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power. They believe the majority should r&


if the majority rules as they--and they include
d conservatives, plutocrats and intelligent&G
They do not want the majority left free to
dings-McCormack military-d&&&n
bill if
,or to decree, that all professing Corn:
he guillotined; ,and quite plainiy they fear
unchained, would do just that sort
and trust the masses-l& with lim
ese limitations differ only in dcgrsc from
ed the Founding Pathem.
approach thus far made to a truly demois a proposal $aat Morris Ernst put forf Mr. Hagues meetings. The prineaker at the gathering at which John Lewis and
Norris also spoke, Ernst prefaced his proposal
:.a;b&lliant autopsy of the Constitution ,and the Suin the course of which he demonstrated
f nearly all proposals save his own. He
James Madison and John Marshall for his
n. He recalled that Marshall, dickering to
from impeachmen& suggested that Congress
pe force to any law held unconstitutional by the
Court by reenacting it. He ,recalled, too, that
in the Constitutional Conyntion of 1787 had
th&t Congress be given power to repass a bill
vote over, a judicial veto. -Ernst combined
ions into a proposal that Congress be
override a Supreme .Court decision on
&or&y by repassing the measure by a twothirds
the further privilege, if the President then
me&hue, of passing it over his veto by a
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g&g &.fhe breas& of &&..wb

fear to give the basic eiement of democracv~jorlty


:
rule-f&
play, It would place the supreme pow-& i6
l-5:
the hands of the -peoples elected representatives on all
..I
questions of public policy, and hence represents the clos.,
est approach yet made. to a truly democratic solution of
the most pressing problem_before the nation. It falls

short of being a completely democratic solution only in


its mathematics. Ernst defends them only on grounds of

, ;,:
#rate@ Hc believes that an amendmint embodying
than would appeal to the American publics sense of
fair play and not be as confusing as others proposed. For
. -c
his own part, he is quick to confess, he would gladly
tpit the two-thirds and three-fourths and take his
:-TX
chance on. the electorates knowing what to do with
--i
the power bequeathed it by the Declaration of Inde,.
pendence and -burgled from it by the Constitution.
.: i
Ernst made two other suggestions which need circula.
tion; for they were- aimed at dramatizing the issue and
.Ci
thus helping the fight. along. One was that the members
;
of the Supreme Court be summoned, not merely invited,
:y
to appear before the Senate and House Judiciary Coti
i
m&es and submit to public cross-examination when
hearings are held on any of the proposed amendments or -. . ;
other remedial measures. He bulwarked that suggestion -1 i
.i;
by pointing out that members of the court have made

such appearancesin the past and, inthe past, have not
hesitated to take an active .part in the legislative process -:-
as lobbyist+ His other suggestion was that the impend- . ;
:j,;
ing Supreme Court test of the Wagner Labor Relations
T 1
Act be dramatized by having John L. Lewis in &e flesh
:, :
inject himself. into the proceedings and join persnnally
h-the pleadings with a laymans statement of the issue. :( ,j
,
. ..

n*

*.

Nom-theyreally-start& out to.&ke in -m

on. December ?OYOn the previous Tuesday a union corn::


n$t& h;;;lsub@+l
demands and asked f& -a reply by
the following Monday. The m,anagementsanswer was
to load the ,di;s on the *-car. Aithough strik$:,m

:.

:-;.,
-.,_>,

&r
and walk?
outs, sitdowns, or both followed in Norwood (Ohio); + by a: forme
Anderson (Indiana), Janesville (Wisconsin), Kansas r$ayor of

Bbdy No. .2 at Flint followed No. I: on~str&

?*4ias come into efidsknce. .It -is

on.the main Flint tho

.k L.
to combat the Akronmbber strike
&e union does.not take time to make any theoretical
1935. It was going to be a new i
. defense of its right to hold the factories. They say they
Demon. No more inqorted strik
, will not surrender to the corporation the dies and sixtypeople doing the job. But the nucleus of the
, day supply, of glass now in Fisher Body No. 1 at Flint,
; and that they will not march out of the plants so that
pie, he added, was to be four or five hundred
mercenaries. To meet the threat of the Flint
professional strike-breaks and thug guards may walk
in.
Homer
Martin,
president
of
the
union,
,declares
several
hundred automobile strikers from
.
I the sitdowners have found-a heavy supply of tear gas and camped in Flint; and hundreds more
I +.other equipment of war in the plants. Under the circum-

a strict ,rule that no

has-beenallowed

awner$p--of Gene& Motors stock


he no longer news. The&troit
Free
imminent return to work of
s.: The Cleveland P&X header, +ce-president of the union
of Cleveland~ for twenty& years, as an
ator. On the whole, the fault is not with
ndents on, the scene. There are distinctive
an understanding of the
of these, it is pleasant
Another fine piece of
Flint Fisher Body No. 1

ce and, kitchen committees; runners to the


uarters, strike and .executive committees, and
assemblyevery afternoon at four have placed the
f the strike in the hands of the rank and fiIe.

program, which closes with 2olidarity Forever.


P. S. I forgot to mention the American Federation of
Labor, an easy thing to do these days. It has no members
to speak of in the automobile plants, although John P:
Frey undertook to order his followers back to work. The ,
craft unions have no contracts with General Motors. ThGr
leaders telegrams supporting the corporation against the
strikers was a piece of work worthy of a feeble-minded
Judas; The move has turned out to be a boomerang. The
strikers are comforted by the fact that the A. F. of L.
is openly against them and not among their supposed
friends, where it would be in a position to attempt a rnoe
damaging betrayal, as in 1934.

, r

sident Roosevelt, fresh from a considerable


for international good:will on the Western
caustic in condemning, the sale of
of ,war to tie recognized Spanish
who defended that sale were for the
itter opponents of the naval race and long
the international trade in armaments..This is
fe of. theinconsistencies~or seeming inconworld, wely; if eve5 has thestrugso compliceted, or have the lovers. of
arply divided, They are caught -in the
orld more keenly. aware than ever beal costs,af,world war, .yet more inclined
been &lllnemiy c&p1i&edby
iq Italy and .more especially in
fies bpth militarism and war. It
.a menace to the peace as to the liberty of
may&e:-against b@,3wqd
.ftisq
aqd
t-s-j%>km .~q=iT:gPh pyf
qq

practically, under conditionsall ,too likely to occur again


and aga.in, resolute and- e@ctive opposition to fascism
means war. Is it any;.wonder -t&t in l&is kind of world
consistency among peace lovers. is not a common virtue?.
Among the .enemies of both war and. fascism.are two
-groups which at first sight seemmore .consistent.than the
rest of us. There are on the one hand those pacifists who
hold that the great commandment csn, be summed,- up
in this: Thou shalt take no. .p+t in any kind of ,wy,
On the other. hand there. are,thoseqivocates of, collechve
security who proclaim a ;holy. crusade of democratic na-.
tions against f?scist aggressors. Roth groups, are mom
+ccessful in pt@@g -theits extppe qpowpt~~ ,t@~ kg
supporting their own positions. For neither, group have
we invented an. accurate name. To .&e first I shall. apply
the word +a&st,
pausing only ,to remind .my readers
that there are pacifists and paci&ts,~T+best
pa&&~
are. not -passivtis, individuals- concerned only. with their
own souls salvation or believers, in divine intervention
in behalf of the. martyrs of peace.The :~$ists~$n point
out that history furnishes melancholy. jq$#+@for.their

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