel. Part of these arrangements was the setting of a price for
the marriage deposit. Once the marriage deposit and gifts were exchanged, the couple were inchoately married. Neither the Hebrew
Bible, nor the literary texts from Ugarit mention written marriage
contracts. Their use was widespread in the ancient Near East, however, and it is likely that they were also commonly used in both societies. The custom to give a woman who left her paternal home a
dowry, well-known in the ancient Near East, is suggested in the literary texts from Ugarit and is also indicated in the Bible.
At Ugarit, marriage was an institution with religious connotations. Traces of ritual in connection with the marriage ceremony were
found, but marriage does not seem to have been regarded as a divine institution at Ugarit. The Hebrew Bible, on the other hand,
offers several allusions to marriage being considered a divine institution, legitimized and sanctioned by YHWH. Marriage was regarded
as a covenant between two partners who had mutual obligations. In
the marriage metaphor the relationship between Y H W H and Israel is
compared to that of a husband and wife. However, caution is called
for when deducing information on biblical marriage from the marriage metaphor. Faithfulness is required of both marriage partners
and monogamy is preferred, both in biblical marriage and in the marriage metaphor. Yet with regard to the punishment of the adulterous
wife the marriage metaphor probably differs from normal practice in
Israelite society. To express the unfaithfullness of the Israelite people,
the prophets emphasized the imagery of unrestrained female sexuality.
The view that the sexuality of a married woman was regarded as her
husband's property is reflected by the marriage metaphor and legitimized by it. At the same time, however, the conceptual system of the
marriage metaphor holds a negative view on women's sexuality. Such
a negative view is not found in the Ugaritic mythology, which offers
a quite different emphasis. While Y H W H binds himself in a spiritual
sense to one partner, the Ugaritic deity El has physical intercourse
with several women. The sexual activity of some deities - male as well
as female - is unrestrained in Ugaritic mythology. However, here, too,
we must not confuse acceptable behaviour in the realm of deities with
what was acceptable in human life. The non-literary texts will prove
to be enlightening in this respect (chapter 4).
In Ugarit as well as in Israel monogamy was the rule, but bigyny
and polygyny also occurred. Polygyny was restricted to the circles
of royalty and the very wealthy. The marriages of the Ugaritic gods,
Ilu and Ba'lu, were polygynous, yet those of the kings Kirtu and
Dani'ilu seem to have been monogamous. 1 Men in the upper circles
of Israelite society were polygynists, too. As we have seen, Y H W H ' S
metaphorical relationship with Israel was monogamous. On the other
hand, in Ezek. 2 3 Y H W H is depicted as the bigynous husband of
Oholah/Samaria and Oholibah/Jerusalem. Bigyny occurs fairly often
in the biblical narratives. In such a bigynous marriage often one of
the wives is allegedly barren, but does not lose her position. In the
Ugaritic texts, too, btlt 'Anatu seems to hold a steady position as first
wife, despite her apparent childlessness.
Legally a husband was lord and owner of his wife. This is the case
1
T h e non-literary texts from Ugarit show, however, that Ugaritic kings also
had polygynous marriages. See chapter 4.
in Ugaritic literature as well as in the Hebrew Bible. Although a husband had the right to dominate his wife, both bodies of literature
give evidence of relationships between husbands and wives in which
harmony and love played an important role. Officially the husband
had authority over his wife, yet she could influence him by being his
counsellor or his representative. The Ugaritic goddess 'Athtartu acted
as counterpart to her husband Ba'lu and was referred to as a manifestation of him. Since the Phoenician goddess Tannit was depicted
likewise, this may point to a diminishing importance of goddesses in
general. Asherah's role in Israelite religion differed due to its tendency toward monotheism. The goddess gradually lost her independent status and her characteristics merged into those of YHWH/E1. She
ultimately disappeared from Israel's official religion. 2
Both in Ugarit and Israel wives had their own domain, of which
housekeeping was the most important part. Depending on their social
position they performed household tasks themselves or oversaw the
tasks performed by their personnel. The Ugaritic goddesses sometimes
performed menial tasks, such as washing clothes and cleaning the
house, but they also employed servants who could take chores off
their hands. Wives in biblical Israel also performed various household
tasks. The industrious woman of Prov. 31:10-31 is depicted as an ideal
provider of the home. Wives of high social status had servants to do
certain chores.
Women of all classes could spend some time on their own or meet
other women to enjoy moments of relaxation with song and dance.
Wealthy wives generally lived in large houses with separate female
quarters. Since they had the personnel to do tasks that required going
out, they themselves did not need to leave the house. Royal wives and
concubines probably lived in seclusion, although they may have had
freedom of movement and contact with people outside the women's
quarters. The situation of women in Israel may have differed from
those in Ugarit with regard to the continuing importance of extended
families. Although we may assume a gradual shift from extended to
nuclear families in Israel, the former remained of importance. The
symbolic function of the family as expressed in theological and ideological thought may have attributed to a restriction of the freedom of
movement of women. But since the amount of evidence is restricted
it seems prudent not to draw too far-reaching conclusions on this
matter.
Although both Ugaritians and Israelites held the view that a mar2
riage should ideally last 'for ever', this did not always happen. Some
marriages ended in divorce. Adultery by a wife probably was the main
reason for a husband to divorce her. The Ugaritic literary texts do not
provide us with much information on adultery. 3 In the Hebrew Bible
adultery by a wife is condemned and should be punished by death,
according to biblical law. Yet in Israel as well as in its neighbouring
countries a husband of an adulterous wife had the option to pardon
and then divorce her. With regard to adultery a gender dissymmetry
existed. Whereas a woman who committed adultery broke her own
marriage, an adulterous man only broke the marriage of another man.
There was also a gender dissymmetry with regard to divorce. A husband had the right to divorce his wife at will, but a wife did not have
that right. Whereas in Mesopotamia and Egypt a wife under certain
restrictions had the right to divorce, this was not the case in Israel,
so it seems. Since up till now no Israelite marriage contract from the
biblical period has shown up that gives a wife the right to dissolve her
marriage, we have to assume that in this case the position of Israelite
women was worse than that of women in neighbouring countries. It
is not clear whether or not an Ugaritic wife had the right to divorce.
The data on this subject are too scarce and inconclusive.
A successful marriage was a marriage that produced children,
preferably male children. In Ugaritic literary texts the desire for children is expressed from a male perspective. In the Hebrew Bible the
female perspective is also given attention. 4 Although both Canaanite/Ugaritic and Israelite religion were concerned with fertility, neither
should be characterized as a fertility religion. It is worth noting that
the major deity of Ugarit who was held responsible for human fertility
was Ilu. Goddesses played a certain role with regard to procreation,
yet this role was connected to their sexual capacity and their gender.
In the Hebrew Bible some vestiges of the participation of goddesses
in the reproductive process may still be discerned, but it was Y H W H
alone who granted progeny. Ugarit's major deity, Ilu, was considered
to be of dual gender, i.e., both Father and Mother. Allusions to this
occur in the Hebrew Bible, where Y H W H is compared to a mother in
metaphorical imagery. Yet Y H W H is not invoked as 'Mother'.
3
B u t see the non-literary texts in chapter 4 on the case of the bittu rabiti.
This has been criticized by Esther Fuchs, however, as serving patrilineal interests and patriarchal ideology; cf. . Fuchs, 'The Literary Characterization of
Mothers and Sexual Politics in the Hebrew Bible', in: A. Yarbro Collins (ed.), Feminist Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship (SBL Centennial Publications) (Biblical
Scholarship in North America, 10), Chico CA 1985, 117-36; Idem, Sexual Politics
in the Biblical Narrative: Reading the Hebrew Bible as a Woman (JSOT.S, 310),
Sheffield 2000, 44-90.
4
the vaginal discharge of the new-born baby girl. And it is worth noting
that such a sex difference also existed among the Hittites. In Ugarit as
well as in Israel, there was a preference for sons, although parents also
welcomed daughters. The theme of begetting a male child to continue
the family line is prominent in the literature of both cultures.
According to the Hebrew Bible, children were to honour their
father and mother. A mother's role in teaching young children is valued highly in the Bible and various examples of a mother's love for her
children, either young or adult, are given. A mother who renounced
her instincts by feeding herself on her child (cannibalism) instead of
feeding her child symbolized a world in chaos. Motherhood offered
a woman authority over her children as well as honour and security
in old age. Of a mother's influence on her children, little is known
from Ugaritic literature. Judging by the extant literary texts, it was a
father who named the child in Ugarit. In the Hebrew Bible, mothers
as well as fathers could name their children, although there may have
been a historical development that led to the exclusion of women from
naming their children. This subject needs further study. Matronyms
are sometimes used in Ugaritic literary texts. In the Hebrew Bible,
they are used seldom. In both cases any reference to matriarchy is redundant, since the use of matronyms can be explained either by way
of polygynous marriage or by the fact that the mother was somehow
related to royal circles.
The role of a sister in family life is given far less attention in
literary texts than that of a mother. The relationship between a sister and her brother (s) is generally depicted as one of love and affection, although examples of a quarrelsome nature are also present.
We encountered an example of the affection between a sister and her
brother in the Legend of Aqhatu. Upon the death of her brother,
Pughatu acted as his vindicator. A brother often exercised a certain
authority over his sister. In the Ugaritic Legend of Kirtu, Iluha'u instructed his sister, Thatmanatu, to mourn the approaching death of
their father, after having been ordered to do so by the latter. Thatmanatu's brother thus acted with delegated authority towards her.
The biblical narratives on brothers and their sister (Gen. 34; 2 Sam.
13) emphasize the theme of family honour. The honour of a girl was
closely related to that of her father and brothers. Although in both
stories the brothers took revenge on those who had defiled their sister's honour, they had their own agenda for doing so and the love for
their sister seems to have played a subservient role in it. It is remarkable that the brothers acted in this manner even while their father
was still alive, which might indicate that in biblical Israel a brother
had more authority over his sister than at Ugarit. Yet the different
themes of the narratives and the paucity of evidence calls for caution.
Incest between a full brother and sister was condemned in all
societies of the ancient Near East. Although the Ugaritic texts do
not deal with the subject, we may assume it was also denounced at
Ugarit. In the Hebrew Bible, too, incest between a brother and sister
is condemned. The law texts explicitly forbid sexual relations between
a half brother and sister, but an explicit prohibition of sexual relations
between a full brother and sister is missing. It seems to be implicitly
prohibited in Lev. 18:6. I assume the narrator of 2 Sam. 13 considered
the sexual relationship between Tamar and Amnon to be incestuous
and disapproved of Amnon's behaviour.
Besides the relation towards her siblings as a sister, a woman had a
relation towards her parents as a daughter. Because of the patrilineal
structure of Ugaritic and Israelite society, sons were preferred over
daughters. Sons perpetuated the family line, whereas daughters left
the family to marry into their husband's family. Both in Ugaritic
and Israelite literature the continuation of the family line and the
desire for a son are important themes. Furthermore, examples from
Babylonia and biblical Israel testify that, if parents had to surrender a
child as a security for debt, they would rather use their daughter than
their son. Remarkably, although in the Ugaritic Legends of Kirtu and
Aqhatu the fathers desire to have sons, the theme of daughters acting
as replacements for sons seems to contradict this preference. Possibly
the Ugaritic scribe Ilimilku wanted to emphasize the eligibility of
women to royal succession in an exceptional political situation. The
image of Israel as the metaphorical son of Y H W H in the Hebrew Bible
is an adaption of the polytheistic concept of the family of gods. Yet
the metaphor of Israel as a son is never balanced with Israel as God's
daughter, possibly for fear that she might develop into a goddess.
With regard to the treatment of daughters in the context of the
family we encounter both positive and negative examples. Some biblical fathers, such as Jephthah and David, acted thoughtlessly or carelessly towards their daughter's needs. Others, such as Laban, acted
with more affection. Ugaritic literary texts focus more on how daughters treated their father than the other way around. In the texts the
fathers gave their daughters orders, to mourn, to saddle a he-ass, etc.
Of a father's care for his daughter we do not read. The only example
in which emotions expressed between a father and his daughter played
a certain role is the behaviour of 'Anatu towards her father, Ilu, when
she threatened to strike his skull. Towards his daughter 'Anatu Ilu did
not behave as an authoritative father. Unlike 'Anatu, other daugh-
Of the women of the court, the queen and the queen mother were the
most influential women. Both in Ugarit and Israel the queen acted
as an intermediary between the king and his subjects. People would
approach the queen with the request to intercede on their behalf. Furthermore, official meetings and banquets could offer opportunities to
a queen to exercise influence. In Ugarit as well as in Israel, kings and
queens did not share the same living quarters. Queens either lived separately in their own palace or in a separate wing of the king's palace.
According to the Ugaritic texts, the queen's movements were not restricted. Athiratu went to the king's dwelling to visit him without
having to ask permission to do so. The Hebrew Bible offers a twofold
picture. Whereas Bathsheba could approach the king freely, Esther
did not have free access to the Persian king Ahasuerus.
The Ugaritic texts and the Hebrew Bible both illustrate queens
exercising power over their own personnel. Moreover, in both cultures
a queen could have a certain influence on the affairs of state. With
the consent of her husband, Esther was allowed to write an edict in
the name of the Persian king. And queen Jezebel wrote letters in the
name of her Israelite husband. The Ugaritic king, Pubala, probably
discussed his strategy of dealing with a siege with his wife. However,
all queens who engaged in affairs of state and in politics needed a
firm power base. This power base was related to the authority their
husbands had delegated to them and had allowed them to exercise.
Thus, the power of a queen was related to and dependent on her
husband, the king.
In general, the power of a queen mother was also a delegated
power. A few ancient Near Eastern queens and queen mothers are
known to have ruled in their own right. These were exceptional cases,
however, and their rule generally was downplayed by later historiographers. This also happened to the biblical Athaliah. Although she
reigned independently, her rule was downplayed by the biblical historiographers, who did not regard her as one of the legitimate rulers of
Judah. Possibly, Judaean queen mothers, like their Hittite collgues,
occupied an official position at the court. If so, they had official power
as !.
Although a king would generally designate his eldest son as his
successor, sometimes one of his wives, either his chief wife or another
favoured lady, could persuade him to renounce the custom of primogeniture and choose another son. Biblical Bathsheba is an example of
such a promoting mother, who improved her own position and that
of her son. In Ugaritic mythology, Athiratu advised her husband on
who was to become the new viceroy. Her position as queen mother
was already firmly established, however.
Usually the power a queen mother could exercise was indirect.
The literature of both cultures renders examples of queen mothers
as advisors and counsellors, who could influence the decisions of the
king. Yet theirs was a power behind the throne, granted by their son.
Still, a queen mother was the most powerful woman in the kingdom.
Beside his chief wife, the queen, a king had several other wives and
concubines. These women lived in a separate part of the palace, in the
women's quarters, or harem. In the Hebrew Bible, the women's quarters are only referred to in a general way and we have little information
on the degree of seclusion of royal wives. The Ugaritic literary texts
are silent on the subject.
Royal wives and concubines were often pawns in the hands of
those in power. Legitimacy to the throne was acquired via the king's
wives and concubines. Lying with a concubine of the reigning king
was understood as a claim to the throne. With regard to international politics, the Hebrew Bible offers examples of royal wives and
concubines who became part of the tribute that had to be paid to the
conqueror. Yet Egyptian sources inform us that some harem women
also played an active part in politics. By participating in court intrigues, they tried to influence national politics. It was probably to
prevent them from becoming a danger to the king from inside the
palace, that his wives and concubines lived in the women's quarters
under strict control.
It would seem that the most important role princesses played in
Ugarit and Israel was as a marriage partner who helped cement national and international relations. In the Ugaritic Legend of Kirtu,
princess Hariya engaged in an international marriage with Kirtu after
the latter had besieged the city. As we shall see later on, intermarriage
with other royal houses corresponds with the reality at the court of
Ugarit (chapter 4). In the Hebrew Bible, Michal's marriage was also of
a political nature. She was a pawn in the conflict between her father,
Saul, and his successor, David, and mostly played a passive role in it.
Other biblical princesses also made political marriages of a national
or international character. Although princesses held a high social position, in which they generally were honoured, they were under the
authority of their father, the king, whose will they had to obey.
Next to the women of the court, there were non-royal women who
fulfilled several roles in society. Some women were legal owners of
immovable property. They had become owners by receiving it as a
dowry, a marriage settlement or a gift, by inheritance, by will, or by
purchase. Although female legal owners of immovables are known from
various periods and places, their role generally is an exceptional one.
The Bible only mentions one such woman: Achsa. In Mesopotamia
a woman often would only have nominal authority over her property. Her (male) family members wished to keep the landed property
within the family and if she intended to alienate it, she would be
confronted with difficulties. Unlike Egyptian women, who could engage in buying and selling immovable property on their own behalf,
Mesopotamian women probably needed the consent of male family
members to engage in business transactions. It cannot be determined
whether biblical women needed their husband's authorization to buy
land. The Ugaritic literary texts offer scanty information on women
as legal owners of immovable property. But non-literary texts suggest that the situation in biblical Israel and Ugarit resembled that in
Mesopotamia.
Although economic life was a male-dominated area, there are examples both in the Ugaritic literary texts and the Hebrew Bible of
women who engaged in business. The industrious woman of Prov.
31:10-31 is presented as an outstanding business woman who earned
her profit by the work of her hands. Yet it is not clear whether the
profit she made belonged only to herself or also to her husband. The
Ugaritic goddesses engaged in business transactions that were not in
the interest of their husbands. Although these women seem to have
acted in an independent way, the examples are too scarce to draw
any reliable conclusions. Again we have to await the evidence from
the non-litary texts (chapter 4).
With regard to the tasks and professions women performed, there
was a large degree of resemblance between Ugarit and Israel. Men as
well as women prepared food, although there was a certain gender
distinction. Butchering and preparing meat was generally the task of
a man, whereas baking bread was generally a woman's job. Drawing
water was a task for women, both in the Ugaritic texts and the Hebrew
Bible, but men and women both washed their own clothes. Women
furthermore worked in various functions as servants. Biblical women
were involved in animal husbandry and agriculture. The Ugaritic liter-
ary texts do not record women performing tasks in these latter fields.
Women in Ugarit and Israel also worked at large building projects.
In Ugarit only slave women participated in such a job, but in Israel
women of high status helped to rebuild Jerusalem's walls. The Bible
also records a female building commissioner. Spinning and weaving
were regarded as typical female tasks in both text corpora.
Several professions were regarded as male jobs, although they were
sometimes occupied by women. Often the women in these professions
worked for other women. This seems to be the case with female scribes
and female messengers. A female deity acting as healer occurs in an
Ugaritic text, but no professional female healer is recorded in the
Bible. In both cultures midwifery and wet-nursing were women's jobs.
The Hebrew Bible furthermore records women working as prostitutes.
The Ugaritic literary texts render no information on prostitution.
Female slaves occur in both text corpora. They could be owned by
individuals or institutions. A study on slaves in the Late Baylonian
period reveals that slaves owned by institutions such as the temple
generally had more opportunities to form their own family and were
less vulnerable to sexual advances by their owners. Furthermore, the
chance of being sold was smaller for institution-owned slaves.
Biblical law informs us on debt slavery, which is limited to a few
years. The minor, unbetrothed girl was excluded from this limit, she
did not have a right to be released, but only a right to good care as
a slave wife. The Ugaritic literary texts are silent on debt slavery.
Female slaves often had to do menial tasks. Slaves at Ugarit had to
do the heavy work of making bricks. The Hebrew Bible renders little
information on the work of slaves. Those who were part of the household were obliged to keep the sabbath, together with their owners.
One of the characteristics of a female slave in the ancient Near
East was that she had no authority over her own sexuality. Her owner
could decide to take her as a concubine, or to give her or hire her out
to someone for sexual services. The Hebrew Bible offers examples of
female slave owners giving their slave as a wife to their husband for the
purpose of providing offspring. Slave women are stereotyped as lewd in
Ugaritic texts, offering themselves for sexual intercourse and behaving
improperly during meals. Moreover, ancient Near Eastern wisdom
texts mention female slaves together with women of dubious morals.
Yet since slave women had no authority over their own sexuality and
could become the object of forcible sexual intercourse, the stereotyped
lewdness of female slaves may be a case of 'blaming the victim'.
As we have seen, in some instances it is not possible to compare
the social position of women in Ugarit and Israel, since information
role. Only when sons are absent, do daughters fulfil the role of
sons. That is, they become surrogate sons.
Based on these issues we cannot conclude that the social position
of women in the Hebrew Bible was worse than that of women at
Ugarit. Beside the abovementioned issues there are two more points
of possible difference.
1. First, the perspective of women who are childless is given more
attention in the Hebrew Bible than in Ugaritic literature. Both
in Ugaritic literature and the Hebrew Bible the sorrow of males
who are without a son is a recurrent theme. But in the latter
corpus the grief of women who are childless is also narrated,
whereas we do not read about this in the former texts. Yet
Ugaritic literature does inform us on the childlessness of the
goddess 'Anatu and her attempts to overcome it.
Cf. R. Albertz, Persnliche Frmmigkeit und offizielle Religion: Religionsinterner Pluralismus in Israel und Babylon (CThM.BW, 9), Stuttgart 1978; P.D.
Miller, 'Israelite Religion1, in: D.A. Knight, G.M. Tucker (eds), The Hebrew Bible
and its Modern Interpreters, Philadelphia PA 1985, 215-8; E. Matsushima (ed.),
Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the First
Colloquium on the Ancient Near East - The City and its Life held at the Middle
Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo) March 20-22, 1992, Heidelberg
1993; K. van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life (SHCANE, 7), Leiden 1996.
2
R. Albertz, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit (GAT, 8/1),
Gttingen 1992, 40-3; M. Weippert, 'Synkretismus und Monotheismus: Religionsinterne Konfliktbewltigung im alten Israel1, in: J. Assmann, D. Harth (eds),
Kultur und Konflikt (edition suhrkamp NF, 612), Frankfurt am Main 1990, 14379; K. van der Toorn, 'Currents in the Study of Israelite Religion1, CR.BS 6
(1998), 13-4. A. Westenholz, 'The Earliest Akkadian Religion', Or. 45 (1976),
215-6, even discerns four layers.
3
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 3, citing
G.W. Ahlstrm, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine
Van der Toorn therefore prefers the term 'family religion' over 'personal religion'. This would furthermore make a tripartition unnecessary, since kinship ties generally coincided with local ties in the premonarchic and monarchic periods. 4
Instead of 'personal religion', some scholars prefer the concept
'popular religion'. 5 Yet this concept, too, has its flaws.6 The assumption that popular religion was the manifestation of a homogenous
group, which stood apart from an equally homogenous officiai religion, is challenged by recent studies. Within popular religion a heterogenity existed and instead of 'popular religion' one should therefore rather speak of 'popular religious groups', according to Jacques
Berliner blau. 7 He discerns three popular religious groups: Baalists,
women and the poor. 8 Yet is it correct to regard women as a (homogenous) popular religious group? The relationship between 'official
religion' and 'popular religious groups' is regarded as an antithetic
one, as a relationship of those in power versus the powerless. This
identifies women as a powerless group and excludes them from fulfilling authoritative roles in official religion. Not only is such a generalization problematic, but it does not offer a correct picture of the
religious position of women (see below).
Furthermore, the question arises whether the Bible represents the
literature of Israelite official religion. 9 The biblical authors sometimes
criticized the monarchy and its (state) religion. 'The impression one
receives is that those who wrote certain sections of the Old Testament,
far from being loyal devotees or employees of the monarchy, actually
lived in a state of high tension with this institution'. 10 What the
Bible offers us seems to be a picture of biblical Yahwism rather than
(Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East, 1), Leiden 1982, ix, and C.H.J,
de Geus, 'The Individual in Relation to Authority in Ancient Israel', RSJB 46
(1989), 54.
4
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 3. See also
section 2.1.1.1.
5
E.g., J.B. Segal, 'Popular Religion in Ancient Israel', JJS 27 (1976), 1-22.
6
Cf. J. Berlinerblau, The Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups' of Ancient
Israel: A Philological and Sociological Inquiry (JSOT.S, 210), Sheffield 1996, 1722; M.D. Carroll R., 'Re-Examining "Popular Religion": Issues of Definition and
Sources. Insights from Interpretive Anthropology', in: Idem (ed.), Rethinking Contexts, Rereading Texts: Contributions from the Social Sciences to Biblical Interpretation (JSOT.S, 299), Sheffield 2000, 151-3.
7
Berlinerblau, The Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups', 22.
8
Berlinerblau, The Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups', 33-5.
9
Cf. P.D. Miller, et al., 'Introduction', in: Idem (eds), Ancient Israelite Religion, Philadelphia 1987, xviii.
10
Berlinerblau, The Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups', 29-33 (31).
Cf. Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 153.
KTU 1.17:1.26-28 mention duties with regard to the ancestor cult, whereas
lines 31-32 refer to service in the temples of Ba'lu and Ilu.
13
S. Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg zu einer feministischen Rekonstruktion der Geschichte Israels', in: L. Schottroff et al., Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge
zur Bibel aus der Perspektive von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 100-1.
14
I join Bird in her definition of cult(us) as 'the organized, usually public, as12
By discussing the position of women in all forms of Israelite religion, be they orthodox or heterodox, part of official or family religion,
women become visible as religious subjects. Moreover, a comparison
with Ugarit and the broader ancient Near East is far more helpful
when using this perspective.
In discussing the religious position of women, I do offer a distinction, however. I distinguish between women as religious specialists
and women as worshippers. 16 In the first section of chapter 3 I will
discuss women as religious specialists. 17 Both professionals and lay
persons could fulfil such roles. Some prophetesses, for example, were
regarded as professionals, while others were lay women who prophesied what had been revealed to them in a dream or otherwise. Female
mourners also could lament the dead as professionals who were invited
to come and were renowned for their knowledge of songs of lament, or
as lay persons who came to mourn a family member or a neighbour.
Women as religious specialists fulfilled roles that were acknowledged
by others as specialist. They functioned in a mediating role between
worshippers and a deity.
In the second section of chapter 3 I will discuss women as worshippects of religious life centered in a temple, shrine, or other sacred site, maintained
by a priesthood and/or other specialized offices and roles, and finding expression
in sacrifices, offerings, teaching and oracular pronouncement, feasts, fasts, and
other ceremonies and ritual actions1; cf. P.A. Bird, 'The Place of Women in the
Israelite Cultus', in: P.D. Miller et al. (eds), Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in
Honor of Frank Moore Cross, Philadelphia 1987, 412, n. 12.
15
Bird, 'The Place of Women in the Israelite Cultus', 399.
16
In this regard I concur with Bird, 'The Place of Women in the Israelite Cultus', 397-419, who distinguishes between women in cultic service and women as
worshippers. However, I prefer the concept of 'women as religious specialists' over
'women in cultic service'. In my mind the former is more useful in clarifying the
status pattern of women in religious life.
17
I will sometimes refer to males as religious specialists, mostly to point out
existing disymmetries.
the United Monarchy on, both the Bible and epigraphical sources
show a high percentage of Yahwistic names. 'The ratio of Yahwistic
names to pagan names is 94.1% to 5.9% in the inscriptions and 89%
to 11% for all pre-exilic periods represented in the Bible'. 23 Based on
the onomastic evidence one is inclined to conclude that Y H W H had
a dominant role as the national deity in Israelite religion from the
monarchic period on and that he was regarded as a very important
deity in the pre-monarchic period. 24
There are indications that Y H W H was already worshipped in the
eleventh century BCE, and possibly even earlier. 25 With regard to
Y H W H ' S origin, it is generally assumed that El and Y H W H were originally separate deities whose characteristics merged into each other. 26
Y H W H / E 1 was a deity who gradually absorbed the functions of other
deities, including those of goddesses such as El's consort, Asherah, and
Baal's consort, 'Anat. 2 7 Yet during this process of supplanting goddesses by the belief in Y H W H alone, mainly in the monarchic period,
some groups felt the need to venerate an independent goddess again.
They occasionally succeeded in reversing this process, but hardly ever
without opposition.
While the mainstream of Israelite religion seems to have worshipped Y H W H from the monarchic period on, people did not always
worship him as a single deity. When the characteristics of Y H W H
fused with those of El, the former took over El's consort, Asherah.
Moreover, the god Baal was also worshipped by some groups of Israelites and seems to have been a serious rival to YHWH. Although
much can be said about the struggle between Baal and YHWH, I will
23
45
Cf. U. Winter, Frau und Gttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum
weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und in dessen Umwelt (OBO, 53), Freiburg,
Schweiz 1983, 96-134; S. Schroer, In Israel gab es Bilder: Nachrichten von darstellender Kunst im Alten Testament (OBO, 74), Freiburg, Schweiz 1987; R. Kletter,
Judaean Pillar-Figurines
and the Archaeology of Asherah (BAR International
Series, 636), Oxford 1996; .J.H. Vriezen, 'Archaeological Traces of Cult in Ancient Israel', in: B. Becking et ai, Only One God?: Monotheism in Ancient Israel
and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah (BiSe, 77), London 2001, 65-6; Zevit,
The Religions of Ancient Israel, 273.
46
For the former interpretation, cf. Vriezen, 'Archaeological Traces of Cult in
Ancient Israel', 66; . Stern, 'Religion in Palestine in the Assyrian and Persian
Periods, in: B. Becking, M.C.A. Korpel (eds), The Crisis of Israelite Religion:
Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic and Post-Exilic Times (OTS, 42),
Leiden 1999, 250-1. The latter interpretation is suggested by Zevit, The Religions
of Ancient Israel, 267-74.
47
Hadley, The Cult of Asherah.
the Persian period the situation is totally different: 'in the areas of
the country occupied by Jews, not a single cultic figurine has been
found'. 5 7
It would appear that after the exile veneration of a goddess was
regarded as a grave danger. Possibly Zecharaiah's vision of the woman
in the ephah may be regarded as a reference to a goddess who was
removed to Babylon (Zech. 5:5-11). 58
Taking the evidence mentioned above into consideration, can we
conclude that Israelite religion was polytheistic? Yes and no. To explain this answer, I quote Richard Hess on the value of the onomastic
evidence:
Personal names ... preserve indications about the religious beliefs of
those who name their children. This may be important for recognizing
the presence of foreign deities among name bearers or for seeing the
gradual emergence of Israelite names bearing a form of the divine name,
Yahweh. Most significant in this area is the remarkable consistency, in
both the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, of the almost exclusive dominance of the name Yahweh in personal name forms, wherever a deity is
identified. Although other evidence attests to the presence of additional
deities in these countries, the onomastic data balances overzealous attempts to identify Israel with a polytheism identical to other nations. 59
Thus, the kingdoms Israel and Judah were not polytheistic in the
sense that the surrounding nations were. It would seem that in the
pre-monarchic period and in the early days of the monarchy other
deities beside Y H W H were venerated, but not many and possibly not
on a large scale. Already from the beginning of the monarchy Y H W H
was probably regarded as Israel's chief deity. Prom the eighth century
on protest against the worship of other gods, including Asherah, was
57
Stern, 'Religion in Palestine in the Assyrian and Persian Periods, 254 (emphasis by Stern).
58
Cf. C.L. Meyers, E.M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah 1-8: A New Translation
with Introduction and Commentary (AncB, 25B), New York 1987, 293-316; Frevel,
Aschera und der Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch
Yhwhs, Bd. 1, 523-4.
Lady Wisdom should not be regarded as a goddess (pace B. Lang, Wisdom
and the Book of Proverbs: A Hebrew Goddess Redefined, New York 1986), but
rather as an attempt 'innerhalb eines bereits monotheistisch gefestigten Symbolsystems, das noch Pluralismus zulie, eine weibliche Rede von Gott zu verankern,
die auf die Frauenrelalitt positiv bezug nimmt'; cf. S. Schroer, 'Auf dem Weg
zu einer feministischen Rekonstruktion der Geschichte Israels', in: L. Schottroff et
al. (eds), Feministische Exegese: Forschungsertrge zur Bibel aus der Perspektive
von Frauen, Darmstadt 1995, 138.
59
Hess, 'Issues in the Study of Personal Names in the Hebrew Bible', 187-8.
Cf., e.g., Winter, Frau und Gttin, 68-9. See further chapter 1.
In approaching deities, certain rules and regulations had to be observed by the worshippers. Of major importance in this regard was
the matter of purity and impurity. Those who were impure were not
to appear before the gods, for this would offend them. The deities and
their sanctuaries belonged to the realm of the pure and holy, which
should not be polluted by substances or persons from the realm of the
impure. 1 This applied especially to those who served the gods and participated in religious ceremonies. They were required to be pure. This
implied no physical defects or uncleanness. Persons who were crippled
or had a skin disease were excluded from sacral offices. Furthermore,
they had to avoid bodily discharges such as semen and menstrual
blood, which were considered unclean. Although impurity as a religious category was connected with sin, it was not always connected
with guilt. A male could perhaps avoid contact with a menstruat1
W i t h regard to the difference between purity and holiness, cf. . van der
Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia: A comparative study (SSN,
22), Assen 1985, 27-9; E.J. Wilson, "Holiness" and "Purity" in Mesopotamia
(AOAT, 237), Kevelaer & Neukirchen-Vluyn 1994.
ing woman, but a woman - unless pregnant or past her menopause could not avoid being impure because of menstruation. 2
In many ancient societies the discharge of a woman during menstruation and after childbirth were considered unclean as was she
herself. 3 Generally this would result in some sort of seclusion. The
Babylonians, for instance, held that if a man touched a musukkatu
'a woman under a taboo' while passing her, he was impure for six
days. 4 To avoid contact with a menstruating woman or anything she
contaminated, she was forbidden to perform household tasks such as
baking bread during her period. 5
The same view on impurity of menstruants was held in the Middle
Assyrian period. An edict from this period holds that palace wives
were not allowed to approach the king when they were menstruating,
for this would endanger the cultic purity of the king and make him
unfit to bring offerings to the gods. 6
Although scholars have pointed to the woes of a washerman in
the Satire of Trades as evidence for viewing menstrual blood as a
source of impurity in ancient Egypt, this is rejected by Annette Depla,
according to whom this assertion is based on an inaccurate translation
of the text. She therefore concludes, '[a]s for menstrual taboo generally
in ancient Egypt, there is insufficient evidence to substantiate it'. 7
However, menstruation was called the 'time of purification', which
indicates that menstrual blood was considered impure. 8 Moreover,
menstruation of female members of the household was a legitimate
cause for male workers at Deir el-Medina to stay at home. 9
Another person who caused impurity was the woman in childbirth.
In Mesopotamia a woman was considered impure during her preg2
nancy and for thirty days after the birth of her child. 10 Her impurity
was considered contagious to those assisting at childbirth and even to
passer-bys who accidentally touched her. 11 The Hittites believed that
both mother and child were unclean after parturition. Certain rites
were performed during the first days of the baby's life and a postpartem purification rite occurred either three months after the baby's
birth, if it was a boy, or four months if it was a girl. 12 In Egypt the
period of impurity apparently was shorter for a parturient; a literary
text mentions a fourteen-day period. 13
Thus, impurity as a religious danger was recognized for women
during menstruation and after childbirth in Mesopotamia, Hatti and
Egypt. Yet, as we shall see, this did not exclude women from the
priesthood.
With regard to the priesthood, various female cultic functionaries
are known in Mesopotamia. We will discuss those that are best known
and are of interest to our understanding of female priesthood in Ugarit
and Israel.
The most important female cultic functionary in Mesopotamia was
the en/ntu. U The en priestess is known to have functioned from the
second half of the third millennium until the Old Babylonian period,
after which she disappeared, to reappear again during the reign of
Nabonidus. 15 En priests generally served the major deities, the male
priests usually serving a goddess and the female priestesses a god. 16
The most famous en priestess is Enheduanna, daughter of king Sargon
of Akkad. 17 She was the en of the god Nanna at Ur. The daughters of
10
R. Labat, 'Geburt', RLA, vol. 3, 178-9; Van der Toorn, Cradle, 84.
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 51-2, 84-5.
12
G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals (StBT, 29), Wiesbaden 1983, 251; J.
Pringle, 'Hittite Birth Rituals', in: A. Cameron, A. Kuhrt (eds), Images of Women
in Antiquity, Detroit 1983, 128-141.
13
Papyrus Westcar 19; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1, 221; R.M.
Janssen, J.J. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, London 1990, 7-8, 10-1.
14
On the en priestess, cf. J. Renger, 'Untersuchungen zum Priestertum in der
altbabylonischen Zeit: 1. Teil', ZA 58 (1967), 114-34; Henshaw, FM, 45-51. According to Henshaw, FM, 45, the translation 'high priestess' is 'misleading because, first, even though of high office, she is not presented as chief over any other
officials, and second, her functions are not those we usually associate with the
priestly one'.
15
P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon 556-539 B.C., New
Haven 1989, 71, however, refers to the occurrence of an ntu priestess at the time
of Nebuchadnezzar I (1126-1105).
16
Renger, 'Untersuchungen zum Priestertum', 132-4.
17
On Enheduanna and her work, cf., e. g-, A. Sjberg, 'in-nin -gur 4 -ra: A Hymn
to the Goddess Inanna by the en-Priestess Enheduanna', ZA 65 (1975), 161-253;
I.J. Winter, 'Women in Public: The Disk of Enheduanna, the Beginning of the
11
of the Ur III dynasty, may have been born out of a sacred marriage
between king Urnammu and an en priestess of Nanna. Yet this has
been severely criticized by Jacob Klein. 23
The en priestess lived in the gipru, which was considered part
of the sanctuary of the deity. As head of the deity , s household, she
controlled considerable economic resources as well as a large staff
of personnel. 24 The cultic functions which the en fulfilled included
singing hymns and making offerings to the gods. 25
Although the princesses who functioned as en/ ntu priestesses had
considerable authority, it would seem that their office was an instrument used by their fathers to achieve power or consolidate their position. 26
In Akkadian, the Sumerogram en is rendered ntu. The Sumerogram nin-dingir, however, is the equivalent of both ntu and ugbabtu,
which sometimes makes it difficult to distinguish between both. 2 7 In
the priestly hierarchy the nin-dingir is below the en, while the ugbabtu's
position is placed a little lower still.
Like the office of the en, that of the nin-dingir seems to have disappeared after the Old Babylonian period. 28 There are many similarities
between the en and the nin-dingir during Old Babylonian times. Both
were designated by liver omen and enthroned by the king. Like the en
priestesses, nin-dingirs were often of royal blood, or else of high birth.
They lived in gipru and often controlled temple resources and personnel. 29 Contrary to en priestesses, nin-dingir priestesses could serve
both male and female deities. While the former almost exclusively
served the major gods, the latter served both major and minor gods.
In the absence of an en - which usually was the case when serving a
minor deity - a nin-dingir was the highest cultic functionary. 30 Possibly
23
... while any cult for the storm god will include an orientation toward fertility, we have no evidence that the nin.dingir's installation involves the sexual aspects usually associated with "sacred marriage,"
even though the nin.dingir is the human consort of the god. The last
act of the ritual 38 gives no indication of actual or symbolic consummation to follow.39
Fleming stresses the difference between sacred and divine marriage
(see below) and claims that the installation of the nin-dingir matches
neither of them. The ritual includes aspects of marriage because of
the nature of the office. Yet, '[m]any elements of the festival may
not derive from the context of marriage, and the overall interpretive
model should not serve to force the whole event into that context'. 40
However, the nin-dingir does not seem to have had a human husband.
Possibly a marriage was symbolically acted out, perhaps with the
statue of Ba'lu representing the deity, analogous to a known form of
the sacred marriage rite between a king and a goddess (see below).
Fleming doubts whether the nin-dingir of Baal at Emar was a member of the royal family, since she is referred to as the daughter of 'any
son of Emar'. 4 1 However, she did come from a wealthy family, because the installation festivities required the father's house to supply
the nin-dingir with items of certain wealth. Furthermore, her family,
especially her brothers, played a prominent role in the rites. 42 At
Ugarit, the king could be addressed as 'son of Ugarit' and his wife
as 'daughter of Ugarit' (KTU 1.40, see below). It is therefore quite
possible that the nin-dingir was a princess.
I have already referred to the sacred marriage rite, in which the en
priestess or the nin-dingir may have been involved. The definition of
the term 'sacred marriage' (hieros gamos) as well as the interpretation of the rite are matters of dispute among scholars. 43 Jacob Klein,
38
In the last act the priestess lies on her bed after being readied for her first
night in her new home.
39
Fleming, The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar, 190.
40
Fleming, The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar, 191. Cf. also
J.S. Cooper, 'Sacred Marriage and Popular Cult in Early Mesopotamia', in: E.
Matsushima (ed.), Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East:
Papers of the First Colloquium on the Ancient Near East - The City and its
Life held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo) March
20-22, 1992, Heidelberg 1993, 87-8.
41
Fleming, The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar, 83.
42
Fleming, The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar, 113.
43
For an overview, cf. C. Frevel, Aschera und der
Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch
Yhwhs: Beitrge zu literarischen, religionsgeschichtlichen und ikonographischen
Aspekten der Ascheradiskussion (BBB, 94/2), Weinheim 1995, 589-98.
44
rite. It may have been an annual ritual 51 , but it has also been proposed
that it took place at the coronation of a king 52 , or at the installation
of a high priestess. 53 Yet, Klein assumes that '[s]ince the only date
ever alluded to in the literary texts dealing with this ritual is New
Year's day, it is this date on which this ritual most probably took
place'. 54
Also with regard to the purpose of the sacred marriage rite various
propositions have been put forward. Some scholars mention promotion of fertility as the main purpose, 55 while others assume that it was
performed to beget a royal heir of divine descent. 56 While promotion
of fertility certainly is an aspect of the rite, it would seem that legitimation of the king is an equally, if not more, important aspect. 57
Jerrold Cooper has defended the thesis that the original purpose of
the sacred marriage rite was 'for the king, and through him the people,
to establish personal and social ties to the gods'. 58 He emphasizes the
social rather than the sexual aspects of the marriage rite.
It is the marriage relationship that is being reinforced; this is no random copulation intended to encourage fertility, but rather a sexual
relationship in a carefully circumscribed context that entails a whole
network of obligations between the partners and their kin. The prsence of the act of intercourse in the ritual may well be intended to
reinforce the legitimacy of the marriage relationship between goddess
and king. The sexual and fertility aspects of the sacred marriage, which
are indeed there, would then have developed naturally as a secondary
phenomenon from this feature of the rite, just as the bawdy songs that
are sung at weddings in some cultures are quite peripheral to the real
business at hand, the uniting of two families.59
51
Admittedly, the texts do not offer unambiguous evidence of a symbolic performance instead of a carnal realization. Cf. Sefati, Love Songs in Sumerian Literature, 33-6.
61
Cf. . Matsushima, 'Les Rituels du Mariage Divin dans les Documents Accadiens', AcSum 10 (1988), 95-128; Sefati, Love Songs in Sumerian Literature, 46,
n. 42.
62
Frayne, 'Notes on The Sacred Marriage Rite', 12, 22; Sefati, Love Songs in
Sumerian Literature, 46-7.
63
Cooper, 'Sacred Marriage and Popular Cult in Early Mesopotamia', 94-5.
64
Cf. J. Assmann, 'Die Zeugung des Sohnes: Bild, Spiel, Erzhlung und das
Problem des gyptischen Mythos', in: J. Assmann et al., Funktionen und Leistungen des Mythos: Drei altorientalische Beispiele (OBO, 48), Freiburg, Schweiz
1982, 13-61.
65
Assmann, 'Die Zeugung des Sohnes', 38.
66
Assmann, 'Die Zeugung des Sohnes', 19.
goddess's sight
' 7 3 Remarkably, it is of no interest to Herodotus
whether or not the male partner was made holy by the act.
Yet Herodotus' accounts are challenged by many scholars and are
generally dismissed as 'early Greek propaganda'. 74 Referring to studies investigating the reliability of Herodotus, Oden concludes that 'our
chief source for the existence of cultic prostitution in Mesopotamia
cannot be used with any confidence'. 75 What remains is the evidence
from Mesopotamia itself. In the past scholars have identified many of
the female cultic functionaries, such as the entu, the nadtu and the
qaditu, as cultic prostitutes. 76 Yet it now becomes clear that these
scholars, in identifying with the biblical view on non-Yahwistic religions, perceived the Mesopotamian religion as sex-centered. 77 When
roles of female cultic functionaries were unclear, they were assumed
to be involved in some fertility rite having to do with cultic prostitution. However, authors who investigated primary literature in order
to describe the roles of various female cultic functionaries did not confirm this biased view. 78 Although it cannot be ruled out that in some
period some of these cultic functionaries, such as the kezertu,79 were
prostitutes, cultic prostitution, as an institution, did not exist.
Perhaps Herodotus' story can be related to prostitution of temple
slaves in Mesopotamia. 80 Muhammad Dandamaev refers to a document (UCP 9 / 1 1 53) in which a married female slave is hired out as
a prostitute. The fee accrues to her owner, in this case the temple of
73
Cf. Herodotus; transi. A.C. Godley, I: Books I-II (Loeb Classical Library,
117), Cambridge MA 1975, 250-3.
74
J. Assante, 'The kar.kid/harimtu, Prostitute or Single Woman?: A Reconsideration of the Evidence', UF 30 (1998), 8-9, n. 9. See also Fisher, 'Cultic
Prostitution in the Ancient Near East?' 225-6, according to whom 'Herodotus is
rather well known for his provincial, staunchly pro-Hellenic outlook, and must be
taken with care even in his own time when treating of other cultures'.
75
Oden, 'Religious Identity and the Sacred Prostitution Accusation', 147.
76
Oden, 'Religious Identity and the Sacred Prostitution Accusation', 148-51.
77
The same also holds for the Canaanite religion, cf. J.A. Hackett, 'Can a Sexist
Model Liberate us?: Ancient Near Eastern "Fertility" Goddesses', JFSR 5 (1989),
73; Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses, 199-200; E.L. Greenstein, 'The
God of Israel and the Gods of Canaan: How Different Were They?' in: PWCJS,
Division A: The Bible and Its World, 12 (1999), 49*.
78
For a short bibliography, cf. Assante, 'The kar.kid/harimtu, Prostitute or
Single Woman?' 9, n. 10-11.
79
Cf. M.L. Gallery, 'Service Obligations of the kezertu-Women', Or. 49 (1980),
333-8.
80
This is suggested by K. van der Toorn, 'Female Prostitution in Payment of
Vows in Ancient Israel', JBL 108 (1989), 204; Idem, Cradle, 103. See, however,
the critical comment of A. Kuhrt, 'Non-Royal Women in the Late Babylonian
Period: A Survey', in: WER, 237.
81
in the Old Babylonian period, when her rank was below the nadtu.89
It would seem that she was held in even lower esteem during the first
millennium, when she was associated with sorcery and witchcraft (see
below).
Qaditus from property-owning families may have had means of
sustenance by way of their dowry or their share of the paternal inheritance. 90 Generally, however, they were not very rich, which may
explain the need to earn some money as a wet nurse. 91
From several texts we learn that a qaditu had a special relationship to a deity. In a ritual text from Middle or Neo-Assyrian times she
is designated as a votary of the god Adad, and at Mari she appears
as a votary of the goddess Annunitu, who is a form of Ishtar. 92
We have little information on the qaditu's functions. In the abovementioned ritual text she is described as exalting the god Adad, partaking in the procession and singing a certain song. In another text,
'The Contest between the Tamarisk and the Palm', the qaditu is
described as sprinkling water. 93 She could also play a certain role in
connection with childbirth and midwifery. A passage in the Babylonian Atram-hasis Epic reads: 'Let the midwife (abstu) rejoice in
the house of the qaditu'.94 According to several contracts, a qaditu
could also be a wet nurse.
The status of the qaditu may have changed over time, becoming more negative. In Standard Babylonian texts she is often counted
among sorceresses and witches. Joan Westenholz offers two explanations for this:
The latter instances can be accounted for by the first-millennium dualistic theory that women were either 'good' or 'bad': because the latter
were under their own control, they were considered to be the mediums
89
of evil power, a dangerous, uncontrolled female power. Another interpretation is that the qadistu-woman officiated in exorcistic rituals in
which she impersonated the witch "providing a tangible object for exorcistic activity, whereas her accessories, the pal fibre mat and fir cone,
probably symbolized the 'bonds' of the sorcerers and were to be broken
or unraveled in the course of the ceremonies" . 95
The former interpretation is referred to by other scholars. Julia Assante points to the fact that '[professional and ecclesiastical independent women begin to disappear from the record after OB in gene r a l . . . , leaving us to assume radical social shifts in attitudes towards
independent women'. She explains the texts in which the qaditu occurs among the women practicing witchcraft as an expression of fear
of the single, independent woman. 96
The qaditu may have had various functions in different periods of
Mesopotamian history. There is no evidence, however of cultic prostitution being one of them. 97
At the beginning of the twentieth century not only the qaditu was
believed to be a cultic prostitute, but also the nadtu (Sum. lukur) 98
was thought to act as such. 99 Yet nowadays it is generally agreed that
nadtus were expected to live a life of chastity. 100 As Rivka Harris
explains:
The term nadtu derives from the root, nad meaning "to leave fallow"
95
nomic life, it is the religious role of the nadtus that concerns us here.
At Sippar, women generally were designated by their parents as
nadtus at an early age. They entered the gag as nubile girls and
lived there until their death. They were initiated by way of a religious ceremony, which took place once a year at the festival of sebt
attirn.110 An administrative text dealing with the expenses incurred
by the cloister on the entrance of a nadtu mentions gifts (biblu) that
were donated by the gag to the girl and her family. 111 The initiate
nadtu brought her dowry with her. 112 The Sippar nadtu had a special relationship with the god Shamash and his wife Aya. Both Aya
and the initiated nadtu were called the kallatu of Shamash. Harris
has proposed that the nadtu should be regarded as the daughter-inlaw of Shamash, Aya thus being her 'mother-in-law'. 113 Ulla Jeyes, on
the other hand, assumes that 'Aja and the nadtu were in the same
position in their relationship to ama', i.e., both were a betrothed
bride of Shamash. The epithet kallatu underlined the virginal state
of the nadtu.114
The religious duties of the nadtu concerned bringing offerings and
praying for family members. 115 Princess Erishti-Aya from Mari, for
instance, wrote that she prayed continually for her father the king and
for his dynasty before Shamash and Aya. 116 A nadtu also participated
in the cult of the dead for the deceased nadtus during the festival of
sebt attim.117 Although the nadtu had a ritual role, she was no
priestess. 118
The administrative staff of the gag consisted mainly of men. 119
Possibly nadtus themselves fulfilled the office of steward in the early
days of the Old Babylonian period, but in later times only men held
110
In the sixth century BCE Nabonidus revived the office of the naditu,
but the revival did not outlive his reign, it would seem. 125
Various other religious functions are known from Mesopotamia:
the ugbabtu, the kulmatu, the ugtu and the itartu, to name some.
Since they are of lesser relevance to our understanding of the female
priesthood in Ugarit and Israel, I will not discuss them here. 126
It would seem that the tendency already present in the second millennium, to exclude women from cultic functions, continued into the
first millennium. Female priests rarely occur in the first millennium.
Nabonidus revived the office of the entu, but the fact that he met
with opposition probably implied that it had become unusual for a
woman to fulfill a priestly function by the time of his reign. Possibly
the sgittu was some kind of priestess during the Late Babylonian
period, but this is uncertain and she is mentioned only once. 127 Only
royal women occasionally acted as priestesses. Thus around 300 BCE
the Phoenician queen mother is referred to as priestess of
120
'Ashtart. 1 2 8
Karel van der Toorn assumes that the demand for physical perfection and, within that frame of reference, sexual purity, can be regarded
as the cause for debarring women from the priesthood. 129 Yet if women
were regarded as 'always potentially impure', as he states, I wonder
why they could fulfill priestly functions in the third and early second
millennium. Either purity regulations were not that important then,
or other considerations were also taken into account. I assume that
women's social status can also be regarded as a reason for exclusion.
In Egypt, professionalization of the priesthood led to the exclusion
of most women from priestly roles, from the New Kingdom onwards
(see below). In section 2.2.2.3 we saw that, whereas Mesopotamian
women could still fulfill some professions in the third and early second millennium, in later times their opportunities had greatly decreased. Only professions in the service of royal women (scribes, messengers) and those related to childcare (midwifery, wetnursing) were
open to women. Probably in Mesopotamia, too, professionalization of
the priesthood led to the exclusion of most women.
Although the position of female cultic functionaries in Egypt differed somewhat from that of their Mesopotamian sisters, here, too,
exclusion of women gradually developed. With regard to the Egyptian
priesthood, Herman te Velde notes:
There were two principal grades of priests: the higher grade of "servants
of the god" (hmw-ntr), a term Egyptologists usually render "prophets,"
as the Greeks did, and the subordinate "pure ones" (w'bw), or wab
priests. . . . The priests were divided into four groups or gangs of service,
now known by their Greek designation, phyle. Each phyle served one
lunar month by rotation, so that everyone had an interval of three
months between two periods of ritual service. The head or "regulator"
of a phyle was normally a prophet, while others were mostly wab priests.
. . . Women had their own phyles. After marriage a woman remained in
the phyle into which she had been initiated as a girl. All women of rank
were singers, dancers, or musicians in the temple of a god or goddess
in their hometown.130
In the Old Kingdom, many women from high-ranking families were
priestesses (hm.t-ntr) of Hathor, and, to a lesser extent, of the god128
KAI 14:14-15.
. van der Toorn, 'Theology, Priests, and Worship in Canaan and Ancient
Israel', in: CANE, vol. 3, 2052.
130
H. te Velde, 'Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt', in: CANE,
vol. 3, 1734. Te Velde erroneously writes hmw-ntr in stead of hmw-ntr.
129
131
H.G. Fischer, 1 Priesterin', L, Bd. 4, 1100-1. See also Idem, 'Women in the
Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period', in: WER, 18-9; G. Robins, Women
in Ancient Egypt, London 1993, 142; B.S. Lesko, The Great Goddesses of Egypt,
Norman OK 1999, 239.
132
'Responses to Dr. Fischer's Paper', in: WER, 29 (Addendum by Dr. M.
Galvin): 'From the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period, 226
Priestesses of Hathor have been identified, but only 10 Priests of Hathor show
up in the records'.
133
'Responses to Dr. Fischer's Paper', in: WER, 25-6; Lesko, The Great Goddesses of Egypt, 240.
134
'Responses to Dr. Fischer's Paper', in: WER, 25-30; W.A. Ward, 'Non-Royal
Women and their Occupations in the Middle Kingdom', in: WER, 34-5, 43;
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 142,144; Lesko, The Great Goddesses of Egypt,
241.
135
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 144.
were consecrated to the god Amun. 142 Gay Robins assumes that certain women from the Eighteenth Dynasty, such as Hatshepsut and her
daughter, Neferura, preferred their title 'God's Wife' over other royal
titles because of the prestige attached to it. 'The owning of property
made the office a powerful one, and the god's wife probably had real
authority in the cult'. 143 Moreover, Barbara Lesko notes that queens
were considered divine, like the king, and were equated with Hathor
during the New Kingdom. 144 Robins further proposes that Hatshepsut
may have used her authority as God's Wife to strenghten her position during her regency and eventually claim the throne. Thutmose
ill, who ruled after Hatshepsut, may have deliberately reduced the
importance of the God's Wife's position and stripped it of much of
its authority. 145 From the reign of Amenophis in (1388-1351/50 BCE)
until the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty the function of the God's
Wife disappeared, to reappear again in the Nineteenth and Twentieth
Dynasty as a title of apparently little importance. A change may have
been initiated by Ramesses VI (1142/40-1134/32 BCE), who installed
his unmarried daughter, Aset, as God's Wife and Divine Adoratrice.
She may have been the first of a long line of unmarried God's Wives,
daughters of either kings or high priests of Amun. Being unmarried,
there was less of a threat the God's Wife would build her own imperium. The rich and powerful God's Wife could thus serve the ruling
king in maintaining his power. 146 The reign of Nitokret I, daughter of
Psammetichus I (664-610 BCE), illustrates the economic and political
power that a God's Wife had by the end of the Third Intermediate
period. 147 Her role, however, as that of all God's Wives of Amun, was
confined to the Theban area. The Persian conquest of Egypt brought
an end to the office of the God's Wife.
Queens and princesses who became a God's Wife of Amun fulfilled
priestly tasks, especially in the Amun temple at Thebes. They held a
142
In the thirteenth century, Emar singers (zammr) played an important role in the cult, leading ritual processions and performing
hymns for specific gods. Some of the texts also mention female singers
(zammirtu), who probably participated in the cult, too. 164
In pharaonic Egypt, female musicians were attached to temples
and appeared in the roles of singers and instrumentalists. 165 Musicians either accompanied a singer or sang to their own instruments.
In the Old Kingdom period women played a limited number of instruments, i.e., the harp and percussion instruments such as the sistrum.
Flutes and oboes, on the other hand, were exclusively played by men.
Female musicians were often depicted in a funerary context, as family members (wives or daughters) who entertained the deceased tomb
owner. However, professional female musicians and singers also occur
in the tomb scenes, although their male collgues are shown more
often. 166
Singers and dancers made up a band, a hnr. In the Old Kingdom
period, membership of the hnr was restricted to women and their
overseer was female, too. This changed by the end of the Old Kingdom
period, when men were included among the singers and dancers of
the hnr. The ensembles had a function in religious as well as secular
contexts. 167
The source material of the Middle Kingdom period reveals that
women continued to act as professional musicians who performed in
the cult. 168 'The most significant changes in the roles of women are the
increasing integration of male and female musicians and the greater
variety of instruments played by women in iconographical representa-
tions'. 169 The material from the Middle and New Kingdom period
shows women playing lute, flute and double oboe, among other instruments.
As was the case in the Old Kingdom period, most of the musical
scenes in the New Kingdom material have a funerary function. Yet
while in the former period the single female harpist appeared frequently, she is replaced in New Kingdom scenes by groups of women.
Moreover, although orchestras of mixed gender continued to occur,
more often they were exclusively female. 170
Both in the Old and the New Kingdom period the hnr consisted
of high-born women. 171 During the latter period, large numbers of
elite women, including members of the royal family, held the title of
sm'yt 'chantress' and acted as temple musician. Less documented, but
of comparable status and content, was the function of hst, which was
also held by women of privileged background. These temple musicians
served both male and female deities and probably held a part-time,
volunteer position. Often a wife of a priest would be a musician in
the same cult as her husband. 172 Queens who acted as songstresses
were believed to pacify the god with their voice. 173 Throughout the
pharaonic period female musicians appear to have held an honourable
position. 174
Beside singers and musicians, dancers also played a role in the cult.
With regard to Mesopotamia, Richard Henshaw explains: 'Much of
the cultic dancing is done as a group. A group dance is done in a
circle, but only by women
' 175 In Egypt, both male and female
dancers participated in the cult, but they generally performed in separate groups. In the Old Kingdom period, they were accompanied by
musicians and singers. During the New Kingdom period, however, female dancers usually accompanied themselves. They probably were
of a somewhat lower class than the women of the hnr.176
V-
Songs of lament were sung by a special category of religious specialist, i.e., mourners. In Mesopotamia, a deceased person was be169
Cf. CAD (B), 34-35 (bakktu), P.W. Ferris, The Genre of Communal Lament
in the Bible and the Ancient Near East (SBL.DS, 127), Atlanta GA 1992, 27, 74-5,
87; J.A. Scurlock, 'Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Mesopotamian Thought',
in: CANE, vol. 3, 1885-6.
178
S.N. Kramer, 'The Weeping Goddess: Sumerian Prototypes of the Mater Dolorosa\ BA 46 (1983), 69-80. See also H. Behrens, 'CBS 6894: Ein Eremma fr
Dumuzi?' in: H. Behrens et al. (eds), DUMU-E 2 -DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor
of ke W. Sjberg (Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund,
11), Philadelphia 1989, 29-31.
179
G. Robins, 'Some Images of Women in New Kingdom Art and Literature', in:
WER, 112.
180
Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 164. See also Fischer, 'Women in the Old
Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period', 19; Watterson, Women in Ancient
Egypt, 45; C.H. Roehrig, 'Women's Work: Some Occupations of Nonroyal Women
as Depicted in Ancient Egyptian Art', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress
of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 14.
181
For the ancient Near East, see W. Gutekunst, 'Zauber', in: L, Bd. 6, 1320-6;
J.A. Scurlock, 'Magic (ANE)', in: ABD, vol. 4, 464-8. For Ugarit, see G. del Olmo
Lete, Canaanite Religion: According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit, Bethesda
MD 1999, 345, 370. For the Hebrew Bible, see J.K. Kuemmerlin-McLean, 'Magic
( O T ) \ in: ABD, vol. 4, 468-71; N.R. Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your People:
Female Prophets in Ezekiel 13:17-23', JBL 118 (1999), 419-20.
182
Scurlock, 'Magic (ANE)', 465. See also Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your Peopie', 419-20.
tion, rather than being in contrast with it. 200 Although their method
may be different, divination and prophecy share the feature of communication between a divine sender and a human recipient by way of
an intermediary. On the other hand, the distinctiveness of prophecy
from (other) divinatory methods is also stressed. Whereas divinatory
fields such as extispicy supposedly used rational, 'scientific' methods,
the mode employed in prophecy was intuitive and sometimes ecstatic. 201
Beside some individual texts, prophetesses occur in two major
corpora. They are mentioned in Old Babylonian texts from Mari
and in Neo-Assyrian texts from Nineveh. At Mari, there were two
categories of prophetesses: professionals and lay persons. To the former category professionals such as the piltum 'answerer, respondent',
the muhhtum 'ecstatic' and the qabbtum 'speaker' belonged. These
prophetesses were attached to a sanctuary and served a specific deity, communicating its will to the king and other people. 202 About
one-fifth of the prophets with cultic titles was female. 203 Beside the
professional prophetesses, lay people could also act in this capacity.
There are several records of lay men and women, both named and
anonymous, who delivered a divinely inspired message. The number
of male and female lay prophets is about equal. 204 Although some lay
women went into ecstacy and delivered an oracle, most often they
experienced divine revelation in a dream. Remarkably, the dream as
a form of revelation is absent among the professional prophets and
prophetesses. People of all classes could experience a divine revelation in a dream, a maidservant as well as a wife of a free man and
a daughter of the king. 205 Like extispicy, which seems to have been
the most common form of divination in Babylonia, on a professional
level prophecy was a field mainly occupied by men. Yet prophecies
200
Cf., e.g., Van der Toorn, Cradle, 128-9; M. Nissinen, References to Prophecy in
Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS, 7), Helsinki 1998, 6, 167.1 adopt Herbert Huffmon's
definition of prophecy as 'inspired speech at the initiative of a divine power, speech
which is clear in itself and commonly directed to a third party; cf. H.B. Huffmon,
'Prophecy (ANE)', in: ABD, vol. 5, 477. Nissinen, 5, also offers various definitions
of prophecy.
201
Cf. . Malamat, Forerunner of Biblical Prophecy: The Mari Documents',
in: P.D. Miller et al. (eds), Ancient Israelite Religion, Philadelphia 1987, 34-5;
Nissinen, References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources, 6-7, 32, 168.
202
B.F. Batto, Studies on Women at Man, Baltimore 1974, 119; Malamat,
Forerunner of Biblical Prophecy', 38-40; Huffmon, 'Prophecy ()', 478-80.
203
Huffmon, 'Prophecy (ANE)', 478.
204
Batto, Studies on Women at Man, 125; Huffmon, 'Prophecy (ANE)', 478.
205
Batto, Studies on Women at Man, 123; Malamat, Forerunner of Biblical
Prophecy', 43-4.
So far, no Ugaritic texts have been found that deal with female cultic
impurity. Yet like their neighbours, the Ugaritians were aware of the
necessity to be pure when appearing before the gods. Thus several
texts mention the ritual purification of the king: yrths mlk brr 'the
king washes <and is> pure'. 217 Since the queen, too, performed sacrifices 218 , it seems reasonable to assume that she, too, had to be pure
in order to do so.
Beside the queen, no female cultic functionaries are mentioned in
the literary texts of Ugarit. At Ugarit the priesthood seems to have
been predominantly male. 219
Baruch Margalit has proposed that the naditu office, known from
second-millennium Sippar, also existed at Ugarit. He assumes ndt in
KTU 1.18:1.26 is the Ugaritic cogener of Akk. naditu.220 Yet the context, although fragmentary, does not seem to suggest this. 221 Based
on KTU 1.16:I.36-38a Margalit furthermore regards Kirtu's youngest
daughter, Thatmanatu, as a naditu of Shapshu living in a cloister. 222
His suggestion has met little approval, however. 223
Whereas in Akkadian and Hebrew texts the female cultic functionary qaditu/n occurs, in Ugaritic texts she does not. 224 Her
215
tbky.pgt.bm.lb
35
tdm'.bm.kbd
But father and daughter did not yet know that nature was reflecting
Aqhatu's death. Thus, as Parker has noted, their behaviour cannot
be regarded as mourning for a human beloved. 232
Mourning rites for Aqhatu started with the messengers who
brought the bad tidings of his death. The way they looked indicated
that their message was one of mourning: their hair was hanging loose
and tresses had been shaved off. 233 Also they were shedding tears
(KTU 1.19:11.31-34).
Thus, it was only after father and daughter had received the news
of Aqhatu's death, that the deceased was properly bewailed. First,
Dani'ilu set out to find the remains of his son in order to bewail and
bury him. 234 After he had found his son's remains, he returned to his
home. Then the rites of wailing started (KTU 1.19:IV.8-22):
s
dn'il.bth.ym(.)gyn.
2/9ql.dn'il.lhklh.
231
Ilimilku omits the first part of Ilu's reaction when describing 'Anatu's rites.
This can partly be explained by the fact that 'Anatu wandered about. The small
omission can further be attributed to Ilimilku's writing style. When repeating a
passage, he sometimes shortened it; cf. M.C.A. Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of
Ilimilku of Ugarit', in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel
(OTS, 40), Leiden 1997, 101-3.
232
Cf. S.B. Parker, 'Death and Devotion: The Composition and Theme of AqhV,
in: J.H. Marks, R.M. Good (eds), Love & Death in the Ancient Near East: Essays
in Honor of Marvin H. Pope, Guilford C T 1987, 79.
233
Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 254, . 199-201.
234
'abky.w'aqbrnh '1 will bewail and bury him', KTU 1.19:111.5 passim.
'rb.b10kyt
bhklh.mspdt.
bhzrh.11 pzgm.gr.
ybk.l'aqht 12gzr.
mt.
rp 'i.
lymm.lyrhm
14
lyrhm.lnt.
'd 15Sb't.snt.
ydm'.lkdd.dn'il
ybk.l'aq16ht.gzr.
17
dn'il.mt.
rp['i.]
KTU2 restores [[bt]]fa/ and proposes to read bbth.bkyt, based on the parallel
in lines 20-21. This is unnecessary, since a small variant could very well occur
within a poetic text.
236 n w y a t t , 'The Religion of Ugarit: An Overview', in: HUS, 578.
237
Cf. De Moor, The Seasonal Pattern, 201.
238
For instance when she desired to possess Aqhatu's bow, a 'warrior's weapon'
(KTU 1.17:VI.39-41). Cf. De Moor, ARTU, 239, n. 108 and N.H. Walls, The
Goddess Anat in Ugaritic Myth (SBL.DS, 135), Atlanta G A 1992, 217: 'Yet, while
Anat is a female character, her gender is ambiguous. . . . Disdaining feminine
social roles and domestic responsibility, Anat engages in the masculine activities
of hunting, warfare, and polities'.
239
Korpel, 'Exegesis in the Work of Ilimilku of Ugarit', 107, n. 120.
in the Legend of Aqhatu it was father Dani'ilu who buried his son.
Pughatu, Aqhatu's sister, did not play a role in this passage (1.19:111).
In the Legend of Aqhatu, 'Anatu's role as mourner is more in
accordance with her gender role. Upon the death of Aqhatu, which
she herself had brought about, she wept for him and perhaps she also
sang a dirge, accompanying herself on a lyre (KTU 1 . 1 9 : 1 . 1 - 8 ) . 2 4 0
The act of entering and departing by the wailing women in the Legend of Aqhatu reminds one in an antithetic manner of the Katharatu,
the goddesses related to conception, who once had entered the house
for seven days. 241 Whereas they had been present to guide Aqhatu's
beginning, the wailing women were present to guide the end of his
life. And whereas the Katharatu had been present for seven days, the
wailing women performed their mourning for seven years. 242
In the Legend of Kirtu, mourning already started while the king
was still alive. 243 Kirtu's friends were invited to a funerary banquet,
where they wept over him (KTU 1 . 1 5 : V ) . His children, too, bewailed
their father. Kirtu's son, Iluha'u, wept and mourned the approaching
death of his father. He referred to the dirges of the female mourners
that would soon be heard (KTU 1 . 1 6 : 1 . 3 - 5 ) :
3
tq.
T h e context is somewhat fragmentary and the text is very difficult to interprt. For various translations, cf. De Moor, ARTU, 247-8; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1,
350-1; Parker, in: Smith, UNP, 67; Wyatt, RTU, 287-90.
241
K T U 1.17:11.24-27, 39-42.
242
A seven-day period of mourning was customary both in Mesopotamia and Israel. For references on Mesopotamian literature cf. A.L. Oppenheim, 'The Mother
of Nabonidus', in: ANET3, 562; T. Abusch, 'Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's
Denial. Part II: An Analysis and Interpretation of an Old Babylonian Fragment
about Mourning and Celebration', JANES 22 (1993), 8; for Hebrew Bible references cf. Gen. 50:10; Num. 19:11-12; Job 2:12-13. Since the poet uses the literary
figure of hyperbole here, it seems reasonable to assume a mourning period of seven
days for Ugarit, too.
243
In the ancient Near East a person seriously ill was considered to be already in
the realm of death, cf., e.g., C. Barth, Die Errettung vorn Tode in den individuellen
Klage- und Dankliedern des Alten Testamentes, Zollikon 1947, 11, 60-1.
244
Cf. Tropper, UG, 773, 791.
245
On ht 'burial chamber', cf. DLU, vol. 1, 201.
246
O n ntn 'lament', cf. DLU, vol. 2, 337.
247
Cf. TO, t. 1, 549-50; De Moor, ARTU, 211; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, 'Ugaritisch
Kirtu's youngest daughter, Thatmanatu, played the most prominent role in mourning her father's approaching death. Kirtu explicitly
asked for her to come and weep for him (KTU 1.16:1.28-30).248 She
should take her hand drum and sing on the heights (41-43). The song
she was asked to sing probably was a dirge. 249 When she found out
how seriously ill her father was, she started to mourn him (KTU
1.16:11.25-36)250:
25
sr.q[1 rm]
26
sr.rm.7zq[th]
27
km.nkyt.tgr[.tspd]
28
29
km. skllt.til
'rym.1b1[.1bt]
wt'n2/.t[a'nt]
wfd.bk]h
32
30
31
6s[.]
Naked, without [her garment] of linen [she went],
went],
[t]1k.
lbl.sk
ybmh.b'.
srrt spn, srry und hebrisch jrktj spurn', UF 22 (1990), 83; Greenstein, in: Smith,
UNP, 30; Wyatt, RTU, 220; C.L. Miller, 'Patterns of Verbal Ellipsis in Ugaritic
Poetry', UF 31 (1999), 345; Tropper, UG, 793.
248
On the text and translation, see section 2.1.3. Amico, SWU, 213, proposes
this preference might be due to the fact that she had the birthright and it therefore might have been her task as 'first-born' to perform the rites of mourning.
Although a father could have a certain freedom to choose whomever he pleased
as first-born, I disagree with Amico on her interpretation. The prophecy of Thatmanatu becoming the first-born had not yet come true at this stage in the legend.
Her brother Yassubu regarded himself the successor of his father and therefore
probably still had the birthright (1.16:VI.37-38). De Moor, ARTU, 213, n. 76,
proposes that Kirtu asked for Thatmanatu because she, as the youngest daughter, had a special status as a weeping woman. However, I assume the emphasis on
T h a t m a n a t u ' s role was part of Ilimilku's agenda. The author of the Ba'lu Myth
stressed T h a t m a n a t u ' s mourning capacities by way of his description of her acts
in relation to those of her brother Iluha'u (Cf. KTU 1.16:1.12-14 and 11.25-36.)
Although the words they spoke were almost identical, the description of Thatmanatu's behaviour - shrieking, pounding her breast, wailing, going naked, weeping, gnashing her teeth - is much more elaborate. Thus, Thatmanatu's mourning
behaviour seems to be more extensive than that of her brother. She truly mourned
her father's approaching death, unlike her brother, whose action may have been
perfunctory in view of the climax of the legend.
249
Cf. Judg. 11:37-38.
250
Restoration of the text is based on J.C. de Moor, K. Spronk, 'Problematical
Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (II)', UF 14 (1982), 185, and Greenstein, in:
Smith, UNP, 34.
251
For wt'ny, cf. DLU, vol. 1, 84, s.v. 'ny (II); Greenstein, in: Smith, UNP, 34,
47, n. 135. For ta'nt, cf. De Moor, The Seasonal Pattern, 107; DLU, vol. 2, 460.
252
Literally, ybm is a brother-in-law. DLU, vol. 2, 519, suggests 'relative'. However, De Moor and Spronk, 'Problematical Passages in the Legend of Kirtu (II)',
186, assume that 'ybm is a designation of a brother . . . who is about to become
an orphan and has an obligation to take care of his unmarried sister'.
tbky.wtnn.
ttn
36
gh.bky
[t] 6 0 hrm.Vahlm.
ptgmrm 61ybl.lbh
temple of the Craftsman' and 'the house of the diviner', have also
been proposed. 256
The mlh 'whisperer, charmer' is mentioned in an incantation
against snake bites, KTU 1.100:5 et passim, where he is supposed
to drive out the poison. 257
In an incantation against the evil eye, the wicked man (bty) and
the wicked woman (btt) are mentioned in parallelism (KTU 1.96:56, 11-13). 258 The evil eye was believed to cause all sorts of harm
to people, which could be warded off by incantations. 259 It is worth
noting that both men and women were believed to have the evil eye.
In KTU 1.16:V.25-VI.14 a female creature cured Kirtu by way
of magic. When Kirtu was fatally ill, Ilu asked the deities who had
gathered together whether one of them was able to expell the disease
that had struck Kirtu. But none of the gods was able to do so. Only Ilu
himself could cast out the disease. 260 He then addressed the assembly
of the gods, informing them he would do the job himself (1.16:V.2528):
25
ank 26 'ihtrS.w'askn
27
'akn.ydt.[m]1s
grt
28
zbln
Ilu thus created Sha'tiqtu, a female being whose name means 'She
who causes to pass', and ordered her to drive out the disease of Kirtu.
256
For the former, cf. Wyatt, RTU, 168; for the latter, cf. Parker, in: Smith,
UNP, 191. See further TO, t. 1, 351, n. h.
257
Cf. DLU, vol. 2, 275; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, Studien zu den ugaritischen
Texten: I. Mythos und Ritual in KTU 1.12, 1.24, 1-96, 1.100 und 1.114 (AOAT,
269/1), Mnster 2000, 325.
258
Although KTU 1.96 has been classified as a mythological text (De Moor,
ARTU, 109-10; TO, t. 2, 40-4), most scholars nowadays follow the interpretation
of Del Olmo Lete that this text is an incantation against the evil eye, cf. J.N. Ford,
' "Ninety-Nine by the Evil Eye and One from Natural Causes": K T U 2 1.96 in its
Near Eastern Context', UF 30 (1998), 201-78; Wyatt, RTU, 375-7; G. del Olmo
Lete, Canaanite Religion: According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit, Bethesda
MD 1999, 379-84.
For a totally different interpretation, cf. Smith, in: Idem, UNP, 224-8.
259
M. Meslin, 'Eye', in: EncRel(E), vol. 5, 238: 'The belief in the unlucky influence of the evil eye is universal. It rests on a valorization of the gaze reputed to
be harmful because the eye is abnormal (eyes of different colors, double pupils,
squinting); such a gaze magically reveals the malevolent intention of the soul
whose window the eye is'.
260
Likewise, in the Akkadian texts RS 17.155 and 25.460, Marduk is mentioned
as the deity able to cure diseases and to stop the work of demons causing illnesses.
Cf. M. Dietrich, 'Marduk in Ugarit', SEL 5 (1988), 79-101.
261
Nineveh and biblical Israel, does not occur in the Ugaritic texts. 269
The experience of divine revelation in dreams, however, is narrated
in two Ugaritic legends. Both to Kirtu and Dani'ilu deities appear in
a dream and inform them how to act. 270 A deity does not appear in
a dream to a woman, however.
In the last lines of KTU 1.12, which probably contain a ritual
instruction, women drawing water at the well are mentioned (s'ibt 'n,
1.12:11.59).271 Since the 'House of Ilu' and the 'House of Magic' are
mentioned in the following lines (60-61), it seems very possible that
these women performed an ancillary function in the cult.
With regard to two Ugaritic texts, KTU 1.23 and 1.132, the context of a sacred marriage liturgy has been proposed. First, some
scholars assume that KTU 1.23 describes a sacred marriage rite that
was acted out during the New Year festival. 272 Although it is likely
that this text, which combines ritual and myth, describes some sort
of ritual during the festivities of the New Year, it is going too far to
regard it as a sacred marriage liturgy. 273 Whereas in the Sumerian
texts of this genre Inanna plays a central role, receiving the king in
her bed 274 , here it is Ilu who impregnates two women ('attm), who
subsequently bear him the gods Shaharu and Shalimu. Admittedly,
the king and queen with their personnel are mentioned (1. 7), yet
their presence does not necessarily make them participants in a ritual
in which they could also be spectators. 275 Contrary to, for instance,
the sacred marriage text of Iddin-Dagan and Inanna, the Ugaritic
king and queen are not said to purify themselves in order to act out
the ritual. Further, there is a major distinction between the praise of
269
Inanna, who is hailed numerous times in the hymn in which IddinDagan celebrates his sacred marriage, and the hailing of the king and
queen in KTU 1.23:7. If KTU 1.23 were some sort of sacred marriage
liturgy one would expect expressions of veneration for the goddess the
king was about to marry. Yet Ilu marries two nameless women, who
are not called goddesses. The character of the two women ( 'attm) is
not clear, they may be human (priestesses? royal wives?) or divine. 276
Instead of Inanna it is Ilu whose sexual activities are emphasized in
KTU 1.23. 277 As we have learned, the purpose of the sacred marriage
rite in Mesopotamia was not only to secure fertility for the land but
also, and probably more importantly, to confirm the ties between the
deity and the people via the king. If one was to assume KTU 1.23 to
be a sacred marriage liturgy, this would involve a definite shift, for in
Ugarit it would not be the king as a representative of the god who
married the goddess of fertility, but the king as a representative of the
god who brought fertility by marrying a human female in an unknown
capacity. This would then, in its turn, mean a shift in focus on the
female partner(s) of the marriage. However, KTU 1.132 seems to argue
against this construct (see further below). On the other hand, KTU
1.23 can be regarded as a divine marriage which was symbolically
re-enacted in the cult. 278
In short, the important position of the goddess who ritually marries the king cannot be determined in KTU 1.23. Especially if one
compares the position of Pidrayu in KTU 1.132 with the position of
the women marrying Ilu in 1.23 it is hard to accept the view that
1.23 is a sacred marriage text. The latter should rather be regarded
as describing a divine marriage.
However, it seems that KTU 1.132, a Hurro-Ugaritic offering text,
may reflect a sacred marriage rite. 279 This second text bears more
resemblance to the Sumerian sacred marriage texts than does KTU
1.23. Mention is made of the preparation of a bed for the goddess
276
Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 274-83, e.g., assumes they are human, whereas, for
instance, Wyatt, RTU, 324-35, holds they are divine. If they are regarded as divine,
identification with Athiratu and Rahmay is possible, yet not certain. If one does
not accept the identification, the suckling of the gracious gods by Athiratu and,
perhaps, Rahmay (1. 24, 59, 61), can be regarded as an act of adoption, cf. Pardee,
in: C0S, vol. 1, 279, n. 36.
277
Cf. Lewis, in: Smith, UNP, 206.
278
See section 2.1.1.2.
279
Cf., e.g., G. del Olmo Lete, 'Royal Aspects of the Ugaritic Cult 1 , in: J. Quaegebeur (ed.), Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East (OLA, 55), Leuven 1993,
57-8; Idem, Canaanite Religion, 207-12.
Pidrayu in the house of the king 280 and of the king being desacralized
(hi) again after sunset on the third and last day of the ritual.
One may wonder why it is the goddess Pidrayu who is engaged
in a sacred marriage with the Ugaritic king. Specifically the fact that
the offering text mentions Hebat, and deities related to her, raises the
question of a possible identification of the Ugaritic goddess Pidrayu
with the Hurrian goddess Hebat. And this, in turn, raises the question
whether Pidrayu was a wife instead of a daughter of Ba'lu. RS 20.24
provides an Akkadian translation of the pantheon list KTU 1.118, in
which pdry is equated with he-bat. However, in the Hurrian pantheon
Hebat is the wife of Teshshub. This Hurrian weather god, in turn, is
equated with the Ugaritic Ba'lu. 281 The relationship of KTU 1.118
to RS 20.24 might illustrate that Hurrian influence on the Ugaritic
tradition does not result in pantheon lists that are as strictly parallel
as scholars of comparative religion may wish. Based on KTU 1.24:2628, Pidrayu cannot be strictly equated with Hurrian Hebat. 282 With
Gregorio del Olmo Lete, I assume Pidrayu to be a daughter of Ba'lu
who, within the Ugaritic pantheon, was regarded as the ideal nubile
goddess. 283 It seems therefore probable that Ugaritic religion did know
a sacred marriage rite in which the king ritually married the goddess
Pidrayu.
With regard to the possibility of a role for 'Anatu in the sacred marriage rite in Ugarit, it can be noted that certain allusions
to the Inanna-Dumuzi traditions have been found in the Legend of
Aqhatu. 2 8 4 The goddess possibly proposed marriage to the young hero
(KTU 1.18:I.23-24) 285 and later on the hero tragically died (KTU
1.18:IV). Yet the occurrence of these themes in itself does not prove
they referred to a sacred marriage rite.
Although 'Anatu shared many traits with Mesopotamian Inanna/
Ishtar, it seems that in Ugaritic religion she did not play the role of
280
the goddess marrying the king. As KTU 1.24:26-28 shows and KTU
1.132 confirms, Pidrayu is 'considered to be the divine bride par excellence'. 286 By marrying her, the king married into the divine family
of Ba'lu and became related to the gods. Yet whether a female cultic
functionary acted as a stand-in representing the goddess, or a statue of
the goddess was used in the sacred marriage rite, that is, whether the
rite was performed carnally or symbolically, cannot be determined.
Although the king played the most prominent role as officiant
in the cult, the queen and other members of the royal family also
participated in ritual actions.
The king and queen are both mentioned in KTU 1.23, a text we
already discussed in connection with sacred marriage. In the first
section of the text, which contains liturgical directions, the king and
queen are hailed: lm.mlk.lm.mlkt
'Hail, King! Hail, Queen!
(KTU 1.23:7). It cannot be discerned whether the royal couple was
present as patrons, honoured spectators, or participants.
KTU 1.40 is a ritual text that offers us insight into the liturgy for
the day of atonement. 287 Originally it probably was divided into six
sections, which mentioned the sexes in separate, paired portions. In
their discussion of KTU 1.40, Johannes de Moor and Paul Sanders
have proposed a role for the king and the queen as officiants in the
expiation ritual:
It seems that the king and queen of Ugarit, designated as "son of
Ugarit" and "daughter of Ugarit", took turns in acting as representatives of the men and women.288
The king and queen in question would have been Niqmaddu and ntt
'Netheti'. However, it is now generally agreed that the text in KTU
1.40:36 reads 'att 'Lady', and refers to the queen. 289
286
Slm.Slm.'mr[p'i]
32
w.lm.bih.
290
lm. 'ugrt
Hail to Ugarit!
34
lm.tgrh
and after the fight, which may indicate this was no ordinary battle.
Secondly, the two groups she battled against were situated in a plain
between two cities. The scene of the battle may refer to Ugarit and its
harbour, Minet el-Beida, in mythological disguise. 304 After defeating
her adversaries, 'Anatu played with the heads and hands she had
chopped off 305 and then collected them to adorn herself with them.
The heads she made into a necklace, the hands she attached to her
girdle. 306 The picture that emerges is that of a fearsome deity covered
with blood. Perhaps the rite that accompanied this mythic image
was the pressing of grapes; 307 another option would be the shedding
of actual blood. Somehow there were still survivors of the battle, old
men and veterans, whom the goddess chased away. The ritual combat,
according to Gaster, was staged between two teams or their agents,
who represented the Old and the New Year or Drought and Rain. 308
Thus, the old men might represent the Old Year. When 'Anatu arrived
at her house, she arranged tables and chairs as if to serve a meal for
the warriors. Warriors played a role in several rites of ancient Near
Eastern cults. 309 Instead of dining there was fighting until the deity
was sated with it. 310 The house was then cleaned and 'Anatu washed
herself. Washing oneself often was regarded an act of ritual character
in ancient Near Eastern mytho-poetic texts. 311 The washing with dew
may reflect the rite of the rain bride. 312
304
J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT,
16), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971, 94; Idem, ARTU, 5, n. 25.
305
The habit of chopping off heads and hands was well-known in the ancient
Near East, cf. De Moor, The Seasonal Pattern, 90. It is told of the Sumerian
goddess Inanna that she played with the heads of those she had killed, cf. .
Volk, Die Balag-Komposition ru m-ma-ir-ra-bi (FAOS, 18), Stuttgart 1989,
200, 205 (Taf. 21:74-5). Of the Egyptian goddess Isis, too, it is said in a hymn
that she 'smites millions by cutting off (their) heads', cf. L.V. Zabkar, Hymns to
Isis in Her Temple at Philae, Hanover NH 1988, 58.
306
Cf. Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 250, n. 76.
307
Cf. Isa. 63:1-6; M.H. Pope, Song of Songs (AncB, 7C), Garden City NY 1977,
610-1; De Moor, ARTU, 5, n. 21.
308
T.H. Gaster, Thespis: Ritual, Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East,
rev. ed., Garden City NY 1961, 37-40, 267.
309
Song of Songs 7:1 probably refers to a choral dance of two armies (), cf.
Pope, Song of Songs, 607. At Emar, soldiers played a part in the enthronement
rite of a mas'artu priestess. The image of a martial Ishtar also played a certain
role; cf. D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays dAtata (Emar 6/3), Paris 1986, 338-46.
310
This might be reflected in the ritual as a sham combat followed by a meal.
311
Cf. KTU 1.14:11.9-11; Del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion, 37-8.
312
Cf. G. Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Palstina, Bd. I, Gtersloh 1928, 144-6;
T.H. Gaster, ' "Ba'al is Risen . . . " : An Ancient Hebrew Passion-Play from Ras
Shamra-Ugarit', Iraq 6 (1939), 135, n. 148; R. Patai, 'The "Control of Rain" in
C . HEBREW BIBLE
Whereas the male priest ( )is mentioned several times in the Hebrew Bible, a female priest is not attested. 320 In pre-monarchic times
lay persons, i.e., the heads of the families or the eldest of the tribes,
performed the priestly duties (cf., e.g., Gen. 22; Judg. 13:19). When
Israelite society changed from a (semi-)nomadic to a sedentary life,
sanctuaries were erected and priests installed to guard the sanctua r y 321 j n
m o n a r c h i c period priests belonged to the royal personnel. Their main task was to bring offerings to YHWH. While kings
such as David and Solomon could perform priestly tasks themselves,
this was no longer possible in later times. The later kings were not
permitted to make offerings to Y H W H (cf. 2 Chron. 26:18). 322
In the pre-monarchic and early monarchic periods, priests performed mantic functions. 323 To consult God through an oracle people
turned to a priest (e.g., Judg. 18:5). Other functions of biblical priests
were to teach to the people, to discern between pure and impure,
to partake in the administration of justice, to offer offerings, to bless
people and to supervise the holy precinct. 324
According to the Hebrew Bible, women were excluded from the
priesthood. 325 Scholars have suggested several reasons for this exclusion. Mary Hayter discerns four types of explanation. 326 First, there
are theories that focus on the practical and maternal considerations.
(1A) Women would lack the strength that certain priestly duties
required, for they could not slaughter sizeable animals. 327 This theory
is rejected by Hayter:
A w o m a n ' s physical s t r e n g t h was irrelevant t o t h e sacrificial d u t i e s of a
priest since, as de Vaux p o i n t s o u t , t h e priest himself seldom p e r f o r m e d
t h e a c t u a l slaughter of t h e victim (cf. Lev. 1.5; 3.2ff; 4.24ff; E x o d .
320
Cf. W. Dommershausen, ' hohen', ThWAT, Bd. 4, 68-79; H.G. Reventlow, 'Priester/Priestertum', in: TRE, Bd. 27, 383-91. On the relationship between
priests and Levites, cf. R. Nurmela, The Levites: Their Emergence as a SecondClass Priesthood (SFSHJ, 193), Atlanta GA 1998.
321
Dommershausen, ' hohen', 69; Reventlow, 'Priester/Priestertum', 383.
322
Dommershausen, ' hohen', 72-5; Reventlow, 'Priester/Priestertum', 383-4.
323
Dommershausen, ' hohen', 69-70; Reventlow, 'Priester/Priestertum', 386.
324
Reventlow, 'Priester/Priestertum', 386-8.
325
Not only women, but also all non-levitical men were excluded from the priesthood. The issue at stake here, however, is why women per se were excluded in
biblical Israel, given that they did occur - although in small numbers - in neighbouring countries.
326
M. Hayter, The New Eve in Christ: The Use and Abuse of the Bible in the
Debate about Women in the Church, London 1987; 60-79.
327
Thus C.J. Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 193.
328
Hayter, The New Eve in Christ, 63, citing R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, London
1965, 356.
329
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 193; Hayter, The New
Eve in Christ, 63-4.
330
Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 193.
331
P.A. Bird, 'The Place of Women in the Israelite Cultus', in: P.D. Miller et al.
(eds), Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross, Philadelphia 1987, 411.
332
Hayter, The New Eve in Christ, 64.
fessional priesthood. The social status of women was lower than that
of men and would have played a contributary role in the exclusion of
women from the priesthood. However, as we have seen in chapter 2,
the social status of Israelite women did not differ considerably from
that of women in Ugarit nor from women in other countries of the
ancient Near East. I concur with Hayter that women in biblical Israel
generally had a lower social status than men, but this also was the
case in other countries, which did have female priests. She does have
a point, however, in emphasizing authority and prestige as necessary
attributes of priests. As we saw in section A, during the first millennium BCE only women of the highest social classes could become
priestesses of some sort. Yet no Israelite queen or princess in a priestly
capacity is referred to in the Hebrew Bible.
(3) The third type of explanation offered by Hayter relates to
the theological status of women. In Lev. 21 the requirements of the
Israelite priesthood are described. Not only did a priest have to be a
descendant of Aaron, but he also had to be without physical deformity
or skin blemish. An Israelite priest had to be holy, and the priestly
service had to be one of holiness and purity. Hayter and others point
to the periodic uncleanness of women which made them impure and
would therefore make them unsuitable for the priesthood. 333 Since
impurity of women is often regarded as a major reason for excluding
women from the priestly office, I will treat the-subject in some detail.
As was the case in Israel's neighbouring countries, the God of
Israel was not to be approached by persons who were impure. 334 If a
person was unclean, it meant he or she was cultically unfit to enter
the sanctuary of YHWH. An Israelite woman could be (' cultically)
unclean' on two levels: contagiously and non-contagiously. If a woman
was contagiously unclean, she could transmit her uncleanness to other
persons or objects. This was not the case anymore in the second stage
of uncleanness, although she was still forbidden to enter the sanctuary
333
Cf., e.g., Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 193; Hayter,
The New Eve in Christ, 69-70. See the criticism of this assumption in K. De
Troyer et al. (eds), Wholly Woman, Holy Blood: A Feminist Critique of Purity
and Impurity, Harrisburg PA 2003.
334
O n the concepts of holiness and purity in the Hebrew Bible, see D.P. Wright,
The Disposal of Impurity: Elimination Rites in the Bible and in Hittite and
Mesopotamian Literature (SBL.DS, 101), Atlanta GA 1987; J. Milgrom, Leviticus
1-16 (AncB, 3), New York 1991, 730-3; P.P. Jenson, Graded Holiness: A Key to
the Priestly Conception of the World (JSOT.S, 106), Sheffield 1992, 40-55. See
also K. O'Grady, 'The Semantics of Taboo: Menstrual Prohibitions in the Hebrew
Bible', in: K. De Troyer et al. (eds), Wholly Woman, Holy Blood: A Feminist Critique of Purity and Impurity, Harrisburg PA 2003, 1-28.
touched it would also become unclean until the evening. 345 There is
a noteworthy difference, however. After the discharge has stopped,
seven more days of impurity are added, after which she had to bring
offerings, two turtledoves or two pigeons, one for a sin offering and
the other for a burnt offering. 346 Unlike the normal blood discharge of
menstruation that generally lasted less than seven days and that required only waiting for the proper period after which one could bathe
and launder one's clothes, the purification process of a woman with
abnormal blood discharge required ritual expiation. 347
The third group of impure women with vaginal discharge are the
parturients. A woman who had given birth to a child was considered
unclean for 7 + 33 days where the child was a male and for 14 +
66 days where the child was a female (Lev. 12). 348 In the first period
her impurity was contagious, comparable to that of a menstruant,
but in the second period the woman was only to avoid sancta. After
the period of 40 or 80 days she had to bring a burnt offering and a
sin offering. 349 Although childbirth was no sinful act, a sin offering or
purification offering was necessary since childbirth caused impurity
which was removed by such an offering. 350
Why is the blood of the menstruant and the discharge of the parturient considered unclean? 351 In Israel's neighbouring countries menstrual blood and lochia were believed to be the repository of demonic
forces. As Rabbinic sources show, in Jewish folklore this fear still
existed, although official Israelite religion had exorcised the demons.
345
Despite this, the idea of connecting physical impurity with the demonic world did not disappear but received renewed interpretation.
The demonic no longer was an autonomous force but was inherent
in the very nature of physical impurity. 'The loss of vaginal blood
and semen, both containing seed, meant the diminution of life and,
if unchecked, destruction and death'. 3 5 2 Thus, blood was associated
with life and its loss with death.
Although it was a divine commandment to 'be fruitful and multiply' (Gen. 1:28), sexual intercourse made both partners impure. According to Lev. 15:18 the male as well as the female partner had to
bathe and remained unclean until the evening. Baruch Levine points
to the fact that 'the impurity of semen made it forbidden ever to have
sex within sacred precincts, once again creating a distance between
the process of procreation and the cult'. 353 Dramatizing sexual intercourse in the cult - which probably had happened in third-millennium
Mesopotamia - or allusions to it in re-enactment or retelling of myths,
was therewith excluded. Against Levine's assertion, however, it needs
to be pointed out that in other cultures of the ancient Near East
sexual intercourse also made people impure. It seems that bathing
after having sex was a general practice not only for temple personnel
and those bringing offerings but also for other persons under ordinary
circumstances. In this regard Jacob Milgrom states:
' T h u s t h e entire ancient world is u n a n i m o u s in its concern for cultic
purity. In all cultures sexual intercourse disqualifies a person f r o m participating in t h e cult, a n d t h e same rite is prescribed for purification
f r o m sexual impurity - b a t h i n g ' . 3 5 4
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 767. Pace K. De Troyer, 'Blood: A Threat to Holiness or toward (Another) Holiness?' in: Idem et al. (eds), Wholly Woman, Holy
Blood: A Feminist Critique of Purity and Impurity, Harrisburg PA 2003, 45-64,
who assumes the double number of days of impurity for the mother of a baby girl
is an intolerant reaction to the emphasis on women's capacity to give life in other,
polytheistic cultures of the ancient Near East.
353
Levine, Leviticus, 96.
354
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 933.
355
Hayter, The New Eve in Christ, 70. See also Vos, Woman in Old Testament
Worship, 193.
assumption, she nonetheless stresses that strict regulations concerning ritual purity of women implied their involvement in the cult on
a regular base. 356 Rules would have been necessary to circumscribe
when women were allowed to participate as worshippers in the cult.
Yet women were not excluded from participation in the cult when
they were considered cultically pure.
With regard to the assumption that women were unclean for the
period of one quarter of their adult life, it can furthermore be added
that women generally did not menstruate as frequently as they do
in modern western society. Their life expectancy was shorter and the
number of children they bore larger.
"Menstruation as we know it today is largely a product of contraception and of an increase in the number of childbearing years. Until
this century, most women spent the years between their first menses
around the age of 14 and their menopause at age 35 or 40 either pregnant or breastfeeding. Today, improved nutrition and health care have
pushed the onset of first menses earlier, to about age 12, and delayed
menopause until about age 50" . 357
Breastfeeding further had its influence on the suppression of the menses (lactational amenorrhea). According to Mayer Gruber, Israelite
women nursed their babies for as long as three years. This is not to
say that they did not menstruate for the whole nursing period, but
breastfeeding would generally have suppressed the menses for up to
one and a half years. 358 Women were not considered unclean during
pregnancy and thus not excluded from the cult. Neither were they
forbidden to participate in the cult when nursing their child (Deut.
31:12). 359 Based on these data it cannot be concluded that Israelite
women were impure as a result of vaginal discharges for about one
quarter of their adult life. The overall period of exclusion from the
356
G.I. Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', in: R.E. Clements (ed.), The
World of Ancient Israel: Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives,
Cambridge 1989, 379.
357
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 953, citing R.M. Henig, 'Dispelling Menstrual
Myths', New York Times Magazine Mar. 7 1982, 65. See also J.C. Exum, Pragmented Women: Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (JSOT.S, 163),
Sheffield 1993, 138, n. 78.
358
M.I. Gruber, 'Breast-Feeding Practices in Biblical Israel and in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia', JANES 19 (1989), 61-83. According to a study of contemporary societies in the Third World the average period of lactational amenorrhea
is eighteen and a half months (62), in another study the number of thirty three
weeks is mentioned (65).
359
Gruber, 'Breast-Feeding Practices', 67-8.
Yet Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 953, might be overemphasizing the point when
he says, '[t]he implication of this evidence is that the biblical woman, who was
generally in a state of pregnancy or nursing, was rarely excluded from participating
in the cult' [emphasis mine].
361
Hayter, The New Eve in Christ, 70-3.
362
On stereotyping Canaanite religion in such a way, see section 2.1.2.
363
Hayter, The New Eve in Christ, 72.
364
S.L. Gosline, 'Female Priests: A Sacerdotal Precedent from Ancient Egypt',
of a sacred marriage rite being part of the Jerusalemite cult (see further below). Those who do assume that this rite took place generally
think that the queen or a priestess took the role of the goddess rather
than the queen mother. 368
Ahlstrm's thesis was based partly on some biblical references
which point in the direction of queen mothers venerating Asherah.
First, king Asa purified the cult of Y H W H and removed his (grand?)mother Maacah 3 6 9 'from being queen mother, because she had made
an abominable image for Asherah' (1 Kgs 15:13). Secondly, a more
indirect indication may be found in the name of Nehushta, mother
of king Jehoiachin 'who did what was evil in the sight of the L O R D '
(2 Kgs 24:8-9). According to Susan Ackerman, the name Nehushta
'derives most probably from the root nh, "serpent" '. 370 In iconography Asherah is often depicted as a mistress of snakes. 371 Thirdly,
Jezebel, although no queen mother but a queen at the time of the
story, venerated Asherah as well as Baal. She had a large entourage
of cultic personnel who ate at her table (1 Kgs 18:19).372
These texts of royal women venerating Asherah have led Susan
Ackerman to propose an official cultic role for the Judaean queen
mother, analogous to the role of the tawananna in the Hittite cult.
She refers to the belief of the Davidic king being the adopted son of
Y H W H and assumes that the divine pair, Y H W H and Asherah, act as
adoptive parents of the king,
368
Cf. N.-E.A. Andreasen, 'The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society',
CBQ 45 (1983), 182; S. Ackerman, 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient
Israel', JBL 112 (1993), 387.
369
O n the identification of Maacah, cf. J.M. Myers, II Chronicles (AncB, 13),
Garden City NY 1965, 79-80; S. Japhet, I & II Chronicles (OTL), London 1993,
670-1.
370
Ackerman, 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel', 396. The
etymology of is a matter of dispute, however; cf. BDB, 639; HAL AT, Lf. 3,
653; T.R. Hobbs, 2 Kings (WBC, 13), Waco TX 1985, 351.
371
Ackerman, 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel', 396-7. But cf.
. Keel, Ch. Uehlinger, Gttinnen, Gtter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse
zur Religionsgeschichte
Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang
unerschlossener
ikonographischer Quellen (QD, 134), 312-4.
372
A. Brenner, The Israelite Woman: Social Role and Literary Type in Biblical
Narrative (BiSe, 2), Sheffield 1985, 20-8, hypothesizes that Jezebel may have been
a high priestess of Baal. Many scholars, however, suppose the prophets of Asherah
are a deuteronomistic gloss to associate the goddess with Baal; cf., e.g., Olyan,
Asherah and the Cult of Yahweh in Israel, 8; C. Frevel, Aschera und der Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch
Yhwhs: Beitrge zu literarischen,
religionsgeschichtlichen
und ikonographischen Aspekten der Ascheradiskussion
(BBB, 94/1), Weinheim
1995, 28-38, 53, 102.
tion. We will now look into the matter more deeply. Up until recently,
scholars commonly believed that denoted 'hierodule' or 'cultic
prostitute'. 3 7 6 This translation was related to its juxtaposition to
'prostitute' in Gen. 38, Deut. 23:18-19 and Hos. 4:11-14 on the one
hand, and to theories on cultic prostitution on the other hand. 3 7 7
Lately, however, it has been shown that there is no convincing evidence for the existence of cultic prostitution either in the ancient Near
East or in Israel. 378
Literally, both Akk. qaditu and Heb. mean 'she who is consecrated' or, 'she who is set apart'. 3 7 9 To what function(s) a is
set apart is not clear from the word itself. As we have seen, the Akk.
qaditu was a woman who was dedicated to a deity. She fulfilled tasks
in the cult (singing, sprinkling water) and could also function as a
midwife and a wet nurse. It would seem that in the Late Babylonian
period she was associated with witch-craft. Possibly a functioned
in a similar manner as a consecrated woman in the Israelite cult. We
will review the passages in which the term occurs.
In Gen. 38 Tamar deceived her father-in-law into having sexual
intercourse with her in order to raise offspring for her deceased husband, Er. To this end 'she put off her widow's garments, put on a veil,
wrapped herself up, and set down at the entrance to Enaim, which
is on the road to Timnah' (v. 14). When perceiving a veiled woman
at the roadside, Judah assumed she was a . Tamar then had intercourse with Judah in exchange for a pledge to pay her a kid from
the flock. When Judah wanted to recover the pledge, he did not go
to her himself, but sent his friend Hirah the Adullamite. The latter,
376
Cf., e.g., C.J. Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 96-7; Brenner, The Israelite Woman, 78; Emmerson, 'Women in Ancient Israel', 387-8.
377
On 'secular' prostitution and the meaning of the root , see section 2.2.2.3.
378
J.G. Westenholz, 'Tamar, Qed, Qaditu, and Sacred Prostitution in Mesopotamia', HTRh 82 (1989), 245-65; P.A. Bird, 'The End of the Male Cult Prostitute: A Literary-Historical and Sociological Analysis of Hebrew qd - qdm',
in: J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Cambridge 1995 (VT.S, 66), Leiden
1997, 37-80.
379
Cf. Bird, 'The End of the Male Cult Prostitute', 38, n. 3.
M.I. Gruber, 'The Hebrew qedh and her Canaanite and Akkadian Cognates',
UF 18 (1986), 133-48, assumes ' prostitute' is derived from Proto-Semitic
qaditu and is a homonym of Akk. qaditu which denotes a consecrated woman.
The male counterpart of the , however, is not a prostitute, but a cultic
functionary, according to Gruber (133, . 1). Westenholz, 'Tamar', 248, rightly
criticizes Gruber: '[1]t is contrary to reason to separate the male and female counterparts of the same office in order to deduce that the male was a Canaanite cultic
functionary and the female was a irreligious prostitute on the basis that it is a
synonym of zn\
P.A. Bird, 'The Harlot as Heroine: Narrative Art and Social Presupposition
in Three Old Testament Texts 1 , in: M. Amihai et al. (eds), Narrative Research on
the Hebrew Bible (Semeia, 46), Atlanta GA 1989, 126.
381
Cf. T. Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and
the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth, New York 1992, 201.
382
Analogous to the development of the Akk. qaditu, see above.
383
On the marriage metaphor, see section 2.1.1.3.2.
384
J. Galambush, Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel: The City as Yahweh's Wife
(SBL.DS, 130), Atlanta GA 1992, 27-31. See also sections 2.1.1.3.2 (n. 161) and
She assumes the may have been 'a class of male cult personnel
functioning within the Jerusalem temple in the pre-Josianic cult'. 3 8 9
Likewise, the should also be considered 'a class of cult-related
women associated with outlying sanctuaries in pre-Josianic times, at
least through the mid-8th century BCE in the northern kingdom'. 390
In Gen. 38 the is associated with 'Canaanite practices' and in
Hos. 4:14 with a 'Canaanization' of the Israelite cult. In Deut. 23:18
the role of the ( as well as that of the )is perceived as incompatible with Yahwistic religion. Whereas Gen. 38 seems to tolerate
such a 'Canaanite' cultic role, both Hosea and Deuteronomy reject
it. Although may once have had 'a recognized place in Israelite
worship', by the 7th-6th cent. BCE this no longer was the case. 391
With regard to their presumed sexual activities, I would suggest that
the autonomy over their own sexuality led to a juxtaposition with the
. Yet this does not mean were 'cultic prostitutes'. Their association with prostitution is polemical in origin. 'Since Israel appears
to have recognized no legitimate role for women as cult functionaries during the period in which qdt are attested, it would be easy
for Israelites to assume that the presence of women at a sanctuary
involved sexual activity'. 392
of Asherah. 395
Although no female priestesses are recorded in the Hebrew Bible,
women did fulfill other functions in connection to the cult. As was the
case elsewhere in the ancient Near East, Israelite women performed as
singers, dancers and musicians. 396 'The disputed question is whether
women participated as musicians or dancers in cultic celebrations and
whether they belonged to the personnel of the sanctuary'. 3 9 7 In order
to answer this question we have only a very limited number of texts
to work with. The first text is Exod. 15:20-21, in which Miriam, who
is referred to as 'the prophetess' and 'the sister of Aaron', leads the
Israelite women in song and dance. 398 Scholars generally agree that
Exod. 15 presents two groups who take turns in singing the victory
of Y H W H over the enemy. Miriam, leading the women in song and
dance, sang back an antiphonal song to Moses and the men. 399 The
song of Miriam is a victory song of religious character. The victory
over Pharaoh is not accomplished by human strength, but by the hand
of YHWH. The context, although religious, is only indirectly cultic. 400
Yet Richard Henshaw states that the reference to Miriam's brother,
Aaron, 'may indicate a liturgical context, because the name Aaron
stands for the prototype early priesthood'. 401 A different explanation
395
Cf. Bird, 'The End of the Male Cult Prostitute', 64-74; J.M. Hadley, The Cult
of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah: Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess (UCOP,
57), Cambridge 2000, 74.
Beside the women mentioned in 2 Kgs 23:7, another reference to textile production in a religious context is made in Exod. 35:25-26, where women are said
to have spun yarns and linen for the temple. They are regarded as skillful lay
persons, however.
396
Cf. C. Meyers, 'Mother to Muse: An Archaeomusicological Study of Women's
Performance in Ancient Israel', in: A. Brenner, J.W. van Henten (eds), Recycling
Biblical Figures: Papers Read at a NOSTER Colloquium in Amsterdam,
12-13
May 1997 (STAR, 1), Leiden 1999, 50-77.
397
P.A. Bird, 'The Place of Women in the Israelite Cultus', in: P.D. Miller et al.
(eds), Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross, Philadelphia 1987, 418, n. 39.
398
O n the date of Exod. 15:20-21 and its relation to Moses' song, see, e.g., P.
Trible, 'Bringing Miriam out of the Shadows', in: A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist
Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy (FCB, 6), Sheffield 1994, 166-73; F. van
Dijk-Hemmes, 'Some Recent Views on the Presentation of the Song of Miriam',
in: Brenner, A Feminist Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy, 200-6.
399
Cf., e.g., C. Houtman, Exodus, vol. 2, (HCOT), Kampen 1996, 294-5; W.H.
Propp, Exodus 1-18 (AncB, 2), New York 1999, 548.
400
U. Winter, Frau und Gttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum
weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und in dessen Umwelt (OBO, 53), Freiburg,
Schweiz 1983, 33, n. 166.
401
Henshaw, FM, 119.
Women further sing victory songs accompanied by drums and dance in Judg.
with his sons, yet this is not likely.413 Furthermore, the female singers
( )?mentioned in Ezra 2:65 || Neh. 7:67 probably did not have
a cultic function. Their place in the list of those who returned from
exile - between servants and horses - suggests they were of a low class
and probably functioned as entertainers 414
Thus, while in later times no women occurred as cultic singers,
musicians and dancers, in the pre-monarchic period and during the
early days of the monarchy, they probably did fulfill such a task.
Women did, however, remain religious specialists in their capacity as female mourners. Although men and women both mourned
a deceased relative or friend, 415 women also acted as mourners in a
professional capacity. In Jeremiah reference is made to professional
female mourners in the midst of impending disaster (Jer. 9:16-19 [1720]):
T h u s says t h e LORD of hosts:
413
the part of some interpreters and translations to use the negative and
antisocial term "sorcery" for references to female practitioners of keep,
while employing the more neutral term "magic" for references to male
practitioners. The unequal distinction between female and male practitioners seems present in the OT itself. The commandment in Exod
22:18-Eng 22:17 requires the community to put the mkaph (female) to death. However, in texts referring to the mekap (male)
either no precise penalty is given (Deut 18:10) or the judgment and
punishment are left to God (Jer 27:9; Mai 3:5).420
Since practising malevolent magic was forbidden to both males and
females in Lev. 20:27, it seems logical to assume the death penalty
mentioned in Exod. 22:18[17] not only concerned females but also
males. 421 The analogy with LNB 7 comes to mind. Probably sorcery
was regarded as a female sphere in Israel, too, as it was in Mesopotamia.
In 2 Kgs 9:22 queen Jezebel is accused of performing many harlotries and sorceries. The accusation of sorcery (*), like that of
harlotry ( ), should probably be seen in the light of Jezebel being
a worshipper of Baal. The parallelism of harlotry ( )and sorcery
( )also occurs in Nah. 3:4-5a, where it is said of Nineveh: 'Because
of the countless debaucheries of the prostitute, gracefully alluring,
mistress of sorcery, who enslaves nations through her debaucheries,
and peoples through her sorcery, I am against you, says the L O R D of
hosts'. In his commentary on Nahum, Klaas Spronk remarks:
'Harlotry and sorceries' was probably a general indication of refutable
activities; cf. 2 Kgs. 9:22 about the many ( ;cf. Nah. 3:4a) harlotries
and sorceries of Jezebel. They represent two different aspects of evil
power. Harlotry denotes the ability to seduce others, sorcery denotes
the possibility of forcing one's will upon the other. The first can be
related to Nineveh as an attractive city, the second to the idea so often
expressed in Assyrian texts that they had the mightiest gods on their
side. One could think here of the many curses added to the vassal
treaties mentioning all kinds of supernatural sanctions on breaking the
treaty ... . 422
Like the personified city of Nineveh, Jezebel, too, was regarded as an
420
evil force. Her worship of Baal and her use of magic in promoting
that worship made her a harlot and a sorceress in the eyes of the
author of 2 Kings 9. Yet the use of magic was not always condemned.
In several stories foreign magicians are mentioned (Exod. 7-9; Num.
23-24; 1 Sam. 6:2; Dan. 1:20; 2:20), but Y H W H always has greater
power than the foreign gods in whose name they perform their magic.
Furthermore, '[i]t is stressed that the magical properties bestowed
on Moses, Aaron, Balaam and Daniel stem from divine inspiration;
and that they are given to them for a specific purpose, usually as a
tool of polemics against foreigners'. 423 Thus, magic performed on the
initiative of Y H W H is not denounced.
There are a few biblical passages in which women perform magic
or practise divination. The Bible is rather reticent on their actions,
which therefore remain quite obscure. The first passage is Exod. 4:2426. Zipporah seems to have used magic to ward off the mortal danger
that threatened her husband Moses. 424 According to Athalya Brenner,
Zipporah performed 'the apotropaic act of expiation by offering to
the god-demon a part of Moses' manhood'. 4 2 5 Yet it was not a part of
Moses that Zipporah offered. She rather used the foreskin of her son,
touching Moses' penis with it, in her rite of expiation. Furthermore,
there is no need to assume that, instead of YHWH, a god-demon
threatened Moses' life. 426 Perhaps Zipporah's role was more that of
a priestess, who performed an act of purification, 427 than that of a
magician, who warded off the danger of a malicious God.
In the second passage, 1 Sam. 28, a woman practises divination.
In this chapter king Saul turned to a woman necromancer to consult
the spirit of Samuel. 1 Sam. 28:3b informs us that previously Saul had
expelled the mediums and the wizards from the land. 428 Yet when the
Philistines waged war against him and Y H W H did not answer him in
his situation of despair, 'not by dreams, or by Urim, or by prophets'
423
(v. 6), Saul took refuge with a medium. By night Saul and two of his
servants visited the , who was able to accede to Saul's request
to inquire of the dead about the future.
Scholars have given various explanations for the fact that Saul had
expelled the mediums and wizards. Mark Smith, for instance, assumes
v. 3b may be an addition by a Deuteronomistic editor, in whose time
necromancy was considered a form of inquiry that competed with
prophecy and was therefore condemned (2 Kgs 21:6; Isa. 8:19). 429
Karel van der Toorn, on the other hand, regards Saul's act as 'an attempt to secure the state monopoly on divination'. 430 Several scholars
have pointed to the close association with necromancy in Canaanite
religion. 431 Up to the seventh century, and perhaps even later, necromancy flourished. Yet monotheistic Yahwism which became normative condemned it. Israelites who turned to deceased ancestors for
consultations and blessings did not regard Y H W H as the exclusive controller of their destiny. 'Thus any practices, such as cults of the dead,
which looked elsewhere for favors or for a knowledge about a future
event (such as Saul's coming battle with the Philistines) challenged
the prerogatives of Yahweh'. 432
With regard to the role of the medium of En-Dor, it should be
noted that, although she is unnamed in the story, she is portrayed
as a well-known necromancer, an established professional to whom
people turned when they were in a precarious situation. Although
she was not the first religious professional king Saul consulted in his
situation of despair, her actions were taken quite seriously. 433
The third biblical text on women performing magic and divination
is Ezek. 13:17-23. Scholars generally assume that these women, who
were accused of being false prophets, were engaged in some sort of
activity in connection with magic and divination 434 In the preceding
429
M.S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in
Ancient Israel, San Fransisco 1990, 127, 129.
430
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 318-9.
431
Cf., e.g., J. Tropper, Nekromantie: Totenbefragung im Alten Orient und im
Alten Testament (AOAT, 223), Kevelaer; Neukirchen-Vluyn 1989; M. Dietrich, O.
Loretz, Mantik in Ugarit: Keilalphabetische Texte der Opferschau - Omensammlungen - Nekromantie (ALASP, 3), Mnster 1990, 205-26; A. Jeffers, Magic and
Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria (SHCANE, 8), Leiden 1996, 167-81.
432
T . J . Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit (HSM, 39), Atlanta
GA 1989, 177.
433
Brenner, The Israelite Woman, 73.
434
Cf. G.Ch. Aalders, Ezechiel, vol. 1, (COT), Kampen 1955, 232-9; W. Zimmerli,
Ezechiel, 1. Tlbd., (BKAT, 13/1), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 295-9; Brenner, The
Israelite Woman, 74-5; W.H. Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19 (WBC, 28), Waco TX 1986,
193-8; Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, 93-5.
part of chapter 13, Ezekiel prophesies against false male prophets. The
small differences in Ezekiel's reference to both groups are worth noting. Unlike their male counterparts in Ezek. 13:1-16 who are called
?, the women are not referred to as prophetesses, but as 'the
daughters of your people'. Some scholars assume Ezekiel deliberately
avoided the use of the title for the false prophetesses. 435 Furthermore, the Niphal form of is used to describe the activity of
the male prophets, whereas the Hithpael form is used for that of the
females. According to some, the use of the Hithpael expresses the
prophet's contempt. 4 3 6 Renate Jost, however, disagrees with this interpretation:
Aus der Verwendung des hitpael wird in der Auslegung gern ein verchtlicher Unterton gegenber den Frauen herausgelesen. Doch scheint
mir dies eher die Auffassung der Exegeten gegenber diesen Frauen widerzuspiegeln, als die des Textes, da das hitpael auch fr das Verhalten
Ezechiels selbst verwendet wird (Ez 37,10). Hier wird zutreffen, da
das hitpael verwendet wird, um ein typisches prophetisches Verhalten
zu bezeichnen.437
It is unclear what this prophetical behaviour implied. Apparently the
prophetesses performed magic and necromancy. 438 Feminist scholars
rightly point out that Ezekiel's oracle against the prophetesses 'is as
much an act of magic or divination as what the female prophets are
engaged in'. 439 Phenomenologically there is not such a large difference
between Ezekiel and the false prophets. 'Both are using "magical"
techniques in service to their own goals'. 440 As noted above, the distinction between prophecy and divination is not as sharp as some
have contended for in the past. It is not their use of techniques that
435
Cf., e.g., Zimmerli, Ezechiel, 1. Tlbd., 296; D.I. Block, The Book of Ezekiel:
Chapters 1-24 (NICOT), Grand Rapids Ml 1997, 413.
436
Cf. Zimmerli, Ezechiel, 1. Tlbd., 296; A. Brenner, 'Introduction', in: Idem
(ed.), A Feminist Companion to the Latter Prophets (FCB, 8), Sheffield 1995, 22.
437
R. Jost, 'Die Tchter deines Volkes prophezeien', in: D. Solle (ed.), Fr Gerechtigkeit streiten: Theologie im Alltag einer bedrohten Welt, Gtersloh 1994, 59.
See also R.R. Wilson, 'Prophecy and Ecstasy: A Reexamination', JBL 98 (1979),
330-7.
438
Cf. Van der Toorn, Cradle, 123; M.C.A. Korpel, 'Avian Spirits in Ugarit and
in Ezekiel 13', in: N. Wyatt et al. (eds), Ugarit, Religion and Culture (UBL,
12), Mnster 1996, 99-113. The proposal of N.R. Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your
People: Female Prophets in Ezekiel 13:17-23', JBL 118 (1999), 417-33, that the
women were engaged in childbirth rituals, is less likely.
439
Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your People, 422. See also Jost, 'Die Tchter deines
Volkes prophezeien', 61.
440
Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your People, 422.
C.J. Vos, Woman in Old Testament Worship, Delft 1968, 189; Brenner, The
Israelite Woman, 75; Bowen, 'The Daughters of Your People, 430.
442
Brenner, The Israelite Woman, 61; J. Barton, 'Prophecy (Postexilic Hebrew)',
in: ABD, vol. 5, 489.
443
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 131; Propp, Exodus 1-18, 547.
444
Based on the feminine singular ' and she spoke' (Num. 12:1), some
scholars suspect Aaxon is an addition here. This would explain why Miriam is
punished with leprosy for seven days while Aaron is not. Cf. P.J. Budd, Numbers
(WBC, 5), Waco TX 1984, 133; De Moor, R0Y, 231.
445
H. Jagersma, Numeri, dl. 1, (PrOT), Nijkerk 1983, refers to Exod. 4:27; 7:1;
15:20; 28:30; Mic. 6:4.
446
O n her married status, see below.
East would seek oracular guidance prior to battle. And in Assyria the
technical term for these assurance oracles was r takilti. This is the
function played by Deborah in the story, and we would argue that 5:12
is a recalling of the r given by Deborah prior to the battle against
Sisera.447
The prophetic role of Deborah thus seems to have been that of oracle
giver to the military leader of some of the tribes of Israel. In this she
acts like many of the other biblical prophets. 448
Huldah, the third prophetess mentioned by name in the Bible,
was also a married woman. Her husband Shallum was keeper of the
wardrobe and in this capacity connected to the temple (2 Kgs 22:14).
It is noteworthy that all named prophetesses whose prophecies are
valued positively are under the authority of a male relative, be it a
brother (Miriam) or a husband (Deborah, Huldah). Only of Noadiah
(Neh. 6:14), who is regarded as a false prophetess, we do not know
whether a male relative had any authority over her. The status of
Miriam, Deborah and Huldah is probably mentioned to stress their
stable position in society. 449
Various scholars have wondered why king Josiah turned to the
prophetess Huldah and not to her male colleagues Jeremiah or Zephaniah. Some assume Huldah was well known in the temple, because of
the occupation of her husband Shallum. 450 Another explanation is
that Huldah's prophecy may have been less embarrassing to the king
than that of Jeremiah or Zephaniah. She may have been in the service of the temple, and therefore less critical towards the king. 451 It
is also possible that Huldah was more respected than Jeremiah and
Zephaniah were during her lifetime. 452
Lowell Handy does not pose the question: Why Huldah, not Jeremiah (or Zephaniah)? He compares Josiah's reaction on the discovery of the scroll with that of Mesopotamian kings Esarhaddon and
Nabonidus. 453 Like Josiah, the latter kings also had received divine
447
But although the office was open to women, female prophets are attested less than males. The reason for this is the conflict of duty that
most women experienced. Their primary vocation was to be a wife
and mother. 'Women prophets probably exercised their charismatic
vocation alongside their family responsibilities or after their childrearing duties were past'. 4 6 3 In this respect it is noteworthy that the
only biblical prophetess who is referred to as a mother, the spouse of
Isaiah, does not speak any prophecy but partakes in a sign-act (Isa.
8:3). 464
Whether the women who served at the entrance of the Tent of
Meeting (Exod. 38:8; 1 Sam. 2:22) were regarded as cultic officiants is
not clear. Their service could either have been cultic or menial. Some
scholars have suggested they were singers or dancers in the cult, while
others assumed they were housekeepers or cleaners. 465 It has also been
proposed that the women may have dedicated their life to the deity. 466
And although in the past some have proposed the women may have
been cultic prostitutes, this suggestion is now generally rejected. 467
The service of the women is described using the verb , which is
also used in Num. 4:23; 8:24 for the service the Levites had to perform.
Furthermore, it 'refers to service at the sanctuary that was done by
463
groups of people'. 468 Based on the use of the verb the women may
have been religious officiants of a lower cultic rank. It would seem that
such a service still existed in the pre-monarchic period.
Although many scholars 469 hold that there was no hieros gamos
in Israel, some of their colleagues, influenced by the study of sacred
marriage texts in Mesopotamia, do suggest that a certain form of
sacred marriage rite was celebrated in Israel, too. They think the
Song of Songs reflects a liturgical setting for this rite. Whereas in the
first part of the twentieth century CE emphasis was put on the parallels between Song of Songs and the Akkadian Ishtar-and-Tammuz
myth, 4 7 0 this gradually shifted to a comparison with the Sumerian
sacred marriage songs of Inanna and Dumuzi. 471
It seems very unlikely that the Song of Songs would have had its
life-setting within the liturgy of the sacred marriage or that this rite
would have been performed within Israel's cult. There are similarities
between sacred marriage songs and the Song of Songs 'in some of the
ways they express love and desire, the nature motifs, the invitation
to the garden, the praise of the beloved's sweetness, and the brothersister address'. 472 However, the literary parallels that scholars refer to
are very general ones 473 and the differences are very signifcant.
Michael Fox objects to the theory of Song of Songs being a reworked sacred marriage liturgy. There are profound differences between sacred marriage texts and the Song of Songs:
468
Most significantly, the Song never alludes to a myth or ritual, while the
Sacred Marriage texts consistently do so. The Song makes no attempt
to effect universal fertility and well-being, as does the Sacred Marriage.
The Song never speaks of the invigoration of nature in terms of resurrection from death (as do the Tammuz litanies), nor does it present it as
an event in doubt whose realization requires divine intervention. When
the land in the Song blossoms, it does so in a natural and expected
process. Canticles, like the Egyptian love songs and unlike the Sacred
Marriage liturgies, is not interested in woman's fertility. Even when
describing the land's blossoming, the Song emphasizes not fecundity
but beauty. Sexuality in the Song is a human desire and a bond between
two individuals, not the source of universal plenitude. 474
The way in which the Song of Songs and the sacred marriage texts
speak about sexuality differs greatly. Whereas the Song of Songs is
more implicit and gentle in its erotic language, the Mesopotamian
texts display an explicit sexuality which is at times quite bold. 475
Yet the most important difference seems to be the life-setting of
the texts. White notes that if the Song of Songs were a liturgical
text and was part of the sacred marriage ritual, the ritual itself would
have to be accepted into the official cult, otherwise the text would not
have become canonical. 476 But nowhere in the Bible do we hear of this
rite, 'though ritual copulation between a king and a priestess of Astarte would hardly have escaped the prophets' notice'. 477 The sacred
marriage texts, on the other hand, reflect a life-setting that approves
of cultic sexuality as an expression of (the request for) fertility and
fecundity.
In biblical Israel the performance of cultic sexuality would not be
tolerated. In the discussion on the exclusion of women from the priesthood in Israel I already referred to the special character of Y H W H ' S
474
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 242.
White, A Study of the Language of Love in the Song of Songs and Ancient
Egyptian Poetry, 24; Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs,
242.
476
White, A Study of the Language of Love in the Song of Songs and Ancient
Egyptian Poetry, 24.
477
Fox, The Song of Songs and Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 242-3. 'It is curious
that although no one (so far as I know) has argued that love songs are a liturgy
for a divine marriage ritual in Egypt, where such a ritual would be a legitimate
expression of mythology, many scholars have argued that similar love songs served
just t h a t purpose in Israel, where such a ritual would be totally incompatable with
the attitudes toward religious activity reflected in the other religious literature
t h a t has survived from that culture' (239).
475
D . CONCLUSIONS
All countries of the ancient Near East shared the belief that one had
to be pure to approach a deity. Genital discharges were regarded as a
source of impurity in all societies we have encountered. With regard
to women, their vaginal discharge was considered impure in Egypt,
Mesopotamia and Israel. A menstruant and a parturient could contaminate others and the aforementioned societies had certain rules in
order to counter this danger. Although we have no texts from Ugarit
dealing with the cultic impurity of women, we may assume that here,
too, women having vaginal discharges were regarded as impure, for
Ugaritic texts also express the necessity of being pure when appearing
before the gods.
Biblical scholars have assumed that Israelite women were considered impure for about one quarter of their life, which would contribute to their unfitness for the priesthood. Yet, as we have seen, this
period probably was shorter due to the infrequency of menstruation
and breastfeeding practices. Furthermore, strict rules with regard to
women's purity implied their participation in the cult. 482
We have discussed some of the major priestly functions of women
in Mesopotamia and Egypt. Although various high-ranking priestesses
played an important role before the second half of the second millennium BCE, it is remarkable that in Mesopotamia after the Old
Babylonian period as well as in Egypt from the New Kingdom period
on, the role of women in priestly functions diminished. The e n / n t u
and the nin-dingir, as well as the naditu, largely disappeared from the
Mesopotamian scene. In the Hittite Kingdom, however, the tawananna
still held an important position as high priestess of the chief goddess
of the pantheon, while ntus functioned as priestesses. The sacerdotal duty of the nin-dingir in thirteenth-century Emar is questioned
by some. The situation in Egypt resembled that of Mesopotamia. In
New Kingdom Egypt, women were excluded from the priesthood due
to its professionalization. What remained were supportive roles for
women. The only exception was the God's Wife of Amun. Although
at first a wife of the king could also fulfill this function, in later times
the God's Wife was an unmarried daughter of the king. She was an
important power beside the king, who generally did not pose a threat
to him due to her unmarried state. In Mesopotamia, too, it was only
royal women who sometimes acted as priestess during the first millennium BCE. It would seem that from the third to the first millennium,
royal or high-born women in high-ranking priestly functions were,
482
often related to the biblical view on women's impurity. This may have
been of some influence, as probably was the professionalization of the
priesthood in relation to the centralization of the cult. But what was
most important was the danger priestesses could form as potential
'wives' of the deity. I have discussed the priestesses in Egypt and
Mesopotamia who were regarded as having some kind of marital relationship with the deity. They were considered as being the 'wife' of a
god, whether their marriage was a symbolically or carnally performed
rite. In monotheistic Yahwism, such a concept could not be tolerated,
and therefore, priestesses could not be tolerated in the cult of biblical
Israel.
G. Robins, 'Some Images of Women in New Kingdom Art and Literature', in:
WER, 108.
2
One should distinguish between a vow, an oath and a curse; cf. T.W. Cartledge, Vows in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 147),
Sheffield 1992, 11-8.
per's response (the apodosis - then I will . . . ). 3 Did women have the
same possibilities in making vows as men? What is known about the
content and the fulfilment of vows?
One could fulfil a vow by bringing an offering. What can be known
further about the offering practice of women? Did they bring offerings
themselves, or did they have to leave this to their husbands or fathers?
Another area of religious life in which women participated was the
ancestor cult. Who were these ancestors? The deceased fathers of the
family? Or were deceased mothers also included in the cult? And who
fulfilled the cultic tasks towards the deceased ancestors? Did women
have equal authority to perform the rites, or were they only supposed
to act in the ancestor cult in the absence of men?
Festivals also were part of religious life. What can be known about
the participation of women in religious festivals? Did they participate
in sacrifical meals? Did they attend cultic gatherings?
In the Hebrew Bible, some heterodox cultic practices are described,
in which women played a prominent role. We will examine the wailing
for Dumuzi/Tammuz and the veneration of the Queen of Heaven and
discuss the assumption, voiced by some, that women were more prone
to idolatry than men.
A . ANCIENT NEAR EAST
One of the moments that women would cry out to the gods for
help was at childbirth. Thus, Marduk is asked in various prayers for
the well-being of both a mother and her unborn child. 6 These prayers
probably were said by midwives and other women assisting at the
birth.
The gods could also be called upon for the well-being of the king
or another influential person. At Mari, women more frequently than
men, are observed to pray for others. 7
But women would also pray for their own well-being. At the beginning of the second millennium, Mesopotamian women could express
their prayers in letters. 8 One of these so-called letter-prayers was written by a woman named Inannakam and addressed to the goddess
Nintinugga. In her prayer she voiced her difficult personal situation
and asked the goddess for help. 9
Many hymns and prayers were written in the first person and
could have been expressed by a man as well as a woman. Sometimes
the content of the prayer makes it clear whether the person praying
is male or female. 10
Also from Egypt we have a few examples of prayers by women.
One of them is a prayer by a woman called Buchanefptah:
Lobpreis deinem Ka, NEBETHETEPET!
Die Erde kssen vor der Herrin der beiden Lnder.
Ich spende Lob deinem schnen Angesicht,
ich besnftige deinen Ka Tag fr Tag.
Sei mir gndig, und ich will deine Strke verknden
allen, die dich nicht kennen und die dich kennen!
Ich will gehen fr dich zu jedermann im Hausgesinde,
Mnnern wie Frauen, und sagen:
"Gndig war mir PIPI, die Liebliche, denn sie ist besnftigt!"
Die Herrin des Hauses Buchanefpthah, gerechtfertigt,
sagt: "Eine jede, die dir folgt, die ist in Freuden.
Kein bel kommt ber sie
6
M . Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting (CM,
14), Groningen 2000, 133-4.
7
.F. Batto, Studies on Women at Man, Baltimore 1974, 129-32.
8
W . W . Hallo, 'Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition',
JAOS 88 (1968), 71-89.
9
Falkenstein, Von Soden, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete,
218-9.
10
Cf., e.g., R.D. Biggs, .ZI.GA: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency
Incantations
(TCS, 2), Locust Valley NY 1967, 44-5.
building inscriptions. 14 Not fulfilling one's vows angered the gods and
led to trouble. If one had made a vow and pledged to offer money or
goods (ikrib)15 to a deity in return for the favour, it was considered
the deity's property which could not be withheld. Those who did not
fulfil their vow could be visited with divine wrath. The wrath of a
god could also cause the suffering of another person related to the
vow-maker. The correspondence between two women, Tarish-matum
and Belatum, and a man named Pushu-ken, demonstrates this. One
of the women was ill, or possibly they both were. They had learned
from a a 'iltu priestess that the sickness which threatened both them
and their family was caused by the wrath of a god. Their father had
made a vow and Pushu-ken should have paid the silver of the ikrib,
which up until then was held back. They urged Pushu-ken not to
delay payment any longer since their lives were at stake. 16
It was thus considered very important that vows were fulfilled, for
failing to do so caused all sorts of harm. Infant diseases, for instance,
could be diagnosed as caused by an unpaid vow. Prior to the birth of
the baby, its parents may have made a vow which they had failed to
fulfil. Because of the disdain a barren woman was held in, she was,
according to Karel van der Toorn, 'the most likely of the couple to
have committed herself by a vow'. 17
With regard to Egypt, there is little evidence of vow-making in
the literature of the Old and Middle Kingdom, but a votive stela
from Deir el-Medina offers a clear example. 18 Based on the textual
material, it would seem that making vows, in the sense of conditional
promises to deities, played only a small role in Egyptian religious
life. Tony Cartledge offers an explanation for this in the nature of
Egyptian religion:
Those who were most able to commission the inscriptions which have
come down to us were generally royalty, and thus thought to partake of the divine themselves. They were especially interested in selfjustification; and through the construction and equipping of their elaborate tombs, they tended to take matters more into their own hands
rather than pleading with the gods. Where we do find glimpses of per14
Winona Lake IN 1992, 381-401. On the ancestor cult in Babylonia, cf. . van der
Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in
the Forms of Religious Life (SHCANE, 7), Leiden 1996, 42-65. On the cult of the
dead in Egypt, cf. J. Assmann, 'Totenkult, Totenglauben', in: L, Bd. 6, 659-76;
L.H. Lesko, 'Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egyptian Thought', in: CANE,
vol. 3, 1763-74.
24
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 62.
25
On the kispu, cf. A. Tsukimoto, Untersuchungen zur Totenpflege (kispum) im
alten Mesopotamien (AOAT, 216), Kevelaer L Neukirchen-Vluyn 1985.
26
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 49, 58, 60.
27
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 50.
28
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 52.
imizing his position. Only rarely did a daughter achieve this position. 2 9
Thus, it seems that taking responsibility for the ancestor cult, where
others failed, could make one a legitimate heir. 32
At Emar and Nuzi, women had to be formally endowed with male
gender in order to become legitimate heirs. As such they were responsible for the ancestor cult. Thus, a certain Lahteya adopted his
four stepdaughters as his 'sons', making them heirs with formal male
gender. He expressed the wish 'May they invoke the gods and dead
(ancestor)s of Lahteya, their father'. 3 3
Possibly women generally performed the cult of the dead for their
deceased female ancestors. A Middle Babylonian text which reads
29
35
89.
36
In Egypt, too, the eldest son would generally perform the cult
of the dead. The following text expresses which gender roles were
expected from sons and daughters:
Ich hatte keinen Nachfolger, um mir die Totengebete zu sagen am Tor
des Grabes,
der mir Wasser spendet, wie es der Sohn fr seinen Vater tut.
Ich war ein Edler in meiner Stadt (und) hatte keine Tochter,
die um mich klagte am Tag der jungen Gewchse, wenn man trauert. 56
Apparently it was a son's task to say funerary prayers and to bring
libations and food offerings, while a daughter should lament the deceased parents. 57 In the absence of a son, a daughter could make the
necessary offerings. 58 Occasionally, depictions show a wife bringing
offerings to her husband. 59
The connection between being an heir and the duty to take care
of the dead could also work the other way around. While in general
the eldest son, as an heir, buried his parents, a person could become
qualified as heir by taking upon himself or herself the burial of the
parents. Here, too, performing the ancestor cult could legitimize one
as heir. 60
In Egypt it was not considered necessary that a blood relative
perform the funerary offerings. Wealthy Egyptians could provide for
their own cult by installing a funerary priest or priestess. 61 It would
seem that funerary priestesses did not survive after the Old Kingdom
period. 62
Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York
1996, 35. However, several variations in the afterlife existence of non-royal persons
are recorded. As Lesko, 'Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egyptian Thought',
1767, explains: 'Some individuals might want to become stars in the sky with the
moon god, Thoth; others might want to remain in the lush Fields of Offering of
Osiris, the principal god of the dead; and still others might want to sail on the
brilliant sun-bark with Re in its unending cyclical voyage'.
56
Feucht, Das Kind, im Alten gypten, 51.
57
On female mourners, see section 3.1.
58
A. Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', in: L.J. Archer
et al. (eds), Women in Ancient Societies: An Illusion of the Night, Basingstoke,
Hampshire 1994, 48-9; Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, 51, 92.
59
C.H. Roehrig, 'Women's work: Some occupations of nonroyal women as depicted in ancient Egyptian art', in: A.K. Capel, G.E. Markoe (eds), Mistress of
the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, New York 1996, 14.
60
S. Allam, 'Women as Owners of Immovables in Pharaonic Egypt', in: WER,
131; Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, 87-8, 212.
61
Feucht, Das Kind im Alten gypten, 89.
62
H.G. Fischer, 'Priesterin', L, Bd. 4,1102; Idem, 'Women in the Old Kingdom
A Mari text refers to the caring for the statues of Dumuzi and
Ishtar in the fourth month, which according to the Assyrian calendar
was connected with Dumuzi. Another text, dating from the same
month, mentions the payment of a large amount of grain to female
mourners. Based on this evidence, Raphael Kutscher proposes 'that
wailing rites were performed in the fourth month with the statues
of Dumuzi and Itar'. 70 Save for a small cella in Assur, no temples
of Dumuzi are found after the Old Babylonian period, and offerings
and gifts to the god are no longer attested in texts. 71 Yet, although
he no longer played a role in the offical cult, this did not mean the
deity's part had ended. According to several references dating from
the second and first millennia BCE, the Dumuzi cult remained popular,
especially among women. 72 Thus, in a popular cult independent of
temples he was still venerated and mourned. 73
B . UGARITIC LITERARY T E X T S
them what they desired. Thus, king Kirtu vowed to the goddess Athiratu that he would give large amounts of silver and gold if he could
bring Hariya, his bride-to-be, into his house (1.14:IV.36-43). 76 Apparently, Kirtu forgot to fulfil his vow, which had serious consequences for
him: the king fell gravely ill. Although Ilu was Kirtu's personal god,
this did not restrain him from making a vow to Athiratu. Fensham
remarks on this, that it seems Kirtu did not trust Ilu completely to
fulfil his promise. 77 Yet it would seem more likely that in cases of
such importance, one tried to get help from various gods who were
believed to be somehow involved. 78 Possibly Athiratu, in her capacity
of mother goddess, was believed to be involved in promoting marital
happiness.
Kirtu not only made a vow himself, he also instructed his daughter,
Thatmanatu, to make one (KTU 1.16:1.44-45):
44
ndr.5qrb.ksp
45
bmgnfc.ii/hrs.lkl
wykn.bnh.bbt.
r.bqqrb
26
hklh
nsb.skn. 'il'ibh.
82
I 'pr.dmr. 'atrh.
A son - and if there were more than one, the eldest son - had to
take care of the ancestor cult. By setting up a stela for his paternal
ancestor, his name was kept alive. Furthermore, a son thus enabled
his ancestor to stand with the living in the sanctuary in a symbolic
way. 87
The ancestor god is referred to in Ugaritic as 'il'ib, which is a
contraction of 'il 'god' and 'ib < 'ab 'father'. 8 8 However, the word
occurs in different genres of texts which has led scholars to propose
various interpretations. 89 First, 'il'ib is mentioned at the top of several pantheon lists and in offering lists. Wilfred Lambert assumes the
word refers to the Old Akkadian deity Ilaba, yet his proposal is not
very convincing. 90 More likely is the interpretation of Johannes de
Moor that 'il'ib refers here to an aspect or hypostasis of Ilu, viz., 'a
differentiation of El in his quality of the Father of all living beings'.
85
The translation 'solar disc' as a votive emblem for ztr was suggested by M.
Tsevat, "Traces of Hittite at the Beginning of the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat', UF
3 (1971), 352, and is accepted by most scholars. For an overview of suggested
translations, cf. J.F. Healey, 'The Pietas of an Ideal Son in Ugarit', UF 11 (1979),
59-60. See also De Moor, 'Standing Stones and Ancestor Worship', 8.
86
The translation of this bicolon is problematic; on the various suggested translations cf. T.J. Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit (HSM, 39),
Atlanta GA 1989, 60-5. Both cola start with an accusative of place (I'ars || I'pr),
in the first colon followed by a participle (mss'u). Based on KTU 1.18:IV.24-26,
36-37 I translate qtr with 'smoke', following J.C. de Moor, 'The Ancestral Cult
in KTU 1.17:1.26-28', UF 17 (1985), 409; K. Spronk, Beatific Afterlife in Ancient
Israel and in the Ancient Near East (AOAT, 219), Kevelaer & Neukirchen-Vluyn
1986, 149. The second colon might be translated 'someone to protect', but a proleptic sentence is also possible, cf. Y. Avishur, 'The "Duties of the Son" in the
"Story of Aqhat" and Ezekiel's Prophecy on Idolatry (Ch. 8)', UF 17 (1985), 52,
and deemed most likely because of the strong parallelism between 'smoke' (of his
spirit) and 'Protectors' (as an epithet of the spirits of the dead). Cf. De Moor,
'The Ancestral Cult', 409.
87
Cf. M.H. Pope, 'The Cult of the Dead at Ugarit', in: G.D. Young (ed.), Ugarit
in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic, Winona Lake IN 1981, 161; De
Moor, 'Standing Stones and Ancestor Worship', 7. For a roughly contemporary
example from Alalakh, cf. Dietrich, Loretz, 'Die Inschrift der Statue des Knigs
Idrimi von Alalah', 206-7, 253; R. Mayer-Opificius, 'Archologischer Kommentar
zur Statue des Idrimi von Alalah', UF 13 (1981), 287-9.
88
Cf. Van der Toorn, 'Ilib and" the "God of the Father" ', 379.
89
For an overview of interpretations and a list of occurences of 'il'ib both in
and outside Ugaritic, cf. Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit,
56-9; J.F. Healey, 'Ilib', in: DDD, 447-8.
90
W.G. Lambert, 'Old Akkadian Ilaba = Ugaritic Ilib?' UF 13 (1981), 299-301.
Thus, ilib refers to the spirit of the dead ancestor, both in the human
and the divine world. It is worth noting that the ancestor cult is androcentric in scopus at Ugarit. The term seems to refer only to male
ancestors, since both elements 'il and 'ab denote masculine gender.
Does this mean that the ancestor cult was an exclusively male cult
at Ugarit, performed by males for deified male ancestors? Neither in
the pantheon lists, nor in the duties of the son is the ancestral mother
mentioned explicitly. Although various texts (KTU 1.39; 1.105; 1.106;
1.112) related to the cult of the dead mention sacrifices to major goddesses, such as Athiratu, 'Anatu, 'Athtartu and Pidrayu, there is no
indication that these goddesses are regarded as maternal ancestors.
Furthermore, the Ugaritic king list, KTU 1.113, mentions the deceased kings who became ilm.95 Although the text is in poor shape,
it would seem that the deceased queens are not mentioned in it. Likewise, KTU 1.161 seems to refer only to deceased kings. According to
Johannes de Moor, 'the 'Anatu of Gathru' in KTU 1.108:6 refers to
the deified queen who had become identified with 'Anatu after her
death. 96 However, although scholars generally agree that the context
91
J.C. de Moor, 1 the Creator', in: G. Rendsburg et al. (eds), The Bible World:
Essays in Honor of Cyrus H. Gordon, New York 1980, 184. See also Healey, 'The
Pietas of an Ideal Son in Ugarit 1 , 355.
92
E.g., Tsevat, "Traces of Hittite at the Beginning of the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat',
351; Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 1, 344, n. 6.
93
Van der Toorn, 'Ilib and the "God of the Father" ', 379-87.
94
Van der Toorn, 'Ilib and the "God of the Father" ', 385.
95
On the character of the 'divinized' kings, see below.
96
De Moor, ARTU, 188, n. 5.
of KTU 1.108 is that of the royal ancestor cult, they do not share De
Moor's assumption. 97 I therefore conclude that, if maternal ancestors
were venerated at all, their place was clearly secondary. Perhaps they
were included in the general categories of deified (royal) ancestors,
such as 'ilm, rp'um and mlkm.98
Moreover, was the ancestor cult performed by males only? We do
know of a stela erected by a female, Tharyelli (KTU 6.13):
1
skn.ds'lyt 2tryl.ldgn.
pgr 3[s] w'alp I'akl
Tharyelli can be identified as one of the queens of Ugarit. 101 It is uncertain, however, whether she erected the stela as an ancestral stela. 102
In the Ugaritic king list KTU 1.113, the deceased kings are referred
to as 'il. Theodore Lewis notes:
These ilu's were not worshipped in t h e same way t h a t El or Baal were
a n d we find no elaborate cult a t t e m p t i n g to make t h e m into high gods.
. . . Referring to t h e deceased as an ilu was an a t t e m p t t o describe some
t y p e of transcendent character, p e r h a p s what we would call "preternatural". T h e deceased entered into t h e revered company of t h e r p ' m and
continued to exist in t h e underworld. T h e y certainly were not cut off
f r o m any relation t o t h e living and could (as shown in K T U 1.161) be
beseeched to grant favors. 1 0 3
Cf. Wyatt, RTU, 395-8; G. del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion: According to
the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit, Bethesda MD 1999, 184-92.
98
Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit, 95, describes the rp'um
as 'the long-dead ancestors who reside in the underworld (ars)' and the mlkm as
'the recently dead rulers1.
99
The translation '(of that) which Tharyelli offered'1 is also possible; cf., e.g.,
Spronk, Beatific Afterlife, 150.
100
The word pgr is quite difficult to translate and probably refers to some kind
of sacrifice; cf., e.g., D. Pardee, Les textes tuels (RSO, 12), fasc. 1, Paris 2000,
386-95; Tropper, UG, 783. For a different interpretation, cf. Lewis, Cults of the
Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit, 75; De Moor, RoY, 344-6.
101
Cf. W.H. van Soldt, Studies in the Akkadian of Ugarit: Dating and Grammar
(AOAT, 40), Kevelaer & Neukirchen-Vluyn 1991, 15-8.
102
Spronk, Beatific Afterlife, 149-51; K. van der Toorn, Family Religion in BabyIonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life
(SHCANE, 7), Leiden 1996, 161-3.
103
Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit, 50.
104
Cf. Spronk, Beatific Afterlife, 191; Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel
invoked the names of the dead himself. Since the king and queen, as
well as their sons and daughters are mentioned in the final lines (KTU
1.161:31-34), it is likely queen Tharyelli participated in the funerary
ritual and its sacrifices. 105
Furthermore, the evidence of the legendary texts from Ugarit tends
to contradict that the cult of the dead was performed by women. In
KTU 1.22:1.2-11, which probably is part of the Legend of Aqhatu,
Dani'ilu performed the rites for his deceased son instead of the other
way around. No mention is made of Pughatu bringing libations and
food offerings to her deceased brother. Although the context is fragmentary and this therefore might be an argumentum e silentio, it is
noteworthy.
We therefore have little evidence that ancestral mothers were honoured at Ugarit. If so, then probably only in a secondary manner. It
furthermore seems that women seldom performed the cult of the dead.
Possibly royal women participated in the funerary rituals.
We know that royal women participated in sacrificial meals. According to KTU 1.115:8, the 'att 'wife, lady', which probably refers to
the queen, was allowed to eat from the offerings the king had made. Of
other offerings all (kll) were allowed to eat (KTU 1.115:10). 106 This
probably refers to all present, i.e., males and females. There were,
however, festivals from which married women were excluded, namely
marzeah parties. 107 Only unmarried girls seem to have been present,
probably as servants.
On a mythical level, the goddesses participated in banquets. When
Ba'lu gave a feast to celebrate that he had a mansion of his own,
he invited both gods and goddesses (KTU 1.4:VI.44-59). 108 And at
a banquet hosted by Ilu the goddesses 'Athtartu and 'Anatu were
present as guests (KTU 1.114).
C . H E B R E W BIBLE
With regard to the participation of women in the Israelite cult, opinions differ. Some scholars point out the decline of women's participation in the Israelite cult from the early monarchic period on, while
others disregard questions of historical development and point to the
participation of female worshippers, explaining restrictions as due to
either women's or family interests. 109 Yet while the former group of
and Ugarit, 31, 95. See also KAI
105
For the text and translation,
106
See section 3.1.
107
See section 2.1.4.
108
For the text and translation,
109
Cf. M.I. Gruber, 'Women in
214:16, 21.
see section 3.1.
scholars generally emphasizes the role of women as religious specialists, the latter underlines the role of women as worshippers.
This distinction between women as religious specialists and women
as worshippers is neither made by Mayer Gruber in his article on
women's participation in the cult. Gruber has studied the law codes
attributed to J and in comparison to those attributed to D and P. 110
His point is to show that P, which he assumes is the youngest source,
should not be held responsible for the 'virtual exclusion of women
from the cult'. 111 If women's participation in the cult was severely
limited from the early monarchy on, Gruber argues, this should be
reflected in the law codes from the various periods. It is assumed
that J and would offer women some opportunities to participate in
worship, would be most restrictive, while D would hold a position
in between. Gruber's examples from the various law codes, however,
concern women as worshippers, whereas scholars who point to limited
participation of women in the cult have their role as religious specialists in mind. Yet the picture appears to be far more complicated. Not
only is it very difficult to discern a coherent view on the position
of women based on the texts attributed to the various sources, but,
more importantly, opinions differ on which text should be attributed
to which source and on the dating of the various sources. 112
According to Exod. 23:17; 34:23 and Deut. 16:16, only men were
required to attend the religious festivals. Gruber comments: 'Deut.
16:16 simply quotes an old law found in J E at Exod. 23:17 and
at Exod. 34:23'. 113 In other Deuteronomic texts a different picture
emerges. Women are explicitly mentioned as members of the covenant
community in Deut. 29:9-14 [10-15], and they were obliged to appear
before Y H W H once every seven years to listen to the teaching of the
Torah, according to Deut. 31:10-12. Sometimes daughters and female
slaves are mentioned as categories of women who should participate
in the cult. This is the case in Deut. 12:12,18; 16:10-11,13-14, where
they are among those who should rejoice before Y H W H and partake
in sacrificial meals and religious festivals.
Also texts attributed to P 1 1 4 mention the participation of women
Neusner et al. (eds), Judaic Perspectives on Ancient Israel, Philadelphia 1987, 35,
40, n. 1 , 3 . The former view is held by, for instance, C.L. Meyers. Exponent of
the latter view are I.J. Peritz and C.J. Vos.
110
Gruber, 'Women in the Cult according to the Priestly Code', 35-48.
111
Gruber, 'Women in the Cult according to the Priestly Code', 40.
112
Cf. C. Houtman, Der Pentateuch: Die Geschichte seiner Erforschung neben
einer Auswertung (CBET, 9), Kampen 1994, 365-441.
113
Gruber, 'Women in the Cult according to the Priestly Code', 36, 40-1, n. 5.
114
The Priestly source is generally dated to the exilic or post-exilic period and
as worshippers in the cult. Lev. 12:6, for instance, regulates the offering a woman should bring after childbirth, and Num. 6:22 holds
that both men and women could undertake a Nazirite vow. Moreover,
sometimes uses inclusive language (, ), which, according to
Gruber, is 'one of the characteristic features of the cultic legislation
of P'. 1 1 5 Even the word , normally to be translated as 'man' or
'husband', sometimes has an inclusive meaning, so that it should be
rendered 'person', 116 which poses the question how often texts hitherto interpreted in an exclusive way may have been meant to be read
in an inclusive sense. This may imply that intended to include
women as participants in the cult.
According to the law codes attributed to various sources, women
in biblical Israel could be present as worshippers in the cult, but
they often were not obliged to be so. Unlike men, women's role in
worship was not essential. Women and men, therefore, were not equal
participants in worship. And, based on the law texts, a line of steady
decline in the participation of female worshippers in the Israelite cult
cannot be discerned.
Apart from the afore-mentioned laws, other biblical texts mention
women as worshippers. Exod. 35:20-36:7, a text attributed to P, 117
which narrates the construction of the Tabernacle, refers to voluntary
offerings that men and women donated to it. Women's involvement
in the offerings of gold objects and various kinds of yarn is explicitly
mentioned. 118
Beside Deut. 12:12,18 and 16:10-11,13-14, reference of women participating in sacrificial meals is also made in 1 Sam. 1:4-5 and 2 Sam.
6:19 II 1 Chron. 16:3. Women who belonged to the priestly household
were allowed to eat from the holy offerings (Lev. 10:12-15; 22:12-13;
Num. 18:18-19). Women were present at the reading of the law (Josh.
8:35) and at the religious festivals they participated with song and
dance. 119
In the post-exilic period, women also are attested as being present
regarded as younger than D. However, this dating of is questioned by some
authors; cf. Houtman, Der Pentateuch, 375-6, 432.
115
Gruber, 'Women in the Cult according to the Priestly Code', 39, 45, n. 33.
116
As is recognised by J. Milgrom, Leviticus 23-27 (AB, 3B), New York 2000,
2368.
117
Cf. M. Noth, Das zweite Buch Mose: Exodus (ATD, 5), Gttingen 5 1973,
220-1; R.E. Clements, Exodus (CNEB), Cambridge 1972, 4; J.I. Durham, Exodus
(WBC, 3), Waco TX 1987, 350, 473.
118
Cf. Durham, Exodus, 477; C. Houtman, Exodus, vol. 3, (HCOT), Leuven 2000,
352-3.
119
See section 3.1.
at cultic gatherings. Ezra 10:1 records that men, women and children
had gathered in the temple with Ezra, to participate in his mourning.
Neh. 8:2-4 mentions women who, as members of the assembly (),
were present at the public reading of the Torah at the Water Gate. 120
Women also were present at the dedication of the City Wall (Neh.
12:43).
On the other hand, women are often strikingly absent. In his article on Women and Psalms, Marc Brettler points to the androcentrie scopus of Psalms, in which women generally play only a small,
peripheral, role. 121 In only two Psalms (148:12; 68:26 [25]) do women
appear praising YHWH.122 Futhermore, the psalms rarely reflect specific experiences of women, such as childbirth. Brettler therefore wonders whether the psalms could accomodate women. 123 Using Hannah's
prayer as an example, which he regards as a psalm of thanksgiving,
Brettler offers a model of secondary usage of the psalms. He assumes
that although the psalms generally would express only a few aspects
of a woman's personal situation, she could connect these with her
own experience in reciting an existing psalm, thus removing it from
its original Sitz im Leben.124 However, although the Psalms rarely
reflect experiences such as childbirth, the first-person psalmist often
expressed situations of hope and joy, and of despair and pain, with
which women could identify.
Psalms are often prayers expressing pain or joy. Women could accommodate existing psalms as poetic prayers or use prose prayers to
voice their griefs as well as their joys. Since motherhood was of great
importance in most women's lives, their prayers were often related to
that state, either because they were childless, like Hannah, or because
they were pregnant and facing the difficulties of childbirth, like Rebekah, or because they themselves and their child(ren) faced death,
like Hagar. 125
120
Cf. T.C. Eskenazi, O u t from the Shadows: Biblical Women in the Postexilic
Era', JSOT 54 (1992), 41.
121
M.Z. Brettler, 'Women and Psalms: Toward an Understanding of the Role
of Women's Prayer in the Israelite Cult', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender
and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield
1998, 25-56.
122
Remarkably, in both cases it concerns young women. On the latter text, see
section 3.1.
123
Brettler, 'Women and Psalms', 47.
124
Brettler, 'Women and Psalms', 44-8.
125
On prayers women prayed, cf. P.D. Miller, They Cried to the Lord: The Form
and Theology of Biblical Prayer, Minneapolis MN 1994, 233-43. Miller, 413, n. 2,
lists the following texts on prayers prayed by women: Gen. 21:16-17; 25:22; 29:35;
30:24; Exod. 15:21; Judg. 5:1-31; Ruth 1:8-9; 4:14; 1 Sam. 1:10, 12-15; 2:1-10; 1
In the Bible men as well as women made vows. 127 Hannah vowed
that if she got a male child, she would dedicate him to Y H W H as a
Nazirite. Many scholars have wondered about the role of Elkanah, her
husband, in the vow-making and its fulfilment, the more so, since his
role seems to be larger in the LXX and possibly in 4QSam a than it is
in the MT. As Carol Meyers observes:
T h e reasons t h a t some prefer t h e L X X / 4 Q S a m a over t h e M T can b e
related t o certain ambiguities in identifying t h e agent of t h e vow a n d its
fulfilment. In 1 S a m 1:11, H a n n a h makes a v o w ; 1 S a m 1:21 has E l k a n a h
fulfilling a vow, one t h a t is not previously mentioned; a n d in 1 S a m 1:27
H a n n a h refers t o t h e t e r m s of her vow. T h e role of E l k a n a h in this votive
language is difficult. Is he p a r t i c i p a t i n g in H a n n a h , s vow or fulfilling
one of his own, which is otherwise not m e n t i o n e d ? T h e s e questions
a r e not easily resolved. B u t removing t h e agency of t h e sacrificial act
f r o m H a n n a h (with t h e L X X a n d 4 Q S a m a ) does not resolve t h e issue
either, a n d in t h e process, it deprives H a n n a h of a cultic role t h a t
legitimately belongs t o her. It is easier t o consider t h e circumscribed
cultic activities for women a t t h e t i m e of t h e L X X a n d 4 Q S a m a as a
basis for their t e x t u a l expansion t h a n t o forego t h e M T , which reflects
H a n n a h ' s premier role in t h e sacrifice of 1:24. 1 2 8
Kgs 10:9; Ps. 131.
On the ambiguity of the situation of Hannah, s66 Miller, They Cried to the
Lord, 238-9.
127
On vows in the Hebrew Bible, cf. T.W. Cartledge, Vows in the Hebrew Bible
and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 147), Sheffield 1992; J. Berlinerblau, The
Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups' of Ancient Israel: A Philological and
Sociological Inquiry (JSOT.S, 210), Sheffield 1996.
128
C. Meyers, 'The Hannah Narrative in Feminist Perspective', in: J.E. Coleson,
to fulfil her vow and had no money to do so. The only way she could
think of, in order to acquire the money she needed to pay off her vow,
was by prostituting herself. Van der Toorn assumes 'that situations
such as the one hinted at in Proverbs 7 arose rather frequently in
ancient Israel'. 137 In support of his theory he refers to data from NeoBabylonian records and Herodotus' History, 1.199, as well as biblical
sources, combining Num. 30:1-16 with Deut. 23:19 [18]. The latter
text reads: 'You shall not bring the fee of a prostitute or the wages of
a male prostitute into the house of the L O R D your God in payment
for any vow, for both of these are abhorrent to the L O R D your God'.
According to Van der Toorn, desperate women who had no money to
pay the vow they had made, would occasionally prostitute themselves.
Van der Toorn's proposal is criticized by various scholars, among
whom is Claudia Camp, who rejects his thesis as 'implausible' and
'unpersuasive'. 138 With regard to Prov. 7, she states:
A g a i n s t van der T o o r n , I t h i n k it is unlikely t h a t we should imagine
a social s i t u a t i o n in which m a r r i e d w o m e n regularly engaged in a c t s
of harlotry. A l t h o u g h it is certainly t r u e t h a t laws a r e o f t e n e n a c t e d
t o c o u n t e r some existing practice, w h a t i n f o r m a t i o n we have a b o u t t h e
postexilic period suggests t o m e t h a t in P r o v e r b s 7 we a r e c o n f r o n t i n g
n o t a social reality of w a n t o n wives b u t r a t h e r a sociopsychological reality of m e n t h r e a t e n e d by a m u l t i p l y stressed social situation, including
i n t e r n a l religio-political power struggles, economically oppressive foreign rule, a n d t h e pressures of c u l t u r a l assimilation. 1 3 9
Berlinerblau agrees with Camp. 140 The scene of Prov. 7:14 is not, as
Van der Toorn assumes, representative of the religious life of an average Israelite woman, but rather a stereotyped image of the dangerous
woman.
Furthermore, according to Van der Toorn, the woman needed to
prostitute herself, because she had to fulfil her vow that same day.
137
141
dox women, 'who are anything but devout Yahwists'. 145 Both opposites offer stereotyped depictions of women making vows. Only by
using implicit data can we go beyond such images of female votaries.
Berlinerblau offers two reasons for the generally accepted assumption
that women participated actively in the votive system of biblical Israel. 146 First, vows could be made in a temple, but did not need to
be made within its confines; they could also be made within a private
setting. Since many women were restricted to the domestic sphere
because of household tasks and child care, the fact that they had less
opportunities to go to the temple did not limit them in their opportunities to make a vow. Secondly, the vow was something between a
woman and her deity. She did not need her father or husband to make
the vow - they only learned of it and either approved or disapproved
of it after she had made the vow. Neither did she need a religious
specialist to mediate the vow for her - the priest's task only began
with the fulfilment of the vow.
Since cultic functionaries could not oversee whether or not vows
were actually fulfilled, they were unable to exercise any cultic punishment. Laws and narratives emphasized the divine retribution that
would befall anyone who failed to pay his or her vow. If God could generously grant a request, he could also punish a supplicant who failed
to pay. The Jephthah narrative (Judg. 11) emphasizes the conviction
that vows should be fulfilled no matter what the cost. 147
As in the surrounding countries, Israelite women also brought offerings to their God. Hannah, for example, took a three-year old bull,
an ephah of flour and a skin of wine to offer to Y H W H ( 1 Sam. 1 : 2 4 25). 148 Women sometimes brought offerings jointly with their husbands, as in the case of Hannah and Elkanah ( 1 Sam. 1:25; 2 : 1 9 ) , and
Manoah and his wife (Judg. 1 3 : 1 9 ) . Furthermore, women could also
bring offerings in connection with their ritual purification (Lev. 12;
15:25-30).
145
G. Braulik, 'Durften auch Frauen in Israel Opfern?: Beobachtungen zur Sinnund Festgestalt des Opfers im Deuteronomium', Liturgisches Jahrbuch 48 (1998),
222-48 (247). See also Idem, 'Haben in Israel auch Frauen geopfert?: Beobachtungen am Deuteronomium', in: S. Kreuzer, K. Lthi (eds), Zur Aktualitt des
Alten Testaments: Festschrift fr Georg Sauer zum 65. Geburtstag, Frankfurt am
Main 1992, 19-28.
150
Cf. U. Winter, Frau und Gttin: Exegetische und ikonographis che Studien zum
weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und in dessen Umwelt (OBO, 53), Freiburg,
Schweiz 1983, 38-40; P.A. Bird, 'The Place of Women in the Israelite Cultus',
in: P.D. Miller et al. (eds), Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank
Moore Cross, Philadelphia 1987, 408-9.
151
Cf. . Spronk, Beatific Afterlife in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near
East (AOAT, 219), Kevelaer & Neukirchen-Vluyn 1986, 247-50; T.J. Lewis, Cults
of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugant (HSM, 39), Atlanta G A 1989, 99-170.
152
Cf. M.S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in
Ancient Israel, San Fransisco 1990, 126-32; K. van der Toorn, Family Religion
in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious
Life (SHCANE, 7), Leiden 1996, 206-35; De Moor, R0Y, 317-61.
condemned as a challenge to the belief that Y H W H was the sole controller of human destiny. 153
Just as the dead at Ugarit were called 'Urn, so, too, in biblical
Israel, the spirits of the dead could be referred to as1)
Sam.
28:13). Theodore Lewis explains:
'lhm is no more a designation equating the dead Samuel with Elohim than is ilu (in reference to the deceased) in ancient Near Eastern
texts an equation with the high gods of the Canaanite, Mesopotamian,
and Hittite pantheons. . . . By designating the dead Samuel 'lhm
the narrator chooses to emphasize the preternatural character of the
apparition. 154
Parallel to Ug. 'il'ib is the Heb. designation ' ancestor spirit'. Unlike
the Ugaritic term, however, the Hebrew does not emphasize any godlike character. 155
Another term designating the spirits of the dead is , related to
Ug. rp'um.156 Etymologically, the term is related to ' to heal', and
was originally read ' healers, saviours'. However, within normative Yahwism this name became unsuitable, since the dead were
considered powerless spirits. The vocalization ' feeble, impotent
ones' related the word to the root ' to be feeble'. 157
There are a few references in the Bible to the commemoration of
ancestors in the female line. In 2 Sam. 19:38 [37] Barzillai the Gileadite, who escorted king David, asked that he may return to his own
town: 'Please let your servant return, so that I may die in my own
town, near the graves of my father and my mother'. Barzillai explicitly referred to the graves of both his parents, not only that of his
father. 158 Graves of women are also mentioned in other texts. The
burial of Rachel is recorded in Gen. 35:19-20:
So Rachel died, and she was buried on the way to Ephrath (that is,
Bethlehem), and Jacob set up a pillar at her grave; it is the pillar of
Rachel's tomb, which is there to this day.
153
Cf. Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 216; See also S. Starr Sered, Women as
Ritual Experts: The Religious Lives of Elderly Jewish Women in Jerusalem, New
York 1992, 18-22, 29.
160
Lewis, Cults of the Dead, 121.
.J.C. Exum, Fragmented Women: Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (JSOT.S, 163), Sheffield 1993, 128.
168
See section 2.1.2.
169
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 218-25.
170
Van der Toorn, Family Religion, 211. See also L.E. Stager, 'The Archaeology
of the Family in Ancient Israel', BASOR 260 (1985), 23.
J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT,
16), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971, 195, 200-1; R.L. Smith, Micah-Malachi (WBC, 32),
Waco TX 1984, 278-9; C.L. Meyers, E.M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14 (AncB, 25C),
New York 1993, 343.
172
C.L. Meyers, E.M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 343-4.
173
L.F. Hartman, A.A. di Leila, The Book of Daniel (AncB, 23), New York 1978,
302; J.E. Goldingay, Daniel (WBC, 30), Dallas TX 1989, 304.
174
M. Dijkstra, 'Goddess, Gods, Men and Women in Ezekiel 8', in: B. Becking, M.
Dijkstra (eds), On Reading Prophetic Texts: G ender-Specific and Related Studies
in Memory of Fokkelien van Dijk-Hemmes (BIntS, 18), Leiden 1996, 83-114; Idem,
'Daar zaten de vrouwen, die Tammuz beweenden (Ezechil 8:14)', NedThT 50
(1996), 203-14.
Dijkstra, 'Goddess, Gods, Men and Women in Ezekiel 8', 100-2 (100); Idem,
'Daar zaten de vrouwen, die Tammuz beweenden (Ezechil 8:14)', 211-3.
Already Jerome identified Tammuz with Adonis (Epist. 58:3). See further D.I.
Block, The Book of Ezekiel: Chapters 1-24 (NICOT), Grand Rapids MI 1997,
295, n. 65.
176
S. Ackerman, ' "And the Women Knead Dough": The worship of the Queen
of Heaven in sixth-century Judah', in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in
Ancient Israel, Minneapolis MN 1989, 116.
177
Van der Toorn, Cradle, 117-9.
178
F. van Dijk-Hemmes, 'Traces of Women's Texts in the Hebrew Bible', in: A.
Brenner, F. van Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices in
the Hebrew Bible (BIntS, 1), Leiden 1993, 87-90. See also P.L. Day, 'From the
Child is Born the Woman: The Story of Jephthah's Daughter', in: P.L. Day (ed.),
Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis 1989, 58-74.
ing offerings to other gods, and all the women who stood by, a great
assembly, all the people who lived in Pathros in the land of Egypt,
answered Jeremiah: "As for the word that you have spoken to us in
the name of the LORD, we are not going to listen to you. Instead, we
will do everything that we have vowed, make offerings to the queen of
heaven and pour out libations to her, just as we and our ancestors, our
kings and our officials, used to do in the towns of Judah and in the
streets of Jerusalem. We used to have plenty of food, and prospered,
and saw no misfortune. But from the time we stopped making offerings
to the queen of heaven and pouring out libations to her, we have lacked
everything and have perished by the sword and by famine".
Women played an important role in the worship of the goddess, but
the men were involved, too (Jer. 7:18; 44:19). The cult of the Queen of
Heaven probably was part of popular/family religion. 179 The women
baked cakes for the goddess, marked with her image. As we saw in
section 2.2.2.3, in the Bible baking generally was a woman's job.
These cakes possibly offer a clue to the identification of the deity.
The word used for the cakes, , is generally regarded as a loanword from Akk. kamnu 'cake'. 180 The Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar
is connected with kamnu cakes in worship ritual. 181 Of the cakes it is
futhermore said they were marked with the image of the goddess (Jer.
44:19). This mark may have been a star or a pubic triangle, but it is
also possible that the dough of the cakes was formed either by hand
or by a mold in the shape of a female figure. At Mari molds have been
found portraying a nude female figure. It has been suggested that the
figure represented Ishtar. If one accepts this suggestion, the molds
may have been used to bake cakes which would have been offered to
Ishtar in her cult. 182 However, offering cakes to deities was a common
practice in the ancient Near East, and the identification of the female
figure on the Mari molds with Ishtar is far from certain. Moreover, the
title Queen of Heaven (or Lady of Heaven) is used for other goddesses
as well.
Much has been written on the identification of the Queen of Heaven,
but no consensus has been reached. Scholars have suggested that the
179
188
189
CONCLUSIONS
cult of the dead was the responsibility of the eldest son. This was
the case in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Ugarit and Israel. Women could
take care of the dead, but generally only in the absence of sons. At
Emar and Nuzi women were endowed with male gender to enable
them to become legitimate heirs and as such be responsible for the
ancestor cult. Both in Mesopotamia and Egypt taking care of the
dead could make a person, male or female, a legitimate heir. At Ugarit
women seldom seem to have performed the cult of the dead. Queens
participated in the cult and possibly brought offerings. In biblical
Israel, the ancestor cult was also performed by men. Prom Num. 27
and 36 we may perhaps conclude that daughters invoked the name of
their deceased father in the absence of sons.
In all cultures of the ancient Near East ancestors in the female
line were commemorated and venerated, but ancestors in the male
line were regarded as more important. Maternal ancestors seem to
have had a secondary position in the cult of the dead in Mesopotamia,
Egypt, Ugarit and Israel.
In Mesopotamia, Ugarit and biblical Israel, women participated in
religious festivals and sacrificial meals. During all periods of Israel's
history women were present at cultic gatherings. However, women
were not equal participants in worship, since their role was not essential, unlike that of men. Although the information on the participation of women at cultic gatherings in Ugarit is scanty, here, too, the
role of women may have been less important than that of men. The
fact that married women were forbidden to attend marzeah parties,
while unmarried girls were only present as servants, may point in that
direction.
In Mesopotamia and biblical Israel women played a prominent role
in the cult of Tammuz/Dumuzi. Possibly in Israel this cult was related to the worship of the Queen of Heaven. Yet the suggestion that
women were more prone to idolatry than men should be rejected. Due
to the centralization of the cult, women (but also men) had less opportunity to partake in it. Whereas in the pre-monarchic period and
the early days of the monarchy visiting a local shine was permitted,
it later became labelled as illegitimate. Although the Deuteronomist
redactors acknowledged the danger of women becoming excluded from
the centralized cult, they could not prevent that it offered female worshippers less opportunities to celebrate their membership as members
of the covenant community.
of YHWH. Monotheistic Yahwism could not tolerate a goddess alongside YHWH. The idea of a female cultic functionary in the capacity
of 'wife' of Y H W H was just as reprehensible. To ensure that Y H W H
would not be regarded as a 'sexual' partner, women were excluded
from the priesthood. If official religion had accepted female priests,
we may assume that, analogous to Israel's neighbouring countries,
only royal women would have been eligible for this office. It cannot
be excluded that royal women played a certain role in the pre-Josianic
cult as officiants, but one can only speculate on this. Protest against
the veneration of Asherah was voiced by advocates of monotheism at
least from the eighth century BCE on, and possibly even earlier. If 1
Kgs 15:13 is regarded as historically reliable, this would imply that
in the ninth century BCE Maacah was removed from her function
as queen mother because she interfered with religious politics by promoting the goddess Asherah. Perhaps her function included a priestly
role, but the Hebrew Bible is silent about this. I have assumed that
official religion in Israel gradually became monolatrous and, from the
seventh century BCE onwards, more inclined to monotheism. Whereas
monolatry still tolerated the veneration of Asherah in a subordinate
role, monotheism excluded the worship of Asherah. As a consequence,
at least from the seventh century onwards a cultic role for the queen
would have been impossible. Whether the silence of the Hebrew Bible
on royal women as officiants in the Israelite cult reflects historical
reality or concealment by Deuteronomistic redactors cannot be determined.
Beside the function of priestess, which was fulfilled by only a few
women of high birth in the ancient Near East, there were other female
cultic functions. The Hebrew Bible refers to the , a consecrated
woman with a cult-related function. Although in the past scholars regarded the as a cultic prostitute, this has now convincingly been
refuted. The association with prostitution is polemic in origin. Rather,
the were a class of functionaries whom the biblical authors associated with improper worship of YHWH, probably functioning at
the outlying sanctuaries in pre-Josianic times. It is noteworthy that
in Mesopotamia the qaditu was a cultic functionary whose status
diminished over time. In the first millennium BCE she was associated
with witchcraft and sorcery, yet she did not engage in cultic prostitution. At Ugarit, we encountered the qd, who probably was the
male counterpart of the qdh. His female counterpart is not attested
in Ugaritic, however. Scholars assume the qd either was a cantor, a
purifier or a diviner, but not a male cultic prostitute.
The naditu, well attested in Mesopotamian texts, does not occur
the presence of the king and queen of Ugarit as well as their sons
and daughters at a funerary ritual. Their presence perhaps indicated
participation. Yet from KTU 1.22:1.2-11 we got the impression that
if males were present, they were responsible for the performance of
the funerary rites. It would therefore seem that women seldom were
responsible for the cult of the dead. The evidence from Mesopotamia
also points in that direction. Only in the absence of men, and sometimes only when endowed with formal male gender, could women take
responsibility for the cult of the dead. Also in biblical Israel it was the
duty of the son to perform the cult of the dead. Absalom erected a
to commemorate his name (2 Sam. 18:18). He motivated his action by stating that he had no son to keep his name in remembrance.
Possibly Num. 27 and 36 allude to the duty of a daughter to perform the cult of the dead and invoke her father's name in the absence
of sons. The story of Rachel's theft of the reveals that women
could feel very committed to the ancestor cult, even when they were
not responsible for it. Based on the story of Rachel's theft I assumed
that, analogous to the situation in Mesopotamia and Ugarit, women
in biblical Israel were present at the performance of the cult within
the family home.
Yet women in Ugarit and biblical Israel were not only present at
the performance of the cult of the dead, but also at religious festivals,
cultic gatherings and sacrificial meals. On a mythological level, the
Ugaritic goddesses participated in banquets. Royal women, too, participated in sacrificial meals at Ugarit. Prom certain kinds of festivals,
such as the marzeah parties, married women were excluded. Much is
unknown about the participation of worshippers in cultic gatherings
at Ugarit. The Hebrew Bible offers more information on female worshippers at cultic gatherings. With regard to the religious festivals,
the general rule seems to have been that women could be present as
worshippers but were not obliged to be, whereas men were required
to attend (Exod. 23:17; 34:23; Deut. 16:16). However, according to
Deut. 29:9-14 women were obliged to appear before Y H W H once in
every seven years. In the pre-exilic period, women participated in
sacrificial meals, they were present at the reading of the law and at
religious festivals. Also in the post-exilic period women participated in
cultic gatherings. Contrary to what some scholars have held, a steady
decline of women's participation as worshippers in the Israelite cult
cannot be discerned. However, the role of women was less important
than that of men; women's role in worship was not essential.
In two heterodox cults, however, Israelite women played a special
role. In the cult of Tammuz women publicly wailed for the deceased
god (Ezek. 8:14). Dijkstra assumes these women were a class of cultic
personnel 4 , but this I questioned. The cult of Tammuz possibly had
become affiliated with indigenous traditions of Baal worship. Ackerman relates the cult of Tammuz to another cult, that of the Queen
of Heaven (Jer. 7:17-18; 44:15-30). She regards the wailing women
as devotees of Ishtar. 5 On the identification of the Queen of Heaven
no consensus has been reached. Following Ackerman, I regarded it
most likely that this goddess had characteristics of both west Semitic
Astarte and east Semitic Ishtar.
Yet in the cult of the Queen of Heaven not only women, but also
men were involved as worshippers. Men may also have worshipped
Tammuz. Women had a prominent role in both cults, but this was at
least partly due to the activities they performed. Both tasks, wailing
(in the cult of Tammuz) and baking cakes (in the cult of the Queen of
Heaven) are generally attributed to women. These two heterodox cults
therefore should not be regarded as women's cults. Neither should it
be assumed that women were more prone to idolatry than men.
Due to the centralization of the cult women probably had less
opportunities to participate as worshippers. The centralization probably restricted women in their access to the temple. Because of their
personal and domestic circumstances they had less opportunities to
participate in the pilgrim feasts. They furthermore were restricted
in their access to a sanctuary, because worship at local and regional
shrines became regarded as idolatrous. The Deuteronomist redactors
acknowledged the danger that women could become excluded from the
centralized cult. They therefore emphasized women's role as members
of the religious assembly.
As we saw, many aspects of the religious positions of women
in Ugarit and Israel corresponded. Purity was required of men and
women in their contact with the gods/God both in Ugarit and Israel.
In both cultures mourning and sorcery were regarded as a female specialism, and divination as a male specialism. In both cultures women
fulfilled ancillary functions in the cult that were an extension of domestic tasks. And, most importantly, neither at Ugarit, nor in the
Hebrew Bible is the female priest attested.
4
M. Dijkstra, 'Goddess, Gods, Men and Women in Ezekiel 8', in: B. Becking, M.
Dijkstra (eds), On Reading Prophetic Texts: G ender-Specific and Related Studies
in Memory of Fokkelien van Dijk-Hemmes (BIntS, 18), Leiden 1996, 83-114; Idem,
'Daar zaten de vrouwen, die Tammuz beweenden (Ezechil 8:14)', NedThT 50
(1996), 203-14.
5
S. Ackerman, ' "And the Women Knead Dough": The worship of the Queen
of Heaven in sixth-century Judah', in: P.L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in
Ancient Israel, Minneapolis MN 1989, 116.
Yet there also were some differences. Some religious roles were
performed by women in Ugarit but not in Israel. However, there were
also religious specialisms that women in Israel fulfilled which are unattested in Ugarit thus far.
We will first discuss those religious specialisms that women performed in Ugarit but not in biblical Israel.
1. In Ugarit, the queen acted as officiant in the cult. Although
in some texts it cannot be discerned whether the queen was
present as a spectator or as a participant in a rite, other texts
make it clear beyond any doubt that she fulfilled the role as a
cultic officiant. In Israel such a role is not attested for the queen.
The Hebrew Bible offers very little information in this regard.
Perhaps Maacah fulfilled a priestly function from which she was
removed. Yet it is also possible she did not have a priestly function. She was removed from her position as because she
interfered with Asa's religious politics. Whether or not her intended promotion of the goddess Asherah was related to having
or gaining a position as priestess cannot be determined.
2. Princesses also acted as officiants in the cult of Ugarit and perhaps performed certain rituals. According to the Hebrew Bible,
princesses did not fulfil a cultic role.
3. In the Ugaritic cult a sacred marriage rite was performed, in
which the king ritually married the goddess Pidrayu. By this act
he married into the divine family of Ba'lu and became related
to the gods. In biblical Israel the sacred marriage rite was not
celebrated. Within Yahwism the performance of cultic sexuality
could not be tolerated. Y H W H was not a God of male gender in
the sense of Ugaritic Ilu or Ba'lu, for he was not a sexual partner,
neither in mythology, nor in the cult. If Asherah played any role
of significance in the Israelite cult, she was not regarded as a
nubile goddess such as Pidrayu, but rather as an older goddess
with motherly qualities, such as her Ugaritic counterpart. This
makes her an unlikely candidate for participation in the sacred
marriage rite. Instead of the idea of a sacred marriage by which
the king became related to the divine world, the prophets offered
another idea, that of Israel as a people being the metaphorical
marriage partner of Y H W H .
4. Ugaritic women acted as singers and musicians in the cult. During the pre-monarchic period and the early days of the monarchy
A Check on Reliability
It is likely that the literary texts of Ugarit and biblical Israel bear an
ideological imprint with regard to patriarchal views. Even so, these
texts probably reflect the views and circumstances of the upper classes
of society. Some of the descriptions of goddesses and legendary figures
may rest entirely on literary fiction. Therefore it is necessary to test
the findings of chapters 2 and 3 against documents which reflect the
historical situation in Ugarit and Israel: letters, seals, legal documents
and administrative records. It would have been ideal to arrange chapter 4 by subject. For several reasons, however, this appeared to be an
unpractical solution,
1. The epigraphical data from ancient Israel are so scarce that
many subjects would be lacking.
2. Several subjects represented in the literary texts are lacking in
the texts recording the historical life at Ugarit. As we shall see,
the reverse also happens.
3. By their very nature letters and legal documents may be expected to represent upper class life, too, so it seems appropriate
to take the genre of the document into consideration.
I therefore have decided to discuss the issues regarding the social and
religious position of women by the various genres of non-literary texts.
Agreements and differences between the literary and non-literary texts
will briefly be recorded in the footnotes. A more torough analysis of
agreements and differences will be offered in chapter 5.
In comparison with the Ugaritic corpus, the corpus of non-literary
texts from ancient Israel is quite small. I will therefore include data
from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in my analysis. The inhabitants
of this fortress, probably descendants of Judahites who had found a
haven here as migrants, still held contact with their fellow believers
in Judah. 1
In order to check the reliability of the literary texts, I will discuss
letters, seals and bullae, legal and administrative texts. At the end of
this chapter I will draw some general conclusions.
4.1
4.1.1
Letters
T h e Letters f r o m Ugarit
In a paper on the letters from Ugarit, Israel and Elephantine, I analysed these texts in the light of the social and religious position of
women. 2 Because the corpus of extra-biblical Hebrew letters is quite
small, I included data from the Jewish colony of Elephantine in my
analysis. 3 The three corpora of letters from Ugarit, Israel and Elephantine were all available in complete editions, and these I used as
the basis for my analysis. 4 I studied the data regarding the occurrence
of women in letters and, since the three corpora differ considerably
in size, I compared them in a statistical approach. 5 I looked at the
number of women who sent letters, the number of women who were
addressees and the number of women that are mentioned in the body
of the letters, and came to the following conclusion:
At first sight it seems women in ancient Israel had a more restricted social space in comparison to Ugarit. No women are mentioned as sender
or addressee in the Hebrew letters, whereas in Ugarit both female principals and destinaries are known. In the Hebrew epistles women are
scarcely mentioned, while men are mentioned twice as often as in the
Ugaritic letters. Women at Elephantine also seem to participate more
in society. They are known to be the destinary of letters and they are
mentioned relatively often in the epistles.6
Yet it would be premature to conclude women's social position was
worse in Israel than it was at Ugarit. Two matters have to be taken
into consideration. First, the writing material differs. The Ugaritic
2
role. She was held in high esteem, which is illustrated by the fact
that in letters addressed to her the senders call her 'adt 'lady' and
themselves 'bdm 'slaves'. The prostration formulae in letters to the
queen do not differ from those to the king. The senders say they
prostrate seven and seven times before her, just as they do before the
king. 11 Even the king himself honoured his mother in this manner:
l.p'n.'umy qlt 'At the feet of my mother I bow down' (KTU 2.13:56; 2.30:4-5), as did prince Talmiyanu (KTU 2.12) 12 and high court
officers (KTU 2.24; 2.68; RS 32.204, RSO VII, 50-1). As an example
I quote KTU 2.11, a well-preserved letter to the queen mother:
1
May the gods guard you, may they keep you well.
Here, with us,
all is very well
and also I am at rest.
There, with our lady,
is everything well?
Return word to your servants.
Though its content is not very instructive, this letter reveals that
the queen mother was informed of the king's actions and well-being
during his absence. As in Israel, the queen mother wielded considerOn the queens of Ugarit see Amico, SWU, 270-351; W.H. van Soldt, 'The
Queens of Ugarit', JEOL 29 (1985-86), 68-73; Idem, SAU, 12-9; J. Aboud, Die
Rolle des Knigs und seiner Familie nach den Texten von Ugarit(FARG, 27),
Mnster 1994, 26-35; J.-P. Vita, 'The Society of Ugarit', in: HUS, 469-70; I. Singer,
Political History of Ugarit', in: HUS, 603-733 (passim).
11
Cf. A.L. Kristensen, 'Ugaritic Epistolary Formulas: A Compaxative Study of
the Ugaritic Epistolary Formulas in the Context of the Contemporary Akkadian
Formulas in the Letters from Ugarit and Amarna', UF 9 (1977), 147-50; J.-L.
Cunchillos, 'The Correspondence of Ugarit', in: HUS, 362-3.
12
Sometimes he skipped such formality: KTU 2.11; 2.16.
13
The identity of Talmiyanu is a matter of discussion. He may have been the
crown prince. It has been suggested that Talmiyanu was the original name of
Niqmaddu in before he became king. He may have continued to use this name in
the correspondence with his mother, cf. Singer, HUS, 693, 700. If KTU 2.11 can be
related to KTU 2.16, Talmiyanu was at the Hittite court where he wrote a letter
to his mother Tharriyelli. Talmiyanu should not be identified with 'Ammithtamru
II, cf. Van Soldt, SAU, 17. However, Pardee, in: C0S, vol. 3, 89, n. 2, regards it
as plausible that Talmiyanu was a brother of Niqmaddu III.
able power. 14 The king reported to her about his vicissitudes when
he was at the Hittite court to pay his overlord the obligatory tribute
(KTU 2.13; 2.30) or when he was fighting somewhere (KTU 2.82).
The circumstance that several drafts of diplomatic letters were found
in the queen mother's residence in Ras Ibn Hani seems to indicate
that at least the young king 'Ammurapi consulted her regularly on
diplomatic correspondence. 15 KTU 2.13 and KTU 2.30 prove that she
ruled the country, at least in the king's absence, but probably often
jointly with him. Various details point in that direction. A Hittite
king courteously replied to a letter requesting information on various subjects which had been sent to him by the queen of Ugarit (RS
34.145, RSO VII, 32-4). Another foreign king, probably of Siyannu, 16
honoured queen Thariyelli with a substantial present (RS 12.33, P RU
III, 14-5). An Assyrian diplomat asked his Ugaritic colleague to let
the queen - probably the queen mother - read his letters. 17 The king
and queen jointly wrote letters of credence for Ugaritic diplomats to
the Hittite court (RS 19.70, PRU IV, 294).
Another letter of the king, KTU 2.72, testifies to the political
involvement of the queen mother. I will discuss this letter in greater
detail below (section 4.3). In the letter KTU 2.14, an Ugaritic court
official asked a colleague to intercede for him with the queen mother
Tharriyelli:
1
2
thm. 'iwrdn
1 'iwrpzn
bny. 'ahy.rgm
'Urn. tgrk
tlmk
'iky.lht
spr.d I'ikt
8
'm.tryl
9
mhy.rgmt
10
w ht.'&hy
14
to Tharriyelli?
What did she say?
11
bny.ys'al
tryl.p rgm
13
1 mlk.my
14
w I 'iytlm
my son, ask
12
15
w ht 'ahy
bny.yS'al
17
try I. w rgm
18
ttb.l 'ahk
19
1 'adnk
16
I regard rgm as an infinitive absolute; cf. Pardee, in: CoS, vol. 3, 114, n. 218.
Cf. Singer, HUS, 697; Pardee, in: CoS, vol. 3, 114, n. 218.
21
See for example the letter KTU 2.36+ in which the Hittite queen Puduhepa
reprimands the Ugaritic king, Niqmaddu III, for not sending adequate tribute and
for omitting to pay her a visit. Cf. J.-L. Cunchillos, in: TO, t. 2, 363-421; Van
Soldt, SAU, 9. See further section 2.2.1.1.
22
An especially powerful queen mother was Tharriyelli, widow of Ibiranu. She
continued to hold sway during the reigns of his successors Niqmaddu III and 'Ammurapi. Cf. Singer, HUS, 690-1, 696-704; J. Freu, 'La fin d'Ugarit et de l'empire
hittite', Sem. 48 (1999), 17-39 (27-8). Freu assumes that Tharriyelli was a coregent in 'Ammurapi's early years.
23
In the literary texts from Ugarit we also find an example of this. When the
virtues of princess Hariya are told, it is said of her (KTU 1.15:1.1-2): mrgb.yd.rotkt
/ mzm'a.yd.mtkt 'The hungry one - she takes (him) by the hand, the thirsty one
- she takes (him) by the hand'.
24
See line 22 ht, in broken context. RS 34.154 {RSO VII, 48-50) confirms that a
Hittite princess exchanged letters with the queen of Ugarit. Other foreign ladies,
too, sent letters with accompanying presents to the queen of Ugarit (RS 20.19, Ug.
V, 135-6; RS 20.151, Ug. V, 138-9). RS 16.111 (PRU III, 13-4) is a letter of the
20
[thm] . XXX [ ]
[Message] of [
[l.]mlA:i.'u[grt]
['a]hty.rgm
my sister, say:
[y]im.ZA;
['i]1 m.tlmk
6
[t]gr&
Here, Ibrkd,25
my merchant, 26 has spoken to the overseeer of the
vineyard of
the queen of Ugarit.
This 27 you would have said:
Surely 28 I will send (the money)!'
I have a [pawn]29 here
[so you will p]ay! Why then
is your [payment(?)] (still) with you?
[Certainly you should] repay my silver!30
[Si]x hundred (shekel) is (still) with you,
and I am not going to make it a present to you!
hin?/, 'ibrkd
mkry.rgm.l skn gt
rnlkt. 'ugrt
10
hnkt.rgmt
'i ky.L'U'ak
12
[hb]1. 'my
13
[kt]1m.ti;. Im
14
[1m(?)]fc. 'mk
15
[k t]lm.kspy
16
[t]t[.]m'a. 'mrkm
17
w.l. 'atnnk
11
18
w.l.mlkm
/[xxx]1dA:
(traces)
19
queen of Amurru to the queen of Ugarit. All this points to a lively correspondence
between royal women (see further Singer, HUS, 699, 702, n. 327), as there had been
in Mari many centuries earlier. Cf. W.H.Ph. Rmer, Frauenbriefe ber Religion,
Politik und Privatleben in Mari (AOAT, 12), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971.
25
See on this name M. Dijkstra, 'Marginalia to the Ugaritic Letters in KTU
(I)', UF 19 (1987), 40.
26
KTU2, 169, reads mkry. But J.L. Cunchillos, 'KTU 2.21 - Lettre addresse
la reine: IBRKD a transmis le message de la Reine', UF 13 (1981), 45-8; Idem,
Estudios de Epistolografia Ugaritica (FCiBi, 3), Valencia 1989, 117-22; Dijkstra,
'Marginalia (I)', 40, all read xrry.
27
Cf. DLU, 168; Sivan, GUL, 58.
28
For 'ik with a negation meaning 'surely', see J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal
Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT, 16), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971, 235;
for 'iky as equivalent of 'ik see S.E. Loewenstamm, 'Die ugaritische Partikel iky',
Or 53 (1984), 255-61.
29
KTU2 offers [xx]1. C. Virolleaud's copy in PRU II indicates a horizontal
wedge. For the word hbl 'pawn, surety', see DLU, 172. I propose this restoration
on the basis of the assumption that the letter is dealing with a debt. In the badly
broken lines 21 and 24 the verbal form t'ittm 'you will incur a debt' (DLU, 61)
occurs.
30
Cf. Exod. 21:34.
[l ]r 'i.r'y.y[\m lk]
2
[]lm.bn.
2/1[m ] 3 [w]gr.
I lmt.l[m]
4
bth.p lmt.plm[ ]
5
bt.l bn.7-gm[.1m
.lkm]
6
lmt .
lm.b[t.'a]7by.
Snt.ml'it.t[
]
ymgyk.bnm.
i'a[sp(?)] 9 bnm.
w bnt.ytvk[
]
and may daughters be given you [
[yp]l.bny.ht.
May my (own) sons [fal]l into 35 the pit
and [may] my daughters [dwell]36
w[tb(n)] 11 [bn]
. msgr. bnk[ ]
in the dungeon of your sons
12
[hm 'a]n./1m.&7[y ] [if I neglect(??)] the message of [my] lord!
10
31
Ahl, ETfU, 474-5, following Ginsberg, reads Iris which she translates as 'to',
but admits that 'the alternative translation "to the chief" cannot be ruled out'.
The latter is preferable because it is in line with the deliberate mixture of submissiveness and familiarity in this letter.
32
Ahl, ETfU, 474, and Virolleaud, Syria 19 (1938), 340-3, read bnm. Herdner,
CTA, 149, however, stresses: 'Selon nous, le dernier signe, qui est endommag,
n'est pas un m, mais sans aucun doute un '. On the meaning of Ug. bn, cf.,
e.g., A.F. Rainey, 'The Prince and the Pauper', UF 7 (1975), 431; DLU, 112-3;
M. Heltzer, 'The Economy of Ugarit', in: HUS, 427-31.
33
BDFSN adds [ms], thus forming the word msgr with the first two characters
of 1. 3. msgr also occurs in 1. 11. But it seems likely that groups of persons are
mentioned in this part of the letter.
34
I take as a particle lending emphasis to the precative perfect.
35
It seems likely that sht and msgr are parallel terms, both in the accusative
of place. For my interpretation see the expression used in Ps. 7:16; Prov. 26:27.
36
For the parallelism between npl and yb, see Mic. 7:8.
10
w 'ank. 'ubt[ ]
ank.nkn[
12
fc?.Z[x]x.x[ ]
13
w.hw.'uy.'n[ ]
14
1 ytn.w rgm[
15
w yrdnn.'an[
16
11
[]t. 'ank.lkm [w ]
ly. 'ank. 'ass'uk
18
hm. 'at.trgm
19
wdrm.dr^m
17
37
20
21
w 'ap.ht.k kn
w mtnn[x.] 'mnk
'it.[p]rgmy
23
[m]'ad.r[dy] pgt
24
[xx]x[xxx].?/d'
25
[xxxxxxx] gm
26
[xxxxxx]x. kl lh
(traces)
22
cult. 50
In high-ranking families, sons wrote letters of a rather plain and
standardized nature to their mothers, and brothers wrote similar letters to their sisters (e.g., the double letter RS 20.178, Ug. V, 147-9;
see also KTU 2.11, quoted above). However, to conclude on the basis
of these epistles that 'the relationship between brothers and sisters
seems to have been close and caring' 51 is too optimistic. Scribes were
simply trained to compose such letters (KTU 5.10). The wives of important Ugaritic citizens received polite greetings from other senior
officials (RS 20.23, Ug. V, 145-7; RS 20.227, Ug. 1/, 151-4). Apparently the ruling class of Ugarit maintained polite correspondence to
foster good relations among themselves. Women were definitely part
of that network.
Less well-off girls probably had little influence over their own futures. In the letter RS 34.170 (RSO VII, 56-7) somebody, probably
a low-ranking royal administrator, offers to give 'a young girl or an
artisan' in exchange for a slave whom he has bought but whom he
must return in order to regain his own freedom. Apparently the person who was offered as replacement had no say whatsoever in the
matter. 5 2 This also illustrates the custom of debt slavery (see also
below, section 4.3.1).
The letter RS 86.2208 informs us about infertility. 53 A certain
childless woman, referred to as the daughter of Yarimu, is mentioned
in a letter of Adad-yashma, king of Sidon, to the king of Ugarit regarding various persons:
As a matter of fact, the daughter of Yarimu has been his [it is unclear
whom the Sidonian king refers to, HJM] wife a long time already, but
she did not bear (children) to him. He then sought to marry another
wife, alongside her, but she did not bear a son to him either.54 The
daughter of Yarimu then made him responsible for a knowingly committed crime,55 fettered him and handed him over to Umma-abi, her
sister, who took him into custody.
50
It would seem that if a marriage remained childless, this was primarily blamed on the wife. Her husband could then decide to take a
second wife. However, if the second wife did not bear him a child, the
husband was believed to be infertile and the first wife was regarded
as blameless. The first wife then apparently had the right to hand
her husband over to the authorities. In the case of the husband of
Yarimu's daughter, he was later set free by a Sidonian officer after he
had promised to pay a considerable sum of money (to his first wife?).
The daughter of Yarimu and her sister, Umma-abi, were both upper
class women, well known to the king of Ugarit and possibly related to
him. It is not known whether the daughter of Yarimu had the right to
hand over her husband due to a marriage contract which stated she
was to be his only wife, or that it was the general right of Canaanite
women after being falsely accused of infertility.
If a man was murdered in a place which was not his home town, the
inhabitants of that town had to pay his widow an indemnity, usually
3 minas of silver, if they were unable to prove their innocence. 56 In a
letter testifying to this custom, however, neither the woman nor her
murdered husband bears a name. It seems therefore probable that
they belonged to the lower classes (RS 20.22, Ug. V, 95-7).
Several letters from Ugarit concern the divorces of kings 'Ammithtamru II and 'Ammurapi. Because these letters are related to international agreements made in these matters, I will deal with them in
the section on legal texts (4.3.1).
We may conclude that the letters from Ugarit confirm the data
from chapters 2 and 3 that women of substance, especially queens,
enjoyed a lot of freedom and authority. They corresponded with each
other on an international basis, extended loans to each other (possibly
without their husband's consent being necessary), wielded considerable power in their own country and were very active in politics. On
the other hand, even princesses and queens were often subjugated to
men. Rape may have occurred even at court. This picture agrees to
a large extent with the data we analysed from the literary texts of
Ugarit. However, letters were written or commissioned by the upper
classes and for that reason represent only part of the total picture. It
will, therefore, be necessary to compare these results with the data
from seals, legal and administrative texts. First, however, we will compare the data in Ugaritic letters with those in letters from Israel and
Elephantine.
56
4.1.2
yb[v]kk[.]yhwh s[1]m.
May Yhwh bless you in peace. And now: May
w't.ySm
2
'. 'dny.h[r] 't 'm[k] mt my lord the official listen to your handmaid. My
husband
3
'yy.V bnm.whyh.ydk.
died without sons. (I request politely that the
following) happen: (let) your hand (be)
4
'my.wntth.byd. 'mtk. 't.h with me and entrust to your handmaid the
5
nhlh 'Sr.dbrth.l'ms
inheritance about which you spoke to 'Amas6
yhw.w 'i.dh. hhtm. '
yahu. As for the wheat field that
7
r bn'mh.ntth.l'h
is in Naamah, you have (already) given (it) to
8
yw
his brother.
The letters of Elephantine which can definitely be attributed to Jewish dispatchers show an equally vivid interest in the well-being of
the male and female members of a family. 76 The letters to Jewish
women at Elephantine also testify to a fairly responsible position of
women within the family. For example, a husband instructs his wife
to buy salt 77 and (probably) cucumber seeds, 78 and to manage several
other affairs on his behalf. 79 It should be noted, however, that it is
always the husband who sends such orders to his wife and never the reverse. The same is true, however, of letters to women from non-Jewish
senders. 80 The social independence of women, whether of Jewish or
other nationality, was apparently limited by their husband or master.
A Jewish husband might even threaten his wife with death if she did
not violate the Sabbath to meet a boat carrying a load of vegetables
that he dispatched to her. 81
With regard to religious matters the position of Jewish women in
Elephantine seems to have been restricted. The priests of the temple
of YHW were all men. 82 The famous Passover Letter creates the impression that the correct observance of the Passover was for the most
part a matter between men. 83 However, another letter shows that in
the absence of her husband a wife and another woman, probably a relative, were allowed to observe the Passover rites themselves. 84 Wives
and children joined the men in mourning rites and prayer, 85 but the
75
Bordreuil et ai, 'King's Command and Widow's Plea', 11: 'In the present
instance, the wife appears to be requesting a temporary suspension of legal transfer of her husband's property to those who were legally entitled to receive it; her
request is based on the claim that the husband's brother has taken possession
of one part of the property and that he cannot therefore claim a state of need
similar to her own'. Pace Wagenaar, ' "Give in the Hand of Your Maidservant the
Property . . . " ' , 26-7, who assumes the widow asked for 'a paxcel of the common
grounds' which had been promised to her husband. See sections 2.1.5 and 4.3.3.
76
TAD 1, A3.3; A3.4; A3.7.
77
TAD 4, D7.2.
78
TAD 4, D7.3.
79
TAD 4, D7.4; D7.5; D7.7; D7.10.
80
TAD 1, A2.1; A2.2; A2.3; A2.5; A2.6; A2.7 - all letters from 'brothers' to
'sisters' (the terms need not be taken literally, cf. Porten, EPE, 90, . 5).
81
TAD 4, D7.16.
82
TAD 1, A4.3; A4.7; A4.8.
83
TAD 1, A4.1.
84
TAD 4, D7.6.
85
TAD 1, A4.7; A4.8.
In their corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals, Avigad and Sass classify
722 items as Hebrew or possibly Hebrew. 4 Only a very small number
of these (13) are ascribed to female owners. 5 The most common way
for Israelite people to refer to themselves on their seals is by their
patronymic, that is, as 'X son of Y' or 'XY'. A small number of
seals bear the information 'X daughter of Y'. In theory it would seem
possible that a seal of the XY-type could belong to a female. However,
86
For example, Domleyahu son of Hosha'yahu, cf. Avigad, Sass, WSS, 193-4
(nos. 477-480); Davies, AHI, 192-3 (nos. 100.543-546); . Avigad, Hebrew Bullae
from the Time of Jeremiah: Remnants of a Burnt Archive, Jerusalem 1986, 4951. Pelatyahu son of Hosha'yahu, cf. Avigad, Sass, WS5, 227-8 (nos. 610-614);
Davies, AHI, 209-10, (nos. 100.643-648); Avigad, Hebrew Bullae from the Time of
Jeremiah, 94-6. 'Azaryahu son of Hilqiyahu, cf. Avigad, Sass, WSS, 139, 224 (nos.
307, 596); Davies, AHI, 184, 235, (nos. 100.496, 100.827); Y. Shiloh, group of
Hebrew Bullae from the City of David', IEJ 37 (1987), 32.
7
Since the two bullae bearing the inscription ( no. 4) have been
made from the same seal, I regard them as one entry here.
R. Deutsch, Messages from the Past: Hebrew Bullae from the Time of Isaiah
Through the Destruction of the First Temple: Shlomo Moussaieff Collection and
an Up to Date Corpus, Tel Aviv 1997, 66-7, incorrectly assumes there are 14 seals
and bullae of the X bt Y type. He further refers to 5 seals of daughters in the
Hecht museum which he assumes to be unpublished. Yet not all of these seals are
Hebrew seals and all of them have been published. Three of them are discussed
below (no. 3, 13 and 16), and the other two are classified as Ammonite seals. On
, cf. M. Heltzer, 'The Women in the Hebrew Epigraphy of Biblical
Times', Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquit 43 (1996), 19 (the name is
misspelled); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 325-6 (no. 868); N. Avigad et al., West Semitic
Seals: Eighth-Sixth Centuries BCE, Haifa 2000,141 (no. 114). On ,
cf. Avigad, Sass, WSS, 326 (no. 870); Avigad et al., West Semitic Seals, 143 (no.
116).
8
on the royal Judean storage jars in the late seventh century B.C. 110
Thus, if a connection exists between this seal and the storage jar
stamps, Ma'adanah's father might have been king Josiah or one of
his successors.
Avigad assumes 'that Princess Ma'adanah was an ardent lyreplayer and therefore she chose this instrument as the emblem for
her seal'. 11 Although it is quite possible that the princess played the
instrument, we cannot be sure about this. Manfred Grg, who stresses
the apotropaic function of the lyre and its use, might just as well be
right. 12 However, the one does not exclude the other.
2. ' Belonging to Noyah daughter of the king'.
Unlike the seal of Ma'adana, which is beautifully decorated, the bulla
of Noyah only bears an inscription of two registers separated by a
double line. 13 The bulla dates to the seventh century BCE. Robert
Deutsch assumes that due to the shape of the bulla it was not used to
seal a papyrus written document, but something else, perhaps a j a r . 1 4
The name Noyah does not occur in the Hebrew Bible, nor elsewhere
in epigraphical material.
We thus have one seal and one bulla with a fPN bearing the title
15
.
Next to this, several seals and bullae of 'sons of the king'
16
are known. Opinions differ on the meaning of the title 'son of the
king'. Some regard it as a title of an Israelite or Judahite official who
was on the permanent staff of the palace. According to these scholars
the title should not be taken in its genealogical sense. 17 Yet it seems
more likely that a man referred to as 'son of the king' was a member
of the royal family who held a position in the service of the king. This
did not have to mean he was a true prince, but he was of royal blood.
10
Avigad, 'The King's Daughter and the Lyre', 150-1. See also J.M. Cahill,
'Rosetta Stamp Seal Impressions from Ancient Judah', IEJ 45 (1995), 230-52.
11
Avigad, 'The King's Daughter and the Lyre', 151.
12
M. Grg, 'Die Knigstochter und die Leier', BN 14 (1981), 9.
13
Deutsch, Messages from the Past, 65 (no. 14).
14
Deutsch, Messages from the Past, 65.
15
On the use of the title 'daughter of the king' in the Hebrew Bible, see section
2.2.1.4.
16
G. Barkay, Bulla of Ishmael, the King's Son', BASOR 290-291 (1993), 111,
mentions 18 different seals and seal impressions, among which is one jar stamp.
See also Y. Avishur, M. Heltzer, Studies on the Royal Administration: In Ancient
Israel in the Light of Epigraphic Sources, Tel Aviv-Jaffa 2000, 62-74.
17
This view was expressed as early as 1888 by Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, 'Le
sceau de Obadyahou, fonctionnaire royal isralite', Receuil d'archologie orientale
1 (1888), 36. See further G. Brin, 'The Title )(and its Parallels', AION
29 (1969), 433-65.
Cf. A.F. Rainey, 'The Prince and the Pauper', UF 7 (1975), 427-32; A.
Lemaire, 'Note sur le titre bn hmlk dans l'ancien Isral', Sem. 29 (1979), 5965; Avigad, Hebrew Bullae from the Time of Jeremiah, 27-8; Avigad, Sass, WSS,
27-8; Avishur, Heltzer, Studies on the Royal Administration, 72.
19
Cf. Lemaire, 'Note sur le titre bn hmlk dans l'ancien Isral', 65.
20
Avishur, Heltzer, Studies on the Royal Administration, 70.
21
N. Avigad, Group of Hebrew Seals from the Hecht Collection', in:
Festschrift Reuben R. Hecht, Jerusalem 1979, 124 (no. 8); see further Davies,
AHI, 240 (no. 100.867); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 61 (no. 32).
22
Abigayil occurs in 1 Sam. 25 passim, Elhanan in 2 Sam. 21:19, 23:24; 1 Chron.
11:26; 20:5.
23
Deutsch, Messages from the Past, 66 (no. 15). According to A. Lemaire, review
of Deutsch, Messages from the Past, in: BiOr 56 (1999), 175, one perhaps has to
read
.
24
R. Hestrin, M. Dayagi-Mendels, Inscribed Seals, First Temple Period,
Jerusalem 1979, 51 (no. 34). See further Davies, AHI, 173 (no. 100.412); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 63 (no. 35).
25
According to Hestrin, Dayagi-Mendels, Inscribed Seals, 51, 'as a symbol of
fertility, the fish may have some connection with the fact that the seal belonged
to a woman'.
2 6
2 )
Kgs 23:31),2)
Kgs 24:18; Jer. 52:1); the component occu
seals owned by women were found might mean no more than that
they were used as jewellery, that is, as amulets. Seal impressions on
bullae imply that women used their seals for correspondence. Since
we now have a seal impression on a jar handle, it seems very likely
that women also engaged in business in Israelite society.32
8. ' Belonging to Yeho'adan daughter of Uriyahu'.
The seal of Yeho'adan daughter of 'Uriyahu is dated to the seventh century BCE and of unknown provenance. 33 The two lines of
inscription are separated by a flower motif. The name Yeho'addan is
recorded in the Hebrew Bible.34 The element also occurs in the
fPNN Ma'adanah and Hami'adan. 35 The mPN Uriyahu occurs several
times on Hebrew seals and inscriptions. The Hebrew Bible mentions
the names2)
Sam. 11:3 passim) and ( Ezra 8:16).
9 .
.
'Belonging to Yaphah daughter of
The seal of Yaphah daughter of Shema'ayahu is a perforated scaraboid
which is dated to the seventh century BCE.36 It is decorated with
a two-winged scarab beetle holding the sun disc. The fPN Yaphah
occurs neither in the Hebrew Bible nor elsewhere in Hebrew epigraphy.
The name Shema'ayahu is very common.
10. ' Belonging to Ne'ehebeth daughter of Domleyahu'.
The seal of Ne'ehebeth is dated to the end of the seventh century
BCE.37 The seal is plainly decorated with three dots on a double line.
The fPN Ne'ehebeth does not occur in the Hebrew Bible, but it is
attested in an Elephantine contract ( TAD 2, B5.1). The name of her
father, Domleyahu, occurs several times in Hebrew epigraphy.
32
Pelatyah'.
The bulla of 'Amudiyahu daughter of Pelatyah is dated to the seventh
century. 46 The two lines of the inscription are divided by a flower
motif. The reading is not quite certain, because the upper line is
barely legible. According to Deutsch the reading should be in stead
of 47. The name Pelatyah(u) is well known both in the Hebrew Bible
and in Hebrew epigraphy.
15. ' Belonging to 'Amudiyahu daughter of Shebanyahu'.
The seal of 'Amudiyahu daughter of Shebanyahu is dated to the seventh century BCE.48 It is scaraboid-shaped and not pierced, which
indicates that it probably was fixed in a metallic mounting such as
a signet ring. Apart from the double line the inscription is not decorated. The name Shebanyahu is found in the Bible and in Hebrew
epigraphy.
16. ' Belonging to 'Immanuyahu daughter of GiddeP.
The seal of 'Immanuyahu daughter of Giddel is dated to the end of the
seventh century and of unknown provenance. 49 The scaraboid-shaped
seal is perforated and decorated with a flowerbud motif dividing the
two lines of inscription. The reading is not certain, it could also be read
as: ' Belonging to 'Ananuyahu daughter of Giddel'. 50 The
PN 'Immanuyahu does not occur in the Hebrew Bible. However, in a
prophecy of Isaiah (Isa. 7:14) the mPN Immanuel ( )does occur.
The mPN Giddel occurs once more in the collection of Hebrew seals. 51
It probably is a hypocoristic form of Gedalyah, a name which is very
common both in the Hebrew Bible and in Hebrew epigraphy.
1 7 .
'Belonging to Shelema daughte
52
This bulla is of unknown provenance and date. The two registers of
the inscription are divided by a double line connected by little stripes,
in appearance looking like a ladder. The fPN Shelama does not occur
in the Bible; the mPN Shelomo, however, does, both in the Bible
46
Overbeck, Meshorer, Das Heilige Land, 8 (no. A34). See further Kamlach et
al, 'Dokumentation neuer Texte', 322.
47
Deutsch, Messages from the Past, 66, . 11.
48
C. Clermont-Ganneau, 'Three New Archaic Israelite Seals', PEFQS 34 (1902),
264-6, pl. B. See further Davies, AHI, 128 (no. 100.061); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 64
(no. 41).
49
N. Avigad, 'Two Seals of Women and other Hebrew Seals', EI 20 (1989), 90
(Heb). See further Davies, AHI, 243 (no. 100.883); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 65 (no.
42).
50
Cf. Avigad, Sass, WSS, 65 (no. 42).
51
ly'znyh (or: ly'znyhfw]) // [b]n gdl, cf. Davies, AHI, 151 (no. 100.241).
52
Deutsch, Messages from the Past, 67-8 (no. 16).
Apart from the seals of the X bt Y-type, there are some seals of
the type X 't Y. These are:
2 0 .
'Belonging to Abigayil wif
The seal of Abigayil wife of 'Asayahu was found in Ashkelon and
is of unknown date. 60 Apart from the horizontal strokes that divide
the three registers of inscription and two vertical strokes before the
word 't, the seal is not decorated. Both PNN are known from the
Hebrew Bible, the fPN Abigayil occurs in 1 Sam. 25:3, passim, the
mPN 'Asayahu is found for instance in 2 Kgs 22:12 and is also recorded
quite often on Hebrew seals.
21. ' ][ Belonging to Adata' wife of Pashhur'.
The seal of Adata' wife of Pashhur is dated to the end of the seventh
century BCE.61 A double stroke divides the two lines of inscription.
The fPN A d a t a ' is not attested in biblical Hebrew or in extra-biblical
literature. 62 The mPN Pashhur is well known both in epigraphy and
in the Hebrew Bible.
It is remarkable that the seals of the type X 't Y are fewer in
number than those of the type X bt Y. Although the corpus of Hebrew
women's seals is in itself quite small and, consequently, conclusions
can only be tentative, it seems that unmarried Israelite women had a
greater social freedom than those who were married. This assumption
only holds if the seals of women who refer to themselves as 'X bt Y'
are unmarried. However, Ma'adanah, the daughter of the king, could
have been married to, for instance, a high official. Since in that case
the status of her father was higher than that of her husband, she
might keep referring to herself as 'daughter of the king' in business
transactions or in correspondence.
Besides the category X 't Y there is a third one, that of the X
'mt Y, of which we only have one example: 63
22. [' ]Belonging to Shelomith handmaid of
Elnathan the governor'.
60
N. Avigad, Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judean Archive (Qedem, 4),
Jerusalem 1976, 11-13, 32; L.G. Herr, The Scripts of Ancient North-West Semitic
Seals (HSM, 18), Missoula MT 1978, 28. See also Davies, AHI, 253 (no. 106.018).
65
Cf. Avigad, Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judean Archive, 1-2, 6, 11.
66
Cf. Herr, The Scripts of Ancient North-West Semitic Seals, 28-9; Avigad,
Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judean Archive, 11, 13-20.
67
Cf. DCH, vol. 1, 310.
68
Cf. Avigad, Sass, WSS, 31.
69
E.M. Meyers, 'The Shelomith Seal and the Judean Restoration: Some Additional Considerations', Erls 18 (1985), 35*.
Beside the seals of which we know with certainty that they had
female owners, because the women refer to themselves as daughter,
wife or handmaid, there are a number of seals that bear only a PN.
Some of these seals, which give no further clue to the gender of the
owner, might nevertheless have been owned by women. In those cases
where the PN is known as a fPN from the Hebrew Bible, it is possible,
if not probable, that it was a woman's seal. If the PN does not occur
in the Bible, but might be a fPN, it is also discussed here. I am aware
that this assumption can only result in a small degree of probability,
since a known female structure of a PN does not necessarily indicate
that its owner was female. 74 Nevertheless, I will include them in my
70
Cf. R. Westbrook, 'The Female Slave', in: V.H. Matthews et al. (eds), Gender
and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (JSOT.S, 262), Sheffield
1998, 230.
71
Cf. . Avigad, 'The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village', IEJ 3
(1953), 137-52; Renz, Rllig, HAE, Bd. 1, 261-5 (Jer(7):2).
72
Cf. Avigad, 'The Epitaph of a Royal Steward', 142-3, 145-6, who is imprecise
in his use of terms, however, for he does not distinguish between maidservant, slave
wife and concubine, which clouds his argument and weakens his conclusions. See
also R. Kessler, 'Die Sklavin als Ehefrau: Zur Stellung der 'mh\ VT 52 (2002),
505.
73
The identification is proposed by Avigad, Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic
Judean Archive, 150-2.
74
Cf., e.g., K. Aartun, 'Herkunft und Sinn des Namens Aqht im ugaritischen
Material', in: H.L.J. Vanstiphout et al. (eds), Scripta Signa Vocis, Groningen
1986, 11-2. See also section 4.4.1, . 1.
overview, for completeness, because some PNN that until now have
been assumed to be mPNN may have been in use for both males and
females. We start with a seal that is not Hebrew, but often discussed
in the context of Hebrew female seals:
23. ' Jezebel'.
The seal of Jezebel is of unknown provenance, but on grounds of
palaeography and iconography it is assumed to be of Phoenician origin. 75 The seal is dated to 850-750 BCE.76 It is a beautifully decorated
scaraboid, depicting a richess of motifs. The upper register shows a
crouching winged sphinx with a raised tail that is doubly curved over
its back. The sphinx is facing right and holding an ankh with its foreleg. It has a woman's head, bearing a headdress. 77 The lower register
depicts a winged solar disc. Underneath it is a hawk, facing to the
right and holding a flail. The hawk is flanked by two uraei looking
outward. At the feet of the bird is a 'design which seems to represent
a bent lotus or papyrus stalk'. 78
The fPN Jezebel is known from the Hebrew Bible (1 Kgs 16:31
etc.), where it is spelled . However, this does not exclude identiflcation, as Michael Heltzer points out, for 'in the corresponding passages (I Reg. 16ff) of the Book of Kings of the Septuagint her name
is spelled . So, this spelling is corresponding to the spelling on
the Phoenician seal'. 79 It is tempting to identify the owner of the seal
with the biblical character. As Avigad states:
T h e r e is, of course, no basis for identifying t h e owner of our seal with
this famous lady, although they may have been contemporaries, and t h e
seal seems worthy of a queen. Moreover, Jezebel is a rare Phoenician
name, nowhere previously documented other t h a n in t h e Old Testa-
75
N. Avigad, 'The Seal of Jezebel', IEJ 14 (1964), 274-6, pl. 56C; Herr, The
Scripts of Ancient North-West Semitic Seals, 175. See also Davies, AHI, 148 (no.
100.215). The fact, however, that it is placed among the Hebrew seals by authors
such as Davies, AHI, 148, and J.C.L. Gibson, Hebrew and Moabite Inscriptions
(Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, 1), Oxford 1971, 60, seems to indicate
that they tend toward an identification of the owner of the seal with the biblical
Jezebel, see below.
76
Cf. Avigad, 1 The seal of Jezebel', 276; Herr, The Scripts of Ancient NorthWest Semitic Seals, 175.
77
On human-headed sphinxes on Israelite seals cf. . Keel, Corpus der
Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palstina/Israel: Von den Anfngen bis zur Perserzeit
(OBO.A, 10), Freiburg & Gttingen 1995, 198-9.
78
Avigad, 'The seal of Jezebel', 274.
79
M. Heltzer, 'The Women in the Hebrew Epigraphy of Biblical Times', Revue
internationale des droits de l'antiquit 43 (1996), 13.
ment.80
Still, although it is far from certain, this might be the seal of biblical
Jezebel. In any case the elaborate and highly artistic decoration shows
that the owner must have been a woman of substance.
24. ' Belonging to Hannah'.
The seal of Hannah is dated to the late eighth or early seventh century
BCE.81 It is assumed to be a surface find of Tell ed-Duweir (Lachish).
Once again, this is a beautifully decorated seal. The upper register,
which is the largest part of the seal, shows a winged sphinx striding
to the right. The sphinx bears the crown of Lower Egypt on its male
head, and a skirt on its forelegs. Its tail curls over its back and only
one wing is showing. A shoulder-high ankh sign stands in front of
the sphinx. The lower register contains the inscription. A double line
divides both registers.
The fPN Hannah is known from the Hebrew Bible (1 Sam. 1:2
passim) and from epigraphical sources (cf. the jar stamp ,
no. 7 in this overview). It is commonly accepted that the seal under
discussion belonged to a woman. 82
25. ' Belonging to Hanuna, Yehud'.
This jar handle stamp was found in Tel Harasim. 83 Another jar handle
stamp from the same seal or one very similar to it has been found in
Babylon. Joseph Naveh assumes that Hanuna 'was most probably
the name of a woman, the feminine version of ( Hanun: 2 Sam.
10:1,2,3; Neh. 3:13,30)' and that she 'was a female official in the
administration of the province of Yehud'. 84
26. ' Belonging to Meshullemeth'.
The seal of Meshullemeth is of unknown provenance and date. 85 The
80
The mPN Meshullam occurs quite often both in the Bible and on Hebrew
seals.
87
Overbeck, Meshorer, Das Heilige Land, 4 (no. A12). See further Kamlach et
al., 'Dokumentation neuer Texte', 320.
88
Avigad, Sass, WSS, 222 (no. 589).
89
Cf. HALAT, Lf. 3, 714. The phrase is judged by A.B. Ehrlich,
Randglossen zur hebrischen Bibel: textkritisches, sprachliches und sachliches,
Hildesheim 1968, pt. 7, 308, to be 'vollends unverstndlich'. In line with this
opinion several authors have suggested emendation or omission of the phrase.
90
Avigad, 'Two Seals of Women and Other Hebrew Seals', 91 (Heb.). See further
Davies, AHI, 243 (no. 100.884); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 133 (no. 284).
91
Y. Avishur, M. Heltzer, Studies on the Royal Administration: In Ancient
Israel in the Light of Epigraphic Sources Tel Aviv-Jaffa 2000, 29-30.
92
Avigad, 'Two Seals of Women', 91; Avigad, Sass, WSS, 519.
93
C.C. Torrey, Few Ancient Seals', AASOR 2 (1923), 106 (no. 4). See also
Davies, AHI, 119 (no. 100.012); Avigad, Sass, WSS, 439 (no. 1159).
aegis, the middle holding the inscription and the bottom depicting a
two-winged beetle.
The name Sitrah is unknown in the Hebrew Bible, though it does
occur as a noun, meaning 'protection'. 94 Since the noun is feminine,
the PN might also be feminine. However, if the seal is Aramaic, which
is likely, according to Avigad and Sass, it probably is a mPN. 95
30. ' Belonging to Shulamith/Shelomith'.
The seal of Shulamith/Shelomith is dated to the eighth century BCE.96
The iconography of the seal bears a close resemblance to the one of
Hannah. 97 The upper register of the seal depicts a striding sphinx
with a human-faced head, bearing the double Egyptian crown. It is
striding to the left, holding its tail upright, curling outward. Only
one wing is showing. In front of the sphinx an ankh-sign has been
engraved. A double line divides the upper register from the lower,
which contains the inscription. The PN lmt is attested both as a
male and female name in the Hebrew Bible. 98 On Hebrew seals, it is
only attested once, as a fPN, although on other West Semitic seals
the name occurs as a mPN. 99 Thus, the seal under discussion could
just as well have belonged to a female as to a male.
So far we have 22 Hebrew seals and bullae which belonged to
women and 8 more that possibly were owned by women. This is
a relatively small number, since over 800 Hebrew seals and bullae
have been published thus far. Yet the number is large enough to conelude that Israelite women did participate in Israelite correspondence.
Moreover, the elaborate and rather internationally oriented style of
the decorations on most of these seals suggests wealthy owners who
participated in Israelite economy.
94
A connection with the mPNN ( Exod. 6:22) and ( ?Num. 13:13) has
been proposed; cf. D. Diringer, Le Iscrizioni Antico-Ebraiche Palestinesi (Publicazioni dlia R. Universit degli Studi di Firenze, Facolt di Lettere e Filosofia,
III/2), Firenze 1934, 173. W.W. Mller, 1 Altsdarabische Beitrge zum hebrisehen Lexikon', ZAW 75 (1963), 312, refers to the Old South Arabian sir, which
is a fPN.
95
Avigad, Sass, WSS, 439, 519.
96
A. Lemaire, 'Sept nouveaux sceaux nord-ouest smitiques inscrits', Sem. 41-42
(1993), 63-69.
97
Cf. above, no. 24. Lemaire, 'Sept nouveaux sceaux nord-ouest smitiques inscrits', 67, mentions several seals with striding sphinxes and concludes that the
seal of Hannah is the closest in likeness to the seal of Shulamith/Shelomith.
98
mPN: Ezra 8:10; 1 Chron. 23:9,18; 26:25,26,28; 2 Chron. 11:20. fPN: Lev.
24:11 and perhaps Song 7:1.
99
On the Hebrew seal [ ]see above, no. 22. On lmt as
a mPN on West Semitic seals, cf. Lemaire, 'Sept nouveaux sceaux nord-ouest
smitiques inscrits', 68.
4.2.3
Since no comprehensive edition of all seals and bullae from Elephantine has been published as yet, it is not possible to say anything definite about the proportion of female and male owners of seals among
the Jewish inhabitants of the garrison. However, since all letters published thus far were sent by men, as we have seen, the chances are
small that many women will turn up as owners of seals.
to repay the debt by serving the creditor as slaves (RS 34.179, RSO
VII, 15-6; see also RS 17.130:29, PRU IV, 103-5; RS 17.244:11, PRU
IV, 231-2).6 On the other hand, the king could redeem persons from
slavery in a foreign country (RS 17.28, PRU IV, 109-10; RS 17.108,
PRU IV, 165-66) and a man called Iwrkl, probably acting on behalf of
the king, 7 redeemed a whole family, including the wife and daughters,
from the hands of the Beirutians (KTU 3.4).
A treaty between Murshili II and Niqmepa' of Ugarit confirms
that the Ugaritic king had a harem (1. 118': dam.me-su 'his wives'). 8
The unnamed women and their children were held co-responsible in
case the Ugaritic king should violate the treaty. We know, however,
at least the name of one of them. Niqmepa' was married to a princess
of Amurru called Ahatmilku. 9 A dowry list of Ahatmilku testifies to
her personal wealth (RS 16.146+, PRU III, 182-6).10
This queen was just as 'ruthless' as her husband, Niqmepa'. When
she was already quite old and a widow she punished two of her
own sons who had rebelled against their brother, the ruling king
'Ammithtamru. 1 1 The two were banished to Alashia (Cyprus), but
their mother took care to provide sufficient support for them, including a substantial amount of silver and gold, before they left. 12
6
According to the royal decree RS 15.85 (PRU III, 52-3), the king
gave a new house and some fields to his sister, Talab'u, possibly on the
occasion of her wedding. 21 In addition, her father-in-law Arsuwanu
gave her a present (nidnu) consisting of another house and more
fields.22 Apparently a princess needed all this to live in style. King
Niqmaddu II even donated a complete city to his daughter and her
husband who bore the Hurrian name of Ekhlikushukh. The latter may
have been a foreign prince (RS 16.276, PRU III, 69-70).23 However,
ladies outside the royal family could also be the beneficiaries of houses
which the king transferred from one person to another (RS 15.168,
PRU III, 136-7), just as he could decide to give a woman's house and
fields to another woman or to another man (RS 15.150, PRU III, 171;
RS 16.135, PRU III, 89-90).
The queen also had the power to transfer houses and fields from
one person to another. According to the contract RS 16.277 (PRU
III, 50-1) queen Pisidqi, wife of Niqmaddu II, exchanged fields with a
certain Nuriyanu. 24 It is stated that the queen donated the property
in the first place, and the king only in confirmation (RS 16.277:9-13),
which seems to indicate that it was her property in the first place. 25
At a later date, during the reign of Ammithtamru II, the same queen,
who had by now become queen mother, exchanged houses and fields
with a certain Iliyanu (RS 15.86, PRU III, 51-2). In another contract,
RS 17.86+ (Ug. V, 262-3), queen Tharyelli acquired land from two
brothers and their sons. The contract was executed 'before witnesses'
- instead of the customary 'before king NN' - which seems to imply
that the queen did not always need the king's approval for her business
transactions.
In another case a contract in the name of king 'Ammithtamru II
was sealed by the queen mother, Ahatmilku (RS 16.197, PRU III,
150-1).26 The queen herself possessed fields, orchards with vines and
olives (cf., e.g., RS 17.325, Ug. I/, 264; RS 17.86+, Ug. V, 262-3;
RS 17.102, Ug. V, 263; KTU 4.143:1-2; 4.244:9), had her own major21
Nougayrol, PRU III, 179. On the reading of her name, cf. Van Soldt, SAU, 2,
. 4.
22
Both gifts are of an unusual nature. There is insufficient reason to suppose
that the father-in-law's present represented a 'bride-price' (contrast Amico, SWU,
79).
23
On diplomatic marriages, see section 2.2.1.4.
24
This Nuriyanu probably was Niqmaddu's brother, cf. Van Soldt, SAU, 7.
25
Cf. RS 15.85:21-26 (PRU III, 52-3); RS 15.150:3-6 (PRU III, 171).
26
J. Klima, 'Die Stellung der ugaritischen Frau: (Auf Grund der akkadischen
Texte von Ras Shamra)', ArOr 25 (1957), 327, suggests several reasons for the
use of the seal of the queen mother next to that of the king.
domo, 27 her own business representative (RS 17.314, PRU IV, 189),
her own circle of privileged 'friends', just like the king himself, 28 and
her own palace with an extensive staff. 29 Her children probably held
a privileged position as compared to the children of the other royal
wives and concubines. 30
The wealth of queens also comes to the light in other documents.
An unnamed queen of Ugarit redeemed 'her slave', Urteshub, from
the hands of a palace official called Tabrammi (RS 17.231, PRU IV,
238). This Tabrammi was probably the same man who appeared with
the king of Ugarit before Initeshub, viceroy of Carchemish, to settle
a dispute between them (RS 17.337, PRU IV, 168-9). So Tabrammi
was considered an equal of the king of Ugarit which accords well with
the fact that he appears to have been a high Hittite court official
who exercised control throughout Syria. 31 In RS 17.231:5 the 'slave'
Urteshub is called a dumu kur-sa 'a son of her country'. This can only
mean that he was not a real 'slave', but a citizen in full rights from
either Ugarit or Amurru. In view of his Hittite name and because of
Tabrammi's involvement Amurru is the most likely option. This renders it very likely that the queen was none other than the mysterious
bittu rabti 'daughter of the Lady (= the queen of Amurru)' who was
married to 'Ammithtamru 11.32 The queen payed 70 shekels of silver
for the man, a rather steep price for a slave - the normal price was
14-20 shekels in Ugarit. 33 Was this Urteshub perhaps an old flame of
the princess from Amurru?
The bittu rabtti was a daughter of Benteshina, king of Amurru, and
his wife Gassuliyawiya, Great Princess of Hatti and apparently the
'Lady'. 34 'Ammithtamru II married her and the pair got several sons
27
(RS 17.348), the eldest and heir being Utrisharruma (RS 17.159).
So the marriage must have lasted several years. 35 But at a certain
moment 'Ammithtamru wanted to divorce his wife. In the decree by
which the Hittite king Tudhaliya 'iv' 3 6 sanctioned the divorce it is
stated that the daughter of Benteshina deliberately caused trouble,
that she 'sought to provoke' 'Ammithtamru. 3 7 The reason for dissolving the marriage apparently was this misconduct of the wife. She
had to return to her native country and had the right to take with
her everything she had brought into 'Ammithtamru's house, i.e., her
dowry. Possessions belonging to her, which 'Ammithtamru had expropriated but which her brothers declared under oath to have been
hers, 'Ammithtamru had to repay. Their son, Utrisharruma, had the
right to choose to follow his mother back to Amurru, but in that
event he lost his right to the throne of Ugarit (RS 17.159).38 Because
(PRU IV, 144-6); RS 17.348 (PRU IV, 128); RS 17.372A+360A (PRU IV, 13941); RS 17.396 (PRU IV, 127-8); RS 17.450A (PRU IV, 144); RS 17.459 (PRU
IV, 138-9); RS 18.06+17.365 (PRU IV, 137-8); RS 1957.1; tablet G. Badr (Sem.
41/42 (1991/92), 14-9). This cause clbre has been studied by many scholars and
different orders of the tablets have been proposed. Cf., e.g., J. Nougayrol, PRU IV,
1956,125-48; L.R. Fisher, 'An International Judgment', in: Idem (ed.), The Claremont Ras Shamra Tablets (AnOr, 48), Rome 1971, 11-21; J. Nougayrol, review of
L.R. Fischer (ed.), The Claremont Ras Shamra Tablets, in: RA 66 (1972), 88-90;
C. Khne, 'Ammistamru und die Tochter der "Grossen Dame" ', UF 5 (1973),
175-84; W.H. van Soldt, 'Een koninklijke echtscheiding te Ugarit: de problemen
van Ammitamru II van Ugarit met zijn echtgenote, dochter van Benteina van
Amurru (13e eeuw v. Chr.)', in: K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Schrijvend verleden: Documenten uit het Oude Nabije Oosten vertaald en toegelicht (MEOL, 24), Leiden
1983, 150-9; Amico, SWU, 287-311; D. Arnaud, M. Salvini, 'Le divorce du roi
Ammistamru d'Ougarit: Un document redcouvert', Sem. 41/42 (1991-92), 7-22;
I. Singer, Concise History of Amurru', in: S. Izre'el (ed.), Amurru Akkadian:
A Linguistic Study (HSS, 41), vol. 2, Atlanta, GA, 174-5; Idem, HUS, 680-1.
35
It was not the first political marriage of an Ugaritic king. Niqmaddu II probably married an Egyptian court lady; cf. A.R. Schulman, 'Diplomatic Marriage
in the Egyptian New Kingdom', JNES 38 (1979), 185; Vita, HUS, 469; Singer,
HUS, 625-6. Niqmepa' married Ahatmilku, a princess of Amurru (Vita, HUS,
469; Singer, HUS, 641). Nor was it the last intermarriage. Both Niqmaddu III (RS
34.136:25-26, RSO VII, 29-31) and 'Ammurapi (see below) seem to have been
married to a Hittite princess.
36
On the difficulties regarding the proper identification of kings called
Tudhaliya, see T. Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, Oxford 1998, 133.
37
RS 17.159:7 ma-ru-us qaqqadi-u ub-ta'i-i, lit. 'she sought his headache'.
38
K. Spanier, 'The Northern Israelite Queen Mother in the Judaean Court:
Athalia and Abi', in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near
Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon (JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 137:
'The original marriage agreement had apparently provided that this woman's son
would be the successor to the throne'. See also C.H. Gordon, 'Ugaritic rbt/rabttu',
in: L. Eslinger, G. Taylor (eds), Ascribe to the Lord: Biblical & Other Studies in
we hear nothing of him in later documents, he probably chose to follow his mother. 39 In an additional decree (RS 17.396) the viceroy,
Initeshub of Carchemish, decided that everything the former queen
had acquired in Ugarit itself - gold, silver, copper, presents, slaves,
clothes - she must leave with 'Ammithtamru.
Thereupon Initeshub, the king of Carchemish, and Shaushgamuwa,
the king of Amurru, son of Benteshina and full brother of the bittu
rabti, confirmed in a treaty (RS 1957.1) that 'Ammithtamru had sent
his wife back to Amurru and that Shaushgamuwa, the king of Amurru,
had banished her to a provincial town outside the capital of Amurru
where she lived under the custody of her brothers. Shaushgamuwa
vowed never again to speak to her and never to allow her to return
to Ugarit.
The marriage was then dissolved and the authority over the bittu
rabti was transferred from her husband to her brother. The matter
seemed to be closed. However, in 'Ammithtamru's mind the matter
was by no means closed, for after a while he seems to have wanted his
wife back, as is indicated by the retrospective passage RS 16.270:8-11
(see below). It is at this point of the story that I propose to insert
the Ugaritic letter KTU 2.72 (RS 34.124). Because this letter has
been discussed extensively in the scholarly literature, 40 I shall refrain
from a full transliteration and translation. For our subject the most
interesting lines are the following words of the king of Ugarit (KTU
2.72:17-33):
17
w.lqh.hw
30
mn.b.qmh
31
w.ysq.hw.l.r'is
and he poured it on the head of the daughter of the
32
bt.mlk. 'ami
king of Amurru.
33
mnm /it ['a ]
Whatever she has sinned [
34
k y . 'umy [
35
]r.A[
that my mother [ ]
(6 lines missing)
[bdm.'ijsi'ir.
'Should [I] remain [alone?]42
43
p. 'u [k.'ajbt.kly.
Well, [surely]43 I [wa]nted 44 to put an end to the
44
cover-up 45 of your [10]ver,46
b.kpr ['a]h&fc.
45
147
w. 'ank [1 ]ritk
but I do [not] hate you!
42
KTU 2.72 is a letter from an unnamed Ugaritic king, probably 'Ammithtamru 11, who wrote to his mother about the 'daughter of the
king of Amurru'. The queen mother would speak with the inhabitants
of the city of Ugarit about the wisdom of their king's behaviour.
Apparently there was talk about turmoil or about concern at the
home front. The king of Ugarit further reported in the letter that a
certain Yabninu/Yabnanu had gone to the king of Amurru and had
anointed the daughter of the king of Amurru with oil.
Problematic in this reconstruction is the reference to persons without their names. The (ex-)wife of 'Ammithtamru is usually called either the 'daughter of the Lady' or the 'daughter of Benteshina king of
Amurru'. In my reconstruction, the king of Amurru in KTU 2.72
is Shaushgamuwa, brother of the bittu rabti. The woman who is
anointed, however, is not called 'sister of the king of Amurru', but
rather 'daughter of the king of Amurru'. In RS 17.159 and 17.396
she is also referred to by that designation. Apparently the divorce of
'Ammithtamru and his wife coincided more or less with the succs42
For bdm, cf. DLU, 104, s.v. bd II, and for the restoration cf. Gen. 42:38; 2
Kgs 17:18; Isa. 49:21; Dan. 10:8. I read the last few lines as a quotation from
'Ammithtamru's letter to Amurru in which he addresses his ex-wife directly.
43
I take p. 'u as a conjunctive particle, with Bordreuil, Pardee, RSO VII, 149,
and the authors they cite. The 'u is redundant, as in w. 'u, KTU 2.34:12. I assume
that emphatic k is following in the lacuna at the beginning of line 43. Cf. 'u k in
KTU 2.39:6,8.
44
I assume a perfect of the verb 'aby here. Heb. often precedes an infinitive.
45
Cf. Heb. , Lev. 16:20. Ugaritic often uses b in an ablative sense where
Hebrew uses p , cf. Tropper, UG, 756, 82.11. I assume that the verb kpr G had
the basic meaning of 'to cover over', as in Hebrew. So in my opinion both kly and
kpr should be interpreted as infinitives.
46
Reading thus with Bordreuil, Pardee, RSO VII, 149.
47
Cf. 1 Kgs 22:8; Eccl. 2:18; see also E. Lipinski, 'The Wife's Right to Divorce in
the Light of an Ancient Near Eastern Tradition', JLA 4 (1981), 10-1; Y. Zakovitch,
'The Woman's Rights in the Biblical Law of Divorce', JLA 4 (1981), 28-46.
The verb ' to hate' is often used in a context of divorce; cf. HALAT, 1247;
Lipinski, 'The Wife's Right to Divorce', 9-27; Zakovitch, 'The Woman's Rights in
the Biblical Law of Divorce', 28-46.
54
Pace Van Soldt, SAU, 153, who reads 'you spoke . . . . ' Cf. PRU IV, 132;
Arnaud, Salvini, 'Le divorce du roi Ammistamru d'Ougarit', 10.
'Why do you wish to take along the daughter of the Lady? Wouldn't
it be a good idea to leave her in Amurru?' 55 And they explained
why they were not enthusiastic about the plans of their king. They
complained about his wife's flirtatious behaviour with several other
men. They informed their king of the fact that while he had been away
in Carchemish the queen had invited his slaves, his officers and his
cupbearers 56 and used to act coquettishly 57 (RS 16.270:24-25). The
daughter of the Lady had injured the king's authority by associating
with his subjects in such a way. Furthermore, the description of her
behaviour points to flirtations during drinking parties, which may
have amounted to adultery, because her crime is later described as
a 'great sin' (hi-t ra-ba-a, RS 17.228:6; RS 17.372A+360A:7,12), a
term used elsewhere in the ancient world for adultery. 58
When it became clear to 'Ammithtamru that the flirtations of
his ex-wife were not kept secret but were common knownledge, this
rendered a reconciliation absolutely impossible. What is more, a man
of honour had to act in such circumstances. 59 In an agreement with
Shaushgamuwa, king of Amurru, 'Ammithtamru promised to give up
his efforts to regain his wife and left it to her brother to do with her
as he saw fit (RS 16.270:29). She herself had the right to report to her
brother, Shaushgamuwa, any attempt to abduct her from Amurru (RS
16.270:34-35). If 'Ammithtamru or his sons would ever try to dispute
this agreement, he or they would have to pay a fine of 7 talents of
gold and 7 talents of copper - an enormous sum (RS 16.270:36-40).
But it seems that 'Ammithtamru could not live with this agreement. He was determined to have his former wife back, this time not
for a remarriage, but to have her executed. He succeeded in convincing Tudhaliya, the Hittite overlord of both Amurru and Ugarit, that
Shaushgamuwa of Amurru must let Ugaritic troops and ships pass
to fetch the woman for her execution (RS 18.06+17.365; 17.459) 60
55
If the marriage stayed intact until a man's death, could his wife
inherit his property? On the basis of RS 8.14568 Juan-Pablo Vita
supposes that this was indeed the case in Ugarit. 69 However, the mere
fact that the husband had to take special legal action to transfer all his
property to his wife indicates that without such measures she did not
have the right to inherit. 70 His aim is clearly to ensure that one of his
sons - the one who honours his mother most - will eventually inherit
everything. So it is more precise to say that the wife got the usufruct of
the inheritance or held it in trust. 7 1 Ownership in the form of usufruct
is illustrated by the case of the slave girl Shaya, whose manumission
by the king gave her the right to own all kinds of property, including
a house and fields. However, when she died, everything would go back
to her wealthy husband (RS 16.267, PRU III, 110). In Ugarit such an
usufruct construction could also be expressed by the phrase that a
mother was the mistress of the house eli mri 'over her son' (RS
16.250, PRU III, 85-6). Sons were the real heirs, however. This also
follows from RS 17.33 ( Ug. V, 5-7) according to which a wife lost
every right to the inheritance if she remarried after the death of her
husband. 72 It also follows from RS 16.252 (PRU III, 66) according to
which a woman, Alazzu, probably a widow who was acting as trustee,
shared (the inheritance) with her son Ilimilku (lines 9-15), but not
with her daughter Milkaya although the latter, too, was apparently
dependent on it. 73
A daughter did not have a normal share in the inheritance. 74 When
a man appointed his son as his sole heir, his daughters and other sons
were supposed not to dispute this decision according to RS 15.138+
68
(PRU III, 101-2). 75 A man did not leave his estate to his daughter,
he rather adopted her son as his own to make him the sole heir (RS
16.295, PRU III, 70-1). As we shall see, the administrative texts from
Ugarit confirm that wives or daughters were not regarded as heirs.
Yet, if a husband wanted to make certain provisions for his wife
after his death, he could do so. The contract RS 15.92 (PRU III, 54-6)
indicates that a man could arrange for his widow to have a claim on
the marriage deposit (terhatu) if an adoptive son did not want her to
stay in the house. In that sad case she could return to her paternal
home with the money her father had apparently given her back when
she married. 7 6 Again this text proves that not the woman herself, but
her son, even an adoptive son, was the heir to the estate. The Ugaritic
texts published thus far strongly indicate that male patrimony was
the rule in Ugarit. A woman could own or acquire property during
her lifetime, but under normal circumstances she could not inherit
property, or bequeath it to a daughter. 77
A widow could adopt a man as her son to obtain financial security. This is the case in RS 16.200 (PRU III, 64-5). 78 A woman
called Ananaya adopted a certain Shubammu as her son and king
Niqmaddu II confirmed this transaction. Shubammu contributed 500
shekels to the household of Ananaya, but this sum would remain his
personal property. If later on Shubammu should separate himself from
Ananaya, she could only take with her the gift (nadnu, possibly another word for terhatu here) that her husband had given her, but
Shubammu would take her house and her land. Although it may have
provided her with financial security, it would seem that the deal was
unfair on the part of Ananaya.
Another woman, Iyaummu, had her brother Binili adopted as a son
by her daughter Piddaya and her husband, the rich 'harbour master'
Rashapabu. 7 9 In exchange, all Iyaummu's property would be inherited
by the sons of Piddaya and Rashapabu, including their adopted son
Binili (RS 17.33, Ug. V, 5-7; see also RS 17.21 {Ug. V, 3-5). This
75
The circumstance that daughters are mentioned next to sons (and brothers)
need not imply that they themselves would have had a rightful claim to the
inheritance.
76
See RS 16.141:14-15 (PRU III, 60) for a similar case. A woman might consent
to accept other goods in exchange for her 'right' to the marriage deposit, RS
16.158 (PRU III, 62). The house of her father is not the terhatu itself, she only
accepts it as such (ki-mu- n.sal.u.a-a).
77
On mothers as testatrixes, see section 2.1.2.
78
Cf. J. Sanmartin, 'Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (VI)', UF 21 (1989),
336, . 13; Vita, HUS, 479-80.
79
On the latter, cf. Van Soldt, SAU, 160-3.
adoption made it possible for Iyaummu to bequeath property indirectly to her daughter and, at the same time, to keep the property in
the family. It furthermore provided financial security for her and her
brother.
In the contract RS 21.230 (Ug. V, 173-5) a woman, Inuya, adopts
a certain Yaduba'la as a brother. Because it was stipulated that there
was no other brother but him, it is likely that the adoption was meant
to make him her lifelong companion and eventually her sole heir. 80
Probably she was a rich widow or an unmarried woman. 81 Yaduba'la
brought in 1000 shekels, 3 talents of bronze, servants, cattle and furniture, apparently in payment for his lifelong support in Inuya's household. Although the text is somewhat fragmentary it seems quite certain that Yaduba'la would loose all this the day he wanted to abandon
Inuya. 82 But if Inuya broke the contract, she would not only have to
pay a stiff fine in silver, but everything they owned together would
be divided equally. Since Yaduba'la would have had the benefit of her
daily support by then, and since she was the richer party, the advantage of the deal was patently his, regardless of whether she died or
sent him away. All these contracts demonstrate that the position of
independent women in Ugarit was very often unequal to men. Even if
they possessed considerable property their position was not as secure
as that of men.
The legal texts of Ugarit testify to the subordinate role of most
women. Usually only men are the contracting parties, and witnesses
enumerated at the end of contracts without exception are men. There
are a number of Ugaritic contracts and royal decrees in which a
woman is a party. 83 By their very nature contracts were drawn up for
80
The formula should not be constructed to imply that the woman did have a
share in the birthright, as Amico, SWU, 167, would have it. If there was no male
heir a woman was seen as having the usufruct of the heritage - not as the real
heir. See above.
81
She owned houses and fields, whereas he did not.
82
Cf. Ug. V, 175, n. 1.
83
E.g., RS 16.263 (PRU III, 49), RS 15.89 (PRU III, 53), RS 15.146+ (PRU
III, 58), RS 16.156 (PRU III, 61-2, a woman and her brother sell land to another
woman), RS 16.371 (PRU III, 72-3), RS 16.154 (PRU III, 127-8); RS 16.343 (PRU
III, 129), RS 16.131 (PRU III, 138-9), RS 16.261+ (PRU III, 159-60, in this case
the buyers are a mother with her son and her daughter); RS 17.376+ (PRU VI,
25-6, transfer of 1000 shekels of silver by a woman), RS 17.358 (PRU VI, 40),
RS 18.22:5', 30' (PRU VI, 55-7), RS 17.84 (PRU VI, 63-4), RS 17.329 (PRU VI,
64-5); RS 17.22+ (Ug. V, 8-9, sellers are a married couple), RS 17.149 (Ug. V,
9-10, buyers are a couple), etc. - all dealing with named women involved in the
transfer of real estate, often jointly with their husbands, but frequently also on
their own. Sometimes these ladies paid considerable sums, as for example in RS
Many contracts between Jewish parties have been preserved in Elephantine. With regard to our subject Reuven Yaron notes:
T h e position of women in Elephantine compares favourably with t h a t in
other p a r t s of the ancient Near East. This will become clear especially
when t h e law of marriage and divorce is considered in detail. Persian
influence has been invoked, but with little apparent justification . . . . It
seems rather t h a t one ought to look to Egyptian law for an explanation.
. . . In the field of the law of property and obligations we find women
enjoying full equality. They go about their transactions in the same
manner as men, and no trace of inferiority or male supervision of any
kind is discernable. 8 8
ing to these texts she had the right to the usufruct of her husband's
house, his goods and property."
As in Ugarit, women were not deemed worthy to act as witnesses
to contracts. 100 Jewish men could stand surety for women, 101 but not
the other way round. When husband and wife sold a house together,
the man is the first party mentioned. 102
Also in the field of succession women seem to have been in an inferior position. 103 Since wives and daughters did not have inheritance
rights, a legal document had to be written in order to bequeath property to them. The so-called Anani-archive, for example, contains three
documents related to the bequest of an appartment to his daughter Jehoishma. 104 The apartment was given as an addition to Jehoishma's
dowry. Jehoishma had the right to the apartment and her children
were to inherit it after her, implying that her ownership rights were
restricted. 105 A man could also make special provisions for his wife
if he wanted her to have usufructary rights of his property after his
death. 106 Here, too, the property was eventually meant for the children.
In another contract, not related to the Anani-archive, the sisters
Salluah and Jethoma exchange half their share of realty with another
half of a share owned by two other women. 107 The part of realty owned
by the two sisters is referred to as granted to them by the judges and
the Troop Commander. Possibly the authorities had to probate the
estate due to the recent death of the father. 108 Hereditary-propertyholders could only be men. 109
That women could own money is testified in a contract of mutual
quitclaim. Miptahiah, daughter of Gemariah, gave six shekels as well
as a royal ration to her sister, Eswere, in exchange for the old-age
support the latter had provided for her. In the contract Miptahiah
TAD 2, B2.6; B3.3; B3.8.
Not a single document from Elephantine mentions a woman as a witness.
101
This is how I interpret TAD 4, D3.17, even though the meaning of the term
hmy is uncertain.
102
TAD 2, B3.13.
103
Yaron, Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 43.
104
TAD 2, B3.7; B3.10; B3.11.
105
Cf. TAD 2, B2.3; B2.4, where even the daughter does not have a right to sell
the property.
106
TAD 2, B3.5.
107
TAD 2, B5.1. It is very probable that Nehebeth, one of the persons with
whom Salluah and Jethoma make their transaction, is a woman. See also seal no.
10 in section 4.2.2.
108
Cf. Porten, EPE, 255, . 4.
109
Porten, EPE, 164, . 5.
100
renounces any claim to the money Eswere, for her part, acknowledges receipt of the money and renounces any further claim to it. 110
Another text regarding a woman owning money is the deed of obligation written by Menahem son of Shallum to Salluah daughter of
Sammuah. 111 Menahem acknowledged his debt of two shekels to his
wife Salluah. Bezalel Porten comments that 'it is not clear whether
it concerns deferred payment of part of her mohar . . . or settlement
pursuant to divorce, wherein Menahem was not able to return all her
dowry "on one day in one stroke," as usually required
' 112 In any
case, Salluah had the right to take his house or goods as security for
payment.
TAD 2, B5.5.
TAD 2, B4.6.
112
Porten, EPE, 264.
1
Some terms with feminine endings, like 'inst 'inner circle' (of the court, cf.
DLU, 41), appear to denote men (e.g., KTU 4.38:5, 4.47:5, always between male
personnel). Also personal names ending in -t do not guarantee that the bearer is
a woman, as for example w. 'agyt bn.gnym in KTU 4.56:12-13, w.hgbt bn.gmhn in
KTU 4.56:28-29, yph.m'nt bn.lbn in KTU 4.632:22-23, and 'abbt.bn.gly in KTU
4.778:18 demonstrate. Compare male Hebrew personal names like ., ,
2
Cf., e.g., J. Sanmartin, 'Das Handwerk in Ugarit: Eine lexikalische Studie',
SEL 12 (1995), 169-90; M. Heltzer, 'The Economy of Ugarit', in: HUS, 425-36,
448-54; J.-P. Vita, 'The Society of Ugarit', in: HUS, 485-92.
3
Amico, SWU, 231.
4
An exception to the rule may be KTU 4.369:19, which mentions a merchant
and his wife both by their names.
111
only one wife ( ,att)9 with her children, but in some cases two (KTU
4.102:7,11,17,20) or three wives are mentioned (KTU 4.102:16). It
may be safely assumed that these women were married to the same
husband and that it was a policy to keep families together if possible.
Possibly these wives were slaves (RS 19.42:1,5, PRU VI, 77-8). Although these data admittedly concern foreigners, such families were
easily absorbed into Ugaritic households because polygyny was not a
strange phenomenon in the society of Ugarit.
Girls are designated as pgt (KTU 4:102:2,6,7,11,18-21), n'rt
(KTU 4:102:17) or bt 'daughter' (KTU 4.102:22,10 25,27). Because
boys are described in a very similar way as gzr (KTU 4.102:3,16,1820,23), n'r (KTU 4.102:8) and bn 'son( KTU 4.102:1,5,21) there
does not seem to exist a great difference in the age range between
these designations. 11 All six terms could also be used for relatively
young adults. 12
In KTU 4.360 unnamed wives, daughters and sons of named headmen are registered. In one case four wives are attributed to a chief who
commands no less than thirty workers (KTU 4.360:7-9), but whether
these wives were his own or belonged to his personnel remains uncertain. It was not impossible, however, for a man to have four wives.
A certain Adunu from the Ugaritic city of Shalmeya 13 had four (unnamed) wives according to a list of refugees (RS 19.42:2, PRU VI,
77-8) and according to the same text a certain Ba'lada' from the same
city and a man called Taya (?) from the Ugaritic city of Gib'ala 14 appear to have had two (unnamed) slave wives each (RS 19.42:1,4). At
least Ba'lada' seems to have been a fairly wealthy man. 15 Two others
in the same list have only one wife, however. Polygyny was something
only the rich could afford.
In six other census lists some less well-off families are described.
9
On the meaning of 'ait 'wife', see section 2.1.1.4.1. The addition of the numeral
'aht has no specific meaning. Cf. Amico, SWU, 90-1.
10
Where I suggest to read w.it.b<n>th 'and her two daughters'.
11
In any case there is insufficient reason to assume that they were all slaves.
Pace J. Macdonald, 'The Unique Ugaritic Personnel Text KTU 4.102', UF 10
(1978), 168; M. Heltzer, The Internal Organization of the Kingdom of Ugarit,
Wiesbaden 1982, 147.
12
Cf. A. van Selms, Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature (POS, 1),
London 1954, 95-6.
13
W.H. van Soldt, 'Studies in the Topography of Ugarit (1)', UF 28 (1996),
653-92 (687).
14
Van Soldt, 'Studies in the Topography of Ugarit (1)', 664-5.
15
This I conclude from KTU 4.376:1 which seems to concern the same person.
The Ib'iy mentioned in that text is most probably identical to the mla-ab-'i-ya of
RS 19.42:3.
KTU 4.295 enumerates men by name and by some gentilic term, followed by their unnamed families and cattle. Apparently the list concerns ordinary citizens, because most families are rather small: one
wife and two children (or sons) at most. Moreover, most possess only
one ox and a few sheep. 16 The same is true of KTU 4.417. The very
fragmentary tablets KTU 4.519 and 4.644 also list families of men
having only one wife and some sons and daughters. KTU 4.339, too,
enumerates men by name with their unnamed wives and children. In
this case, however, it seems fairly certain that sons are meant because some of them are designated as n'r (KTU 4.339:3, 25). 17 Also
in this text most men have only one wife which is understandable
because they were lowly servants of the court (bnm, KTU 4.339:1).
In one case, however, we have tnglyth instead of 'atth 'his wife' (KTU
4.339:10). As was seen early on by Manfred Dietrich and Oswald
Loretz, this must be a feminine form of the Hurrian term inahilu
'second-in-command'. 18 This probably is a designation of the man's
concubine. 19
16
8
3
2
2
which would seem to imply that the silver was owned (or owed) by
the estates of three generations of bn kzrs male 23 descendants. Apparently it was possible for quite a number of 'inheritors' to have the
usufruct of part of the inheritance prior to the decease of the testator. 24 Although the female members of the family who belonged to
28 (1996), 702.
20
M. Heltzer, The Rural Community in Ancient Ugarit, Wiesbaden 1976, 68-9.
21
The feminine form nhlt occurs in the meaning of 'inheritance 1 only.
22
See also KTU 4.581; 4.704:6-8.
23
Note the masculine suffix -hm.
24
Cf. Van Selms, Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature, 137-8. The
term 'inheritance' is not entirely satisfactory, cf. P.K. McCarter, R.B. Coote, 'The
Saptula Inscription from Byblos', DASOR 212 (1973), 16-22 (20-21).
the household might have shared in this usufruct, the real right to inherit seems to have been restricted to males and therefore nhlt might
also be rendered 'patrimony'. 25 Perhaps women could inherit if they
were formally declared 'male' by the testator, as was the case in Nuzi
and Emar. 26 But thus far no evidence for this practice has emerged
in Ugarit.
There are very few exceptions to the rather bleak picture of the social and economic position of women in the administrative texts from
Ugarit. The administrative texts confirm the wealth of the queen.
She had her own personnel (KTU 4.22:4), her own vineyards (KTU
4.143:1; 4.244:9), needed considerable quantities of wine for her banquets (KTU 4.149:14-15; 4.219:12; 4.230:4-5, 9; 4.246:1-3) at which
she drank from a heavy goblet made of silver and gold (KTU 4.265).
RS 16.151 (PRU III, 188) mentions an enormous amount of grain
belonging to the queen. The administrative texts also testify to the
queen's social commitment. She takes care of freed prisoners of war
(KTU 4.382:l-2) 27 and refugees (KTU 4.635:2,6). KTU 4.149:14-16
confirms 28 that the queen herself held sacrificial banquets: hmyn.
bdbhmlkt bmdr' 'five (jars) of wine in the sacrifice of the queen on the
land to be sown'. Johannes de Moor supposes that she had to perform a ritual in connection with seed-ploughing which in the myth is
ascribed to 'Anatu. 29
The administrative texts testify to a few other women who appear to be well-off. But even then such women axe rarely mentioned
by their own names. A woman Ebinuni, otherwise unknown, holds
a consignment of 70 kor of grain, together with an equally obscure
man Nuriyanu, son of Khutshakna (RS 6.345).30 Perhaps the two were
married and were both liable for the loan. In view of the considerable
amount of grain involved the pair must have been wealthy. Among
25
The king could transfer an inheritance from one male person to another, RS
16.251 (PRU III, 108-9). Here the West-Semitic term na-ha-li is used, a root also
attested in Mari, cf. A. Malamat, Mari and the Early Isarelite Experience, Oxford
1989, 48-52; Idem, Mari and the Bible, Leiden 1998, 109, 120. Goods given to a
woman were to be inherited by her sons, see, e.g., RS 15.85:30 (PRU III, 53).
26
See sections 2.1.2 and 2.1.4.
27
Cf. M. Dietrich et ai, 'Zur ugaritischen Lexicographie (VIII): Lexikographisehe Einzelbemerkungen', UF 5 (1973), 105. Line 6 of the tablet mentions asrrn
'prisoners of war'.
28
See section 3.1.
29
J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu (AOAT,
16), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1971, 104-5. See also Korpel, RiC, 434.
30
E. Dhorme, 'Petite tablette accadienne de Ras Shamra', Syria 16 (1935), 1945. On the term qptu cf. CAD (Q), 260. The man is a different person from the
other Nuriyanu's, cf. Van Soldt, SAU, 2, . 3.
twenty named people to whom fairly large amounts of silver had been
entrusted is one woman, Binqutubiya (RS 11.839:13, PRU III, 194-5).
Sometimes women are described as 'att 'adrt 'stately wife' (KTU
4.102:4, 7,9,16,17,28), perhaps pointing to a woman of substance. 31
In KTU 4.135:1-2 we read, 'rm.ksp 'l.sknt.syny 'Twenty shekels of
silver owed by the woman manager of the Siyyanite'. The word sknt
obviously equals the Akkadian akintu,32 a woman in charge of a
harem who handled considerable sums of money.33 According to KTU
4.290:1-2 a woman called tlgdy bought fourteen jars of oil. This is one
of the rare cases where a verbal form (Iqht) allows us to determine that
the bearer of a personal name which could just as well be a man's was
in fact a woman, apparently a fairly well-off woman. In KTU 4.659:2
Khutiyanu's unnamed daughter 34 (yd.bth) participates in a business
transaction of her father and some other servants of the court. However, these few exceptions do not alter the fact that women, especially
women who did not belong to the ruling class, were for the most part
excluded from the officially recorded economic life of Ugarit.
It occurs very rarely that all members of a family are mentioned by
name. Such an exception is KTU 4.625:19-21 b.hrbglm.glm[n] w.trhy.
'atth w.mlky.bnh 'In (the city of) Kharbu-khuliwe 35 glm[], and trhy
his wife, and Milkaya his son'. Because three other persons are mentioned subsequently, it may be assumed that glm[n] was the head of
a family which probably enjoyed a fairly high status.
A partially preserved list of named women is found in RS
19.82:Rev. (PRU VI, 83). Since some of the men listed on the other
side of the tablet appear to have been fairly important, 36 and at least
the lady Remiya mentioned in Rev. 7' was an acquaintance of the important administrator Rap'anu, 37 the women on this list were probably members of the Ugaritic elite. According to RS 19.130:2 (PRU
VI, 90) and RS 19.25:5-7 (PRU VI, 93) certain named women receive
rations. 38 Unfortunately their names have not appeared in other texts,
31
but it may be assumed that they were fairly important persons, too. 39
Yet they do not receive their rations directly, but through a man called
Yabni'ilu who is the first beneficiary on the list (RS 19.25:1,12). In
another ration list one named woman occurs among many more men
(RS 20.20, Ug. V, 191). If the Rashap'abu of this list (1. 4) is the
well-known citizen of Ugarit, 40 she, too, may have belonged to the
upper echelons. RS 15.42+:1.14-15 (PRU III, 196) again lists only
two women by name among a far greater number of men. At least
one of these women (Pizibli) seems to have belonged to the entourage
of the court. 41 RS 17.354:1-6 (PRU VI, 115-6) lists six women by
name as recipients of one jug of beer each. As in the case of RS 19.99
(PRU VI, 123-4), a list of payments to certain ladies, these women
were apparently friends of the queen. In a list of debtors, we find also
a named woman (RS 16.354:11, PRU III, 38). Since at least two of the
other debtors are important Ugaritic men, 42 she may also have belonged to the elite. A woman named Bin-khatiyama appears to have
been a landowner (RS 16.131, PRU III, 138-40).
These are the exceptions, however. The vast majority of the evidence culled from the administrative texts proves that whereas the
activities of men were recorded meticulously, the share of women in
the economy of Ugarit was probably regarded as not worth recording.
Normally wives were mentioned only in connection with their husband
and so their own names were not recorded. Apparently it was the
social status of a woman which determined whether she merited to
be mentioned by her own name. 43 But generally the naming of women
named women receive a ration. All the other recipients on this list axe referred to
as sons of men. For other raxe cases where a man is named as the son of a woman,
usually in the middle of many other persons designated as sons of men, see RS
8.207:6' (PRU III, 34); RS 15.119:Rev. 8 (PRU III, 86-8); RS 15.132:20 (PRU III,
133-4); RS 16.156:5 (PRU III, 61-2); RS 17.112:16 (PRU IV, 234); RS 17.251:25
(PRU IU, 236-7); RS 17.465:3 (Ug. V, 20-1). These occurrences of matronymics
axe in line with what we have found in the literaxy texts, viz., that the occurrence
of polygynous marriages forms a logical explanation for the use of matronyms in
royal and upper class circles (see section 2.1.2), but in view of their statistical
paucity they definitely do not support a hypothesis like '[p]erhaps Ugarit weis a
very liberal society', Amico, SWU, 144.
39
In my opinion there is insufficient reason to think that in all these cases the
women were deemed socially more important than their husbands, as surmised
by J. Nougayrol, PRU III, 180; see also C.F.-A. Schaeffer, Ug. V, 609.
40
Van Soldt, SAU, 27-29.
41
Cf. RS 16.263:11-20 (PRU III, 49).
42
Sinaru, line 2, was a wealthy merchant, cf. Nougayrol, PRU III, 255. Ayakhi,
line 6, seems to be identical to the maxi who is mentioned in RS 17.424+ (PRU
IV, 219-20) and KTU 4.338:8.
43
It is noteworthy that when ladies became insolvent so that their property had
male cultic servant', sprt 'female scribe', mkrt 'female trader', or ysrt
'female potter'.
To some extent this may be accidental. As we have seen, the literary texts from Ugarit contain some indications of professional activity on the part of women. Other cultures from the ancient Near East
have yielded evidence for this, too, and the Hebrew Bible supports
the supposition that certain professions and offices could be held by
women. 48 But on the whole it may be said that the administrative
records confirm that the main activity of Ugaritic women was confined to managing the household, sometimes including the finances.
Their contribution to the thriving Ugaritic society and economy was
to a large extent invisible. Those whose role was recorded belonged
to the upper classes of society. Only queens and princesses fulfilled a
role in the cult.
4.4.2
others.51
4.5
Conclusions
If we now look back at the texts testifying to Ugarit's daily life, it must
be concluded that most of the institutions and circumstances affecting
the life of women according to the literary texts are also present in
the letters, legal texts and administrative records of Ugarit. Arranged
according to the subjects of chapters 2 and 3, the non-literary texts
offer the following picture:
Wife: With regard to marriage arrangements, these were generally
made between men as heads of families. Officially a girl had no say
in the choice of a marriage partner. Marriageable girls (kit) could be
handed over from one man to another. If the man to whom she was
handed over did not wish to marry her, she was free to go and take
the terhatu with her.
Marriages generally were monogamous. The rich citizens, however,
often had more than one wife. If a marriage was monogamous and the
wife remained childless, her husband could take a second wife. If the
latter did not bear him children, either, the husband was assumed to
be the infertile partner and the first wife could hand him over to the
authorities on account of a 'knowingly committed crime'. Polygyny
could put a strain on marriages and sometimes lead to divorce. Furthermore, the children whom a man had sired outside his marriage
could form a threat to the inheritance of the sons of the first wife.
Only sons inherited. The property that women owned generally was
donated to them by their father or their husband (as terhatu, dowry,
or gifts). They could not acquire it by inheritance and they could not
bequeath it to their daughters.
As wives of wealthy citizens women participated in a social network that maintained polite correspondence. As far as we know, at
Ugarit only the queen owned a seal. To date very few Phoenician, Aramaic, Edomite and Ammonite seals belonging to women have been
found.
In the administrative texts, women and children who belonged to
a household were often not registered by their own name, but only by
that of the male head of that household. Being part of the household,
a wife and children were held co-responsible for the debts of their
husband and father. As a result, family members could be handed
over to a creditor to pay his debts.
In rich families wives had, to some extent, control over the fam-
tional level. The queen had her own seal. She possessed houses, fields
and orchards, and had the power to make exchanges of possessions
with other persons. She had her own palace and her own personnel. Compared to the children of the royal wives and concubines, the
children of the queen, as first wife of the king, held a privileged position. Both the queen and the queen mother were socially committed.
They took care of those who were ill or in need. An unnamed queen
redeemed a countryman enslaved in a foreign country.
The case of the bittu rabti shows that adultery was not tolerated
at Ugarit, regardless of whether a woman was of high or low birth. It
may have been that women of high birth were not tolerated at all if
they committed adultery. Possibly the aggrieved king 'Ammithtamru
II wanted to set an example because the bittu rabti was his queen
and, as such, had injured the king's authority as well as his honour.
Queen mother: The queen mother was held in high esteem and
wielded considerable power. She ruled the country when the king was
absent but also played a very important role when her son was present.
The influential position of queen mother Ahatmilku may have been
related to the fact that she was a king-maker and had helped Ammithtamru II to accede to the throne. At Ugarit the queen mother was
involved in politics. She was consulted in diplomatic matters and was
asked to intercede with the king. She was also involved in business.
Royal wives and concubines: The 'decree' of king Arhalba may refer to the custom whereby a new king raped the queen and other wives
of his deposed predecessor. Arhalba apparently hoped to prevent this
by cursing whichever of his brothers would take his wife against her
will. The kings of Ugarit had other wives beside their first wife, the
queen.
Princesses: Ugaritic princesses were engaged in international diplomatic marriages with foreign princes, but could also be married to
high officials of their own country. They generally were very wealthy
and were owners of property, which had been given to them by their
father, their brother or other relatives. But even they could become
worthless pawns in international politics and might perhaps end up
languishing in the dungeon of foreign rulers where they were at the
mercy of enemy princes.
Legal ownership of immovable property: Not only royal ladies but
also other women from the upper classes could be owners of immovable property or hold it in trusteeship. Women could not transfer
property without the consent of men. The queen was the only exception to the rule. Women sometimes were contracting parties in
property transactions, but far more often it was a business between
See chapter 1.
Widow. A widow did not have the right to inherit her husband's
property. She needed a written document to obtain the usufructary
rights. In such a case the transfer of property to those who had the
right of inheritance could be temporarily suspended, providing the
widow with a means of support. With regard to the ostracon of the
widow who wrote a plea to the official (section 4.1.2), there apparently was an oral arrangement, to which she referred. We may assume
there was a fair chance the official would honour the request since he
knew about the arrangement. At Elephantine stipulations regarding
usufructary rights were sometimes written into marriage contracts.
Princess. To date, two seals of Israelite princesses have been found.
They probably fulfilled a certain function in the royal administration.
Legal ownership of immovable property: Although women could
own property, they were not hereditary-property holders. To bequeath
property to a wife or a daughter, a man had to write a contract. The
wife or daughter then held the property in trusteeship for her (male)
children. Women could, however, exchange property with others. They
could also donate their property in exchange for (old age) support. If
women owned money, this had often come to them as their marriage
deposit, or as payment related to their divorce. Women did not act as
witnesses in contracts. Moreover, men could stand surety for women,
but the opposite did not occur, as far as we know.
Business: A wife could be responsible for various business affairs
in the absence of her husband. He instructed her what to do, however,
and held the final responsibility for the business enterprise.
Rarely did women receive payment of rations. In the Israelite administrative texts, one of them is referred to by name, but in two other
instances women are only referred to by their husband's or father's
name. In the Elephantine administrative texts, on the other hand,
named women are mentioned beside men, although women occur less
frequently in the texts. They, too, received payment of rations. According to one list women could owe or pay silver. Some women may
have independently managed the finances of the household.
Professions and domestic activities: In the texts from Israel and
Elephantine there are hardly any data on female professions. Royal
women and other highly placed women may have had a position in
the royal administration (cf. seal nos. 1, 2, 25 and 28). Furthermore,
women who referred to themselves as were not necessarily female
slaves. They could use the designation 'handmaid' in relation to a
superior to express their subservient position. Some 'handmaids' had
a high status. Shelomith, owner of seal no. 22, probably was a female
official serving Elnathan, the governor of Judah. Yet it is also possible
that she was his slave wife. The handmaid who was buried together
with the royal steward in the Silwan tomb probably was his slave wife.
Slavery : Slave women could be married to a free person. The handmaid Tamet was owned by Meshullam, but married to Anani. Only
upon the death of her master was she released from slavery.
Women as religious specialists: No female religious specialists are
attested in the texts from Israel and Elephantine. Priests were male.
Women as worshippers: Religious matters were for the most part
male matters. Men held the main responsibility for the observance
of religious rites, such as Passover. Offering was also a man's task.
Women did observe the religious rites, but their role in the cult was
secondary.
Although comparison between the Ugaritic and Israelite non-literary texts is somewhat difficult because of the scarcity of data from
ancient Israel, there are some remarkable resemblances.
1. Both in Ugarit and Israel a woman officially had no say in the
arrangement of her own marriage. The person who had authority over her, usually her father, made the arrangement.
2. Polygynous marriages occurred both in Ugarit and Israel.
3. In case of a divorce on grounds other than adultery, women had
the right to take their dowry with them.
4. Texts often refer to women as anonymous wives or daughters of
named men. Apparently registration of the fPN was often considered unimportant, provided the male who had the authority
over the woman was identified.
5. Both in Ugarit and Israel well-to-do women engaged in correspondence regarding personal and economic matters.
6. Daughters did not have the right to inherit.
7. Widows did not have inheritance rights. They could, however,
obtain usufructary rights, which generally had to be recorded
in a legal document.
8. Women could be legal owners of property or hold property in
trusteeship.
9. Neither in Ugarit, nor in Israel did women act as witnesses in
contracts.
698
1. In ancient Israel women may have played a certain role in the
According to the literary texts from Ugarit, a girl had no official say
in the choice of a marriage partner. Marriage was regarded as an
arrangement between two families. Formally the heads of the households, usually the fathers, made the arrangement. Mothers seem to
have been asked for approval, however. In KTU 1.24, the future groom
informed the bride's father that he wished to marry his daughter. We
do not learn about either Nikkalu's opinion on Yarikhu as a future
husband or about her consent in marriage. Nikallu, on the other hand,
does seem to have had a choice in whom to marry and probably was
guided in this by love.
The non-literary text RS 16.141 seems to confirm the lack of choice
for a marriageable girl. The king transferred the kit Inu'umi from the
household of Bin-Yamhanu to that of Yarimmu. No record is made
of her consent. The choice whether or not to take her as his wife was
Yarimmu's.
It would seem, however, that girls sometimes took the initiative
to contact boys, or at least actively took part in finding a partner,
as girls exceptionally did in Mesopotamia. KTU 1.16:11.27 mentions
girls pounding the gate, which probably refers to those unfortunate
enough to find the gate closed after dark. The reason for returning so
late might have been a meeting with a boy outside the town wall. Another indication that girls could take the initiative in contacting their
lover is the refusal of Ba'lu to put a window in his new house (KTU
1.4:VI.7-11). He feared that his daughters, who were marriageable
girls (kit), might fly off or be taken away. Finally, according to some,
the goddess 'Anatu proposed marriage to Aqhatu (KTU 1.18:1.23-24).
The interpretation of this passage is rather uncertain, however.
In biblical Israel, too, a marriageable girl did not have a say in
the choice of a partner. Fathers decided to whom they would give
their daughter in marriage, but a mother possibly had influence on
this. Although normally biblical brides were not consulted by their
father (cf., e.g., Achsah and Leah), Rebekah was asked for her consent in marriage (Gen. 24:57-58). The widow Abigail was approached
directly by David, who asked to marry her. She apparently needed
nobody's consent (1 Sam. 25:39-42). Future grooms seem to have had
more freedom in choosing their marriage partner than brides had.
Yet, the Song of Songs gives us reason to surmise that, as in Ugarit,
in biblical Israel girls could also take the initiative to contact boys
in secretive meetings. Love between two people could influence the
choice of marriage partners (Gen. 29:18,20; 34:3; Judg. 14:3; 1 Sam.
18:20-21).
Whereas Egyptian partners seem to have enjoyed a greater freedom of choice, the Aramaic documents from Elephantine confirm that
among Jews official marriage arrangements were an all men's sake
(TAD 2, B2.6; B3.3; B3.8). Even a widowed woman did not arrange
her own marriage.
Various factors could play a role in the choice of a marriage partner. Girls would generally marry at an early age, soon after their
menarche. The husband was usually somewhat older than his wife.
People generally married a spouse from the same social class. Exogamy occurred in the royal circles of both Ugarit and Israel. The
literary as well as the non-literary texts from Ugarit give evidence
to practices of intermarriage. In biblical Israel endogamous marriages
were preferred. Yet Israelite kings, like their Ugaritic counterparts,
sometimes married foreign women, using intermarriage as an important political tool. As a rule, appreciation of foreign women in the
Hebrew Bible is related to whether or not they posed a threat to
Yahwism. Mixed marriages were not only objected to for religious reasons, but also for ethnic reasons. During the post-exilic period, Ezra
intended to maintain the identity of the Israelite people and motivated
his attempt to preserve its group boundaries religiously. Moreover, inheritance rights, geographical, economic, social and political factors
also played a role in the preference for endogamous marriages. It is
noteworthy that endogamous marriages were also preferred in some
Scholars have generally contended that the basis of the ancient oriental marriage was civil. However, it is a misconception to deny any
religious connotation to this institution. Both in Ugarit and biblical
Israel religious connotations of marriage can be determined, as was
the case in Mesopotamia (in contrast to Egypt). Literary texts from
Ugarit mention offering to the gods (KTU 1.15:11.1-11) and a blessing
by Ilu (KTU 1.15:11.21-111.16), both of them in a marriage context.
Moreover, the marriage of the moon-god Yarikhu, which is described
in KTU 1.24 and probably alluded to in KTU 1.18:1.23-34; IV.1-42,
may have been regarded as a prototype of human marriage. Yet neither in KTU 1.23, nor in 1.24, which both describe divine marriages,
is a special ceremony mentioned. KTU 1.100 and 1.107, on the other
hand, may have constituted a marriage liturgy.
In Israel marriage was also considered a religious insitution. Biblical marriage was legitimated and sanctioned by YHWH. This became
explicit when a marriage was under attack (Num. 5:11-31). Anointment of a bride, performed as a religious rite of purification in the ancient Near East, seems to have occurred in biblical Israel, too (Ezek.
16:8-12). Wedding partners, furthermore, could take an oath in the
name of Y H W H (Ezek. 16:8; Mai. 2:14; Prov. 2:17; Ruth 3:13). And
Everywhere in the ancient oriental world marriage could be monogamous, bigynous or polygynous. A married man could have a relationship with a concubine or with a slave woman beside his wife.
These other women had a lower status than the first wife, who was
considered their mistress. This was also the case in Ugarit and Israel.
The Ugaritic gods, Ilu and Ba'lu, are depicted as polygynists. Unlike the gods of Ugarit, the goddesses only had one spouse. Although
the legendary kings, Kirtu and Dani'ilu, had monogamous marriages,
the non-literary texts from Ugarit offer a different picture. Like all
kings of the ancient Near East, the kings of Ugarit also had polygynous marriages. As the administrative texts reveal, other wealthy
Ugaritians could also have two or more wives. This also happened in
biblical Israel.
Yet, although polygyny and bigyny did occur in the upper circles
of both societies, marriages generally were monogamous. Most men
could not afford to keep many women. Childlessness of the first wife
seems to have been the main reason why a man entered in a bigynous
marriage. A non-literary text from Sidon (RS 86.2208) confirms that
(alleged) childlessness could be a reason for bigyny. Some Elephantine
marriage documents contain a clause that forbids the husband to take
another wife ( T A D 2, B2.6; B6.4).
Through marriage a husband achieved authority over his wife. The
Hebrew terminology (' lord, owner, husband',' lord') expresses
the gender imbalance which existed between husband and wife. So far
this terminology is not attested for a husband in Ugaritic texts, but we
may safely assume that the same gender imbalance existed there, too.
Although a husband was called 'owner', most scholars agree that a
wife should not be regarded as a husband's property. It was his wife's
sexuality that a husband had a proprietary interest in. The texts
from both Ugarit and biblical Israel illustrate that the authority of a
husband over his wife did not rule out mutual love and affection. In the
Ugaritic literary texts men as well as women could take the initiative
in having sex, and the descriptions of the love scenes are quite explicit.
Prom this I concluded that there was no taboo on sexual pleasure in
Ugarit. The Hebrew Bible also has an eye for the sexual pleasures of
both partners, although in far more guarded terms (Deut. 24:5).
Both in Ugarit and Israel, the male was considered the head of the
household. Administrative lists from Ugarit which mention households refer to a named man and his nameless wife/wives and children. Only if women belonged to the upper echelons of society were
they named in administrative lists. An Israelite administrative list
also refers to nameless wives of named husbands. However, wives are
named in two administrative texts from Elephantine (TAD 3, C3.4:6;
TAD 4, D8.4:18).
The relationship between husband and wife is regarded as an ambivalent one in the literary texts from the ancient Near East. Texts
from Mesopotamia and Egypt offer examples of the mixture of trust
and mistrust which husbands could feel towards their wives. The same
ambivalence is also encountered in texts from Ugarit and Israel. A
woman could be depicted as the ideal wife (KTU 1.14:111.41-42,46;
1.15:1.1-2; Gen. 24; Prov. 18:22; 19:14; 31:10-31), but she could also be
regarded as a threat to her husband's authority if she criticized him
(KTU 1.2:1.40, IV.28-30; 1.14:1.14; 2 Sam. 6:11-23; Est. l:16b-18). A
good wife had to take care of her husband when he was ill (KTU
1.16:VI.14-21). Indirectly, she could have power over her husband in
certain circumstances (KTU 1.4:IV; Judg. 14; 1 Kgs 1). Some biblical
wives had to resort to deception because of their submissive position
towards their husbands (Gen. 27), but others could act quite independently (1 Sam. 25:14-38; 1 Kgs 21:4-16). Yet the Bible also offers
examples of stories in which husbands care more about their own life
than that of their wife or concubine (Gen. 12; 20; Judg. 19).
Husband and wife could also be regarded as a unity, however. The
Ugaritic goddess 'Athtartu is called m b'l 'Name of Ba'lu' (KTU
1.2:1.8; 1.16VI.56), probably implying that, as some sort of manifestation or hypostazation of her consort Ba'lu, she was regarded as his
counterpart. Another example of the close relationship between husband and wife is the inter-mingling of the battles of Ba'lu and 'Anatu
(KTU 1.2:IV.23-27; 1.3:111.38-40; 1.6V.11-19). Unlike Ugaritic religion, Yahwism did not offer such an example of a close relationship
between deities. The goddess Asherah seems to have lost her independent status gradually in Israelite religion and ended as an aspect
of YHWH. But in the Hebrew Bible she is in no way related to dtp.
The non-literary texts from Ugarit reveal that women who were
married to wealthy citizens participated in a social network that maintained polite correspondence (RS 20.23; RS 20.227). At Ugarit, the
only woman of whom a seal has been found so far is the queen. And in
Both in Ugarit and biblical Israel, the private sphere was generally
considered a female domain. With regard to the upper classes of society, this was reflected in the living quarters of women, which were
separated from the men's quarters. The Ugaritic goddesses Athiratu
and 'Anatu both had their own palaces with their own personnel, living separate from their husbands (KTU 1.4:IV.21-22; 1.3:IV.41). And
it would seem that the princesses Thatmanatu and Pughatu did not
live in their father's household either (KTU 1.16:1; 1.19:1.25-48). This
division of male and female households may have reflected the situation of the Ugaritic royal couple, who did not share the same palace
as living quarters (see below). In Ugarit, as in other countries of the
ancient Near East, women's quarters of the house probably were not
visited by strangers to the family.
In biblical Israel women also had separate dwellings or separate
living quarters. In nomadic times women had their own tent (Gen.
24:67; 31:33) and during the monarchy royal women had separate
houses or quarters (1 Kgs 7:8; 9:24; Est. 2:9,11,13,14). Archaeological
studies render it likely that there probably were also separate women's
quarters in the standard houses of the Iron Age period.
The degree of seclusion of women was correlated to their social
status. The higher women's status was, the more secluded they were.
Royal and upper class women had their personnel to do the work. Social status and living conditions thus intertwined. Servants would do
the tasks that required going out, while the mistress stayed in. Moreover, there was enough space in larger houses to make a distinction
between male (public) and female (private) quarters.
It also mattered whether a woman lived in a rural or an urban context. The Bible describes the circumstances of women living in a rural
context, where they went out to perform tasks of animal husbandry
and agriculture. Moreover, both in towns and villages women went out
to draw water. According to archaeological data on household units
in the Cisjordan hill country at the beginning of the Iron Age, women
were involved in all aspects of economic life, although a certain gender
distinction always existed. The Bible furthermore offers examples of
women acting quite independently within the sphere of the household
(1 Sam. 25; 2 Kgs 4; Prov. 31:10-31). The major goddesses of Ugarit
also performed menial tasks, despite the fact that they had servants
who fulfilled various chores (KTU 1.3:11.30-41; 1.4:11.1-11).
Beside the performance of various tasks, wives also had their moments of relaxation. Both the Ugaritic literary texts and the Hebrew
Bible offer examples of women enjoying music, song and dance. This
could occur at home or on public occasions.
It is noteworthy that in the biblical texts of the post-exilic period
the public appearance of women tends to be valued more negatively
(e.g., Prov. 7:llb-12). It is a matter of discussion whether young marriageable girls led a life of seclusion. The dichotomy between publie and private spheres seems to have been emphasized more strictly
where females were concerned. Moreover, the symbolic function of the
family became of renewed theological importance after the exile. Ideologically the freedom of women seems to have been more curtailed,
but I have called for caution not to draw too far-reaching conclusions
from a rather restricted amount of evidence.
T H E DISSOLUTION O F MARRIAGE
the person of the Hittite king Tudhaliya IV, approved of this punishment for an adulterous wife, who had already been divorced. It would
seem that 'Ammithtamru insisted on having her executed in order to
restore his honour.
The last king of Ugarit, 'Ammurapi, probably divorced his queen,
too. The Hittite Ekhli-Nikkal was allowed to take all her movable
property with her when she returned to Hatti (RS 17.355). It would
seem that in this case not the queen, but the Ugaritic king was to
blame for the divorce (RS 20.216). It can be assumed that outside
the royal court of Ugarit people also divorced. It would seem that
polygyny put a strain on marriages which could lead to divorce (RS
16.143:23-29).
Various laws in the Hebrew Bible deal with adultery and condemn it (Lev. 18:20; 20:10; Num. 5:11-31; Deut. 22:13-27). Although
the condemnation is religiously motivated in the Bible, one should not
assume a distinction between biblical and other ancient Near Eastern
law in this respect, for also in the latter cultures adultery was regarded as a sin. Moreover, as in other ancient Near Eastern countries,
the husband of an adulteress had a say in the decision whether to prosecute and punish or pardon and accept ransom (Lev. 19:20-22; Prov.
6:32-35). The legal texts (Lev. 20:10; Deut. 22:22,24) demanded the
death penalty for adulterers, but other punishments, such as the payment of ransom, public stripping, and corporal punishment, probably
occured also. Adultery is also a theme in various biblical narratives
and prophetic books (Gen. 12:10-20; 20; 26:1-11; 2 Sam. 11-12; Hos.
1-2; Ezek. 16; 23).
Not only on account of a wife's unfaithfulness could a husband
divorce his wife, but also on account of other reasons, such as misconduct. The condemnation of divorce in Mai. 2:10-16 is probably
related to the prophet's negative view on intermarriage. Another case
of divorce, the expulsion of Hagar (Gen. 21:8-21), is narrated quite
neutrally. Unlike a husband, who could divorce his wife at will, a wife
did not have the right to initiate divorce. A woman who walked out
on a man was regarded as an adulteress (Judg. 19). When a husband
divorced his wife, he had to write her a 'certificate of divorce' (Deut.
24:1,3; Isa. 50:1; Jer. 3:8). When she was divorced without fault, she
probably had the right to retrieve her dowry.
At Elephantine not only the male marriage partner, but also the
female partner could initiate divorce. The wife generally could take
her dowry with her, but had to leave the house. This is in accordance
with Egyptian custom since the New Kingdom period.
MOTHER
Although being a mother was regarded as the most prestigious position for a woman in the ancient Near East, Ugaritic literary texts
do not take much notice of the desire of women to become a mother.
In the Legends of Kirtu and of Aqhatu the male perspective, i.e., the
desire to become a father, is mainly given. In the Hebrew Bible, on
the other hand, attention is also given to the female perspective. In a
number of stories women figure who, while initially barren, ardently
wished to become a mother.
In the Ugaritic texts childlessness is a problem that could befall both humans and deities. In the human world, neither Kirtu nor
Dani'ilu initially had a son. Among the gods, the goddess 'Anatu appeared to be childless. This was not a state she wished to continue
and she tried to overcome her problem by making love with Ba'lu in
theriomophic manifestation (KTU 1.10; 1.13:29-36). Childless deities
could resort to supernatural solutions, but humans who desired children were dependent on the blessing of the gods. In the Ugaritic literary texts (KTU 1.15:11.11-25; 1.17:1.1-33) as well as in the ancestral
narratives of the Hebrew Bible (Gen. 12:2; 15:1-6; 17:4-5; 28:14), the
men were addressed with a blessing of progeny. An androcentric bias
can be discerned in both corpora, for the women who had to bear
the children only received attention at a later stage of the story. The
focus was on the continuation of patrilineality.
Both in Ugarit and Israel conception was believed to be related
to the female orgasm (KTU 1.17:1.39-42; Gen. 18:11-12). The Bible
furthermore offers some allusions to the knowledge that infertility
could not always be blamed on the woman (Gen. 20:17; 38; Deut.
7:14; Ruth 1:5,11,21). This knowledge also existed in Ugarit. In the
letter RS 86.2208, which was sent from Sidon, a man who had taken
a second wife due to the supposed infertility of his first wife was
handed over to the authorities by his first wife after he had failed to
beget a child with the second wife. Whether this was a general right
of any wife who was wrongfully assumed to be infertile or a special
right of this certain woman of high birth cannot be determined. It is
noteworthy, however, that king Kirtu only proved to be fertile with
his third wife, who died in childbirth.
At Ugarit, the major deities who were responsible for offering fertility were male. Ilu blessed a couple with offspring and Ba'lu granted
fertility to the fields. The female deities Athiratu, 'Athtartu and
'Anatu as well as the Katharatu played a supportive role in the field
of procreation. The Hebrew Bible offers some possible traces of veneration of other gods and goddesses who granted fertility, but most
SISTER
The relationship between a sister and her brother was generally one
of affection and love. Especially in a large family, brothers could have
a certain authority over their sisters, often delegated by their father
(KTU 1.16:1.25-45; Gen. 24; Song 1:6; 8:8-9). The Hebrew Bible contains two stories about the authority brothers had with regard to their
duty to protect their sister's sexual integrity (Gen. 34; 2 Sam. 13).
These brothers seem to have been mostly concerned with the fact that
they themselves were dishonoured because their rights over their sister's sexuality were violated. Due to the Bible's androcentrism their
sister's point of view is hardly given any attention. A sister could
influence her brother's life. She could try to protect him (Exod. 2:4)
or confront him on his association with certain women (Num. 12:1;
Prov. 7:4a).
The Ugaritic literary texts also offer information on sisters. Out of
love for her murdered brother, Pughatu wished to revenge his death
(KTU 1.19:IV.28-40). The emotions of the goddess 'Anatu were directed against her brothers and sisters, whom she threatened to harm
should they rejoice in the fate of her husband Ba'lu (KTU 1.3:V.1923).
The non-literary texts from Ugarit inform us about the relationship between a royal sister and her brothers. After her divorce, the
bittu rabti returned to her native country, Amurru, and lived under
the custody of her brothers. Although no longer married, she remained
under male authority, viz., that of her brother, king Shaushgamuwa. It
is not clear whether Shaushgamuwa intended to withstand 'Ammithtamru's wish to punish the bittu rabti. Ultimately her brother did
accept a large sum of money in exchange for her life. Another sisterbrother relationship is mentioned in the contract RS 21.230, where
a rich woman adopted a man as her brother. She probably hoped to
gain lifelong support through this adoption.
A marriage between a brother and sister is prohibited in the Bible
as incestuous. Scholars have called attention to the fact that the laws
do not mention a sexual relationship between a full brother and full
sister. Neither do they prohibit a sexual relation between a father
and his daughter (see on this issue my conclusions further below).
The reason for this is probably the fact that both the full sister and
the daughter were under the authority of the addressee of the law. The
perpetrator could therefore not be penalized by a human court, but
was nonetheless guilty before YHWH. No reference to brother-sister
incest is found in the Ugaritic texts.
DAUGHTER
Although sons and daughters were both welcomed in Ugarit and Israel, sons were preferred over daughters. This preference had two reasons: transfer of land by inheritance was arranged patrilineally and,
related to this, daughters were supposed to leave their paternal family
and become a member of their husband's family. It is noteworty that
in Ugaritic literature the preference for sons over daughters is not
shared by the highest god. Ilu, to whom king Kirtu turned for offspring, blessed the king with both sons and daughters, whereas Kirtu
had only asked for sons (KTU 1.14:11.4-5). This may reflect a critique
on society, but I regard it more likely that it was part of Ilimilku's
ideological programme to defend women's capability to rule the kingdom of Ugarit in the absence of a male heir (see below). This is the
more so, since a daughter acted as a replacement for a son in both the
Legend of Kirtu (KTU 1.15:111.16) and the Legend of Aqhatu (KTU
1.19:IV). However, since a balanced family with both sons and daughters was also considered a blessing of the gods in Hatti and Egypt, it
is also possible that Ilu's blessing should be seen in this light. Possibly KTU 2.2 also expresses such a wish for a balanced family. This
would imply that the emphasis of Ilu's blessing was on a large family,
whereas Kirtu's major concern was the continuation of his family and
therefore, the need for a son.
Daughters were supposed to remain chaste until they married. A
father had to guard the respectability of his daughter. Ba'lu's refusal
to put a window in his palace should probably be seen in this light
(KTU 1.4:VI.5-14). Biblical law prescribes stoning to death for a betrothed daughter who has not remained a virgin in her father's house
(Deut. 22:20-21). The Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach 42:9-14 describes
the concern of a father regarding his good name in connection with his
daughter's behaviour. Because of textcritical difficulties in this text
I have called for caution on conclusions about the restrictions on a
daughter's freedom of movement. In the Ugaritic literary texts nubile
daughters were not confined to the house, but could accompany their
father on a journey or go by themselves on a dangerous mission. Nor
did biblical daughters stay inside. They went out to do draw water or
perform tasks related to animal husbandry.
Ug. kit and Heb. can both be translated either 'bride' or
'daughter-in-law'. As a betrothed woman, a 'bride' could live in the
house of her father until she married. She should not have sexual
intercourse with a man other than her husband-to-be. In Gen. 19:8,
however, Lot did not guard his daughters' virginity, but offered his betrothed daughters to hostile men who intended to violate the guests
under his roof. Judg. 19 narrates the same theme of strangers receiving hospitality and subsequently being threatened with rape by
townsmen. In both texts women's sexuality is sacrificed in order to
save that of men. The men who had authority over the sexuality of
these women rather let their women be raped than be raped themselves.
Nubile girls could occasionally be present at marzeah parties in
Ugarit and Israel (KTU 1.3:1.2-15,22-25; Amos 2:7b). Although we
have little information on the marzeah, we know that men gathered at
such parties for profusive drinking. I assumed that this sometimes resuited in sexual debauchery with the women present. Married women
were therefore excluded from marzeah parties, while nubile girls could
attend to serve wine or to entertain. Married women of the upper
classes had their own drinking parties both in Ugarit and in the Bible
(Amos 4:1).
In biblical Israel, sexual intercourse with an unbetrothed girl was
not considered a capital offence. The violator had to pay a marriage
deposit to the father of the girl, and was obliged to marry her (Exod.
22:15-16 [16-17]; Deut. 22:28-29).
In all of the ancient Near East incest between a father and his
daughter was regarded as a despicable act. Condemnation, however,
generally was half-hearted. Among the Mesopotamians and the Hittites, father-daughter incest was not punished as harshly as when a
man had intercourse with a woman under another man's authority.
Incest is also condemned in the Hebrew Bible, but a prohibition on
father-daughter incest is missing in Lev. 18 and 20. This can be explained by way of a father's authority over his daughter's sexuality.
He was the person who should prosecute, but at the same time he
was the violator, which made it almost impossible for a human court
to penalize him. Incest between a father and his daughters occurs in
Gen. 19:30-38. The world is turned upside down in this story, where
daughters take the initiative to have a sexual relationship with their
father. Citing Elke Seifert, I noted that this contradicts the reality as
experienced by abused daughters. The biblical narrator condemns the
incestuous act since it is his intention to expose the despicable origin
of the Moabites and Ammonites.
The reason that is offered for the daughters of Lot to engage in sex
with their father is their desire for offspring. This is also presented as
the excuse for the incestuous relationship between the levirate widow
Tamar and her father-in-law, Judah (Gen. 38). In Lev. 18:15 and
20:12 such a relationship is condemned with the death penalty. However, in both narratives the patriarchal ideology of women who, above
Widows generally were not under any male authority. Although some
widows were under the authority of their father-in-law (Gen. 38), or
their own father or mother, the majority of them were independent. As
such, a widow was without any male protection and could fall victim
to abuse. Both the Ugaritic literary texts and the Hebrew Bible offer
evidence of the neglect of a widow's rights and her need for protection
by the king.
The non-literary text RS 20.22 refers to the custom of paying an
indemnity to a widow of a man who was murdered in a town which
was not his home town. Even widows who owned immovable property
might consider adopting a son (RS 16.200). This would offer them
financial security as well as assurance that they were well cared for in
old age.
According to the literary texts from Ugarit and Israel, widows were
often poor, but some widows were economically independent, because
they were owners of property. They had received this property as their
dowry and sometimes as a settlement made by their late husband.
Israelite women were not entitled to inherit land from their deceased
husband. 2 Kgs 8:1-6 shows that a widow could hold the land of her
husband in trusteeship for her minor son, and Ruth 4:3 informs us that
a childless widow had usufructary rights to the land of her husband.
But a widow could not inherit the land and therefore could not sell
her husband's inheritance. This is confirmed by Elephantine marriage
contracts, which contain stipulations regarding the usufructary rights
of a widow.
The fact that a widow could not inherit also explains why a levir
often was reluctant to perform the levirate marriage, for he would not
gain materially by it. Deut. 25:5-10 mentions the legal obligation of
a man to marry the childless widow of his brother. In a patriarchal
society such as ancient Israel, only remarriage with its prospect of
begetting children gave a childless widow security. A childless widow
such as Tamar (Gen. 38) had a right to a levirate marriage. This
right seems to have taken precedence over the prohibition against
incest between a father-in-law and his daughter-in-law (Lev. 18:15),
although the text shows a certain uneasiness with the father-in-law
performing the levirate duty.
The marriage between Ruth and Boaz may be characterized as a
'levirate-type' marriage, in which there was no legal, but only a moral
obligation for the next of kin to marry the childless widow, Ruth.
And, unlike Tamar who had the duty to submit to her father-in-law's
authority, Ruth seems to have been free to choose whomsoever she
wished to marry.
The primary purpose of levirate marriage was the perpetuation
of the name of the deceased husband. Protection of the widow came
second. Although a widow did have the right to a levirate marriage,
the levir could refuse to perform the duty, which only resulted in
public humiliation. In Gen. 38 as well as Ruth 3 a young, childless
widow had to employ her sexual attractiveness to achieve her goal.
The abiguous image of the widow - she could be a virtuous woman
in need of protection, but also a seductress - was probably related
to male fear of an independent widow with autonomy over her own
sexuality.
The fact that a husband had to take legal action in order to transfer property to his wife (RS 8.145), confirms the assumption that
Ugaritic women also did not have the right to inherit from their husbands. A widow could have usufructary rights of the inheritance, but
her sons, if she had any, were the real heirs. However, a widow who
Care for the orphan was part of the ethical values of both Ugarit and
Israel. At Ugarit, it was considered a virtue of the king to protect
the rights of widows and orphans. The Hebrew Bible also mentions
care for the orphan as part of its social ethics. The fate of an orphan
often seems to have been harsh, however. Wicked people might take
advantage of orphans in their vulnerability and sometimes made them
debt slaves. If such was the case, an orphan could only hope for the
protection of the gods/God.
QUEEN
After the women in the family we turned our attention to the roles
women fulfilled in society, starting with the women of the court. A
queen generally was quite powerful. Her power, however, was related
to the authority which her husband had delegated to her. Only in
as far as her husband permitted her was she able to exercise power.
Yet Ugaritic as well as Israelite queens exercised a certain influence on
state affairs. Both the literary texts from Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible
refer to queens engaging in national politics. Biblical queens could
write letters and edicts in the name of their husbands. Moreover, the
queen's power and influence were acknowledged by the people of her
country. The literary texts from Ugarit and Israel mention queens who
interceded on behalf of their subjects. Queens participated in official
meetings and banquets where they could exercise their influence. Various Ugaritic letters confirm this picture. High officials corresponded
with the queen, asking for her intercession with the king (e.g., KTU
2.33).
According to KTU 1.15, queens could participate in international
politics in a passive manner, as brides in matrimonial alliances. The
non-literary texts offer a somewhat different picture, in which queens
actively maintained relations with their country of birth. The queens
of Ugarit corresponded with the ladies of the courts of Hatti and
Amurru (KTU 2.21; RS 16.111; RS 20.19; RS 20.151; RS 34.154).
However, the bittu rabti seems to have been engaged in international
relations only passively, as an object of discussion. We do not learn
of any activity in maintaining such relations on her part.
Queens generally did not share their living quarters with their
husband, the king. They either had their own palace, or a separate
wing in their husband's palace. They apparently were not restricted
in movement, although it would seem that they could not always approach the king freely. The Ugaritic literary texts do not mention any
restrictions in this regard, but the Hebrew Bible offers a twofold picture. One biblical queen, Esther, did not have free access to the king,
while another, Bathsheba, did. As a result of having separate living
quarters, queens also had their own personnel. The non-literary texts
from Ugarit confirm that the queen (mother) had her own palace with
her own personnel. She was a very wealthy woman, who possessed
fields, vineyards and orchards.
QUEEN MOTHER
The queen mother generally was the second most powerful person
in the kingdom. Although her position was one of great importance,
in most cultures she did not occupy an official position which was
held independent of the fact that she was the mother of the ruling
king. The Hittite tawananna, who held an office for life, seems to
have been the exception to the rule. Scholars have suggested that, in
analogy to the tawananna, the ^may have held an official position
at the Judaean royal court. This cannot be established with certainty,
however. Although some queen mothers remained in office after their
son's death, others stepped back. The literary texts from Ugarit do
not offer any information on the possibility of an official position for
the queen mother.
Although a few queens and queen mothers in the ancient Near
East have ruled in their own right, theirs were exceptional cases, and
their rule generally was downplayed by later historiographers. This
also happened to the rule of the biblical queen mother Athaliah, who
reigned independently as a female king. According to the ideology
of the book of Kings, her six-year-rule was illegitimate, because as a
Ancient Near Eastern kings generally had polygynous marriages. Besides the queen a king had a number of wives and concubines. The
Ugaritic literary texts only offer an allusion to this, but a treaty text
between Murshili II and Niqmepa' records that the Ugaritic king did
have a harem. The Hebrew Bible refers to various kings who had several wives and concubines. These women lived in the women's quarters
of the palace. To what degree they may have lived a life of seclusion
cannot be established.
Since legitimacy to the throne could be acquired via a king's
harem, royal wives and concubines sometimes became pawns in a
power struggle. The Hebrew Bible offers some examples of this. Sleeping with a concubine of the king was understood as a political act,
viz., a claim to the throne. The Bible furthermore records that royal
wives and concubines could become part of the tribute that a defeated king had to pay to his conqueror. We do not learn about any
active role for royal wives and concubines in national politics in the
Bible, but Egyptian sources inform us that these women could form
a threat to the ruling king when they participated in a court intrigue.
A royal harem was thus an expression of a king's wealth and power,
but also of his vulnerability. The fact that a king's power could be
challenged via his wives and concubines was probably the reason that
royal women lived in a harem under strict control.
The 'decree' of the Ugaritic king Arhalba (RS 16.144) seems to
hint at the custom of a new king in which he rapes the wives of his
predecessor, after the latter had been defeated. If this is the correct
interpretation of the text, it would mean that Arhalba tried to prevent
this from happening to his royal wives.
PRINCESS
The non-literary evidence from Israel may offer a picture of influential princesses. The seal and the bulla of the two women with
the title may have been owned by blood relatives of the king
who held a function in the royal administration, analogous to men
who held the title . These women may have literally been
daughters of the king.
L E G A L OWNERSHIP OF IMMOVABLE P R O P E R T Y
fashion.
Professional healers generally were male in the ancient Near East.
However, in the Ugaritic literary texts goddesses performed acts of
healing. In the Hebrew Bible professional female healers are not attested.
The professions of midwife and wet nurse were regarded as female
professions in Ugaritic and biblical literature. Whereas in Ugaritic
literary texts deities performed both tasks, this is not the case in the
Hebrew Bible. Y H W H is metaphorically referred to as a midwife, but
not as a wet nurse. This omission seems to be related to the fact that
in Israel's neighbouring countries wet-nursing of a prince by a deity
was regarded as a ratification of his divinity. The biblical authors may
have wanted to avoid such an image of divine legitimation of a prince.
Prostitution was also regarded as a female profession. It is not
attested in the Ugaritic literary texts, but we may assume prostitutes
did occur in Ugarit, as was the case in the whole of the ancient Near
East. In the Hebrew Bible prostitutes do occur. It was an accepted,
but not highly valued, profession.
According to the administrative texts from Ugarit, men were considered far more important to the economic life of Ugarit than women.
Although women did contribute to the economy, their contribution
was for the most part invisible. In the administrative lists women are
rarely mentioned, and if they are, they either were women of substance, or they are mentioned without the use of their personal name.
Although there are only a few administrative texts from Israel, women
are mentioned in two of them. The first text mentions a named daughter, the second text records unnamed wives. Both receive payment.
An unnamed daughter is furthermore mentioned on an earthenware
inscription. The administrative lists from Elephantine do not mention
women often, yet always by name.
Hardly any female function is mentioned in the administrative
texts from Ugarit. We have encountered a woman manager of the
harem and, possibly, female water drawers. References to a female
singer and female casters are uncertain. Professional activity of women
in Ugarit thus remains absent for the most part. Neither are female
professions mentioned in the texts of the Jewish colony at Elephantine. A few of the seals owned by Israelite women (nos. 1, 2, 22, 25
and 28) may refer to female administrators, however.
SLAVERY
Slave women were generally of a low status. The literary texts from
Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible testify that female slaves could be owned
In the contact with deities, purity was required of men and women.
The requirement of purity is often mentioned as the reason why
women would have been excluded from the priesthood in biblical Israel. However, in this regard Israel is not unique, for in other countries
of the ancient Near East, where female priestesses existed, the demand
to be pure when appearing before a deity was also requested. I assumed that, analogous to purity regulations for men, Ugaritic women
who appeared before the gods had to be pure, too. The Hebrew Bible
offers various purity regulations for women and men in their contact
with Y H W H . I concluded that, although purity regulations may have
played a role in the exclusion of biblical women from the priesthood,
it was not the most important reason. Moreover, instead of totally
excluding women from the cult, strict regulations regarding impurity probably implied that women did participate in the cult on a
regular basis, albeit not in the priesthood, but as worshippers. The
non-literary texts do not offer any information on purity regulations.
In Mesopotamia, Hatti and Egypt, women functioned in the priesthood. Scholars who emphasize the contrast in this regard between
Israel and its neighbouring countries generally point to data relating
to the third and early second millennium BCE. It is often disregarded
that during the second millennium the situation changed drastically
due to a professionalization of the priesthood, which caused most
female priestly functions to disappear. From the second half of the
second millennium on, only women of high birth, generally queens or
princesses, remained active as priestesses. The most important female
priestly function in Egypt was that of the God's Wife of Amun, which
from the Third Intermediate Period on was fulfilled by an unmarried
daughter of the king. In Mesopotamia, the king's daughter functioned
as a nin-dingir. The God's Wife of Amun and the nin-dingir both had
a kind of marital relationship with the main deity. The fact that in
Yahwism such a function for a woman was out of the question was
probably the main reason for excluding women from the priesthood
in biblical Israel. According to the Deuteronomists, a priestess in such
a marital relationship to YHWH could not be tolerated. The evidence
of the Elephantine texts is in accordance with the Hebrew Bible: only
men were priests. Whether an Israelite queen or princess ever fulfilled
such a function historically cannot be recovered from the Hebrew
Bible. Some royal women venerated Asherah (1 Kgs 15:13; 18:19; 2
Kgs 24:8-9), but this does not automatically make them priestesses of
the goddess. It cannot be ruled out that queens acted in cultic functions in the early days of the monarchy, but from the seventh century
on this seems to have been unlikely. The silence of the Hebrew Bible
on the participation of the queen in the cult may either reflect her
historical absence or concealment of her cultic role.
The Ugaritic texts do not attest any female cultic functionaries.
As was the case in Israel, the priesthood seems to have been predominantly male. However, the queen did play a role in the cult. She is
mentioned in various literary texts as either participant or officiant
in the Ugaritic cult. It is likely that the sacrifice which the queen
brought on the sown land, mentioned in the administrative text KTU
4.149:14-16, was related to a rite performed on a mythological level
by the goddess 'Anatu. Princesses could also be cultic officiants who
brought offerings or acted out a certain ritual during a festival. The
non-literary text KTU 2.31:65-66, which possibly mentions the dedication of a princess to a deity, may confirm this.
In the past, Canaanite religion was often regarded as a 'fertility
religion'. Certain aspects of this 'fertility religion' would have found
their way into Israelite religion, one of them being cultic prostitution. In this regard it has been suggested that the was a cultic
prostitute. However, scholars have now shown that there is no convincing evidence for this assumption. The was a consecrated
woman, who had autonomy over her own sexuality. This autonomy
led to a juxtaposition with the ' prostitute'. The association of the
With the is polemic in origin. The was a member of a
cult-related class of female functionaries, who were associated with
outlying sanctuaries in pre-Josianic times. Neither in the literary nor
in the non-literary texts from Ugarit is a qdt attested. The male qd
does occur, however.
Another aspect of the 'fertility religion' that would have influenced Israelite religion was believed to be the sacred marriage rite. In
Mesopotamia this rite probably was performed carnally in the third
Unlike the literary texts from Ugarit, which only offer examples of men
who pray, the Hebrew Bible refers to praying women and men. According to a text from Elephantine, wives joined their men in prayer.
The Ugaritic texts seem to offer little attention to the perspective of
women in this expression of worship.
The literary texts from Ugarit and Israel record that both men
and women could act as votaries. In both cultures it was considered
very important that a vow be fulfilled. In Israel, men could annul
a vow of a woman who was under their authority. This legislation is
regarded as relatively late, and it may be that in earlier days there was
no such restriction, but we cannot be certain about that. Although a
restriction on women making vows is not recorded for Ugarit, it seems
possible that Ugaritic fathers and husbands could also veto against
the vows of their wives or unbetrothed daughters. A male vow (of
Shaushgamuwa) is mentioned in the legal texts regarding the case of
the bittu rabti.
In both cultures women brought offerings. The Ugaritic literary
texts refer to royal women performing sacrifices. It seems that in the
Hebrew Bible, women could bring offerings on their own, especially
those related to their ritual purification, or together with their husband. The fact that in a non-literary text from Elephantine offering
was regarded as a task for men seems to contradict the assumption
that Deuteronomy offered women the right to lead the offering ritual.
Performing the funerary rites related to the cult of the dead seems
to have been a male duty in both cultures, which women could only
take responsibility for in the absence of men. Furthermore, women
seem to have participated in the cult of the dead in both Ugarit and
biblical Israel, but with regard to the veneration of ancestral mothers
a difference may have existed. At Ugarit, the ancestor cult may have
been androcentric in scope. Unlike royal ancestral fathers, who are
mentioned by name in the literary texts, royal ancestral mothers are
not mentioned explicitly. It would seem that, if maternal ancestors
were venerated at Ugarit, their place was secondary. The situation
seems to have somewhat differed in biblical Israel, where the ancestor
cult still was an accepted religious practice in the early days, although
it was later condemned. As in Ugarit, the cult of the dead was predominantly focused on the male ancestors in Israel. However, there
are a few references to the commemoration of female ancestors, and
the Bible also records that the Israelite matriarchs, especially Rachel,
were held in high esteem. The non-literary texts offer no additional
information.
Women in Ugarit and Israel participated in religious festivals, cultic gatherings and sacrificial meals. The literary texts from Ugarit
record the participation of royal women, but of the women of the
lower classes we know little in this regard. The Hebrew Bible does
offer information on the participation of Israelite women in religious
festivals, cultic gatherings and sacrificial meals. Unlike men, women
were not obliged to be present, their role in worship was not essential. The information of the Elephantine letters agrees with this. The
correct observance of the Passover seems to have been for the most
part a matter between men. Women joined the men in religious rites,
but their role seems to have been secondary.
At the end of chapter 2 I summed up the differences between the
social position of women in Ugarit and Israel. Now it is time to relate
these differences to the results of my examination of the non-literary
texts in chapter 4:
1. In the Hebrew Bible a negative view is expressed on unrestrained
female sexuality. This becomes evident especially in the marriage metaphor, which employs adultery as a metaphor for idolatry. However, the disapproval of promiscuous female sexuality
also occurred in Ugarit. In this regard I have referred to the
alleged lewdness of slave girls, which should perhaps be seen as
a case of 'blaming the victim'. To this the case of the bittu rabti
can be added. Even though king 'Ammithtamru II had already
divorced her, he wished to have her punished for adultery when
he discovered that her flirtatious behaviour was common knowledge. Since she had disgraced his honour and his authority, the
king demanded to have her killed.
Part of patriarchal ideology was the conviction that men should
have authority over women and their sexuality. Fathers had
authority over daughters, brothers over sisters, husbands over
wives. If a daughter or a sister had sexual intercourse without
the consent of the man who had authority over her, the biblical stories generally are more concerned with the male honour
that needed to be restored (Gen. 34; 2 Sam. 13), than with the
woman. Her point of view, including questions whether she was
Kirtu's wish for a son, can be regarded as a blessing for a balanced family, which may also be expressed in KTU 2.2. Kirtu's
wish for a son should be considered a wish for continuation of
the family line. The non-literary texts from Ugarit confirm that
Ugarit was a patrilineal society.
7. The perspective of women who are childless is given more attention in the Hebrew Bible than in the Ugaritic literary texts.
However, 'Anatu's childlessness and her attempts to overcome
this are narrated in Ugaritic literature. The non-literary texts
do not inform us directly on the grief of a childless woman. Perhaps the letter RS 86.2208, in which it is told that a childless
wife handed over her infertile husband to the authorities, may
be related to this matter. Yet this may have been a unique case
rather than a general right.
8. Some scholars have proposed that the Judaean queen mother
had an official position as , analogous to the position of the
Hittite tawananna. This cannot be established with certainty,
but the queen mother had a very high position in the Hebrew
Bible. Based on the evidence of the literary and non-literary
texts from Ugarit we may conclude that the position of the
Ugaritic queen mother was not less important than that of her
counterpart in biblical Israel.
The data of the non-literary texts from Ugarit and Israel, as far as
it is applicable, does not contradict the conclusions based on the literary texts alone. The social position of women in Ugarit and Israel,
based on the status patterns, was more or less the same. In both
cultures women belonging to the upper classes seem to have enjoyed
more freedom to partake in social and economic activities than the
mostly anonymous women belonging to the lower classes. It may be
asked, however, whether the impression that women in a lowly position enjoyed less freedom is historically reliable, or that this is a false
impression created by the fact that their activities and names were
not deemed important enough to record in written documents. In any
case, women of whatever class were subjected to men who ultimately
determined the limits of their freedom. Whether she was a queen or
a slave girl, 'licentious' behaviour of a woman was punished harshly
by men.
Whereas the social position of women in Israel did not differ significantly from that of women in Ugarit, the religious position of women
does seem to have differed, at least at first sight. When the differences
between the religious position of women in Ugarit and Israel are compared, the following can be noted:
1. At Ugarit the queen acted as officiant in the cult. The nonliterary texts from Ugarit confirm her cultic role. It cannot be
excluded that in Israel a queen acted in a cultic function, but
we can only speculate on this. The silence of the Hebrew Bible
on this subject may either reflect her historical absence or concealment of her cultic role.
2. Ugaritic princesses acted as cultic officiants, too. A restored nonliterary text from Ugarit confirms a cultic role for princesses.
The biblical and extra-biblical evidence is silent on any role in
the cult for a princess.
3. At Ugarit the sacred marriage rite was performed, while no convincing evidence was found that a similar rite ever existed in
ancient Israel. The non-literary texts of both cultures do not
offer additional evidence on this subject.
4. Ugaritic women acted as singers and musicians in the cult. Perhaps a female singer is mentioned in a non-literary text from
Ugarit. Israelite women fulfilled the roles of cultic singers and
musicians in the pre-monarchic period and the early days of
the monarchy, but probably no more in the later days of the
monarchy.
5. Vows of biblical women could be annulled by the men who had
authority over them. I tentatively suggested that this may have
been the case in Ugarit, too. Since only a male vow is mentioned
in the non-literary texts from Ugarit, so far this suggestion is
not contradicted.
6. The religious specialism of the occurred in biblical Israel, but not in Ugarit. Remarkably, the non-literary texts from
Ugarit mention a male qd, but no female qdt.
7. Another religious specialist who occurs in the literary texts from
Israel but not in those from Ugarit is the female necromancer.
Apparently she had the same level of expertise as her male counterpart in Ugarit. The non-literary texts of Ugarit and Israel
offer no additional evidence.
8. The same is true for the female prophet: she occurs in the Hebrew Bible, but not in the texts from Ugarit.
9. The Hebrew Bible refers to women who pray, while the Ugaritic
texts refer only to men who pray. An Elephantine letter also
refers to women joining the men in prayer. The non-literary
texts from Ugarit do not refer to prayer.
10. While evidence on the commemoration of ancestral mothers is
lacking at Ugarit so far, the Hebrew Bible offers some references
to it, as well as indications of veneration of the matriarchs. The
non-literary texts do not offer any additional evidence.
11. The role of women as worshippers was not essential in the Israelite cult. The Elephantine evidence confirms this. This may
have been the case for (ordinary) women at Ugarit, too, but neither the literary nor the non-literary texts offer any information
on this.
These results are clearly ambiguous and allow for different conclusions. Sometimes women in Ugarit seem to have enjoyed more privileges in religious matters (cultic role of female members of the royal
family), sometimes women in Israel (female prophets, veneration of
matriarchs), and sometimes both seem to have been underprivileged
(vows, participation in worship). It should not go unnoticed, however,
that most of the differences I found are based on silence, either on the
side of Ugarit or of Israel. The case of the female singers justifies the
assumption that the situation in early Israel may have been more
favourable to participation of women in the cult than it was later.
Therefore it is a legitimate hypothesis that the cultic roles of women
may have been removed from the final canonical writings in accordance with the religious insights of the late post-exilic period. On the
other hand, the paucity of the available Ugaritic material justifies the
assumption that certain female roles that are attested in Israel but
are still missing from the Ugaritic records may one day crop up there,
too.
The administrative texts from Ugarit unequivocally make it clear
that Ugarit, too, was a thoroughly patriarchal and patrilineal society.
The positive view of Nougayrol, Schaeffer and Amico on the position
of women at Ugarit was mainly based on the letters and legal texts,
and disregarded the evidence of the administrative texts. Although
the social position of royal women and ladies of the court may have
been quite good, this picture cannot be generalized. My findings illustrate how important it is to take social class into account.
The extra-biblical material from Israel is scarce but significant. The
female seals reveal that Israelite women did participate in correspond-
5.3 Epilogue
At the beginning of this study we observed that the subordination
of women to men has often been justified using arguments derived
INDICES
Abbreviations
Abbreviations according to S.M. Schwertner, Internationales Abkiirzungsverzeichnis fr Theologie und Grenzgebiete, Berlin 21992. For the books of the Bible, deuterocanonical and Judaic literature, common abbreviations are used (see Schwertner, xxxi-xli). In addition, the following abbreviations have been adopted:
adj.
Akk.
CE
CH
CLI
CU
EA
fPN
GE
Heb.
HL
Hurr.
LN
LNB
LXX
MAL
MAPD
mPN
MT
Phoen.
PN
Ug.
adjective
Akkadian
Codex Eshnunna
Codex Hammurapi
Codex Lipit-Ishtar
Codex Ur-Namma
El Amarna
female personal name
Gilgamesh Epic
Hebrew
Hittite Law
Hurrian
local name
Neo-Babylonian Laws
Septuagint
Middle Assyrian Laws
Middle Assyrian Palace Decrees
male personal name
Masoretic Text
Phoenician
personal name
Ugaritic
The abbreviations for the states of the United States of America are conform to
the U.S. Postal Service.
The first time a work is cited full bibliographical details are given. Afterwards abbreviated titles are used for ca. 10 pages. After that full bibliographical
details are repeated, if necessary. The following short-titles and bibliographical
abbreviations are used throughout the volume:
ABD
AcSum
AfO
Ahl, ETfU
AHK
ALASP
Amico, SWU
AncBRL
ARES
AuOr.S
Avigad, Sass,
WSS
BDFSN
BIntS
BN
CANE
CBET
CM
CopIntSem
C0S
Davis, AHI
DCH
DDD
DLU
DNWSI
El
FCB
FCB(SS)
FPOA
GCT
GK
Grndahl, PTU
HANE/M
HCOT
Henshaw, FM
Herdner, CTA
HUS
OBO.A
Orbus Biblicus et Orientalis. Series
Archaeologica
(Freiburg/Schweiz; Gttingen).
Overtures to Biblical Theology.
OBT
Old Testament Abstracts (Washington DC).
OTA
B. Porten, The Elephantine Papyri in English (DMOA, 22),
Porten, EPE
Leiden 1996.
PrOT
De prediking van het Oude Testament.
Qadmoniot (Jerusalem).
Qad.
J. Renz, W. Rllig, Handbuch der althebrischen Epigraphik,
Renz, Rllig,
Bd. I-III, Darmstadt 1995- .
HAE
M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia MiRoth, LCMAM
nor (WAW, 6), Atlanta GA 1995.
Ras Shamra - Ougarit (Paris).
RSO
State Archives of Assyria Studies (Helsinki).
SAAS
Society of Biblical Literature. Resources for Biblical Study
SBL.RBS
(Atlanta GA).
Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici sul Vicino Oriente antico
SEL
(Verona (Italy)).
Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East.
SHCANE
D. Sivan, A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (HO, 1. Abt.,
Sivan, GUL
28), Leiden 1997.
Smith, UNP
M.S. Smith et ai, Ugaritic Narrative Poetry (WAW, 9), [Atlanta GA] 1997.
W.H. van Soldt, Studies in the Akkadian of Ugarit: Dating and
Van Soldt, SAU
Grammar (AOAT, 40), Kevelaer & Neukirchen-Vluyn 1991.
Studies in Theology and Religion (Leiden).
STAR
JLA
JNES
JSSt.M
KAI
StPh
TAD
TUAT
UTR
VT.S
WAW
WBC
WER
Wyatt, RTU
ZABR
The Bible is cited after the New Revised Standard Version, Oxford 1989. Whenever the numeration of the verses in English and Hebrew differs, the former is
given between square brackets (e.g., Exod. 22: 18[17]).
Sumerian terms are printed in sans serif (for example, en).
Index of Authors
Aalders, G.Ch. 559
Aartun, K. 654
Abdallah, F. 87, 177, 331
Abma, R. 104, 115
Aboud, J. 532, 630, 660, 671
Abusch, T. 523
Ackerman, J.S. 562
Ackerman, S. 140, 362, 366, 546-7, 562,
564-6, 607-9, 622
Aharoni, Y. 639
Ahituv, S. 28
Ahl, S.W. 628, 634
Ahlstrm, G.W. 361, 366, 473, 545
Albenda, P. 203, 327, 407
Albertz, R. 21, 33, 63-4, 163, 199, 473,
479
Albright, W.F. 214
Alexander, P.S. 80
Allam, S. 55, 86, 93-4, 97, 109-10, 129,
133, 178, 207, 256, 262, 396, 410,
438, 583
Allen, L.C. 104
Alster, B. 52-3, 74, 124, 130, 154, 192,
199-200, 204, 255, 417-8, 584
Amico, E.B. 25, 35, 37, 40, 58, 87, 133,
135, 222, 243, 265, 267, 270, 3356, 524, 531, 628-9, 637, 659-65, 672,
674-5, 679-82, 685-6
Anbar, M. 131
Andersen, F.I. 186, 281
Anderson, A.A. 316
Andr, G. 426
Andreasen, N.-E.A. 361, 364-7, 546
Arbeli, S. 354-5
Archer, L.J. 148, 162-3, 274
Archi, A. 492, 580
Arnaud, D. 59, 77, 206, 261, 297, 322,
394, 402, 416, 439, 443, 499, 534,
584, 637, 664, 668-9
Artzi, P. 55,132, 203, 329, 331, 347, 384,
408, 411, 443
Asch van Wijck, C.M. van 13
Asher-Greve, J.M. 130, 296, 321, 327,
371, 391, 400, 405-7, 411, 413, 417,
444, 510, 516, 577
Assante, J. 416-9, 433, 441, 498-9, 5012, 504
Bergman, J. 195
Berlejung, A. 640
Berlin, A. 364
Berlinerblau, J. 474, 595-7, 599-600
Bess, S.H. 312
Bickerman, E. 339
Bierbrier, M. 179
Biga, M.G. 328, 371, 413, 510
Biggs, R.D. 132, 196, 574
Bin-Nun, S.R. 330, 347, 353, 356
Bird, P.A. 13, 29-30, 32, 38-9, 145-7,
149, 153, 187-8, 240, 275, 431, 4334, 476, 497, 519, 537, 548-55, 564-5,
600-1, 610
Birot, M. 510
Blackman, A.M. 254, 415, 488
Blau, J. 324
Bledstein, A.J. 230
Blenkinsopp, J. 565
Block, D.I. 560, 607
Boecker, H.J. 229
Boer, P.A.H. de 227, 236, 239
Boling, R.G. 188
Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. 406, 408
Bons, E. 641
Bordreuil, P. 26, 397, 478, 532-3,
640-3, 651, 665-6, 682
Borghouts, J.F. 515, 519
Bottro, J. 51, 55, 108-9
Bowen, N.R. 513, 560-1
Boyd, J.L. 587
Boyer, G. 661
Braulik, G. 601
Braun, R. 428
Brenner, A. 20-21, 25-6, 63, 67, 79,
6, 141, 238, 257, 277, 338, 361,
6, 368, 429, 433, 546, 548, 556,
65
Brenner, M.L. 555
Brettler, M.Z. 28, 594
Brichto, H.C. 183, 604
Brin, G. 645
Broekhuis, J. 195
Brooke, G.J. 26
Brooten, B.J. 16, 27, 29
Brosius, M. 271, 326-8, 330, 339,
356
Brownlee, W.H. 559
Bruin, W.M. de 135
Brunner, H. 255, 409
631,
115365558-
347,
Douglas, M. 541
Crook, M.B. 277
Cross, F.M. 139, 478
Douma, A.M.H. 3
Cunchillos, J.-L. 630, 632-3
Dres, F. 1, 8
Dalley, S. 59, 535
Dressler, H.H.P. 60, 135
Dalman, G. 426, 534
Driver, G.R. 50-1, 54, 57, 85, 87-92, 94,
Daly, M. 15, 25
102, 108-9, 123, 258-60, 292-4, 2967, 301, 321, 390, 442-3, 514
Dandamaev, M.A. 50, 55, 199, 263, 406,
Durand, J.-M. 373, 682
418, 439, 442-3, 499
Darga, M. 330
Durham, J.I. 565, 593
David, M. 199
Dutcher-Walls, P. 367-8
Davies, E.W. 313-7
Ebeling, E. 152, 154, 201, 400, 438
Davies, G.I. 644, 646-53, 655-7
Eberharter, A. 152
Dawson Scanzoni, L. 14
Eck, C. van 3
Day, J. 34, 135
Edel, E. 328-32
Day, P.L. 173, 185 193, 209-10, 279, 607 Edzard, D.O. 123, 170-1, 205
Dayagi-Mendels, M. 646-7
Ehrlich, A.B. 657
De Swarte Gifford, C. 4-7, 9-11
Eilers, W. 347
Eissfeldt, O. 82, 146, 447
De Troyer, K. 538, 542
Elliger, K. 232
De Waele, D.H. 162, 279
DeBerg, B.A. 10
Emerton, J.A. 481
Decker, W. 156
Emmerson, G.I. 71, 165, 184, 188, 274,
Depla, A. 51, 56, 110, 131-2, 158, 171,
378-9, 427, 543, 548
174-5, 204-5, 207, 254-5, 295, 409,
Engelken, K. 70, 123, 140-3, 145, 148,
411, 488, 583
152-3, 235, 280, 377-9, 447-8
Desroches Noblecourt, C. 53-4, 86, 92,
Epstein, L.M. 103-4, 162
128, 152, 175, 256-7, 295, 298, 333,
Erwin Culpepper, . 15
371, 375-6, 442
Eschel, . 94
Deutsch, R. 644-6, 648-51, 688-9
Eskenazi, T.C. 64, 66, 191, 427, 429,
Dhorme, E. 684
555, 564, 594
Diamond, A.R.P. 115
Exum,
J.C. 102, 117, 120, 148, 166, 189,
Dietrich, M. 26, 43, 58, 80, 98-100, 111,
229,
239-40, 276-7, 387-8, 430, 543,
130, 133-4, 180, 208, 214, 217, 220,
605
266, 272, 328, 358, 403, 422-3, 446,
481, 483, 492, 520, 523, 526-7, 530, Eyre, C.J. 406, 410
559, 568, 579, 587-8, 639, 682, 687 Falk, Z.W. 682
Falkenstein, . 51, 139, 573-5
Dijk, J.J. 1
Fander, M. 28
Dijk, J. van 210
Fechter, F. 285, 313
Dijk, J.J.A. van 255, 410
Dijk-Hemmes, F. van 19-20, 25-6, 82, Feddes, G. 2
115-7, 165, 225, 235, 248, 552-3, Fensham, F.C. 294, 321-3, 586
Fernhout, R. 139
556, 607
Dijkstra, M. 137, 213, 216, 219, 225, Ferris, P.W. 513
245, 266-7, 420, 422, 478, 525, 530- Feucht, E. 51, 53-4, 56, 92,195,197-200,
202-3, 205-6, 253-5, 262-3, 272, 2942, 586-7, 606-7, 622, 633
5, 298, 322, 349-50, 406, 414, 582-3
Diringer, D. 658
Dodson, A. 350
Fewell, D.N. 46, 433
Dommershausen, W. 536
Finkelstein, I. 25-6
Donner, H. 104, 229, 353, 361-2, 364, Finkelstein, J.J. 445
660
Fischer, H.G. 402, 405-6, 409, 506-7,
Dossin, G. 329, 443
509, 511-3, 582-3
Hardesty, N.A. 6, 14
Harris, R. 46-7, 132, 153-4, 204, 332,
390-1, 398, 401, 405, 409-12, 419,
490-1, 499, 501-4, 510, 516, 581
Hartenstein, F. 480
Hartley, J.E. 232, 286
Hartman, L.F. 606
Haupt, P. 170
Hayter, M. 536-8, 542, 544
Healey, J.F. 267, 588, 589
Heimpel, W. 405
Helck, W. 199, 210
Heltzer, M. 105, 113, 364, 388, 421, 634,
64-6, 648-9, 652, 655, 657, 663, 679,
681-3, 687-9, 698
Henig, R.M. 543
Hens-Piazza, G. 237
Henshaw, 489, 499-500, 503-4, 510, 512,
514, 520, 552, 555
Herb, M. 156
Herdner 60, 245, 305, 634
Herion, G.A. 107
Herman, J. 286
Herman, J.L. 258
Herodotus 498
Herr, B. 539
Herr, L.G. 653, 655-6
Herrmann, W. 98, 530
Hess, R.S. 478, 485
Hestrin, R. 646-7
Hiebert, P.S. 292, 307-9
Hillers, D.R. 428
Hirmer, M. 573
Hobbs, T.R. 137, 311, 546
Hoffner, H.A. 57, 180, 192-3, 209, 211,
258, 302, 332-3, 375, 422, 428, 575,
604
Wainwright, E.M. 11
Wakeman, M.K. 44
Wallach Scott, J. 28
Walls, N.H. 135, 209-10, 246, 269-70,
304-5, 522, 533
Walters, S.D. 514
Ward, W.A. 45, 125, 129, 255, 371-2,
405-6, 409, 505, 511
Washington, H.C. 64-8, 598
Watson, W.G.E. 26, 59, 77, 100, 135,
145, 215, 246, 271, 358, 421, 446,
527, 535, 682
Index of Subjects
ablution 535
Adad-guppi 348-9, 579
administration 646, 653, 657, 695, 698,
723-5, 736
adoption 55, 85, 88-9, 128, 142, 199,
207, 229-30, 299, 322, 324, 393, 438,
529, 673-4, 691, 714, 717, 719
Adoption Papyrus 207, 442
adultery 108, 112, 116-8, 168-77, 1806, 188, 259, 456, 458, 468-9, 668-70,
691-2, 697, 706, 710-1, 731
age of marriage partners 54, 68-9
agriculture 160, 164, 407, 427, 466, 709,
724
Ahatmilku 334, 662
Amanamtagga 170
ambivalence towards women 130-1, 147,
318, 708, 718
Amos 38
Amun 195
Anani-Pe(n)diga11i 532
Anat 26, 609
ancestor cult 113, 224-5, 475, 503, 533,
573, 577-84, 587-91, 601-5, 612, 614,
620, 624-5, 730-1
ancestor, female 579-84, 589-91, 602-3,
612, 620, 625, 730-1, 735, 737
androcentrism 15, 40, 43-4, 67, 626, 712,
714, 730
animal husbandry 160, 165, 407, 427,
466, 709, 715, 724
Ankhesenamun 332-4, 415
anointment 108-12, 301, 384, 535, 667,
705
anti-Judaism 16, 21, 27
Ardat lili 201
Aset 508
Asherah 26, 79-80, 150, 225-6, 366, 457,
478, 482, 545, 547, 609, 703, 708,
713
Asherah, veneration 479-80, 482-5, 546,
551, 615, 618, 728
Ashur-shurrat 327
Astarte 480, 505, 609
astrology 527
Atram-hasis Epic 107-8, 500
childbirth 199-200, 215, 217, 230-1, 4123, 424, 430, 459, 488-9, 500, 541,
574, 593-4, 713
childlessness 126-7,176,178,192-3,1968, 208-11, 222-4, 456, 459, 471, 577,
585, 638, 707, 712, 718, 733
city as wife 116
co-wife 72, 127, 141
conception 213-5, 217, 230
concubine 123-4, 127, 133, 140-1, 143,
170-1, 188-9, 364-5, 440, 682, 707-8
concubine, royal 370-81, 457, 465, 663,
692, 721-2
consent of bride 53, 59, 70-1, 455, 701-2
consummation of marriage 51, 87, 109
Contest between the Tamarisk and the
Palm 500
correspondence 329, 347, 464, 637, 648,
652, 658, 690-1, 694, 696, 698, 708
cosmetician 409
cosmetics 132, 136
counsellor 149, 365-6
court intrigue 376, 465, 722
covenant 113-5, 456, 706
cow 209-11, 225
cult, ancillary functions 420, 487, 519,
528, 551, 571, 618, 622
cult of the dead, see: ancestor cult
cultic gathering 621, 624, 731
cultic prostitution 281, 416, 433, 498-9,
544, 547, 550-1, 565, 615, 728
dance 156, 160, 165, 457, 710
dancer 487, 506, 509, 511-2, 552-3, 555,
565, 570, 616, 626, 729, 736
dating of texts 23
daughter 201-3, 234, 252-91, 443, 44950, 461-2, 467, 470-1, 634-6, 63940, 644-52, 672-3, 678, 681-3, 688-9,
691, 694-6, 707, 715-7, 731-2, 736
daughter as 'son' 261, 321, 393, 579
daughter, freedom of movement 254,
266, 279, 694, 702, 710, 715, 732
daughter, tasks 255, 265, 267-9, 278, 386
debt slavery 263, 275, 321, 323, 442-3,
449, 452-3, 461, 467, 637, 660, 690,
726
deception 148
demon 201, 234, 541
demotion 197
depatriarchalizing principle 17
queen 325-45, 464, 631-4, 636, 659, 6623, 684, 691-4, 697, 719-20, 726
queen, administration 327-8
queen, banquet 327, 335, 337, 339-40,
464, 719
queen, intercession 138, 326, 336-7, 339,
363, 464, 614, 631-2, 719
queen, international politics 720
queen, living quarters 328, 337, 341,
709, 720
queen, palace 328-9, 337, 341, 464
queen, power 326, 338-9, 464, 692, 719,
721
queen, role in cult 508-9, 519, 531-3,
535, 538, 545-6, 568, 570, 587, 614,
621, 623, 625-6, 684, 693-4, 697,
728, 734-7
queen, role in economy 327-8
queen, role in politics 329-30, 335, 340,
344, 356-7, 464, 631, 692, 719, 721
queen mother 345-70, 464-5, 483, 660,
662-3, 666, 670, 692, 697, 720-1, 723
queen mother as regent 347, 350-2, 361,
366
queen mother, official position 349, 353,
356, 360-2, 464, 471, 720
queen mother, role in cult 348, 351, 356,
362, 366, 545-7, 568
queen mother, role in politics 629-31,
691
Queen of Heaven 484, 573, 599, 605,
607-8, 612, 620, 622
rain bride 534-5
Ramesses II 109-10
rape 52, 71, 172, 181, 248, 282-5, 467,
636, 659, 692, 716, 722, 732
Re 253
rejectionist approach 15, 21
remarriage 53, 72, 91-2, 178-9, 186, 189,
294, 297, 299-300, 463, 667, 669-70,
707, 710
Renenutet 195
revisionist approach 15-8, 21
River Ordeal 108, 172, 176
royal personnel 327-8, 336, 341, 371-4,
405-6, 425, 464, 663, 684, 692
Ruth 67
sabbath 451, 467
sacred marriage 26, 74-5, 78, 487, 490-6,
528-31, 544-6, 566-8, 570, 614, 623,
sociology of scholarship 7, 10
Song of Songs 24, 60, 78-83, 566-8, 570,
702-3, 728
sons, preference for 201-2, 234, 253, 2635, 274-5, 461, 715
sorceress 514, 558, 729
sorcery 514-6, 556-7, 570, 617
spindle 421-2, 428, 724
state religion 30, 473
status pattern 40, 47, 613
Stele of the Vultures 202
Story of Appu 193
Strange Woman 56, 60, 68, 113, 187
stripping 184, 186
sublimationist approach 18-9, 21
subordination of women 1-12, 14, 31,
146-8
subservience 337, 341
Sud 108-9
surety 400, 402
Taduhepa 384
Tale of the Boating Party 372
Tale of the Two Brothers 174, 204-5
Tammuz 74, 78, 118, 566, 568, 573, 605
Tannit 139, 150, 457, 480
Tausret 352
tawananna 353-6, 509, 515, 546, 569,
613, 720, 733
Tawananna 514-5
temple personnel 405
temple slave 438-40
Tent of Meeting 565, 616
teraphim 539, 604-5
textile production 195, 401, 403, 407-8,
421, 428, 467, 519, 551, 724
Teye 357, 414
Tharyelli 334, 533, 590-1, 630, 662
thealogy 15
theophoric personal names 477-480
Thoeris 200
Thot 253
Thoth 506
Tiy 376
tribal society 57
tribute 380, 387, 465, 722
tsadiqah marriage 101-2, 704
Ugarit 33-5
Utu 52
1:26-27 227
1:28 542
1:28a 235
2:18 139
2:18-23 148
2:20 139
2:24 101, 112, 239
3:6 3
3:16 4, 6, 147, 230, 713
4:19 141
4:22 275, 649
5:4 275
5:7 275
5:10 275
11:11 275
11:13 275
11:15 275
11:29 62
12 148, 708
12:2 222, 712
12:7 185
12:10-20 142, 185, 711
15:1-6 222, 712
15:2 192
15:5 234
16 228, 449
16:1-8 448
16:2 142, 224
16:2-3 105
16:3 143
16:4 360
16:5-6 143, 451
16:8 360
16:9 360
16:15 236
17:4-5 222, 712
17:4-6 234
17:17 69
18-19 285
18:6-8 425
18:9-15 223
18:11-12 230, 459, 712
18:12 145-46
19:1-11 281-85
19:3 425
19:8 281, 715
19:14 281, 285
19:25 285
19:30 285
19:30-38 144, 284-5, 716
19:31 285
19:33 285
19:33-36 285
19:35 285
19:37-38 285
20 142, 148, 185, 708, 711
20:3-7 185
20:12 62, 144, 249, 305
20:17 223, 712
20:18 224
21 241, 449
21:1-7 223
21:1-14 451
21:8-21 188, 711
21:10 142, 448
21:12 448
21:16-17 594
21:19 426
21:20 143
21:21 71
22 536
24 83, 102, 147, 161, 250,
708, 714
24:5 71
24:8 71
24:9 237
24:11-21 426
24:15 62
24:15-21 278
24:16 147
24:24 639
24:28 164
24:43-46 426
24:47 639
24:50 70
24:53 70, 103, 704
24:57-58 70, 702
24:59 105, 431, 449
24:60 235
24:61 105, 427, 449
24:64-65 147
24:67 71, 161, 709
25:12 448
25:19-28 223
25:20 639
25:21 224
25:22 594
25:22-23 230, 713
26:1-11 142, 185, 1
26:34 62, 71, 141
27 148, 240, 708, i
27:1-4 425
27:17 425
27:28 213, 226
27:31 425
27:46-28:2 71
28:7 239
28:9 62
28:14 222, 712
29 45, 103
29:7 160, 427
29:9 160, 427
29:12 62
29:15-30 141
29:18 72, 147, 702
29:20 72, 702
29:21-30 70
29:24 448-9
29:30 147
29:31 142
29:32-34 234
29:35 594
30:1 141
30:1-8 223
30:1-13 229, 236
30:3 448
30:3-13 229
30:4 143, 448
30:7 143, 448
30:9 448
30:10 448
30:12 448
30:13 225
30:14-16 141
30:14-21 229
30:18 448
30:22-24 223
30:23 224
30:24 594
30:43 448
31 113, 604
31:1-21 86
31:14-15 103, 105, 704
31:28 276
31:33 161, 448, 709
31:34-35 539
31:50 276
32:6 448
32:23 447-8
33:1 448
33:2 448
33:6 448
34 68, 81, 252, 280, 460,
470, 714, 731
34:1 241
34:2 71
34:3 702
34:4 71
34:6 103
34:8 102, 639
34:9 639
34:12 102-3, 704
34:21 639
34:31 250, 432
35:8 237, 431
35:16-18 230
35:17 234, 430
35:19-20 602
35:22 379
35:25 448
35:26 448
37 68
38 144, 223, 286, 306,
309, 313-6, 318, 434,
548, 551, 712, 716-8
38:2 62
38:11 307
38:14 548
38:15 432
38:24 184, 309, 432
38:26 316-7, 286-7
38:29 237
39 153
41:45 62
42:30 146
42:38 666
43:29 241
45:8 146
46:15 275
48:5 229
49:4 379
49:22 79, 225
49:22-26 226
49:23 226
49:25 213, 225-6
50:10 523
EXODUS
1-2:10 430
1:8-2:10 277
1:15-22 430
1:16 231, 413
1:19 430
2 237, 386
2:1 277
2:4 251-2, 714
2:5 427, 449
2:5-9 431
2:7-9 237
2:9-10 229
2:15-17 161, 426
2:16 278
2:21 62, 103
3:1 103
4:18-20 86
4:24-26 558, 617
4:27 561
6:12 665
6:22 658
7-9 558
7:1 561
10:17 682
15 552
15:20 553, 561
15:20-21 552
15:21 594
16:4-36 426
17:1-7 426
18:2 187
18:7 187
20:2-6 115
20:3-5 604
20:10 451
20:12 239-40, 604
21 451
21-23 310
21:2-6 452
1:5 536
3:2-16 536
4:24-35 536
6:3 77
6:9-10 537
6:16-17 537
10:12-15 593
12 231-4, 541, 600, 620
12:1-5 233, 713
12:6 426, 593
15 539, 541
15:2-3 77
15:18 542
5 171
5:11-31 112, 117, 183,
223, 705, 711
5:13 432
5:21-22 183
6 597
6:22 593
8:24 565
11:4-35 426
11:12 227
12 561
12:1 62, 251, 561, 714
12:1-2 561
12:2 251
13:13 658
17 565
18:18-19 593
19:11-12 523
20:2-13 426
23-24 558
25:12 635
323
15!12 17 4 5 1
!j^jg
2 7 6 4 5 0
15.20 6
26:33 275
26:46 275
26:59 275
27 605, 612, 621
27:1 289
27:1-11 66, 288, 310, 399,
1 6 ' n 31Q
20:9 239
20:10 181, 184, 711
20:11 238
20:12 144, 287, 716
20:17 144, 247, 249, 305
20:18 539
20:27 557
21 287, 538
21:2 248
21:7 435
21:9 83, 435
21:14 435
22:10-11 449
22:12-13 593
24:11 658
25:23 312
25:39-46 450-1
26:9 235
26:29 237
27:4 288
27:8 288
27:8-11 641
27:9 288
27:10 288
30 596-7
30:1-16 598
30:6-8 240, 596, 619
30:9 307, 596
36 61, 605, 612, 621
36:1 665
36:1-9 66
36:1-12 288, 310, 399,
717
36:6 288
36:8 288
1 ? : 1 4 2 0 310
4:13 635
5:6-10 115
21:15-17 142
21:18-21 118, 239
22:13-20 118
22:13-21 181, 280
22:13-27 711
22:20-21 83, 278, 715
22:21 182, 432
22:22 181-2, 184,711
22:23-24 83, 432
22:23-27 181
NUMBERS
5:7-9 604
4:23 565
5:14 451
324
l&lO-ll 592-3
16:13-14 592-3
!of
^
484] 5 4 5
20:2 2 8 1
DEUTERONOMY
>
17:17 378
18 563
18:3-8 537
18:9-11 601
378
18:10 557
18:10-11 563
145
21:10-14 69, 453
20:7 135
21:15 141
22:29 103
23:18 550-1
23:18-19 548
23:19 598
23:22-24 599
24:1 104, 186, 189, 711
24:1-4 144, 186
24:3 104, 189, 711
24:4 118
24:5 135, 145
24:17 309-10
24:19-21 309
25 316, 318
25:5 164, 308
25:5-10 306, 312-5, 718
25:7-10 317
25:9 313
25:9-10 314, 316
26:12 310
26:12-13 309
26:14 601
27:16 239
27:20 287
27:22 247, 249, 287, 305
27:23 287
28:4 235
28:32 639
28:53-57 237
28:68 449
29:1 114
29:9-14 592, 621
29:20 104
31:10-12 592
31:12 543
32:8 227
32:13-14 426
32:19 275
JOSHUA
2 433
2:1 432
2:13 239
2:18 239
6 433
8:35 593
9:6 635
9:7 635
9:11 635
9:23 449
15:16-19 105, 398-9
15:16-17 69, 103
17:3 275
24:19-28 114
JUDGES
1 SAMUEL
25:2 308
25:3 652
25:6 532
25:11 425
25:14-38 148, 708
25:18 425
25:18-19 403
25:39-42 72, 702
25:42 105, 427, 449
25:44 189, 342
27:3 308
28 38, 558, 571, 624, 729
28:3b 558-9
28:3-25 601
28:6 559
28:7 527
28:13 602
29:5 553
30:5 308
2 SAMUEL
1:20 553
1:24 556
2:2 141
3:2 377
3:2-5 142
3:3 308
3:6 377
3:6-11 379
3:12-14 342
3:13-15 144
3:14 102, 704
3:29 428
5:13 141
5:13-15 142
6 166
6:5 553
6:11-23 148, 708
6:16 266
6:16-23 388
6:19 593
6:20 388
6:20-23 223
10:1 656
10:2 656
10:3 656
11-12 711
11:2 540
11:3 648
11:4 540
12:3 277
12:8 377
12:9 185
12:13 185
12:15-23 555
12:24 377
13 248, 252, 280, 425,
460-1, 470, 714, 731
13:1 248
13:2 248-9
13:4 248
13:6 248
13:10 248
13:11 248
13:13 69, 144, 249
13:18 387
13:20 83, 277
13:21 248-9, 277
14 309
14:5 307
14:24 249
15:16 377
16:20-22 377, 379
17:15-17 429
18:18 604, 621
19:24 426
19:36 553
19:37 239
19:38 602
20:3 377, 379
20:19 239
21:1-14 238
21:10 238
21:19 646
23:24 646
1 KINGS
2 KINGS
8:5 311
8:16-18 361
8:18 343, 361, 388
9 366, 558
9:22 557
9:27 367
9:30 266, 341
9:34 603
9:34-37 603
10:1 378
10:12-14 367
10:13 360
11 344, 367, 431
11:1-2 367
11:2 237, 387
12:21 657
12:22 241
14:2 647-8
14:9 102, 639, 704
16:2 361
16:2-3 361
17:18 666
18:4 484
18:17 426
21:6 559, 601
21:7 483-4, 545
21:19 657
22:12 652
22:14 562
23 551
23:2 104
23:6 484
23:7 428, 483, 551-2
23:21 104
23:24 601
23:31 365, 646
24:8 366
24:8-9 546, 728
24:15 360, 367, 378,
24:17-18 365
24:18 646
ISAIAH
8:19-20 601
10:1-2 641
10:2 309
16:2 6 0
19:3 601
22:4 275
22:15-16 654
23:15-19 435
23:17 435
23:18 435
24:2 360
26:17 231
34:14 234
40:9 429
42:13-14 200, 227
43:6 275
45:9-12 227
47:5 360
47:7 360
47:8-9 309
49:15 237
49:21 666
49:23 237, 431
49:26 237
50:1 104, 184, 189, 711
51:2 603
54:1 280
54:5-6 115
56:9-57:13 601
57:3-13 115
60:16 431
63:1-6 534
66:9 231, 430
66:10-13 431
66:13 431
JEREMIAH
1-24 118
5:10 237
8:3 225
8:14 477, 568, 605-7, 609,
622
8:14-15 118
13 38, 561
13:1-16 560
13:2 561
13:17 561
13:17-23 118, 564, 571,
559, 617-8, 624
16 115-8, 186, 243, 706,
711
16:5 105
JOEL
1:8 68
2:28 564
2:29 564
AMOS
1:7 435
1:14 104
6:4 561
7:8 634
NAHUM
2:8 449
3:4a 557
3:4-5a 557
3:5 184
ZECHARIAH
23:5 426
27:10 239
36:9 426
45:10 338, 387
45:12 145
45:13 387
45:14 387
45:14-15 162
68 554
68:6 309, 323
68:25-28 554, 616
68:26 553, 594
69:9 241
71:6 231, 430
72:12 309
72:14 636
81:11 426
81:17 426
82:3 323
90:2 227
94:21 636
106:28 601
109:14 239
113:9 234
123:2 360
127:3-5 234
128:3-4 234
131 595
133:1 164
146:9 309, 323
148:12 594
149:3 553
150:4 553
MALACHI
2:10 187
2:10-16 187, 711
2:11 113, 187, 706
2:12 111
2:14 104, 113, 705
3:2 426
3:5 309, 557
3:8-10 310
PSALMS
7:16 634
10:14 323
10:18 323
16:3-5 601
22:9 430
22:10 231
JOB
1:18-19 224
2:12 555
2:12-13 523
3:3 231
10:13 219
22:9 304, 310
23:14 219
24:2-3 323
24:3 309
24:21 224
26:5 77
27:11 219
29:13 310
31:9-11 185
31:16 310
31:16-17 304
38:8 227
38:28-29 227
42:1-7 224
42:13 224
42:13-15 289
42:15 399
PROVERBS
1:8 238
1:18 636
2:17 104, 113, 705
4:3 237, 239
6:6 147
6:20 238
6:20-32 435
6:25 78
6:26 181, 435
6:32-35 184, 711
7 597-8
7:4 251-2, 714
7:llb-12 162, 710
7:14 597-9, 619
9:2 425
9:3 427
9:5 426
10:1 239
12:4 147
13:4 147
15:17 147
15:20 239
15:25 309
17:1 147
17:25 239
18:22 147, 708
19:13 147
19:14 147, 708
19:15 147
19:26 239
20:4 147
20:20 239
21:25 147
23:22 239
23:25 239
24:27-34 147
26:27 634
27:15 147
28:24 239
29:3 435
30:11 239
30:17 239
30:20 181
30:21-23 452
30:23 61, 360
31 428
31:1-9 240, 713
31:1-19 365
31:2 224, 597, 619
31:10-31 146-8, 165-6,
238, 277, 311, 403,
457, 466, 708, 710,
723
31:11 146-7
31:12 166
31:13 166, 428
31:14 166
31:14-15 426
31:16 166, 398
31:18 166
31:19 428
31:22 428
31:23 146-7, 166
31:24 166, 428
31:26 238
31:27 147
31:28 146
31:31 147
RUTH
1:3 82
1:5 82
1:5-6 61, 161
1:6 82, 251, 714
1:7-8 61
1:8 161
2:2 82
2:7 82
2:9 266
2:9-10 61
2:15 82
2:16 60
3:1-4 61
3:4 164
3:5 82
3:6-11 82
3:7 82
3:10 82
3:11 82
4:1-5:1 82
4:9 78, 135
4:9-10 82
4:10 135
4:12 82, 135
4:14 82
5:1 82
5:2-7 61
5:7 251
5:8 82
5:9 82
5:16 82
6:1 82
6:3 60
6:5 78
6:8 82, 338, 377
6:9 82
7:1 82, 534, 658
7:11 60
8:1 135, 247
8:2 164
8:4 82
8:5 77
8:8 8 2
2:8 553
2:18 666
5:3-4 599
5:1-2 339
5:4 340
5:12 340
7 339
7-9 339
7:1-10 340
8:3 665
8:7-10 340
9:20-22 341
9:29 340, 429
9:29-32 340, 345
9:31 340
DANIEL
LAMENTATIONS
1:1 540
1:8-9 540
2:10 555
2:11 275
3:48 275
4:3 275
4:6 275
4:10 275
ESTHER
1:3 339
1:5 339
1:7-8 189
1:9 339
1:10-12 339
1:11-12 148
1:12-22 341
1:16-18 149, 708
2:3 380
2:5-7 229
2:7 324
2:9 380, 427, 709
2:10 277
2:11 380, 709
2:13 380, 709
2:14 380, 709
2:18 340
2:19-23 341
2:20 277
4 341
4:4 427
4:5 341
4:8 339
4:11 341
4:13-16 277
4:16 341, 427
1:20 558
2:20 558
5:2 338, 340, 379
5:3 338, 340, 379
5:10 340
5:10-12 365
5:23 338, 379
10:8 666
11 606
11:6 387
11:36-37 606
EZRA
1:11 67
2:1 67
2:55 429
2:61 102, 289, 704
2:65 555
6:19-21 67
8:10 658
8:16 648
9:1-2 65
10:1 594
10:16 64
NEHEMIAH
10:31 639
11:7 657
12:7 657
12:43 594
13:25 639
1 CHRONICLES
2:16 241
2:34 102, 704
2:34-35 143, 289, 452,
717
2:49 275
3:1-9 142
3:2 342
3:19 653
7:15 275
7:24 275, 428
9:7 657
11:26 646
14:3 141
16:3 593
20:5 646
23:9 6588
23:22 288, 717
25:1 553
25:1-7 554
25:5 554
26:25 658
26:26 658
26:28 658
2 CHRONICLES
2:16 241
9:1-12 338
11:18 378
11:18-22 363
11:20 378, 658
11:21 141, 378
12:13 649
13:21 141
15:16 360
22:2-3 240, 713
22:3 365
22:11 237, 387, 431
24:3 275
24:26 241
25:1 647-8
26:18 536
35:22 606
35:24-25 606
35:25 556
36:9 366
(8):72
(8):74
(8):80
(9):76
BTALMUD
H . EL-GARRA
(7):1 688
R a b b i n i c Sources
MISHNA
JUDITH
10-13 318
W I S D O M OF JESUS BEN
SIRACH
3:7-8 239
9:6 431
19:2 431
41:18 360
42:9-14 278, 715
TOBIT
7:12 135
7:15 135
688
688
688
688
H . GAZZE
(7):1 688
TOSEFTA
tSanh. XII. 10 80
T . GEMME
MEKHILTA
(7) :3 688
(7) :4 688
(7):l.l-62 688
1:21 77
1:23 77
LUKE
1:31 77
2:7 77
JERUSALEM
Qumran
1QH 9.35-36 227
Epigraphical texts
f r o m Israel
(6):7 640
(7):2 654
(7):7 688
(7):13 689
(8):30 688
ARAD
(6):16 640
(6):21 640
KUNTILLET 'AGRD
(9):2 688
(6):22 688
ACTS
2:17-18 5
1 CORINTHIANS
11:3-12 5
14:34-35 3, 5
GALATIANS
3:28 5
EPHESIANS
5:22-24 5
1 TIMOTHY
2:9-15 5
2:11-14 3
1 PETER
3:1-7 5
REVELATION
12:5 77
(6):23 688
(6):27 688
(6):28 639
(6):30 688
(6):58 688
(6):110 688
(7):31 688
(7):35 688
(7):36 688
(7):38 688
(7):39 688
(7) :47 688
(8):41 688
(8):42 688
(8) :48 688
(8) :49 688
(8):51 688
(8):57 688
(8):59 688
(8):60 688
(8):64 688
(8) :67 688
(8) :69 688
LACHISCH
(6):1.4 640
(6) :1.6 640
(6):1.8 640
(7/6):26 688
M ES AD HAVYH
(7):1 676'
W.
MURABBA'T
(8):1.1-102 688
(8):6 688
T . ES-SEBA'
(8):1 6 8 8
(8):2 688
Ugaritic texts
KTU
1.1 525
774
TEXTS
1.3:111.37-IV.4 136
1.3:111.38-40 140, 708
1.3:111.46-47 386-7
1.3:111.47 274
1.3:IV.20 274
1.3:V.33 180
1.3:IV.33-40 336
1.3:IV.34 274, 386, 397
1.3:IV.39 134, 246
1.3:IV.39-40 304-6, 719
1.3:IV.40 58, 133-4, 377
1.3:IV.41 159, 420, 709
1.3:IV.41-42 337
1.3:V.47-53 60
1.3:IV.52-53 270
1.3:V 138, 337
1.3:V.3-4 221
1.3:V.6-7 159
1.3:V. 19-23 244, 264,
635, 714
1.3:V.26 159
1.3:V.32-33 337
1.3:VI 336
1.3:VI.16 274
1.3:VI.18-20 337
1.4 138
1.4:1.15 270
1.4:1.20-22 336, 403
1.4:1.22 218
1.4:11-111 336
1.4:11.1-11 138, 160, 710
1.4:11.3-4 421
1.4:11.5-9 421
1.4:11.10-11 337
1.4:11.26-28 336
1.4:11.28-36 336
1.4:111.17-22 446
1.4:111.20-22 273
1.4:111.25-36 336
1.4:111.26 218
1.4:111.30 218
1.4:111.35 218
1.4:IV 336, 708
1.4:IV.2-7 268
1.4:IV.18 269
1.4:IV.19 138
1.4:IV.21-22 159, 336,
709
1.4:IV.25-26 337
1.4:IV.27-39 337
1.4:IV.32 218
1.4:IV.33-38 420
1.4:IV.38-39 138
1.4:IV.54 270
1.4:IV.59-61 421, 447
1.4:IV.59-62 138
1.4:V.12-19 101
1.4:V.25-27 138, 269
1.4:V.45-48 159
1.4:VI 420
1.4:VI.5-14 266, 279, 715
1.4:VI.7-11 60, 702
1.4:VI.44-59 263, 591
1.4:VI.55-59 264
1.4:VIII.14 274
1.4:VIII.26-29 337
1.5 357
1.5:11.16 274
1.5:V 217
1.5:V.10-11 267, 273
1.5:V.17-26 209
1.5:VI.11-25 521
1.5:VI.31-1.6:I.8 521
1.6:1.2-5 522
1.6:1.8-18 522
1.6:1.10 636
1.6:1.30-31 305-6, 719
1.6:1.36-38 337
1.6:1.39-41 221
1.6:1.39-43 222
1.6:1.43-55 357
1.6:1.53-55 221, 713
1.6:1.66-67 420
1.6:11.5-9 136
1.6:11.10-37 136
1.6:11.12 135
1.6:11.26-30 136
1.6:11.30-35 245
1.6:III-IV 267
1.6:IV 359
1.6:IV.10-11 133
1.6:IV.19 222
1.6:V.11-19 140, 708
1.6:VI.10-11 222
1.6:VI.14-15 222
1.7 136, 520
1.8:11.2 218
1.10 76, 136, 209, 211,
712
1.10:1.1-5 137
1.10:11.4-5 336
1.10:11.16 58, 134, 246
1.10:11.17-18 337
1.10:11.20 134, 246
1.10:11.26-30 216
1.10:11.29 77
1.10:111 217
1.10:111.1-3 209
1.10:111.10 134
1.10:111.19-21 209
1.10:111.32-36 218
1.10:111.35-36 209
1.11 76, 136
1.12 134, 528, 618
1.12:1 217
1.12:1.14-17 445
1.12:1.14-28 713
1.12:1.16-17 336
1.12:1.18-19 217
1.12:1.25 77, 713
1.12:1.25-27 218, 713
1.12:1.28-29 220
1.12:11.59 420, 528
1.12:11.60-61 528
1.12:11.61 525
1.12:111 424
1.13 210, 213
1.13:4-7 535
1.13:7 336
1.13:9 274, 386, 397
1.13:11-12 386
1.13:12 337
1.13:22 209
1.13:23 210
1.13:23-27 210
1.13:29 209
1.13:29-32 211
1.13:29-36 209, 712
1.14-16 192
1.14:1 57-8, 218, 359
1.14:1.6 222
1.14:1.6-9 274
1.14:1.8-9 222
1.14:1.10-20 208
1.14:1.12 133
1.14:1.13 133
1.14:1.13-14 99
1.14:1.14 133, 137, 180,
708
1.14:1.14-15 208, 217
1.14:1.14-21 135
1.14:1.24-25 274
1.14:11.4-5 264, 715
1.14:11.9-11 534
1.14:11.43-47 58, 303
1.14:11.44 302
1.14:11.47-50 135
1.14:11.49 133
1.14:111.7-10 421
1.14:111.9 421
1.14:111.9-10 420
1.14:111.22-25 445
1.14:111.38-45 77, 703
1.14:111.39 99, 704
1.14:111.40 265
1.14:111.41-42 134, 137,
708
1.14:111.43 137
1.14:111.46 137, 708
1.14:IV.26-28 135
1.14:IV.34-43 266
1.14:IV.36-43 586
1.14:IV.39-41 100
1.14:IV.41 101
1.14:IV.42-43 403
1.14:V.l-2 421
1.14:V.12-17 335
1.14:V.15 57
1.14:VI.26-28 134
1.15 720
1.15:1 100
1.15:1.1-2 100, 137, 632,
708
1.15:1.1-7 386
1.15:11 100-1
1.15:11.1-11 110, 705
1.15:11.11-25 212, 712
1.15:11.18-20 213
1.15:11.21-23 100
1.15:11.21-25 218
1.15:11.21-111.16 110, 705
1.15:11.23 264
1.15:11.23-25 100
1.15:11.25-111.12 221
1.15:11.26-27 213, 424
1.15:111 360
1.15:111.2-4 265
1.15:111.13-15 265
1.15:111.16 265, 274,
359-60, 715
1.15:111.22 218
1.15:111.23-24 159
1.15:111.25-30 266
1.15:111.29-30 403
1.15:IV 335, 419
1.15:V 335, 523
1.16:1 159, 709
1.16:1.3-5 523
1.16:1.12-14 524
1.16:1.25-45 246, 714
1.16:1.28-30 524
1.16:1.29-30 525
1.16:I.36-38a 519
1.16:1.41-43 520, 524
1.16:1.44-45 586, 620
1.16:1.50-51 420
1.16:1.51 269
1.16:1.57 133
1.16:11.14-16 268
1.16:11.25-36 524
1.16:11.27 60, 83, 421, 701
1.16:IV.4 422
1.16:IV.8 422
1.16:IV.12 422
1.16:V-VI 403
1.16:V.8-9 527
1.16:V.25-28 526
1.16:V.25-VI. 14 526
1.16:VI.2-14 423, 527
1.16:VI.14-21 137, 267,
420, 708
1.16:VL33 303
1.16:VI.37-38 524
1.16:VI.45-46 303
1.16:VI.48-50 323
1.16:VI.49-50 303
1.16:VI.52-54 335
1.16:VI.56 139, 708
1.17 135, 589
1.17-19 272
1.17 I 459
1.17 1.1-33 208, 712
1.17 1.16-19 264
1.17 1.25-28 587
1.17 1.25-33 587
1.17 1.26 589
1.17 1.26-27 264
1.17 1.26-28 475
1.17 1.31-32 475
1.17 1.33 421
776
1.17:1.34-36 213
1.17:1.38-41 136
1.17:1.39-40 217
1.17:1.39-42 213, 459, 712
1.17:11.24-27 214, 523
1.17:11.26-47 213
1.17:11.39-42 523
1.17:V 335
1.17:V.7-8 303, 322
1.17:V.13-16 57
1.17: V.15-25 420
1.17:V.33-36 221
1.17:VI.17-18 386, 403
1.17:VI.39-41 522
1.17: VI.40-41 428
1.18 153
1.18:1.7-10 245, 264
1.18:1.16-17 79
1.18:1.23-24 59, 111, 180,
246, 307, 530, 702,
705
1.18:1.24-25 100
1.18:1.25-27 270
1.18:1.26 60, 519
1.18:IV 100, 530
1.18:IV.1-42 111, 705
1.18:IV.14-15 100
1.18:IV.18-19 100
1.18:IV.24-26 588
1.18:IV.36-37 588
1.19:1.1-8 523
1.19:1.2 535
1.19:1.2-3 535
1.19:1.23-25 303, 322
1.19:1.25-48 159, 709
1.19:1.34-35 521
1.19:1.38-46 585
1.19:1.49-11.11 268
1.19:11.1 269, 420
1.19:11.2-3 269, 527
1.19:11.31-34 521
1.19:111 523
1.19:111.5 521
1.19:111.29 211
1.19:IV 265, 715
1.19:IV.8-22 521, 616
1.19:IV.28-40 245, 267,
714
1.19:IV.32-35 209
1.19:IV.35 222
TEXTS
1.19:IV.40 222
1.19:IV.41-46 535
1.19:IV.51 403
1.19:IV.53-62 420
1.19:IV.59-62 525
1.21:1.40 137
1.22:1.2-11 591, 621
1.22:1.9 336
1.22:11.16 586
1.23 76, 79, 111, 134,
138, 216-7, 220, 273,
424, 528-9, 531, 614,
708, 717
1.23:7 529, 531
1.23:13 79
1.23:16 79
1.23:22-24 424
1.23:24 213, 424
1.23:28 79
1.23:33 219
1.23:38-39 420
1.23:40-49 59
1.23:41 420
1.23:43 179
1.23:44-45 420
1.23:46 57
1.23:48-51 136
1.23:49 179
1.23:51 213
1.23:51-52 217
1.23:52-53 218
1.23:55-56 136
1.23:55-57 79
1.23:56 213
1.23:59-60 218
1.23:64 134
1.24 49, 58, 76, 97, 111,
213, 216, 387, 701,
705
1.24:2-3 58
1.24:3-12 136
1.24:3-13 76, 82, 703
1.24:5-6 76
1.24:5-9 216
1.24:7 101, 218
1.24:11 76
1.24:16-39 98
1.24:17-19 704
1.24:18-19 100
1.24:19 99
1.24:26-27 270
1.24:26-28 59, 134, 160,
530-1
1.24:28 100
1.24:33 133
1.24:36 247
1.24:41-42 77, 215
1.24:44-45 99, 219
1.24:47 100
1.24:47-50 423-4
1.39 589
1.40 73, 493, 531-2, 568
1.40:35 264, 532
1.40:35-36 635
1.40:36 531
1.44:10 422
1.54:14 422
1.63:10 333
1.82 220, 269
1.82:2 220
1.82:7 269
1.82:22 323
1.84 532
1.84:3 532
1.92 272
1.92:15 269
1.92:15-19 420
1.92:25 136
1.92:25-32 137
1.96 180, 526
1.96:2 135
1.96:5-6 526
1.96:11-13 526
1.100 111, 705
1.100:1 220
1.100:2-3 220
1.100:5 526
1.100:20 134, 386, 397
1.100:70-72 76, 703
1.100:74 99
1.100:1eft edge 397
1.101 614
1.101:5-7 267, 535
1.101:16-17 136, 520
1.105 589
1.105:22 687
1.106 589
1.106:9-12 533
1.106:15 520
1.107 111, 705
1.107:40 134
1.108 590
1.108:6 336, 589
1.108:7 337
1.111:17-21 58
1.112 589
1.112:6-7 533
1.112:21 520
1.113 589-90
1.114 269, 272, 338, 420,
423, 591
1.114:9 134
1.114:9-12 272
1.114:10-11 134
1.114:17-18 159
1.114:23 134
1.114:26 134
1.115 532
1.115:8 532, 591
1.115:10 532, 591
1.118 530
1.118:4-10 530
1.119:30 587
1.124:1-2 527
1.127:3 587
1.127:13 587
1.128:16 422
1.131:15 422
1.132 528-9, 531, 614
1.141 59, 266
1.161 532, 587, 589-90,
620
1.161:31-33 337
1.161:31-34 532, 591
1.169:2 527
1.170 533, 587
2.2 634, 715, 722, 733
2.2:8 635
2.2:11 635
2.3 635, 722
2.3:5 636
2.3:7 636
2.10 685
2.11 630, 637, 721
2.12 630
2.13 631, 721
2.13:5-6 630
2.13:14 587
2.14 631, 685
2.16 630
4.102:6 681
4.102:7 681, 685
4.102:8 681
4.102:9 680, 685
4.102:10 680
4.102:11 681
4.102:12 680
4.102:13 680
4.102:14 680
4.102:16 681, 685
4.102:17 680-1, 685
4.102:18-20 681
4.102:18-21 681
4.102:20 681
4.102:21 681
4.102:22 681
4.102:23 680-1
4.102:25 681
4.102:26 680
4.102:27 680-1
4.102:28 685
4.126:7 687
4.135:1-2 685
4.143:1 684
4.144 682
4.149:14-15 684
4.149:14-16 535, 684, 728
4.153 682
4.175:10 680
4.219:12 684
4.230:4-5 684
4.230:9 684
4.243:1-2 662
4.243:30 631
4.244:9 662, 684
4.246:1-3 684
4.265 684
4.278 682
4.290:1-2 685, 723
4.295 682
4.299:2 687
4.299:5 687
4.338:8 686
4.339 682
4.339:1 682
4.339:3 682
4.339:10 682
4.339:25 682
4.349 680, 683
4.360 680-1
4.360:7-9 681
4.360:11-12 687
4.369:19 679
4.376:1 681
4.382:1-2 684
4.382:6 684
4.386:19 683
4.393 680
4.399:8 272
4.412:1.11 687
4.412:11.8 687
4.417 682
4.419 682
4.519 682
4.581 683
4.609 687
4.609:20 421
4.618:3 323
4.625:19-21 685
4.632:18-21 683
4.632:22-23 679
4.632:46 683
4.635 680
4.635:2 684
4.635:6 684
4.644 682
4.659:2 685
4.659:7-8 685
4.704:6-8 683
4.705:3-5 687
4.714 266
4.752:5 687
4.778:18 679
5.10 637
5.24 214
5.175:11-12 680
6.13 587, 590
6.15 643
6.17 643
6.23 643
6.62 266
6.63 643
6.65 643
6.66 643
R A S IBN HANI
78/20:16-17 219
R A S SHAMRA
1.007:10 422
1.034+1.045:14 422
I.200 675
3.334 634
6.198 631
6.345 684
7.174 643
8.145 672, 718
8.207:6' 686
8.208 661, 667
10.029 643
II.839:13 685
12.033 631
14.016:3 272
15.010:1-9 265
15.042+:I.14-15 686
15.068 662
15.070:4 272
15.070:10 272
15.070:15 272
15.085 662, 675, 704
15.085:21-26 662
15.085:30 684
15.088:4 272
15.088:6 272
15.089 674, 675
15.092 673, 704
15.119:Rev. 8 686
15.120 675, 726
15.132:20 686
15.138+ 672
15.138+:13 635
15.139 687
15.146+ 674
15.150 662
15.150:3-6 662
15.168 662, 723
16.111 632, 720
16.131 674, 686
16.132:7 687
16.135 662
16.138:35 663
16.140 687
16.141 661, 701, 704
16.141:14-15 673
16.143 705
16.143:23-29 671, 711
16.144 659, 722
16.146+ 660, 705
16.148+ 675
16.151 684
16.154 674
16.156 674
16.156:5 686
16.158 673
16.197 662
16.200 673, 717
16.204:Rev. 10' 663
16.245 675
16.249 669
16.250 661, 671-2, 726
16.251 684
16.252 270, 661, 672
16.252:4 635
16.252:4-5 661
16.252:7 635, 661
16.252:9-15 672
16.252:20-21 661
16.253 675
16.254+ 675
16.261+ 674, 675
16.263 674, 675
16.263:11-20 686
16.267 661, 672, 723, 726
16.270 663, 667
16.270:8-11 665
16.270:24-25 669
16.270:29 669
16.270:34-35 669
16.270:36-40 669
16.276 104, 662, 704
16.277 662, 723
16.277:9-13 662
16.295 673
16.343 674
16.348 663
16.353 663
16.354:2 686
16.354:6 686
16.354:11 686
16.371 674
17.021 671, 673, 719
17.022+ 674
17.028 660
17.033 671-3, 719
17.035 660
17.036 687
17.037 683
17.061 687
17.081 218
17.082 663, 670
17.084 674
17.086+ 662
17.102 662
17.108 660
17.112:16 686
17.116 663, 668
17.116:10 668
17.116:11-12 668
17.130:29 660, 726
17.149 674
17.155 526
17.159 355, 663, 666, 705
17.159:7 664
17.226 671
17.228 663
17.228:6 669
17.228:32 670
17.231 663, 668
17.231:5 663
17.244:11 660, 726
17.251:25 686
17.314 663
17.318+349A 663
17.318+349A:5-9 670
17.325 662
17.329 674
17.337 663
17.338:9' 660
17.338:12' 660
17.348 664, 667
17.352 660
17.353:6 660
17.353:16' 660
17.354:1-6 686
17.355 671, 705, 711
17.357:10' 660
17.358 674
17.362 660
17.367 660
17.372+360A 670
17.372+360A:7 669
17.372+360A:12 669
17.372A+360A 664
17.372A+360A: 13-14 670
17.372A+360A:Rev. 10
670
17.376 675
17.376+ 674
17.396 664-6
17.407:5' 660
17.424+ 686
17.450A 664
17.459 664, 669
17.465:3 686
18.001:7 272
18.001:10 272
18.006+17.365 664, 669
18.006+17.365:5 669
18.022:5' 674
18.022:30' 674
19.025:1 686
19.025:5-7 685
19.025:12 686
19.042 680
19.042:1 681
19.042:2 681
19.042:3 681
19.042:4 681
19.042:5 681
19.070 631
19.080 632
19.082:0bv. 9 685
19.082:0bv. 13 685
19.082:Rev. 685
19.082:Rev. 7' 685
19.091 683
19.099 686
19.130:2 685
20.001:2 683
20.013 632
20.019 632, 720
20.020 686
20.022 638, 717
20.023 637, 708
20.024 530
20.150 637, 726
20.151 632, 720
20.178 637
20.216 671, 711
20.227 637, 708
20.238:7 660
21.007A 685
21.230 674, 676, 714
21.053:R4' 660
21.053:V5' 660
24.278:16 422
24.285:15 422
25.421 221
25.460 526
32.204 630
34.036:0bv. 5 685
34.036:Rev. 19 685
34.124 663, 665
34.136:25-26 664
34.145 631
34.154 632, 720
34.170 637, 726
34.179 660, 726
86.2208 211, 637, 707,
712, 733
1957.1 664-5, 667
[Varia 26] 636, 722
Texts f r o m
Elephantine
EPE
C27 53
C33 53
TAD
1 A2.1 642
1 A2.3 642
1 A2.5 642
1 A2.6 642
1 A2.7 642
1 A3.3 642
1 A3.4 642
1 A3.7 642
1 A4.1 642
1 A4.3 642
1 A4.7 642
1 A4.7:25-26 643
1 A4.8 642
1 A4.8:24-25 643
1 A4.10 643
2 B2.3 678
2 B2.4 678
2 B2.6 677-8, 702, 705,
707
2 B3.3 677-8, 702, 705
2 B3.5 678
2 B3.6 677
2 B3.7 678, 717
2 B3.8 677-8, 702, 705
2 B3.10 678, 717
2 B3.11 678, 717
2 B3.13 678
2 B4.6 679
2 B5.1 648, 678
2 B5.5 679
2 B6.1 677
2 B6.2 677
2 514
117 442-3
117-118 321
118 442
119 442
128 91
129 168, 259, 670
130 172, 256
131 108, 172
132 108, 172
133b 670
135-136 179
137 502
137-143 176
138 123
138-140 89
139 87
141 127, 175
142-143 175-7, 190,
670
142:61 659
144-145 126
144-147 502
146-147 444
148-149 127, 176
150 390
154 257-8
155 259, 670
155-156 172, 176
156 259
157 204
158 204
159 53
159-161 86, 89-90, 172
160 176
162 390
163 390
163-164 89
164 390
167 390
170-171 123-4, 188,
452
171 441
171-172 390
171-174 293, 390
172 293
173-174 207
175-176 441
177 297
178-179 260, 390-1
180-182 259, 503
181 500
194 414
CODEX
ESHNUNNA
26 172, 256
27 53
27-28 51, 91
28 168
29-30 179
32 413
CODEX
LIPIT-ISHTAR
22 500
25 188, 452
27 416-7, 434
28 127, 176
30 169, 417
33 256
128 176
CODEX U R - N A M M A
5 441
6 172, 256
7 168, 172
9-11 296
H 91
15 86
25 514
25-26 444
E L AMARNA
1:10-21 385
4:6-7 382
11:16-22 109
15:6 532
22 384
25 384
26 357
28:42-49 357
29 357
29:22-3 109
31:11-14 109
74:17-19 50
75:15-17 50
81:37-38 50
90:42-44 50
H I T T I T E LAW
30 53
34 441
44b 514
111 514
163 514
170 514
189 57, 204, 247, 258
193 301, 320
194 445
195 57
195a 302
197 172
197-198 168
198 173
HSS
5 59 261
5 76 392
19 1 260
19 20 260
19 51 260
14:14-15 505
14:18 139
27:17-18 134
78:2 139
79:1 139
79:10-11 139
85:1 139
86:1 139
87:2 139
88:1 139
137:1 139
181:16 360
214:16 591
214:21 591
264 135
KBo
IV 6 575
XVII 62 202
XVII 63:IV.13'-18' 202
KUB
III 24 109
III 59 Vs. 5' 109
III 63 Vs. 15 109
XV 34:11 17-19 253
XXI 27 577
NEO-BABYLONIAN LAWS
7 514, 557
8-9 86, 90
12 294
13 54, 294
MIDDLE ASSYRIAN
LAWS
A13 172
A13-16 168
A14 172
A15 173-4
A24 174
A25 301
A27 84
A30 300-1
17 514