| Il. THE Corpittera Group OF NorTHERN LUZON he long mountain range of the Cordillera of Northern Luzon is the abode of pecple of related cultures and languages enumerated previously. Each language group has its own political and social structure, peace-pacts, land divisions, agricultural rites, feasss and music. The Tlonggor of eastern Luzon share somewhat his general culture, bur their language isa different ranch of the Cordillera family. In the Cordillera a wet-rice system of ulture is a long-standing practice. In nd deep valleys, the mountains with steep sides aces spread out over @ construction of rice wide area and built one above the other in tiers, fa sy irsigation and a chain of economic and logal jonships between adjacent lands, Among the Bontok of Sadanga. rituals honor each agricultural step in the preparation of the eld, when rice is planted in seed-beds, when replanting the seedlings, weeding, constructing scarecrows and during harvest. Each of these activities is sanctified by a few days of abstinence from work te-er which usually lasts a few days, during which time it is prohibited for men and women to go out into the field and work. The days of the rerer are announced by a ritualist, a “priest” pomapatay in a loud voice early in the morning of the day. He then proceeds to a promontory bappatayan, a small hill covered by a grove of trees in the central part of town, the traditional place for ritual offerings, there to say prayers kapya, invocations and offer a sacrifice of a chicken ot a pig, depending upon the importance of the te-es Te-er holidays nay also be proclaimed to ennounce a thanksgiving feast: fegnas, chono and other celebrations. Ir is in the evenings during this recess from work when young boys find occasion to visit young girls in their dormitories pangis where, under the supervision of elderly ladies, ther acquire a sense of participation and cooper: togethe:. Sometimes, they may have to wake up early in ion in working he moining to pound rice, fetch water or help in some work in the rice fiel: feeling for joint work is si group singing. Salidummay are relativel recen popular songs introduced prob War Il, with familiar tunes and simple expression saying how singing : fun: 4 proverb, “ie is better co marry someone you know..you face each other wher vou eet,” or a hidden invitation, “an invisible fxend who Lwish to attract with red leaves.” In anc: g dag. a young wife expresses candidly her sad feeli towards her husband. She sent him to water the ticefield. Instead, he went to sleep in his ator, so she simply changed husbands. {In group singing a singer leads the song with the first line and two or more singers repeat syllables or words that she sings. Some group songs are sung by men only (ayeng) and others (sorwe-ey) are reserved for important feasts, occasions for kind words and phrases to invited guests—“filling their baskets with special moken- moken rice,” or “praying for their children toGONGS & BAMBOO replace old leaders.” Charngek is sung with emphatic rhythms for work in the field or building and repairing a rice terrace, while cheyassa is popular with women pounding rice. Churwassay is a song form to honor a dead person. These examples of group singing demoasirate how a concept of collectivity manifest in work and group decisions is ingrained as well in music. Solo singing has its place in evening recreations, in sung stories of ineroes Dulliyao, Fannayan, and Kayang-owan. The iatter’s encounters with spirits anito, a search for special riceseedlings, a meeting with Fannayan and his transformation into an eagle are tales that ‘keep the cultural tradition alive in the minds and feelings of boys, girls, men and women. The ator is the men’s socio-political organization. Ithas a Council of Elders consisting of prominent members of the community who meet from time to time at the ator-house, @ construction identifiable by its stone wall, where they decide on village affairs—a thanksgiving harvest fegnas, a marriage celebration chono. a coint work to be done in the field ogfo, or a peace- pact pedin, The ator is also en institution that prepares young boys for adult life. Upon reaching acertain age they have to sleep in the ator where through daily work and little chores of keeping the place clean and seeing to it that the hearth is seplenished with firewood, they acquire a sense of responsibility and discipline. At night, older men recount stories of heroes, tell riddles and proverbs and lead in group singing ayegka, kudya, dagor, charngek. Solo songs kalimusta, ogayam and instrumental music played on the nose flute kalaleng, mouth flute tambayog and the jaw harp abilao are a usual repertoire heard in the men’s ator. The most elaborate of Bontok celebrations are wedding ceremonies which come in three progresive stages—karang, lopisrchono—incumbent upon rich and prominent families to hold before they die. Karang is a one day affair; lopis lasts four days; and chono consists of many steps allotted to several daysofritual. Several carshaos are sacrificed in a ritual scrag accompanied by group singing ayyeng and gong playing feyas, a music played with men standingin place, done only in this ceremony, not used at all in secular dancing and merry- making, The ceiebrants invite hundreds of guests. ‘There are enormous quantities of food, plenty of gift-giving, wine drinking, singing and dancing, After harvest, sometimes a long drought endures with no rain falling, making people feel frantic thar they cannot plant. The village elders then decide so hold a special ritual sukaidan. This is @ three-day ceremony officiated by elderly members of the community in a traditional place chckaran, where spirits anito can be contacted. Three ritual jars of wine are prepared for the occasion. The men form a semicircle, raise their hands in supplication and dance clockwise and counterclockwise to the accompaniment of gongs Spirits are believed to participare in these dances and make a semicircle of their own. Flat Gongs The foregoing description of the role of music in rituals has variations among other groups in the Cordillera, all culminating after harvest when there is plenty of rice for whole villages. Among the Kalingga, renewal of peace-pacis bodong are peak harvest celebrations, while among the Ibaloi the peshit consists of a series of festivities that rich, noble baklang families must celebrate during their life time. Among the Ifugao, the bagi honor gods and deities, recall names of ancestors, and narrate in chant the beginnings of Ifugao history. Itis of great interest to describe in detail rituals in celebrations of each linguistic group in the. José Maceda - Cordillera. The different systems, structures, symbolisms and social forces that play in each community, the influence of the upper noble class and changing views of modern living are some of the factors that have come up in theoretical approaches and in recent anthropological studies. The musical study in these celebrations is another matter. A description of gong ensembles among the main language groups would show how anassembiy of instruments and techniques of performance were fashioned, and how these affected a change in bamboo music in the Cordillera. Along with ‘orchestration” or instrumentation comes the manner of playing They are either played with the hands or struck with sticke, but the stvles of damping and hitting makes for musical-cultural differences. Dances that go with each ensemble qualify the music further. Gongs are the most important musical instruments in ali these celebrations: They are heitloums kept in families for generations, offered as dowry, and if possivle never to leave the village. ‘Old ones are fairly big, measuring about diameter, with rims 5 cm. wide. They weigh more than two kilos. Smaller ones are about 24 cm. in diameter; rims are about as wide as the bigger cones, some weighing about one and one-half kilos. Usually, there are ne complete music ensembles in one family. In a feast, several families contribute to complete an ensemble or gather several ensembles. If a gong is broken, a replacement may come from other mountain areas where a gong as close in tone and color to the abandoned one may be found. If there is a real need to sell one, costs are determined in terms of carabaos, rice fields, precious jars or heirlooms. In the actual transaction, besides paying with a number of carabaos, the buyer must give gifts— beads, woven skirts, extra small things to important people of the community and relations of the group vending the gong. The tone of the acquired gong has to be tested to fit the rest of the ensemble by tapping on different parts of the instrument. Sometimes, tone adjustment has to be made by scraping both sides of the gong and even its rim. From time to time new gongs are made from copper objects and materials. They produce good sounds but have little or no cultural value Among the Bontok, there are two stvles of gong playing: pationg (P24) and takik (P26). Patton literally meaning sticks, alo known as falliwes, a music played with padded mallets or soft sticks An ensemble consists of ten or more gongs. The biggest, heaviest gongs play “cold” jeshwar sounds in alternating strong and weak beats and wi shades of dampirg. The sinaller gongs with higher “warm” pitches play papap sounds, while the pattong provide 2 “common” beat. In a fea prominent male members of the community do mance. They pics of open dancing space, test them with strong beats, prefer one over another, and cc : them as they ultimately find their shythmic roles They form a line and proceed first with small an then bigger steps to trace circles, semicircles ans the honor of starting the pe up the gongs lying face-up in the middl nue beati serpentine figures. The dancer at one end sets the direction of the dancing and dancing postures. He may begin in a crouching position, hit the gon: low near the ground or stand up erect and hic them midway in the air, changing from soft to loud sounds. The women form another line, slowly increasing in number, dancing quietly in one piace with their arms outstreched, moving up and down in rhythm with the music, finally getting enough dancers to make a big circle and round up the men, thus ending the dance. The men quietly lay down their gongs rims-up in one corner of the dancing arena.GONGS & BAMBOO The takik is a dance for one or two persons with freer gestures and dance movements accompanied by also a freer music played by the dancers themselves. They use both sides of the gong, hitting only one or the other side. Instead of dancingin circles, the pair stay in one place, but there are more body movements with sudden turns and pirouttes. The gong is played at waist level, up in the air or in a position near the ground. The music is a continuously changing thythm unlike the organized strong and weak beats of the palook ensemble. Mountain ridges with deep canyons and narrow roads accommodating only one vehicle ata time separate the Bontok from the Kalinga, enough however for the two people to communicate with each other and for the Kalingga to play gongs in one way similar and in another different from the Bontok. In a feast, before the gongs are played, jars of rice wine are opened with prayers that the wine be sufficient for all the guests and that no evil befall the occasion. The host pours some wine # in a coconut shell and places it in an upper corner of the house as an offering to spirits. He has the privilege of playing first together with other prominent persons of the community. They rub a bit of coconut oil on the gangsa in order to make it sound beter and for bad spirits to stay away from the occasion. As they play they search for a balanced texture where no one plays louder or ahead of the other. Soon they are on their way, each enjoying the peal of gongs they seldom hear and only on these occasions. After a while, they exchange instruments to savor the tones of other gongs, for there are preferred ones with more resonant and longer tones. The six gongs of a Kalingga ensemble are graduated in size. They are played in two ways, as topayya (P29) and as palook , In topayya, the four biggest gonys—balbal, kadua, katlo, kapa—play the same rhythm in exactly the same manner but in staggered entries, one after the other. The left hand taps a steady beat of ringing sounss, while the right hand dampens every oth sliding forward motion. The ringing sounds deeit6 man, pe savear 5 ‘ oe t arto ehh poh to POKrOK OROFOF L L t L ANUNGOS VERSION 1 b ‘ oy VERSION 2 7 ee VERSION 3 tt oo hard slap, ringing tone Af = sliding right hand i = let ring, then dampen 2 = long sound = dampen t Itustramioy 2. Music oF THE KALINGGA Torayya ENSEMBLEJosé Maceda G produced by the left hand of eackr performer are heard as a repeating melody of four tones. The fifth goug opop of the topayya plays an ostinato of deadened sounds, while the sixth gong anungos plays @ rhythmic improvisation which ig later taken up by the first gong. Topayya then has three musical elements. The first four gongs supply the melody, the fifth an ostinato and the sixth the Topayya music is played for a dance tadék (P38) performed by a coupie in en imaginary circle. They stand at opposite sides, the woman with a scarf tied to her hair and with her arms set apart, bent at the elbows, palms up. She moves her body lightly up and down, balancing with more weight on her toes than on her heels. The man sprearis out a piece of cloth ayob between his nwo hands in front or on his left side, as he dances in place preparatory to further steps. Then, he lunges at his partner, body bent forward, striding with big steps following the line of the circle, as the partner nimbly struts away in small steps to the opposite side, where she waits for his next move. He again: pursues her with bigger stamping steps as she gracefully slips to the other side, an imitation of a rooster chasing a hen, a show familiar to onlookers who laugh and shout in fun. Afcera while the dancers stop, shake each other's hands, thus ending the dance. Other couples follow, each with their own version ofthis dancing game. The partners for tadéh are important members of the community, the sponsors of the ceremony or the peace-pact holders Palook or pattong music played with sticks on six gongs seems to be a carry-over of Bontok ways with similar dance steps and circular formations. Two Kalinga terms, dawdaw and sapi represent two rhythms which oppose each other. The dawdaw player must not stand beside the sapi player. It is best that they stand at the opposite ends of the line. Their alternating beats are interspersed with the beats of the intervening four gongs, a musical structure very much alike the Bontok pattong music. There is one facet of the dance choreography that may be Kalingga. After several rounds of circular dancing and playing there gongs, the lead dancer stops and the whole line stops. giving an opportunity for the dancer at the other end of the his own, tofresze another line toturn around and take the lead w spirals and body motions. He may chee: the line to a standstill, in peeparatior dance movement. He now leads the mez toall face front, still beating their gongs. They incline to one side, and start to hop with both fees together a few steps to the left, stop, incline the’ bodies to the other side, and likewise make a few s-nall hops, 2 sight not unlike 2 group of jumping beds. Then the dancers zevert to their spectacular movements, bigsteps, high knees and iarge circles cecampanied by penetrating sounds, giving 4 freling freedom and abandon to the whole scene. In the Northern part of Kalinge: province gangsa playing styles change along the Tinggian border. In the town of Balbalasang, th manne of performance are practiced, namely: :2¢ inl. the pinalaiyan, and the pinalandok ensemble The inilaud ensemble (P35) is played with three gongs: patpar, keb-ong, sapul and drum tambul. Patpatis laid flat on the ground, rim facing down. A stick held by the left hand strikes a rhythm while the open palm of thi held on the performer's lap, is likewis a beater, with the left hand damping each beat. The third gong sapul is also held on the lap and is played similarly, but another rhythm is produced. The fourth instrument is a drum tar-2ul played with two sticks.GONGS & BAMBOO. The pinalaiyan ensemble (P36) uses four gongs. ‘The first gong talagucok is laid on the ground with the rim facing down and is stcuck with two sticks. The second gong pauwok is made to stand on its rim, slightly inclined to the left side of the player. He holds the gong with his left hand as the right hand beats the inner ventral side with a wooden beater. The third, fourth and fifth fingers of the left hand dampen the upper part of the gong after each beat of the right hand. The third gong saliksik is laid flat on the ground with the rim facing down, but the left foot is placed between therim and the ground to make che sound vibrate more openly. Several rhythms on the saliksik are a combination of right hand strokes and left-hand damping of these strokes. The fourth gone pattong is held hanging by the left hand. Its inner ventral side is struck with a beater held by the right hand The fifth instrument is a drum rambul (P38). A third ensemble pinalandol: (P32) consists of six gongs suspended from the bels: of siy standing men. The gongs are tapped and slapred in a manner similar to the topayya of the Southern Kalinga. A review of Kalingge-Tingeian ensembles shows them to be combinations of three gongs and a drum (inilaud», four gongs and a drum (pinala-iyan) and six gongs with no drum (pinalandok), a musical-cultural deviation from pure gong ensembles of the Kalinga and Bontok peoples (P30-38). This brings us to the Tinggian of Abra province to whom the Kalinga of Balbalasang are related. The Tinggian employ three terms for gangsa playing. Sinuklic is a music played with hands slapping six gongs in a manner similar to the Kalingga. Tinalokatikan or inampakan is plaved with three gangsa and one drum, while palook are gongs struck with sticks (Samoxte- Mapeip: 197 The Mugao’s prestige feastsimbayahan are equivalent to the Bontok chono. Gongs gangha (P44) are played as pigs are sacrificed and after prayers and recitations have been said and sung by men ritualists bagi. The ensemble consists of oniy three gongs. One with a more brilliant tone tobop is played with two bands. The left hand taps a ringing sound and the right dampens it with a sliding fist. The second gong hibat is suspended from a string with a handle held by che left hand as the right hand strike its inner ventral side ro cause free vibrations. ‘The third gong ahot is also strack with a stick, but its deadened reverberations contrast with those of the hibat. Ganghe music immediately invites dancing among men, women and young boys who dance with characteristic hand postures, a stretched left arm, a bent right arm end stamping feet. They do not dance in circular formations. Next ir geographical area are the Kerac who play their gongs in feasts bakeng traditionally given by rich men of the community. Seven gongs are rlayed in two styles of music calle: Both styles employ st ti inner ventral side of the gong, not the other seven gongs are: salek banengbens, sitot 1, sito: 2 and dulon 3) As the men play their gongs, ladies wearing striped skirts of bright colors line themselves in three or four rows and dance in slow steps advancing at one time and retreating at another. In itundak they raise their right legs discreteiv and swing them from the knee, in time with the music. Then, they hop forward with their left fee: and arms raised in front of them. In the dance tinébeébak, the left foot advances with the weight of the body on it as the right foot follows. The body then shifts its weight to the right heel, as the hands swing together backward and forward following this to-and-fro motions of the body.José Maceda # mateok version t pte te tet SL version? te version 2 i ! sitot [eee Jeringng tone Lo damped tones | | po InustRaTioN 3 Mesec oF THe HTuxpsx Gone ENsewste The Ibaloi, another group of people living side by side with the Karao hold prestige feasts peshit, occasions for playing their gong ensemble sulibao whose instrumentation differs from all the other Cordillera groups (P53). They are the only people who combine two drums with two gongs and a pair of iron clappers. The drums attract, attention because they are thin and narrow, shaped somewhat like a cylinder with a bulging body and narrow heads. The lead drum sulibao (P56) has a pitch slightly higher than the other drum kimbal of the same shape. One gong pinsak plays a repeating rhythmic phrase while another gong kalsa with clear penetrating tones plays improvisatory beats. The fifth instrument palas is, apair of iron clappers with a continuous clacking rhythm (See It.us. 4). Surprisingly, this ensemble plays a refined music where all the five instruments can be heard distinctly. The twe drums complement ach other, while the gongs bring an opposition of free resonant tones to a steady beat of quiet dampened strokes. The last ensemble in this list of flat gong music is, represented by the Isneg of Apayao province. Their hansa ensemble consists of two gongs, this, time played by women, and a long conical drum ludag played with strong strokes assigned to men Two dances tubok and talip are similar co the tadék duo dancing of the Kalinga, Tinggian and other groups. For a more exhaustive discussion of dance steps, formations, costumes, and detailed music analysis, the reader is referred to the specialized articles included in the list of References at the end of the book. Ar this point, a review of the principal fiat gong ensembles in the Cordillera may now be catalogued in a table in the succeeding page (Ste Iutus. 5). Among eight groups of people, flat gongs with general terms gangsa, gengha, kansa—have distinctive names as ensembles, Row [ refers to ners of playing, the names of particular instruments or the dances they play. For example, among the Bontok, (Cot. 1), pattong is plaved by six men shown in Row Il. Pattong applies to circular dances shown in Row Ill. Itis played with sticks as shown in Row IV. It does not use any drum as shown in Row V, and it is played in prestige ceremonies, chono as shown in Row VI. In each ensemble, gongs are further identified according to their musical role. Among the Kalingge, (Col. 5) the ensemble topayya and succeeding terms of gong identify their musical functions. All these names show 2 variety of musical techniques possibie with flat gongs. Men are almost exclusively the performers of flat gongs shown in Row Il. Dances may be circular,dee 1s2 Ostia: Sutbno(Grum) fe fp ge Kinbal(drum) -§ ef gg Improvisation:kalsa gong) strong kimbal $e-uh, dampens sound of right han ‘sof longer curation is ‘J = ringing sound pins {71 imped and en js every other beat TLLusTRATION 4 Music oF THe Suite ENSEMBLE stationary, in rows, groups or by couples as shown in Row Ill. Gongs are played with sticks, but among the Kalingga, a hand technique in topayya is unique (Row IV). Three kinds of drums are used: conical (Ibaloi), cylindrical (Tinggian) and the giant sized conical ludag of the Isneg (Row V). All gongs are played for big prestige feasts, peace pacts, weddings, and among the Ibaloi, a cure of the sick led by a woman mambunong. Not shown in this table are damping techniques which are subtle. The rim of a hanging gongis dampened by the same left hand that holds it, as it tightens and releases its grip on the gong, or as the forearm touches the face of the gong during performance. The right hand dampens by forcingits mallet on the gong with varying degrees of pressure. In gongs placed on the lap, the slides of the right hand dampen the ringing strokes of the left hand, Bamboo and Other Instruments Aswas seen in the foregoing discussion, gong ensembles are par excellence the music for feasts and celebrations held mostly after harvest. 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They may be played in mundane affairs, courting scenes, at work, during recreation and relaxation. Outside of harvest festivities the Kalingga have kept the practice of most bamboo instruments in the Cordillera. They use bamboo as stamping tubes tongatong (P341) in curing rituals, dawak led by women medizms who dance to the music of the tubes. Now, rongatong are played for recreation by young beys and girls as an ensemble of six tubes with musical parts following those of the gangsa iopayya ensembie. The tubes are held with the right hand with open ends up and are pounded un a hard wooden tloor or a log to make a pleasant booming sound, dampened Ey the left hand as it cevers and uncovers the mouth of the tube after h stroke on the log. In parts of the Cordillera the growth of a variety of bamboo makes possible the con: <5 peculiar ony to that uction of certain music instr bamboo “b er" Sslingbing variety. The Kal (P323) is such an instrument whose tube must be ne thin enough to vibrate and produce a buzzing sound. A Kalingga buzzer is approximately 3.5 em. in diameter and about 40 cm. or more in length, with just about the right consistency of texture to make it behave like a than vibrating segment (P320). A portion of one-half of one end of the tube is shaved off from two sides of the tube to leave two segments that would act as vibrating filaments (P321). The vibration is made possible by a split made right at the center of the tube, thus dividing zhe tube into halves. These halves collide with each other, vibrate and buzz when the body of the tube is struck against the ulnar side of the open palm of the left hand. A rattan ring around the tube may be adjusted to tighten these halves, thus “tuning” the color sound of the instrument. Furthermore, small hole cut out at the base of the tube is made atan angle to fit the third or another finger of the right hand to open and close it, and thus produce two pitches, a Six belingbing (P326) make up an enserable and are played following the pattern of gangsa topayya music. The first largest tube with the lowese sound strikes the hard ulnar portion of the left hand to make a vibrating sound immediately damped by merely touching again the palm after every such stroke. The four iarges: tubes 2 sred entries one played in this manner in sta after another to produce a sising melody of indefinite pitches. The fifth tube playsan ostinato, a repeatedly damped sound, wile the sixth tube plays a rhythmic pattern of its own. A slightly bigger bamboo cube with longer segments makes enother inst-ament patexs-ue (P335) intended not to bu hollow sound. It is an instr ut to produce a nent playec for recreation in the men's dormitories or along sails, to ward off evil spirits anc birds of ill-omen w=ose cries are taboo. This type of bamboo grows w:idly along mountain trails. One man the way to a celebration sees # bamsoo cuts off one tall bamboo and divides ir :nto in ze, With a segments of six tubes gradua! sharp knife, he tapers off one end of each tue in the shape of a narrow segment “ikea quill-feazher. The length of the tapered end in relation to the tube measures the pitch of the instrument. The instrument is held at its lower end and is struck against a hard object—anothe: bamboo tube, a piece of wood, the handle of « field knife which most men carry—to produce an agreeable hollow sound. These six percussion tubes sound a gepped pentatonic scale. Furthermore. a slight cut at the base of the tube opens a hole for one finger of the six right hand to stop and change its pitch. tubes play a music like that of the topayya and are beaten all along the trail toa peace-pact celebrationJosé Maceda co send away bad spirits. Afterwards, they may be left with young boys who playfully imitate the topayya music. One other Kalinggs bamboo instrument that is played like topayya music are xylophone staves patatag (P308). The staves look like graduated segments of a xylophone played separately by young girls and boys for recreation. They place them on their laps and with two thin sticks, beat thythms simulating topayya music. ‘Another music like the topayya may be heard in pipes of different sizes (saggeypo, diwdiwas, 7254) played by a group of six boys for pleasure in the eld of while resting, men’s dormitory, in the xic ‘These are open pipes a littie more than acentimeter ta Lengths from 10 to 18 cm. closed in diameter. with a node on one end. The open end of the pipe is placed before the lowe; lip of the performer, and wind is forced through its sharp edge t9 prc able pitch. A music with uce a brief sound, an ider a melody of four rising tones plus the tones of the fifth and sixth gongs is che result of collaborative work between six perfi mers. Flutes in the Cordillera vary according to their blowingends and perhaps, thetypeofbamboo they are made of. There are four types of blowing ends, namely: nose, plug, lip-valley or notch, and chip-on-tube. (See lLivs. 6). The Kalingga nose flute congali is the most favored of the four types and is best cared for by its owners (P232). Its soft tones are highly appreciated as a courting instrument. Although different types of bamboo are used to make them, a relatively longer one has a thick epidermis and a narrow bore. This type is slightly curved. Its epidermis of three mm. is thicker than the other flutes, but the diameter is only 17 mm. making the bore of I] mm. a narrow one in relation to its length. In former times more musicians took the trouble of carving geometcical designs of triangles and hexagons in circular bands, rings that cover the whole length of the tube (See Itxus. 7). Its brownish-yellowish hue is an attractive pastel color much cherished by its youthful musicians. As in other flutes all over the Philippines, stops of nose flutes are measured by aiming for the first bore midway the length of the flute. After this mid-bore on one ventral side of the Jute, three other holes are bored on the other Jorsal side. These holes are cach measured by the width of three long fingers laid side by side in bexween each stop. This process results in t one fourth of the tube, measured from its end, fourth stop being with equal discances between the four stops. Theoretically, if the note a is the fendamental tone, the fourth stop would sound d, and the midbore would produce an octave al. The five would be a, de, f#, a. In p the mig tice however, tone ore produces @ tone less ¢ other bores produce correspondingly lower tones. These are due to factors of friction and coevticients of wind blow (Mace>s 1992). In the hands of accomplished musicians # nose flute emits a variety of melodies that can be heard in nly be transferred their fundamental tones ors to their harmonics an octave higher. With fingers alone to control wind flow, the tones sound rbing at smooth'y from hole to hole without ¢ all the natural delicateness of its tones sometimes, sounding almost inaudibly. In courting scenes, the lip-valley flute paldong takes the place of the nose flute. The wind blown in between the lips of the performer and the bamboo ridge is more forceful, and a good musician can control its tones very well, but it does not have the refinement of the nose flute. The plug flute olimong (P249) is a smaller tube with high penetrating tones enjoyed by young boys. TheGONGS & BAMBOO “ SIDE viray Ring Flute re Lip-Valley Flute FRONT VIEW OBLIQUE VIEW ILtustration 6, Drawnscs oF FLUTE BLowine Hots chip-on-tube flute tlaliis easy to make, and boys play onit like a toy. Alll these flutes have the same Principle of tuning. The middle hole is the first stop bored, and subsequent bores are measured ith finger or palm widths from this middle hole. ‘Tube zithers classified as chordophones may more properly be called cordophones, thus clarifying that they play on “cords*, not harmonic chords. The Kalinga kolitong uses as many as ten strings etched out from the tough and flexible ‘outer skin of the bamboo tube. The instrument is held in an upright position, (P255-258), grasped between the two hands, with the thumbs in front of the player and the long fingers behind the instrument (See ILtUs 8).9 1) Sinay-gayyaman, (centipede) 2) Tinabba-tabbad (snake) 3) Binolrbolidao (bamboo wal) | b. | { | 4) Inieikan (ash) LIU SpE ws ey te = 6) Binato-batok BdaAn05 taro) Be TIAN! KALINGGA TERMS 1) GAYYAMAN = centipede 2) TABBAD = snake 3) BOLLIDAO = bamboo wall 4) IKAN fish 5) BITOWON = star 6) ~BATOK = tatoo Iktustration 7. Drawinos of Fuute Desicr (by Benecio SoxKoxo) José Maceda The pitches of the ten strings—b, c#, ¢, f#, a—an octave apart, are arranged not in sequence, butin a manner to fit the placement of the fingers, In Illustration 8, sign B shows how the five strings in front are played by the left and right thumbs, while five strings in the back are divided berween the long fore finger (2) and middle finger (3) of both left and right hands. An alcernation of plucking between the back and front strings facilitates performance which may be seen in the Mlusteation, ietter C, and in the box below: Heel seo ieateen is | Hece Healt ect bob LH 3 1 229 | One last Kalingge ramboo musical instrument is the jaw harp (ulibao, giwong, onnat; (See P etc.). Giwong are, lik> the nose flute. sen: instruments suitable for courting and, in the surroundings of @ gir!s' dormitory, its almost inaudible sounds are conducive to intimate talks between young boys and girls. The performer's tongue displaces itself following vowels of speech to make the pluck sound like a vowel, thus facilitating an artificial speech where the consonants before and after each vowel modify the partials and sound like morphemes. Most harps are plucked with a finger but others are made to sound by jerking a string attached to the body of the harp, thus setting the filament in vibration. Instead of tubezithers, the Ifugao have bamboo half-tube zithérs kaltsang with three strings supported by two common frets on opposite ends of the board (P273). They are struck with twoGONGS & BAMBOO Li = eft thumb 12 =left forefinger 13 = left midle finger 1 =right thumb 2 =right forefinger (RB = right middle finger Seales e. 4 | a Oe a 13345 backs Note: plucking the strings in the Pron and bs sider nding finger ideated in C, the melody Tove may be produced. TLLUSTRATION 6. PLACEMENT OF FINGERS ON A POLYCORDAL ZITHER sticks following rhythms in hansa gong music. A. wooden version of this instrument uses steel slats, both instruments not having any ritual importance like the bangibang. Another cordophoneisa paired- string zither dungadung (P274). It has two strings eiched out from the tube, one beside the other, and lifted to rest on common frets located on opposite ends of the tube. A strip of bamboo links the two strings midway their lengths. It is on this strip that a performer plays a rhythm whose sound is amplified through a hole bored on the tube under this strip. One rare Ifugao instrument that may be mentioned here is a bamboo clapper hangar for use of a male singer bagi, as he strikes a hind leg of a sacrificed pig in rhythm with his metric singing sung in rituals such as the inauguration of a new house, a new rice field or @ thanksgiving feast. Music instruments other than bamboo are few. Noteworthy are the Ifugao wooden yoke- shaped percussion bars bangibang (P421) played only in himmung rites for those who die a violent death. [vis an impressive sight to behold groups of men beating their bars in dancing positions along mountain trails on their way to the burial site. The music is organized in three rhythms divided among groups of players. Pattung (P425) are woodenJosé Maceda c percussion played just like the bangibang, but they have no ritual value. Young boys use them any time. Amongthe llonggot a pair of longpercussion ‘beams pamagekan is played in a curing ceremony. ‘The two beams are laid on the ground. Five men with sticks play rhythms on one beam, while one man alone plays a drone on che other beam. Arreview of the different types of bamboo and other instruments in the Cordill be made in theform ofa table wherea sep for bamboo instruments predominantuse aver other ins appearance of bron: Yunnan where b also being playe: A similarity of native sere may be examin In the left row of names of inst: zmenzs (Ire 10), similar terms for jaw ha: and kulibao—change an become a rolycordal zither (Ire 9) among the called kurizao (Cot. F). At the same time, jaw harps among 6 language groups have at least & distinct terms— abellao, abafiw, ula, ulibaz, awederg, biggun, guyud, onnat. The nose flue of 7 0, aribao also has a variety of names kulaing, ungiyong, bali-ing. enonge!—comparable to the many names for jaw harp. The “other” music instruments do not appear to have the consistency of use thar bamboo instruments have, The musical 2ow is not of the Cordillera area and may be a borrowing fromthe Negrito whe live beside che Ionggot. The percussion bar is particularly Ifugao, played in violent death ceremonies. The Ilonggo: gis, litlit is a 3-string instrument not found in Cordillera, but it may have affinities with the 3- string bowed lute of the Hanunoo in. Southe-n Philippines. The Ihaloi conical dram sulié 2, kimbal is @ unique insteamental form inGONGS & BAMBOO